i^'nm BOOK 940.25.T247 v 1 . i TEMPLE # WORKS ' ^^ ^ "=• ^ 3 ^153 00213233 2 u Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2009 with Tundihg from • Boston Library Consortium l\/lember Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/worksofsirwillia001temp ,iIi^^e^ c^^- yzi J^^Myi/Cc-z^J'c ■ 1> THE ^'^3 WORKS O F Sir William Temple, Bar'. VOLUME THE FIRST. LONDON, Printed for J. Brothbrton and VV. Sewell, J. Whistok, Cj Bathbrst, J. ;.nd F. Rivincton, T. PAY^E, >V. JoknstoM, S.CrowderjB.White.L.Hawes and Co. C, Riving ton, O.Pearch, J. Knox, R. Bai.dv'JN, and the Executors of H. LlNTOT and T» Wo TT.N. MDCCLXX- THE WORKS O F Sir William Temple, Bar*, COMPLETE In FOUR VOLUMES Odava To which is prefixed. The Life and CharaSier of the Author. A NEW EDITION. LONDON. Printed for J. Brotherton and W. Sewei.l, j. Wiiistcn, C. Bathurst, J. and F. Rivington, T, Payne, W. Johnston. S. Crowder, B.White, L. Ha WES and Co. C. Riving TON, Ci. Pear CH» J. Knox, R, Baldwin, and the Executors of H, Lin tot, .ind T. WOTTON. MDCCLXii. Advertifement IN this new edition of the celebrated Sir William Temple's Works his Political tra(5ls are printed ac- cording to the order of time in which they were written ♦, with this exception, that as the efTay On the original and nature of government^ and the Obfervations on the United Netherlands^ will give the Reader a jufl idea of Government in general, and in particular of the conftitution, revenue, andforcesof that country which was the fcene of the author's important negotiations, thcfe arc placed firil, as the beft introduduion to the fubfequent tradls. The Author, unhappily for pofterity, committed to the flames the Firft Part of the Memoirs- of his nego- tiations, for reafons which are gueffed at by Dr. Swift (fee Vol. II. p. 486.) but to fupply that lofs he permit- ted the publication of the Letters he wrote during the period which made the fubjecl of that part : thofe Letters are therefore, in this edition, prefixed to the Second Part of his Memoirs, CONTENTS O F VOLUME the FIRST, Page T IFE of the author — vii — xxviii An ejfay on the original and nature of govern- ment 29 — ^j Obfervations upon the United Provinces of the Ne- therlands 58 I . Of the rife andprogrefs of the United Pro- vinces ■ 64 2. Of their government ■ 114 3. Of their fituation — 145. 4. Of their people a?id difpofitions 153 5. Of their religiofi — 170 6, Of their trade — — 182 7. Of their forces and revenues 204 8. The caufes of their fall in 1672 210 Letters containing an account of the mofl important tranfaBionsthat paffedinChriJlejidomfrom 1 665 to ltj2 i ~ 222 A THE THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE, \Written by a particular Friend, ^ SI R William Temple was defcended from a younger branch of the family of the Tem- ples, of Temple-hall, in Lcicefterfhire. Sir Richard Temple, of the elder branch, pretended that his anceftors came in with the Conqueft, and had the pedigree diftind from King John's time, when they were pofTefled of great eftates ; but, having taken the unfortunate fide in Richard the Third's A 2 time. viii ne LIFE of time, loft all but Temple- hall, which was afterwards fold, and could never be recovered, either by Sir William Temple, or his father. His grandfather was Sir William Temple, an eighth fon, bred up at King's college in Cambridge, defigned for the law, but he fell into the more re- fined and philofophical ftudies of that age ; and writ on thofe fubje6ts two treatifes in very elegant Latin, which he dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney, who firft prevailed with him to leave the college, and accom- pany him abroad, and there died in his arms ; after he had before his death recommended him to the great Earl of TfTex, who was then in the heighth of Queen Elizabeth's favour, and whofe Secretary he was till the tragical end of his life. Sir William not only fell with him from the profpe6b of fo great fortunes, but was purfued by Cecil, and at laft fent over to Ireland, where he followed the courfe of his ftudies in the college, of which he was chofen Pro- voft, and there died at the age of feventy-three years, and lies buried there. His eldeft fon John Temple was fent young abroad, and afterwards bred in the court of King Charles the Firfl ; and by him made Mafter of the Rolls in Ireland : he married a filler of the famous Dr. Hammond, and by her had four fons and one daughter, who all, except one -fori, furvivcd hiiri. He lived at Dublin, and v/as of the Privy Council there, and in particular friendfhip and confidence with the Earl of Leiceiler, then declared Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland, when the rebellion there, in 1640, broke out; in the tranfadions of which re- markable year he was deeply engaged •, and, upon the changes in the King's counfels and affairs, was imprironed with three more Privy Counfellors, for oppofing the cefTation which the Duke of Ormond was commanded to make with the Irifh rebels. In sir William Temple* i% In 1644, he was exchanged, and fent for by the Parliament in England, in which he fat till 1648, and was then turned out with thofe they called the fe- cluded members, for joining with them in voting for the conditions of the peace then treated with the King in the IQe o£ Wight. During the fad fcene which followed his execrable murder, he contintied to live privately in London till the happy reftoratioQ in 1660, when he returned to the place of Mafler of the Rolls in Ireland, where he lived in great plenty and efteem, and there died in the year yj^ which was the fame of his age, and lies buried by his father in Dublin college. His eldefl fon, William Temple, was born- at London, in 1628, firft fent to fchool at Penfhurd in Kent, under the care of his uncle Dr. Henry Ham- mond, then Miniiler of that parifh, and fromi thence, at ten years old, to Mr. Leigh, fchoolmafler of Bifhop-ftratford, to whom, he ufed to fay, he was be- holden for all he knew of Greek and Latin : having attained to all that was to be learned there, at fifteen he returned home, the diforders of that time having hindered his going to the univerfity till feventeen, when he was placed in Emanuel college in Cambridge, under Dr. Cud worth. At nineteen he began his tra- vels into France, in 1648, a time fo difmal to Eng- land^ that none but they, who were the occafion of thofe troubles and confufions in their country, could be forty to leave it : he chofe to pafs through the I(le of Wight, where his Majefty was then pnfoner in Carifbrook caMe, and met there with Mrs. Dorothy Ofoorn, daughter to Sir Peter Ofborn, then Gover- nor of Guernfey for the King, who was going with her brother to their father at St. Maloes •, he made that journey with them, and there began an amour v/ith that young lady, v/hich laded feven years, and then ended in a happy marriage. He paffed two years Vol. L B ir^ X rhe LIFE of m France, learned French perfe(5lly, and foon after made a tour into Holland,, Flanders, and Germany^, in whicli-he grew as perfed a niafler of Spanifh^ andy after his return in 1654, he married Mrs. Ofborn ^ and, during the ufurpation, pafTed his time privately with his father^ two brothers and a filler, then in Ire- land, all happy in that perfe6l kindnefs and agree- ment which hjis been fo oftea taken notice of in. their family. The five years he Hved there were fpent chiefly in his clofet, in improving himfelf in hiftory and philofophy •, and at that time he had Ave children,, which he buried there. He refufed all folicitations of entering into any employment under the ufurper^. and, at the happy reftoration. in 1660, was choferi member of the Convention in Ireland y and whilfb every body was vying, who Ihould make moft court to the King, a pole bill was read. Though he and many others thought it to the height of what the na- tion could bear, the Lords Juflices, whilil it was de- bating, fent a meiTage to , the houfe, to defire it might be doubled-, which, amongfl a great many that diOiked it. Sir William Temple only oppofed,, though the reft afterwards joined with him : the Lords Juftices, that heard whence the difEculty came,, fent fome to reafon it with him ; his anfwer was, that he had nothing to fay to it out of the hoiife ; where they choie a time to pafs it in his abfence. This made a great deal of talk, and brought him into- more converfation and bufmefs, than he had been^ ufed to in that country. After this a Parliament was called there,- and he chofen, with his father, for the county of Caflow,: and often turned the houfe in their warmeil debates, by never entering into any of their parties and fac- tions, not minding whom he angered, or pleafed. In i662j he was chofen one of tlie Commiffioners to Sir William Temple* la to be fent from that Parliament to the King, and then waited on the new Lord-Lieutenant the Duke of Or- mond : foon after, he returned into Ireland, but with a refolution of quitting that kingdom, and remov- ing his family into England : at his return he'begart to obferve a very different countenance in the Duke of Ormond, from what he had found before, and foon grew to have fo much fliare in his kindnefs and efteem, that the Duke complained to him, that he was the only man in Ireland, that had never afked him any thing ; and, when he told him his defign of carrying his family into England, faid, he fhould at leaft give him leave to write in his favour to the two great Minifters, the Lord Chancellor and Earl of Arlington ; and did it fo much to his advantage, that his recommendation gave Sir William Temple thd firfl entrance into their good graces, and the good opinion of the King ; which he made no other ufe of, than to tell Lord Arlington, then Secretary of StatCj that if his Majefly had any employment abroad, which he thought fuch a man as he capable of ferv- ing him in, he fhould be very happy in it, but de* fired, it might not carry him into the northern cli- mates, which he had a great averfion to : Lord Ar- lington faid, he was forry for it, becaufe there was at that time no other undifpofed of, but that of going Envoy to Sweden. In 1665, about the beginning of the firft Dutch war. Lord Arlington fent a meflenger to him to come immediately to his houfe ; which he did, and found his bufinefs v/as to tell him, the King had occafion to fend one abroad upon an affair of the greatefl truil: and importance, and that he had refolved to make him the firil oiTer of it, but that he mufl: know pre- fently whether he would accept of it, or no, with- out teUing him what it was, and be content to go in three or four days, without faying more of it to B 2 ' any xii the LIFE of any of his friends : after having confidered a- little^ he' told my Lord, he took him to be his friend, and^ fince he muft confult with no body elfe, would be ad- vifed by him : he faid, his advice was, that he ihould not refufe it, whether he liked it or nOy as an entrance into his Majefby's fervicc, and the way to fomething he might like better •, and then 'told him, it was to go to the Bifnop of Munfler,. and conclude a treaty between th^ King and him, by which the Billiop^ fiiould be obliged, upon receiving a certain fum of money, to enter immediately with his Majefty inta the war with Holland. In July he began his jour- ney to Coefvelt, and not long after the fecret came out, that he had in very few days concluded and figned the treaty there, in which his perfed know- ledge in Latin, which he had retained, was of no little advantage to him, the Bifhop converfing in no other language. After figning the treaty, he went to BrufTels, law the firfl; payment made, and received the news that the Bifhop was in the field, by which this ncgociation began firfl to be difcovered \ but na body fufpeded the part he had in it, who continued privately at BrulTels till it was whifpered to the Mar- quis Caftel-Rodrigo their Governor, that he came upon fome particular errand (which he was then at liberty to own) who thereupon fent to defire his ac- quaintance, and tha,t he might fee him in private, to which he eafiiy confented. Soon after a com.mif- fion v/as fent him to be Refident at Bruffels (which he had wifhed for in his travels thither fo many years before) with a patent for a Baronet. In April 1666, Sir William Temple fent for his family into Flanders, but before their arrival was polled again into Munfler, to prevent the Bifhop's making peace with the Dutch, which he threatened to do, upon the ill payments from England, and figned it at Cleve the very night Sir William Temple eame to Munfler \ who, finding nothing was to be toe. iS/r William Temple. ^ xiii ^ )ne, prefently returned to BriifTels, where he pafTed one year with great pleafure and fatisfadlion : before the end of it the peace with the Dutch was concluded at Breda ; and the fpring after, in 1,667, a new war broke out between France and Spain, which began by the French feizing feveral towns in Flanders Be- fore they had time or warning enough to malve any refiflance ; by which they fell fo faft into their hands that BrufTeb was alatxTied at their near approaches, and Sir William Temple, knowing that they had not fuHicient troops to defend the town, fent his La- dy and family into England, but flaid there with his fifter till Chriftmas following, when the King fent for him to come over privately, and with orders to pafs through Holland, and make Monfieur De Witt a vifit in the way, which produced the great nego- tiacion of the triple alliance. Upon which, in Rvq days after his arrival at Court, he was diipatched back to the Hague, and in ^s many he concluded that famous treaty between England, Sweden, and Holland, lo furp riling at that time, and fo much ap- plauded ; and with this began a trufl: and confidence between him and Monfieiir de Witt, from the ex- perience, as well as aifurance of truth and fairnefs in their dealings on both fides, which helped much to the eafe and difpatch of thofe they were engaged in^ After the ratifications were over, he had orders to re- turn to BrufTels, and endeavour to prevail with the Spaniards to confent to a peace with France, which was treated the next fummer, in 1 668, at Aix-la-Cha- pelle, whither he was fent AmbafTador extraordinary ^nd Mediator, and with his collegue Sir Lionel Jen- kins, after many difficulties and delays, at lail brought it to a happy conclufion. Soon after, he was fent AmbafTador extraordinary to the States General, with inflru6tions to confirm the triple alliance, and folicit the Emperor and Ger^ man Princes, by their Minifters, to enter into it ; and B 3 being xlt The LIFE $f being the firfl Englilli AmbaiTador, that had been there fince King James's time, he was received and diftinguiflied by all marks of regard and eileem they could exprefs for his chara6ter and perfon ; and, by the good opinion he had gained, was able to bring the States into fuch meafures, as, M. de Witt faid he v/as fure, was not in the power of any other man to do : he lived in confidence with that great Minif- ter, by order from the King, and in conftant and fami- liar convcrlation with the Prince of Orange, then eigh- teen years old ; than which no man could have a more difficult part to acl j and he compafTed the chief defign of his embafly, in engaging the Emperor and Spain in the meafures that were then defired : but in this time happened Madam's journey into England, fo well known to have changed them all ; ^nd though he had obferved a difpofition in the Court before, to complain of the Dutch upon fmall occafions, very unlike what he left it in, yet fufpecled nothing till Lord Arlington, in September 1669 hurried him over, by telling himi, as foon as he received his letter he Ihould put his foot into the ftirrup. When he came to him, whom he always faw the firft, and thought he had never more reafon to make hafte, he found he had not one word to fay to him ; and, af^ ter making him wait a great while, only afked him feveral indifferent queftions about his journey, and he v/as received next day as coldly by the King. The fe- cret foon came out, and Sir William Temple was pre (Ted to return to the Hague, and make way for a war with Holland, with which, lefs than two years before, he had been fo much applauded for having made fo flrift an alliance \ but he excufed himfelf from having any fhare in it, which fo much provoked the Lord Treaturer Clifford, that he refufed to pay him an arrear of two thoufand pounds, due from his embalTy. Ail this palTed without unkindnefs from the King j but my Lord Arlington's ufage, fo unlike the Sir William Temple, xv di^ frlendfliip he had profeiTed, was refented by Sk William Temple-. He now retired to a houfe he had purchafed at Shene, near Richmond ^ and, in this interval of his leifure and retreat, writ his Ohjervatlons on the United Provinces^ and one part of his Miscellanies, About the end of the fumnrier, 1673, the King growing weary of the fecond Dutch war, which was liked by few at Court, and none any where eb'e, feni for Sir V/illiam Temple, who was ever wanted upon that occafion, to go into Holland and conclude the peace ; towards which overrures began now to be made on both fides •, but, powers having beeii fent at this time from thence to the Marquis de Frefno the Spanifh AmbaiTador at London, Sir William Temple was ordered to treat it with him, and in three days it was concluded, and the point of the flag carried, that had been fo long ccntefted. Upon this Lord Arlington offered him the embaffy into Spain, which, for want of his father's confent, who was then old and infirm, he refufed ; and, foon after, the place of Secretary of State, for want of fix thoufand pounds, which he w^as to lay down for it, and could not fpare. In June, 1674, he was again fent AmbaiTador in- to Holland, with offer of the King's mediation be- tween France and the Confederates, then at war; -which was not long after accepted •, and Lord Berke- ley, Sir William Temple, and Sir Lionel Jenkins, were declared AmbafTadors and Mediators, and Nimeguen (which he had propofed) was confented to atlafl; by all parties to be the place of treaty. Dur- ing his (lay at the Hag-ue, the Prince of Orange, who was fond of fpeaking Engliili, and of their plain way of eating, conftantly dined and fupped once or twice a v/eek at his houfe, who thereby grew fo much into the Prince's efteem and confidence, as gave liim fo great a part in that confiderable affair of his B 4 mar^ XVI The LIF E of marriage with Lady Mary, fo well known in tde world, and fo particularly related in his Alemoirs. One advantage he made of it from an accident, that then happened, may be worth mentioning, becaufe he reckoned it himfelf amongft the good fortunes of his life. There were five Englifhmen taken and brought to the Hague whilft he was there, and in the Prince's abfence, who were immediately tried, and condemned by a council of war, for deferting their colours : fome of his fervants had the curiofuy to vifit their unfortunate countrymen, and came liome with a deplorable flory, that, by what they had heard, it feemed to be a miflake •, and that they were all Hke tp die innocent -, but, however, that it wa^ without remedy, that their graves were digging, and they were to be fhot next morning. Sir William Temple left nothing unattempted to prevent their fudden execution, and fent to the officers to threaten them, that he would complain firft to the Prince, and then to the King, who, he was fure, would demand reparation, if fo m.any of his fubje6ls fuffered unjufb- ly : but nothing would move them, till he made it his laft requeft to reprieve them one day, in which the Prince happened to come within reach of return- ing afi anfwer to a mefiage he fent ; upon which they were releafed. The firft thing they did was to go and fee their graves, and the next to come and thank Sir William Temple upon their knees. In July 1676, he removed his family to Nimeguen, where he paiTed that year without making any pro- grefs in the treaty, that from feveral accidents was then at a ftand ; and, the year after, his fon was fent over with letters from my Lord Treafurer to order him to return and fucceed Mr. Coventry in his place of Secretary of State, which he made fome difficulties of refigning, unlefs he had leave to name his fuccef- for ; which the King refufed, and fell into an ill hu- mour upon it. Sir William Temple, who was not font} Sir William Temple. xvii fond of the change, defired his Majefly to let it alone till all parties were agreed, and the treaty, he was then engaged in, concluded, to which he did not re- turn that year. About this time, the Prince of O- range, having the King's leave to come over, foon after married Lady Mary ; and from this happened another occafion of unkindnefs between Lord Arling- ton and him •, my Lord Treafurer, who was relat- ed to Sir William Temple's Lady, and he being only in the fecret of all that affair ; upon which Lord Arlington faid a very good thing, though not in very good humour, That fome things were fo ill in them- ielves, that the manner of doing them could not mend them, and others fo good, that the manner, they were done in, could not fpoil them ; and that the Prince of Orano;e's match was of the lafl fort. Lord Arling-- ton's coldnefs to Sir William Temple began from his early acquaintance with the Lord Treafurer (they having travelled young together) and his relation to him by marriage ; and he being now chief Miniiler in Lord Arlington's room, and they two living in the laft degree of ill intelligence with one another, it was impofiible to keep the favour of both thefe great men, which was the true reafon of Lord Arlington's falling out with him, with whom, from circumflances better forgot than repeated, he could not afterwards live well. After the Prince and Princefs were gone into Holland, the inclination at Court always leaning to- wards France, the King would have engaged Sir V/iLLiAM Temple in fome negotiations with that crown, fo contrary to thofe he had been before con- cerned in, and which he was fo ill fatisfied with, that he offered to give up his pretenfions to the Secretary's place, which he defired my Lord Treafurer to ac- quaint his Majefly with, and fo went to Shene with the hopes of being taken at his word, growing very weary, as Monfieur de Witt ufed to exprefs it, of the perpetual fludtuation he had obferved in all our coun- fels xviii Hhe LIFE of fels fmce Queen Elifabeth's reign. But, upon difcovc- ry of the French defigns not to evacuate the Spanifli towns agreed on by the treaty to be delivered up, the King commanded him to go upon a third embalTy to the States, with vv^hom he concluded a treaty, by which England was engaged, upon the refufal of the French to evacuate the towns in forty days, to de- clare immediate war with France : but, before half that time was run out, one De Crofs was fent from our Court into Holland, upon an errand that damp- ed all the good humour that treaty had given them there, and the life it had put into all their affairs ; and fuch fudden and furprifmg changes in our own, which Sir William Temple had feen too often to be a- ftonilhed at, gave him a diflaile to all publick employ- ments. In 1679, he went back to Nimeguen, where the French delayed figning the treaty to the lail hour j which after he had concluded, he returned to the Hague, from whence he was foon fent for to enter upon the Secretary's place, which Mr. Coventry was at lad refolved to part with, and my Lord Sunder- land, who was newly come into the other, prefied him with fo much earneftnefs to accept of. He very unwiUingly obeyed his Majeity's commands to come over, having long had at heart a vifit he had promifed to make the Great Duke, as foon as his embaffy was ended ; having begun a particular acquaintance with him in England, and kept up a correfpondence ever fince. Befides, having fo ill fucceeded in the defi[;ns (which no man ever more fteadily purfued in the^ courfe of his employments) of doing his country the befl fervice, and advancing its honour and greatnefs to the height he thought it capable of being raifed tOy he refolved to afk leave of the King to retire ; and in- deed no body could have engaged in public affairs ■with a worfe profped than there was at this time, or in a more unpleafant fcene 5 the Popiili plot being newly Sir William Temple. xix n€wly broke out, which the King believed nothing of, the people frighted, and the Parhament violent in the profecution of it. Jn this melancholy pofhure of affairs. Sir William Temple came to Court, as all his friends hoped, with the defign of entering upon the Secretary's place, which he made a difficulty of, be- caufe he was not in the houfe of Commons, and thought the public buhnefs would fuffer thereby in fo critical a time, in which the contefts ran fo high between the two parties, that the King thought fit to fend the Duke into Flanders, and the Parliament tx> put my Lord Treafurer into the Tower. After this his Majefty again prefTed Sir William Temple to be Secretary of State, ufing this argument. That he had now no body to confult with at a time that he wanted the befl advice. That which Sir William Temple gave him was, to trull his affairs no more in any one hand, but chufe fo many men as he pleafed for his Privy Council, whom he ihould wholly trufb and ad* vife with ♦, which in few days the King confented to, and the choice of the perfons was wholly concerted be- tween his Majefty and Sir William Temple, who had leave next day to acquaint the Lord Chancel- lor, Lord Sunderland, and Lord Effex with it ; who all approved of the refolution, but thought it the greateft point that ever was gained by any Minifter ; and, three days after the old council was diffolved, this new one was eftablifhed, of which Sir William Temple was one. In 1680, the councils began again to be changed, upon the King's having been very ill the end of the fummer •, and the Duke's returning privately to Court, and his treatment from fome of thofe perfons, whom, from the King's diflike, if not averfion to, he found fo difficult to bring into his favour and bu- fmefs, gave him a frefh diftaite to Court and councils, whither he feldom went ^ the particulars of which are publifhed in the Third Part of the Memoirs^ that were XX "The LIFE of were only written (as he exprefled it in the original, now in the hands of one of his family) for the private fatisfadiion of his friends. Soon after this, the King fent for Sir William Temple again, and propofed his going AmbafTador into Spain, and give credit to an alliance pretended to be made with that crown, againft the meeting of the Parliament; upon which the French AmbafTadors, much diflatisfied, faid, it was enough to give vigour to the Spanifh monarchy. When his equipage was. almoft ready, and part of the money for it paid, the King changed his mind, and told him, he would have him defer his journey till the end of the feflions of Parliament, of which he was chofen a member for the Univerfity of Cambridge, and in which the fac- tions ran fo high, that he faw it impoffible to bring them to any temper. The Duke was fent into Scot- land : that would not fatisfy them, nor any thing but a bill of exclulion, againft which he always de- clared himfelf, being a legal man, and faid, his en- deavours fhould ever be^ to unite the Royal Family, but that he would never enter into any counfels to divide them. This famous bill after long contefls was thrown out, and the Parliament diflblved , and it was upon his Majefly's taking this refolution with- out the advice of his Privy Council, contrary to what he had promifed, that Sir William Temple fpoke fo boldly there, and was fo ill ufed for taking that liberty, by fome of thofe friends who had been moil earneft in promoting the laft change. Upon this he grew quite tired with public bufinefs, refufed the offer he had of ferving again for the univerfity in the next Parliament, that was foon after called and met at Oxford, and was uneafy with the name of a Privy Counfellor, which he foon got rid of; and the Duke being returned, and all the councils changed. Lord Sunderland's, EfTex's, and Sir Wil- liam Temple's names were by theKing^s order all ilruck Sir William Temple, xxl ilruck out of the Council- book together •, upon which he took occafion to fend the King word, Thac he would live the reft of his life as good a fubjedt as any in his kingdoms, but never more meddle with public affairs : the King aiTured him that he was not at all angry ; and though he lived from that time at Shene till 1685, without ever feeing the town or Court, and had the privilege of returning no vifits that were made from thence by perfons of the beft quahty and fortune, who during thofe five years frequented his houfe and table, yet he never failed of waiting on his Majefty whenever he came into th^ neighbourhood, and no body was better received by his own mafter whilft he lived, and by King James afterwards, who often turned the whole converfatior> to him, as foon as he entered the room at Richmond. About this time his only fon Mr. Temple (and the only child he had now left, having a few years before loft his favourite daughter Diana of the fmall- pox at fourteen years of age) wasl rnarried in France to Mademoifelle Rambouillet, a rich heirefs, and only daughter of Monfieur Duplellis, a French pro- teftant of a very good family, a young Lady very eminent then for her rare accompliihments of body and mind, and more fo fince for her great piety and charity, with whom he lived near four years v?ry hap- pily, and at his death (that was a cruel blow to his father in depriving him of fuch an only heir of hiy parts and virtues, as well as his fortune) he left only two daughters that are now living, the eldefc of which is married to Mr. John Temple, younger fon to Sir John Temple who was Sir William TEr.iPLs'^ fecond brother, and efteemed one of the beft lawyers in Ireland, and had been Solicitor and Attorney-Ge- neral tliere many years; to v/hom Archbifhop Shel- don made a fmgular compliment, that he had the curfe of the gofpel, becaufe all men fpoke v/ell of him. Mr. Temple's youngeft daughter is married to Mr. 5 Nicholas xxli the L.IF E of Nicholas Bacon, of Shrubland in the county of Suf- folk. Sir William Temple continued a year at Shene, and, having purchafed a fmall feat called Moor Park, near Farnham in Surrey, which he took a great fancy to for its folitude and retirement, and the healthy and pleafant fituation, and being much afilided with the gout, and broken with age and infirmities, he refolv- ed to pafs the remainder of his life there, and in No- vember, 1686, in his way thither, waited on King James, then at Windfor, and begged his favour and protection to one that v/ould always live a good fub- je6b, but, whatever happened, never enter again upon any public employment, and defired his Majefty ne- ver to give credit to whatever he might hear to the contrary : the King, who ufed to fay. Sir Will tap/ Temple's chara6ler was always to be believed, pro- mifed him what he defired, made him fome reproaches for not coming into his fervice, which he faid was his own fault, and kept his word as faithfully to SirV/iL-* LiAM Temple, as he did to his Majefliy during the furprifing turn of affairs that foon after followed by the Prince of Orange's coming over, which, vv^hat^ ever people may fufpeCl, was fo great a fecret to him, that there is nothing furer, than that he was net only wholly unacquainted with it, but one of the lafl men in England that believed it. At the time of this happy revolution in 1688, Moor Park grov/ing unfafe by lying in the way of both armies, he went back to the houfe he had given up to his fon at Shene, who had been very uneafy at being denied the leave he had fo impatiently begged of his father, to go and meet the Prince of Orange at his landing, which, in telling his principles of never engaging in any thing that feem^ed to divide the Royal Family, I have already given the bed and trueil rea- fon of. After King James's abdication, and the Frince*^s arrival at Windfor, Sir \¥illiam Temple went Sir William Temple, xxiil went to wait upon his Highnefs, and carried his fon ; the Prince preiTed him to enter into his fervice, and to be Secretary of State -, faid, it was in kindnefs to him that he had not been acquainted with his de- fign ; came to him two or three times at Shene, and feveral of his friends made him very uneafy, in laying to his heart how much the Prince (who was his friend) his country, and his religion, muft fuffer by his obfti- nate refufal to engage in their defence, that mull give the world an ill opinion of this great undertaking, and make them miftruit fome ill defign at the bottom, which a man of his truth and honour did not care to be concerned in : and, though he continued unfhaken in his refolutions, and very firm in keeping the pro- mife he had made King James, that was mentioned before, yet he was very fenfible of the trouble and uneafinefs the Prince and all his friends exprefled at it, and was the gladder to return to his retirement ac Moor Park, about the end of the year 1689, to be our of the v/ay of any more folicitations of that kind. From that time he turned himfelf wholly to tlie cares and amufements of a country life, faw little company in a place fo dcfolate, had the honour of being often confulted by King William in fome of his fecret and important affairs, and of a vifit from him in his way from Wincheiler, and ufed to wait up- on his Majefty at Richmond and Windfor, where he was always very gracioufly received v/ith that eafinefs and familiarity, and particular confidence, that had begun in Holland fo many years before. In 1694, he had the misfortune to lofe his Lady, who v/as a very extraordinary woman, as v/ell as a good wife, of whom nothing more need be faid to her advantage, than that (lie was not only much eftecmed by her own friends and acquaintance, fome of v/hom were perfons of the greateil figure, but va- lued and diilinguifhed by fuch good judges of true meric XXIV "The LIF E of merit as King William and Queen Mary^ with whom file had the honour to keep a conilant correfpondence^ being juflly admired for her fine ftyle and turn of wie in writing letters, and whom ihe outHved about a month; the deep afflidion for her Majefl-y's moft deplorable death having haftened her own. Sir Wil- liam Temple was then paft fixty, at which age he pradifed what he had fo often declared to be his opinion, that an old man ought then to conclude himfelf no longer of ufe in the world, but to himfelf ^nd his friends. He lived four years after, extreme- ly afflicted with the gout, which at laft wore out his life ; and, with the help of age and a natural decay of ftrength and fpirits, ended it in January, 1698, in his feventieth year. He was buried privately in Weftminfler- Abbey, according to his diredions in his will, that were in thefe words : " I do order my body to be interred in the weft *^ ifle of Weftminfler- Abbey, near thofe two dear *' pledges, my wife and my daughter Diana, that '* lie there already ; and that, after mine and my '' fifter Giffard's deceafe, a large ftone of black ♦' marble may be fet up againfl the wall, v;idi this *^ infcription : " Sihi [iilfqiie cbariJfinnSy " DiAN^ Temple dile^ijjtm^ jiJi^y ^^ DoROTHE-^ OsBORN CGnjunul'iJJinue conjiigi, " Et Martha Giffard optim,^ forori^ " Hoc qualecunque monumentum " Pcni curavit *•' GuLiELMus TexMPlk, BarcnettusT This marble monument was according to his OX'^ der fet up after the Lady Giffard's death in 1722, who refembled him in his genius, as well as in his perfon, and left behind her the charadxr of one of the, b^ft and mofl conflant friends in the work!. A flmt Sir William Temple. x%r A fliort CHARACTER of him. I Think nothing harder than to write any body'a charader, and that of a friend is ftill more diffi- cult: if one tells truth, it is thought partiality; and if one does not, it is a real piece of injuftice. I will try (by faying little) to avoid both imputations. Sir William Temple's perfon is beft known by his pidlures and prints : he was rather tall, than low ; his Ihape, when young, very exa6t; his hair a dark- brown, and curled naturally, and, whilfl that was e- fteemed a beauty, no body had it in greater perfedion ; his eyes grey, but lively ; and his body lean, but ex- treme arrive, fo that none acquitted themfelves bet- ter at all forts of exerciie. He had an extraordinary fpirit and life in his hu- mour, with fo agreeable turns of wit and fancy in his converfation, that no body was welcomer in all forts of company ; and fome have obferved, that he never had a mind to make any body kind to him, without compamng his defign. He was an exact obferver of truth, thinking none that had failed once ought ever to be trufted again ; of nice points of honour •, of great humanity and good nature, taking pleafure in making ethers eafy and happy ; his palTions naturally warm and quick, but tempered by reafon and thought; his humour gay, but very unequal from cruel fits of fpleen and melancholy, being fubjed to great damps from fud- c[^n changes of weather, but chiefly from the crofTes and furprifing turns in his bufineis, and difappoint- ments he met vvith fo often in his endeavours to con- tribute to the honour and fervice of his country, which he thought himfclf two or three times fo near compalTing, that he could not think with patience of VOL. I. C * wlmf XX vi The LIFE of what had hindered it, or of thofe that he thought had been the occafion of his difappointments. He never feemed bufy in his greateft employments^ was a great lover of liberty, and therefore hated the fervitude of courts ; faid he could never ferve for wages, nor be bufy (as one is fo often there) to no purpofe ; and never was willing to enter upon any employment but that of a public Minifter. He had been a pafTionate lover, was a kind hulband, a fond and indulgent father, a good mailer, and the beft friend in the world -, and, knowing himfelf to be fo, was impatient of theleaft fufpicion or jealoufy from thofe he loved. He was ever kind to the memory of thofe he had once liked and efteemed ^ wounded to the heart by grief, upon the many lofles of his childrer^ and friends, till recovered by reafon and philofophy, and that perfed refignation to Almighty God, which he thought fo abfolute apart of our duty ^ upon thofe fad occafions often faying, His holy name be praifed : His will be done. He was not without flrong averfions, fo as to be uneafy at the firfl fight of fome he difliked, and impa- tient of their converfation ; apt to be warm in difputes and expoftulations, wliich maade him hate the one, and avoid the other, which, he ufed to fay, might fometimes do well between lovers, but never between friends ;. he turned his converfation to what was more eafy and pleafant, efpecially at table, where, he faid, ill hu- mour ought never to come, and his agreeable talk at it, if it had been {tt down, would have been very en- tertaining to the reader, as well as it was to fo many that heard it. He had a very familiar way of con- verfing v/ith all forts of people, from the greateft princes to the meaneft fervants, and even children, whofe imperfed language and natural and innocent talk he was fond of, and made entertainment out of every Sir William Temple. xxvH every thing that could afford it -, when that he liked befl failed, the next ferved turn. He Hved healthful till forty-two, then began to be troubled with rheums upon his teeth and eyes, which he attributed to the air of Holland, and which ended, when he was forty-feven, in the gout, upon which he grew very melancholy, being then AmbaiTador at the Hague ; he faid, a man was never good for any thing after it j and tho' he continued in bufinefs near three years longer, 'twas always with defign of v/inding him- felf out as fail as he could •, and making good his own rules, that no body ihould make love after forty, nor be in bufinefs after fifty : and tho' from this time he h^d frequent returns of ill health, he never cared t^ confult phyficians ; faying, he hoped to die without them; and trufbcd wholly to the care and advice of his friends, which he often exprelTed himfelf fo happy in, as to want nothing but health -, which fince riches ^puld not help him to, he defpifed them. He was born to a moderate eftate, and did not much increafe it during his employments, which, he tells his fon in his letter to him before the fecond part of his Memoirs^ ' it is fit, fhould contribute fome- ^ thing to his entertainment, fince they had done fo * little to his fortunes •, upon which he could make * him no excufe, fince it was fo often in his power, * that it was never in his thoughts, which were ever ' turned upon how much lefs he v/anted, rather than ' how much more.' And in a fine drain of philo- fophy he concludes, ' If yours have the fame turn, * you will be but too rich ; if the contrary, you will * be ever poor.' King Charles II. gave him the re- verfion of the Mailer of the Rolls place in Ireland, after his father, who kept it during his life •, and the prefcnts made him, in his feveral embaffies, were chiefly laid out in building and planting, and in pur- chafing old ftatues and pidures, that Hill remain in C 2 his xxviil T!he LIFE of ^ 6cc. his family, which were his only expence or extrava- gance, but not too great for his income. Thofe thac knew him little, thought him rich; to whom he ufed to anfwer pleafantly, that he wanted nothing but an eftate •, and yet no body was more generous to his friends, or more charitable to the poor, in giving often, to true objeds of charity, an hundred pounds at a time, and fometimes three hundred. His religion was that of the church of England, in which he was born and bred ; how loofe fo- ever Bifhop Burnet, in his Hiilory of his own times, reprefents his principles (from that common-place of hearfay that runs through the whole, for he was not acquainted with Sir Vv^illiam) yet there is no ground for fuch uncharitable reflexions given in his writings, in which his excellent letter to the Coun- te{s of Efiex is a convincing proof both of his piety and eloquence y and to that picture, drawn by him- felf in his works, I refer thofe that care either to know or to imitate him. AN A N ESSAY U P O N T H E ORIGINAL and NATURE O F G OVE R N M E N T. Written in the Tear i6y2» 1"-^ H E nature of man feems to be the fame in all times and places, but varied, like their ftatures, complexions, and features by the force and influence of the feveral climates where they are born and bred ; which pro- duce in them, by a different mixture of the humours, and operation of the air, a different and unequal courfe of imaginations and paiTions, and confequently of dif- courfes and actions. Thefe differences incline men to feveral cufloms, educations, opinions » and laws, which form and go- vern the feveral nations of the world, where they are not interrupted by the violence of fome force from C 3 without. JO An EJJay upon the original without, or fome fadion within, which, like a great blow, or a great difeafe, may either change or deftroy the very frame of a body ; though, if it lives to reco^ ver ftrength and vigour, it commonly returns in time to its natural conftitution, or fomething near it. (I fpeak not of thofe changes and revolutions of State, or inflitutions of government, that are made by the more iinmediate and evident operation of divine will and providence -, being the themes of di- vines, and not of common men ; and the fubjedts of our faith, not of reafon.) This may be the caufe that the fame countries have generally in all times been ufed to forms of govern* ment much of a fort ; the fame nature ever continu- ing under the fame climate, and making returns into its old channel, though fometimes led out of it by perfuafions, and fometimes beaten out by force. Thus the more northern and fouthern nations (ex^ tremes, as they fay, ftill agreeing) have ever lived un-. der fmgle and arbitrary dominions ; as all the regions of Tartary and Mufcovy on the one fide, and of Afric and India on the other : v/hile thofe under the more temperate climates, efpecially in Europe, have ever been ufed to more moderate governments, running anciently much into commonwealths, and of later ages into principalities bounded by laws which differ lefs in nature than in name. For, though the old diftinftions run otherwife, there feem to be but two general kinds of government in the world ; the one exercifed according to the ar- bitrary commands and v/ill of fome fingle perfon •, and the other according to certain orders or laws intro^ duced by agreement or cuilom, and not to be chan^ ged without the eonfent of many. But under each of thefe may fall many more par- ticular kinds than can be reduced to the common hcad;5 of government received in the fchools. For thofe and nature cf Government. 3 1 thofc of the firft fort differ according to the difpo- fitions and humours of him that rules, and of them that obey ; as fevers do according to the temper of the perfons, and accidents of the feafons. And thofe.of the other fort differ according to the quality or num- ber of the perfons upon whom is devolved the au- thority of making, or power of executing, laws. Nor will any man, that underftands the Hate of Po» land, and the United Provinces, be well able to range them under any particular names of government that have been yet invented. The great fcenes of atSlion, and fubjedls of ancient ftory, Greece, Italy, and Sicily, were all divided into .fmall commonwealths, till f^^allowed up and made provinces by that mighty one of Rome, together with Spain, Gaul, and Germany. Thefe were before com- pofed of many fmall governments, among which the cities were generally under commonwealths, and the countries under feveral Princes, who were Generals in their wars, but, in peace, lived without armies or guards, or any inftruments of arbitrary power *, and were only chief of their councils, and of thofe affem- blies by whofe confultations and authority the great affairs and anions among them were refolved and en- terprifcd. Through all thefe regions, fome of the fmaller States, but chiefly thofe of the cities, fell often under tyran- nies, which fpring naturally out of popular govern- ments ♦, while the meaner Ibrt of the people, oppref- fed or ill prote6led by the richer and greater, give themjelves up to the condu61: of fome one man in chief credit among them, and fubmit all to his will and difcretion, either running eafily from one extreme to another, or contented to fee thofe, they hated and fear- ed before, now in equal condition with themfelves-, or becaufe a multitude is incapable of fi-aming orders, though capable of conferving them : or that every C 4 man 3 1 An Efay upon the oiiginal man comes to find by experience, that confufion and popular tumults have worfe efredis upon common fafe- ty, than the rankefl tyranny. For it is eafier to pleafe the humour, and either appeafe or refift the fury, of one fingle man, than of a multitude. And, taking each of them in their extremes, the rage of a tyrant may be like that of fire, which confumes what it reach- es but by. degrees, and devouring one houfe after an- other j whereas the rage of people is like that of the fea, which, once breaking bounds, overflows a coun- try with that fuddennefs and violence, as leaves no hopes either of flying or refilling, till, with the change of tides or winds, it returns of itfelf. The force and variety of accidents is fo great, that it Vv^iil not perhaps bear reaioning, or inquiry, how it tomes about that fingle ^arbitrary dominion feems to have been natural to Afia and Afric, and the other fort to Europe. For though Carthage was indeed a com- monwealth in Afric, and Macedon a kingdom in Eu- rope \ yet the firil was not native of that foil (being a colony of the Tyrians, as there were fome other fmall ones cf the Grecians upon the fame coalls) and the King of Macedon governed by laws, and the confent, as well as councils, of the nobles ; not, like the Kings of Perfia, by humour and will ; as appears by the event of their quarrel, v/hile fo few fubjedts con- quered fo many Haves. Yet one reafon may be, that Sicily, Greece, and Ita- ly (which v/ere the regions of commonwealths) were planted tliick with rich and populous cities (occafioned by their being fo far encompaffed with the fea) and the vein of all rich cities ever inclines to that kind of government -, whether it be, that, where many grow rich, many grow to power, and are harder to be fub- jedled -, or, v/here men grow to great poflTefTions, they 'grov/ more intent upon lafety, and therefore defire to be governed by laws and magiftrates of their ovm choice. and nature of Government. 3 3 choice, fearing all armed and arbitrary power; or that the fmall compafs of cities makes the eafe and conve- nience of afiemblies and councils; or that converfa- tion fharpens men's wits, and makes too many rea^. foners in matters of o-overnment. The contrary of all this happens in countries thin inhabited, and efpecially in vaft carnpania's, fuch as are extended through Afia and Afric, where there are fev/ cities befides what grow by the refidence of the Kings or their governors. The people are poorer, and, having httle to lofe, have little to care for, and are lefs expofed to the defigns of power or violence. The alTembling of perfons, deputed from people at great diftances one from another, is trouble to them that are fent, and charge to them that fend. And, v/here am.bition and avarice have made no entrance, the dedre of leifure is much more natural, than of bufinefs and care : befides, men converfing all their lives with the woods and the fields, and the herds, more than with one another^ come to know as little as they defire ; ufe their fenfes a great deal more than their reafons ; examine not the nature or the tenure of power and authority; find only they are fit to obey, becaufe they are not fit to govern; andfo come to fubmit to the will of him they found in power, as they do to the will of heaven, and confider all changes of conditions, that happen to them under good or bad Princes, like good or ill feafons, that happen in the weather and the air. It may be faid further, that, in the more intem- perate climates, the fpirits, either exhaled by heat, or comprefTed by cold, are rendered faint and (luggifh j and by that reafon the men grov/ tamer, and fitter for fervitude. That, in m.ore temperate regions, the fpi-^ rits are flronger, and more aicive, v/hereby men be- come bolder in the defence or recovery of their liber- ties, But 34 -^^ ^J^y ^^pon tide original But all government is a reftraint upon liberty; and, under all, the dominion is equally abfolute where it is in the laft refort. So that when men feem to contend for liberty, it is indeed but for the change of thofe that rule^ or for the forms of government they have formerly been ufed to, and (being grown weary of the prefent) now begin to regret ^ though when they enjoyed them it was not without fome prefTure and complaint. Nor can it be, in the other cafe, that when vaft numbers of men fubmit their lives and fortunes abfolutely ta the will of one, it fhould be want of heart, but mufl be force of cuilom, or opinion, the true ground and foundation of all government, and that which fub- jedls power to authority. For power, arifing from itrength, is always in thofe that are governed, who are many : but authority, arifing from opinion, is in thofe that govern, who are few. This diftindlon is plain in the forms of the old Roman State, wjiere laws were made, and refolutions taken, aiithoritate fenatus^ '^ridjujfu populi. The fenate were authors of all counfels in the State *, and what was by them confulted and agreed, was propofed to the people, by whom it was enaded, or commanded ^ becaufe in them was the power to make it be obeyed. But xht great opinion which the people had at firil of the perfons of the Senators, and afterwards of their families (which were called Patricians) gained eafy af- fent to what was thus propofed, the authority of the perfons adding great weight to the reafon of the things. And this went fo far, that though the choice of ail magiftrates was wholly in the people, yet, for a long courfe of years, they chofe none but Patricians into the great offices of State, either civil or military. But when the people began to lofe the general opinion they had of the Patricians, or at leaft fo far as to be- lieve fome among thenifelves were as able and fit,. as thefe. end nature of Government • 3 5 thefe, to advife the State, and lead their armies, they then pretended to ihare with the Senate in the mao-if- tracy, and bring in Plebeians to the offices of chieteil power and dignity. And hereupon began thofe fe- ditions which fo long diflempered, and^at leno-th puined^ that State. AUTHORITY arifes from the opinion of wif- dom, goodnefs, and valour in the perfons who pof- fcfs it. Wifdom is that which makes men judge what are the beft ends, and what the bell means to attain them ; and gives a man advantage among the weak and the ignorant, as fight among the blind ^ which is that of Counfel and dire61:ion : this gives authority to age among the younger, till thefe being at certain years change their opinion of the old, and of themfelves. This gives it more abfolute to a pilot at fea, whom all the palTengers fuffer to fleer them as he pleafes. Goodnefs is that which makes men prefer their du- ty and their promife, before their palTions or their interefl ; and is properly the objed of trufl : in our language, it goes rather by the name of honefty ; though what we call an honefl man, the Romans called a good man : and honelly in their language, as well as in French, rather fignifies a compofiticn of thofe qualities which generally acquire honour and efleem to thofe who pofTefs them. Valour, as it gives awe, and promifes protedlion, to thofe who want either heart or flrength to defend themfelves : this makes the authority of men among women; and that of a mafler-buck in a numerous herd, though perhaps not llrong enough for any two of them •, but the imprefiion of fingle fear holds when tbey are all together, by the ignorance of uniting. Eloquence, '; 6 ^4n effay upon the original Eloquence, as it pafTes for a mark of wifdom ; beau* ty. of goodnefs ; and nobility, of valour (which was its original) have likewife ever fome efFe6t upon the opinion of the people; but a very great one when they are really joined with the qualities they promife or refemble. There is yet another Iburce from which ufually fprings greater authority than from all the reft; which is the opinion of divine favour or defignation of the perfons, or of the races that govern. This made the Kings among the heathens ever derive themfelves, or their anceftors, from fome God ; paffing thereby for he- roes, that is, perfons ilTued from the mixture of divine and human race, and of a middle nature between Gods and men : others joined the mitre to the crown, and thereby the reverence of divine, to the refpedl of civil power. This made the Caliphs of Perfia and Egypt, and the great Emperors of Arabia, derive themfelves by leveral branches from their great prophet Mahomet : the Yncas in Peru from the Sun : and the Ottoman race to be adored among the Turks, as defigned by Heaven for perpetual empire. And the facring of the Kings of France (as Loyfel fays) is the fign of their fovereign priefthood.. as well as kingdom -, and in the right thereof they are capable of holding all vacant be- nefices of the church. Piety, as it is thought a way to the favour of God ; and fortune, as it looks like the eflfed either of that, or at leaii of prudence and courage, beget authority. As likewife fplendor of living in great palaces, with numerous attendance, much obfervance, and rich ha- bits differing from common men : both as it feems to be the rev/ard of thofe virtues already named, or the f iTed of fortune ; or as it is a mark of being obeyed by many. G From and nature of Goverfifnent, ^7 From all thefe authority arifes, but is by nothing ^ or, if it be, why it fliould not be rather the latter, than the former, as having the fame advantage of the general experience of the world, that an old man has of the more particular experi- ments of life.. T H U S a family feems ta become a little king- dom, and a kingdom to be but a great family. Nor is it unlikely that this paternal jurifdi6lion ia its fucceffions, and with the help of accidents, may have branched out into the feveral heads of govern- ment commonly received in the fchools. For a fami- ly, governed with order, will fall naturally to the fe- veral trades of huibandn^ which are tillage, garden- ing, and pafturage (the product whereof was the ori- ginal riches.) For the managing of thefe and their thcreafe, and the afliftance of one man,, who perhaps is and nature of Government. 43 IS to feed twenty, it maybe a hundred children (fince it is not eafily told how far generations may extend with the arbitrary choice and numbers of women, pradifed anciendy in mod countries) the ufe of fer- vants comes to be neceflary. Thefe are gained by vidtory and captives, or by fugitives out of fome worfe governed family, where either they cannot or like not to live, and fo fell their liberty to be aflured of what is neceflary to life ; or elfe by the debafed na- ture of fome of the children who feem born to drud- gery, or who are content to increafe their pains that they may leflen their cares, and upon fuch terms be- come fervants to fome of their brothers whom they moft efteem or chufe foonefl: to live with. The family, thus increafed, is flill under the father's common, though not equal care ; that what is due to the fervants by contradt, or what is fit for them to enjoy, may be provided, as well as the portions of the children •, and that whatever they acquire by their in- duflry or ingenuity (beyond what the mailers exped, or exad from them by the conditions of their fervi- tude) fhould be as much their property as any divi- fions of land or of flock that are made to the fons \ and the pofTefTion as fecure, unlefs forfeited by any de- merit or offence againft the cufloms of the family, which grov7 with time to be the orders of this little State. Now the father of a family or nation, that ufes his fervants like cliildren in point of juftice and care ; and advifes with his children in what concerns the commonweal, and thereby is willingly followed and obeyed by them all -, is what 1 fuppofe the fchools rneaft by a Monarch. And he that by harflmefs of nature, wilfulnefs of humour, intemperance of paf- fions, and arbitrarineis of commands, ufes his children like fervants, is what they mean by a Tyrant. And whereas the firft thouglit himfeif fafe in the love and D 2 obedience 44 -^^ mf^^y ^P^^ ^^^ original obedience of his children ; the other, knowing thaf he is feared and hated by them, thinks he cannot be fafe among his children, but by putting arms into the hands of I'uch of his fervants as he thinks moil at his will ; which is the original of guards. For againft a foreign enemy, and for defence of evident intereft, all that can bear arms in a nation are foldiers. Their caufe is common fafety ♦, their pay is honour •, and, when they have purchased thefe, they return to their homes and forrner conditions of peaceable hves. Such were all the armies of Greece and of Rome in the firil ages of their ilates. Such were their gens d'ordonnance in France, and the train-bands in England : but (land- ing troops, and m conflant pay, are properly fervants armed, who ufe the lance and the fword, as other fervants do the fickle or the bill, at the command and will of thofe who entertain them. And there- fore martial law is of all other the mod abfolute, and not like the government of a father, but a mailer. And this brings in another fort of power diilin6l from that already defcribed, which follows authority and confiils in the willing obedience of the people; but this in the command of foldiers, who as fervants are bound to execute the will and orders of thofe that lead them. And as avithority follows the qualities before- mentioned, fo this power follows riches, or the opinion of it •, a multitude of fervants being his th-u^t is able to maintain them. And thefe kind of forces come to be ufed by good Princes, only upon necefilty of providing for their defence againil great and armed neighbours or enemies ; but by ill ones as a fupport of decayed authority, or as they lofe the force of tha-t which is natural and paternal, and fo grow^ to fet up an intereil of thole that govern, different from that of thofe that are goveriied, v/hich ought ever to be the fame. Y2t nnd nature ofGovern-ment, 45 Yet this feems a muck weaker principle of govern- ment than the other ; for the number of foldiers can Tiever be great in proportion to that of people, no more than the number of thofe that are idle in a coun- try., to that of thofe who live by labour or induftry : fo as if the people come to unite by any ftrong paf- fion, or general intereft, or under the wife condud of any authority well rooted in their minds, they are mailers of armies. Befides, the humour of the peo- ple runs infenfibly among the very foldiers, fo as it feems much alike to keep off by guards a general in- fedlion, or an univerfal {edition ; for the diitemper in both kinds is contagious, and feizes upon the defen- ders themfelves. Befides, common pay is a faint prin- ciple of courage and adion, in comparifon of religion, liberty, honour, revenge, or nccefTity; which make every foldier have the quarrel as much at lieart as their leaders, and feem to have fpirited all the great adions and revolutions of the v/orid. And, laftly, without the force of authority this power of foldiers grows pernicious to their m after, who becomes their fervant, and is in danger of their mutinies as much as any governmicnt can be of the feditions of a people. If the father of our family govern it v;ith prudence, goodnefs, and fuccefs, and his eldeil fon appear heir to the virtues and worth of his father, he fucceeds in the government by a natural right, and by the ftrength of an authority both derived from his father, and ac- quired by his own perfonal qualities : but if either the elded fon, by qualities degenerate and ill, happen to lofe all trufc and opinion (and thereby authority) in the fximily •, or elfe to die before his time, and leave a child in his room 9 when the father comes to fail, then the children fall into counfels of eledlion, and either prefer the eldefi of the fons then living, or perhaps one later, and fo rem.oter in birth, according as he 3?jay have acquired authority by thofe qualities which D :j natu- 46 An effay upon the original naturally produce it, and promife the bed conduct: and protedion to the common affairs of the family. Where the father conies to lofe his authority, many of the elder, or wifer, of the fons increafe in theirs by the fame degree -, and when both thefe arrive at a cer- tain height, the nature of the government is ready for a change ; and upon the father's death, or general de- fedlion of the family, they fucceed in his authority, whilll the humour of the whole body runs againft the fucceiTion or eledion of any fingle perfon, which they are grown weary of by fo late an example •, and thus comes in what they call an Ariftocracy. But authority contracling itfeif (as it feems natural to do till it ends in a point or fingle perfon) this government falls fome- times into the hands of a fev/, who eflablifh it in their families -, and that is called an Oligarchy. If the au- thority come to be loft in either of thefe forms, while the children of the family grow into the manners and qualities, and perhaps into the condition and poverty, of fervants •, and while many of the fervants, by in- duftry and virtue, arrive at riches and efteem ; then the nature of the government inclines to a Democracy, or popular State, which is neareft confufion, or Anar- chy ; and often runs into it, unlefs upheld or direded by the authority of one, or of fome few in the State, though perhaps without titles, or marks of an extra- ordinary office or dignity. GOVERNMENTS, founded upon contrad, may? have fucceeded thofe founded upon authority: but the firft of them fhould rather feem to have been a- greed between Princes and fubjeds, than between men of equal rank and power. For the original of fub- jedtion was, I fuppofe, when one nation warring a- gainft another (for things neceffary to life, or for wo- men, or for extent of land) overcame their enemies ; ' • if and nature of Government. 47 if they only won a battle, and put their enemies to flight, thofe they took prifoners became their Haves, and continued fo in their generations, unlefs infran- chifed by their mailers : but if, by great (laughter, or frequent vidories, they fubdued the very courages of their enemies, while great numbers of them remained alive ; then the vanquifhed nation became fubjedt to the conquerors by agreement, and upon certain condi* tions of fafety and protedlion, and perhaps equal en- joyment of liberties and cufloms with the common natives under the other government : if, by fuch fre- quent fuccefles and additions, a nation extended itfelf over vaft tradls of land and numbers of people, it thereby arrived in time at the ancient name of king* dom, or modern of empire. After fuch a vidlory, the chiefefl of the conquering nations become rich and great upon the divifions of lands, of fpoils, and of (laves : by all which they grow into power, are Lords in their own lands, and over thofe that inhabit them, with certain rights or jurif^ didlions, and upon certain homages relerved to the Prince. The cuftom of employing thefe great per- fons in all great offices and councils grows to pafs for a right -, as all cuflom does with length and force of time. The Prince that governs according to the condi* tions of fubjedtion at firfl: agreed upon (of which ufe is the authentic record) and according to the ancient cufloms, which are the original laws (and by which the right of fucceiTion in the Crown, as well as pri* vate inheritance and common judice, is diredled and e(labh(hed) is called a lawful fovereign 5 he that breaks and violates thefe ancient conilitutions (efpe- cially that of fucceffion) is termed an ufurper. A free nation is that which has never been con- quered, or thereby entered into any conditions of fub* je€tion \ as the Romans y/ere, before they were liib- D 4 dued 48 An ejfay upon the original dued by the Goths and Vandals -, and as the Turks ieem to be at this time, who, having been called from Scythia to affift the Grecian empire againft that of the Saracens, made themfelves mailers of both. In countries fafer from foreign invafions either by feas or rivers, by mountains and paiTes, or great tradts of rough, barren, and uninhabited lands, people lived generally in fcaitered dwelhngs, or fmall villages : but, where invafion is eafy, and paiTage open, and bordering nations are great and valiant ; men croud together, and feek their fafety from numbers better united, and from walls and other fortifications, the ufe whereof is to make the few a match for the many, fo as they may fight or treat on equal terms. And this is the original of cities ; but the greatnefs and riches of them increafe according to the commodiouf- nefs of their fituation, in fertile countries, or upon rivers and havens, which furpafs the greatefl fertility of any foil, in furniihing plenty of all things neceflary to life or luxury. When families m^eet together, furround themfelves by v/ails, fall into order and laws (either invented by the wifdom of fomic one, or fome few men, and from the evidence of their public utility received by all ; or elfe introduced by experience and time) and thefe cities preferve themfelves in the enjoyment of their pofTef- fions, and obfervance of their inilitutions againft all invafions ; and never are forced to fubmit to the will of any conqueror, or condition of any abfolute fub- jedion ; they are called free cities •, and of fuch there v/ere many of old, in Greece and Sicily, deducing their original from fome one founder or lawgiver : and are many now in Germany fubject to no laws but their own, and thofe of the Empire, which is an union of many fovereign powers, by v^hofe general confent in their diets all its conilitutions are framed and efta- blilhed. ; ■ " QQmmot^T and nature of Government. 49 Commonwealths were nothing^mere in their origi- nal, but free cities, though fometimes by force of orders and difcipline, or of a numerous and valiant people, they have extended themfelves into mighty dominions ; and often, by fituation and trade, grow to vail riches, and thereby to great power, by force of mercenary arms. And thefe leem to be more arti- ficial, as thofe of a fmgle perfon the more natural, go- vernments ; being forced to fuppiy the v/ant of au- thority by wife inventions, orders, and inflitutions. For authority can never be fo great in m^any as in one, bccaufe the opinion of thofe qualities, wliich -acquire it, cannot be equal in feveral perfons. Thefe governments feem to be introduced, either by the wifdom and moderation of fome one lawgiver, who has authority enough with the people, to be fol- lowed and obferved in all his orders and advices •, and yet prefer that which he efceems public utiHty, before any interefl or greatnefs of his own (fuch were Ly- curgus in Sparta, and Solon in Athens, and Timoleon in Syracufe :) or elfe by the confluence of many families out of fome countries expofed to fome fierce or barba- rous invafions, into places fortified by nature, and fe- cure from the fury and mifery of fuch conquers (fuch were Rhodes of old, and feveral fmall iilands upon the coafls of Ionia ; and fuch was Venice, founded upon the inundation of the barbarous nations over Italy :) or laftly, by the fuppreffion and extindlion of fome ty- ranny, which, being thrown off by the violent indigr nation of an opprefied people, makes way for a popu- lar government, or at leaft feme form very contrary to that which they lately execrated and detelied : fuch v/ere Rome upon the expulfion of the Tarquins, and the United Provinces upon their revolt from Spain. Yet are none of thefe forms to be raifed or upheld with- out the influence of authority, acquired by the force pf Qpinion of thofe virtues above-mentioned, which concurred 50 An effay upon the original concurred in Brutus among the Romans, and in Prince "William of Orange among thofe of the Netherlands. I will not enter into the arguments or comparifons of the feveral forms of government that have been, or are in the world ; wherein that caufe feems com- monly the better, that has the better advocate, or is advantaged by frelher experience, and impreflions of good or evil, from any of the forms among thofe that judge : they have all their heights and their falls, their ftrong and weak fides-, are capable of great perfe6tions, andfubjedl to great corruptions j and though the pre- ference feem already decided in what has been faid of a fingle perfon being the original and natural govern* ment •, and that it is capable of the greatell authority (which is the foundation of all eafe, fafety, and order in the governments of the world) yet it may perhaps be the moft reafonably concluded. That thofe forms are beft, which have been longeft received and autho« rized in a nation by cuftom and ufe ^ and into which the humours and manners of the people run with the moft general and ftrongeft current. Or eife, that thofe are the beft governments, Vv^here the beft men govern ; and that the difference is not fo great in the forms of magiftracy, as in the perfons of magiftrates •, which may be the fenfe of what was faid of old (taking wife and good men to be meant by philofophers) that the beft governments v/ere thofe, where Kings were philofophers, or philo^ fophers Kings. THE fafety and firmnefs of any frame of go- vernment may be beft judged by the rules of An- chite6lure, which teach us that the Pyramid is of all figures the firmeft, and leaft fubjed to be fhaken or overthrown by any concufTions or accidents from the earth or air ; and it 2:rov7s ftill fo much the firmer, by and nature of Government, 5 1 by how much broader the bottom and fharper the top. The ground, upon which all government ftands, is the content of the people, or the greateft or flrongeft part of them ; whether this proceed from reflexions upon what is pad, by the reverence of an authority under which they and their anceflors have for many ^ges been born and bred j or from a fenfe of what is prefent, by the eafe, plenty, and fafety they enjoy ; or from opinions of what is to come, by the fear they have from the prefent government, or hopes from anothei*. Now that government which by any of thefe, or all thefe ways, takes in the confent of the greateil number of the people, and confequently their defires and refolutions to fupport it, may juftly be faid to have the broadeft bottom, and to ftand upon the lar-» geft compafs of ground ; and, if it terminate in the authority of one fmgle perfon, it may likewife be faid to have the narrowell top, and fo to make the figure of the firmefl fort of pyramid. On the contrary, a government which by alienating the affedions, lofing the opinions, and crofling the intereils of the people, leaves out of its compafs the greateil part of their confent, may juftly be faid, in the fame degrees it thus lofes ground, to narrow its bottom : and if this be done to ferve the ambition, humour the paiTion, fatisfy the appetites, or advance the power and interefcs not only of one man, but of two, or more, or many that come to fhare in the go- vernrneni ; by this means the top m.ay be juftly faid to grow broader, as the bottom narrower by the other. Now by the fame degrees that either of thefe happen, the fLability of the figure is by the fame leiTencd and impitired •, fo as at certain degrees it begins to grow fubjed to accidents of wind and weather •, and at cer- tain others, it is fure to fall of itfelf, or by the leaf!: |hake that happens to the ground. By ja An ejjay upon the original By thefe meafures it will appear, that a monarch/ where the Prince governs by the afFedions, and ac- cording to the opinions and intereiis, of his people, or the bulk of them (that is, by many degrees the ^reateft or flrongefl part of them) m.akes of all others the fafeil and firmeft government : and on the con- trary, a popular State v/hich is not founded in the ge- neral humours and interefl: of the people, but only of the perfons v/ho fhare in the government, or depend upon it, is of all others the mofc uncertain, unilable, andfubjed: to the moil frequent and eafy changes. That a monarchy the lefs it takes in of the people's opinions and intereiis, and the more it takes in of the paffions and intereft of particular men (befides thofc of the Prince, and contrary to thofe of the people) the more unliable it grov/s, and the more endangered by every ftorm in the air, or every fiiake of the earth : and a commonwealth, the miOre it takes in of the ge- neral humour and bpnt of the people, and the mjore it fpires up to a head by the authority of fome one per- Ibn founded upon the love and efteem of the people j the firmer it ftands, and lefs fubjed to danger or change by any conculHons of earth or of air. 'Tis true that a pyramid reverfed may ftand a v/hile upon its point, if balanced by admirable fkill. and held up by perpetual care, and there be a calm in the air about it : nay, if the point be very hard and ftrong, and the foil very yielding and foft, it may pierce into the ground with time, fo as to grow the firmer the longer it (lands : but this lafl can never happen if either the top of the figure be weak or foft, pr if the foil be hard and rough ; and at the bed it is fubjed; to be overthrown, if not by its own weight, yet whenever any foreign weight (hall chance to fall upon any part of it •, and the firft mull overturn when- , ^ver there happens any unequality in the balance, or any negligence in the hands that fet it Ujp ; and, even widiout and nature of Government. 5 j Without either of thofe, whenever there arifes any vi- olence to fhake it, either from the winds abroad, or thofe in the bowels of the earth where it Hands. I will not pretend from this fcheme to prefage or judge of the future events that may attend any go- vernments \ which is the bufinels of thofe that are more concerned in them than I am, and write with- other defigns than that alone of diicoverlng and clear- ing truth : but I think any man m.ay deduce from it the caufes of the feveral revolutions we may find up- on record to have happened in the governments of the worlds except fuch as have been brought about by the unrefiftable force and conquefcs of fome nations over others whom they very much furmounted ir^ llrength, courage, and numbers : yet the brave, long, and al moil incredible defences that have fiiill been made by thofe governments, which were rooted in the gene- ral affe6lion.s, efteem, and interefts- of the nation, make it feem probable that almoil all the conquefls v/e read of have been made way for, or in fome meafure faci- litated, if not aflifled, by the weaknefs af the conquer- ed government, grown from the difefreem, dilTatisfac- tion, or indifterency of the people ; or from thofe vi- cious and effeminate conPcitutions of body and mind among them, v/hich ever grov/ up in the corrupt air of a weak or loofe, a vicious or a fad:ious State j and fuch can never be flrong in the hearts of the people, nor confequently firm upon that v/hich is the true bottom of ail governments in the w^orld. Thus the fm^all Athenian State refiued with fuccefs the vail pov/er and forces of the Pcrfians in the time of Miltiades and Themiilocles ; Rome thole of tlieGauls in the time of Camiilus, and the vad armies colieded. from Afric, Spain, and the greateii part of Italy, ia the Carthaginian wars (under the condu6l of feveral great Captains, but chiefly Fabius and Scipio :) the little principality of Epire Vy^as invincible by the whole pov;er 54 -^^^ ^S^y ^pon the originat power of the Turks in three feveral invafions undef then* Prince Caftriot (commonly called Scanderbeg :) the kingdom of Leon and Oviedo, by all the wars of the Moors or Saracens for many ages •, the State of Venice, by thofe of the Turks : the Switzers, by the power of the Emperors ; and the Hollanders by that of Spain •, becaufe in all thefe wars the people were both united and fpirited by the common love of their country, their liberty, or religion, or by the more particular efteem and love of their Princes and leaders. In the conqueft of the Lydians by Cyrus, and the Perfians by Alexander ; of the great Afian and Egyp- tian Kings by the Roman State \ and of all the Ro- man provinces by the feveral Northern (or, as they were ufuaily called, barbarous) nations ; of the Spa- niards by the Moors \ the Gauls by the Franks ; and of our ancient Britons by the Saxons ; it is eafy and ob- vious to obferve that the refillances were rendered faint and weak, either by the foft and effeminate difpofitions of the people grown up under the eafinefs, or exam- ples of vicious or luxurious Princes whom they nei- ther honour nor willingly obey ; or elfe by the com- mon hatred and difdain of their prefent fervitude, which they were content to change for any other that came in their way •, or laftly, by the diftraded faftions pf a difcontented nation, who agreed in no one com- mon defign or defence ; nor under any authority grounded upon the general love or efbeem of thepeople. Of inflability and changes of government arrived by narrov/ing their bottoms, which are the confent and concurreiKe of the people's affedlions and interefls, all llories and ages afford continual example. From hence proceeded the frequent tumults, feditions, and altera- lions in the commonwealths of Athens and Rome, as often as eirhcr by the charms of orators, or the fway of men grov^n to unufual power and riches, the go- vernments were engaged in counfeis or adions contra- ry and nature of Government. 5 5 ry to the general interefts of the people. Hence the ieveral violent changes that have arrived in the races or perfons of the Princes of England, France, or Spain : nor has the force hereof appeared any where more vi- fible than in France, during the reign of Henry III. and a conftant fucceflion of minions (as they were then called) where all was condu6ted by the private paf- fions, humours, and interefts of a few perfons in fole confidence with the King, contrary to thofe more pub- lic and current of the people \ till he came to lofe at firft all efteem, and afterwards obedience, and, at laft^ his life in the troubles given him by the League. That government was in the fame manner expofed to the dominion of fucceedino- favourites durinor the o o regency of the Queen-mother, in the minority of Lewis XIII. which occafioned perpetual commotions in that State, and changes in the miniftry ; and would certainly have produced thofe in the govern- ment too, if Richlieu, having gained the abfolute afcendant in that Court, had not engaged in the de- figns, at firft, of a war upon the Hugonots, and, af- ter that was ended, upon Spain ; in both which he fell |n with the current humour and difpofitionsof the peo- ple ; which, with the profperous fuccelles of both thofe enterprifes, helped to bear up him and the go- vernment againft all the hatred and continual prac- tices of the great ones in the kingdom. But the two frefheft examples may be drav/n from the revolutions of England in the year fixty, and of Holland in feventy-two. In the firft, the ufurp- ed powers, that had either defigned no root, or at ieaft drawn none but only in the affedions and interefts of thofe that were engaged with the government i thought themfelves fecure in the ftrength of an unfoil- ed army of above fixty thoufand men, and in a reve- nue proportionable, raifed by the awe of their forces, though with th^ mock- forms of legal fupplies by pre- tended «;6 An ejjay upon the original tended Parliaments ; yet we faw them forced to giv'e' way to the bent and current humour of the people, irs favour of their ancient and lawful government ; and this mighty army, of a fudden, lole their heart and their iirength, abandon what they had fo long called their caufe and their intereft, and content themfelves to be moulded again into the mafs of the people j and, by confpiring with the general humour of the nation, make way for the King's glorious reftoration without a drop of blood drawn in the end of a quarrel, the beginning and courfe whereof had been fo fatal to the kingdom. For the other in Holland, the conflitution of their government had continued twenty years in the hands of their popular magiflrates, after the exclufion or intermiffion of the authority of the houfe of Orange, upon the death of the lail Prince, and infancy of this. The chief direction of their affairs had for eighteen years lain conitantly in the hands of their Penfioner be Witt, a minifter of the greateft authority and fuffi- ciency, the greated application and induftry that was ever known in their State. In the courfe of his minif- try, he and his party had reduced not only all the ci- vil charges of the government in his Province, but in a manner all the military commands in the army, out of the hands of perfons affectionate to the houfe of Orange, into thofe efleemed fure and fad to the inte- refts of their more popular State. And all this had been attended, for fo long a courfe of years, with the perpetual fuccefs of their affairs, by t^e growth of their trade, riches, and power at home, and the con- iideration of their neighbours abroad : yet the general humour of kindnefs in the people to their own form of government, under the Princes of Orange, grew up with the age and vircues of the young Prince, fo as to raife the profped: of fome unavoidable revolu- tions among them, for feveral years before it arrived. And' and nature of Government, ^^ And wfe have {^tx\ it grow to that heighth in this pre- fent year, upon the Prince's coming to the two and twentieth of his age (the time afligned him by their conftitutions for his entering upon the public charges of their milice) that, though it had found them in peace, it mufb have occafioned fome violent fedition m their State : but, meeting with the conjundlure of a foreign invafion, it broke out iiito fo furious a rage of the people, and fuch general tumults through the whole country, as ended in the blood of their chief minifters \ in the difplacing all that were fafpe^led to be of their party throughout the government •, in the full reftitution of the Prince's authority to the highefh point any of his anceilors ever enjoyed-, but^ withal^ in fuch a dillradiion of their counfels, and their ac- tions, as made way for the eafy fuccefles of the French invafion, for the lofs of almoft five of their Provinces. in two months time, and for the general prefages ©f ytter ruin to their States Vol, 1, % OiS^ OBSERVATIONS UPON THE UNITED PROVINCES O F T H E NETHERLANDS. P R E F A C E. T TA VING lately feen the State of the United Pre^ ■£_ ^ vinceSy after a prodigious growth in riches^ beauty ^ extent of commerce^ and number of inhabitants^ arrived at length to fuch a height {by the firength of their natives^ their fortified towns and flanding- forces^ with a eonftant reve?iue proportioned to the fupport of all this greatnefs) as made them the envy offome^ the fear of other Sy and the ^vonder of all their neighbours : We have ^ this fummer p aft ^ beheld the fame State, in the r/iidft of great appearing fafety, order, ftrength, and 'vigour, ahnoft ruined and broken to pieces in fome few days, and by very few blows ; and reduced in a manner to its firft principles of weaknefs and diftrefs ; expofed, cpprejfed, and very near at mercy : their inland provinces f wallowed up ly an invafion, ahnoft as fiidden, and unre- Jifted, PREFACE. §g Jifted^ as the inundations to which the ethers are fubjcB t and the remainders of their State rather kept alive by neg^ k^ or dijconcert of its enemies^ than by any firength of _ nature^ or endeavours at its oivn recovery, Now^ hecaufe fuch a greatnefs^ and fuch a fall cf this State^ feem revolutions unparalleled in any ftory^ and hard- ly conceived even hy thofe who have lately feen them ; / thought it might he worth an idle tnan^s time to give feme account of the rife and prcgrefs cf this cc:mnon\joealth^ the caufes of their greatnefs^ and the feps towards their fall: which were all made by motions^ perhaps little taken no^ iice of by co?nmon eyes^ and ahnoft undifcernible to any mart that was 7iot placed to the beft advantage^ and fomsthing concerned^ as well as much inclined^ to obferve them. ^he ufual duty cf employments abroad^ impofed not on- ly by cuflor.i^ but by orders of State ^ made it fit for me to prepare fome formal 'account of this country and govern- ment^ after two years emhaffy in the midjl of fo great con- jun5lures and negotiations among them. And fuch a re- volution as has fince happened there., though it may have made thefe difcourfes little important to his Ma- jefty., or his council ; yet it will fiot have rejidered them lefs agreeable to common eyes^ who^ like men that live near thefea^ will run out upon, the cliffs to gaze at it in a ftornii though they would not look out of their windows to fee it in a calm. Befides. at a time when the aEiions of this fcene take up^ fo generally^ the eyes and difcourfes of their neighbours., . and the maps of their country grczu fo much in requeft •, / thought a map of their State and goUernme'nt would net he unwelcome to the worlds fince it is full as neceffary as the others to underftand the late revolutions and changes among them. And as no ma',^sfiory can be well written till be is dead ; fo the account of this State could not be well given till its fal\ which may juftly be dated from the events cf lafl fummer (whatever fortunes 772ay further at'^ tend them) fince therein we have feen the fudden and vi* IL 2 ^ chit 6o PREFACE. elent diffolution of that more popular government^ ivhiS had continued^ and made Jo much noife^ for above twenty years^ in the worlds without the exercife or influence of the authority of the Princes of Orange^ a part fo effential in the firfi confiitutions of their State. Nor can I u holly lofe my pains in this adventure^ when I fh all gain the eafe of anfwering this way^ at once^ thofe many queflions I have lately been ufed to upon this occafion i which made me firft obferve^ and wonder^ how ignorant we were^ generally, in the affairs and confiitutions of a country, fo much in our eye J the common road of our travels^ as well as fubje5t of our talk, and which we have beeuy. of late, not only curious^ but concerned, to know. I am very fenfible, how ill a trade it is to write, whert much is ventured, and little can be gained •, fince whoever does it ill, is fur e of contempt •, and the jufiliefi that ca^vbe-, when no man provokes him to dif cover his own follies, or to trouble the world. If he writes well, he raifes the en- vy of thofe wits that are pojfeffed of the vogue, and are jealous of their preferment there, as if it were in love, or inflate-, and have found, that the near eft way to their cwn reputation lies, right or wrong, by the derifion of other 7nen\ But, however, I am not in pain •; for it is the af- f elation of praife, that makes the fear of reproach ; a7td I write without other dejign than of entertaining very idle men, and, among them, ?nyfelf. For I muft confefs, that being wholly ufdefs to the public, and unacquamted with the cares of increaftng riches (which buf^' the wo7'ld -,) being grown cold to the pleafures of younger or livelier men ; avA having ended the entertainments of building and planting, (which ufe to fucceed them -,) finding little tafte in common converfation, and trouble in much reading, from the care of my eyes fince an illnefs contracted by many unneceffavy diligences in my employments abroad : there can hardly he found an idler man than I, nor, confequently, one more ex- cufable for giving way to fiich amufements as this : having nothing to do, but to enjoy the eafe of a private life a7td' fortune. PREFACE. 6i fortune^ which^ as I know no man envies^ fo^ I thank God, no man can reproach. I am not ignorant^ that the vein of reeding never ran lower than in this age ; and feldcm goes farther than tht defign cj raifmg a ftock to firrnijh fame calling' or rcnvcr-- fation : the defire of knowledge being either laughed out, of doors by the wit that fleafes the age^ or beaten out by intereft that fo much pojj'efjes it -, and the amufement of books giving way to the liberties or refinements of pie a fare that were formerly lefs known^ or lefs avowed than now, 7'et fome there will always be found in the worlds who ajk m more at their idle hours^ than to forget themf elves \ and whether that be brought about by drink or play., by love or hufmefs., or by fome diverfwns m idle as this., it is all a cafe, Befides^ it may pojjibly fall out., at one time or other., that fome Prince., or great Minifler., may not be illpleafed in thefe kind of memorials (upon fuch a fubjeB) to trace the fteps of trade and rkhes., of order and power in a State., and thofe likewife of weak or violent counfels., of corrupt or ill condu^., of faction or obftinacy., which decay and diffolve thefirmeft governments \ that fo., by refie&ions tipon foreign events., they may provide the better and the earlier againft thofe at home., and raife their own honour end happinefs by equal degrees with the profperity and fafety of the nations they govern. ■ For., under favour of thofe wloo would pafs for wits in our age., by faying things which., David tells us., the fool faid in his-, /ind fet up with bringing thofe vJares to market., which., God knows ^ have been always in the worlds though kept up in corners., becaufe they ufed to mark their ■owners., in former ages., with the names of buffoons., pro- fane or impudent rnen who deride all form and order., as well as piety and truth., and., under the notion of fopperies .^ tndeavour to diffolve the very bonds of all civil fociety^ though by the favour and protection thereof they them* felves enjoy fo much greater proportions of wealth and of fleafiires^ than would fall to their fh are if all lay in c-cm^ E 3 mon.^ 62 P R E F A C E. mon^ as they feem to deftgn (for then fuch pojfffftcns would belong of right to the ftrongeji and hravefi among us.) Under favour of fuch men, I believe it will be found, at cue time or other, by all who pall try, that, whiljl human nature continues what it is, the fame orders in State, the fame difcrplint in armies, the fame reverence for things fa- cred and refpe5l of civil i'nfiitutions, the fame virtues and difpoftticns of Princes or Magiflrates, derived, by inter efi €r imitation, into the cuftoms and humours of the peopky will ever have the fame effebls upon the ftrength a?id great - fiefs of all governments, and upon the honour and autho- rity of thofe that rule, as well as the happinefs and f^fety pf thofe that obey. Nor are we to think Princes thernfelves lofers, or lefs entertained, when we fee them employ their time and their thoughts in fo ufeful fpecula,tions, and to fo glorious ends : i?ut that rather thereby they attain their true prerogative cf being happier, as well as greater, than fubjeSls can be ^ For all the pleafures of fenfe that any man can enjoy, are within the reach cf a private fortune and crdJnary contri- n)ance ; grow fainter with age, and duller with ufe •, mufi he revived with inte-rmiffions, and wait upon the returns cf appetite, which are no m^ore at call of the rich than the poor* ^he fiafhes of wit and good humour that rife from the vapours of wine, are little different from thofe that proceed from the heats of blood in the firft approaches of fevers or frenzies, and are to be valued, but as (in- 4eed) they are, the effects of diftemper. But the plea- fures of imagination, as they heighten and refme the very pleafures of fenfe, fo they are of larger extent, and longer duration •, and if the mofifenfual man will confefs there is a pleafure in pleafing he mufl likewife allow there is good to a man^s felf in doing good to others : and the further this extends, the higher it rifes, and the longer it lafls. Bejides, there is beauty in order, and there are fharms in well-deferved praife : and both are the greater, kyhow much greater the fubje^i -, as the firfi appearing in a well- PREFACE, 63 ^ well-framed and zvell-governed State^ and the other arifing from noble and generous anions. Nor can any -veins of good humour he greater than thofe that fwell by thefuccefs of wife counfels^ ajtd by the fortunate events of public affairs ; fince a man that takes plcafiire in doing good to ten thoufand^ miifi needs have more^ than he that takes none hut in doing gc-od to himfelf But thefe thoughts lead me too far^ and to little purpofe ; therefore I foall leave them for thofe I had firft in my head^ concerning the State of the United Provinces. And whertas the greatnefs of their flrength and reve- nues grew out of the vaftnefs of their trade ^ into which their religion^ their manners and dfpofitions^ their fitua- tion, and the form of their government ^ were the chief in- gredients ; and this laft had been raifed^ partly upon an old foundation^ and partly with materials brought together by many and various accidents : it will be necefjary^ for the furvey of this great frame^ to give fome account of the rife andprogrefs of their Staie^ by pointing out the moft remark- able occafionsof the firfi^ andperiodj of the others to dif- cover the nature and conftitutions of their government in its fever al parts ^ and the motions of it^ from the firft and Jmalleft wheels \ to obfe-rve what is peculiar to them in iheir fttuation or difpqfitions^ and what in their religion \ to take a furvey of their trad-e^ and the caufes of it -, of the forces and revenues which compofed their greatnefs^ und the circumftances and conjunctures which confpired to their fall. And thefe are the heads that foall make the order and argume?its in the feveral parts of thefe Obfer^ vatiom. E4 CHAP. ^4 Ohfervations upon the United Provinces, CHAP. I. Of the rife and progrefs of the United Provinces'^ WJ Hoever will take a view of the rife of this com^ y Y men wealth, mull trace it up as high as the firfi cGmmotions in the Seventeen Provinces under the Duchefs of Parma's government, and the true caufes of that more avowed and general revolt in the Duke of Alva's time : and, to find out the natural fprings of thofe revolutions, mufl: refle6t upon that fort of government under which the inhabitants of thofe provinces Hved for fo many ages paft, in the fubjediion of their feveral Dukes or Counts, till, by marriages, fucceffions, or conquefl, they came to be united in the houfe of Burgundy, under Philip fur- named The Good : and afterwards in that of Auftria, under Philip father of Charles the fifth ; and lafily, in the perfon of that great Emperor incorporated with thofe vaft dominions of Germany and Spain, Italy and the Indies. Nor will it be from the purpofe, upon this fearch, to run a little higher into the antiquities of thefe coun- tries ; for though moil men are contented only to fee a river as it runs by them, and talk of the changes in it as they happen ; when it is troubled, or v/hen clear; when it drowns the country in a flood, or forfakes it in a drought : yet he that would know the nature of the water, and the caufes of thofe accidents, (fo as to guefs at their continuance or return) muft find out its fource, and obferve with what ftrength it rifes, what kngth it runs, and how many fmall ilreams fall in, and feed it to fuch a heig-ht, as make it either delio;ht- fql or terrible to the eye, a|id ufeful or dangerous tq the country about it. The numbers and fury of the northern nations, un- der Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, 65 der many different names, having by feveral inunda- tions broken down the whole frame of the Roman em- pire (extended in their provinces as far as the Rhine) either gave a birth, or made way for the feveral king- doms and principalities that have fince continued in the parts of Europe on this fide that river, which made the ancient limits of the Gallick and German nations. The trad of land, which we ufually call the Low- Countries, was fo wafted by the invalions or marches of this raging people (who pafTed by them to greater conquefts) that the inhabitants grew thin ; and, being fecure of nothing they pofTeffed, fell to feek the fup- port of their lives, rather by hunting, or by violence, than by labour and induftry ; and thereby the grounds came to be uncultivated, and in the courfe of years turned either to foreft, or marfhes ; which are the two natural foils of all defolated lands in the more tempe- rate regions. For by foaking of frequent fhowers, and the courfe of waters from the higher into lower grounds, when there is no ilTue that helps them to break out into a channel, the fat land grows to be a mixture of earth and water, and neither of common ufe nor paflage to man or beaft, which is called a marlh. The higher, and fo the drier parts, moiftened by the rain, and warmed by the fun, flioot forth fome forts of plants, as naturally as bodies do forne forts of hair, which being preferved by the defolatenefs of a place untrodden, as well as unfilled, grow to fuch trees or (hrubs as are natural to the foil •, and thofe in time, producing both food and fhelter for feveral kind of beafts, make the fort of country w^e call a Foreft. And fuch was Flanders for m.any years before Char- lemaign's time, when the pov/er of the Francs, havino- raifed and eftablifhed a great kingdom of their own, upon the entire conqueft of Gaul, began to reduce the diforders pf that country to the form of a civil, or (at leaft) 66 Obfervafions upon the United Provinces. leaft) military government ; to make divifions and diftributions of lands and jurifdidions, by the bounty of the Prince, or the fervices of his chief followers and commanders : to one of whom a great extent of this land was given, with the title of Forefter of Flan- ders. This office continued for feveral defcents, and began to civilize the country, by repreffing the vio- lence of robbers and fpoikrs, who infelled the woody and fall places, and by encouraging the milder peo- ple to fall into civil fbcieties, to truft to their induflry for fubfiflance, to laws for prote6lion, and to their arms united under the care and condu6t of their go- vernors, for fafety and defence. In the time of Charlemaign, as fome write, or, as o- thers, in that of Charles the Bald, Flanders was ered- ed into a county, which changed the title of Forefter for that of Count, without interrupting the fucfcelTion. What the extent of this county was at firft, or how far the jurifdidbion of Forefters reached-, I cannot af- firm \ nor whether it only bordered upon, or included the lower parts of the vaft woods of Ardenne, which, in Charlemaign's time, was all forcft as far as Aix, and the rough country for fome leagues beyond it, and was ufed commonly by that Emperor for his hunting : this appears by the ancient records of that city, which attribute the difcovery, or, at leaft, re- trieving the knowledge of thofe hot baths, to the for- tune of that Prince while he was hunting : for his horfe, poching one of his legs into fome hollow ground, made way for the fmoking water to break out, and gave occafion for the Emperor's building that city, and making it his ulual feat, and the place of coro- nation for the following Emperors. Holland, being an ifland made by the dividing branches of the ancient Rhine, and called formerly Batavia, was efteemed rather a part of Germany than Qm\ (between whichit was featedj in regard of its being Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, 67 being planted by the Catti, a great and ancient peo- ple of Germany, and was treated by the Romans ra- ther as an allied than fubje6led province ; who drew from thence no other tribute befides bands of foldiers much elleemed for their valour, and joined as auxi- liaries to their legions in their Gallic, German^ and Britiih wars. It is probable, this ifland changed in a great mea- fure inhabitants and cuftoms, as well as names, upon the inroads of the barbarous nations, but chiefly of the Normans and Danes, from whofe countries and language the names of Holland and Zealand feem to be derived. Bur, about the year 860, a fon of the Count of Frize, by a daughter of the Emperor Lewis II, was by him inftituted Count of Holland, and gave beginning to that title ; which, running fince that time through fo many dired: or collateral fuccefTions and fome ufurpations, came to an end at lafl in Philip II. King of Spain, by the defedion of the United Pro* vinces. Under thefe firft Foreflers and Counts (who began to take thofe wafted countries and mixed people into their care, and to intend the growth, ftrength, and riches of their fubjeds, which they efteemed to be their own) many old and demoliflied caftles were rebuilt, many new ones erecled, and given by the Princes to thofe of their fubjeds or friends whom they moft loved or efteemed, with large circuits of land for their fupport, and feig- neurial jurifdidiiion over the inhabitants ; and this upon feveral eafy conditions, but chiefly of attendance on their Prince at the neceflfary times of either honouring bim in peace, or ferving him in war. Nay poflibly, fome of thofe feigneuries and their jurifdidiions may, as they pretend, have been the remains of fome old principalities in thofe countries among the Gallick and German nations, the firft inftitutions whereof were loft in the jmmenfity pf time that preceded the Ro- maic €B Ohfervations upon the United Provinces, mzn difcoveries or conqueft, and might be derived perhaps from the firfl paternal dominion, or concur- rence of loofe people into orderly neighbourhoods, with a deference, if not fubje6tion, to the wifeft or braveft among them. Under the fame Counts were either founded or re- ftored many cities and towns •, of which the old had their ancient freedoms and jurifdidlions confirmed, or others annexed; and the new had either the fame granted to them by example of the others, or great immunities and privileges for the encouragement of inhabitants to come and people in them : all thefe confbitutions agreeing much in fubftance, perhaps by imitation, or elfe by the agreeing nature of the people for whom, or by whom, they were framed, but dif- fering in form according to the difference of their ori- ginal, or the feveral natures, cuftoms, and interefts of the Princes, whofe conceffions many of them were, and all their permijflions. Another conflitution, which entered deep into their government, may be derived from another fource. For thofe Northern nations, whofe unknown lan- guage and countries perhaps made them be called Barbarous (though indeed almoft all nations out of Italy and Greece were ftyled fo by the Ramans) bue whofe victories in obtaining new feats, and orders in pofTefling them, might make us allow them for a better policied people, than they appeared by the vafl- nefs of their multitude, or the rage of their battles : wherever they pafled, and feated their colonies and dominions, they left a conilitution which has fmce been called, in moft European languages, the States ; confifting of three orders. Noble, Ecclefiaftical, and Popular, under the limited principality of one perfon, with the ftyle of King, Prince, Duke, or Count. The remainders, at leaft, or traces hereof, appear Itill in ail the principalities founded by thofe people in Italy, France^ Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, 69 France, and Spain ; and were of a pkce with the pre- lent conftitiitions in moft of the great dominions on the other (ide of the Rhine ; and it feems to have been a temper firft introduced by them between the tyranny of the eaftern kingdoms, and the liberty of the Grecian or Roman commonwealths. It is true, the Goths were gentiles when they firib broke into the Roman Empire, till one great fwarm of this people, upon treaty with one of the Roman Em- perors, and upon conceffions of a great tradl of land to be a feat for their nation, embraced at once the chriftian faith. After which, the fame people break- ing out of the Hmits had been allowed them, and by frefh numbers bearing all dawn where they beat their march ; as they were a great means of propagating re- ligion in many parts of Europe, where they extended their conquefts ; fo the zeal of thefe new profelytes, warmed by the veneration they had for their Biihops and Pafbors, and enriched by the fpoils and pofTeflions of fo vail countries, feems to have been the firft thai: introduced the maintenance of the churches and cler- gy, by endowments of lands, lordlhips, and vaifals, appropriated to them -, for before this time the au- thority of the priefthood in all religions feemed v/hoUy to confift in the people's opinion of their piety, learn- ing, or virtues, or a reverence for their chara6ler and myftical ceremonies and inilitutions -, their fupport, or their revenues, in the voluntary oblations of pious men, the bounty of Princes, or in a certain fhare out of the labours and gains of thofe who lived under their cure, and not in any fubje^lion of men's lives or fortunes, which belonged wholly to the civil power : and Ammianus, though he taxes the luxury of the Bi- ihops in Valentinian's time, yet he fpeaks of their ri- ches, which occafioned or fomented it, as arifing wholly from the oblations of the people. But the devotion, of thefe new Chriftians introducing this new form ot 2 endowins 70 Ohfervations upon theTJnited'Provinces, endowing their churches; and afterwards Pepin and Charlemaign, Kings of the Francs, upon their vid:ories in Italy, and the favour of the Roman Bilhop to their title and arms, having annexed great territories and jurifdi6tions to that fee *, this example, or cuilom, was followed by moil Princes of the northern races through the reft of Europe, and brought in to the clergy great pofleffions of lands, and by a necefiary confequence a great iliare of temporal power, from the dependences* of their fubje(5ls or tenants ; by which means they came to be generally one of the three orders that compofed the alTembly of the States in every country. This conftitution of the States had been eftablifhed from time immemorial in the fevcral provinces of the Low Countries, and was often aiTem.bled for de- termining difputes about fucceflion of their Princes, where doubtful or contefted ; for deciding thofe be- tween the great towns ; for raifmg a milice for the defence of their country in the wars of their neigh- bours \ for advice in time of dangers abroad, or dif- contents at home \ but always upon the new fuccef- fion of a Prince, and upon any new impofitions that were neceflary on the people. The ufe of this affem- bly was another of thofe liberties, whereof the inha- bitants of thefe provinces were fo fond and fo tena- cious. The reft, befides thofe ancient privileges al- ready mentioned of their towns, were concefTions and graces of feveral Princes \ in particular, exemptions or immunities, jurifdiclion both in choice and exer- cife of magiftracy and civil judicature within them- felves ; or elfe in the cuftoms of uling none but native^ in charges and offices, and paffing all weighty affairs by the great council compofed of the great Lords of the country, who were in a manner all temporal, there being but three Bilhops in all the Seventeeiii Provinces till the time of Philip II. of Spain , The revenues of thefe Princes confifted in their an-* cient Chap. I. Of their rife and progrcfs. yi cient demefnes, in fmall cuftoms (which yet grew confiderable by the greatnefs of trade in the maritime towns) and in the voluntary contributions of their fubjedts, either in the States or in particular cities, ac- cording to the neceiTities of their Prince, or the af- fedions of the people. Now were thefe frequent ; for the forces of thefe Counts wxre compofed of fuch Lords, who, either by their governments or other of- fices, or by the tenure of their lands, were obliged to at- ten4 their Prince on horfeback, with certain numbers of men upon all his wars : or elfe of a milice, which was called Les gens d' ordonnance^ who ferved on foot, and were not unlike our trained-bands -, the ufe, or at leaft ftyie, whereof was renewed in Flanders upon the laft war with France in 1667, when the Count Eg- mont was made, by the Governor, General des gens d^ ordonnance. Thefe forces were defrayed by the cities or court-* tries, as the others were railed by the Lords when oc- cafion required ; and all were licenfed immediately when it was paft, fo that they were of little charge to the Prince. His Vv^ars were but with other Princes of his own fize, or competitors to his principality ; or fometimes with the mutinies of his great tov/ns ; fhort, though violent ; and decided by one battle or fiege ; unlefs they fell into the quarrels between Eng- land and France, and then they were engaged but in the ikirts of the war, the grofs of it being waged be- tween the two Kings, and thefe fmaller Princes made ufe of for the credit of alliance, or fometimes the com- modioufnefs of a diverfion^ rather than for any great weight they made in the main of the altair. The mod frequent v/ars of the Counts of Holland were with the Frizons, a part of the old Saxons ; and the fierceft battles of fome of the Counts of Flandera were with the Normans, who pafled that way into France, and were the laft of thofe rations that have- in felted 72 Ohjervatlom upon the United Provinces, infefted the more fonthern parts of Europe. I have fometimes thought, how it ftiould have come to pafs, that the infinite fwarm of that vaft northern hive, which fo often (hook the world like a great tempeft^ and overflowed it like a great torrent; changing names, and cuftoms, and government, and language, and the very face of nature, wherever they feated them- felves ; which, upon record of ilory, under the name of Gauls, pierced into Greece and Italy, facking Rome, and befieging the Capitol in Camillus's time •, under that of the Cimbers, marched through France, to the very confines of Italy, defended by Marius ^ under that of Hunns or Lombards, Vifigoths, Goths, and Vandals, conquered the whole forces of the Ro- man empire, facked Rome thrice in a fm.all com.pafs of years, feated their kingdoms in Spain and Afric, as well as Lombardy \ and, under that of Danes or Normans, poflefTed themfelves of England, a great part of France, and even of Naples a'nd Sicily : how (I fay) thefe nations, which feemed to fpawn in every age, and at fome intervals of time discharged their own native countries of fo vaft numbers, and with fuch terror to the world, fhould, about feven or eight hundred years ago, leave off the ufe of theje fu- rious expeditions, as if on a fudden they fhould have grown barren, or tame, or better contented with their own ill climates. But, I fuppofe, we owe this bene- fit wholly to the growth and progrefs of chriftianity in the north, by which, early and undiftinguilhed copulation, or multitude of wives, were either re- ftrained or abrogated : by the fame means learning and civility got footing among them in fome degree, and inclofed certain circuits of thofe vaft regions, by the diftindlions and bounds of kingdoms, principali- ties, or commonalties. Men began to leave their wilder lives, fpent without other cares or pleaRires, than of food, or of luft j and betQok themfelves to th# Chap. I. Qf thdr rifi and progrefs. y^ the eafe and entertainment of focieties : with order and labour, riches began, and trade followed ♦, and thefe made v/ay for luxury, and that for many difeafes or ill habits of body, which, unknown to the former and fimple ages, began to fhorten and weaken both 4ife and procreation. Befides, the divifions and cir- cles of dominion occafioned wars between the feveral nations, though of one faith ; and thofe of the Poles, Hungarians, and Mufcovites, with the Turks or Tar- tars, made greater flaughters ^ and by thefe accidents, I fuppofe, the numbers of thofe ferdle broods have been lelTened, and their limits in a meafure confined ; and we have had thereby, for fo long together, in thefe parts of the world, the honour and liberty of draw- ing our own blood, upon the quarrels uf humour or avarice, ambition or pride, without the affiftance, or need, of any barbarous nations to deftroy us. But to end this digreffion, and return to the Lov/- Countries, where the government lafted, in the form and manner defcribed (though in feveral principalities) till Philip of Burgundy, in whom all the Seventeen Provinces came to be united. By this great extent of a populous country, and the mighty growth of trade in Bruges, Ghent, and Antwerp (attributed by Comines to the goodnefs of the Princes, and eafe and fafety of the people) both Philip, and his Ion Charles the Hardy, found them- felves a match for France, then much weakened, as well by the late wars with England, as the factions of their Princes. And in the wars with France was the houfe of Burgundy, under Charles, and Maximi- lian of Auftria (who married his daughter and heir) and afterwards under Charles V. their grand-child, almoft conftandy engaged ; the courfe, fuccelTes, and revolutions whereof are commonly known. Philip of Burgundy, who began them, was a good ^nd wile Princs, loved bv his fubjecls, and efteenied Vol. I. ' F by 74 Ohfervations upon the United Provinces^ by his enemies •, and took his meafures fo well, thaty upon the declining of the Englifh greatnefs abroad by their dilTenfions at home, he ended his quarrels ia France, by a peace, with fafety and honour •, fo that he took no pretence from his greatn?efs,, or his wars^ to char^ge any thing in the forms of his. government : but Charles the Hardy, engaged more rafhly againfl France and the Switzers-^ began- ta afk greater and frequent contributions of his fubjedts^-, which, gained at firfl by the credit of his father's government and his own great defigns, but fpent ia an unfortunate war, made his people difcontented, and him dif- efteemed, till he ended an. unhappy life, by an un- timely death, in the battle of Nancy. In the time of Maximilian^, feveral German troops were brought down into Flanders, for their defence againft France; and in that of Charles V. much greater forces of Spaniards and Italians, upon the fame occafion •, a thing unknown to the Low-Coun- try-men in the tim.e of their former Princes. But, through the whole courfe of this Emperor's reign, who was commonly on the fortunate hand, his great- nefs and fame, increafing together, either diverted^ or fuppreffed any difcon tents of his fubjedls upon the increafe of their payments, or the grievance of fo ma- jfiy foreign troops among them. Belides, Charles was of a gentle and a generous nature ; and, being born in the Low Countries, was naturally kind and eafy to that people, whofe cuftoms and language he always ufed when he was among them, and employed all their great men in the charges of his court, his go- vernment, or his armies, through the feveral parts of his vaft dominions; fo that, upon the laft great adion of his life, which was the refignation of his rrowns to his fon and brother, he left to Philip II. the Seventeen Provinces in a condition as peaceable, and as loyal, as either Prince or fubjedts could defire. Philip. chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, f^ Philip II. coming to the pofTclIion of fo many and great dominions, about the year 1556, after fome tri- al of good and ill fortune in the war with France (which was left him by his father, like an incum- brance upon a great eftate) reftored, by the peace of Cambrly, not only the quiet of his own countries^ but in a manner of all Chriftendom, which was in fome degree or other engaged in the quarrel of thefe Princes. After this, he refolved to return into Spain, and leave the Low-Countries under a fubordinate government, which had been till Charles V's time the conftant feat of their Princes, and Ihared the pre^ fence of that great Emperor, with the reft of his do^ minions* But Philip, a Spaniard born, receiving from the climate or education of that country the feverenefs and gravity of the nation, which the Fle^ mings called refervednefs and pride ; conferring the offices of his hoiile, and the honour of his council and confidence, upon Spaniards, and thereby intro- ducing their cuftorris, habits, and language into the Court of Flanders ; continuing, after the peace, thofe Spanifh and Italian forces, and the demand of fup- plies from the States which the War had made necef- fary and the eafier fupported, he foon left off being loved, and began to be feared, by the inhabitants of thofe provinces. But Philip IL thought it not agreeing with the pomp and greatnefs of the houfe of AuftHa, already at the head of fo mighty dominions, nor with his de- figns of a yet greater empire, to confider the difcon- tents or grievances of fo fmall a country ; nor to be limited by their ancient forms of government: and therefore, at his departure for Spain, and fubfti- tution of his natural fifter the Duchefs of Parma for Governefs of the Low-Countries, afTifted by the mi- niflry of Granvell, he left her inftruded to continue the foreign troops^ and the demand of money from F 2 the 76 Ohfervatlons upon the XJ^tited Provinces, the States for their fupport, v/hich was now by z long courfe of war grown cuflomary among them, and the fums only difputed between the Prince and the States ^ to eftabliili the fourteen Bifliops, he had agreed with the Pope, fhould be added to the three that were anciently in the Low-Countries j to revive the edi6ls of Charles V. againfh Luther, pubhfhed in a diet of the empire about the year 1550, but eluded in the Low-Countries even in that Emperor's time ; and thereby -to make way for the inquifition with the fam.e courfe it had received in Spain, of which the Lu- therans here, and the Moors there, v/ere made an equal pretence. And thefe points^ as they came ta be owned and executed, made the firfl commotions of men's minds in the Provinces. . The hatred of the people againfl the Spaniards, and the infolences of thofe troops,- with the charge of their fupport, m^ade them looked Upon by the inhabitants in general, as the inilruments of their opprefllon and flavery, and not of their defence, when a general peace had left them no enemies : and therefore the States began here their complaints, with a general confent and palTion of all the nobles, as well as towns and country. And upon the delays that were contrived,^ or fell in, the States iirfl refufed to raife any more monies, either for the Spaniards pay, or their own Handing troops ^ and the people ran into fo great defpair^ that in Zealand they abfolutely gave over the working at their digues, fuffering the fea to gain every tide upon the country; and refolving (as they faid) rather to be devoured by that element, than by the Spanifn Ibldiers : fo that, after m.any difputes and in- trigues betv/een the Governefs and the Provinces,, the King, upon her remonfcrances, was indticed to their removal -, which was accordingly performed with great joy and applaufc of the people. The ereding of fourteen new Bifbops fees ralfed the Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs. yj the next conteft. The great Lords looked upon this innovation as a lelTening of their power, by introdu- cing fo many new men into the great council. The Abbots (out of whofe lands they were to be endowed) pleaded again (I it, as a violent ufurpation upon the rights of the Church, and the will of the dead, who had given thofe lands to a particular ufe. The com- mons murmured at it, as a new degree of opprefTion upon their confcience or liberty, by the ere6ting fo many new fpiritual courts of judicature, and fo great a number of judges, being Seventeen for three that were before in the country, and thofe dependinp- ab- folutely upon the Pope, or the King. And all men declaimed againft it, as a breach of the King's oath, at his accelTion to the government, for the preferving the Church and the laws in the fame ilate he founc} them. However this point v/as gained entirely by the Governefs, and carried over the head of all op- pofition, though not v/ithout leaving a .general dif- content. In the midft of thefe ill humours flirring in Flan- ders, the wars of religion breaking out in France drove great numbers of Calviniils into all thofe parts of the Low-Countries that confine upon France, as the troubles of Germany had before of Lutherans in- to the provinces about the Rhine -, and the perfecu- tions under Queen Mary thofe of the Church of Eng- land into Flanders and Brabant, by the great com? merce of this kingdom v/ith Bruges and Antwerp. Thefe accidents and neighbourhoods filled thef^ countries, in a fmall trad of time, with fwarmsof the reformed profeflbrs : and the admiration of their zeal, the opinion of their do6lrin':r and piety, the compaf- fton of their fuiTerings, the infufion of their difcontents, or the humour of the age, gained them every day many prafelytes in the Lov/- Countries, fom.e among the nQble3., many among the villages, but mofl a- F 3 mon^^ 78 Obfervathns upon the United Provinces. mong the cities, wliofe trade and riches were much increafed by thefe new inhabitants •, and whofe in-r tereft thereby, as well as converfation, drew them on to their favour. This made work for the inquifition, though mode-^ rately exercifcd by the prudence and temper of the Governefs, mediating between the rigour of Granvell, in draining up to the higheft his mailer's authority ancj the execution of his commands upon all occafions, and the refolutenefs of the Lords of the Provinces to temper the King's edids, and prote6b the liberties of their country again ft the admiffion of this new and arbitrary judicature, unknown to all ancient laws and cuftoms of the country, and for that not lefs odious to the people, than for the cruelty of their executions. For, before the inquifition, the care of religion was in the Biiliops, and before that in the civil magiftrates throughout the Provinces. Upon angry debates in council, but chiefly upon |;he univerfal miniftry of Granvell, a Burgundian of mean birth, grown at laft to be a Cardinal, and more famous for the greatnefs of his parts, than the goodnefs of his life, the chief Lords of the country (among whom the Prince of Orange, Counts Egmont and Home, the Marquis of Berghen and Montigny, were moft confiderable) grew to lb violent and implacable an hatred of the Cardinal (whether from palTion or intereft) which was fo univerfaily fpread through the whole body of the people, either by the caufes of it, or the example, that the Lords firft refufed their at- tendance in council, protefting, not to endure the fight of a man fo abfolute there, and to the ruin of their country : and afterwards petitioned the King, in the name of the whole country, for his removal : upon the delay whereof, and the continuance of the inquifition, the people appeared, upon daily occafion? §ad accidents, heated to that degree, as threatened a general Chap, f . Of their rife and progrefs, 79 general combuflion in the whole body whenever the kafl flame fhould break out in any part. But the King at length confented to GranvelFs re- t;efs, by the opinion of the Duchefs of Parma, as well as the purfuit of the Provinces : whereupon the Lords reaflumed their places in council *, Count Egmonc was fent into Spain to reprefent the grievances of the Provinces •, and being favourably difpatched by the King, e^Decially by remitting the rigour of the edi(5ls about rehgion and the inquifition, all noife of difcon- t€nt and tumult was appeafed, the Lords were made tife of by the Governefs in die cou^^fel and condu<51: of affairs, and the Governefs was by the L^rds both obeyed and honoured. In the beginning of the year i c^6^^ there was a con- ference at Bayonne between Catherine Queen mother of France and her fon Charles IX. (though very young) with his filter Ifabella Queen of Spain : in which no other perfon but the Duke of Alva inter- vened, being deputed thither by Philip, wlio excufed his own prefence, and thereby made this interview pafs for an effeft or expreflion of kindnefs between the mother and her children. Whether great refolu- tions are the more fulpe(5l:ed where great {^.cvfi^Y i^ Gbferved, or it be true, what the Prince of Orange affirmed to have by accident difcovered, that the ex- tirpation of all families, which fhould profefs the new religion in the French or Spanifh dominions, was herf agreed on, with mutual alTiftance of the two crowns ; it is certain, and was owned, that matters of religion were the fubjedt of that conference -, and that ioon after, in the fame year, came letters from King Philip to the Duchefs of Parma, difclaiming the interpretation which had been given to his letters by Count Egmont, declaring, his pleasure was, that all heretics fhould be put to death without remifTion 5 that the Emperor's e- dids, and the council of Trent, fiiould be publifhedand F 4 obferved | 8o Ohfervraiions upon the JJnited Provinces, obferved ; and commanding, that the utmoft alTiftancc of the civil power ihould be given to the inquifition. When this was divulged at firil, the aftonifliment was great throughout their provinces ^ but that foon gave way to their rage, which began to appear in their looks, in their ipeeches, their bold meetings and libels i and was increafed by the miierable fpedacles of fo ma- ny executions upon account of religion : the conilancy of the fufrerers and companion of the beholders con- fpiring generally to leflen the opinion of guilt or crime, and heighten a deteilation of the punifnment^ and de- fire of revenge againfl the authors of that counfel, of whom the Duke of Alva was efleemed the chief. In the beginning of the year 1566, began an open mutiny of the citizens in m.any tov/ns, hindering exe- cutions, and forcing prifons and officers; and this v/ar followed by a confederacy of the Lords, never to fuffer the inquifition in the Low-Countries, as con- trary to all laws, both facred and profane, and ex- ceeding the cruelty of all former tyrannies ; upon which, all refolutions of force or rigour grew unfafe for the government, nov/ too weak tor fuch a revolu- tion of lat people •, and on the other fide Brederode, in confidence of the general favour, came at the head of two hundred gentlemen, through the Provinces, to BruiTcls, and in bold terms petitioned the Governefs for abolifliing the inquifition and edidls about reli- gion, and that new ones fnould be framed by a con- vention of the States. The Governefs v/as forced to ufe gentle remedies to fo violent a difeafe -, to receive the petition without fliew of the refentment fhe had at heart, and to pro- mife a reprefentation of their defircs to the King 5 which was accordingly done : but though the King was llartled with fuch confequences of his lail com- mands, and at length induced to recall them; yet, whether by the flownefs of his nature, or the formes of 0> Chap, I. Of tbeir rife and progrefs, 81 the Spanilh Court, the anfwer came, too late : and as all his former concefTions, either by delay or teilimo- nies of ill will or meaning in them, had loft the good srace, fo this loft abfolutelv the elfed:, and came inr to the Low- Countries when all was in flame by an infurredion of the meaner people through many great towns of Flanders, Holland, and Utrecht, who fell violently upon the fpoil of churches, and deftrudion of images, with a thoufand circumftances of barba- rous and brutiih fury •, which, with the inftitution of connftories and magiftrates in each tov^^n among thofe of the reformed profeiTion, with public confederacies and diftindlions, and private contributions agreed upon for the fupport of their common caufe, gave the firft date in this year of 1566 to the revolt of the Low-Countries. But the nobility of the country, and the richeft of the people in the cities, though unfatisfied Vv^ith the government, yet feeling the effedis, and abhorring the rage, of popular tumults, as the worft mifchief that can befal any'^Statc ; and encouraged by the ar- rival of the King's concefTions, began to unite their counfels and forces with thofe of the Governefs, and to employ themfelves both with great vigour and loyalty for fuppreffing the late infurredions, that had feized upon many, and fhaked moft of the cities of the Provinces ; in which the Prince of Orange and Count Egmont were great inftruments, by the au- thority of their great charges (one being Governor of Holland and Zealand, and the other of Flanders) but more by the general love and confidence of the peo- ple : until bp> the reducing Valenciennes, Maeftricht, and ■■ the Burfe, by arms ; the fubmifiion of Antwerp and other towns ; the defection of Count Egmont from the counfels of the Confederate Lords (as they were called •,) the retreat of the Prince of Orange in- .^p Germany 5 and the death qf Brederode, with the ^^ * " news >s (\l N %2 Obfer'uations upon the United Provinces. news and preparations of King Philip's fudden jour- ney into the Low-Countries, as well as the prudence and moderation of the Duchefs in governing all thefe circumflances ; the Vv^hole eftate of the Provin- ces was perfedly reflored to its former peace, obe- dience, and, at leaft, appearance of loyalty. King Philip, whether having never realjy decreed Tiis journey into Flanders, or diverted by the pacifica- tion of the Provinces, and apprehenfion of the Moors Tebelling in Spain, or a difiruft of his fon Prince Charles's violent pafiions and difpofitions, or the ex- pedation of what had been refolved at Bayonne grow- ing ripe for execution in France, gave over the dif- courfe of feeing the Low-Countries ^ but at the fanic time took up the refolution for difpatching the Duke of Alva thither at the head of an army of ten thou- fand veteran Spanifh and Italian troops, for the af- fiftance of the Governefs, the execution of the laws, the fuppreffing and punifliment of all who had been authors or fomenters of the late feditions. This refult was put fuddenly in execution, though wholly againft the advice of the Duchefs of Parma in Flanders, and the Duke of Feria (one of the chief ininifters) in Spain, who thought the prefent peace of the Provinces ought not to be invaded by new oc- eafions; nor the royal authority leflened by being made a party in a war upon his fubjed:s ; nor a mir nifter employed where he .was fo profefledly both hating and hated, as the Duke of Alva in the Low- Countries. But the King was unmoveable ; fo that, in the end of the year of 1567, the Duke of Alva arrived there with an army of ten thoufand, the beft Spanilh and Italian foldiers, under the command of the choiceft officers, which the wars of Charles V. or Philip II. iiad bred up in Europe ; which, with two thoufand Gtrmaas the Duchefs of Parma had raifed in the laft tumults^ Chap. I. Of their rife and progrej}. 83 tumults, and, under the command of fo old and re- nowned a General as the Duke of Alva, made up a force, which nothing in the Low-Countries couM look in the face with other eyes, than of aftonifhment, fubmifTion, or defpair. Upon the firft report of this expedition, the trading people of the towns and country began in vaft num- bers to retire out of the provinces ; fo, as the Duchefs wrote to the King, that, in few days, above a hun- dred thoufand men had left the country, and with* drawn both their money and goods, and more were follov/ing every day : fo great antipathy there ever appears between merchants and foldiers ; whilft one pretends to be fafe under laws, which the other pre- tends fhall be fubjed to his fword and his will. And upon the firft adion of the Duke of Alva after his ar- rival, which was the feizing of the Counts Egmont and Home, as well as the fufpeded death of the Mar- quis of Berghen, and imprifonment of Montigny in Spain (whither, fome months before, they had been fent with com million and inftrucSlions from the Du- chefs) fhe immediately defired leave of the King to retire out of the Low- Countries. This was eafily obtained, and the Duke of Alva invefted in the government, with powers never given before to any Governor : a council of twelve was e- reded for trial of all crimes committed againft the King's authority, which was called by the people. The Council of Blood. Great numbers were con- demned and executed by fentence of this council, tipon account of the late infurreftions ; more by that of the inquifrtion, againft the parting advice of the Du- chefs of Parma, and the exclamation of the people at thofe illegal courts. The town ftomached the breach of their charters, the people of tl-eir liberties, the K;iights of the Golden-Fleece the charters of their or- der^ by thefe new and odious courts of judicature : 4\ $4 Objervations upon the United Provinces. all complain of the difufe of the States, of the intrQ- dudiion of armies, but ail in vain : the King was conftant to what he had determined ; Alva was in his nature cruel and inexorable ; the new army was fierce and brave, and defirous of nothing fo much as a rebellion in the country ^ the people were enraged, but awed and unheaded : all was feizure and procefs, confifcation and imprifonment, blood and horror, in- folence and deje6i:ion, punilhments executed, and me- ditated revenge : the fmaller branches were lopt ofF apace ; the great ones were longer a hewing down. Counts Egmont and Home lafted feveral months; but, at length, in fpite of all their fervices to Charles V. and to Philip, as v/ell as of their new merits in the quieting of the Provinces, and of fb great fupplica- tions and interceilions as were made in their favour, both in Spain and in Flanders, they were publickly beheaded at BruiTels ; which feemed to break all pa- tience in the people, and, by their end, to give thofe commotions a beginning, which coil Europe fo much blood, and Spain a great part of the Low-Country Provinces, After the procefs of Egmont and Home, the Prince pf Orange, who was retired into Germany, was fum- moned to his trial for the fame crimes, of which the Others had been accufed y and, upon his not appear- ing, was condemned, proclaimed traitor, and his whole eflate (which was very great in the Provinces, and in Burgundy) feized upon, as forfeited to the King. The Prince, treated in this manner while he wa3 quiet and unarmed in Germany, employs all his cre^ dit with thofe Princes engaged to him by alliance or by common fears of the houle of Auilria, throws oiF all obedience to the Duke of Alva, raifes forces, joins with 'great numbers flocking to him out of the Pro- vinces, all enraged at the Duke of Alva's cruel and . ?,rbitrary goyer.nm.entj and refglved to revenge the CouQt chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs. Jjj" Count Egmont's death (who had ever been the dar- ling of the people.) With thefe troops he enters Friezland, and invades the outward parts of Brabanr, receives fuccour from the Proteflants of France, then in arms under the Prince of Conde : and after many- various encounters and fucceiTes, by the great condudt of Alva, and valour of his veteran army, being hin- dered from feizing upon any town in Brabant (which both of them knew would lliake the fidelity of the Provinces) he is at length forced to break up his ar- my, and to retire into Germany. Hereupon Alva returns in triumph to Bfuflels : and, as if he had made a conqueft, inftead of a defence, caufes, out of the cannon taken from Lewis of NalTau, his ftatue to be caft in brafs, treading and infulting upon two fmaller ftatues that reprefented the two eftates of the Low-Countries •, and this to be erefted in the citadel he had built at Antwerp for the abfolute fubjeding of that rich, populous, and mutinous town. Nothing had raifed greater indignation among the Flemings, than the public fight and oftentation of this ftatue; and the more, becaufe they knew the boaft to be true, finding their ancient liberties and' privileges (the inheritance of fo many ages, or boun- ty of lb many Princes) all now proftrate before this one man's fword and will, v/ho from the time of Charles V. had ever been efteemed an enemy of their nation, and author of all the counfels for the abfolute fubduing their country. But Alva, moved with no rumours, terrified v/ith ho threats from a broken and unarmed people, and thinking no meafures nor forms were any more ne- cefTary to be obferved in the Low-Countries, pretends greater fums are neceffary for the pay and reward of his victorious troops, than were annually granted, up- on the King's requeft, by the States of the provinces : and therefore demands a general tax of the hun- " ~ dredth 86 Obfervattons upon the TJnited Provinces. dredth part of every man's eflate in the Low- Countries^ to be raifed at once ; and, for the future, the twentieth ^f all immoveables^ and the tenth of all that was fold^ The States with much reludlancy confent to thd firft, as a thing that ended at once ; but refufed the other two, alledging the poverty of the Provinces, and the ruin of trade. Upon the Duke's perfifling, they petition the King by meifengers into Spain, but without redrefs ; draw out the year in contefts^ fome- ' times llomachful, fometimes humble, with the Go* vernor ; till the Duke, impatient of further delay, caufes the edid:, without confent of the States, to be publilhcd at BrulTels. The people refufe to pay, the foldiers begin to levy by force, the townfmen all Ihut up their fhops, the people in the country forbear the market, fo as not fo much as bread or 'meat i>s to be bought in the town. The Duke is enraged, and calls the foldiers to arms, and commands feveral of the in- habitants, who refufed the payments, to be hanged that very night upon their fign-pofts ♦, which nothing moves the obftinacy of the people : and now the of- ficers of the guards are ready to begin the executions^ when news comes to town of the taking of the Brlel by the Gueufes, and of the expedation that had been given of a fudden revolt in the Province of Holland. This unexpected blow (Iruck the Duke of Alva ; and forefeeing the confequences of it, becaufe he knew the ftubble was dry, aiid now he found the fire was fallen in, he thought it an ill time to make an end of the tragedy in Brabant, whilfl a new fcene was opened in Holland \ and fo, giving over for the prefent his taxes and executions, applies his thoughts to the fup- preflion of this new enemy, that broke in upon him from the fea ; and, for that reafon, the bottom and reach of the defign, as well as the nature and firength of their forces, were to the Duke the lefs known, and the more fufpeded. Nov/, becaufe this fvizure of the Briel Chap, I. Of their rife and progrefs* 87 Briel began the fecond great commotion of the Low- Countries in 1570, and that which indeed never end- ed, but in the lofs of thofe Provinces, where the death of the SpaniHi and Royal Government gave life to a new commonwealth, it will be necelTary to know, what fort of men, and by what accidents united, and by what fears or hopes emboldened, were the firil au- thors of this adventure. Upon Brederode's delivering a petition to the Du- chefs of Parma againft the inquifition, and for fome liberty in point of religion, thofe perfons, which at- tended him, looking mean in their cloadis and their garb, were called by one of the courtiers, at their en- trance into the palace, gueufes, which fignifies beg- gars ; a name, though raifed by chance, or by fcorn, yet affefted by the party, as an exprefllon of humili- ty and diflrefs, and ufed ever after by both fides as a name of diftindion comprehending all who dif* fented from the Roman Church, how different foever in opinion among themfelves. Thefe men, fpread in great numbers through the whole extent of the Provinces by the accidents and difpofitions already mentioned, after the appeafing of their firil fedition were broken in their common coun- fels ; and by the cruelty of the inquifition, and rigoqr of Alva, were in great multitudes forced to retire out of the Provinces, at leafl, fuch as had means or hopes of fubfifting abroad : many of the poorer and more defperate fled into the woods of the upper countries (where they are thick and wild) and lived upon fpoil j and, in the firft defcent of the Prince 0/ Orange's forces, did great mifchief to all fcattered parties of the Duke of Alva's troops in their march through thole parts. But, after that attempt of the Prince ended without fuccefs, and he was forced back into Germany, the Count of Marcke, a violent and im-, placable enemy to the Duke of Alva and his govern- ment. 8 8 Ohfervations upon the XJnited Provinces, rnent) with many others of the broken troops (whom the fame fortune and difpofition had left together in Friezland) manned out fome lliips of fmall force, and betook themfelves to fea ; and, with commiffions from the Prinee of Orange, began to prey upon all they could mailer, that belonged to the Spaniards. They fometimes fheltered and watered, and fold their prizes in fome creeks or fmall harbours of England, though forbidden by Queen Elizabeth (then in peace with Spain ;) fometimes in the river Ems, of fome fmall "Dorts of Friezland : till at len2;th, havino; grained con- fiderable riches by thefe adventures, whether to fell^ or to refrefh, whether driven by ftorm^ or led by de- lign (upon knowledge of the ill blood which the new taxes had bred in all the Provinces) they landed in the illand of the Briel, affaulted and carried the town^ pulled down the images in the churches, profefTed o- penly their religion, declared againil the taxes and ty- ranny of the Spanilli government, and were immedi-^ ately followed by the revolt of moil of the towns of Holland, Zealand, and Weil-Friezland, who threw out the Spaniih garrifons, renounced their obedience to King Philip, and fwore fidelity to the Prince of O- range. The Prince returnedoutof Germany with new forces^ and, making ufe of this fury of the people, contented not himfelf with Holland and Zealand, but marched up into the very heart of the Provinces, within five leagues of Bruffels, feizing upon Mechlin, and many other town^, with fo great confent, applaufe, and con- Courfe of people, that the whole Spaniili dominion feemed now ready to expire in the Low-Countries, if it had not been revived by the maffacreof the Protect- ants at Paris ; which, contrived by joint counfels with King Philip, and a6ted by a Spaniih party in the Court of France, and with fo fatal a blow to the contrary fadtion, encouraged the Duke of Alva, and dajnped the Chap. I. Of their rife and progref^: 89 t-he Prince of Orange in the lame degree ; fo that one gathers ftrength enough to defend the heart of the Provinces, and the other retires into Holland, and makes that the feat of the war. This country was ftrong by its nature and feat a- mong the waters that encompafs and divide it \ but more by a rougher fort of people, at that time iefs fpftened by trade or by riches, Iefs ufed to grants of money and taxes, and proud of their ancient fame, recorded in the Roman (lories, of being obilinate de- fenders of their liberties, and now mofl implacable haters of the Spanifli name. . All thefe difpofitions were increafed and hardened in the war that enRied under the Duke of Alva's con- du6t, or his fons \ by the (laughter of all innocent per- fons and fexes upon the taking of Naerden, where the houfes were burnt, and the walls levelled to the ground ; by the defperate defence of Haerlem for ten months, with all the practices and returns of ignomi- ny, cruelty, and fcorn on both fides, while the very womiCn lifted themfelves in companies, repaired brea- ches, gave alarms, and beat up quarters, till, all being famifhed, four hundred burghers (after the furrender) were killed in cold blood, among many other ex- amples of an incenfed conqueror ; which made the humour of the parties grow more defperate, and their hatred to Spain and Alva incurable. The fame army broken and forced to rife from be- fore Alcmaer, after a long and fierce fiege in Alva's time ; and from before Leyden in the time of Requife- nes (where the boors themfelves opened the fluices, and drowned the country, refolving to mifchief the Spaniards at the charge of their own- ruin) gave the great turn to affairs in Holland. The King grov/s fenfible of danger, and apprehen- five of the total defedlion of the Proyinces ; Alva weary of his government, finding his violent counfels Vol. I. G and g o Ohfervafions upon the United Provinces. and proceedings had raifed a fpirit, which was quiet before he came, and was never to be laid any more. The Duke is recalled, and the war goes on under Re- quifenes ; who dying fuddenly and without provifions made by the King for a fuccelTor, the government, by cuftoms of the country, devolved by way of interim upon the Great Council, which lafted fome time, by the delay of Don John of Auftria's coming, who was declared the new Governor. But, in this interim, the ftrength of the difeafe ap- pears J for, upon the mutiny of fome Spanilh troops for want of their pay, and their feizing Aloft, a town near Bruflels, the people grow into a rage, the tradef- inen give over their Ihops, and the country-men their labour, and all run to arms : in BrufTels they force the Senate, pull out thofe men they knew to be moil ad- di6led to the Spaniards, kill fuch of that nation as they meet in the itreets^ and all in general cry out for the expulfion of foreigners out of the Low-Countries, and the aflfembling of the States ; to which the Coun- cil is forced to confent. In the mean time, the chief perfons of the Provinces enter into an agreement with the Prince of Orange, to carry on the common affairs of the Provinces by the fame counfels ^ fo as, when the Eftates affembled at Ghent, without any contefl they agreed upon that adi:, which was called The pact- f cation of Ghent ^ in the year 1576, Avhereof the chief articles were, ^he expulfion of all foreign foldiers out of the Provinces: refloring all the ancient forms of govern- mmt : and referring matters of Religion in each Province to the provincial Eflates : and that^ for performance there- of^ the refl of the Provinces fhoiild for ever he confederate with Holland and Zeeland, And this made the firft period of the Low-Country troubles, proving to King Philip a dear experience hov/ little the beil con- dudt, and boldeft armies, are able to withftand the torrent of a flubborn and enraged people, which ever bears Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, 91 bears all down before it, till it comes to be divided in- to different channels by arts, or by chance ; or, till the fprings, which are the humours that fed it, come to be fpent, or dry up of themfelves. The foreign forces, refufing to depart, are declared rebels •, whereupon the Spanifh troops force and plun- der feveral towns, and Antwerp among the reft (by advantage of the citadel) with equal courage and ava- rice •, and defend themfelves in feveral holds from the forces of the States, till Don John's arrival at Luxem- burgh, the only town of the Provinces where he thought himfelf fafe, as not involved in the defedion of the reft. The Eftates refufe to admit him without his accept- ing and confirming the pacification of Ghent •, which at length he does, by leave from the King, and enters upon the government with the difmiffion of all fo- reign troops, which return into Italy. But foon after, Don John, whether out of indignation to fee himfelf but a precarious Governor, without force or depen- dence ; or defiring new occafions of fame by a war ; or inftru6ted from Spain upon new counfels, takes the occafion of complimenting Queen Margaret of Na- varre upon her journey out of France to the Spaw, and on a fudden feizes upon the caftle of Namur. Whereupon the Provinces for the third time throw off their obedience, call the Prince of Orange to Bruftels, where he is made Protedor of Brabant by the States of that Province, and preparations are made on both (ides for the war *, while Spain is bufy to form new armies, and draw them together in Namur and Lux- emburgh, the only Provinces obedient to that crown, and all the reft agree to ele6i: a Governor of their own, and fend to Matthias the Emperor's brother, to offer him the charge. At this time began to be formaed the male-content party in the Low-Countries -, which though agreeing G 2 with 92 Obfervations upon the United Provhices* with the reft in their hatred to the Spaniards, and de- fence of their hberties and laws, yet were not inchncd to (hake off allegiance to their Prince, nor change their old and eftabiifhed religion : and thefe were headed by the Duke of Arefchot, and feveral great men, the more averfe from a general defection, by emulation or envy of the Prince of Orange's greatnefs, who was now grown to have all the influence and credit in the coun- fek of the league. By the afTiilance of this party, after Don John's fudden death, the Duke of Parma, fucceeding him, gained ftrength and reputation upon his coming to the government, and an entrance upon that great fcene of glory and vid:ory, which made both his perfon fo renowned, and the time of his government fignalized by fo many fieges and battles, and the redudlion of fo great a part of the body of the provinces to the fub- jc6tion of Spain. Upon the growth of this party, and for diftinclion from them, who, purfuing a miiddle and dangerous counfel, were at length to become an acceinon to one of the extremies •, the m.ore northern Provinces, meet- ing by their deputies at Utrecht, in the year 1^7 9> framed an a6t or alliance, v/hich was ever after called the Union of Utrecht \ and was the original conftitu- tion and frame of that comimonwealth, which has fince been fo well known in the v/orld by the name of the United. Provinces. This union was grounded upon the Spaniards breach of the pacirication of Ghent, and new invafion of fome towns in Guelderland •, and was not pretended to di- vide thefe Provinces from the generality, nor from the faid pacification •, but to fcrengthen and purfue the ends of it, by more vigorous and united counfels and arms. The chief force of this union ^confifts in thefe points, drawn out of the inftrument itfelf : The Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs. 93 The feven Provinces unite themfelves fo, as if they were but one Province, and fo, as never to be divid- ed by teftament, donation, exchange, fale, or agree- ment : referving to each particular Province and city all privileges, rights, cuftoms, and llatutes : in ad- judging whereof, or differences that fliall arife between any of the Provinces, the reft fhali not intermeddle further, than to intercede towards an agreement. They bind themfelves to afllft one another with life and fortunes again ft all force and aflault made upon any of them, whether upon pretence of royal majefty, of reftoring Catholic religion, or any other whatfoever. All frontier- towns belonging to the union, if old, to be fortified at the charge of the Province where they lie; if new, to be ered:ed at the charge of the generality. • All impofts and cuftoms, from three mionths to three months, to be offered to them that bid mcft ; and, with the incomes of the royai majefty, to be employed for the common defence. All inhabitants to be lifted and trained within a month, from 18 to 60 years old. Peace and w^ar not to be m.ade without conient of ail the Provinces : other cales, that concern the management of both, by moft voices. Differences that fhall arife upon the firft, be- tween the Provinces, to be ftibmitted to the Stadtholders . . Neighbouring Princes, Lords, lands, and cities, to be admitted into the union, by confent of the Provinces^. For religion, thofe of Holland and Zealand to a6l in it as feems good unto themfelves. The other Pro* vinces may regulate themifelves according to the te- nor eft'ablifhed by Matthias, or elfe as they fhall judge to be moft for the peace and welfare of their particu- lar Provinces \ provided every one remain free in, his religion, and no mian be examined or entrapped for that caufe, according to the pacification of Ghent. In cafe of any diffenfion or differences between Pro^ vinces, if it concern one in particular, it fhall be ac- commodated by the others \ if it concern all in gene- G 3 ral, 94 Ohfervathns upon the United Provinces. ral, by the Stadtholders : in both which cafes, fentence to be pronounced within a month, and without appeal or revifion. The States to be held as has been formerly ufed ; and the mint in fuch manner as Ihall hereafter be agreed by all the Provinces. Interpretation of thefe articles to remain in the States ; but, in cafe of their differing, in the Stadtholders. They bind themfelves to fall upon and imprifon any that Ihall ad: contrary to thefe articles ; in which cafe no privilege nor exemption to be valid. This a6t was figned by the deputies of Guelderland, Zutphen, Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, and the Om - lands of Frize, Jan. 23, 1579, but was not figned by the Prince of Orange till May following, and with this fignification, judging that by the fame the fuperiority and authority of Arch-Duke Matthias is not leiTened. In the fame year, this union was entered and figned by the cities of Ghent, Nimmeguen, Arnhem, Lee- warden, with fome particular nobles of Friezland, Venlo,, Ypres, Antwerp, Breda, and Bruges. And thus thefe Provinces became a commonwealth, but in fo low and uncertain a ftate of affairs, by reafon of the various motions and affections of men's minds, the dif- ferent ends and interefls of the feveral parties, efpeci- ally in the other Provinces 5 and the mighty power and preparations of the Spanifh monarchy to opprefs them, that in their firft coin they caufed a fhip to be ftamped, labouring among the waves without fails or oars ; and thefe words, Incer turn quo fata fer ant. I thought fo particular a dedudion neceffary to difcover the natural caufes of this revolution in the Low- Countries, which has fmce had fo great a part, for near a hundred years, in all the acftions and nego- tiations of Chriilendom •, and to find out the true in- centives for that obflinate love for their liberties, and in- vincible hatred for the SpaniHi nation and government, which laid the foundation of this commonwealth y and ^ this chap. L Of their rife and progrefs, 9^ this lafb I take to have been the ilronger pafTion, and of the greater effedt, both in the bold counfels of con- trading their union, and the defperate refokitions of defending it. For, not long after, the whole council of this new State, being preffed by the extremities of their affairs, pafling by the form of government in the way of a commonwealth, made an earneft and folemn offer of the dominion of thefe Provinces both to England and France ; but were refufed^by both crowns ; and, though they retained the name of a free people, yet they foon loft the eafe of the liberties they contended for, by the abfolutenefs of their magiftrates in the fe- veral cities and provinces, and the extreme preiTure of their taxes, which fo long a war, with fo mighty an enemy, made neceffary for the fupport of their State. But the hatred of the Spanifh government under Alva was fo univerfal, that it made the revolt gene- ral through the Provinces, running through all religi- ons, and all orders of men, as appeared by the pacifi- cation of Ghent ; till, by the divifion of the parties, by the powers of fo vail a monarchy as Spain at that time, and by the matchlcfs conducSl and valour of the Duke of Parma, this humour, like poifon in a ftrong conftitution, and with the help of violent phyfic, was expelled from the heart, which was Flanders and Bra- bant (with the reft of the ten Provinces) into the out- ward members •, and, by their being cut off, the body was faved. After which, the moft infiam^ed fpirits be- ing driven by the arms of Spain, or drawn by the hopes of liberty and fafety, into the United Provinces out of the reft, the hatred of Spain grew to that heighth, that they were not only willing to fubmit to any new do- minion, rather than return to the old ; but when they could find no mafter to proted them, and their affairs grew defperate, they were once certainly upon the coun^ fel of burning their great towns, wafting and drowning what they could of their own country, and going to feck G 4 fome 96 Obfervatkns upon the Vnited 'Provinces, fome new feats in the Indies. Which they might have executed, if they had found ihipping enough to carry OiFali their numbers, and had not been detained by the compaiTion of thofe which muft have been left be- hind at the mercy of an incenfed and conquering mafter. The Spanilh andltaUan writers content themfelvesto attribute the caufes of thefe revohitions to the change of religion, to the native ftubbornnefs of the people, and to the ambition of the Princes of Orange : but rehgion, v/ithout mixtures of ambition and intereft, works no fuch violent effeds, and produces rather the examples of conftant fufferings, than of defperate adions. The nature of the people cannot change of a fudden, no more than the chmate which infufes it; and no country hath brought forth better fubjed:s, thaa many of thefe Provinces, both before and fince thefe commotions among them \ and the ambition of one man could neither have defigned nor atchieved fo great an adventure, had it not been leconded with univerfal difcontent \ nor could that have been raifcd to fo great an heighth and heat without fo many circumHances as fell in from an unhappy courfe of the Spanilh counfels to kindle and foment it. For though it had been hard to head fuch a body, and give it fo ftrong a principle of life, and fo regular motions, without the accident of fo great a Governor in the Provinces, as Prince William of Orange, a man of equal abilities in counfel and in arms , cautious and refolute, affable and fevere, fupple to occafions and yet conftant to his ends ; of mighty revenues and dependance in the Provinces, of great credit and alliance in Germany •, eileemed and honoured abroad, but at home infinitely loved and trufted by the people, who thought him affectionate to their country, fmcere in his profeffions and defigns, able and w Iling to defend their liberties, and unlikely to invade them by any ambition of his own \ yet all thefe Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, 97 thefe qualities might very well have been confined to the duty and fervices of a fubjed, as they were in Charles V's time, without the abfence of the King, and the people's opinion of his ill-will to their nation and the laws ; without the continuance of foreign troops after the wars Vv-ere ended, the eredling of the new Bilhops fees, and introducing the inquifition ; the fole miniilry of Grandvell, and exclufion of the Lords from their ufual part in counfels and affairs ; the go- vernment of a man fo hated, as the Duke of Alva ; the rigour of his profecutions, and the infolence of his ftatue^ and, laftly, without the death of Egmont, and the impofition of the tenth and twentieth part, againft the legal forms of government in a country where a long derived fuccelTion had made the people fond and tenacious of their ancient cuftoms and laws. Thefe were the feeds of their hatred to Spain-, which, increafing by the courfe of about threefcore years war, was not allayed by a long fucceeding peace •, but will ap- pear to have been an ingredient into the fall, as it was into the rife, of this State ; which, having been thus planted, came to be conferved and cultivated by many accidents and influences from abroad ; but, thofe having had no part in the conftitution of their State, nor the frame of their government, I will content myfelf to mention only the chief of them, which moit contri- buted to preferve the infancy of this commonwealth, and make way for its grovv^th ; the caufes of its fuc- ceeding greatnefs and riches being not to be fought for in the events of their wars, but in xhz inditutions and orders of their government, their cuiloms, and trade, which will make the arguments of the enfuing chapters. When Don John threw off the conditions he had at firft accepted of the pacification of Ghent, and by the furpriie of Namur broke into arms, the Eftates of the Provinces offered the government of their country to Matthias, brother to the Emperor, as a. temper between their 98 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. their return to the obedience of Spain, and the popu- lar government which was moulding in the northern Provinces. But Matthias, arriving without the ad- vice or fupport of the Emperor, or credit in the Pro- vinces, and having the Prince of Orange given him for his Lieutenant-General, was only a cypher, and his government a piece of pageantry, which palTed without effed, and was foon ended : fo that, upon the Duke of Parma's taking on him the government, fome new prote6lion was neceflary to this infant State, that had not legs to fupport it againfl fuch a ftorm as was threatened upon the return of the Spanilh and Ita- lian forces to make the body of a formidable army which the Duke of Parma was forming in Namur and Luxemburgh. Since the conference of Bayonne, between the Queen- mother of France and her daughter Queen of Spain, thofe two crowns had continued, in the reign of Francis and Charles, to afTift one another in the common defign there agreed on, of profecuting with violence thofe they called the Heretics, in both their dominions. The peace held conftant, if not kind, between England and Spain ; fo as King Philip had no v/ars upon his hands in Chriftendom during thefe commotions in the Low- Countries ; and the boldnefs of the confederates, in their firft revolt and union, feem.ed greater at fuch a time than the fucccfs of their refiftances afterv/ards, when fo many occafions fei'l in to weaken and divert the forces of the Spanilh monarchy. For Henry III. coming to the crown of France, and at firft only fettered and controuled by the fadion of the Guifes, but afterwards engaged in an open war (which they had raifed againft him, upon pretext of prefei-ving the Catholic religion, and in a conjuncSlion of counfels with Spain) was forced into better mea- fures with the Hi^gonots of his kingdom, and fell into ill intelligence with Philip II. fo as. Queen Eli- fabeth Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs. 99 fabeth having declined to undertake openly the pro- tecflion of the Low-Country Provinces, it was, by the concurring refolution of the States, and the con- fent of the French Court, devolved upon the Duke of Alenfon, brother to Henry III. But this Prince entered Antwerp with an ill prefage to the Flemings, by an attempt which a Bifcainer made the fame day upon the Prince of Orange's life, Ihoot- ing him, though not mortally, in the head : and he continued his fhort government with fuch mutual dif- taftes between the French and the Flemings (the heat and violence of one nation agreeing ill with the cuiloms and liberties of the other) that the Duke, attempting to make himfelf abfolute mailer of the city of Antwerp by force, was driven out of the town, and thereupon retired out of the country with extreme refentment of the Flemings, and indignation of the French, fo as, the Prince of Orano;e beino; not long; after afTaflinated at Delph, and the Duke of Parma increafing daily in reputation and in force, and the male-content party falling back apace to his obedience, an end was pre- faged by moil men to the affairs of the confederates. But the root was deeper and not fo eafily ihaken : for the United Provinces, after the unhappy tranf- adions with the French under the Duke of Alen^on, re-aiTumed their union in 1583, binding themfelves, in cafe by fury of the war any point of it had not been obferved, to endeavour from that time to fee it efFe6ted : in cafe any doubt had happened, to fee it cleared : and any difliculties, compofed : and, in re- gard the article concerning religion had been fo framed in the union, becaufe in all the other Provinces, be- fides Holland and Zealand, the Romiih religion was then ufed, but now the Evangelical, it w^as agreed by all the Provinces of the union, that, from this tim.e, in them all, the Evangelical reformed religion ihould ^one be openly preached and exercifed. They loo Obfervations upon the United Provinces. They were fo far from being broken in their defigns by the Prince of Orange's death, that they did all the honour that could be to his memory, fubftituted Prince Maurice, his fon, though but fixteen years old, in all his honours and comm.ands, and abfolutely refufed all overtures that were made them of peace, refolving upon all the moil defperate a6lions and fufFerings, rather than return under the Spanifh obedience. But thefe fpirits were fed and heightened, in a great degree, by the hopes and countenance given them about this Time from England : for Queen Elifabeth and Philip II, though they ftill preferved the name of peace, yet had v/orn out, in a manner, the effedls as well as the difpofitions of it, whilft the Spaniards fo- mented and affifled the infarre(5lions of the Irifh, and Queen Elifabeth the new commonwealth in the Low- Countries ', though neither diredlly, yet by counte- nance, money, voluntary troops, and ways that were equally felt on both fides, and equally underflood. King Philip had lately increafed the greatnefs of his empire by the inheritance or invafion of the kingdom of Portugal, upon King Sebaftian's lofs in Africa : but I know not whether he had increafed his power by the acceffion of a kingdom with a difputed title and a difcontented people, who could neither be ufed like good fubjedls, and governed without armies, nor like a conquered nation, and fo made to bear the charge of their forced obedience. But this addition of empire, with the vaft treafure flowing every year out of the In- dies, had without queflion raifed King Philip's ambi- tion to valler defigns ; which made him embrace, at once, the protection of the League in France againfc Henry III. and IV. and the donation made him of Ireland by the Pope, and fo embark himfelf in a war with both thofe crowns, while he was bearded with the open arms and defiance of his own fubjefts in the Low-Countries, But Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs. loi , But it is hard to be imagined, how far the fpirit of one great man goes in the fortunes of any army or frate. The Duke of Farma coming to the government with- out any footing in more than two ot the fmallefl Pro- vinces, colieding an army from Spain, Italy, Germany, and the broken troops of the country left him by Don John, having all the other Provinces confederated againft him, and both England and France beginning to take open part in their defence -, yet, by force of his ov/n valour, conduct, and the difcipline of his army, with the difinterefted and generous qualities of his mind, winning equally upon the hearts and arms of the revolted countries, and piercing through the Provinces with an uninterrupted courfe of fucceffes, and the reco- very of the m.oft important towns in Flanders ; at laft, by the taking of Antwerp and Groninguen, reduced the affairs of the union to fo extreme diftrefs, that, be- ing grown defritute of all hopes and fuccours from France (then deep engaged in their own civil wars) they threv/ themfelves v/hoily at the feet of Queen Elifabeth, imploring her protedlion, and offering her the fove- reignty of their country. The Queen refufed the do- minion, but entered into articles v^^ith their Deputies in 1585, obliging herfelf to very great fupplies of men and of monies, lent them upon the fecurity of the Briel, Flufning, and Ramekins-, which were perform.ed, and Sir John Norris fent over to command her forces ^ and afterwards in 87, upon the v/ar broken out witli Spain, and the mighty threats of the Spanifh arm.ada, Ihe fent over yet greater forces under the Earl of Lei- cefler, whom the States admitted, and fwore obe- dience to him as Governor of their United Provinces. But this government laded not long, diftailes and fufpicions foon breaking out between Leicefler and xh.^ States ; partly from the jealoufy of his affecting an abfolute dominion and arbitrary difpofal of all offices, but chiefly of the Qvieen's intentions to make a peace with 10^ Obfervations upon tbeXJitked Provinces , with Spain ; and the eafy lofs of fome of their towns by Governors placed in them by the Earl of Leiceiler, increafed their difcon tents. Notwithftandino- this ill o intercourfe, the Queen re-alTures them in both thofe points, difapproves fome of Leicefler's proceedings, re- ceives frank and hearty afllflances from them in her na- val preparations againft the Spaniards ; and at length, upon the diforders increafing between the Earlof Lei- cefter and the States, commands him to refign his go- vernment, and releafe the States of the oath they had taken to obey him. And, after all this had pad, the Queen, eafily facrificing all particular refentments to the intereft of her crown, continued her favour, pro- tedion, and afliftances to the States, during the whole courfe of her reign, which were returned with the great- eft deference and veneration to her perfon, that was ever paid by them to any foreign Prince, and continues Hill to her name in the remembrance, and frequently in the mouths, of all forts of people among them. After Leicefter's departure, Prince Maurice was, by the confent of the union, chofen their Governor, but with a refervation to Queen Elifabeth \ and entered that command with the hopes which he made good in the execution of it for many years ; proving the great- eft Captain of his age, famous, particularly, in the difcipline and ordonance of his armies, and the ways of fortification by him firft invented or perfeded, and fince his time imitated by all. But the great breath, that was given the States in the heat of their affairs, was by the fliarp wars made by Qiieen Elifabeth upon the Spaniards at fea in the Indies, and the expeditions of Lifbon and Cadiz, and by the declining affairs of the League in France, for whofe fupport Philip II. v/as fo pafTionately engaged, that twice he commanded the Duke of Paritia to in- terrupt the courfe of his vi6lories in the Low-Coun- tries, and march into France for the relief of Roan and Paris ; Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, 103. Paris ; which much augmented the renown of this great Captain, but as much impaired the Hate of the Spanifh affairs in Flanders. For, in the Duke of Par- ma's abfence, Prince Maurice took in all the places held by the Spaniards on the other fide the Rhine which gave them entrance into the United Provinces. The fucceflion of Henry IV. to the crown of France gave a mighty blow to the defigns of King Philip ; and a much greater, the general obedience and ac- knowledgment of him upon his change of religion. "With this King the States began to enter a con- fidence and kindnefs, and the more by that which interceded between him and the Queen of Eng- land, v/ho had all their dependence during her life. But, after her death, King Henry grew to have greater credit than ever in the United Provinces; though upon the decay of the Spanidi power, under the afcendant of this King, the States fell into very early jealoufies of his growing too great, and too near them in Flanders. With the Duke of Parma died all the difcipline, and with that all the fortunes, of the Spanifh arms in Flan- ders : the frequent mutinies of their foldiers, dangerous in effe6l and in example, were m^ore talked of than any other of their adions, in the fhort government of Manf- field, Erneft, and Fuentes, till the old difcipline of their armies began to revive, and their fortune a little to refpire, under the new govern nient of Cardinal Al- bert, who came into Flanders both Governor «nd Prince of the Lov/-Countries, at the head of a mighty army drawn out of Germany and Italy, to try the lait effort of the Spanifh power, either in a profperous war^ or, at leall, in making way for a neceilary peace. But the choice of the Arch-Duke, and this new- authority, had a deeper root and defign, than at firfc appeared •, for that mighty King Philip II, born to {o vafl poffeffions, and to fo much vafter defires, after a lona: 1C4 Objervations upon the United Provinces. long dream of raifing his head into the clouds, found it now ready to lie down *n the dull : his body broken v/ith age and infirmities, his mind with cares and dif- tempered thoughts and the royal fervitude of a foli- citous life, he began to fee, in the glafs of time and experience, the true Ihapes of all human greatnefs and defigns ; and finding to what airy figures he had hi- therto facrificed his health, and eafe, and the good of his life, he now turned his thoughts wholly to reft and quiet, which he had never yet allowed either the world, or himfelf : his defigns upon England, and his invin- cible armada, had ended in fmoke : thofe upon France, in events the moft contrary to what he had propofed : and inftead of mattering the liberties, and breaking the Homach, of his Low-Country fubjeds, he had loft leven of his Provinces, and held the reft by the tenure of a war that coft him more than they were worth. He had made lately a peace with England, and defired it with France •, and, though he fcorned it with his re- volted fubjeds in his own name, yet he wifned it in another's; and was unwilling to entail a quarrel upon his fon, which had crofiTed his fortunes and bufied his thoughts all the courfe of his ^ reign. He therefore re- folved to commit thefe two defigns to the managem.ent of Arch-Duke Albert, with the ftyle of Governor and Prince of the Lov/- Countries ; to the end, that, if he could reduce the Provinces to their old fubjedtion, he Ihould govern them as Spaniili dominions \ if that v/as once more in vain attcm>pted, he fnouid by a marriage with Clara Ifabella Eugenia (King Philip's beloved daughter) receive thefe Provinces as a dowry, and be- come the Prince of them, with a condition only of their returning to Spain in cafe of Ifabella's dying without ifilie. King Philip believed, that the prefence of a natural Prince among his fubjeds ; that the birth- and cuftoms of Arch Duke Albert, being a Germ.an j the generous and obliging difpofiiions of Ifabella, might gam i.hap. I, Of their rife and progrefs, 105 gain further upon this flubborn people, than all the force and rigour of his former counlels ; and, at the worft, that they might make a peace, if they could not a v/ar, and^^Without iriterefting the honour and greatnefs of the Spaniih crown. In purfuit of this dererm.ination, like a wife King, while he intended nothing bur peace, he m.ade prepa- rations as if he defigned nothing but war ; knowing that his own defires of peace would fignify nothing, unlefs he could force his enemies to defire it too. He therefore fent the Arch-Duke into Flanders, at the head of fiich an army, that, believing the peace with France mull be the firft in order, and make way for either the war or peace afterwards in the Low-Coun- tries, he marched into France, and tookAmiens the chief cityof Picardy, and thereby gave fuch an alarm to the French Courtj as they little expeded, and had never received in the former wars. But while Albert bent the whole force of the war upon France, till he determined it in a peace with that crown, Prince Maurice, who had taken Groninguen in the time of Erneft, now maftered Linghen, Groll, and other places in OveryiTel, thereby adding thofe Provinces entire to the body of the union; and, at Albert's return into Flanders, entertained hini with the battle of Nev/port, won by the defpei-ate cou- rage of the Engliih under Sir Francis Vere, where Al- bert was wounded, and very near being taken. After this lofs, the Arch-Duke was yet comforted and relieved by the obfequious affe(flions and obedience of his new fubjcds, lb far as to refolve upon the i1ege ofOftend; which having fome time continued, and being almofl: difheartened by the ilrength of the place and invincible courage of the defendants, he was re- cruited by a body of eight thoufand Italians^ under the Marquis Spinola, to whom the proiecution of this (iege was committed : he took the playe after three years ^i^%t^ not by any want of men or provifigns within VoL/l H ' • (th§ io6 Obfer nations upon iheUnked Frovmces, (the haven, and relief by fea, being open all the time-) but perfectly for want of ground, which was gairred foot by foot,, till not fo much was left, as would hold men to defend it : a great example, how impoffible it is to defend any town, that cannot be relieved by an army flrong enough to raife the fiege. Prince Maurice, though he could nat fave Ollend, made yet amends for its lofs, by the taking of Grave and Siuyce ; fo as the Spaniards gained little but the honour of the enterprife : and Philip II. being dead, about the time of the Arch-Duke and Duchefs^s arri- val in Flanders, and, with him, the perfonal refentment of that war, the Arch- Duke, by confenc of the Spanifb Court, began to apply his thoughts wliolly to a peace ; which another circumftarrce had made more neceflary,- than any of thofe already m.entioned. As the Dutch commonwealth was born cut of the fea, fo out of the fame element it drew its firft flrength and confideration, as well as afterwards its riches and greatnefs : for, before the revolt, the fubjeds of th? LowXountries, though never allowed the trade of the Indies but in the Spanifii fleets and under Spanilh covert, yet m.any of them had in that manner made th^ voyages, and become fkilful pilots, as w^ell as verfed in the ways, and fenfible of the infinite gains, of that trade. And after the union, a greater confluence of -people falling down into the United Provinces, than could manage their ftock, or find employment at land, great multitudes turned their endeavours- to fea ; and, having loll the trade of Spain and xh^t Straits, fell not only into that of England, France, and the northern feas, but ventured upon that of the Eaft-Indies, at firil with fmali forces and fuccefs ;, but in courle of time, and hy the institution of an Eafc-India compa- ny, this came to be puriued with fo general applica- lion of the Provinces, and fo great advantage, that they made tli^mfelves mailers of moil of the the colonies ■Awd Chap. L Of their rife and progrefs. 107 and forts planted there by the Portuguefe (now fub- jedls of Spain.) The Dutch feamen grew as well ac- quainted with thofe vaft feas and coafts as with their own ; and Holland became the great magazine of all the commodities of thofe eaftern regions. In the Weft-Indies their attempts were neither fo frequent nor profperous, the Spanifli plantations there being too numerous and ftrong ; but by the multitude of their fhipping, fet out with public or private commifTions, they infefted the feas, and be- gan to wait for, and threaten, the Spanifh Indian fleets, and fometimes to attempt their coafts in that new world, (which was to touch Spain in the moft fenfi- ble part) and gave their Court the ftrongeft motives to endeavour a peace, that might fecure thofe trea- fures in their way, and preferve them in Spain, by ftopping the iffue of thofe vaft fums, which were conti- nually tranfmitted to maintain the Low -Country wars, Thefe refpecls gave the firft rife to a treaty of peace, the propofal whereof came wholly from the Spaniards ; and the very mention of it could hardly at firft be fa- ftened upon the States; nor could they ever be pre- vailed with to make way for any negotiation by a fufpenfion of arms, till the Arch-Duke had declared, he would treat with them as with free Provinces, i^pon whom, neither he, nor Spain, had any pretence. How- ever, the affair was purfued with fo much art and in- duftry on the Arch-Duke's part, and with fo paf- fionate defires of the Spanifti Court to end this war, that they were content to treat it at the Hague, the feat of the States-General ; and, for .the greater ho- nour, and better conduct of the whole bufmefs, ap- pointed the four chief minifters of the Arch-Duke's their commiffioners to attend and pUrfue it there ; who were, their Camp-Mafter-General Spinob, the Prefident of the Council, and the two Secretaries of State and of War in Flanders. H2 On ia8 Obfervationsupon theVnited Provincet. On the other fide, in Holland all the pace stewards this treaty were made with great coldnefs and arro- gance, railing pundilious difSculties upon every word of the Arch -Duke's declaration of treating them as free Provinces, and upon Spain's ratification of that form •, and forcing them to fend exprefTes into Spain, upon every occafion, and to attend the length of thofe returns. For the prcfperous fuccefs of their arms at land, in the courfe of above thirty years war, and the mighty growth of their naval power, and (under that proteftion) of their trade, had made the A^hoie body of their militia, both at land and fea, averfd: from this treaty, as well as the greateil part of the people ; wkofe inveterate hatred againfl Spain Was ftili as fierce as ever ; and who had the hopes ot difpofitions of raifing their fortunes by the war, whereof they had fo many and great examples among them. But there was, at the bottom, one foreign, and an- other domeilic confideration, which made way for this treaty, more than all thofe arguments that were the common themes, or than all the offices of the neigh- bour Princes, who concerned themfelves in this affair,, either from interefl of their ov/n, or the defires of end- ing a war, which had (o long exercifed, in a manner^ the arms of all Chriilendom upon the ilage of the Low-Countries. Th€ greatnefs of the SpaniHi mon- archy, fo formidable under Charles V. and Philip 11^ began nov/ to decline by the vaft defigns, and unfor- tunate events, of fo many ambitious couniels : and, on the other fide, the affairs of Henry iV. of France v/ere now at the greateft height and felicity, after ha- ving atchieved fo many adventures, with incredible conftancy and valour, and ended all his wars in a peace with Spain. The Dutch imagined, that the hot fpirits of the French could not continue long without fome exercife ; and that, to prevent it at home, it might be neceffary for that King to give it them abroad : that no Chap. I. Of their rife and progrefs, 109 no enterprlfe lay fo convenient for him, as that upon Flanders, which had anciently been part of the Gallic nation, and whofe firfl Princes derived and held of ■ the Kings of France. Befides, they had intimations, that Flenry IV. was taken up in great preparations of war, which they doubted would at one time or other fall on that fide, at leafl if they were invited by any greater decays of the Spanifh power in Flanders : and they knew very well, they fhould lie as much at the mercy of fuch a neighbour as France, as they had for- merly done of fuch a mailer as Spain. For the Spanifh power in Flanders was fed by treafures that came by long and perilous voyages out of Spain ; by troops drawn either from thence, or from Italy or Germany, with much cafualty, and more expence: their territory of the tQn Provinces was fmall and awed by the neigh- bourhood and jealoufies both of England and France. But, if France were once mafter of Flanders, the body of that empire would be fo great, and fo entire ; fo abounding in people, and in riches ♦, that whenever they found, or made, an occafion of invading the U- nited Provinces, they had no hopes of prefervingthem- felves by any oppofition or diverfion : and the end of their mighty refiftances againil Spain was, to have no mafter •, and not to change one for another, as they fhould do in this cafe : therefore the moft intelligent among their civil minifters thought it fafeft, by a peace, to give breath to the Arch-Duke's and Spanilh power, and, by that means, to lefTen the invitation of tht arms of France into Flanders, under fo great a King. For what was domeilic : the credit and power of Prince Maurice, built at firft upon that of his father, but m\!ch raifed by his ov/n perfonal virtues and qua- lities, and the fuccefs of his arms, was now grown fo high (the Prince being Governor or Stadtholder of four of the Provinces, and two of his coufms of the other three) that feyeral of the States headed by Barnevelt, H 3 Penfiqner 1 10 Ohjervatlons upon the VnltedFrovlnces. Penficner of Holland, and a man of great abilities an(l authority among them, became jealous of the Prince's power, aud pretended to fear the growth of it to an abfolute dominion : they knew, it would increafe by the continuance of a war ^vhich was wholly managed by the Prince \ and thought that in a peace it would diminilh and give way to the avithority of civil power 2 which diipcfed this \vlioIe party to defire the treaty, and to advance the progrefs and ifilie of it by all their afliftances. And thefe different humours ftirr^qg in the heart of the States with almoil equal llrength and vigour, the negotiation of a peace came to be ended, after long debates and infinite endeavours \ breaking, m appearance, upon the points of religion and the In- dian tra4e \ but yet came to knit again, and conclude in a truce of twelve years, dated in the year 1609, whereof the mod efiential points w^ere, the declaration of treating with them as free Provinces ; the cefiation of all acbs of hoftility on both fides during the truce -, the enjoym.entj for that fpace, of all that each party pofTcfTed: at the time of the treaty ; that no new for-^ tification fhould be raifed on either fide •, and that free commerce fhould be r^ftored on all parts in the fame manner as it was before, the v;ars. And thus the Stare of the United Provinces came to be acknowledged as a ixt^ comm.onwealth by their ancient mailer, having before been treated fo by moil of the Kings and Princes of Europe, in frequent ami- baffies and negotiations. Among which, a particu- lar preference was given to the Enghfh crown, whofe AmbaiTador had feilion and vote in their Council of State, by agreement with Queen Elifabeth^ and in acknowledgment of thofe great aiTiilances which gave life to their State when it was upon the point of ex- piring : though the Dutch pretend, that privilege was given to the AmbaiTador, by virtue of the poffeifion :^his crown had of the Briel, Flulhing, and Ramekins -^ and Chap^ I. Of their rife andprogrefs. 1 1 1 and that it was to ceafe upon the reflitution of thofe towns, and repayment of thofe fums lent by the Queen. In the very time of treating this truce, a league was xx)ncluded betv/een Henry IV. of France and the States, for preferving the peace, if it came to be concluded j or, in cafe of its failing, for aiTiftance of one another with ten thoufand men on the King's part, and five thoufand on the States. Nor did that King make any difficulty of continuing the two regiments of foot and two hundred horfe in the States fervice, at his own charge, after the truce, which he had maintained for feveral years before it : omitting no provifions that might tie that State to his intereft, and make him at prefent arbiter of the peace, and for the future of the war, if the truce ihould come to be broken, or to ex- pire of itfelf By what has been related itwill eafily appear, that no State was ever born with ilronger throws, or nurfed up with harder fare, or inured to greater labours or dangers in the whole courfe of its youth ; which are circumflances that ufually make ftrong and healthy bodies : and lb this has proved, having never had more than one difeafe brealc out, in the fpace of ninety- three years, which may be accounted the age of this State, reckoning from the union of Utrecht, entered by the Provinces in 1579. -^^^ ^^^^ difeafe, like thofe of the feed or conception in a natural body, though it firft appeared in Barnevelt*s time, breaking out upon the negotiations of Spain, and feemed to end with his death, (who was beheaded not many years after) yet has it ever fince continued lurking in the veins of this State, and appearing upon all revolutions tliat feem to favour the predominancy of the one or other humour in the body \ and, under the names of the Prince of Orange's and the Arminian party, has ever made the weak fide of this State ; and, whenever their pe- riod comes, will prove the occafion of their fall. H 4 The i 1 2 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. The ground of this name of Arminian was, that whilft Barnevelt's party accufed thofe of the Prince of Orange's, as being carekfs of their liberties, fo dearly bought; as devoted to the houfe of Orange ;'and dif- pofed to the admiffion of an abfolute principality, and, in order thereunto, as promoters of a perpetual war with Spain \ fo thofe of the Princes party accufed the others, as leaning ilill, and looking kindly up- on, their old fervitude, and relifhing the Spaniard, both in their politics, by fo eagerly affeding a peace with that crown; and in their religion, by being ge- nerally Arminians (which was efleemed the middle part between the Calvinifts and the Roman religion.) And, befides thefe mutual reproaches, the two parties have ever valued themfelves upon the afferting, one of the true and purer reformed religion; and the other,. of the true and freer liberties of the State. The fortunes of this commonwealth, that have hap- pened in their wars or negotiations, fince the truce with Spain, and what circumflances or accidents, both abroad and at home, ferved to cultivate their mighty growth, and confpired to the greatnefs wherein they appeared to the world in the beginning of the year 1665, being not only the fubje6l of the relations, but Gvtn the obfervations, of this prefent age ; I fhall either leave, as more obvious and lefs neceflary, to the account I intend of the civil government of this com- monwealth ; or elfe referve them till the fame vein of leifure or humour invite me to continue this deduction to the prefent time ; the affairs of this State having been cornplicated with all the variety and memorable revolutions, both of a6lions and counfels, that have iince happened in the reft of Chriftendom. In the mean time, I will clofe this relation with an event, which arrived foon after the conclufion of the truce, and had like to have broken it within the very year, if not prevented by the offices of the neighbouring ^ ■ \ Prince% Chap. L Of their rife and progrefs. UJ Princes, but more by a change of humour in the Uni- ted States, confpiring to the confervation of the new-, reftored peace in thefe parts of the world. In the end of the year 1 609, died the Duke of CleveS and JuHers, without heir-male, leaving thofe dutchies to the pretenfions of his daughters, in whofe right the Dukes of Brandenburgh and Nieuburgh pofTefled themfelves of fuch parts of thofe territories as they iirft could invade, each of them pretending right to the whole inheritance. Brandenburgh feeks protedlion and favour to his title from the United Provinces. Nieu- burgh from Arch-Duke Albert, and from Spain. The Arch-Duke, newly refpiring from fo long a war» had no defire tp intereft himfelf in this quarrel, fur- ther than the care, that the Dutch fhould not take advantage of it, and, under pretext of afTiding one of the parties, feize upon fome of thofe dominions lying contiguous to their own. The Dutch were not fo equal, nor content to lofe fo fair an occafion, and furprifed the town of Juliers (though pretending only to keep it till the parties agreed ;) and believing that Spain, after having parted with fo much in the late truce, to end a quarrel of their own, would not ven- ture the breach of it upon a quarrel of their neighbours. But the Arch-Duke, having firft taken his meafures with Spain, and forefeeing the confequence of this af- fair, refolved to venture the whole State of Flanders in a new war, rather than fuffer fuch an increafe of power and dominion to the States. And thereupon, firft, in the behalf of the Duke of Nieuburgh, requires from them the reftitution of Juliers ^ and, upon their artificious and dilatory anfwers, immediately draws his forces together, and with an army, under the com- mand of Spinola, marches towards Juliers (v/hich the States were in no care of, as well provided for a bold defence) but makes a fudden turn, and fits down be- fore Wefelj with fuch a terror and furprife to the in- habitant% 114 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. habitants, that he carries the town before the Dutch could come in to their afTiilance. Wefel was a llrong town upon the Rhine, which the Duke of Branden- burgh pretended to, as belonging to the dutchy of Cleves ; but the citizens held it at this time as an im- perial town, and under protedlion of the Dutch: who, amazed at this fudden and bold attempt of Spinohj^ which made him mafter of a pafs that lay fair for any further invafion upon their Provinces (eipecially thofe on t'other fide the Rhine) engage the offices of both the EngliOi and French crowns to mediate an agree- ment, which at length they conclude, fo as neither party Ihould, upon any pretence, draw their forces into any part of thefe dutchies. Thus the Arch-Duke, having by the fondnefs of peace newly made a truce upon conditions impofed by the Dutch ^ now, by the refolution of making war, obtains a peace upon the very terms propofed by himfelf and by Spain. An event of great inftru6lion and example, how dangerous it ever proves for weak Princes to call in greater to their aid, which m.akes them a prey to their friend, inilead of their enemy : how the only time of making an ad- vantageous peace is, when your enemy defires it, and when you are in the beft condition of purfuing a war -, ^nd how vain a counfel it is, to avoid a war by yield- ,^ Ing any point of intereft or honour ; which does but ''• invite new injurieSj encourage enemies^ and diihearten ' friends, CHAP. IL Of their governme?it. I w T is evident by what has been difcourfed in the former chapter concerning the rife of this State, hich is to be dated from the union of Utrecht) that it cannot properly be fey led a commonwealth, but is rather a cpnfederacy of Seven Sovereign Provinces^ "United ^ Chap, II, Of their government, ii^ united together for their common and mutual defence, without any dependence one upon the other. But, to difcover the nature of their government from the firft fprings and motions, it mull be taken yet into fmaller pieces, by which it will appear, that each of thefe Provinces is Hkewife compofed of many little ftates or cities, which have feveral marks of fovereign power within themfelves, and are not fubjedl tothefovereignty of their Province ; not being concluded in many things by the majority, but only by the univerfal concurrence of voices in the Provincial States. For as the States- General cannot make war or peace, or any new alli- ance, or levies of money, without the confent of every Province; fo cannot the States-Provincial conclude any of thofe points, without the confent of each of the cities that by their ccnilitution has a voice in ;hat allembly. And though in many civil caufes there lies an appeal from the common judicature of the cities to the provincial courts of juflice ; yet, in criminal, there lies none at all •, nor can the fovereign- ty of a Province exercife any judicature, feize upon jiny offender, or pardon any offence within the juril^ didbion of a city, or execute any common refolution or law, but by the juflice and officers of the city it- self. By this a certain fovereignty in each city is dif- terned, the chief marks v/hereof are, the power of ex- ercifing judicature, levying of money, and making war and peace •, for the other, of coining money, is neither in particular cities or Provinces, but in x!^'^ generality of the Union, by common agreement. The main ingredients therefore into the compofi=» tion of this State are, the freedom of the cities, the fovereignty of the Provinces, the agreements or con^ ftitutions of the union, and the authority of the Princes of Orange ; which makes the order 1 fhall follow in the account intended of this government. Butv/here- as the feveral Provinces in the union, and the feve- l^al (fitiea in each Province, as th^y hi^Yc^ in their or- ders ^^' > 1 1 6 Qbfervatkrii- upon the United Provinces. ders and conflitutions^ fome particular differences, as well as a general refemblance ; and the account of each diflind'ly would fwell this difcourfe out of mea- fure, and to little purpofe ^ I fhall confine myfelf to the account of Holland, as the richeft, flrongeft, and of moil authority among the Provinces ; and of Am- fterdam as that which has the fame pre-eminencies among the cities » The fovereigrf authority of the city of Amfterdam confifts in the decrees or refults of their Senate, which is compafed of fix and thirty men^ by whom the juftice is adminiftered, according to ancient forms, in the names of officers and places of judicature. But irK)riies are levied by arbitrary refoludons and pro^ portions,, according to what appears convenient or ©eceffary upon the change or emergency of occalions. Thefe Senators are for their lives» and the Senate was anciently chofen by the voices of the richer burghers, Qr freemen of the city^, who upon the death of a Se- liator met together^ either in a church, a market, or, fome other place fpacious enough to receive, their numbers; and there made an eledion of the perfon to fucceed) by the majority of voices^ But about a fcndred and thirty or forty yeara ago, when the towns of Holland began to increafe in circuity and in people^ fo as thefe frequent affemblies grew intQ danger of tumult and difordei: upon every occafion, |)y reafon of their numbers and contendo;i ^ this elec- tion of Senators cam.e,, by the refoluti.Qn of the burgh- ers in one of their general afiemblies,, to be devolv-. cd for ever upon the ilariding Seriate at that time ; 1(> §.a ever fince,, when any one of their mismber dies^ a. |iew one is chofen by the reft of the Senate^ without say i.uterYention of the odier burghers ^ v/hich makes the gavernoTient a fort of Oligarchy, znd very difie-^ %trx ixQpci a pop-alar goverraPient, as it is generally^ fJleemed by thofej^ who^ pafling or Hying in th^fq gouut^QSai Ch:lp. II. Of their gtivemmenf. t\j countries, content themfclves with common obferva- tions of inquiries. And this refoiution of the buro-n- ers either was agreed upon, or followed, by general confent or example, about the fame time, in ail the towns of the Province, though with fome difference in number of their Senators. By this Senate are chofcri the chief Magiftrates of the town, which are the Burgomafters and Efchevins : the Burgomafters of Amfterdam are four, whereof three are chofen every year, fo as one of them flays in office two years ^ bur the three lail chofen are called the Reigning Burgomafters for that year, and prefide by turns, after the firft three months ^ for, fo long af- ter a new eledion, the Burgomafter of the year before prefides ', in which time it is fuppofed the new ones will grow inflrudted in the forms and duties of their office, and acquainted with the ftate of the city's af- fairs. The Burgomafters are chofen by moft voices of all thofe perfons in the Senate who have been either Bur- gomafters or Efchevins ; and their authority refem- bles that of the Lord-Mayor and Aldermen in our cities. They reprefent the dignity of the government, and do the honour of the city upon all occaftons. They^ difpofe of all under-offices that fall in their time ; and iiTue out all monies out of the common ftock or trea- fure, judging alone what is necelTary for the fafety, convenience, or dignity of the city. They keep the key of the bank of Amfterdam (the common treafure of fo many nations) which is never opened without the prefence of one of them : and they infped: and purfue all the great public works of the city, as the Ramparts and Stadthoufe, now almoft iiniftied with fo great magnificence andfo vaft expence. This office is a charge of the greateft truft, autho- rity, and dignity ; and fo much the greater by not being of profit or advantage, but only as a way to other 1 1 8 Obfervatioiis upm the United Provinces, other conftant employments in the city, that are foi The falary of a Burgomafter of Amfterdam is but five hundred guilders a year, though there are offices worth ?i}7Q thoufand in their difpofal 5 but yet none of them known to have taken money upon fuch occa- fions, which would lofe all their credit in the town^ and thereby their fortunes hy any public employ- ments. They are obliged to no fort of expence more than ordinary modefl citizens, in their habits, their attendance, their tables, or any part of their own do- meftic. They are upon all public occafions waited on by men in falary from the town 5 and whatever feafts they make upon folemn days, or for the entertain- ment of any Princes or foreign minifters, the charge is defrayed out of the common treafure, but propor- tioned by their own difcretion. At other times, they appear in all places with the fimplicity and modefty of other private citizens. When the Burgomaflers office expires, they are of courfe difpofed into the other charges or employments of the town, which are very many and beneficial ; unlefs they lofe their credit with the Senate by any want of diligence or fidelity in the difcharge of their office, which feldom arrives. The Efchevins are the court of juflicc in every town. They are at Amfterdam nine in number ; of w^hich feven are chofen annually •, but two of the pre- ceding year continue in office. A double number is named by the Senate, out of which the Burgomafters now chufe, as the Prince of Orange did in the former conftitution. They are fovereign judges in all crimi- nal caufes. In civil, after a certain value, there lies appeal to the court of juftice of the Province. But they pafs fentence of death upon no man without firft advifing with the Burgomafters ; though, after that form is pafTed, they proceed themfelves, and are not bound to follow the Burgomafters opinion, but ara left Chap* II. Of their government. 219 left to their own : this being only a care or favour of fupererogation to the hfe of a man, which is fo foon cut offj and never to be retrieved or made amends for. Under thefe fovereign magiftrates, the chief fubor- dinate officers of the town are, the Treafurers, who re- ceive and ilTue out all monies that are properly the revenues or frock of the city : the Scout^ who takes care of the peace, feizcs all criminals, and fees the fentences of juftice executed, and whofe authority is like that of a Sheriff in a county with us, or a Con- ftable in a parifh : the Penfioner, who is a civil lav*^yer, verfed in the cuftoms, and records, and privileges of the town, concerning which he informs the magiilracy upon occafion, and vindicates them upon difputeswith other towns ^ he is a fervant of the Senate and the Burgomafters, delivers their melTages, makes their harangues upon all public occafions, and is not un- like the Recorder in one of our towns. In this ciiy of Amllerdam is the famous bankv which is the greatefi; treafure, either real or imagina- ry, that is known any where in the world. The place of it is a great vault under the Stadthouie, made ftrong with all the circumftances of doors and locks, and other appearing cautions of fafety, that can be : and it is certain, that whoever is carried to fee the bank, fliall never fail to find the appearance of a mighty real treafure, in bars of gold -and filver, plate, and in- finite bags of metals, which are fuppofed to be all gold and filver, and may be fo for aught I know. But, the Burgomafters only having the infpeftion of this bank, and no man ever taking any particular account of what ilTues in and out, from age to age, it is im- pofTible to make any calculation, or guefs, what pro- portion the real treafure may hold to the credit of it. Therefore the fecurity of the bank lies not only in the effects that are in it, but in the credit of the whole town IZQ Ohfcrvattom Upon the United Provinces. town or ftate of Amfterdam, whofe flock and revenue is equal to that of fome kingdoms ; and who are bound to make good all monies that are brought into their bank : the tickets or bills hereof make all the ufual great payments, that are made between man and man in the town \ and not only in moft other places of the United Provinces, but in many other trading parts of the world. So as this bank is properly a general calh, where every man lodges his money, becaufe he efteems it fafer, and eafier paid in and out, than if it were in his coffers at home \ and the bank is fo far from pay- ing any intereft for what is there brought in, that money in the bank is worth fomething more in com- mon payments, than what runs current in coin from hand to hand ; no other money pafTing in the bank, but in the fpecies of coin the beft known, the moft afcer- tained, and the moft generally current in all parts of the Higher as well as the Lower Germany. The revenues of Amfterdam arife out of the con- flant excife upon all forts of commodities bought and fold within the precind ; or, out of the rents of thoie houfes or lands that belong in common to the city *, or, out of certain duties and impofitions upon every houfe, towards the ufes of charity, and the repairs, or adornments, or fortifications of the place ; or elfe, out of extraordinary levies confented to by the Senate, for furnilhing the part of the public charge that is agreed to by their Deputies in the Provincial States, for the ufe of the Province *, or by the Deputies of the States of -Holland in the States- General, for fupport of the union. And all thefe payments are made into one common ftock of the town, not, as many of ours are, into that of the parifli, fo as attempts may be eafier made at the calculations of their whole revenue \ and I have heard it afRrmed, that what is paid of all kinds to public ufes of the States-General, the Province, and the city, in Amfterdam, amounts- to above fixteen Chap. II. Of their governments i±i hundred thoufand pounds Sterling a-year. But I en- ter into no computations, nor give thefe for any thing more, than what I have heard from men who pretend- ed to make fuch enquiries, whichj I confefs I did not. It is certain, that, in no town, ftrength, beauty, and convenience are better provided for, nor with more unlimited expence, than in this, by the magnificence of their public buildings, as the Stadthoufe and Arfenals j the number and fpacioufnefs, as well as order and re- "t^enues, of their many hofpitals^ the commodioufnefs of their canals, running through the chief Itreets of paflage ; the mighty ftrength of their baftions and ramparts j and the neatnefs, as well as convenience, of their ftreets, fo far as can be compalTed in fo great a confluence of induftrious people •, all which could never be atchieved without a charge much exceeding what feems proportioned to the revenue of one finglq town* The Senate chufes the Deputies which are fent from this city to the States of Holland ; the fovereign- ty whereof is reprefented by Deputies of the Nobles and Towns, compofmg nineteen voices : of which the nobles have only the firft, and the cities eighteen, ac-* cording to the number of thofe which are called StemmSy the other cities and towns of the Province hav- ing no voice in the States. Thefe cities were originally but fix, Dort, Haerlem, Delf, Leyden, Amflerdam, ,and Tergou j but were increafed, by Prince William of Naffau, to the number of eighteen, by the addition of Rotterdam, Gorcum, Schedam, Schonoven, Briei, Alcmaer, Home, Enchufen, Edam, Moninckdam, Medenblick, and Permeren. This makes as great an inequality in the government of the Province, by fuch a fmall city as Permeren having an equal voice in the Provincial States with Amflerdam (which pays perhaps half of all charge of the Province) as feems to be in the States-Gea^ral, by fo imall a Province as Vol. L I OvQxym 122 Obfervationsttpon the Unk-ed Provinces, OveryiTel having'an equal voice in the States -General v/ith that of Holland, which contributes more than half to tlie general charge of the union. But this was by fome writers of that age interpreted to be done by the Princess authority, to lefTen that of the nobles, and balance that of the greater cities, by the voices of the fmailer, whofe dependences were eafier to be gained and fecured. The Nobles, though they are few in this Province, yet are not reprefenced by all their number, but by eight or nine, who as Deputies from their body have felnon in the States Provincial •, and who, when one among them dies, chufe another to fucceed him^ Though they have altogether but one voice equal to the fmalleil town ; yet they are very confiderable in the government, by poiTeffing many of the befl charges both civil and military, by having the dired:ion of all the ecclefiaftical revenue that v/as feized by the State upon the change of religion, and by fending their Deputies to all the councils both of the Generality and the Province, and by the nomination c^ one Coun- fellor in the two great courts of juftice. They give their voice firil in the AfTembly of the States, and thereby a o-reat weio;ht to the bufinefs in confultation. The Penfioner of Holland is feated with them, delivers their voice for them, and affills at all their delibera- tions, before they come to the Afiembly. He 's, pro- perly, but minifter or fervant of the Province, and fo his place or rank is behind all their Deputies ; but has always great credit, becaufe he is perpetual, or feldom difcharged ; though of right he ought to be chofen or renewed every fifth year. He has place in all the feveral afiemblies of the Province, and in the States propofes all affairs, gathers the opinions, and forms or digefts the refolutions •, pretending likewife a power, not to conclude any very important affair by plurality of voices, when he judges in his confcience be Chap. li. Of their government i ^3 he ought not to do it> and that it will be of ill confe- quence or prejudice to the Province. He is likewife one of their conftant Deputies in the States-General. The Deputies of the cities are drawn out of the Magiilrates and Senate of each town : their number is uncertain and arbitrary^ according to the cuftoms or pleafure of the cities that fend them, becaufe they have all together but one voice, and are all maintained at their cities charge : but commonly one of the Bur* gomafters and the Penfioner are of the number. The States of Holland have their fefllon in the court at the Hague, and alTemble ordinarily four times a-year, in February, June, September, and November. In the former feffions, they provide for the filling up of ail vacant charges^ and for renewing the farms of all the feveral taxes, and for confulting about any matters that concern either the general good of the Province, or any particular differences arifmg between the towns. But, in November, they meet purpofely to refolve upon the continuance of the charge v/hich falls to the fhare of their Province the following year, according to what may have been agreed upon by the Deputies of the States -General, as neceflary for the fupport of the State or Union. For extraordinary occafions, they are convoked by a council called the Gecommitteer de Raedfn^ or the commifTioned Counfellors, who are properly a Coun- cil of State of the Province, compofed of feveral De- puties •, one from the nobles ; one from each of the chief towns *, and but one from three of the fmaller towns, each of the three chufing him by turns. And this council fits conftantly at the Hague, and both propofes to the Provincial States, at their extraordi- nary alTemblies, the matters of deliberation, and exe- cutes their refoiutions. In thefe affembiies, though all are equal in voices^ and any one hinders a refult -, yet it feldom happens, I 2 but 1 24 Ohfervattons upon the IJjihed Provinces . but that, united by one common bond of interefl, and having all one common end of public good, they come after full debates to eafy refolutions •, yielding to the power of reafon, where it is clear and ftrong, and fup- prelTing all private pafiions or interefts, fo as the fmal- ier part fekiom eontefts, hard or long, what the greater agrees of. When the Deputies of the States agree in opinion, they fend fome of their number to their re- ipedtive towns, propofmg the affair and the reafons ailed ged, and defiring orders from them to conclude -^ which feidom fails, if the neceffity or utility be evi- dent: if it be more intricate, or fuffers delay, the States adjourn for fuch a time, as admits the return of all the Deputies to their towns ; where their influence and intereft, and the impreflions of the debates m their provincial afiemblies, make the confent of the cities eafier gained. Befidcs the States and Council mentioned, the Pro- vince has likewife a Chamber of accounts, who ma- nage the general revenues of the Province : and, be- fides this truft, they have the abfolute difpofition of the ancieiit demefne of Holland, without giving any account to the States of the Province. Only at times, either upon ufual intervals, or upon a neceflity of money, the States call upon them for a fubfidy of two or three hundred thoufand crowns, or more, as they are preffed, or conceive the chamber to be grown rich, beyond what is proportioned to the general defign of increafing the eafe and fortunes of thofe perfons who compofe it* The States of Holland difpofe of thefe charges to men grown aged in their fervice, and who have palTed through moft of the employments of State with the eileem of prudence and integrity; and fuch perfons find here art honourable and profitable retreat. TheProvincesof Holland and Zealand, as theyufed formerly to have one Governor in the time of the houfes of Burgundy and Auftria ^ fo they have long >- ■: ./ . ' had Chap. II. Of their governmenf. 125 had one common judicature, which is exercifed by two courts of juftice, each of them common to both the Provinces. The firfl is compofed of twelve Counfel- iors, nine of Holland and three of Zealand, of whom the Governor of the Provinces is the head; by the old confutation ufed to prefide whenever he pleafed, and to name all the Counfellors except one, who was cho- fen by the nobles. This court judges without appeal in all criminal caufes •, but in civil there lies appeal to the other court, which is called the High Council^ from which there is no appeal, but only by petition to the States of the Province for a revifion : when thefe judge there is reafon for it, they grant letters pa- tent to that purpofe, naming fome Syndiqucs out of the towns, v/ho, being added to the Counfellors of the two former courts, revife and judge the caufe in the iaft refort. And this courfe feems to have been infli- tuted by way of fupply or imitation of the chamber of Mechlin, to which, before the revolt of the Pro- vinces, there lay an appeal, by way of revifion, from all or moft of the provincial courts of juftice, as there ftill doth in the Spanilh Provinces of the Netherlands. The Union is made up of the feven fovereign Pro- vinces before named, who chufe their refpedive De- puties, and fend them to the Hague, for the compo- fmg of three feveral colleges, called the States-Gene- ral, the Council of State, and the Chamber of accounts. The fovereign power of this united State lies effec- tively in the AlTembly of the States-General, which ufed at firft to be convoked, upon extraordinary occa- fions, by the Council of State ; but that feldom, in regard they ufually confifted of above eight hundred perfons, whofe meeting together in one place, from fo many feveral parts, gave too great a fhake to the whole body of the union ; made the debates long, and fometimes confufed ; the refolutions flow, and, upon^ Uidden occafions, out of time. In the abfence of the 1 ,3 States- 126 OBfervations upon the Urn fed Provinces. States-Genera], the Council cf State reprefented their authority, and executed their refolutions, and judged of the neceflity of a new convocation •, till, after the Earl of Leiceiler's departure from the government, the Provincial States defired of the General, that they . ttiight, by their conflant refpe6live Deputies, continue their aflemblies under the name of States-General, which were never after aflembled but at Bergen op Zoom, for ratifying with more folemn form and au^ thority the truce concluded with Duke Albert and Spain. This defire of the Provinces was grounded upori the pretences that the Council of State convoked them but feldom, and at v/ill^ and that, being to execute dl in their abfence, they thereby arrogated to them- felves too great an authority in the State. But a more fecret reafon had greater weight in this affair, which was, that the Enghfh Anibaffador had, by agreement with Queen Elifabeth, a conflant place in their Coun^ cil of State ; and, upon the diftailes arifing between the Provinces and the Earl of Leicefter, v/ith fome jealoufies of the Queen's difpofition to make a peace with Spain, they had no mind that her Ambaflador fhould be prefent any longer in the Brft digeftion of their affairs, which was then ufuaily m.ade in the Coun- cil of State. And hereupon they firfl framed the or- dinary council, called the States-General, which has ever fmce paffed by that name, and fits conftantly in, the court at the Hague, reprefents the fovereignty of. the union, gives audience and difpatch to all foreign miniilers ; but yet is indeed only a reprefentative of the States-General, the afiemblies whereof are wholly difufed. The Council of State, the Admiralty, and the trear fury, are all fubordinate to this council: all of v^hich are continued in as near a refemblance, as could be, tq the feverai counciis ufed iri the time when the Provin- ces Chap. II. Of their government. 127 cts were fubjedl to their feveral principalities, or uni- ted under one in the houfes of Burgundy and Auftria-, only the feveral Deputies (compofing one voice) now fucceeding the fingle perfons employed under the for- mer government : and the Hague, which was the an- cient feat of the Counts of Holland, ftill continues to be fo of all thefe councils ; where the palace of the former Sovereigns lodges the Prince of Orange as Go- vernor, and receives thefe feveral councils as attend- ing Itill upon the fovercignty, reprefented by the States-General. The members of all thefe councils are placed and changed by the feveral Provinces according to their different or agreeing cuiloms. To the States-Generai every one fends their Deputies, in what number they pleafe ; fome two, fome ten, or twelve •, which makes no difference, becaufe all matters are carried, not by the votes of perfons, but of Provinces : and all the Deputies from one Province, how few or many foever, have one fmgle vote. The Provinces differ iikewife in the time fixed for their deputation ; fome fending for a year, fome for more, and others for life. The Province of Holland fends to the States-General one of their nobles, who is perpetual ^ two Deputies cho- {tn. out of their eight chief towns, and one out of North Holland ; and v/ith thefe, two of their provin- cial council of State, and their Penfioner. Neither Stadtholder or Governor, or any perfon in military charge, has fefTion in the Stated-General. Every Province prefides their week in turns, and by the moft qualified perfon of the Deputies of that Province : he fits in a chair with arms, at the middle of a long table capable of holding about thirty perfons ; for about that number this council is ufually compofed of. The Greffier, who is in nature of a fecretary, fits at the lower end of the table. When a foreign minifter has audience, he is feated at the middle of this table, over- ^gainil the Prefident, who propofes all matters in I 4 thia 128 Ohfervations upon the United Provi?iCef, this afTembly ; makes the Greffier read all papers \ puts the queftion; calls the voices of the Provinces % and forms the conclufion. Or, if he rcfufes to con- clude according to the plurality, he is obliged to re- fign his place to the Prefident of the enfuing week, who concludes for him. This is the courfe in all affairs before them, excepi in cafes of peace and war, of foreign alliances, of rai- fing or coining of monies, or the privileges of each Province or member of the union. In all which, all the Provinces muft concur, plurality being not at all weighed or obferved. This council is not fovereigUi but only reprefents the fovereignty •, and * therefore, though Ambaffadors are both received and fent in their name, yet neither are their own chofen, nor fo- reign miniflers anfwered, nor any of thofe mention- ed affairs refolved, without confulting firfl the States of each Province by their refpedive Deputies, and receiving orders from them ; and in other important matters, though decided by plurality, they frequent- ly confult with the Council of State. , Nor has this method or conflitution ever been bro- ken fmce their State began, excepting only in one af-^ fair, which was in January 1668, when his Majefty lent; me over to propofe a league of mutual defence with' this State, and another for the prefervation of ^Flanders from the invafion of France, which had already conquered a great part of the Spanilli Pro- vinces, and left the reft at the mercy of the next campaign. Upon this occafion I had the fortune to prevail with the States- General to conclude three treaties, and upon them draw up and fign the feve- ral inftruments, in the fpace of ^vt days, without paffing the effential forms of their government by any recourfe to the Provinces, which muft likewife have had ic to the feveral cities: there, I knew, thofe foreign minifters, whofe duty and intereft it was to oppofe this affair, expedled to meet and to elude it; which Chap. II. Of their go'vernment. 129 which could not have failed, in cafe it had run that circle, fince engaging the voice of one city muft have broken it : it is true, that, in concluding thefe alli- ances without cornmifTion from their principals, the Deputies of the States-General ventured their heads, if they had been difowned by their Provinces ^ but being all unanimous, and led by the clear evidence of fo dire6l and fo important an intereft (which muft have been loft by the ufual delays) they all agreed to run the hazard y and were fo far from being difown- ed, that they were applauded by all the members of every Province : having thereby changed the whole face of affairs in Chriftendom, and laid the founda- tion of the triple alliance and the peace of Aix (which were concluded about four months after.) So great has the force of reafon and intereft ever prov- ed in this State, not only to the uniting of all voices in their aflemblies, but to the abfolving of the great- eft breach of their original conftitutions \ even in % State whofe fafety and greatnefs has been chiefly founded upon the fevere and cxadl obfervance of or- der and method in all their counfels and executions, Nor have they ever ufed, at any other time, any greater means to agree and unite the feveral mem'»> bers of their union, in the refolutions neceffary, up. on the moft prefTing oecafions, than for the agreeing Provinces to name fome of their ableft perfons to go and confer with the diifenting, and reprefent thole reafons and interefts by which they have been induced to their opinions, The Council of State is compofed of Deputies from the feveral Provinces, bpt after another manner J:han the States-General, the number being fixed. Gelder* land fends two, Holland three, Zealand and Utrecht two apiece^ Friezland, OverylTel, and GroningUen, e,ac}i of them one, making in all twelve. They vote liot by Provjaces, but by perfonaj voices 5 and every Bepyt^ 130 Obfervations upon theViihed Provinces. Deputy prefides by turns. In this council the Gover- nor of the Provinces has feiTion, and a decifive voice 5 ^nd the Treafurer-^General, feflion, but a voice only deliberative ; yet he has much credit here, being for life ; and fo is the perfon deputed to this council from the Nobles of Holland, and the Deputies of the Pro- vince of Zealand, The reft are but for two, three, or four years. The Council of State executes the refolutions of the States-General ; confults and propofes to them the moft expedient ways of raifing troops, and levying monies, as well as the proportions of both, which they conceive necelTary in all conjundures and revo- lutions of the ilate ; fuperintends the miiice, the for-^ tifications, the contributions out of the enemies coun^ fry, the forms and difpofal of all paflports, and the affairs, revenues, and government of all places con- quered fmce the union i which, being gained by the i:ommon arms of the State, depend upon the States^ General, and not upon any particular Province. Towards the t\^^ of every yeay, this council forms a ftate of the expence they conceive will be neceffary for the year enfuing ; prefents it to the States- Gene- ral, defiring them to demand fo much of the States- Provincial, to be raifed according to the^ufual propor- tions,, which aj^> cf I op3,o€Q guilderSa Grs. St. D, Gelderknd — 3612 • — — 05 oq Holland ■ — S^'>'¥^9 — 01 — ^r- la Zealand — ■ 91 S3 — ^4 "-^ — 02 Utrecht ^%y:^ _— ^j n Friezland — — — x 13661 — — - 15 — — iq Overyfiel ■ ■ oS7^ ~" ^^ — 04. iQrqmngucri ■- — *■ — • §830 — 7— 57 ■ 11 Chap. IL Of their government. 131 This petition, as it is called, is made to the States - General, in the name of the Governor and Council of State, which is but a continuance of the forms ufed in the time of their Sovereigns, and flill by the Gover- nors and council of State in the Spanifh Netherlands : petition fignifying barely ajCking or demanding, though implying the thing demanded to be wholly in the right and power of them that give. It was ufed by the firft Counts only upon extraordinary occafions and necef- ilties ; but in the time of the houfes of Burgundy and Auflria grew to be a thing of courfe, and annual, as- it is ftill in the Spanifh Provinces. The Council of State difpofes of all fums of mo- pey deftined for all extraordinary affairs, and expe- dites the orders for the whole expence of the State, upon the refolutions firfl taken, in the main, by the States-General. The orders muft be figned by three Deputies of feveral Provinces, as well as by the Trea- furer- General, and then regiflered in the chamber of accounts, before the Receiver-General pays them, which is then done without any difficulty, charge, or (delay. Every Province raifes what monies it pleafes, and by what ways or means, fends its quota^ or fhare, of the general charge, to the Receiver General, and con- verts the refc to the prefent ufe, or referves it for the future occafions, of the Province. The Chamber of accounts was erefted about fixty years ago, for the eafe of the Council of State, to ex- amine and ftate all accounts of all the feveral recei^ vers, to controul and regifler the orders of the Coun- cil of State, which difpofes of the finances : and this chamber is compofed of two Deputies from each Pro- vince, who are changed every three years. Befides thefe colleges, is the council of the Admi- ralty ; who, when the States-General, by advice of fhe council of State, hay? dei^ined a fleet of fuch a npmber 132 Ohfervations upon the XJnited Provinces. number and force to be fet out, have the abfolute difpofition of the marine affairs, as well in the choice and equipage of all the feveral Ihips, as in iffuing the monies allotted for that fervice. This college is fubdivided into five, of which three are in Holland, viz. one in Amllerdam, another at Rotterdam, and the third at Horn : the fourth is at Middleburgh in Zealand, and the fifth at Harlinguen in Friezland. Each of thefe is compofed of itv^n Deputies, four of that Province where the college re- fides ; and three named by the other Provinces. The Admiral, or, in his abfence, the Vice-Admira}, has fefHon in all thefe colleges, and prefides when he is prefent. They take cognizance of all crimes commit- ed at fea \ judge all pirates that are taken, and all frauds or negligences, in the paym.ent or colledlions of the cuftoms ; which are particularly affeded to the Admiralty, and applicable to no other ufe. This fund, being not fufRcient in times of war, is fuppli- ed by the States with whatever more is neceffary from other funds ; but m time of peace, being little ex- hauiled by other conilant charge befides that of con- voys to their feveral 8eets of merchants m all parts, the remainder of this revenue is applied to the build- ing of great Ihips of war, and furnifbing the feveral ariensls and (lores with all forts oi provifion neceffary for the building and rigging of more ihips than can be needed by the coiirfe of a long v^ar. So foon as the number and force of the Oeets de- figned for any expedition is agreed by the States-Ge- neral, and given out by the council of State to the Admiralty ^ each particular college furriilies their own proportion, v/hich is known^ as well as that of the feveral Provinces, in all monies that are to be raifed. In all which, the Admiral has no other Ihare or advantage, befides his bare ialary, and his pro- portion iii prhes that are taken ^ The Captains and fvpetlQ? Chap. II. Of their governmenf, 1 3 j fuperior officers of each fquadron are chdfen by the feveral colleges •, the number of men appointed for every ihip ; after which, each Captain ufcs his bed diligence and credit to fill his number with the beft men he can get, and takes the whole care and charge of victualling his own jGhip for the time intended for that expedition, and fignified to him by the Admi- ralty •, and this at a certain rate of fo much a man^ And by the good or ill difcharge of his truft, as well as that of providing Chirurgeons, medicines, and all things necefiary for the health of the men, each Cap- tain grows into good or ill credit with the feamen, and, by their report, with the Admiralties % upon w^hofe opinion and efteem the fortune of all fea-of- ficers depends : fo as, in all their expeditions, there appears rather an emulation among the particular Captains, who fhall treat his feamen beft in thefc points, and employ the monies allotted for their vic- tualling to the beft advantage, than any little knavifli pra(9:ices, of filling their own purfes by keeping their men's bellies empty, or forcing them to corrupted unwholefome diet : upon which, and upon cleanlinefs in their fhips, the health of many people crowded up into fo little room feems chiefly to depend. The falaries of all the great officers of this State are very fmall: I have already mentioned that of a Burgomafter's of Amfterdam to be about fifty pounds Sterling a-year : that of their Vice- Admiral (for, fmce the laft Prince of Orange's death, to the year 1670, there had been no Admiral} is five hundred, and that of the Penfioner of Holland two hundred. The greatnefs of this State feems much to con fill in thefe orders, how confufed foever, and of difi^erent pieces, they may feem ; but more in two main effeds of them, which arc, the good choice of the officers of chief truft in the Cities, Provinces, and State : and the great fimplicity and modefty in the common port or 134 Objervat lorn upon the XJnlted' Provinces. or living of their chiefeft nnniflers ^ without whichji the abfolutenefs of the Senates in each town^ and the immenfity of taxes through the whole State, would never be endured by the people with any patience; be- ing both of them greater than in many of thofe go- vernments which are efleemed moft arbitrary among their neighbours. But, in the alfembiies and debates of their Senates, every man's abilities are difcovered, as their difpofitions are in the condu6t of their lives and domeflique among their fellow- citizens. The ob-" fervation of thefe either raifes, or fupprelTes^ the cre- dit of particular men, both among the people, and the Senates, of their towns *, who, to maintain their authority with lefs popular envy and difcontent, give much to the general opinion of the people in the choice of their Magiflrates : by this means it comes to pafs, that, though perhaps the nation generally be not wife, yet the government is, becaufe it is compofed of the wifeft of the nation ; which may give it an advantage over many others^ where ability is of rnore common growth^ but of lefs ufe to the public % if it happens that neither wifdom nor honefty are the qualities which bring men to the management of ftatc- affairs, as they ufually do in this common- wealth. Befides^ though thefe people, who are naturally cold and heavy, may not be ingenious enough to furnifh a pleafant or agreeable converfation, yet they want not plain downright fenfe to underftand and do their bu- fmefs both public and private, which is a talent ve- ry different from the other •, and I know not whether they often meet : for the firfl proceeds from heat of the brain, which makes the fpirits more airy and vo- latile, and thereby the motions of thought lighter and quicker, and the range of imagination much greater than in cold heads where the fpirits are more earthy and dull : thought moves (lovy'er and heavier, but chap. II. Of their government, 135 but thereby the impfeflions of it are deeper, and laft longer; one imagination being not fo frequently^ nor fo eafily, effaced by another, as where new ones are continually arifing. This makes duller men more conflant and fteady, and quicker men more incon-^ ftant and uncertain; whereas the greateft abihty in bufinefs feems to be the ileady purfuit of feme one thing, till there is an end of it, with perpetual ap- plication and endeavour not to be diverted by every reprefentation of new hopes or fears of difficulty or danger, or of fome better defign. The firft of thele talents cuts like a razor, the other like a hatchet 5 one has thinnefs of edge, and finenefs of metal and temper, but is eafily turned by any fubllance that is hard and refills : the other has toughnefs and weight which makes it cut through, or go deep wherever it falls ; and dicrefore one is for adornment, the other for ufe. It may be faid further, that the heat of the heart commonly goes along with that of the brain ; {o that pafTions are warmer, where imaginations are quicker : and there are few men (unlefs in cafe of fome evident natural defed) but have fenfe enough to diflinguifh in grofs between right and wrong, between good and bad, when reprefented to them; and confequently have judgment enough to do their bufinefs, if it be left to itfelf, and not fwayed nor corrupted by fome humour or paiTion, by anger or pride, by love or by fcorn, ambition or avarice, delight or revenge : fo as that the coldnefs of paffion feems to be the natural ground of ability and honefly among men, as the go- vernment or moderation of them the great end of philofophical and moral inflru6lions. Thefe fpecula- tions may perhaps a little lefTen the common won- der, how we fhould meet with .in one nation fo little fhew of parts and of wit, and fo great evidence of wifdom and prudence, as has appeared in the con- dud 136 Ohfervations upon the JJnited Froi^inceL du6l and fuccefles of this State^ for near an hundred years ; which needs no other teftimony, than the mighty growth and power it arrived to from fo weak and contemptible feeds and beginnings. The other circumftance I mentioned, as an occa- fion of their greatnefs, was the fimplicity and modefty of their Magiflrates in their way of Hving, which is fo general, that I never knew one among them exceed the common frugal popular air : and fo great, that, of the two chief officers in my time, Yice-Admiral De Ruiter and the Penfioner De Witt (one generally eiteemed by foreign nations as great a feaman^ and the other as great a llatefman, as any of their age) I never faw the firfl in cloaths better than the com- moneft fea-captain, nor with above one man following, him,' nor in a coach \ and, in his own houfe, neither was the fize, building, furniture, or entertainment, at all exceeding the ufe of every common merchant and tradefman in his town. For the Penfioner De Witt, who had the great influence in the government, the- whole train and expence of his domeftique went Very equal with other common Deputies or minifters of the State •, his habit grave, and plain, and popular \ his table, what only ferved turn for his family, or a friend; his train (befides commifTaries and clerks kept for him, in an office adjoining to his houfe, at the pub- lic charge) was only one man, who performed all the menial fervice of his houfe at home \ and, upon his vifits of ceremony, putting on a plain livery-cloak, ^attended his coach abroad : for, upon other occafions, he was feen ufually in the flreets on foot, and alone, like the commonefl burgher of the town. Nor was this manner of life affeded, or ufed only by thefe par- ticular men, but was the general falhion and mode ^mong all the magiflrates of the State : for I fpeafc j>ot of the military officers^ whp^ are reckoned their ftrvant^^ Chap. II. Of their government. ii^y fervants, and live in a different garb, though generally modeller than in other countries. Thus this flomachful people, who could not endure the leaft exercife of arbitrary power or impoiitions, or the fight of any foreign troops, under the Spaniili go- vernment, have iince been inured to all of them, in the higheft degree, under their own popular magiftrates ; bridled v/ith hard laws, terrified with fevere execu- CUtions, environed with foreign forces ; and opprefTed with the moft cruel hardihip and variety of taxes that was ever known under any government ; but all thi.^, whilft the way to office and , authority lies through thofc qualities which acquire the general efteem of thei people ; whilft no man is exempted from the danger and current of laws ; whilft foldiers are con- fined to frontier garrifons (the guard of inland or trading towns being left to the burghers themfelves ;) and v/hilft no great riches are feen to enter by public payments into private purfes, either to raife families, or to feed the prodigal expences of vain, extravagant, and luxurious men •, but all public monies are applied to the fafety, greatnefs, or honour of the State, and the Magiftrates themfelves bear an equal fliare in all the burdens they impofe. The authority of the Princes of Orange, though in- termitted upon the untimely death of the laft, and in- fancy of this prefent Prince ; yet, as it muft be ever acknowledged to have had a moft efiential part in the lirft frame of this government, and in all the fortunes thereof, during the whole growth and progrefs of the State : fo has it ever preferved a very ftrong root, not only in fix of the Provinces, but even in the general and popular affe6lions of the Province of Holland it- felf, whofe States have, for thefe laft tv/enty years, fo much endeavoured to fupprefs, or exclude it. This began in the perfon of Prince William of Naflau, at the very birth of the State, and not fo Vol. L K ^ much 138 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. much by the quality of being Governor of Hollancl and Zealand in Charles V's and Philip IFs time, as by the efleem of fo great wifdom, goodnefs, and courage, as excelled in that Prince, and Teems to have been from him derived to his whole race ; being, in- deed, the qualities that naturally acquire efteem and authority among the people, in all governments. Nor has this nation in particular, fince the time perhaps of Civilis, ever been without fome head, under fome title or other ; but always an head fubordinate to their laws and cuftoms, and to the fove reign power of the State. In the firfl: conflitution of this government, after the revolt from Spain, all the power and rights of Prince William of Orange, as Governor of the Pro- vinces, feem to have been carefully referved. But thofe which remained inherent in the Sovereign, were de^ volved upon the affembly of the States-General, fo as in them remained the power of making peace and war, and all foreign alliances, and of raifing and coining of monies : in the Prince, the command of all land and fea forces, as Captain-general and Admiral, and there- by the difpofition of all military commands, the power of pardoning the penalty of crimes, the chufing of magiftrates upon the nomination of the towns ; for they prefented three to the Prince who eleded one out of that number. Originally the .States-General were convoked by the council of State, where the Prince had the greateft influence; nor, fince that change, have the States ufed to refolve any important matter vv^thout his advice. Befides all this, as the States- General reprefented the fovereignty, fo did the Prince of Orange the dignity, of this State, by public guards, and the attendance of all military officers ; by the application of all foreign miniflers, and all pre- tenders at home ; by the fplendor of his court and magnificence of his expence > fupported not only by the Chap. II. Of their goveriiment, 139; the penfions and rights of his feveral charges and commands, but by a mighty patrimonial revenue in lands and fovereign principalities and lordihips, as well in France, Germany, and Burgundy, as in the feveral parts of the Seventeen Provinces ; fo as Prince Henry was ufed to anfwer fome that would have flat- tered him into the defigns of a more arbitrary power, that he had as much as any wife Prince v/ould defire in that State ; fmce he wanted none indeed, befides that of punifhing men, and railing money ; vv^hereas he had rather the envy of the firfl Ihould lie upon the forms of the government, and he knew the other could never be fupported, without the confent of the people, to that degree which was neceiTary for the de- fence of fo fmall a State againft fo mighty Princes as their neighbours. Upon thefe foundations was this State firfl efla- blifhed, and by thefe orders maintained till the death of the lafl Prince of Orange : when, by the great in- fluence of the Province of Holland among the reft, the authority of the Princes came to be fliared among the feveral magiftracies of the State : thofe of the cities afTumed the laft nomination of their feveral Ma- giftrates ; the States Provincial, the difpofal of all military commands in thofe troops, which their fhare was to pay ; and the States-General, the command of the armies, by officers of their own appointment, fubftituted and changed at their will. No pov/er re^ mained to pardon what v/as once condemned by rigour of law •, nor any perfon to reprefent the port and dig- nity of a Sovereign State : both which could not fail of being fenfibly milTed by the people ^ fince no man in particular can be fecure of offending, or would there = fore abfolutely defpair of impunity himfelf, though he would have others do fo; and men are generally pleafed v/ith the pomp and fplendor of a p;overnrnenr. K 2 ' " ilQt 140 Obfirodtions upon the United Frovlnces, not only as it is an amufement for idle people, but as it is a mark of the greatnefs, honour, and riches of their country. However; thefe defeds were for near twenty years fupplied in fome meafure, and this frame fupported, by the great authority and riches of th^ Province of Holland, which drew a fort of dependence from the other fix-, and by the great fufficiency, integrity, and conftancy of their chief Minifler, and by the effecSl of both in the profperous fucceifes of their affairs : yet, having been a conftitution ilrained againfl: the current vein and humour of the people, it was always evident, that, upon the growth of this young Prince, the great virtues and qualities he derived from the mixture of fuch royal and fuch princely blood, could not fail, in time, of raifing his authority to equal at leaft, if not to furpafs, that of his glorious anceftors. Becaufe the Curious may defire to know fomething of the other Provinces, as well as Holland, at lead in general, and where they differ ; it may be obferved^ that the conflitutions of Gelderland, Zealand, and U- trecht agree much with thofe of Holland; the States in each Province being compofed of Deputies from the Nobles and the cities: but with thefe fmall diffe- rences ;- in Gelderland, all the Nobles, that -have cer- tain fees or loTdfhips in the Province, have fefTion •, they compofe one half of the States, and the Deputies of the iowns the other ; and, though fome certain per- fons among %em are deputed to the States-General, yet any of the Nobler of Gelder may have place there, if he will attend at his ov/n charge. In Zealand, the nobility having been extinguifhed in the Spanifn wars, and the Prince of Orange pof- feffing the marquifatcs of Flufhing and Terveer, his Highnefs alone m.akes that part of the States in the Province, by the quality and title of firfV or fole ^Noble of Zealand: and thereby has, by his Deputy, the Chap. il. Of their government. I4r the firfl place and voice in the States of the Province, the Council of State, and Chamber of accounts : as Sovereign of Flufhing and Terveer, he likewife cre- ates the Magiftrates, and confequently difpofes the voices, not only of the Nobles, but alfo of two towns \_ whereas there are in all but fix that fend their Depu- ties to the States, and make up the fovereignty of the Province. In Utrecht, befides the Deputies of the Nobles and towns, eight Delegates of the Clergy have feffion, and make a third member in the States of the Province. Thefe are eledted out of the four great Chapters of the town, the preferments and revenues v/hereof (though anciently ecclefiaflical) yet are now pofTefTed by lay-perfons, who are mod of them gentlemen of the Province. The government of the Province of Friezland is wholly different from that of the four Provinces already mentioned ; and is compofed of four mem- bers, which are called, the Quarter of Oftergo, confid- ing of eleven Baillages ; of ¥/eilergo, confifting of nine ; and of Seveawolden, confifting of ten. Each Baillage comprehends a certain number of villages, ten, twelve, fifteen, or twenty, according to their fe- veral extents. The fourth member confifts of the towns of the Province, which are eleven in number. Thefe four rriembers have each of them right of fending their Deputies to the States, that is, two cho- fen out of every Baillage, and two out of every town. And thefe reprefcnt the fovereignty of the Province, and deliberate and conclude of all affairs, of what importance foever, without any recourfe to thofe who deputed them, or obligation to knov/ their intentions ; which the Deputies of all the former Provinces are ftri6tly bound to, and either muft follow the inftruc- tions they bring with them to the affembly, or know K 3 the 142 Chfervatiom upon the United Provinces, the refolution of their principals, before they conclude of any new affair that arifes. In the other Provinces, the nobles of the towns chufe the Deputies which compofe the State; but, in Friezland, the conflitution is of quite another fort : for every Baillage, which is compofed of a cer- tain extent of country and number of villages (as has been faid) is governed by a BaiHe, whom, in their language, they call Greetman ; and this officer governs his circuity with the afTiftance of a certain number of perfons who are called his affefTors, who together judge of all civil caufes in the firft indance, but with appeal to the court of juftice of the Province. When the States are convoked, every Bailie affembles toge- ther all the perfons of what quahty foever, who pof- fefs a certain quantity of lands within his diftrid ; and thefe men, by moft voices, name the two Deputies which each Baillage fends to the aflembly of the States. This affembly, as it reprefents the fovereignty of the Province, lb it difpofes of all vacant charges^ chuies the nine Deputies who compofe that perma- nent college which is the Council of State of the Pro- vince, and likewife twelve Counfellors (that is, three for every quarter) who compofe the court of juftice of the Province, and judge of all civil caufes in the lail refort, but of all criminal from the firft inftance, there being no other criminal jurifdidtion, but this only, through the Province; whereas, in the other Provinces, there is no town which has it not with- in itfelf ; and feveral, both Lords, and villages, have the high and low juftice belonging to them. In the Province of Groninguen, which is upon the fame trad of land, the elections of the Deputies out of the country are made as in Friezland, by perfons polTelTed of fet proportions of land > but, in Overyf- Chap. II. Of their govermnent. 143 Ovcryflel, all Nobles who are qualified by having leigneurial lands, make a part of the States. Thefe three Provinces, with Wellphalia, and all thofe countries between the Wezer, the Yflel, and the Rhine, were the feat of the ancient Frizons, who, under the name of Saxons (given them from the wea- pon they wore, made like a fcithe, with the edge out- wards, and called in their language Seaxes) were the fierce conquerors of our Britilh Ifland, being called in upon the defertion of the Roman forces, and the cruel incurfions of the Pi6ls, againfl a people whofe long wars, at firft with the Romans, and afterwards fervitude under them, had exhaufted all the braved blood of their nation, either in their own, or their mailers, fucceeding quarrels, and depreffed the hearts and courages of the reft. ; The Biftiop of Munfter, whofe territories lie in this tra6t of land, gave me the firft certain evidences of thofe being the feats of our ancient Saxons, which have fince been confirmed to me by many things I have obferved in reading the ftories of thofe times, and by v/hat has been affirmed to me upon enquiry of the Frizons old language having ftill fo great affinity with our old Englifti, as to appear eafily to have been the fame ; moft of their words ftili retaining the fame fignification and found, very different from the language of the Hollanders. This is the moft re- markable in a little town called Malcuera upon the Zudder fea, in Friezland, which is ftill built after the faftiion of the old German villages, defcribed by Tacitus ; without any ufe or obfervation of lines or angles, but as if every man had built in a common field, juft where he had a mind, fo as a ftranger, when he goes in, muft have a guide to find the way out again. Upon thefe informations and remarks, and the par^ ticular account afterwards given me of the-conftitu^ K 4 tions 1 44 Qbfervations upon the United Provinces. tions of the Province of Friezland, fo differeirt from the others ; I began to make reflexions upon them as the hkelieil originals of many ancient conilitutions a- mongus, of which no others can be found, and which may ieem to have been introduced by the Saxons here, and by their long and abfolute poflTeffion of that part of the iile, called England, to have been fo planted and rooted among us,, as . to" have -waded fafe, in a great meafure. ihroii,Q;h the fucceedina; inundations and conquefts of the Daniih and Norman nations. And, perhaps, there may be much matter found for the curiou§ remarks of fonie diligent and fludious an- tiquaries, in the comparifons of the Bailli or Greet- man among the Frizons, with our Sheriff: of their AfTefibrs, with our juftices of the peace: of their judging civil caufes in their diftrid:, upon the firfl refort, but not without appeal, with the courfe of our Quarter-SeiTions : of their chief judicature, be- ing compofed of Counfellors of four feveral quarters, with our four circuits. Of thefe being the common criminal judicature of the country : of the compofi- tipn of their States, with our Parliament, at lead:, our houfe of Commons : in the particulars of two Deputies being chofen from each town, as with us, and two from each Baillage, as from each county here : and thefe laft by voices of all perfons poiTeiTed of a certain quantity of land, and at a meeting af- fembled by the Greetman to that purpofe : and thefe Deputies having pov/er to refolve of all matters with- out refort to thofe that chufe them, or knowledge of their intentions ; v/hich are all circumftances agreeing ^yith our conilitutions, but abfolutely dif- fering from thofe of the other Provinces in the U* nited States, and from the compofition, I think, of the States, either now, or formerly, ufed in the other r.atioiis of Europe. To Chap. III. Of their Jituation. l^r To this original, I fuppofe, we likewife owe what I have often wondered at, that in England we neither fee, nor find upon record, any Lord, or lordfhip that pretends to have the exercife of judicature belongino- to it, cither that which is called high or low juftice, which feems to be a badge of fomc ancient fovereign- ty : though we fee them very frequent among our neighbours, both under more arbitrary monarchies and under the moil free and popular States. CHAP. III. Of their fitiiation. Holland, Zealand, Friezland, and Groninguen are feated upon the fea, and make tht ftrength and greatnefs of this State : the otiier three, with the conquered towns in Brabant, Flanders, and Cleve, make only the outworks or frontiers, ferving chiefly for fafety and defence of thefe. No man can tell the ftrange and mighty changes, that may have been made in the face and bounds of maritime countries, at one time or other, by furious inundations, upon the un- ufual concurrence of land-fioods, winds, and tides ; and therefore no man knows, whether the Province of Holland may not have been, in fome pad ages, all wood, and rough unequal ground, as forne old tra- ditions go ; and levelled to what we fee, by the fea's breaking in, and continuing long upon the land, fince recovered by its recefs, and with the help of induflry. For it is evident, that the fea, for fomc fpace of years, advances continually upon one coaft, retiring from the opponte ; and, in another age, quite changes this courfe, yielding up what it had feized, and feizing what it had yielded up, without any rcafon to be given of fuch contrary motions. But, I fuppofe, this great change was made in Hol-. land. 1 46 Obfervations upon the Vnited Provinces. land, when the fea firfl parted England from the con- tinent, breaking through a neck of land between Do - ver and Calais i which may be a tale, but I am fure is no record. It is certain, on the contrary, that fix- tttvi hundred years ago there was no uiual mention or memory of any fuch changes ; and that the face of all thefe coafls, and nature of the foil, efpecially that of Holland, was much as it is now -, allowing only the improvements, of riches, time, and induftry ; which appears by the defcription made in Tacitus % both of the limits of the ifle of Batavia, and the nature of the foil, as well as the climate, with the very names and courfe of rivers. Hill remaining. It is likely, the changes arrived lince that age in thefe countries may have been made by iloppages grown in time with the rolling of fands upon the mouths of three great rivers, which difembogued in- to the fea through the coafts of thefe Provinces •, that is, the Rhine, the Maes, and the Scheld. The an- cient Rhine divided, where Skenckfconce now Hands, into two rivers; of which, one kept the name, till, running near Leyden, it fell into the fea at Catwick -, where are flill feen, at low tides, the foundations of an ancient Roman Caftle that commanded the mouth of this river : but this is wholly flopped up, though E great canal flill preferves the name of the old Rhine. The Maes, running by Dort and Rotterdam, fell, as it now does, into the fea at the Briel, with migh- iy ifTues of water-, but the fands, gathered for three 0r four leagues upon this coafl, make the haven ex- treme dangerous, without great fkill of pilots, and » Rhenus— apud principium agri Batavi velut in duos amnes di- viditur — ad Gallicam ripam latior et placidior, verfo cognomento Vahalem accolae dicunt, mox id quoque vocabulum mutat Mofa fiumine, ejufque immenfo ore eundem in oceanum eiFunditur. , Cum interim flexu autumni, et crebris imbribus fuperfufus amnis> paluib'cm humilemque ijifulam in fkciera ftagni opplevit. ufe Chap. III. Of their Jituation. 147 ufe of pilot-boats, that come out with every tide, to welcome and fecure the Ihips bound for that river ; and it is probable, that thefe fands, having obflru6led the free courfe of the river, have at times caufed or increafed thofe inundations, out of which fo many iflands have been recovered, and of which that part of the country is fo much compofed. The Scheld feems to have had its ifTue by Walehe- rin in Zealand, which was an ifland in the mouth of that river, till the inundations of that, and the Maes, feem to have been joined together by fome great helps or irruptions of the fea, by which the whole country was overwhelmed, v/hich now makes that inland fea that ferves for a common pafTage between Holland, Zealand, Flanders, and Brabant : the lea, for fome leagues from Zealand, lies generally upon fuch banks of fand, as it does upon the mouth of the Maes, though feparated by fomething better chan-^ nels than are found in the other. That which feems likeliefl to have been the occa- fion of flopping up wholly one of thefe rivers, and obftruding the mhers, is the courfe of wefterly winds (which drive upon this fhore) being fo much more conftant and violent than the Eaft : for, taking the feafons and years one with another, I fuppofe, there will be obferved three parts of Wefterly for on& Eafterly wind : befides, that thefe generally attend the calm frofts and fair weather ; and the other ftor- my and foul. And I have had occafion to make ex- periment of the fands riling and finking before a ha- ven, by two fits of thefe contrary winds, above four feet. This, I prefume, is likewife the natural reafon of fo many deep and commodious havens found up- on all the EngliQi fide of the channel, and fo few (or indeed none) upon the French and Dutch : an advantage feeming to be given us by nature^ and ne- yer T48 Obfervations upon^ the United Provinces. ver to be equalled by any art or expence of our neigh- bours. I remember no mention in ancient authors of that which is now called the Zudder fea \, which makes me imagine that it may have been formed likewife by fome great inundation, breaking in between the Tef- fel-iflands, and ethers, that lie Hill in a line conti- guous, and like the broken remainders of a conti^ nued coafl. This feems more probable, from the great Ihallownefs of that fea, and fiatnefs of the fands, upon the whole extent of it; from the vio- lent rage of the waters breaking in that way, which threaten the parts of North-Holland about Meden- blick and Enchufen, and brave it over the highefl and flrongeil digues of the Province, upon every high i\d.t^ and ftorm at North-Weil; as hkewife from the names of Eail and Weft Friezland, vv^hich fhould have been one continent, till divided by this fea : for, in the time of Tacitus% no other diftinc- tion was known, but that of greater or lefler Frizons, and that only from the meafure of their numbers, or forces ; and, though they were faid to have great lakes among them, yet that word feems to import they were of frefli water, which is made yet plainer by the word ^ amhiunt^ that fhews thofe lakes to have been inhabited round by thefe nations ; from all this I fhould guefs, that the more inland part of the Zud- der fea was one of the lakes there mentioned, be- tween which and the TefTel and Ulie iflands tJiere lay anciently a great tra6t of land (where the fands are Itill fo fnallow, and fo continued, as feems to make it evident) but fmce covered by fome great irrupti- ons of waters, that joined thofe of the lea and the lake together, and thereby made that great bay, now ^ A fronte Frifii exclpiunt : majoribus minoribufque Frifiis voca- bulum efl, ex modo virium : utraeque nationes ufque ad oceanum Hheno praetexuntur. * Ambiuntque immenfjs kfaper lacus. Tacit. De mor. Ger. called Chap* III. Of their fitiiation, 149 called the Zudder fea, by favour whereof the town of AmlLerdam has grown to be the mofl frequented haven of the world. Whatever it was, whether nature or accident, and upon what occaficn foever it arrived, the foil of the whole Province of Holland is generally flat, like the fea in a calm, and looks as if, after a long conten- tion between land and water, which it fhould belong to, it had at length been divided between them : for to confider the great rivers, and the flrange number of canals that are found in this Province, and do not only lead to every great town, but almoft to every village, and every farm- houfe in the country ^ and the infinity of fails that are feen every- where courfing up and down upon them •, one would imagine the water to have Ihared with the land, and the people that hve in boats to hold fome proportion with thofe that live in houfes. And this is one great advantage towards trade, which is natural to the iituation, and not to be attained in any country where there is not the fame level and foftnefs of foil, which makes the cutting of canals fo eafy work, as to be attempted almoft by every private man : and one horfe lliall draw in a boat more than fifty can do in a cart : whereas carriage makes a great part of the price in all heavy commodities : and, by this eafy way of travel- ling, an induftrious man lofes no time from his bu- finefs, for he writes, eats, or fleeps, while he goes ; whereas the time of labouring or induftrious men is the greateft native commodity of any country. There is, befides, one very great lake of frelh wa- ter ftill remaining in the midft of this Province, by the name of Harle Maer, which might, as they fay, be eafily drained, and would thereby make a mighty addition of land to a country where nothing is more wanted ; and receive a great quantity of people, in which, they abound, and who make their greatnefs and riches. 150 Ohfervaiions upon the United Provmces. riches. Much difcourfe there has been about fuch art attempt ; but the city of Leyden, having no other way of refrefhing their town, or renewing the wa- ter of their canals, but from this Maer, will never confent to it. On the other fide, Amfterdam will ever oppofe the opening and cleanfing of the old channel of the Rhine, which, they fay, might eafily be compaffed, and by which the town of Leyden would grow maritime, and fhare a great part of the trade now engtolTed by Amfterdam. There is in North-Holland an eflay already made at the pofiibi- lity of draining thefe great lakes, by one of about two leagues broad having been made firm land, with- in thefe forty years : this makes that part of the country called the Bemfter, being now the richeft foil of the Province, lying upon a dead flat, divided with canals, and the ways through it diftinguifhed with ranges of trees, which make the pleafanteft fum- mer landfcape of any country I have feen of that fort. Another advantage of their fituation for trade is made by thofe two great rivers of the Rhine and Maes, reaching up, and navigable fo mighty a length, into fo rich and populous countries of the higher and lower Germany ; which as it brings down ail the com- modities from thofe parts to the magazines of Hol- land, that vent them by their fhipping into all parts of the world, where the market calls for them ; h^ with fomething more labour and time, it returns all the merchandizes of other parts into thofe countries that are feated upon thofe ftreams. For their com- modious feat, as to the trade of the Straits, or Baltic,^ or any parts of the ocean, I fee no advantage they have of moft parts of England ; and they muft cer- tainly yield to many we pofTefs, if we had other equal qrcuniftanccs to value them. The Chap. III. Of their Jituathn, 151 The lownefs and flatnefs of their lands makes in a great meafure the richnefs of their foil, that is eafily overflowed every winter, fo as the whole country, at that feafon, feems to lie under water, which, in fpring, is driven out again by mills. But that which mends the earth, fpoils the air, which would be all fog and mifl, if it were not cleared by the fharpnefs of their frofts, which never fail with every Eaft wind for a- bout four months of the year, and are much fiercer than in the fame latitude with us, becaufe that wind comes to them over a mighty length of dry conti- nent ; but is moiflened by the vapours, or foftened by the warmth of the fea's motion, before it reaches us. And this is the greateft difadvantage of trade they receive from their fituation, though necefTary to their health ; becaufe many times their havens are all (hut up for two or three months with ice, when ours are open and free. The fierce fharpnefs of thefe winds makes the changes of their weather and feafon s more violent and llirprifing, than in any place I know ; fo as a warm faint air turns in a night to a fharp froft, with the wind coming into the North-Eaft : and the contrary with another change of wind. The fpring is much fhorter, and lefs agreeable, than with us ; the v/inter much colder, and fome parts of the fummer much hotter, and I have known, more than once, the vi- olence of one give way to that of the other, like the cold fit of an ague to the hot, without any good tem- per between. The flatnefs of their land expofes it to the danger of the fea, and forces them to infinite charge in the continual fences and repairs of their banks to oppofe it; which employ yearly more men, than all the corn of the Province of Holland could maintain (as one of their chief Minifters has told me.) They have lately 152 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. iatel^rfo^nd the common fea-weed to be the befl mar- terial for thefe digues, which, faftened with a thin mixture of earth, yields a little to the force of the fca, and returns when the waves give back : whether they are thereby the fafer againft water, as, they fay, houfes that fhake are againft wind ; or whether, as pious naturalifts obferve, all things carry about them that which ferves for a remedy againft the mifchief they do in the world. The extreme moifture of the air I take to be the occafion of the great neatnefs of their houfes, and cleanlinefs in their towns. For without the help of thofe cuftoms their country would not be habitable by fuch crowds of people, but the air would cor- rupt upon every hot feafon, and expofe the inha- bitants to general and infe6i:ious difeafes ; which they hardly efcape three fummers together, efpecially a- bout Leyden, where the waters are not fo eafily re- newed ; and for this reafon, I fuppofe, it is, that Ley- den is found to be the neateft and cleanlieft kept, of all their towns. The fame moifture of air makes all metals apt to ruft and wood to mould -, which forces them, by con- tinual pains of rubbing and fcowering, to feek a pre- vention, or cure : this makes the brightnefs and clean - nefs that feems affeded in their houfes, and is called natural to them, by people who think no further. So the deepnefs of their foil, and wetnefs of feafons, which would render it unpaflable, forces them, not only to exa6lnefs of paving in their ftreets, but to the expence of fo long cawfeys between many of their towns, and in their highways : as, indeed, moft na- tional cuftoms are the efFe6t of fome unfeen or unob- feifved natural caufes or neceftities. CHAP. CHAP. IV. Of their people and difpojitions , THE people of Holland may be divided into thefe feveral clafTes : the clowns or boors (as they call them) who cultivate the land : the mariners or fchippers, who fupply their fhips and inland- boats : the merchants or traders, who fill their towns : the Renteeners, or men that live in all their chief citiss upon the rents or intereft of eftates formerly acqui- red in their families : and the Gentlemen, and officers of their armies. The firfl are a race of people diligent rather than laborious \ dull and flow of underflanding, and fo not dealt with by hafly words, but managed eafily by foft and fair ; and yielding to plain reafon, if you give them time to underfland it. In the country and villages not too near the great towns, they feem plain and honefb, and content with their own ; fo that if, in bounty, you give them a (hilling for what is worth but a groat, they will take the current price, and give you the reft again ; if you bid them take it, they know not what you mean, and fometimes afk^ if you are a fool. They know no other good but the fupply of what nature requires, and the common in- creafe of wealth. They feed moft upon herbs, roots, and milks •, and by that means, I fuppofe, neither their ftrength nor vigour feem anfwerable to the fize or bulk of their bodies. The mariners are a plain, but much rougher people ; whether from the element they live in, or from their. food, which is generally filb and corn, and heartier than that of the boors. They are furly and ill-man- nered, which is miftaken for pride \ but, I believe, is learned, as all manners are, by the converfation we Vol. I. L ufc. 1 ^4 Ohjervaiions upon the United Provinces. ufe. Now theirs lying only among one another^ or with winds and waves, which are not moved or wrought upon by any language or obfervance, or to be dealt with, but by, pains and by patience •, thefe are all the qualities their mariners have learned ; their va- lour is paffive rather than adlive ; and their language is little more, than what is of neceflary ufe to their bufmefs. The merchants and tradefmen, both the greater and mechanic, living in towns that are of great refort, both by llrangers and paflengers of their own, are more mercurial (wit being fliarpened by commerce ^nd converfation of cities) though they are not very inventive, which is the gift of warmer heads ; yet are they great in imitation, and fo far, many times, as goes beyond originals : of mighty induflry, and con- flant application to the ends they propofe and purfue. They make ufe of their fkill, and their wit, to take advantage of other men's ignorance and folly they deal with ; are great exa6lers, where the law is in their own hands : in other points, where they deal with men that underftand like themfelves, and are under the reach of ju dice and laws, they are the plaineft and befl dealers in the world -, which feems not to grow fo much from a principle of confcience, or morality, as from a cuftom or habit introduced by the necelTity of trade among them, which depends as much upon common honefty, as war does upon difciphne ; and without which all would break up, merchants would turn pedlars, and foldiers thieves. Thofe families, which live upon their patrimonial eftates in all the great cities, are a people differently bred and mannered from the traders, though like them in the modefly of garb and habit, and the parfimony of living. Their youth are generally bred up at fchools, and at the univerfities at Leyden or Utrecht, in the common ftudies of human learning, but chiefly of the 5 civil Ch ap . IV. Of their people and dtfpo/itions , 155 civil law, which is that of their country, at leaft as far as it is fo in France and Spain. For (as much as I underftand of thofe countries) no decifions or decrees of the civil law, nor conftitutions of the Roman Em- perors, have the force or current of law among them, as is commonly believed, but only the force of reafons when alledged before their courts of judicature, as far as the authority of men eileemed wife pafTes for rea- Ibn : but the ancient cuftoms of thofe feveral coun- tries, and the ordonnances of their Kings and Princes, confented to by the Eflates, or in France verified by Parliaments, have only the flrength and authority of law among them. Where thefe families are rich, their youths, after the courfe of their lludies at home, travel for fome years, as the fons of our gentry ufe to do ; but their journeys are chiefly into England and France, not much into Italy, feldomer into Spain, nor often into the more northern countries, unlefs in company or train of their public Minifters. The chief end of their ' breeding is, to make them fit for the fervice of their country in the magiflracy of their towns, their Pro^ vinces, and their State. And of thefe kind of men are the civil officers of this government generally com- pofed, being defcended of families who have many times been conflantly in the magiflracy of their na- tive towns for many years, and fome for feveral ages. Such were moft or all of the chief Minifters, and the perfons that compofed their chief councils, in the time of my refidence among them ; and not men of mean or mechanic trades, as it is commonly received among foreigners, and makes the fubjedl of comical jefts upon their government. This does not exclude many merchants, or traders in grofs, from being of- ten feen in the offices of their cities, and fometimes deputed to their States ; nor feveral of their States from turnino; their flocks in the manao-ement of fome I^ 2 very i^6 Obfervattons upon theUttited Provincis, very beneficial trade by fervants, and houfes main«»° taihed to that purpofe. But the generality of the States and Magiflrates are of the other fort -, their eftates confining in the penfions of their public charges, in the rents of lands, or intereft of money upon the Cantores, or in adions of the Eaft-India company, or ih fiiares upon the adventures of great trading mer- chants. Nor do thefe families, habituated as it were to the magiilracy of their towns and provinces, ufually ar- rive at great or exceffive riches ; the falaries of pub- lic employments and interefl being low, but the re- venue of lands being yet very much lower, and fel- dom exceeding the profit of two in the hundred. They content themfelves with the honour of being ufeful to the public, with the efteem of their cities or theit country, and with the eafe of their fortunes -, which feldom fails, by the frugality of their living, grown univerfal by being (I fuppofe) at firfl neceflary, but fince honourable, among them. The mighty growth and excefs of riches is fcen a- mong the merchants and traders, whofe application lies wholly that way, and who are the better content to have fo little fliare in the government, defiring only fecurity in what they pdfTefs ; troubled with no cares but thofe of their fortunes, and the management of their trades, and turning the reft of their time and thought to the divertifement of their lives. Yet thefe, when they attain great wealthy chufe to breed up their fons in the way, and marry their daughters in- to the families, of thofe others moft generally credi- ted in their towns, and verfed in their magiflracies ^ and thereby introduce their families into the way of government and honour, which confifts not here in titles, but in public employm.ents. The next rank among themis that of their Gen- tlemen or Nobles, who, in the province of Holland (to Chap, IV. Of their people and difpofitions. 157 Cto which I chiefly confine thefe obfervations) are ve- ry few, mofl of the families having been extinguilh- ed in the long wars with Spain. But thofe that re- main, are in a manner all employed in the military or civil charges of the Province or State. Thefe are, in their cuftoms, and manners, and way of living, a good deal different from the reft of the people ; and, having been bred much abroad, rather affeft the garb of their neighbour-courts, than the popular air of their own country. They value themfelves more up- on their Nobility, than men do in other countries, where it is more common \ and would think them- felves utterly difhonoured by the marriage of one that was not of their rank, though it were to make up the broken fortune of a noble family by the wealth of a Plebeian. They ftrive to imitate the French in their mien, their cloaths, their way of talk, qf eating, of gallantry or debaucher)' ; and are, in my mind, fomething worfe than they would be, by affe6ling to be better than they need-, making fometimes but ill copies, whereas they might be good originals, by re- fining or improving the cuftoms or virtues proper tq their own country and climate. They are otherwife an honeft, well-natured, friendly, and gentlemanly fort of men, and acquit themfelves generally with ho^ nour and merit, where their country employs them. The officers of their armies live after the cuftoms and fafhions of the gentlemen \ and fo do many fons of the rich merchants, who, returning from travel a- broad, have more defigns upon their own pleafure, and the vanity of appearing, than upon the fervice of their country : or, if they pretend to enter into that, it is rather by the army than the State. And all thefe are generally defirous to fee a court in their country, that they may value themfelves at home, by the qua- lities they have learned abroad ; and make a figure which agrees better with their own humour, and the L 3 man^ 158 Obfervations upon the United Provincesi^ manner of courts, than with the cuftoms and orders that prevail in more popular governments. There are fome cuiloms^ or difpofitions, that feera to run generally through all thefe degrees of men a- mong them; as great frugality, and order, in their expences. Their common riches lie in every man's having more than he fpends ; or, to fay it more pro- perly, in every man's fpending lefs than he has coming in, be that what it will : nor does it enter into men's heads among them, that the common port or courfe of expence fhould equal the revenue ; and, when this happens, they think at leaft they have lived that year to no purpofe ; and the train of it difcredits a man among them, as much as any vicious or prodigal ex- travagance does in other countries. This enables every man to bear their extreme taxes, and makes them lefs fenfible than they v/ould be in other places ; for he that lives upon two parts in five of what he has coming in, if he pays two more to the State, he does but part with what he fhould have laid up, and had no prefent ufe for ; whereas he that fpends year- ly what he receives, if he pays but the fiftieth part tq the public, it goes from him, like that which was ne- cefTary to buy bread or cloaths for himfelf or his fa- mily. This rbakes the beauty and ftrength of their towns, the commodioufnefs of travelling in their country by their canals, bridges, and cawfeys; the pleafantnefs; of their walks, and their grafts in and near all their cities: and, in fhort, the beauty, convenience, and fometimes magnificence, of all public works, to which every man pays as v/illingly, and takes as muck ■pleafure and vanity in them, as thofe of other coun- tries do in the fame circumflances, among the pofTef- fions of their families, or private inheritance. What they can fpare, befides the neceffary expence of their domeflique, the public payments, ^nd the commoo- courfe Chap. IV. Of their people and difpojitions, 159 courfe of flill increafing their flock, is laid out in the fabric, adornment, or furniture of their hopfes, things not fo tranfitory, or fo prejudicial to health and to bufinefs, as the conilant excefTes and luxury of ta- bles ; nor perhaps altogether fo vain as the extrava- gant expences of cloaths and attendance \ a t leafV, thefe end wholly in a man's felf, and the fatisfadion of his perfonal humour ; whereas the other make not only the riches of a family, but contribute much to^ wards the public beauty and honour of a country. The order, in calling up their expences, is fo great and general, that no man offers at any undertaking which he is not prepared for, and mailer of his de- fign, before he begins ; fo as I have neither obferved nor heard of any building, public or private, that has not been finillied in the time defigned for it. So are their canals, cawfeys, and bridges \ fo was their way, from the Hague to Skeveling, a work that might have become the old Romans, confidering how foon it was difpatched. The houfe at the Hague, built purpofely for calling of cannon, was finifned in one fummer, during the heat of the firll Englilh war, and looked rather like a defign of vanity in their govern^ ment, than necelTity or ufe. The ftadthoufe of Am^ Iterdam has been left purpofely to time, without any limitation in the firll defign, either of that, or of ex- pence ; both that the diligence and the genius of io many facceeding Magillrates Ihould be employed in the colle6lion of all things, that could be elleem- ed proper to increafe the beauty or magnificence of that llru6lure ; and, perhaps, a little to reprieve the experiment of a current predidion. That the trade of that city ihould begin to fall, the fame year the ftadthoufe ihould be finiihed, as it did at Antwerp. Charity feems to be very national among them, though it be regulated by orders of the country, and not ufually moved by the common objeds of com» L4 ' palTion. 1 6 o Obfervations upon the Untied Provinces. pafTion. But it is feen in the admirable provifions that are made out of it for all forts of perfons that can want, or ought to be kept in a government. A- mong the many and various hofpitals, that are in e- very man's curiofity and talk that travels their coun- try, I was affedled with none more than that of the aged feamen at Enchuyfen, which is contrived, finifhed, and ordered, as if it were done with a kind intention of fome well-natured man, that thofe, who had palled their whole lives in the hardfhips and incommodities of the fea, fhould find a retreat flored with all the eafes and conveniences, that old age is capable of feeling and enjoying. And here I met with the only rich man, that ever I faw in my life : for one of theie old feamen entertaining m.e a good while with the plain llories of his fifty years voyages and adventures, while I was viewing their hofpital, and the church ad- joining ; I gave him, at parting, a piece of their coin about the value of a crown : he took it fmiling, and ofi^ered it me again ; but, when I refufed it, he afked me. What he fhould do with money ? for all, that ever they wanted, was provided for them at their houfe. I left him to overcome his modefty as he could ; but a fervant, coming after me, faw him give it to a little girl that opened the church-door, as jfhe pafied by him : which made me refledl upon the fan- taftic calculation of riches and poverty that is current in the world, by which a m.an, that wants a million, is a Prince ; ^he, that wants but a groat, is a beggar ; and this was a poor man, that wanted nothing at all. In general, all appetites and palTions feem to run lower and cooler here, than in other countries where I have converfed. Avarice may be excepted. And yet that fhall not be fo violent, where it feeds only upon induftry and parfimony, as where it breaks out into fraud, rapine, and oppreffion. But quarrels are feldom feen among them, unlefs in their drink, re- venge Chap. IV. Of their people and difpofitions. i6i venge rarely heard of, or jealoufy known. Their tem- pers are not airy enough for joy, or any unufual ftrains of pleaiant humour, nor warm enough for love. This is talked offometimes among the younger men, but as a thing they have heard of, rather than felt; and as a difcourfe that becomes them, rather than affedts them. I have known fome among them, that perfonated lovers well enough •, but none that I ever thought were at heart in love -, nor any of the women, that feemed at all to care whether they were fo or no. Whether it be, that they are fuch lovers of their liberty, as not to bear the lervitude of a mi- ftrefs, any more than that of a mafter ; or, that the dulnefs of the air renders them lefs fufceptible of more refined pafiions -, or, that they are diverted from it by the general intention every man has upon his bufmefs, whatever it is (nothing being fo mortal an enemy of love, that fuffers no rival, as any bent of thought another v/ay.) The fame caufes may have had the fame effedls a- mong their married women, who have the v/hole care and abfolute management of all their domeftique *, and live with very general good fame : a certain fort ofchaftity being hereditary and habitual among them, as probity among the men. The fame dulnefs of air may difpofe them to that llrange afTiduity and confiiant application of their minds, with that perpetual ftudy and labour upon a- ny thing they defign and take in hand. This gives them patience to purfue the queft of riches by fo long voyages and adventures to the Indies, and by fo long parfimony as that of their whole lives. Nay, I have (for a more particular example of this difpofition a- mong them) known one man that employed four and twenty years about the making and perfecting of a globe, and another above thirty about the in- Jaying of a table. Nor does any man know, how pnuch 1 62 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. much may have been contributed towards the great things in all kinds, both public and private, that have been atchieved among them, by this one humour of never giving over what they imagine may be brought to pafs, nor leaving one fcent to follow another they meet with -, which is the property of the lighter and more ingenious nations : and the humour of a govern- ment being ufually the fame with that of the perfons that compofe it, not only in this, but in all other points ; fo as, where men that govern are wife, good, ileady, and juft, the government will appear fo too j and the contrary, where they are otherwife. The fame qualities in their air may incline them to the entertainments and cuftoms of drinking, which are fo much laid to their charge, and, for aught I know, may not only be neceifary to their health (as they generally believe it) but to the vigour and im- provement of their underftandings, in the midll of a thick foggy air, and fo much coldnefs of temper and complexion. For though the ufe or excefs of drink- ing may deflroy men's abilities who live in better cli- mates, and are of warmer conftitutions ; wine to hot brains being like oil to fire, and making the fpirits, by too much lightnefs, evaporate into fmoke, and perfed: airy imaginations ; or, by too much heat, rage into frenzy, or at leail into humours and thoughts that have a great mixture of it •, yet, on the other fide, it may improve men's parts and abilities of cold complexions, and in dull air ; and may be neceffary to thaw and move the frozen and unactive fpirits of the brain ; to roufe fleepy thought, and re- fine groifer imaginations, and perhaps to animate the fpirits of the heart, as well as enliven thofe of the brain : therefore the old Germans feemed to have fome reafon in their cuftom, not to execute any great refolutions which had not been twice debated and a- greed at two feveral afTemblies, one in an afternoon, and the other in a morning *, becaufe, they thought, their Chap . IV. Of their people and dlfpojitmis . 163 their counfels might want vigour when they were fo- ber, as well as caution when they had drunk. Yet, in Holland, I have obferved very few of their chief officers or Minifters of State vicious in this kind \ or, if they drank much, it was at fet feafts, and rather to acquit themfelves, than of choice or in- clination : and for the merchants and traders, with whom, it is cuflomary, they never do it in a morning, nor till they come from the Exchange, where the bufinefs of the day is commonly difpatched; nay, it hardly enters into their heads, that it is lawful to drink at all before that time ; but they will ex- cufe it, if you come to their houfe, and tell you how forry they are you come in a morning, when they cannot offer you to drink ; as if at that time of day it were not only unlawful for them to drink them- felves, but fo much as for a ilranger to do it within their walls. The afternoon, or, at leafl, the evening, is given to whatever they find will divert them ; and is no more than needs, confidering how they fpend the refl of the day, in thought, or in cares \ in toils, or in bufinefs. For nature cannot hold out with conftant labour of body, and as little with conftant bent or application of mind : much motion of the fame parts of the brain either wearies and waftes them too faft for repair, or elfe (as it were) fires the wheels, and fo ends either in general decays of the body, or diftraftions of the mind (for the'fe are ufually occa-. ficned by perpetual motions of thought about fome one objed ; whether it be about one's felf in exceffes of pride, or about another in thofe of love, or of grief) Therefore none are fo excu fable as men of much care and thought, or of great bufinefs, for giving up their times of leifure to any pleafures or diverfions that offend no laws, nor hurt others or themfelves : and this feems the reafon, that, in all civil 164 Ohfervations upon theXJnited Provinces, civil conftitutions, not only honours, but riches, are ^ annexed to the charges of thofe who govern, and upon whom the public cares are meant to be devolv- ed ', not only, that they may not be diftradted from thefe, by the cares of their own domeftic or private interefls ; but that, by the help of efleem, and of riches, they may have thofe pleafures and diverlions in their reach, which idle men neither need nor de- ferve, but which are neceffary for their refrefhment, or repair of fpirits exhaufted with cares and with toil, and which ferve to fweeten and preferve thofe lives that would otherwife wear out too fail, or grow too uneafy in the fervice of the public. The two charaders that are left by the old Roman writers, of the ancient Batavi ^ or Hollanders, are, that they were both the braveft among the German nations, and the moft obftinate lovers and defenders of their liberties -, which made them exempted from all tributes by the Romans, who defired only foldiers of their nation, to make up fome of their auxiliary bands, as they did in former ages of thofe nations in Italy that were their friends and allies. The lail difpofition leems to have continued conflant and na- tional among them, ever fince that time, and never to have more appeared, than in the rife and conftitutions of their prefent State. It does not feem to be fo of the firft, or that the people in general can be faid now to be valiant ; a quality, of old, fo national a- mong them, and which, by the feveral wars of the Counts of Holland (efpecially with the Frizons) and by the defperate defences made againft the Spaniards, by this people, in the beginnings of their State, S Queruntur (Fabii Valentis) legiones, orbari fe fortiffimorum virorum auxilio, veteres illos et tot bellorum auftores non abrun-^^ pendos ut corpori validiiTimos artus. Tacit, hiil. Omnium hai-um gentium virtute prcecipui Batavi non multum ex ripa Ted infulaiii Rheni amnis cglunt. Tacit, de mor. Ger. ■ fliouia Chap. IV*. of their people and dlfpofitmiL 1 6 j fhoiild feem to have lafted long, and to have but late- ly decayed : that is, fince the whole application of their natives has been turned to commerce and trade, and the vein of their domeftic lives fo much to par- fimony (by circumflances which will be the fubjedt; of another chapter \) and fince the main of all their forces^ and body of their army has been compofed, and con- tinually lupplied out of their neighbour-nations. For foldiers and merchants are not found, by expe- rience, to be more incompatible in their abode, than the difpofitions and cufloms feem to be different, that render a people fit for trade, and for war. The foldief thinks of a Ihort life, and a merry. The trader reckons upon a long, and a painful. One intends to make his fortunes fuddenly by his courage, by vi6tory and fpoil : the other flower, but furer, by craft, by treaty, and by induflry. This makes the firfl: frank and generous, and throw away upon his pleafures what has been gotten in one danger, and may either be loft, or repaired, in the next : the other, wary and frugal, and loth to part with, in a day, what he has been labouring for a year, and has no hopes to reco- ver, but by the fame paces of diligence and time. One aims only to pfeferve what he has, as the fruit of his father's pains ; or what he fliall get, as the fruit of his own : t'other thinks the price of a little blood is more than of a great deal of fweat, and means to live up- on other men's labours, and pofiTefs, in an hour, what they have been years in acquiring : this makes one love to live under ftanch orders and laws-, while t'other would have dl depend upon arbitrary power and will. The trader reckons upon growing richer, and by his account better, the longer he lives -, which makes him careful of his health, and his life, and fo apt to be orderly and temperate in his diet j v/ hile the foldier is thoughtlefs, or prodigal of both ; and ha- ving not his meat ready at hours, or when he has a mind 1 66 Ohfervations on the XJnited Provinces, mind to it, eats full and greedy whenever he gets to it ; and perhaps difference of diet may make greater difference in men's natural courage, than is com- monly thought of. For courage may proceed, in fome meafure, from the temper of air, may be formed by difcipline, and acquired by ufe, or infufed by opinion ; but that which is more natural, and fo more national in fome coun- tries than in others, feems to arife from the heat or ftrength of fpirits about the heart, which may a great deal depend upon the meafures and the fubflance of the food men are ufed to. This made a great phy- iician among us fay, he would make any man a cow- ard with fix weeks dieting ; and Prince Maurice of Orange call for the Englilh that were newly come over, and had (as he faid) their own beef in their bellies, for any bold and defperate aftion. This may be one reafon, why the gentry, in all places of the world, are braver than the peafantry, whofe hearts are depreffed, not only by flavery, but by fhort and heart- lefs food, the effed of their poverty. This is a caufe, why the yeomanry and commonalty of England are generally braver than in other countries, becaufe by the plenty and conftitutions of the kingdom they are fo much eafier in their rents and their taxes, and fare fo much better and fuller than thofe of their rank in any other nation. Their chief, and, indeed, conflant food, being of flefh : and among all creatures, both the birds and the beafts, we (hall Hill find thofe, that feed upon flefh, to be the fierce and the bold -, and on the contrary, the fearful and faint-hearted to feed up- on grais, and upon plants. I think, there can be pre- tended but two exceptions to this rule, which are the cock and the horfe ; whereas the courage of the one is noted no where but in England, and there only in certain races : and for the other, all the courage we commend in them is, the Vvant of fear ; and they arc obferved Chap. IV. Of their people and dtfpojittons^ 167 obferved to grow much fiercer, whenever by cuftom, or neceflity, they have been ufed to fleili. From all this may be inferred, that not only the long difufe of arms among the native Hollanders, (efpecially at land) and making ufe of other nations chiefly in their milice ♦, but the arts of trade, as well as peace, and their great parfimony in diet, and eating fo very little flefh (which the common people feldom do above once a week J may have helped to debafe much the ancient valour of the nation, at leaft in the occafions of fervice at land. Their feamen are much better, but not fo good as thofe of Zealand, who are generally brave •, which, I fuppofe, comes by thefe having upon all occafions turned fo much more to privateering, and men of war ; and thofe of Holland being generally employed in trading and merchant- fhips ', while their men of war are manned by mari- ners of all nations, who are very numerous among them, but efpecially thofe of the Eaftland coafts of Germany, Swedes, Danes, and Norwegians. It is odd, that veins of courage fhould feem to run like veins of good earth in a country, and yet not only thofe of the Province of Hainault among the Spa- nifh, and of Gelderland among the United Provinces, are efteemed better Ibldiers than the reft; but the burghers of Valenciennes among the towns of Flan- ders, and of Nimeguen among thofe of the Lower- Gelder, are obferved to be particularly brave. But there may be firmnefs and conftancy of courage from tradition, as well as of belief: nor, methinks, Ihould any man know how to be a coward, that is brought up with the opinion, that all of his nation or city have ever been valiant. I can fay nothing of what is ufually laid to their charge, about their being cruel, befides what we have fo often heard of their barbarous ufage to fome of our men in the Eaft-Indies, and what we have fo lately 1 68 Obfervations on the United Frdnjmces. lately feen of their favage murder of their Penfionef De Wit 'y z perfon that deferved another fate, and a better return from his country, after eighteen years fpent in their miniftry, without any care of his enter- tainments or eafe, and little of his fortune. A man of unwearied induftry^ inflexible conilancy,^ found,- clear, and deep underflanding, and untainted inte- grity ', fo that, whenever he was blinded, it was by the paffion he had for that which he eileemed the good and intereft of his State. This tellimony is juftly due to him from all that pra6lifed him j and is the more willingly paid, fmce there can be as little in- tereft to flatter, as honour to reproach the dead. BuE this adion of that people may be attributed to the misfortune of their country ; and is fo unlike the ap- pearance of their cufloms and difpofitions, living, as I fav/ them, under the orders and laws of a quiet and fettled fl:ate ; that one muft confefs mankind to be a very various creature, and none to be known, that has not been feen in his rage, as well as his drink. They are generally not fo long-lived, as in better airs ; and begin to decay early, both men and women, efpecially at Amfterdam : for at the Hague (which is' their beft air) I have known two ccnfidcrable men a good deal above feventy, and one of them in very good fenfe and health : but this is not fo ufual as it is in England, and in Spain. The difeafes of the cli- mate feem to be chiefly the gout and the fcurvy ; but all hot and dry fummers bring fome that are infedli- ous amiOng them, efpecially into Amfterdam and Leyden : thefe areufually fevers, and lie moft in the head, and either kill ftiddenly, or languifli long before they recover. Plagues are not fo frequent, at leaft not in a degree to be taken notice of, for all fupprefs the talk of them as miUch as they can, and no diftinc- tion is made in the regiftry of the dead, nor much in the chap > IV . Of their people and djfpojhwnsi 169 the care and attendance of the fick : whether from a belief of predeftination, or elfe 'a preference of trade, which is the life of the country, before that of parti- cular men. Strangers among them are apt to complain of the fpleen, but thole of the country feldom or never: which I take to proceed from their being ever bufy, or eafily fatisfied. For this feems to be the difeafe of people that are idle^ or think themfelves but ill en- tertained, and attribute every fit of dull humour, or* imagination, to a formal difeafe, which they have found this name for ; whereas fuch fits are incident to all men, at one time or other, from the fumes of indigeilion, from the common alterations of Ibme m- fenfible degrees in health and vigour = ; or from ibme changes or approaches of change in v/iiids and v/ea- ther, which affed: the finer fpirits of the brain, before they grow fenfible to other parts ; and are apt to al- ter the fhapes, or colours, of whatever is reprefented to us by our imaginations, whilft v/e are fo affedled. Yet this effeft is not lb ftrong, but that bufinefs, or intention of thought, commonly either refills, or di- verts it : and thole, who underHand the mxOtions of it, let it pafs, and return to themfelves. Bur fuch as are idle, or know not from whence thefe changes arife, and trouble their heads with notions or fchemes of o;e- neral happinefs or unhappinefs in life, upon "every fuch fit, begin reflexions on the condition of their bodies, their fouls, or their fortunes ; and (as all things are then reprefented in the v/orfi: colours) they fall into • — Ubi tempeftas et ccrli mobilis humor Mutavere vias ; et fupiter humid us auftris Denfat, erant qus rara modo, et qu:c dinifa rclaxat ; Vertuntur Tpecies animorum, et pedora motus Js'unc alios, alios duiTi nub, la vcntus agebat, Concipiunt: hinc ilc avium concentus in agn"?, Et Ist^e pecLidcs, et ovantes gutture corvi. ViRG. Georg-. YoL. I. M {Tidan- 170 Ohfervations upon the United Provinces. melancholy apprehenfions of one or other, and fome- times of them all : thefe make deep impreflion on their minds, and are not eafily worn out by the natu- ral returns of good humour, efpecially if they are often interrupted by the contrary -, as happens in fome particular conflitutions, and more generally in uncertain climates, efpecially if improved by acci- dents of ill health, or ill fortune. But this is a dif- cafe too refined for this country and people, who are well, when they are not ill ; and pleafed, when they are not troubled j are content, becaufe they think litde of it ; and feek their happinefs in the common eafes and commodities of life, or the increafe of riches ; not amufing themfelves with the more fpeculative Contrivances of paffion, or refinements of pleafure. To conclude this chapter, Holland is a country, where the earth is better than the air, and profit more in requeil than honour •, where there is more fenfe than wit ; more good nature than good humour ; and more wealth than pleafure : where a man would chufe rather to travel than to live -, fhall find more things to obferve than defire -, and more perfons to efteem than to love. But the lame qualities and difpofitions do not value a private man and a ftate, nor make a converfation agreeable, and a government great : nor is it unlikely, that fome very great King might make but a very ordinary private gentleman, and fome very extraordinary gentleman might be capable of making but a very mean Prince. C H A P. V. Of their religion, I Intend not here to fpeak of religion at all as a Di- vine, but as a mere feciilar man, when I obferve the Qccafions that fcem to have eilabliflied it in the forms. Chap. V. Of their religion. 17 1 forms, or with the liberties, wherewith it is now at- tended in the United Provinces. I believe the re- formed religion was introduced there, as well as in England, and the many other countries where it is pro- fefled, by the operation of divine will and providence ; and by the fame, I believe, the roman catholic was continued in France •, v/here it feemed, by the con- fpiring of fo many accidents in the beginning of Charles the IX's reign, to be fo near a change. And whoever doubts this, feems to queftion not only the will, but the power, of God. Nor will it at all derogate from the honour of a religion, to have been planted in a country by fecular means, or civil revolutions, which have, long fince, fucceeded to thofe miracu- lous operations that made way for chriitianity in the world. It is enough, that God Almighty infufes be- lief into the hearts of men, or elfe ordains it to grow out of religious inquiries and in{lru6lions •, and that, where- ever the generality of a nation come by thefe means to be of a belief, it is by the force of this con- currence introduced into the government, and be- comes the eftablifhed religion of that country. So was the reformed profefiion introduced into England, Scotland, Sweden, Denmark, Holland, and many parts of Germany. So was the roman catholic re- ftored in France and in Flanders ; where, notvvith- ftandinor the great concufTions that were made in the government by the Hugonots and the Gueufes, yet they were never eileemed in either of thofe countries to amount further than the feventh or eighth part of the people. And whofoever defigns the change of-, religion in a country or government, by any other', means than that of a general converfion of the peo- ple, or the greatell part of them, defigns all the mif- chiefs to a nation, that ufe to ufber in, or attend, the two greateft diilempers of a State, civil Vv^ar,. or ty- ranny ; which are violence, oppreiTion, cruelty, r?- M 2 pine, 172 Ohfervatioits upon the United Provinces. pine, intemperance, injuftice, and, in fhort, the mife- rable elfufion of human blood, and the confufion of all laws, orders, and virtues among men. Such confequences as thefe, I doubt, are fomething more than the difputed opinions of any man, or any particular aiTembly of men, can be worth ; fince the great and general end of all religion, next to men's happinefs hereafter, is t;heir happinefs here ; as ap- pears' by the commandments of God, being the beft and greatefl moral and civil, as well as divine, pre- cepts, that have been given to a nation ; and by the rewards propofed to the piety of the Jews, through- out the Old Teilament, v/hich were the bleffings of this life, as health, length of age, number of children, plenty,, peace, or vicStory. Now the way to our future happinefs has been per- petually difputed throughout the world, and muil be left at lail to the imprefiions made upon every man's belief and confcience, either by natural or fuperna- tural aro-um.ents and means ; which imprefilons men may difguife or diflemble, but no man can refifi:. t^or belief is no more in a man's power, than his ftature, or his feature; and he that tells me, I muft chan^ye my opinion for his, becaufe it is the truer and the better, v/ithout other arguments, that have tome the force of conviction ; may as well tell m.e, I muft chano-e my grey eyes, for others like his that are black, becaufe thefe are lovelier, or more in eftecm. He that tells me I m.uft inform myfelf, has reafon, if I do it not : but if I endeavour it all that I can, and perhaps more than he ever did, and yet itill differ from him ; and Jie, that, it nviy be, is idle, will have me fcudy on, and inform myfelf better, and fo to the end of my life; then 1 eafily underliand v/Iiat he means by in- forming, which is, in fliortj dial I mud do it, till I come to be of his op'nion. If Chap. V. Of their religion. 173 If he, that, perhaps, purfues his pleafures or inter- efts, as mucli, or more, than I do, and allows me to have as good fenfe, as he has, in all other matters, tells me, I Ihould be of his opinion, but that paflion or intereft blinds me ; unlefs he can convince me how, or where, this lies, he is but where he was, only pre- tends to know me better than I do myfelf, who can- not imagine, why I fliould not have as much care of my foul, as he has of his. A man that tells me, my opinions are abfurd or ri- diculous, impertinent or unreafonable, becaufe they differ from his, feemiS to intend a quarrel inftead of a difpute ; and calls mt fool or mad-man, v/ith a iitde more circumilancc ; though, perhaps, I pafs for one as well in my fenfes as he, as perdnent in talk, and as prudent in life : yet thefe are the common civilides, in religious argument, of fufficient and conceited men, who talk much of right reafon, and mean al- ways their own ; and make their private imagination the meafure of general truth. But fuch language de- termines all between us, and the difpute comes to end in three words at lad, which it might as well have ended in at firft. That he is in the right, and I am in the wrong. The other great end of religion, which is our hap- pinefs here, has been generally agreed on by all man- kind, as appears in the records of all their laws, as well as all their religions, which com.e to be eftablifh- ed by the concurrence of men's cuftoms and opini- ons "" \ though, in the latter, that concurrence may have been produced by divine impreflions or infpira- tions. For all agree in teaching and commanding, in planting and improving, not only thofe moral vir- tues which conduce to the felicity and tranquility of ^ Flunt adverfe rerpublic:E ex civium morlbus, q\i!, quocunque fiqxerint, ca'tera fecum rapiunt. Plat. De Rep. M 3 * every 174 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. every man's private life, but alfo thofe manners and difpofitions that tend to the peace, order, and fafety of all civil focieties and governments among men. Nor could I ever underftand, how thofe who call themfelves, and the world ufually calls,' religious meriy come to put fo great weight upon thofe points of be- lief which men never have agreed in, and fo little up- on thofe of virtue and morahty, in which they have hardly ever difagreed \ nor, why a State lliould ven- ture the fubverfion of their peace, and their order, which are certain goods, and fo univerfally efleem- ed, for the propagation of uncertain or contefced opi- nions. One of the great caufes of the firil revolt in the Low-Countries appeared to be, the oppreflion of men's confciences, or perfecution in their liberties, their e- flares and their lives, upon pretence of religion ; and this at a time when there feemed to be a confpiring difpofition in mod; countries of Chriftendom, to feek the reformation of fome abufes, grown in the dodrine and difcipline of the Church, either by the ruft of time, by negligence, or by human inventions, paiTions, and intereils. The rigid oppofition, given at Rome to this general humour, was followed by a defection of mighty numbers in all thofe feveral countries, who profeiled to reform themfelves according to fuch rules as they thought v/ere neceffary for the reforma- tion of tlie Church. Thefe perfons, though they a- greed in the main of difowning the Papal power, and reducing belief from the authority of tradition to that of the Scripture ; yet they differed much among themfelves in other circumftances, efpecially of difci- pline, according to the perfuafions and impreflions of the leading Doctors in their feveral countries. So the reformed of France became univerfally Calvinifts ; but for thofe of Germany, though they were gene- rally Chap. V. Of their religion* ij^ rally Lutherans, yet there was a great mixture both of Calvinifts and Anabaptifts among them. The firft perfccutions of thefe reformed arofe in Germany, in the time of Charles V, and drove great numbers of them down into the Seventeen Provinces^ efpecially Holland and Brabant, where the privileges of the cities were greater, and the Emperor's govern- ment was lefs fevere, as among the fubjefts of his own native countries. This was the occafion, that in the year 1566, when, upon the firft infurre6lion in Flanders, thofe of the reformed profeflion began t6 form confiftories, and levy contributions among themfelves for fupport of their common caufe ; it was refolved, upon confultation among the heads of them, that for declining all differences among them- felves, at a time of common exigence, the pub- lic profefTion of their party fhould be that of the Lu- therans, though with liberty and indulgence to thofe of different opinions. By the union of Utrecht, con- cluded in 1579, ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ Provinces was left to or- der the matter of religion, as they thought fit and moft conducing to the welfare of their Province ; with this provision, that every man Ihould remain free in his religion, and none be examined or entrap- ed for that caufe, according to the pacification at Ghent. But, in the year 1583, it wasenadled by ge- neral agreement, that the Evangelical religion fhould be only profelTed in all the Seven Provinces : which came thereby to be the eftabliflied religion of this State. The reafons which feemed to induce them to this fettlement, were many, and of weight : as firft, be- caufe by the perfccutions arrived in France (where all the reformed were Calvinifts) multitudes of peo- ple had retired out of that kingdom into the Low- Countries : and by the great commerce and continu- al intercourfe with England, where the reformation M 4 agreed 176 Ohjervations upon the United Frovinces, agreed much with the Calvinifls in point of dodrine, though more with the Lutherans in point of difci- pHne, thofe opinions came to be credited and propaga- ted more than any other, among the people of thefe Pro- vinces, fo as i^^ numbers were grown to be greater far in the cities of this than of any other profelTion. Se- condly, the fuccours and fi-pplies both of men and money, by which the weak beginnings of this com- monwealth were preferved and fortified, came chiefly from England, from the Proteftants of France (v/hen -their affairs were fuccefsful) and from the Calvinift Princes in Germany, who lay neareft, and were rea- died to relieve them. In the next place, becaufe thofe of this profeiTion feemed the moft contrary and violent againft the Spaniards, who made themfelves heads of the Roman Catholics throughout Chriilen- dom ; and the hatred of Spain, and their dominion, v/as fo rooted in the hearts of this people, that it had influence upon them in the very choice of their reh-^ gion. And laflly, becaufe, by this profelTion, all rights and jurifdiclion of the Clergy or Hierarchy being fuppreffed, there was no ecclefiaftical authority left to rife up, and trouble or fetter the civil pov/er j and all the goods and poiTelTions of churches and ab- beys were ieized wholly into the hands of the State, which made a great increafe of the public revenue, a thing the m.oil neceifary for the fupport of their go- vernment. Thf re might perhaps be added one reafon more, which was particular to one of the Provinces : for, whereas in moil, if not all, other parts in Chriflen- dom, the Clergy compofed one of the three Eilates of the country, and thereby {hared with the Nobles and Commons in their influences upon the govern- ment, that order never made any part of the"Efl:ates in Holland, nor had any vote in their affembly, which f onfiifed only of the Nobles ^nd the cities ; and this Pro^ Chap. V. Of their religioii, 177 Province, bearing always the greatefl fway in the councils of the Union, was moil inclined to the fettle- ment of that profefTion v/hich gave leail pretence of power or jurifdiction to the Clergy, and fo agreed moil with their own ancient conilitutions. Since this cilabliiliment, as well as before, the great care of this State has ever been, to favour no parti- cular or curious inquifition into the faith or religious principles of any peaceable man, who came to live under the protedlion of their lav/s, and to fuffer no vi- olence or oppreiTion upon any man's confcience, whofe opinions broke not out into expreflions or adions of ill confequence to the State. A free form of govern- ment, either making way for more freedom* in reli- gion, or elfe, having nev/]y contended fo far them- felves for liberty in this point, they thought it the more unreafonable for them to opprefs others. Per- haps, while they were fo threatened and endangered by foreign armies, they thought it the more neceiTary to provide againil difcontents within, which can ne- ver be dangerous, where they are not grounded or fathered upon opprelllon, in point either of religion or liberty : But, in thofe two cafes, the flame often proves moil violent in a State, the more it is fhut up, or the longer concealed. The Roman Catholic religion was alone excepted from, the common protedlion of their laws, making men (as the States believed) worfe fubjefts than the reil, by the acknowledgment of a foreign and fupe- rior jurifdivSlion ; for fo mull all fpiritual power needs be, as grounded upon greater hopes and fears than any civil, at leail where- ever the perfuafions from faith are as ilrong as thofe from fenfe ; of which there are fo many teilimonies recorded by the martyrdoms, penances, or confcientious reilraints and feverities, fufFered by infinite perfons in all forts of religion. S^fides, 178 Obfervatiom upon the 'U?tifed Provinces, Beiides, this profefTion feemed ftill a retainer of the Spanilh government, which was then the great pa- tron of it in the world : yet, fuch was the care of this State to give all men eafe in this point, who afk no more than to ferve God, and fave their own fouls, in their own way and forms; that what was not pro- vided for, by the conftitutions of their government, was fo, in a very great degree, by the connivance of their officers, who, upon certain conilant payments from every family, fuffer the exercife of the Roman Catholic religion in their feveral jurifdic5lions, as free and eafy, though not fo cheap, and fo avowed, as the reft. This, I fuppofe, has been the reafon, that though thofe of this profefTion are very numerous in the country, among the peafants, and confiderable in the cities, and not admitted to any public charges ; yet they feem to be a found piece of the State, and faft jointed in with the reft ; and have neither given any difturbance to the government, nor expreffed a- ny inclinations to a change, or to any foreign power, cither upon the former wars with Spain, or the later invafions of the Biftiop of Munfter. Of all other religions, every man enjoys the free exercife in his own chamber, or his own houfe, un- queftioned and unefpied : and if the followers of a- ny kd: grow fo numerous in any place, that they af- fe6t a public congregation, and are content to pur- chafe a place of affembly, to bear the charge of a paftor or teacher, and to pay for this liberty to the public ; they go and propofe their defire to the Ma- giftrates of the place where they refide, who inform themfelves of their opinions, and manners of worftiip ; and if they find nothing in either, deftrudive to civil fociety, or prejudicial to the conftitutions of their State, and content themfelves with the price that is offered for the purchafe of this liberty, they eafily allow it : but with the condition, that one or more Com- Chap. V. Of their religion. '79 CommifTioners Ihall be appointed, who fliall have free admilTion at all their meetings, fhall be both the obfervers and witneiTes of all that is a61:ed or preached among them, and whofe teftimony fhall be received concerning any thing that pafTes there to the preju- dice of the State : in which cafe, the laws and execu- tions are as fevere as againft any civil crimes. Thus the Jews have their allowed Synagogues in Amfterdam and Rotterdam : and, in the firft, almoft all fedls, that are known among Chriftians, have their public meeting-places \ and fome whofe names are almoft worn out in all other parts, as the Brownifts^ Familifts, and others. The Arminians, though they make a great name among them, by being rather the diflindion of a party in the State, than a fe6t in the Church ; yet are, in comparifon of others, but few in number, though confiderable by the perfons, who are of the better quality, the more learned and intelligent men, and many of them in the govern- ment. The Anabaptifts are juft the contrary, very numerous, but in the lower ranks of people, mecha- nics and feamen, and abound chiefly in North Hol- land. The Calvinifts make the body of the people, and are poiTefled of all the public churches in the domi- nions of the State, as well as of the only Minifters or paftors, who are maintained by the Public ; but thefe have neither lands, nor tithes, nor any authorized contributions from the people, but certain falarie^ from the State, upon v/hom they wholly depend : and though they are often very bold in taxing and preaching publickly againft the vices, and fometimes the innocent enterta-.nments_, of perfons moft confi- derable in the government, as well as of the vulgar ; yet they are never heard to cenfure or controul the public a6i:ions or refolutions of the State ; they are, in general, throughout the country, paflionate friends to 1 8o Obf elevations upon the XJnited Provinces, to the hoiifc of Orange ; and, during the intermiflion of that authority, found ways of expreffing their af- fedtions to the perfon and fortunes of this Prince, without offending the State as it was then conflitu- ted. They are fierce enemies of the Arminian jparty, whofe principles were thought to lead them, in Bar- nevelt's time, towards a conjun6tion, or at leaft com- pliance, 'with the Spanifh religion and government, both which the houfe of Orange, in the whole courfe of the war, endeavoured to make irreconcileable with thofe of the State. It is hardly to be imagined, how all the violence and fharpnefs, which accompanies the differences of religion in other countries, feems to be appeafed or foftened here, by the general freedom which all men enjoy, either by allowance or connivance ; nor, how fadion and ambition are thereby difabled to colour their intereiled and feditious defigns with the pre- tences of religion, which has coft the Chriilian v/orld fo much blood for thefe lad hundred and fifty years. No man can here complain of preffure in his con- fcience : of being forced to any public profeffion of his private faith : of being reftrained from his own manner of worihip in his houfe, or obliged to any other abroad: and whoever ate more in point of religion, without the undifputed evidence of a parti- cular miffion from heaven, may be juffly fufpeded not to afK for God's fake, but for his own : fince pretending to fovereignty, inftead of liberty, in opi- nion, is indeed pretending the fame in authority too, which confifts chiefly in opinion: and what man, or party foever, can gain the common or firm belief, of being moft immediately infpired, inftru6bed, or fa- voured of God, will eafily obtain the prerogative of being moft honoured and obeyed by men. But Chap. V. Of their religion. i3i But in this commonwealth, no man having any reafon to complain of opprefiion in confcience, and no man having hopes, by advancing his religion, to form a party, or break in upon the State, the diffe- rences in opinion make none in affections, and little in converfation, where it ferves but for entertainment and variety. They argue without intereil or anger ; they differ without enmity or fcorn ; and they agree without confederacy. Men live together, like citizens of the world, affociated by the commion ties of hu- manity, and by the bonds of peace, under the im- partial proteftion of indifferent laws, with equal en- couragement of all art and induflry, and equal free- dom of fpeculation and inquiry •, all men enjoying their imaginary excellencies and acquifitions of know- ledge with as much fafety, as their miore real pollef- fions and improvements of fortune. The power of religion among them, where it is, lies in every man's heart. The appearance of it is but like a piece of hu- manity, by which every one falls mod into the com- pany or converfation of thofe, whofe cuilioms and hu- mours, whofe talk and difpofition?, he likes beii : and as, in other places, it is in every man's choice with v/hom he will eat or lodge, w'ith whom go to m.arket, or to court •, fo it feems to be here, v/ith whom he will pray, or go to -cfe.trch, or affociate in the fervice and v/orfl:iip of God : nor is any more notice taken, or more cenfure paffed, of what every one chufes in thefe cafes, than in the other. I believe the force of commerce, alliances, and ac- quaintances, fpreading fo far as they do in finall cir- cuits (fuch as the Province of Holland) may contri- bute m.uch to make converfation, and all the ofrices of common life, fo eafy, among fo different opinions, of which fo m.any feveral perfons are often in every man's eye ; and no man checks or takes offence at faces, or cuiloms, or ceremonies, he fees every dav, 1 $2 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. as at thofe he hears of in places far diftant, and perhaps by partial relations, and comes to fee late in his life, and after he has long been pofTefled by paiTion or pre- judice againft them. However it is, religion may pofTibly do more good in other places, but it does lels hurt here : and, where-ever the invifible effedls of it are the greateft and moll advantageous, I am fure the vifible are fo in this country, by the continual and undiflurbed civil peace of their government for fo long a courfe of years ; and by fo mighty an increafe of their people, wherein will appear to confift chiefly the vaft growth of their trade and riches, and confequent- ly the flrength and greatnefs of their State. CHAP. VI. Of their trade. IT is evident to thofe, who have read the moft, and travelled fartheft, that no country can be found either in this prefent age, or upon record of any ftory, where fo vaft a trade has been managed, as in the narrow compafs of the four maritime Provinces of this commonwealth : nay, it is generally efteemed, that they have more fliipping belongs to them, than there does to all the reft of Europe. Yet they have no native commodities towards the building or rig- ging of the fmalleft veiTel ; their flax, hemp, pitch, wood, and iron, coming all from abroad, as wool does for cloathing their men, and corn for feeding them. Nor do I know any thing properly of their own growth, that is confiderable either for their own. necefiary ufe, or for traffick with their neighbours, be- fides butter, chcefe, and earthen- wares. For havGBS, they have not any good upon their whole coaft : the beft at Helvoetfluys, which has no trade at all ; and Fluftiing, v/hich has little, in comparifon of other towns in Holland : but Amfterdam, that triumphs in Chap. VI. Of their trade. 1 83 in the fpoils of Lifbon and Antwerp Cwhich before engroffed the greateft trade of Europe and the Indies) feems to be the mod incommodious haven they have, being feated upon fo fhallow waters, that ordinary Ihips cannot come up to it without the advantage of tides; nor great ones without unlading. The en- trance of the Teflel, and pafTage over the Zudder fea, is more dangerous than a voyage from thence to Spain, lying all in bhnd and narrow channels ; fo that it eafily appears, that it is not a haven that draws trade, but trade that fills a haven, and brings it in vogue. Nor has Holland grown rich by any native com- modities, but by force of induftry \ by improvement and manufa6ture of all foreign growths-, by being the general magazine of Europe, and furnifhing all parts with whatever the market wants or invites ; and by their feamen being, as they have properly been called, the common carriers of the world. Since the ground of trade cannot be deduced from havens, or native commodities (as may well be con- cluded from the furvey of Holland, which has the lead and the word •, and of Ireland, which has the mod and the bed, of both) it were not amifs to confider, from what other fource it may be more naturally and certainly derived : for, if we talk of indudry, we are dill as much to feek, what it is that makes people in- dudrious in one country, and idle in another. I con- ceive the true original and ground of trade to be, great multitude of people crouded into fmall compafs of land, whereby all things neceflary to life become dear, and all men, who have pofieffions, are induced to parfimony ; but thofe, who have none, are forced to indudry and labour, or elfe to v/ant. Bodies, that arp vigorous, fall to labour ; fuch, as are not, fup- ply that defedl by fome fort of inventions or inge- nuity. Thefe cudoms arife fird from necefiity, but incrcafe by imitation, and grow in time to be habi- tual 184 Ol}firvationsupon the United Provmces,. tnal in a country ; and where-ever they are fo, if it lies upon the Tea, they naturally break out into trade, both becaufe whatever they want of their own, that is neceflary to lb many men's lives, muft be fupplied from abroad •, and becaufe, by the multitude of peo- ple, and fmallnefs of country, land grows fo dear, that the improvement of money that way is inconfiderable, and fo turns to fea, where the greatnefs of the profit makes amends for the venture. This cannot be better illuflrated, than by its con- trary, which appears no where more than in Ireland ; where, by the largenefs and plenty of the food, and fcarcity of people, all things neceffary to life are fo cheap, that an induilrious man, by two days labour, may gain enough to feed him the reft of the week ; which I take to be a very plain ground of the lazinefs attributed to the people : for men naturally prefer eafe before labour, and will not take pains, if they can live idle : though when, by neceffity, they have been inured to it, they cannot leave it, being grown a cuf- tom neceffary to their health, and to their very enter- tainment : nor perhaps is the change harder, from conllant eafe to labour, than from conftant labour to cafe. This account of the original of trade agrees with tho. experience of all ages, and with the conftitutions of all places, where it has moft flourilhed in the world, as Tyre, Carthage, Athens, Syracufe, Agrigentum, Rhodes, Venice, Holland -, and will be fo obvious to every man, that kno'vvs and confiders the fituation, the extent, and the nature, of ail thofe countries, that it will need no enlargement upon the comparifons. By thcfe examples, which are all of commonwealths, and by the decay and didbludon of trade in the fix firft, when they came to be conquered, or fubje(5ted to arbitrary dominions, it might be concluded, that there is fjmething, in that tbrm of government, pro- per Chap. VI. Of their trade. 1 8 5 per and natural to trade, in a more peculiar manner. But the height it arrived to at Bruges and Antwerp, -under their Princes, for four or five defcents of the houfe of Burgundy, and two of Auftria, fhews, it may thrive under good Princes and legal monarchies, as well as under free States. Under arbitrary and ty- rannical power it mud of necelTity decay and diffolve, becaufe this empties a country of people, v/hereas the others fill it ^ this extinguifhes induilry, whilft m.en are in doubt of enjoying themfelves what they get, or leaving it to their children \ the others encourage it> by fecuring men of both ; one fills a country with foldiers, and the other with rnerchants •, who were ne- ver known yet to live well together, becaufe they cannot trufl one another. And as trade cannot live without miUtual truil among private men ; fo it cannot grow or thrive, to any great degree, v/ithout a con- fidence both of public and private fafety, and confe- quently a truft in the governm.ent, from an opinion of its ftrength, wifdom, and juflice ; which mufl be grounded either upon the perfonal virtues and qua- lities of a Prince, or elfe upon the conilitutions and orders of a State* It appears to every man*s eye who hath travelled Holland, and obferved the number and vicinity of their great and populous towns and villages, with the prodigious improvement of almofl every fpot of ground in the country, and the great multitudes con- ftantly employed in their fliipping abroad, and their boats at home, that no other known country in the world, of the fame extent, holds any proportion with this in numbers of people ; and, if that be the great foundation of trade, the befl account that can be given of theirs, will be by confidering the caufes and accidents, that have ferv^ed to force or invite fo vafl a confluence of people into their country. In the firft Vol. L N rank 1 8 6 Obfervations upon the United Provinces. rank may be placed the civil wars, calamities, perfe.-* cations, opprelBons, or difcontents, that have beea fo fatal to moil of their neighbours, for fome time before, as well as fmce, their State began. The perfecutions for matters of religion, in Gcr- niany under Charles V, in France under Henry II, and in England under Qiieen Mary, forced great numbers of people out of all thofe countries, to flieU ter themfelves in the feveral towns of the Seventeen Provinces, where the ancient liberties of the country, ^nd privileges of the cities, had been inviolate under fo long a fuccefTion of Princes, and gave protedtion to thefe opprefTed ftrangers, who filled their cities both with people and trade, and raifed Antwerp to fuch a height and renown, as continued till the Duke of Alva's arrival in the Low-Countries. The fright of this man, and the orders he brought, and arms to execute them, began to fcatter the flock of people that for fome time had been nefled there ; fo as, in very few months, above 100,000 families removed out of the country. But when the feven Provinces united, ^nd began to defend themfelves with fuccefs, unde!: the condudt of the Prince of Orange, and the counte- nance of England and France, ^nd the perfecutions for religion began to grow fiiarp in the Spanifh pro- vinces, all the profefTors of the reformed religion, and haters of the Spanifh dominion, retired into the ftrong cities of this commonwealth, and gave the fame date to the growth of trade there, and the decay of it at Antwerp. The long civil wars, at firfl of France, then of Germany, and lallly of England, ferved to increafe the fwarm in this country, not only by fuch as were perfecuted at home, but great numbers of peaceable men, who came here to feek for quiet in their lives, '^nd fafety in their pofTefilons or trades \ hke thofe. birds. Chap. VI. Of their trade, i^J birds that, upon the approach of a rough wlnter-fea-y (on, leave the countries where they were born and bred, fly away to fome kinder and fofter climate, anc| never return till the frofts are pad, and the winds ar^ laid at home. The invitation thefe people had, to fix rather in Holland than in many better countries, feems to have been, at firfl, the great ftrength of their towns, which by their maritime fituation, and the low flatnefs of their country, can with their fluices overflow ail the ground about them at fuch diftances, as to become inacceffible to any land forces, And this natural ftrength has been improved, efpecially at Amfterdam, by all the art and expence that could any ways ccn^ tribute towards the defence of the place. Next was the conftitution of their government, by which, neither the States-General, nor the Prince^ have any power to invade any man's perfon or pro- perty within the precin61:s of their cities. Nor could It be feared that the fenate of any town fnould con- fpire to any fuch violence •; nor, if they did, could they poffibly execute it, having no foldiers in their pay, and the burghers only being employed in the de- fence of their towns, and execution of ail eiviijuftie^ among them. Thefe circumftances gave fo great a credit to the bank of Amflerdam ^ and that was another invitation for people to come and lodge here what part of their money they could tranlport, and knew no way of fe- curing at home. Nor did thofe people only lod^q moneys here, who came over into the country ; but many more, who mvQi- left their own, though they provided for a retreat, or againft a fborm, and though^ no place fo fecure as this, nor from whence they might fo eafily draw their money into any palts of the v/orld. Another circumftance was, the general liberty and fafc, not onl^^ in point of confcien^e, but all ptheri^ i88 Obfervafions upon the United Provinces* that ferve to the commodioufnefs and quiet of life *, every man following his own way, minding his own bufinefs, and httle enquiring into other men's ^ which, I fuppofe, happened by fo great a concourfe of peo- ple of feveral nations, different religions and cuftoms, as left nothing flirange or new ; and by the general humour, bent all upon induilry -, whereas curiofity is only proper to idle men. ^ Befides, it has ever been the great principle of their State, running through all iheir provinces and cities, even with emulation, to make their country the com- mon refuge of all miferable men j from whofe pro- tection, hardly any alliances, treaties, or interefls, have ever been able to divert or remove them. So as, during the great dependance this Sta'e had upon France, in the time of Henry IV, all the perfons dif- graced at that court, or baniihed that country, made this their common retreat ^ nor could the State ever be prevailed with, by any infcances of the French Am- bafladors, to refufe them the ufe and liberty of com- mon hfe and air, under the prote6tion of their go- vernment. This firmnefs in the State has been one of the cir- cumftances that has invited fo many unhappy men out of all their neighbourhood, and indeed from mioft parts of Europe, to ilielter themfelves from the blows of juftice, or of fortune. Nor indeed does any coun- try feem fo proper to be made ufe of upon fuch oc- cafions, not only in refpe6t of fafety, but as a place that holds fo conilant and eafy correfpondences with all parts of the world, and whither any man may draw whatever money he has at his difpofal in any other :place •, where neither riches expofe men to danger, jior poverty to contempt : but on the contrary, where parfimony is honourable, whether it be neceifary or no ; and he, that is forced by his fortune to live low, may here alone live in falhion, and upon equal terms (in Chap. VI. Of their trade, 189 (in appearance abroad) with the chiefell of their Mi- nifters, and richefl of their merchants : nor is it eafi- ly imagined, how great an effed this conftitution among them may, in courfe of time, have had upon the increafe both of their people and their trade. As the two firit invitations of people into this country were the flrength of their towns, and nature of their government \ fo two others have . grown with the courfe of time, and progrefs of their riches and power. One is the reputation of their govern- ment, arihng from the oblervation of the fjccefs of their arms, the prudence of their negotiations, the fteadinefs of their counfels, the conftancy of their peace and quiet at home, and the confideration they hereby arrived at among the Princes and States of Chriflendom. From all thefe, men grew to a gene- ral opinion of the wifdom and condud: of their State; and of its being edablifhed upon foundations that could not be fhaken by any common accidents, nor confequently in danger of any great or fudden revo- lutions ; and this is a mighty inducement to indu- ftrious people to come and inhabit a country, who feek not only fafety under laws from injuflice and op- preillon, but hkewife, under the ftrcngth and good condudt of a State, from the violence of foreign in- vafions or of civil commotions. The other is, the great beauty of their country (forced in time, and by the improvements of induftry, in fpite of nature) which draws every day fuch nu ru- bers of curious and idle perfons to fee their Provin- ces, though not to inhabit them. And indeed their country is a much better miftrefs than a wife, and where few perfons, who are well at home, would be content to live ; but where none, that have time and money to fpare, would not for once be willing to tra- vel j and as England fliews, in the beauty of the ^guntry, what nature can arrive at \ fo does Holland, N 3 m I go Gt)fef vat tons upon the United Provmve^^ in the number* greatnefs, and beauty of their townS^ whatever art can bring to pais. But thefe and many other matters of fptculation among them, filling the obfervations of ^il common travellers^ fhali make ho part of mine, whofe defign is rather to difcover the caufcs of their trade and riches, than to relate the effefe Yet it may be noted hereupon, as a piece of wif- dom in any kingdom or State, by the magnificence of courts, or of public lirudures ; by encouraging beauty in private buildings^ and the adornment of towns with pleafant and regular plantations of trees ; by the celebration of fome noble feftivals or folemni- ties ^ by the inftitution of fome great m^arts or fairs ; and by the contrivance of any extraordinary and re- nowned fpedacles, to invite and occafion, as much and as often as can be, the concourie of bufy or idle people from the neighbouring or remoter nations, whofe very paflage and intercourfe is a great increafe of wealth and of trade, and a fecret incentive of peo- ple to inhabit a country, w^here men may meet with equal advantages, and more entertainments of life, than in other places. Such w^re the Olympic and other games among the Graecians ^ fuch the triumphs, trophies, and fecular plays of old Rome, as well as the fpeclacies exhibited afterwards by the Emperors, with fuch ilupenduous effe6ls of art and expence, for courting or entertaining the people •, fuch the Jubilees of new Rome ; the jufls and tournaments formerly ufed in moft of the courts of Chriftendom ; the fef- tivals of the more celebrated orders of knighthood \ and, in particular towns^ the carnavals and fairs ; the kirmiihes, which run through all the cities of the Netherlands, and in fome of them, with a great deal of pageantry, as well as traffic, being equal baits of pleafure and of gain. Having Chap. VL Of their trade. 191 Having thus dlfcovered what has laid the great foundations of their trade, by the multitude of theif people, which has planted and habituated indullry a- mong them, and, by that, all forts of manufadure* as well as parfimony, and thereby general wealth : I Ihall enumerate, very briefly, fome other circumflan- ces, that feem, next to thefe, the chief advancers and cncouragers of trade in their country. Low intereft, and dearnefs of land, are effects of the multitude of people, and caufe of fo much money to lie ready for all projects by which gain may be expedted, as the cutting of canals, making bridges and cawfeys, levelling downs, and draining marihes,- befides all new efiays at foreign trade which are pro- pofed with any probability of advantage. The ufe of their banks, which fecures money, and makes all payments eafy, and trade quick. The fale by regiftry, which was introduced here and in Flanders in the time of Charles V, and makes all purchafes fafe. The feverity of juftice, not only againfl: all thefts, but all cheats, and counterfeits of any public bills (which is capital among them) and even againll all common beggars, who are difpofed of either into work-houfes, or hofpitals, as they are able or unable to labour. The convoys of merchant -fleets into all parts, even in time of peace, but efpecially into the Straits \ which give their trade fecurity againft many unexpeded ac- cidents, and their nation credit abroad, and breeds up feamen for their fliips of war. The lownefs of their cuftoms, and eafinefs of pay- ing them, which, with the freedom of their ports^ invite both ftrangers and natives to bring commodi- ties hither, not only as to a market, but as to a ma- gazine, where they lodge till they are invited abroad to other and better markets. N4 0;;dter 192 Objh^jations upon the United PrGvinces:. Order and exa6lnefs in managing their trade, which, brings their commodities in credit abroad. This was firil introduced by fevere laws and penalties, but is fince grown into cuftom. Thus there have been a- bove thirty feveral placarts about the manner of cu- ring, pickling, and barrelling herrings. Thus all ■ arms, made at Utrecht, are forfeited, if fold without mark, or marked without trial. And I obferved in their India-houfe, that all the pieces of fcarlet, which are fent in great quantities to thole parts, are marked with the Engliih arms,, and infcriptions in Engliih ; by v/hich they maintain the credit gained to that com.modity by our former trade to parts where it is now loft or decayed. The government managed either by men that trade, or whole families have rifen by it, or who have them- felves fome intereft going in other men's traffic, or who are born and bred in towns the foul and being whereof 'confifls wholly in trade ^ which makes fure of all favour, that, from time to time, grows necef-* f^ry, and can be given it by the government. The cuftom of every town's affe6ling fome particu- lar commerce or ftaple, valuing itfelf thereupon, and fo improving it to the greateft height : as Flufhing,^ by that of the Weft-Indies ; Middleburgh, of French wines ^ Terveer, by the Scots ftaple ; Dort, by the Enghfli ftaple, and Rhenifti wines ^ Rotterdam, by the Englifii and Scotch trade at large, and by French wines ; Leyden, by the manufadure of all forts of ftuffs, filk, iiair, gold and filver •, Haerlem, by linen ^ mixt ftuffs, and flov^^ers ; Delft, by beer and Dutch porcelane ; Surdam, by the built of Ships -^ Enchuy- len and Mazland-fluys, by herring- fifliing ; Friez- 5and, by the Greenland trade ; and Amfterdam by that of the Eaft-Indies, Spain, and the Straits. The great application of the whole Province to the nihing- trade upon the coaft? of England and Scot- 5 ' W^% Chap. VL Of their trade. 1-93 land, which employs an incredible number of fliip^ and feamen, and fupplies mod of the fouthern parts of Europe with a rich and neceflary commodity. The lafl I fhall mention is, the mighty advance they have made towards engrofTing the whole com- merce of the Eaft-Indies, by their fucceffes againft the Portuguefe, and by their many wars and vi6lo- ries againit the natives, whereby they have forced them to treaties of commerce, exclufive to all other nations, and to the admifTion of forts to be built up- on {traits and palTes that command the entrances into the traffic of fuch places. This has been atchiev- ed by the multitude of their people and mariners, that has been able to furnifh every year fo many great fhips for Hich voyages, and to fupply the lofs of fo many lives, as the changes of climate have coft, be- fore they learnt the method of living in them ; by the vaftnefs of the* flock that has been turned wholly to that trade ; and by the conduft and application of the Eafl-India company, who have managed it like a commonwealth, rather than a trade, and there- by raifed a State in the Indies, governed indeed by the orders of the company, but other wife appearing to thofe nations like a fovereign State, making war and peace with their greateft Kings, and able to bring to fea forty or fifty men of war, and thirty thoufand men at land, by the modeflefh computations. The flock of this trade, befides what it turns to in France, Spain, Italy, the Straits, and Germany, makes them fo great maflers in the trade of the northern parts of Europe, as Mufcovy, Poland, Pomerania, and all the Baltic ; where the Ipices, that are an Indian drug, and European luxury, com.mand all the commodities of thofe countries, which are fo neceffary to life, as their corn -, and to navigation, as h^mp, pitch, mafls, planks, and iron, Thu^ 194 Obfervations upon i he United Provinces » Thus the trade of this country is difcovered to bd jrto effedl of common contrivances, of natural difpd- fitions or fituation, or of trivial accidents ; but of a great concurrence of circumdances, a long courfe of time, force of orders and method, which nevcT be- fore met in the world to fuch a degree, or with fa prodigious a fuccefs, and perhaps never will again* Having grov/n (to fum up all) from the fituation of their country, extended upon the fea, divided by two fuch rivers as the Rhine and the Maes, with the vi- cinity of the Ems, Wefer, and Elve \ from the con- fluence of people out of Planders, England, France, and Germany, invited by the ftrength of their towns, and by the conftitutions and credit of their govern- ment ; by the liberty of confcience, and fecurity of life and goods (fubjedled only to conftant laws) ; from general iriduilry and pariimony, occafioned by the muldtude of people, and fmallnefs of coun- try ; from cheap nefs and eafinefs of carriage, by con- venience of canals ; from low ufe, and dearnefs of land, which turn money to trade ^ the inftitution of banks •, fale by regiliry -, care of convoys ^ fmallnefs of cufloms ; freedom of ports ; order in trade ; inter- eft of perfons in the government; particular traffic affedted to particular places ; application to the fifh- xry ; and acquifitions in the Eaft- Indies. It is ho conftant rule. That trade makes riches ; for there may be a trade that impoverifties a nation : as it is not going often to market that enriches the coun- tryman ; biit, on the contrary, if, every time he comes there, he buys to a greater value than he fells, he grows the poorer the oftener he goes : but the only and certain fcale of riches, ariling from trade in a nation, is the proportion of what is exported for the confumpdon of others, to what is imported for their The Chap.VL Of thtir trade, 19^ The true ground of this proportion lies in the ge- neral induilry and parfinriony of a people, or in the contrary of both. Indiiftry increales the native com- modity, either in the produd of the foil, or the ma- nufadlures of the country, which raifes the flock for exportation. Parfimony lefiens the confumption of their own, as well as of foreign commodities \ and not only abates the importation by the laft, but in- creafes the exportation by the firft ; for, of all na- tive commodities, the lefs is confumed in a country, the more is exported abroad ^ there being no com- modity, but, at one price or other, will find a mar- ket, which they will be m afters of, who can afford it fcheapeft : fuch are always the moft induftrious and parfim.onious people, who can thrive by prices upon which the lazy arid expenfive cannot live. The vulgar miftake, that importation of foreign wares, if purchafed abroad with native commodities, and not with money, does not make a nation poorer, is but what every man, that gives himfelf leifure to think, muft immediately rediify, by finding out, that, upon the end of an account between a nation, and all they deal Vv^ith abroad, whatever the exportation wants in value, to balance that of the importation, muft of neceftity be made up with ready money. By this v/e find out the foundation of the riches of Holland, as of their trade by the circumftances al- ready rehearfed. For never any country traded {'d much, and confumed fo little : they buy infinitely, but it is to fell again, either upon improvement of the comamcdity, or at a better market. They are the great mailers of the Indian fpices, and of the Per- fian filks, but wear plain v/oollen, and feed upon their own fifh and roots. Nay, they fell the fineft of their Own cloth to France, and buy coarfe out of England for their ov/n wear. They fend abroad the beft of their own butter into all parts, and buy the cheap- eft 196 Ohjervatwns upo?2 theXJnked Provmces, eft out of Ireland, or the north of England, for their own ufe. In Ihort, they furnilh infinite luxury which they never pradife, and trafRc in pleafures which they-never tafte. The Gentlemen and officers of the army change their cloaths and their modes like their neighbours. But, among the whole body of the civil magiftrates, the merchants, the rich traders, and citizens in ge- neral, the fafhions continue ftill the fame •, and others as conftant among the feamen and boors ; fo that men leave off their cloaths only becaufe they are worn out, and not becaufe they are out of fafhion. Their great foreign confumption is French wine and brandy \ but that may be allowed them as the on- ly reward they enjoy of all their pains, and as that a- lone which makes them rich and happy in their vo- luntary poverty, who would otherwife feem poor and wretched in their real wealth. Befides, what they fpend in wine, they fave in corn to make other drinks, which is bought from foreign parts. And, upon a prefTure of their affairs, we fee now, for two years to- gether, they have denied themfelves even this com- fort, among ail their forrows, and made up in paf- five fortitude, whatever they have wanted in the ac^ tive. Thus it happens, that much going conftantly out, either in commodity, or in the labour of fea-faring men, and little coming in to be confumed at home \ the reft returns in coin, and fills the country to that degree, that more filver is feen in Holland, among the "common hands and purfes, than brafs either in Spain or in France ; though one be fo rich in the beft native commodities, and the other drain all the trea- fures of the Weft-Indies. By all this account of their trade and riches, it will appear, that feme of our maxims are not fo certain, as they are current, in our common politics. As, firft, Chap. VI. Of their trade, igy firll, that example, and encouragement of excefs and luxury, if employed in the conllimption of native commodities, is of advantage to trade : it may be fo to that which impoverifhes, but it is not to that which enriches a country •, and is indeed lefs prejudicial, if it lie in native, than in foreign wares. But the cuftom or humour of luxury and expence cannot (lop at cer- tain bounds ', what begins in native, will proceed in foreign commodities •, and, though the example arife among idle perfons, yet the imitation will run into all degrees, even of thofe men by whofe induflry the na- tion fubfifls. And befides, the more of our own we fpend, the lefs we Ihall have to fend abroad -, and fo it will come to pafs, that, v/hile we drive a vail trade, yet, by buying much more than we fell, we fhall come to be poor : whereas, v/hen we drove a very fmall traffic abroad, yet, by felling fo much more than we bought, we were very rich in proportion to our neigh- bours. This appeared in Edward Ill's time, when we maintained fo mighty v/ars in France, and carried our vidorious arms into the heart of Spain : whereas, in the 28th year of that King's reign, the value and cullom of all our exported commodities amounted to 2941 84 1. 17 s. 2d. and that of imported, but to 38970 1. 3 s. 6d. So as there muil have entered that year into the kingdom in coin, or bullion (o^ elfe have grown a debt to the nation) 2552 14 1. 13 s* 8 d. And yet we then carried out our wools un- wrought, and brought in a great part of our cloaihs from Flanders. Another common maxim is, that if, by any fo- reign invafion, or fervitude, the State, and confequent- ly the trade, of Holland fhould be ruined, the laft would of courfe fall to our fhare in England. Which is no confequence -, for it would certainly break into feveral pieces, and fhift, either to us, to Flanders, to the HarxS Towns, or any other parts, according as. the 198 Ohfervations upon the United Provmces. the moil of thofe circumftances fhould any where concur to invite it (and the likeft to fuch) as appear to have formerly drawn it into Holland, by fo mighty a confluence of people, and fo general a vein of induf- try and parfimony among them, And whoever pre^ tends to equal their growth in trade and riches, by other ways than fuch as are already enumerated, will prove, I doubt, either to deceive, or to be deceived, A third is, that if that State were reduced to great extremities, fo as to become a Province tofome great« er power, they would chufe our fubjedion rather than any other ; or thofe, at leail, that are the maritime, and the richeft of the Provinces. But it will be more reafonably concluded, from all the former difcourfes, that, though they may be divided by abfolute con- quefts, they will never' divide themfelves by confent, but all fall one way, and, by common agreement, make the befl: terms they can for their country, as a Province, if not as a State : and, before they come to. fuch an extremity, they will firft feek to be admitted, as a Belgic circle, in the Empire (which they were of old) and thereby receive the protedion of that mighty body, which (as far as great and fmaller things may be compared) feems the likeft their own State in its main conftitutions, but eipecially in the freedoni or fovereignty of the imperial cities. And this I have often heard their Minifters fpeak of, as their laft re- fuge, in cafe of being threatened by too ftrong and fatal a conjundure. And, if this fhould happen, the trade of the Pro- y/nces would rather be prefervad or increafed, than ^ny way broken or deilroyed, by fuch an alteration of their State, becaufe the liberties of the country would continue what they are, and the fecurity would be greater than now it is. ' The laft I will mention is of another vein : That, if l^he Prince of Orange were pade Sovereign of their country^ Chap. VI. Of their trade ^ 199 country, though by foreign arms, he would be a great Prince, beciule^ this now appears to be fo great a State. Whereas, on the contrary, thofe Provinces would foon become a very meant country. For fuch a power mud be maintained by force, as it would be acquired, and as indeed all abfolute dom.inion mufl be in thofe Pi-ovinces. This would raife general dis- contents ; and thofe perpetual feditions among the towns, which would change the orders of the country, endanger the property of private men, and fnake the credit and fafety of the government : whenever this Ihould happen, the people would fcatter, induflry would faint, banks would diifolve, apd trade would decay to fuch a degree, as probably, in courfe of time, the very digues v/ouid be no longer maintained by the defences of a weak people, againft fo furious an invader •, but the fea would break in upon their land, and leave their chiefeft cities ;o be filher towns as they were of old. Without any fuch great revolutions, I am of opi-^ nion, that trade has, for fome ye^rs ago, paft its me, ridian, and begun fenfibly to decay among them : whereof there feem to be feveral caufes •, as, firft, the general application, that fo many other nations have made to it, within thefe two or three and twenty yeai*s. For fmce the peace of Munfler, which reftored the quiet of Chriilendom in 1648, not only Sweden and Denmark, but France and England, have more par- ticularly, than ever before, bufied t]ie thoiights and councils of their feveral gove|*nments, as well as the humours of their people, about the matters of trade. Nor has this happened without good degrees of fuc- eefs ; though kingdoms of fuch extent, that have ether and nobler foundations of greatnefs, cannot raife trade to fuch a pitch, as this litde State, which had no other to build upon ; no more than a man, who j^as a fair and plentiful eflate, can fall to labour and indullry^^ ^00 Ohfervatlons upon the United Frovinces. induilry, like one that has nothing elfe to truft to for the iupport of his life. But, however, all tliefe na- tions have come, of late, to ihare largely with them \ and there feem to be grown too many traders for trade in the world, fo as they can hardly live one by an- other. As in a great populous village, the firft gro- cer, or mercer, that fets up among them, grows pre^ fently rich, having all the cullom \ until another, en- couraged by his I'uccefs, comes to fetupbyhim, and fhare in his gains ; at length fo many fall to the trade, that nothing is got by it ; and fome muft give over, or all muft break. Not many ages paft, Venice and Florence polTefTed all the trade of Europe ; the laft by their manufac- tures ; but the firft by their fliipping : and the whole trade of Perfia and the Indies, whofe commodities were brought (thofe by land, and thcfe by the Arabian fea) to Egypt, from whence they were fetched by the Ve- netian fleetS) and difperfed into moft of the parts of Europe : and in thofe times we find the whole trade of England was driven by Venetians, Florentines, and Lombards. The Eafterlings, who were the inhabit tants of the Hans Towns, as Dantzick, Lubeck, Hamiburgh, and others upon that coaft, fell next into trade, and managed all that of thefe northern parts for many years, and brought it firft down to Bruges, and from thence to Antwerp. The firft navigations of the Portuguefe to the Eaft-Indies broke the greatnefs of the Venetian trade, and drew it to Lift^on : and the revolt of the Netherlands, that of Antwerp to Holland. But, in all this tim^e, the other and greater nations of Europe concerned themfelves little in it ; their trade was war \ their counfels and enterprifes were bufied in the quarrels of the Holy Land, or in thofe between the Popes and Emperors (both of the fame forge, engaging all chriftian Princes, and ending in the greatnefs of the Ecclefiaftical State throughout Chriftendom ; ) Chap. VI. Of their trade, 20i Chriflendom :) fometimes, in the mighty wars be- tween England and France, between France and Spain : the more general between Chriliians and Turks ; or more particular quarrels, between lefier and neighbouring Princes. In Ihort, the kingdoms and principalities were in the v/orld, like the Noble- men and Gentlemjcn in a country ; the free flates and cities, like the merchants and traders : thefe at firft defpifed by the others ♦, the others ferved and revered by them ^ until, by the various courle of events in the world, fome of thefe came to grow rich and pow- erful by induftry and parfmiony ; and fome of the others, poor by war and by luxury : which made the traders begin to take upon them, and carry it like Gentlemen ; and the Gentlemen begin to take a fancy , of falling to trade. By this fhort account it will ap- pear no wonder, either that particular places grew fo rich and fo mighty, while they alone enjoyed almoil the general trade of the world •, nor why not only the trade in Holland, but the advantage of it in general, fhould feem to be leflened by ^o many that ihare it. Another caufe of its decay in that State may be, that, by the mighty progrefs of their Fail-India com- pany, the commodities of that country are grown more than thefe parts of the v/orid can take off; and, confequendy, the rates of them muft needs be lelTened, while the charge is increafed by the great wars, the armies, and forts, necelTary to maintain, or extend, the acquifitions of that company in the Indies. For, inflead of 'avt or fix Fafl-India ihips, which ufed to make the fleet of the year, they are nov/ rifen to eighteen or twenty (I think tv/o and twenty cam.e in one year to the United Provinces.) This is the reafon why the particular perfons of that company in Hol- land make not fo sreat advanta1 before it ends. I fhall ill deferve your Lordlhip's leave of writing often, if I do it folong, and fo little to the purpoie together. After I have told you my Lord OfTory is €ome over into England, and that my Lord Arling--- ton is for certain (as they fay both in England and here) to marry the Lady Emilia, my Lady of Offory^s Mer, 1 will give your Lordfhip the good night, al- moft as late as I imagine you ufe to go to bed, and only tell you that I am, at all hours, My Lord, your Lotdlhip's moft humble fervant. 4nd other Minifters of State. 251 Tq Sir Philip Warwick. SIR, BrufTcls, March 12, N. S. i656. THOUGH it be more eafy and more ufual to beg favours, than to acknowledge them, yet I find you are refolved to force me upon the laft^ with- .out ever giving me time or occafion for the other. How much i am obliged to you in my lad difpatch, i am told enough by Mr. Godolphin, but more by my own heart, which will never fuffer me to believe, that a perfon to whom I have been fo long, and am fo much a fervant, fhould be any other than kind to me ; for that is my way of judging my abfent friends, and ferV-es^ like a watch in my pockety to meafure the time, though I fee no fun. The very name of time puts me in mind, that yours is not to be fpent idly ; and that you are more pleafed to oblige your friends, than to receive their thanks : and therefore I will only fay, that mine are very fenfible and very hearty, and that no mail is, with more reafon and with more fin- cerenefs, than I am, Sir, your affedlionate humble fer- vant. ^0 the BiJloQp of Munfter. Epifcopo Monafterii. BruiTels, March 12, Bruxellis, Martii 12* SIR, N. S. 1666* CelfiffimeDom.N.S. 1666* Vr O U R Highnefs*s letter JJESie a tempe/iiv} admodum ■* of the 9th inftant came "^ *- tmhi redditts funt litera jti due time to my hands, by Celfttudints vejircs^ 9. Martii which I plainly find with how date^ j e qUibus plane perfpext much faith and conftancy, as qudm incmcujfa fide^ et quam well as wifdom and courage, decora conjlantid C. V. resfuas your Highnefs intends to or- femper ornatura Jit^ dim eof- cler your affairs. My utmoft dem eximia prudentia et ammg endeavours (hall not be want- molltur interea^ et gubernat. ing for the advancingof them, Mihi cert} nihil erii uvquam zt? R 2 an* Letters of Sir William Temple , 2l± as well as for increafing and cultivating the confidence his Majeily hath in your High- nefs- (on which the common league chiefly relics) efpecial- lyat this time, when To many ill-deftgning men ufe all en- deavours to {hake Gi deftroy it, wherein it is hard to telT whether their folly or malice be greater. I hear every day in this ci- ty, that your Highnefs has made peace with the Hollan- ders, without any regard to us or our league, or fo much as confulting his Majefty up- on it : and 1 pretend to be- lieve what I am told, though 1 am inwardly aflured to the contrary. As for wKifpers and rumotirs, it i's not my cu- llom either to amufe others, or perplex myfelf with them. I confefs I was fomewhat mo- ved with a letter from the Duke of Brunfvvick to a man of underftanding in this city, which I lately iaw and read ; wherein he feems to feed hifn- felf and his friend v/ith hopes of a fpeedy peace in all thofe parts of Germany, and afTures him, from his eert^vin know- ledge,thatthc Pi'ince of Mun- fter v/ill accept it in cafe it be offered to him v/khout the greateft ignominyand lofs; wherein he fays the neigh- bouring Princes ufe all means -to CD^yge him. I am antiquius ijio officio,^ quod fem^ per prajiiti et prajlitwm Jum tarn in Hits omni niodo proTiiG- vendis, qua?n in for7nand(iy et fi opus fuerit erigendd jacr^ Juce Regies Majejiatis fiducid^ qua pracipu} niti videiur cam- tnunis fcederis vinculum ct fo- huvy hsc pT aferiirn tetnpore cuM mulii et vafri et ventcfi homi- nes lllam pedihus ea.-'t labefaBa- ium^ maJGve levitate nejcio^ an nmlitid. In hac wbe pace?n jam ra- tarn iri inter C. Pm. et hoUan^ dosy pojlhabitis omnino rationi- bus et foederis et tiojlris^ nedum confulta voliintate^ ego utrifque auribus quotidie accipic ; credu- litate?n fimulo^ toto aiiiem pec- tore iiificias £0. Riwicrihus certe et fujiirris nee mi hi alios pajcere ojjueium^ nee meipfrm excriuiare ; conimotnm mi pan- lofateor Uteris Ducis Brur'fwi^ cenfis vivo fagaci in hac urbe tranjmijjis^ quas ipje yiuperri' tne vidij kgique diligentius^ in qiiibiis^ et fej'i ct ami cum mtd- ta fpe laBare videtur pads in univerfis ijlis Germania par- tibus breviter rcjiituendcz y Jl- bique pro compcrto conjlare cf* ferity prtncipem Monaflerii d m libentiffmie accepturuniy ?nod6 fine fumma ignominia et damna earn oblatam iri contingat ; in quo vicinos ait Primipes oh- um ct opsram Jwrrmo jarn fiudiG i?npcnderc. Mar- a7id other Minijlers of State I am forry to find the Mar- quis of Caftel Rodrigoof the fame opinion ; becaufe I know the event muft be dilhonour- able to your Highnefs, and will be imputed to the King my Mafler, perhaps as im- prudence, at leaft, as ill for- tune. Nor do I think the Spaniards, at this time of day, fo generous as to promote the league (which we hope to fee confirmed by my Lord Sand- wich's embafly into Spain) if they once imagine, though but falfly, that his Majefty, among fuch potent enemies, is forfaken by his neareft con- federates. On the contrary, I am en- tirely perfuaded, as v/ell from your Bighncfs's laft letter, as from your virtue and good fenfe, that you have too great a regard for your faith and ho- nour, to darken the luflre of fo fair a life, by fo foul a Itain. This I do not fail continually to inforrri both his Majefly and his Minifiiers ; nor do I doubt, but if fortune f}iall be " wanting to the juftice of your arms, fo far as that your High- psfs fhall be in danger of be- ing brought to the laft extre- mities, you will at leaft have that regard to fo facred a league, and to the honour of fo great a King, as to give his Majefty timely notice ; declare the invincible necefil- ties you lay under, and defire permiffion to ^nter upon new cpijnfels. As Marchionem de Cajiel Ro- drigo eandem imhlhijfe plmie opi^ nionem et fentio et doleo : quip- pe ejufmodi eventum et C. V, vitio verti necejp eft^ et Regi Dom'mo meo^ wiprudentiie for^ fan^ aiit f ahem inf cell citati. Nee Hifpayioi ufque adeo jam tem^ ports generofos tcji'imo-, ut pro-' vehendo fcederi (quod jam arC' tills ajh'i£ium iri fperamus nu-r perrima Comitis de Sandwich in Hifpania?n legatione) fortius impel lant remos fiKegemDomi' mmi mcum inter tantos hofles ah intirno fcederato defertum iri^ fibi vel faljo perfiwfc' rint. Ego ifiterea tarn ex pojlre* mis Uteris, quatn ex ingetiti C, V. indole et genio^ moribus eti- am et jiiidiis, mihi e contra procul omni alea perfuofum ha- beo, earn virtuti, fidei, et glo- ria nimis focliciter liidjfe, quam ut tot decora tarn injtgnis vita tantd lake infufcari ullo modo patiatur. Hoc facra fua Re- gics Majejiati, hoc Mini/Iris reglis inculcare non defino ; nee ullus duhito, fi tarn jujiis armis foriuna in tantmn defuerit, ut inter tot hojies C. V. in extre- mis fe labor aiur am prafentiat 'y qiiln hoc faltem tanto foederis hoc tanti Regis nomini et au-*' fpiciis irihuendum judicety utfa-^ cram fuam maje/iatem non in- confultam velit, necejfttates infu- perabilts exponaiy vemamque dc-^ mwn impetret novis et alieni-s confdiis ineundisp R3 . ^,oi 254 Letters of Sir William Timpki As for us, I am fureyour Ilighnefs is fufHciently con- vinced of bis Majefliy's care in , performing his part, and how happily he has overcome the greateft difficulties and firaits, wherein, by occafion of the late peililence, his re- venues have been involved. About ten days ago, I gave . Monfieur Rhintorf letters of exchange for 77,000 dollars: he is a diligent perfon, a friend to the common league, and of equal probity and induftry. I have given him alfo other letters, wherein a very rich merchant of Amfterdam has undertaken to tranfmit 30,000 dollars more to me with all convenient fpeed. I have al- fo orders from his Majefty, to advance money for your Highnefs, upon a great quan- tity of tin, lately recovered fromfhipwreckatOftend ; and his Majefty hath farther given me in charge to let your Highnefs know, that what- ever remairis fbould be pai^^ v^ithout fail. All this matter was finifh- ed before Mr. Sherwood's de- parture for England, whom I have however inftruiSfced with the bell counfel I could, as well as with letters of recom- mendation to the Chief Mjni- f^ers ; though I am certain his Majefty's juftice and truth will ^od ad partes nojiras at'^ thiet, fails conjido C, V. abiin- de explorattwi habere quanta. Jiudto et epere facra fua Regia Majejlas cxplendis ad amujfitn, Jingulis invigilaverhy quanta- que demum fasUdtate angujiias^ et dlfficultates fuv.imas elu6lattt fit^ qulbus per nuperam conta^ gionem res Juas prescipue pe but, 264 Letters of Sir U'^iiliam Temple y but, pafling another way to M under, I had not ufed it, and fo relblved to do it now. I did fo, gave it him, told him my errand -, how much his MajeRy reckoned upon his friendlhip, and defired his good offices to the Bifhop of Munfter . in the defign 1 went upon^ of keeping him firm to his treaties with the King my mafter. This Duke is, in my opinion, the fined Gentleman of any German I have feen, and delervfes much bet- ter fortune than he is in i being fmall, very much broken, and charged with a very numerous ilTue ; he feems about fifty years old, tall, lean, very good mien, but more like an Italian than a Gefmati : all he fays is civil, well-bred, honnefte^ plain, eafy, and has an air of truth and honour. He made great pro- feffions of kindnefs and refpedl to the King, was for- ry he could not ferve him in this affair •, his engage- ments were already taken with the Emperor and his neighbouring Princes for making the Munfler peace, and by that m.eans keeping war out of the Empire. He doubted I could not ferve his Majefly upon this errand neither -, for he firfl believed 1 could not get fafe to Munfler, the ways being all full of Dutch and Brandenburg parties, who had notice of the King's intention to fend away to the Bifhop upon this occa* fion •, and, if I fhoukl arrive, he believed, however^ 1 ihould find the peace figned before I came. My anfwer was ihort, for I was very weary, that go I would, however I fucceeded ; that, for the dan- 'ger of the journey, 1 knew no providing againfl it, but a very good guide v/ho might lead me through ways the mofl unfrequented ; that I would defire his Highnefs to give me one of his own guards to con- dud me, becaufe n- ne Vv^ould expe6t a perfon going upon my defign, would have one of his livery for a guide ; and 1 defired he v/ould let me pafs, as I had done hitherto in mv iournev, for a Spanifh Envoy. The and other Minijlers of State. 265 The Duke after fomc difficulties at firft (which we turned into pleafantries) complied with me in all : T took my leave, and went away early next morning. I never travelled a more favage country, over cruel hills, through many great and thick woods, ilony and rapid ftreams, never hardly in any highv/ay, and very few villages, till I came near Dortmund, a ci- ty of the Empire, and within a day's' journey, or fomething more, of Munfter. The night I came to Dortmund was fo advanced when I arrived, that the gates were fhut, and with all our eloquence, which was as moving as we could, we were not able to pre- vail to have them opened •, they advifed us to go to a village about a league diflant, where they faid we rright have lodging. When we came there, v/e found it all taken up with a troop of Brandenburg horfe, fo as the poor Spanifn Envoy was fain to eat v/hat he^ could get in a barn, and to fleep upon a heap of ftraw, and lay my head upon my page inilead of a pillow. The beft of it was, that he, underilanding Dutch, heard one of the Brandenburg foldiers comb- ing into the barn, to examine fome of my guards about m.e and my journey, v/hich, when he was fa- tisfied of, he aflvcd if he had heard nothing upon the way of an Englilh Envoy that was expeded •, the fellow faid, he was upon the way, and might be at Dortmund within a day or tv/o, v/ith which he was fatisiied, and I flept as well as I could. The next morning I v/ent into Dortmund, and, hearing there that, for five or fix leagues round, all was full of Brandenburg troops, I difpatched away a German Gentleman I had in my train, with a letter to the Bifliop of Munfter, to let him know the place and condidon I was in, and defire he v/ould fend me ■ guards immediately, and (Irong enough to convey me. The night following my meiTenger returned, and brought me word, that, by eight o'clock the Vol. I, S morn- 266 Letters of Sir Wllliajn T^ernple^ morning after, a Comaiander of the Bifliop's would come in fight of the town, at the head of twelve hiinured horfe, and defired I would come and join them fo foon as they appeared. I did fo, and, after an eaiy march till four o'clock, I came to a caflle of the Biihop's, where I was received by Lieutenant- General Gorgas, a Scotfman in that fervice, who omitted nothing of honour or entertainment that could be given me. There was nothing here remark- able, but the mofl Epifcopal way of drinking that could be invented. As foon as we came in the great hall, there flood many flaggons ready charge(], the General called for wine to drink the King's health ; they brought him a formal bell of filver gilt, that might hold about two quarts or more ; he took it empty, pulled out the clapper, and gave it me, who he intended to drink to, then had the bell filled, drank it off to his Majefly's health, then afked me for the clapper, put it in, turned down the bell, and rung it out, to fliev/ he had played fair, and left nothing in it •, took out the clapper, defired me to give it to whom I pleafed, then gave his bell to be filled again, and brought it to me. 1 that never ufed to drink, and feldom would try, had com.monly fom.e Gentle- men v/ith me that ferved for that purpofe when it was neceflary ♦, and fo I had the entertainment of feeing his health go current through about a dozen hands, with no more fhare in it than jufb v/hat 1 pleafed. The next day after noon, about a league from Munfter, the Bifhop met me at the head of four thou- fand horfe, and in appearance brave troops. Before his coach, that drove very fafl, came a guard of a hundred Hey Dukes that he had brought from x\\q laft campaign in Hungary ; they were in fh rt coats and caps all of a brown colour, every man carrying ^ fabre by his fide, a fnort pole-ax b. fo:-e him, ai\d a ikrtw- nnd other Minijlers of ^t ate. l^J fferewed gun hanging at his back by a leather belt that went crofs his fhoulden In this poflure they run almoft full fpeed, and in excellent order, and were laid to llioot tv/o hundred yards with their fkrewed gun, and a bullet of the bignefs of a large pea, into the breadth of a dollar or crown-piece* When the coach came within forty yards of me it flopped, I faw the Bifhop and his General the Prince d'Homberg come out ; upon which I alighted, fo as to meet him between my horfes and his coach : after compliments, he would have me go into his coach, and fit alone at the back end, referving the other to him- felf and his General. I excufed it, faying, I came . without charadter •, but he replied, that his agent had writ him word I brought a commiiTion, w^hich ilyled me Oratorem noftrum (as was true) and that he knew what was due to that ftyle from a great King. I ne- ver was nice in taking any honour that was offered to the King's charader, and fo eafily took this : but from it, and a reception fo extraordinary, began im* mediately to make an ill prefage of my bufincfs, and to think of the Spaniih proverb, S^ien te hafe mas corte que no fuele ha^er Ote ha ienganner ote ha menefier. And with thefe thoughts, and in this poflure, I entered Muniler, and was condu6led by the Bifnop to a lodging prepared for me in one of the Canons houfes. The Bifhop would have left me immediately after he brought me to my chambei--, but I told him I could not let him go without aikino; an hour of au- dience that very evening. He would have excufed it upon rerpe6l and wearinefs, and much compliment; but I perfifted in it, unlels he would chufe to fic down where we were, and enter upon affairs without ceremony. He was at lad contented ; and I faid all I could towards my end of keeping him to x\i^ S2 faith 268 Letters of Sir WilHa?nTe?nple, faith of his treaty with the King, to the purfuit of the war^ till both confented to the peace, and to the expectations of the money that was due. He anfwer- ed me, with the necelTities that had forced him to treat, from the failing of his payments, the vio- lences of his neighbour Princes, and the lafl inflances of the Emperor ; but that he would, upon my com- ing, difpatch one immediately to Cleve, to com- mand his Minifters to make a flop in their treaty till they received farther orders, which I fliould be mafter of. 1 went to fupper after he left me, but was told enough privately to fpoil it before I fat down, which was, that the treaty V\^as iigned at Cleve •, though I took no notice of it, bccaufe I knew, if it were fo, being angry would hurt no body but my miailer or myfelf. Next day the Bifhop made a mighty feafl among all his chief Officers, v/here we fat for four hours, and in bravery 1 drank fair like all the reft -, and ob- ferved that my Spanifh Cornet, and I that never ufed it, yet came off in better order than any of the company. J was very fick after I came to my lodg- ing ; but he got on horfeback on purpofe to lliew himfelf about the town, v/hile the reft of the com- pany were out of fight all the afternoon. The day after was agreed to give me an account of the affair of Cleve 3 upon the return of the Bifhop's exprefs after my arrival, and at an audience in the evening, with great pretence of trouble and grief he confefTed the treaty was figned, and fo paft remedy, and that it had been fo before his exprefs arrived, though much againft his expedation, as he profeiTed , I am fure it v/as not againft mine, for I left BruiTels in the belief that I fhould certainly find all concluded, which made m.y journey much harder than it could have been with any hopes of fucceeding. I told and other Mmtjlers of State, 269 I told him, when I found all ended, and no hopes of retrieving it, that I would be gone within a day or two, and would take my leave of him that night, being not well, and needing fome reft before I began my journey. He faid and did ail that could be to peffuade my ftay till 1 had reprefented his reafons to the King, and received an anfwer : and I found his defign was to keep me as long as he could, while his agent at Bruftels received bills of exchange from England that were ordered him in my abfence ; fo that I knew not how much every day's ftay would coft the King, and that no other fervice was to be done his Majefty in this affair, befides faving as much of his money as I could. The Biiliop, finding me immoveable, advifed me however in pretended kind- nefs to go by Cologn, which, though four or five days about, would be the only way that was left for me with any fafety, the Dutch and Brandenburgers having pofted themfelves on purpofe to attend my return upon all the other roads ; and he offered me Colonel Olfory, an Irifh Gentleman in his fervice, to condud me : I feemed to accept all, and to be obli- ged by his care, but wifhed myfelf v/ell out of it, and took my leave, though he pretended to fee me again next day. I went home, and inftead of going to bed, as I gave out, I laid my journey fo as to be on horfeback next morning between three and four o'clock upon Good-Friday, which I thought might help me to make my journey lefs fufpeded : I fee'd the ofHcer that opened the gates for me, to keep them fhut two hours longer than ufual that morning (v/hich I hear v/as performed) and fo committed myfelf to the con- du61; of the Duke of ^3ieuburg's guide, to lead me the fhorteft way he could into fom.e place belonging to his mafter. I rode hard, and without any ftop, to a viilaore eight leao;ues from Munfter, and juft S 3 upon 270 Letters of Sir William Temple, upon the borders of the Brandenburg country : there I baited, and pretended to go to bed and flay all night ; but in an hour's time, having got frefh horfes ready for four men that I pretended to fend before me, I put on a calTaque of one of the Marquis's guards, and with my page, the Duke of Nieuburg's guard, and Colonel Majette, a Flemifh officer in the Munfter fervice, I took horfe at the back door of my inn, while the reft of my company thought me a-bed, and refolved to ride as far as I could the reft of that day, leaving my fteward to follow me the next, with the reft of my train and guards. I rode till eight at night through the wildeft coun* try and moft unfrequented ways that ever I faw, but being then quite fpenr, and ready to fail from my horfe, I was forced to ftop and lay me down upon the ground till my guard went to a peafant's houfe in light, to find if there were any lodging for me ; he brought me word there was none, nor any provi- fions in the houfe, nor could find any thing but a little bottle of juniper- water, which is the common cordial in that country : I drank a good deal, and with it found my fpirits fo revived, that I refolved to venture upon the three leagues that remained of my journey, fo as to get into the territories of Nieuburg, having paiTed all the way fmce I left my train through thofe of Brandenburs:, whofe encrao-ements with the Dutch left me no fafety while I was there. About midnight i came to my lodging, which was. fo mife-r rable that I lay upon ftraw, got on horfeback by break of day, and to DulTeldorp by noon ; where being able to ride no farther I went to bed for an hour, fent to make my cxcufes to the Duke of Nieu- burg upon my hade and wearinefs, and to borrow his coach to carry me to Ruremond, which was a long day's journey. This Prince fent m^e his coach, and his compliments, with 9II the civility in and other Mhiifters of State. 2yi m the world. I went away that afternoon, got to Ruremond the next, and from thence hither^ not without great danger of the Dutch parties, even in the Spanifh country ; and fo have ended the hardcfl journey that ever I made in my life, or ever Ihall ♦, for fuch another I do not think I could ever bear> with a body no flronger than mine. At my return I have had the fortune to (lop feve- ral bills of exchange that would othervvife have fal- len into the hands of the BiOiop's agent here, and to forbid the payment of the reft he received in my abfence, which, though accepted by the merchants at Antwerp, yet were not fatisfied, the time having not expired at which they were payable.. And this fervice to the King is all the fatisfadlion I have by this adventure, which has ended the whole affair of Munfter that has of late m.ade fo much noife, and railed fo much expecStation in the v/orld. I am. Sir, yours^ &c. To the Duke of Gr?no72d, My Lord, Bruflels, May 14, N. S. 1666. T Hough my late Munfter journey has given your Grace fome eafe by my intermiffions, and me many troubles ; yet" I met none of which I was more ienfible, than what I received at my return by the news of your Grace's indifpofition. But I comforted my- felf firft, that your health is too confiderable to fall, though it may fuffer, under common accidents ; and fince, with the certainty given me of its recovery : in which I give your Grace, what I receive by it myfelf, as much joy, I am fure, as if I felt never fo great an addition to my own ^ fince mankind is efteemed fo great a felf-lover, that thefe are the higheft expreflions will be allowed us. I have defired my Lord Arlington to give your S 4 Grace, 272 Letters of Sir Williarn Temple ^ Grace, in my own letters to his Lordlhip, the account' of my whole tranfadion, which I take no great plea- fure in repeating, and fnould very difficultly at once give^ relations fo particularly, as what I made whilft tilt objeds, their dirpofitions, and motions, were in my eye. The length of them may make them too much trouble to your Grace, of which my father or brother, I know, would be glad to eafe you, and give the minute of a draught at large. I fo concerted with the Bifhop whilft I was there, and with the Marquis here at my return, that we ex- pe6i: here between five or fix thoufand of his beft troops, upon his Excellency's paying fifty thoufand patta- cons, and obliging himfelf to reftore them upon re- payment of the bke fum whenever the Bifhop Ihall have need of them •, which is a better difpofal of forces railed by his Majefty's money, than if they had been drawn over into the French fervice, according to their profped, and Monfieur Colbert's endeavour, who was, fent to Munfter on purpofe to marchand them. Whe- ther the Duke of Nieuburg, who feems wholly French, will make any difficulty in givisig them pafiage thro' his country, I know not ^ nor whether the light be true which was lately given me of a war like to fuc- ceed in thofe parts between the Duke and the Mar- quis of Brandenburg, which would in this conjunc- ture mingle the cards after the ftrangeft manner ima- ginable. Though we hear m.uch of our fleet's being at fea, yet v/e talk more here of the Dutch flownefs, who have not yet men for above fifty fhips, and thofe fo diiheartened and cold in the fervice, that I fear no- thing, but their eluding our great preparations by kceDing clofe in their harbours, till for want of vic- tuals we may be forced to return to ours. My Lord Carlingford is now at Prague, uncertain upon his late letters from Court, whether he advances this and other Minijhrs af State. 273 this way, cr returns to the Emperor, whither he hath dilpatched his Ton, and v/here we have fome ground of complaint, feeing the Emperor's name amono- all the other Princes in the guaranty of the Munfter peace. The endeavour of that Court had been much better employed in compafling the peace with Portu- gal, which hangs yet in great uncertainties, not to fay dilHculties : neither of which there is the leaft of in my being, with moft hearty and unfeigned paflion. My Lord, yours, &c. 'To 772y Lord Lj/le, My Lord, BrufTels, Aug.— N. S. 1666, I Received lately the honour of one from your Lord- fhip, and by it the fatisfadion of finding your health and good humour continue, as well as my fhare in your favour and memory, which I am much con- cerned in. I afTure your Lordlhip, in the midfl of a town and em>ployment entertaining enough, and a life not uneafy, my imaginations run very often over the pleafures of the air, and the earth, and the water, but much more of the converfation, at Sheen ; and make me believe, that, if my life wears not out too foon, I may end it in a corner there, though your Lordlhip will leave it, I know, in time for fome of thofe greater and nobler houfes that attend you. 1 am obhged by the very pleafing relations you give from thofe fofter fcenes, in return of which, fuch as I can make you from thofe of bufinefs, or v/ar, or tumult, mufl, I know, yield rougher entertainment ; and therefore I have fent them in a paper, which ihall pafs rather for a Gazette than a letter; and Ihall content myfelf on- ly to tell your Lordlhip, that it is hardly to he ima- gined the change which about three v/eeks pail have made in the face of Holland's affairs, which are now efteemed here to be upon the point of breaking into much 274 Letters of Sir JVilUam Temple y much fuch a confufion as we faw in England about 1 6c^(^ : nor can any thing almoft be added in thele parrs "to the reputation of his Majefly's arms and af- fairs ; fo far, that it grows a credit to be an Enghfh- man •, and not only here, but in Amfterdam itfelf. I am told my Lord Stafford, who went lately thither about a procefs, has more hats and legs than the Bur- gomafter of the town. I will not increafe your Lord- Clip's trouble by any enlarging upon this fubjed, ha- ving offered you a much longer in the inclofed. I wifh I could give you fome of another kind, by fend- ing you a little Spaniih Miftrefs from hence, whofe eyes might fpoil your v/alks, and burn up all the o-reen meadows at Sheen, and find other ways of de- ftroying that repofe your Lordfhip pretends alone to enjoy, in ipite of the common face of mankind. But, however your friends fuffer by it, I wifh it may lafl as long as it pleafes you •, I am fure the profefTions will do fo of my being. My Lord, your Lordfhip's moft faithful humble fervant. To my Lord Arlington. My Lord, BrulTels, Aug.—N. S. i665. I Am not to be forgiven, that endeavour by one trouble to make room for another, and folicit your Lordfhip this way, that my wife may have leave to folicit you in a matter wherein I can never refolve to do it myfelf. Your Lordfhip's friendfhip has left me little to defire or complain of, unlefs it be when I find my own fortune fo difproportioned to my mind, in the refolutions I have of doing his Majefly all the ho- nour, as well as all the fervice I can : but how ill they agree in this point (though I was ever rich while I was private, even beyond my defires) is a ftory I would rather any body fhould tell you than I : how- ever, I fliould not bring my wife into this fcene, but that a72d other Minijlcrs of State. ly^ that I know ihe will afk nothing but my own, is a perfon not apt to be troublefome or importunate, and in all kinds the beft part of, My Lord, yours, &:c. Patri Gottenburg. Domjine, Bruxellis, Dec. 26, N. S. 1666, RECTE et per manus dulcijfim^ tu^e fcroris accept chirothecas elegantijfime confutas^ tt non 7nmis po- lite contextas liter as ; per quas nee me elapfum memorid veftrd^ nee plane exutum henevolentid^ et fentio et gaudeo, Utroque nomine me pulcherrim^ iftte indoli per totam ve^ firam familiarn diffuf^^ potius quam ulli meo merit 0^ cbli" gatum ^fiimo : habeo itaque et ago gratias quamplurimas 5 ut vero accepticri qttodam modo eas referre Jludeam^ foro- rem cptimam exoravi^ quce me (tit jpero) officio et dehito perfiinolum brevi reddiiura eft, Valeat interim reverentia veftra^ ftudiis propc/ttis aufpicatiffmie incnmhat^ et ex vo^ Us procedat^ meque femper teneat amkiffi.mtim^ i^c. To Mr, Thynn. SIR, BruiTels, Feb. 19, N. S. i66y. ABOUT two days fince I received the favour of yours of the 1 6th paft, and am forry to be put upon the defence in an encounter fo much to my ad- vantage : this had not arrived, if I could as cafily have found the way of conveying my letters, as the difpofitions of writing ; for thofe I have always had about me fmce I knew your ftation and charader, which I thought would help to bear me out in that at- tempt. The little acquaintance you are contented to own, I durft not reckon upon; becaufe it was fo much more than I deferved, and fo much lefs than I defired ; but am very glad, that may be allowed of among th^ obligations we have to enter upon this commerce, though v/e need no other than our Mailer's fer* viccj^ 276 Letters of Sir William Temple, vice, which may on both fides be improved by the communication of what pafTes in our different fcenes. I fhall not engage in anfwering the compliments of your letter, though I fnould have much more juflice on my fide ; but I am very ill furnilhed with that fort of ware : and the truth is, there is required fo much fkill in the right tempering, as well as the di- ilribution of them, that I have always thought a man runs much hazard of lofing more than he gains by them, which has made me ever averfe, as well as inr- capable of the trade. It will be, to more purpofe to let you know the confidence we have here of our treaty with Spain being figned in all points to our fatisfadion : but whether Portugal has or will accept their part in it, which is a truce of forty-five years, I cannot yet refolve you ; only this I am afTured, that it is feared in the French Court, as well as hoped in ours. The current news at Antwerp, as well as here, is of the Dutch merchant fleet from Nantes and Rochel, confifting of above a hundred fail under the convoy of fix men of war, being fallen into a fquadron of about twenty of our frigates, and few are faid to have efcaped : though this be doubted of none here, and the current letters from Zealand, as well as Oflend, made it probable ; yet I fufpend my confidence till the arrival of my Englifh letters which are my Go- fpel in thefe cafes. This coldnefs 1 know makes me lofe many pleafures, but on the other fide helps me to efcape many difappointments, which light belief in the midft of fo many light reports is fubjecl to. The counfels or difpofitions of a fubordinate government, as this is, are not worth troubling you with; but thofe in the Court here are in fhort what we wifli them. Thofe of the fcene you are in deferve much more the enquiry 5 and I fliould be very glad to know them from and other Mimfiers of State. 277 from fo good a hand. My defires of ferving you can, I am lure, never be known from a better than my own, which can value itfelf to you by nothing elfe, but by telling I am. Sir, your moft obedient humble fervant. To the Earl of Clarendon y Lord Fligh Chancellor. My Lord, BrufTels, March 4, N. S. 1667. UPON the arrival of the laft pofc from Spain, which brought us the unwelcome news of our treaty meeting an unhappy obftrudlion when it was at the very point of being perfed:ed. Count Marfyn came to me, and after a preface of the great obligations he had to his Majefty, and the part he took in all our in- terefls, as well as thofe of Spain, he fell into large difcourfes of the unhappy influences any interruption in the prefent treaty would have upon the affairs of both Crowns. He infifted much upon the hardfhip we put upon the Spaniards, in not confenting to leave the affiftance of their enemies, which was all the ad- vantage they expedted from this treaty, inflcad of many they gave •, that the great effedl of it on both fides would thereby be loft, which was a return into mutual confidence, and at leaft the bednnino-s of a fincerc friendfhip. That Spain having confented to what terms his Majefty thought reafonable, and Por- tugal not only refuflng them, but entering at the fame time into new dependencies upon France \ he could not fee what could oblige his Majefty to more than offering Portugal an equal peace, and becom- ing the warrant of it. That, at his Majefty's medi- ation, Spain had given them a ftyle as ufual and as honourable as what they defired y and, if they could refolve to give them that of King inftead of Crown, they had then no need or ufe of his Majefty's medi- ation. That, 2yt Letters of Sir IViliiam "Temple, That, whether we thought it our intereft to have a peace or war in Chriftendom, we mud begin by ad-^ jufting the bufmefs of Portugal •, for, if wedefired the firfl, nothing could fo much awe the French into quiet difpofitions as that peace, and ours with Hol- land, to which that would like wife be an ingredient. If the latter, and we had a mind rather to be feconds in a war of Spain with France, than principals in any, (which he thought was our true intercll) nothing could make way for it, or enable Spain either to be- gin or fuftain a war with France, but a peace witK Fortuo;al. That, he was confident, his Majefly's confenting x.6 abandon them, in cafe they refufed to be included in our treaty, would force them immediately to accept it ; that if not, and his Majefty fnould hereafter find it his interefh to fupport them upon any great fuc* Gefl^es of Spain on that fide, it would be eafy to do it by connivance, by voluntary troops of his own fub- je6ls, or by a third hand, provided it went no farther than to keep Spain in the temper of yielding to the peace upon the terms his Majefty Ihall have judged reafonable : but for the prefent, without his Majefty's condefcenfion to Spain in this point, he did not fee how he could hope to eff'edl our treaty, or to receive any fruits of it, where new occafions of diffidence and diftaile would every day arife. Thefe were the chief of Count Marfyn's difcourfes, which he ended in defiring me that I would reprefenc them to his Majefly's chief Miniilers, and particular- ly to your Lordihip from him, as the beft prelent teftimony he could give of his zeal to his Majefty*s fervice and affairs, and which he would have done himfelf, but for fear it might look like intruding into matters and counfels he was not called to. Befides this fingle point upon which this flop of our treafy is wholly grounded, I could not but, repre- knt and other Mmijiers of State. 1 79 It^nt to your Lordlhip fome other circumftances which I imagine may have fallen in and helped to occafion it. I hear France has declared pofitively to the Spa- niard, that they will immediately begin the war up- on the Spaniard's figning the treaty v/ith us, and concluding the truce or peace with Portugal upon our mediation. To this end, and to fnew the Spa- niards they are in earnell, they bufy themfelves in making new levies, and drawing down many troops upon thefe frontiers, as well as all forts of provifions, cither for fieges or a camp. Upon this, I know not whether the Spanilh councils may be fo faint as not to dare give the French any pretence of a quarrel, but preferve their quiet rather by fhrinking, than, making a bold peace : or whether being compofed of men that hardly ever looked out of Spain, or conli- der any thing but that continent, they may not, upon forefight of v/ar, either continuing with Portugal, or beginning in Flanders, rather chule the firfb, where, being invaders, they may give themfelves what breath they pleafe, employ their own natives in the charges of honour and gain, and keep all the money fpent in the war Hill within their country ; whereas what- ever com.es into Flanders never returns, and is fwal- lowed up by fo many foreign troops, as the levies for that fervice muft needs draw together. There may yet another and more prudent confideration arife with thefe, which may for the prefent delay the conclufion of our treaty ; and that is, a defire to fign it rather before the winter than in the fpring, and by that means both gain this fummer to finifn the fortifica- tion of their frontiers here, and the next winter to put their army in a better poflure than they now are, or, I doubt, will fuddenly be for the beginning of a campaign ; and, if this counfel fhould be taken by concert with us, that no breach of confidence may grow between us by thefe delays^ but the French on- 2 8 o L enters of Sir William Tempky ly flattered if^vain hopes of breaking our treaty, and thereby induced to let the Spaniard grow a year older in their peace with them, and flacken the war of Portugal into as low expence, and as little adlion or hazard, as they can : I know nothing can be faid againil it, and ihould be apt to believe it, were the counfels there in the breaft of any one perfon by laft refort ; whereas the divided interefts and pafTions of the Counfdlors cannot well fuffer them to fall into fuch a refolution with hope of confent and fecret among them all. This refie^lion puts me upon another I hear from private hands, which may pofTibly have made fome change in the courfe of our treaty; which is, that the whole management of affairs in the council of Spain fe,qms at prefent to be devolved into the hands of Count Caftriglio \ the ConfelTor leaving it to him, and referving to himfelf thofe things only which de- pend immediately upoil the will of the Queen, and propofing to himfelf, during his minifcry, (which cannot be long in regard of Caftriglio' s great age) to make way for his own, by growing older ahd pracli- fed in affairs, as well as the knowledge, obligations, and dependencies of perfons. Now our treaty having never paiTed through Caftriglio's hands, but conduc- ed by Sir Richard Fanfliaw v/holly through ihe Duke of Medina's (his declared enemy) and fince by my Lord Sandwich chiefly through Pignoranda's, who is a third party; it is not improbable that a new hand may give it new form, either to add fomething of his own, or to fhew his authority, or perhaps to purfue his former ufual difpofitions, which have been bent upon the war with Portugal, confidering no part of the monarchy but Spain and the Indies ;' and I doubt, in particular, not very partial to our alli- ance or affairs. Upon and other Minijlers of State. a8i Upon thele intimations your Lordd^iip will infinite- ly better judge than I, to what to attribute the pre- fent ill poitu re of our affairs in Spain, and how to retrieve it. I am ever, my Lord, your Lordfhip's moil obedient and moil humble fervant. 31? Don Kfiiivnn de Ga- fnarra^ the Spanifh Am- bajjador at the Hague, I Bruffels, Mar. 29, N. S. My Lord, 1667. D O not know how to ac- quit myfclf of the obliga- tion my Lord Stafford has en- gaged me in to your Excellen- cy, in begging your favour to procure a paffport from the States for my wife. Your Ex- cellency, I am fure, will ex- cufe the care of a mother, in providing all that lay in her power for the fafety of her children, and v^\io to eafe her- felfin it has (methinks) con- sidered fo little to whom fhe was troublefome. If I had been confulted upon this oc- cafion, I fhould not have fuf- fered one, I am fo nearly con- cerned in, to ov/e her fafety to thofe who yet profefs them- felves enemies to the King my mafter ; and much lefs to them that treat the wife of one of his Minifters like a mer- chant, in demanding an ac- count of her goods ; and therefore ani very glad the paffport did not come till file was a (hipboard in one of his Majefty's yachts, truffing, Vol. L ^jiext A Don Eftavan dc Gj marra. BrnJJeles^ 29 di Mar, Sennsr, S, N, 1667. 'V^O no fe que modo me he de ** refcartar del ohllgo en que el Sennor Conde de Stafford me ha empennado a V. E. pidiendo fu favor ^ en pro air ar una paf- faporte de los EJiados de HoU landa para mi mujer, V» E. ha deperdonar elrecato de una fen- nor a que tenia gana de proveyer iodo lo que erapojfihlealafeguri^ dad defus rdrrjios^ y para def- canfarje en efte cuidado no fe U dava nada (miparege) a qui en cargava trehajo ni ifnportunidad. SI yo huviera fido de lajunta en efla accafton, no huviera per^ mliido que una perfona que me tocava ian^ cerca pidlejfe fu fe- guridad de los que bazen hafla aora profeffion de emmigos alRey mi Senn&r-y y mucho menos de los que havian de trattar a la mujer de un Miniflro co?no a mer^ cadera^ mMndando la cuenta de fu bagaje ; y por eflo me huelgo ?nucho de que no ha venido el paffaporte antes que fe hay a e?n' barcado la Serjiora en un yacht del Key my Sennor^ confiando fe (con Dios) en d am^aro folo de 282 Letters of Sir William Temple ^ next to God Almighty, in the fu real nomhre : aunque no fe protection of his royal name, hajia aora en que ha paradoju And, though I have not yet viage. Todo via por lo que ay heard how her journey has de las intenciones tan favora- fucceeded, I efteem myi'elf as hies de V. E. en ejia occafion d much obliged to your Excel- un hombre ny conocidd ny que me- lency (whatever happens) for rece ferlo^ me iengo por ohltgado your favourable intentions up- ad mtfmo punto^ como fe me hu- on this occafion to a man nei- viera refcatado a mi y mi fami- ther known nor deferving to lia^ de los 7nayores Peligros que be fo, as if you had delivered fe pueden topar en la mar la me and my family from the tierra, greateft dangers. God Almighty preferve Dios guarde aV.E, inuchos vour Excellency many years, annos^ y a mi me de las occafi- and give me the occafions of ones de ha%er las obras como la ierving you. I am, yours, profeffiondelo quefoy. DeV.E, &c, muy humilde fervider. To ray Lady GifFard, written in the name of Gabriel Poffello. Semora mia^ Amberes^ 30 deMarco^ S. iV. 1667, E recebido con mucho guflo y 7to menorre conocimien- to la guarnicion de fpada qr/e V, S. me ha hecha la merced de enbiarme^ la qual me ha fiado^ mucho mas en- carecida con le que me ha dicho defpues el Sennor reftdente de la parte de V. S. que no era menefier enternecer me en lagrimas ny oraciones (como eftoy accoflumbrado) con el fentimiento de tal obligo y que V, S. fe eftimara muy bien pagada con una carta Efpagnola \ per que a mi es tan fa- cile de mal efcrivir como a V, S. de bien hazar. T es ver- dad que fe tiendra por pagado con una carta ? Voto a tal que no le faltara carta auncue la pidiera en Galkgo. Pe- ro digo -me di veras es fanta V. S. O es hechizera ? per que efie fe abuen feguro que ha hecho mtlagro y con una guar- nicilp. di plata mi ha herido hafla el coraccn y aur/i mas fuerte que nolo pudiera hazer el mas bravo cavalier ccn una cja de Toledo, Pero me dira l^. S. que eflamos en un figlo que no es cofa mueva el h.-.zer miiagrcs con la plata y que Old other Minljlers of State, 283 flue con eft a f da fe cumplen aora hazanas may ores qiie no con el valor y el acero en losjtglospajfados. For vida mi a que tient razon V. S. y por efte milagro no lo ban de cor^ tar la la cap a. Pero no fe coma ha de efcapar quando la dire que defpues que he tocado efta guarnicion encantada^ me van a?nenudo cayendo las canas^ y en lugar de un vie- jo de fetenta annos^ me hallo moco de quinze^ mefiento ca- lentar la fangre en las venas^ y holverfe en triumfo el de^ fterrado amor para oftrfe d\fte miserable cor aeon hazer le pedacos en un punto. Defdichado de mi que he de tocar otra vez eft as pifados tan trabajofas de la ciega mocedad como me baft a una vida a padecer dos martyrios. Es pof- Jible queyo mefienta otra vez abrafor de las llammas amo- rozas^ y que de ceniza tanfria falga de nuevo tan violen* to fuego. ^e yo me voya otra vez resfriandomi confopi^ ros^ y anegandome en las lagrimas y padeciendo las penas y los afanes que no fne dexaran la vida ft no fuera para fentir cada dia el dolor de la muerte. Ah Senncra de mi alma^ quanto mal me ha hecho conhazar me tanto bien^ quanta r/ii ha de coftar de veras^ la burla que me han he- xh^-de^fer enamorado di V, S. en mi viyez paffada. Pero quan facilemente fe remedia el mas trabajofo amor con uno pocG d'efperanca. To me voy pienfando que una Sennora tan complida no fuede defviarfe de la razon^ y que me ha- viendo tan favored do quando eftava viejo^ no fuede f al- tar d'alguna piedad -para mi defcanfo^ eftandome aora mo^ CO y Undo y enarnorado. Pero ft me lifonjea mi defeo y me enganna mi efperanca lo que ay di bueno en efta occafion, es que me havienda fu favor rendldo en un inftante de vi- ejo mocQ^ de la 7nifma manera me parece que fu crueldad me ha luego de buelver de moco viejo, y entonces me havre a burlar me tanto de fu hermofura quanto fe puede bur" lafe aore V. S. de mi pajfion, Bive V. S. mille annos^ y fe vea enamorada como yo a fetenta^ que con efto no fe ha de olvidar entonces de^ fu mas humilde cry ado y galan^ Gabriel Poffello. T 2 ^0 2S4 Letters of Sir Williain Temple^ To Colonel Alger noon Sidney, S I R, Bruflels, April 29, N. S. 1667. I Received two days fince one from you of the -i|-th paft, with two inclofed, which I Ihall not fail to convey by the Englifh pacquet that parts this even^ ing, and v/ith the lame afTurance that ufually attends my letters \ fo that 1 think you may reckon upon their fafety in thofe hands to which they are addref- itdi. Your prefent abode was no fecret to me, before I knew it from your own hand : that information having been given me about two or three months fince by fome Englifh Gentlemen, who pafied from Italy through Germany and thefe parts into Eng- land, where I cannot think they made a greater fecret of it upon occafion, than they had done here. I am forry your difpofitions or your fortunes have drav/n you lb far out of the reach of your friends fer- vices, and almoil correfpondence \ in which 1 doubt the difficulties may fliortly increafe, at lead this way: for we are here at prefent in little hopes to fee next month end without the advance of a French army into thefe Provinces. I had letters very lately from Petworth, and my wife fom.e as freih from Penfhurft, which left health in both thofe places ♦, and will thereby, I fuppofe^ furnifn you v/ith news not unwelcome from. Sir, your mod: hum.ble fervant. '^0 Monfieur Gourville. A Monfieur Gourville. BrufTels, May 2, DeBruxclles^ May 2* -SIR, h.S. 1667. Monfieur, S.N. 1667. XjT O U afk me whether we T/'OilS me demand cz fi noi^s '* have a mind in earneft '^ voulonstout-de-bonlapaix'^ for' a peace, and I afk vou, ^ wo/, je voiis demande fi vous whether you have a mind in voidez Uut-de-hon la guerre j earn ell car and other Minijiers of State. 285 car jufqiilcy nous iien Javons pas plus fur vos deJJ'elns ^ la marche des troupes Fran^oifcs^ que nous en fivions a voire de- part de Bruxclle^, Je com- mence a croire que ce Roy ^ fes carneft for a war : for as yet we are no better informed of thedefigns and marches of the French troops, than we were at your departure from Bruf- fels. I begin to think that that King and his Minifters are mortal like other people, and that their affairs are managed with as little concert as thofe of their neighbours. For I believe, as to what concerns this country, the critical mi- nute is paif, and that the French will find here a braver defence than they pretend to believe. However it is cer- tain, if they had begun by- marching rather than mena- cing about three weeks ago, the bufmefs on this fide had been paft remedy. In fhort, I as littlecomprehendtheFrench proceedings at prefent,as thofe of the Spaniards a while ago, nor where they can find their account in this enterprife which begins to av/ake and alarm all Chriftendom. For ourfelves, my real opi- nion is, that our intentions for the peace are very fincere, and cannot fail, if the other parties bring along with them the fame difpofitions ; ^nd if I were as much concerned therein, as you perhaps may be, I would regulate my af- fairs accordingly for the fu- ture. I thank Minijires font mortels cofn?ne le rejle des hoiyimes^ ^ que lews affaires font 7na7ite£S avec aujjl peu de concert que cellcs de lews voifins ; car je croy^ que pour ce qui ejl de ce pais icy^ fheure de berger eji poffee pour eux^ ^ quils y trouveroni une refifance ' plus opiniatre, iff plus rehuta?ite qu'ils ne s'imaginent : mais il eji conflani^ que fi au lieu de menacer^ ils euffent commence a marcher il y a trois femaines^ V affaire etoit fans reffource de ce cote icy. Etifin jt les comprens auffi peu dans leur conduit d' a p7-efenty que je comprenois autre^ fois Us Efpagnols dans la leur ; & je ne prevois pas comment ils poufT07it trouver leur ccnt£ dans lapGurfuite d'une enterprife^ qui va reveiller iff meme choquer toute la Chretienie. A notre egard^ mon fenti- ment^ que je croy veritable^ i^ que je vous communique fans de- guifement^ ejl^ que nos intenti- ens pour la paix font fort fin- ceres, & quelle nefgauroit man" quer de fe faire, fi les autres parties y apportent les memes difpofitions; fajoute, 9^^ fi fy etcis inter effe autant que j'entre- vois que vous pouvez Vetre^ je reglerois mes affaires conformed ment aux coniun^ures, T3 ' 7' 286 Letters of Sir William Temple, I thank you for your ac- count of what pafles in your parts ; but I am very little fa- tisfied with the Qiieen of Spain's letter, whereof a copy has been delivered at the fame tim.e to the States by Mon- fieur D'Eftrades. I think the form is faulty, as well as the fiibftance ; and that, if your foldiers be at prefentno better than your Secretaries, affairs will hardly fucceed as they imagine. By the laft ordinary from Spain, it appears that they dream no more of war there than they do of fire, at leaft they conceal from our Ambaf- fador any advices they may have received ofit from hence : but our treaty of commerce was yet once again upon the point of being figned. The Spaniards make no preparati- ons againft Portugal this cam- paign, and therefore feem to think of being on that fide up- on the defenfive, or elfe of an accommodation ; though they are well enough informed of the particulars of an accord concluded between France and Portugal, Nothing perplexes me more than to find a way of writing often to Breda, and you will not fend me your addrefs. I refign up this to my fortune, but,fmceyours is always better than mine, it may happen up- on that account that you may never Je vous rends graces de ce . que vous me mandez ce qui fe pajfe en vos quartiers ; mais je fuis fort pen fatisfait de la Idtre ecrite a la Keyne d'E- Jpagne^ dont la cop'ie a he donnee en meme terns aiix EJlats par Monfieur d'FJirades. II me femble qu^tl y a dii defaut dans la maniere aiijfih'ien que dans le fond de la chofe meme ; ^ que fi pour cette fois Z'os Capitaines nenfavent plus que vos Secre- taires^ les affaires riiront pas le train quon a penfe. Par ce dernier ordinaire d'E- fpagne^ lis ne paroiffent non plus fonger d la guerre quaufcu ; au hien ils taifent d nctre Am- haffadeur les avis qu'il peuvent _ avoir refus defa ; mais noire traitte de commerce ctoit encore une fois fur le point d'etre fignc. Ils ne font point de preparatifs contre le Portugal pour cette campagne \ & par Id ils fem- hlefit fonger feulement ou d fe tenir de ce cote-ld fur la defen- five^ ou hi en d entendre d un accommodement ; quoyqu'ih fachent bien le detail de C accord conclu entre la France l^ le PortugaL II n^y a rlen qui niemharaffe plus que de trouver les moyens d'ecrire fouvent d Breda ; ^ njous ne m'envoyex point aujji voire adreffe, J'abandonnecelle- cy a mon etoile ', ?nais comme la voire remporie toujours fur la tnienne^ il pourra bien arriver quelle and other Minljlers of State, 287 never receive it. As happy as quelle manquera fa route, you are, I advife you to look ^uelque heureux que vousfoyeZy to your affairs at Breda ; for je vous co?ifeilIe pourtant de bien in a few days I refolve to go faire vos affaires a Breda, car and plunder your houfe at dans peu de jours j'ir ay piller BrulTels, and get fatisfa(ftion voire maifon a Bruxelks, ^ for my great orange-tree up- vanger mon grand or anger fur on your little ones. I do not vos petits. Ce ne fera pas pretend it fliall be open war ; guerre declaree \ mats les Hol^ however the Hollanders will landols vous dlront que nousfai- tell you that we Englifli are fon le diahle a quatre en matiere D and all at reprifals. de reprefailles. Je fuis^ i^Cf I am. Sir, yours, &:c. To my Lord St. Albans, My Lard, BrufTels, May 13, N. S. 1667. C^ I N C E my acknowledgements of the honour I 1^ received fome time fince from your Lordiliip, I have had nothing to give me countenance in offering any new trouble , and indeed the party is fo unequal in regard of our flations at this time of Paris and BrufTels, as well as all other circumftances, that no com- merce can pafs without very great prefumption on my fide, and as great condefcenfion on your Lord- fhip's : for we are fo amazed with the numbers and bravery of the French preparations to invade this country, that we can hardly lift up our eyes againft the rifing of this fun, that, it is faid, intends to burn up all before it : yet, not to flatter you, though men'si eyes are weak at firft fight, when they have gazed a while I believe they v/ill find their hands, and try to defend themfelves againfl gold, as well as againft iron ; and perhaps the flomach they have conceived at being treated with fo little ceremony as to be in- vaded without any declaration of war, to have the Duchy of Brabant not efteemed worth the demanding, nor any colours given to the juflice of the invafion, will make the defence fharper than is expeded, as ic T 4 feaa 288 Letters of Sir William Temple, has done the voluntary contributions larger than was imagined. This makes all Friars already defpair of praying away the war, and begin to look like ether worldly men ; and the very Nuns fear they may be forced to work too, before the bufmefs ends : in fhort, all pre- pare for a warm fummer, only the Spaniili Duennas cannot think fo ill of a King that married an Irifanta^ and v/ill never leave wondering that mi rey qui ticne que comer en fu cafa^ y de regalarfe tanhien^ fnould re- folve to give himfelf and them fo much trouble for nothing. Our poor Nuns at Louvain have more faith, and not lefs fears, and therefore the reverend mother hath fent to defire me to recommend them to your Lordfnip's favour, and to beg of you to get them a protediion from thence, in cafe the fcholars and learned there fhould not find arguments to defend their town againil the French, who, 1 can alTure your Lordfhip, will not iofe much by the bargain, as far as I fee of that nunnery, nuns and all ; for it feems, by their faces, as well as their buildings, to be an ancient foundation, and gone much to decay. Now they have put me upon defiring paflports, my wife will needs have me recommend her toyour Lord- fliip for another for herfelf and fervants, and baggage, to go over into England ; and, if ihe Ihall find it con- venient, to pafs as far as Calais, and embark there, becaufe fhe is no lover of the fea. Upon the firft of thefe requefls your Lordlliip has occafion to merit very much ; but by the fecond, to deal freely, I know pot what you will gain, befides the obligations of a perfon who is already all that can be, my Lord, your Lordfhip's moft humble and mofl obedient iervanto n and other Minljlers of State, 289 7i my Lord Ambajfador Coventfj, My Lord, BrufTels, May 21, N. S. 1667. I Know not by what conveyance, nor by what de- lays, the honour your Excellency intended me fo long fince from aboard the frigate, came yefterday to my hands, and made my acknowledgem.ents later than they ought to have been. I am forry you agreed fo ill with the fea, fmce that is the Dutch men's ele- ment, with whom we hope you will agree 10 well j but if you had the faculty of uttering your heart in the feamen's fcnfe, as well as you had of uttering your thoughts ; I am to rejoice with you upon the good health you muft needs have brought alliore, and to believe that the temper and conftitution of your body is as found and as good as that of your mind. Since my laft to my Lord Holies, our ordinary from. Spain arrived ; by which Mr. Gcdolphin allures me, that I may exped the news of our treaty at Madrid being iigned by the next, nothing remaining at the date of his letter befides only the examination of the phrafe in Latin, which was referred to the Inquiutor General and Count Pignoranda; after whofe fentence upon it, nothing was in fight that could flop the immedi- ate figning and fealing. Mr. Godolphin afllires me, all parts of the treaty of commerce are fo much to our denre and advantage, that he hopes to fee m.any a rich man in England by it : for the other part, which concerns the adjufanent with Portugal, though the terms are like wife agreed between us and Spain, yet the prefent effediof it feems likely to be avoided by the late accord between France and Portugal, of which I fend the account inclofed by the copy of Sir Robert Southwell's letter to my J^ord Sandwich upon that occafion. I inclofe like- wife the copies of the French King's laft letters to |he States-General, and, at the fame time, to the Queen 290 Letters of Sir William Tempkj Queen Regent of Spain, declaring his intentions to invade thefe countries ; which laft, methinks, is drawn with fo ill colours and fo ill grace, that, if his Cap- tains do no better than his Secretaries upon this oc- cafion, the fuccefs of his enterprize may prove no bet- ter than the jufrice of it here appears. If thefe papers may have arrived already fome other Vv^ay, your Ex- cellency will however pardon my diligence, fince you receive no other trouble than that of throwing them away. The levies here and mufters go on with all the care and fpeed this government is capable of. This evening, J am afTured, the twelve hundred Italians fo long expefted, are arrived at Oftend. Laft night parted Don Bernard de Salinas, difpatched from the Marquis here, to beg fome affiflance from his Ma- jefty : the prefent hopes are only of leave to recruit the old regiment here to the number of two thoufand, or elfe to raife two new ones, under fuch Officers as his Majefty fhall name. The cloud threatening thefe parts from France is not yet broken, and the marches of their troops to three feveral rendezvoufes make it yet uncertain where it will fall. Cambray, Valen- ciennes, Namur, Mons, and St. Omers, are in very good condition, and the lafl hath three thoufand men in garrifon, befides the Burgeoifie. The Prince of Ligni has now four thoufand horfe effedive at the head quarters near Nivelle, where there wilt be ?i\q, thoufand foot to join with them, and attend their enemy's motion, and cover Bruffels upon occaiion. It is moil certain, that if the French had begun to march when they began to talk, about three weeks fmce, this country had been loft without difpute or remedy ; the defence will be now perhaps fharper than expelled. La Bafs and Armentiers are already flighted, and Charleroy is all m.ined within, the mines filled with pov/der ; guns and magazines drav/n off, and ready to fly upon the firfc approach of the French \ which is here efteemed both a generous and prudent refolu- tioi\ and other Minijiers of State, 291 tion of the Marquis, fijice he could not finifh it in time, nor preferve his child without the mother's danger. I know nothing elfe to increafe this trouble, be- fides the afTurances of my being, my Lord, your Ex- cellency's moil humble and moil obedient fervant. 7o my Lord Arlington, My Lord, BrufTels, May 27, N. S. 1667. TW O days fince came hither the news of Ar- mentiers being fiezed by a party of the French horfe, about five hundred ftrong ; half of the for- tifications were already flighted, and not above an hundred and fifty foldiers left in the town. What their next defign will be, feems not yet refolved ; their troops marching on all parts give the occafion I fup- pofe to the feveral governors of Mons, Cambray, and Valenciennes, to fignify, by exprefles hither, the jea- loufy each of them has of the fiorm being ready to fall upon their parts. At Cambray and Lifle, feveral French have been taken furveying the works, and difguifed ; but all thofe places are at prefent in fo good condition, that the choice may perhaps make fome difficulties in the French counfels, which I believe have been much difconcerted by the blowing up of Charleroy ; a re- folution they expedled not from the Marquis, and without which thefe parts of the country had run in- evitable dangers, and the mofl fuccefsful invafioji had been made in thofe Provinces where the French pre- tenfions lay. The difcourfers here obferve, that the firfl: pace of the war, being made in Flanders, lofes all the good grace which the French endeavoured to give their in- vafion ; that the town they have taken can import no more than the advance of their frontiers j that they fcem 292 Letters of Sir William Temple y feem unrefolved whether to keep it or no \ how to life the govrernor or foldiers whom thev took in their beds, whether as prifoners or friends, and more un- certain what to do next ; that their flownefs in enter- ing the country, and lofs of twenty days time, though they v/ere then as ready as now, has certainly faved thefe Provinces : for it is condant without any difpute, that, if they had fallen on in the beginning of this month, Charleroy, Nivelle, Louvain, Bruficls, and Mechiin, would have cofl them neither time nor dan- ger. From thefe circumflances, the reafcners here conclude a weaknefs and incertitude in the French counfels, and begin to hope they may have taken their meafures as ill among their neighbours as they have among themfelves ; and fay confidently, that, unlefs they are agreed with England, their affairs are in a v/orfe pOiLure than they have been thefe tv/enty years. They begin to hope that ail our late pradlices with the French are aim.ed no farther than to embark them in this affair, and have our revenge for the game they played in engaging us in the Dutch war : they fay, that if, by offers and fhews of abandoning Spain, we have drawn the French into this v/ar, v/hich hath already cofl them all their confidence with Holland, all farther hopes of amuiing Spain, and x!i\Q credit of their good faith and meaning with the reft of Chriflien- dom : that if, after our peace made with Holland and France, we refolve to offer our mediation between France and Spain, and^ upon the refufal or failing of it, join with the Flollander in the protect on of thefe countries, enter vigoroufly into the war, fhare with the Spaniards whatever iliall be gained from the French, and let Holland find their account by deilroying all the French defigns of trade and plantations abroad : the reafoners here conclude, that, if this has been our defign for thefe two months paft, and be purfued with the fame fuccefs it has begun, it is one of the greatefc counfels that has ever been conceived by any prince. G?id other Minijlers of State. 2 9 j and which will make the greateft change in our own affairs, and in thofe of all Chriftendom befides, and appear the bed adjuilcd revenge upon the French, that ever was taken upon an enemy. From Breda we have got little more than the entry of our Ambaflador, which makes us believe feme myftery in the delays of peace there, as well as thofe of war on the other fide. From Sweden I have, the lafl pod, a particular aifurance of that crown's good intentions towards the houfe of Aufcria, of their difpatching one Monfieur Tongel Envoy into Spain, who is to pafs this way, and will be addreflcd to me, to introduce him to the Marquis, by v/hofe reprefentations the Court of Sweden defires to have their Minifler's reception in Spain favoured, and his negotiation advanced. 1 am, as will ever become me to be, with equal pafTion and truth, my Lord, yours, &c. T!o my Lord Holies. My Lord, Bruflels, May 49, N. S. i ^6^-, Know not with what fpeed or fuccefs three of mine may have arrived at Breda, but am apt to doubt the certainty of this comm.erce, by obferving, that your Excelkncy's of the 2 2d came not to my hands till yeilerday, and after the receipt of it I was fo un- lucky, as not find the Baron De Tlfda till later at night than would fuffer this difpatch : I now fend it to Mr. Shaw of Antwerp, with orders to convey it by exprefs from thence, in cafe he meets no other fud- den occafion : and whatever favour or commands your Excellency m.ay hereafter defign me, will come fooner and fafer, I fuppofe, by an addrefs to the fame hand at Antwerp. I acquaintvrd the Baron De PIfola with the Dutch allegations concerning fome advances made by him as 294 Letters of Sir William Temple^ as from his Majefty, upon the point of Poleroon. He fays, however they may feem to interpret it, they could not underftand it by any thing that pafled from him in that private communication, which was all he entered into upon his Ihort flay in Holland. That, upon his firil difcourfe of his Majefty's intention to make the treaty of 1662 the foundation of this at prefent, the perfon he difcourfed with raifed two dif- ficulties ; the firfr, that of Poleroon •, and the other, the continuance of the pretenfions left on either fide ; which, as they had given occafion, or at leaft pretext, for the prefent quarrel, fo, if they were left Hill un- decided, they might hereafter have the fame effed ; whereas their defire was, by this peace, to cut off the root of all future differences. For the firfl point, he (the Baron) aflced, whether, if all other articles fhould be agreed, the States would be fo obftinate upon the point of Poleroon, as to endanger the peace for that alone : It was anfwered, the French had already ef- fayed to do Ibme offices in this particular, and had brouo-ht it to this very demand, whether the States would continue the war rather than yield the point of Poleroon ; and that the States had anfwered for- mally, they would. For the fecond, concerning the mutual pretenfions left in the treaty of 1662, he (the Baron) feemed to approve the cutting them all off, but propofed, that, in confideration of it, the States fhould give his Ma- jefty a fum of money in fome fort proportionable to what his pretences might amount ; and that, if the States would make any advance confiderable in point of the fum, he (the Baron) would employ all his own and his fiiends endeavours, to induce his Majefty to a condefcenfion in this point of Poleroon, as well as that of clearing all pretenfions on either fide. To this was anfwered, that for Poleroon nothing more could be faid, nor any confideration make the States and other Minijiers of State. 295 States yield it, without the alternative of refloring all on each fide, which would create length and difficulty in the treaty. That, for a fum of money in fatisfaftion of his Majefty's pretenfions, they could not confent to any fuch propofal, without a particular liquidation of what the pretenfions on each fide amounted to ; fince they believed in grofs their own upon us to be higher than ours upon them : and yet, at the fame time, it was infilled, that no fuch examen or liqui- dation ihould be entered upon, fince doing it before the conclufion would expofe the treaty to the danger of delays, and confequently of accidents ; and leaving it to commiffioners after the conclufion would leave field for new difputes. This was the fum of the Baron's negotiation, in which he made all the advances as from himfelf ^ but ^hen he found he was not likely to bring it to any iflue, by reafon of thofe two difficulties, that is, Pole- roon, and the fum in confideration of our clearing all pretenfions •, he then told them, as by his Majefty's order, that, the point of Poleroon touching our Eaft- India company, rather than his Majefty, the King would fend over fome perfons deputed from the faid company, with his Ambaffadors •, and, if the States would do the fame, it was likely the perfons deputed from each company might find an expedient in the bufinefs This the Baron gives me for a fhort and true rela- tion of all his difcourfes in Holland, which having been made with one perfon alone, and very private, I find he expected not they would have been fo public, as to be alledged upon any new negotiations. Our news from the frontiers fince my lail is this : about the time of the French King's coming down to Arras, the orders were given for flighting Armentiers, la BafTec, and Charleroy : which being public, and begun to be executed at Armentiers, a Brigetin Prieft of 296 Letters of Sir Willmm Temple, of that town went to Arras, and, upon complaints of their being left without defence in the times of dan* ger that were approaching, made application to the Governor of Arras for a protedion for their town : within a day or two after^ when the works were about half flighted, inflead of the protedlion, came feven or eight hundred French horfe, and, finding a guard of about forty men at the entrance of the place, made a difcharge upon them, killed one, and wounded two : upon which, thofe few foldiers that were in the tov>^n- houfe, fhot and killed three or four of the French, who began to pillage fome of the burghers houfes •, but this diforder was foon appeafed by their officers 5 after which they fummoned the peafants in, and be- gan to repair the fortifications, kept the Governor in reflraint, and carried the matter as if this had been the declaration of war. This news coming to the Governor of Lifle, he feized upon fome Frenchmen he found in his town by way of reprifal for thofe taken at Armentiers •, and the Marquis gave order to the Prince of Ligny, who commands the horfe here, to charge any parry he fhould find making courfes into the frontiers, and to endeavour to bring away fome prifoners, both as reprifals for thofe of Armien- tiers, and to know fomething of the French preten- fions. After they had kept Armentiers about five days^ they releafed the Governor, told the people they came not to begin any war, but only at their invitation to proted the tov/n ; drev/ off at firil one party of their men, and lafl Friday morning all the refl : the Go- vernor of Lille fet his Frenchmen at liberty, and the Prince of Ligny fome that he had taken in a fldrmifli of fmall parties upon the borders of Hainault, where- in the Marquis tells me about fifty of the French were killed, and near twenty taken. This 1 am more particular in relating, becaufe it feems the firfl pace of afiJ other Mmi/hrs df State. 297 of the war, though fincc in a manner dlfavov/ed b/ the French ; and indeed it is generally cenfured as the effed: of a weak and uncertain counfel, to begin with - out any formed defign or declaration, by feizing fo rafhly a place of no moment, and in the Province of Flanders, where none of their pretences lie. Thefe three laft days the motion of their troops has been through Phileppeville, and the frontiers of Flainault. The French King was expedled laft night at Quefnoy, and to-day at Phileppeville. They have begun a bridge upon the Sambre, near a village called Mar- lin au Pont, a league up the river from the place where Charleroy ftood -, the ground being on the one fide Pais de Liege, and on the other the Spaniards country •, fo we exped; here they will enter that coun- try to-morfow •, but which way they intend their firft impreflion is uncertain ; the bridge they make ferving a defign either upon Namur, Mons, or BrufTels. The Spanilh forces on this fide lie between this place and Marimount, and confift of about four thou&nd horfe and as niany foot, have no formed defign but to at- tend the enemy's motion, and to retire for the defence of this place, in cafe of the enemy's marching this way. The general belief here of the mofl intelligent is, that France has had the fxill or good luck de 7wus en- dornilr^ both us and Holland, in this great conjunc* ture, and by alTuring us of peace upon good terms with the Dutch, and at the fame time the Dutch of never according with us, nor breaking with Spain to their (the Hollanders) prejudice, will amufe us both in a flow treaty till they have made fo great an im- prefTion in thefe countries, as will give neither of us the liberty to take thofe meafures upon this affair, to which either of our interefls might lead us ; and per- .haps find means to divert the treaty at laft from com- ing to any ifTue. They iijy, that del^viag our treaty^ Vol. I. * U - for 298 Letters of Sir William Tonple, for the point of Poleroon, is lofing a dinner for muf- tard ; and that every day it is deferred, endangers an irrecoverable conjnn6lu re, that heaven hath given tis," of making ourfelves confiderable to whom, which way, and to what degree, we pleafe. God fend thefe reafoners to be deceived, -and that we may not be fo, at lead no more by the fame hands. I am, my Lord, yours, &c. To Sir Philip Warwick, S I,R, Brufiels, June 21, N. S. 1667, I A M very forry that 1 muft rejoice with you, and condole with all your friends at the fame time, and upon the fame occafion •, for, though the retreat I hear you have made from bufinefs muft needs be a trouble and a lofs to us all, yet I know it is an eafe and a happinefs to yourfelf, or elfe a wife man, as you are, ought riot to have chofen it. I will not tell you how great a contentment I had in knowing my bu- finefs lay lb much iri your v/ay, becaufe I neVer intend to purfue more than what his Majefty pleafes to make my due, and I have ever reckoned both upon your juftice and your kindnefs : but I mufl bear this dif- appointment, fmce you are the author of it, v/hich is the beft confolation I can think of. In the mean tim.e, I hope you do not intend to retire from the commerce of your friends, aS well as that of bufinefs ; for, tho' you Ihould lock yourfelf up within your walls of Frog-pool, I fhall ever pretend to have a fhare in you^ there itfelf, and never omit any occafions of alTuring you, that no change you can make in your courfe of life can ever make any in the refolutions I have t^ken of being ahvays, Sir, yours, &c. To and other Mmiftci^s of State, 299 T^Q 7ny Lord Arlington. My Lord, Bru/Tds, July 19, N. S. 1667. TH E diligence of the pofts, or favour of the weather, have given me two of your Lord* (hip's to acknov/ledge fince my lafl of the ift and 5th current, with the good news of the Dutch being bea- ten off at Harwich j for, fince we are in a difeafe, every fit we pafs well over is fo much of good, and gives hopes of recovery : I doubt this is not the lad, for I hear De Witt is refolvcd that their fleet Ihall not give over a6tion till the very ratifications of the treaty are exchanged : in which he certainly purfues his intereft, that the war may end with fo much the more honour abroad, and heart at home ; for commonly the fam.e difpoHtions between the parties with which one war ends, another begins. And, though this may end in peace, yet I doubt it will be with fo much unkind nefs between the nations, that it will be wifdom on both fides to think of another, as well as to avoid it. All difcourfe here is of the peace as a thing undoubted, and every pacquet I receive from England confirms mc in the belief that a war abroad is not our prefent bufi- nefs^ till all at home be in better order ; no more than hard exercile which ftrengthens healthy bodies, can be proper for thofe that have a fever lurking in the veins, or a confumption in the flefh ; for which, reft, and order, and diet, are neceflary, and perhaps fome medicine too, provided it come from a careful and a fkilful hand. This is all that I fhall fay upon that fubjecl, which, I prefume, has before this received fome refolution by my Lord Ambaflador Coventry's arrival ; for I confefs my ftomach is come down, and I flmild be glad to hear the peace ended, and our coafts clear, fince i; will not be better : but all this while, Malta gemens ignommam flagafqiie fuperhi hoftis^ U 2 and 300 Letters of Sir WtlUam temple, and I am lure would not defire to live, unlefs ^\i\\ hopes of feeing ourfeives one day in another pofiure, which God Almighty has made us capabk of, when- ever we pleafe ourfelves. I am forry to find the commerce between England and Spain fo far cut ofF^ as it Oiould feem by your Lordihip's complaints of having received none of a date later than May the firft, for mine holds yet pret- ty conftant, though I fuppofe vifited by the French in their pafTage. On Sunday lail I received one from Mr. Godolphin of the firft current, where he told me, the treaties were fent figned by feveral v/ays into Eng- land, and therefore concluded fome of them an*ived. He feems to doubt ftill the Portuguele accepting their fhare in it ; which is the likelier^ becaufe the Mar- quis tells me, he hears, by this ordinary, that better terms may be offered them, though it is pleafant the; Spaniard ihould not have yet relblved to give them the title, when, for aught I knov/, v/ithout it, all their own may be in danger. His Excellency alTures ms they are refolved in Spain upon declaring a general war, both by fea and land, and that way make the French unmafk their defigns ; that they have fent or- ders already to feizie upon all that belongs to the French in their Indies, who have a great fhare in the Spanifh fleet that is daily expe6ted home ; that they have remitted, by this ordinary, to his Excellency a hundred and thirty thoufand crowns, v/hich is the third remife of about that fum, arrived fince the war began \ and that they have negotiated with the Fre- goni, or fome fuch name, being the ableil: merchants at Arafterdam, for nine hundred thoufand more \ fo that i\\it procefs {^(^m^ v/ell entered, and I wi|h them a good iiliie. We have here no certainty of the progrefs of the French arms, nor can we fay that Coartray is taken^ though the report has continued more or lefs thefc four and other Minijiers of State. 3 o i four days \ but the Marquis would not own any ad- vice of it on Saturday night \ though he fpoke very defpairingly of the town, but confidently of the cita- del's holding out at kafl fifteen days, if thofe within it did their duty. His Excellency makes a very dif- ferent frory of the Baron of Limbeck's defeat, which was reported here •, and afilires me, that, having car- ried fome relief into Courtray, he retreated with only two hundred horfe, and, meedng a party of fix hun- dred of the French, charged through them, killed the Captain of their vanguard with feveral others, and came off with the lofs only of fifteen men. Yefterday morning the Marquis went to Ghent, with jntendons of returning in three or four days \ and hath left the town fo emptied by his journey, as well as the camp, that, befides the Governor, I know not of a Gentleman of my acquaintance in it. The Baron de Tlfola went this morning towards Antv/erp, and from jthence pafTes towards Oflend' to go over with the convoy, which I could not perfuade him to lofe, though I endeavoured it upon a hint in your Lordfnip's letter, and more upon his telling me that you had difTuaded him from coming till the ra^ tificadons of the treaty were pafied ; but he fays he is confident that will be before he can arrive ; that he hath fent over all his papers and bills of exchange be- forehand, and, if he lofes this convoy, knows not when to hope for a fecure pafTage. And, if his Ma- jcfly thinks fit, will rather make a flay at Gravefend, or any other place near the water-fide, till all jealoufy pf his coming be blown over. I give your Lordfhip humble thanks for the letter I received to make ufe of part of the money in Mr. Shaw's hands, for fupply of what was grown due to rne ; and am, I am fure, at all times, more troubled to a(k it, than pleafed to receive it. I was much m>ore fvofibly obliged by the part you was pleafed to give 302 Letters of Sir WilUam Temple^ me of the good fortune arrived to your family, by its increafe, and my Lady's fafety •, and will afTure your Lordfnip you do me but juftice to believe I am con- cerned in all that happens to you, and more particu- larly upon this occafion, of which I have made very conftant enquiries, though without your Lordfhip's trouble. I give you El para Men with ail the joy that can be, and the prefages of many more fuch ad- ventures ♦, and know my Lady began with her own fex for no other reafon, but becaule the war was end- ed. My own particular fatisfadion in it is, that my family may continue tlieir fervices to your Lordfhip's, and that way make up what I fball fall fhort of in the expreflions of that paflion and truth, wherewith I am> my Lord, yours, &:c. To my Lord Ljfle. My Lord, Bruflels, Augufl — 1667. Received lately the honour of one from your Lordfhip, which after all complaints of flownefs and dulnefs had enough to bear it our, though it had been much better addreffed, but needed nothing where it was, befides being yours. In my prefent fta- tion I want no letters of bufmefs or news, which makes thofe that bring me marks of my friends re- membrance, or touches at their prefent thoughts and entertainments, taile much better than any thing can do that is common fare. I agree very m.uch with your Lordfhip, in being little I'atisiied by the v/its excufe, of employing none upon relations as they do in France -, and doubt much it is the fame temper and courfe of thoughts among us, that makes us neither ad: things worth relating, nor relate things worth the reading. Whilft making fome of the company laugh, and others ri- diculous, is the game in vogue, I (ear we fl^all hard- ly and other Minijlers of Statue, 303 ly fucceed at any other, and am forry our courtiers ihould content themfelves with fuch vid:ories as thofe. I would have been glad to have feea Mr. Cowley, be- fore he died, celebrate Captain Douglas's death ; who flood and burnt in one of our fhips at Chatham, when his foldiers left him, becaufe it fhould never be faid, a Douglas quitted his poft without order ; whether it be wife in men to do fuch adions or no, I am fure it is fo in States to honour them ; and, if they can, to turn the vein of wits to raife up the efteem of fome qualities above the real value, rather than bring every thing to burlefque, which, if it be allowed at all, fhould be fo only to wife men in their clofets, and not to wits, in their common mirth and company. But I leave them to be reformed by great men's examples and humours, and know very well it is folly for a private man to touch them, which does but bring them like wafps about one's ears. However, I cannot but bewail the tranfitorinefs of their fame, as well as other men's, when I hear Mr. Waller is turned to burlefque among them, while he is alive, which never happened to old poets till ma-r ny years after their death •, and though I never knew him enough to adore him, as many have done, and eafily believe he may be, as your Lordlhip fays, enough out of fafcion, yet I am apt to think fome of the old cut- work bands were of as fine thread, and as well v/rought, as any of our new points ; and, at leaft, that all the wit he and his company Ipent, in heightening love and friendlhip, was better employ- ed, than what is laid out fo prodigally by the modern vyits, in the mockery of all forts of religion and go- vernment, I know not how your Lordfhip's letter hag engaged me in this kind of difcourfes ; but I know very well you will advife me after it to keep my refidency here 43 Jong as I can, foretelling me what fuccefs I am like - U 4 to 304 Letters of Sir William Temph, to have among our courtiers if I come over. The beft on it is, my heart is fet io much upon my httle corner at Sheen, that, while I keep that, no other difappoint- ments will be very ienfible to me ; and, becaufe my wife tells me ilie is fo bold as enter into talk of en- larging our dominions there, I am contriving here thi's iummer, how a fuccefllon of cherries may be compafTcd from May till Michaelmas, and how the riches of Sheen vines xr.ay be improved by half a do- zen forts which are not yet known there, and which, I think, much beyond any that are. I fliould be very glad to come and plant them myfelf this next feafon,, but know not yet how thofe thoughts will hit. Though I defign to flay but a month in England, yet they are here very unwilling I Ihould ilir, as all people in ad- verfity arc jealous of being forfaken ; and his Majefty is not wiUing to give them any difcouragcment, whe- ther he gives them any affiftance or no. But, if they end the campaign v^^ith any good fortune, they will be better-humoured in that, as well as all other points : and it feems not a very unhkely thing, the French having done notjiing in fix months paft but harrafs rheir army, and being, before Liile, engaged in a fiege, which may very well break the courle of their faccefs. They have not yet made the leaf!: advance upon any of i\\t out-works, but been beaten off v/ith m.uch lofs in all their aflaults : and, if tha^ King's defign be to bring his Nobility as low as he has done his people, he is in a good way, and may very well leave moil of the brave among them ia their trenches there. I had not need write often at this length, nor make your Lcrdfhip any nev"/ prjkfiipns of iiiy being, my Lord, your, &;. r*' dnd other Minijlers of State. 305 Ti? ?ny brother Sir yohn Temple. Dear Brother, BrufTels, Odob. 10, N. S. 1667, HAving written lb many and long letters to my father, I refolved this fhould be to you, though lipon a fubjed: wherein he has been very defirous to be informed ; which was more than I could pretend to from any notices of my own, having been young and very new in bufinefs, when I was firil employed upon the Munfler treaty. All I knew of the grounds or occafions of our late war with Holland was, that, in all common converfation, 1 found both the Court, and the Parliament in general, very fharp upon it ; complaining of the Dutch infolencies, of the great difadvantages they had brought upon our trade in general, and the particular injuries of their Eail-India company towards ours : and it was not eafy to think any fhould better underftand the honour of the Crown than our Court ; or the interefts of the nation, than the houfe of Commons. One thing I confels gave me fome refledions, which was, to ob- ferve that three of my father's greateft friends, and perfons that I moft efteemed upon many accounts, were violently againil the counfels of this war -, which were my Lords of Northumberland, of Leicefler, and Sir Robert Long •, though two of them v/ere of the Privy Council, and the third in a great office, and ever bred up in Court. For my own part, when I entered into that affair, all I knew was, that we were adually in a war, and that the beil we could do was to get out of it either by fuccefs and vidiories, or by a fair and reafonable peace, v;hich I believed our treaty Vv'ith Munfterv/ould make way for : and I found fome of our Minifters had no other end by it, having given over the thoughts of any great advantages we lliould {i|id by purfuing the war. How that fucceeded, and how 306 Letters of Sir Wiiliam Temple^ how it ended, you all know there, as well as I do here. Upon conclufion of the peace at Breda, my fifter took a very ftrong fancy to a journey into Holland, to fee a country {he had heard ^o much of; and 1 was willing to give her that fatisfadion, after the melan^ choly fcene we have had here ever fince the French invaiion of this country. We went incognito^ with on- ly her woman, a valet de chambre, and a page out of livery, who all fpoke Dutch. I leave it to her to give you an account of what entertainments Ihe met with there, which fhe was much pleafed with, efpecially thofe of the Indian houfes : for me, who had feen enough of it in my younger travels, I found nothing new but the Stadt-houfe at Amflerdam, which, though a great fabric, yet anfwered not the expeda- tion I had, from fo much time, and fo vaft expence, as had been employed to raife it : which put me in mind of what the Cavaliero Bernini faid of the Lou- vre, when he v/as fent for to take a view of it, that it was una granpkcola cofa. The chief pleafure I had in my journey was, to obferve the ftrange freedom that all men took in boats and inns, and all other common places, of talking openly whatever they thought upon all the public affairs, both of their own State, and their neighbours : and this I had the ad- vantage of finding more by being incognito^ and think it the greateft piece of the liberty that country fo much values ; the government being otherwife as ievere, and the taxes as hard, as among any of their neighbours. At our return from Amflerdam we lay two nights at the Hague, where I made a vifit to Monfieur de Witt : I told him who I was, but that, having pafTed unknown through the country to all but himfelf, \ defired I might do fo ftill. I told him, my only t)q- flnefs was, to feq the things moil confiderable in the CPU a'- and other Minifters of State. 307 country, and I thought •? fhould lofe my credit, if I left it without feeing him. He took my compliment very well, and returned it, by faying, he had receiv- ed a charadler of me to my advantage, bodi from Munfter and BruiTels, and was very glad to be ac- quainted with me at a time when both our nations were grown friends •, and had equal reafon to look about us, upon what had lately happened in Flanders •, he feemed much to regret the late unhappy quarrel be- tween us, which had made way fur this new war among our neighbours. He laid the fault of ours wholly upon Sir George Downing, who having been Envoy from Cromv/ell at a time when the States were forced to obferve good meafures with him \ Sir George had made ufe of that difpofition, to get a great deal of money from the Eaft-India company, Vv^ho were wil- ling to bribe his good offices, in fome difputes that remained between the two companies : that, having been continued in the fame employment by the King, he thought to drive the fame trade ; but, finding the company more flanch, he had taken upon him to purfue a difpute about the old pretenfions, upon the lofs of the Bonadventure, as an affair of State between the nations, whereas it was left by our treaties to be purfued only as a procefs between the parties. That, in their treaty with Cromwell, all pretenfions on both fides were cut off, but with this claufe : Liceat autem (to fuch as were concerned in that affair of the Bon- adventure) liteyn incept am prcfequi. That, this treaty having been made the model of that concluded with his Majefly foon after his refloration, that claufe con- tinued ftill in the new treaty •, and the procefs which had been begun long before CromwelPs treaty, be- fore the Magiflrates of Amflerdam, had ftill gone on after their treaty with the King, according to the true intention of that claufe. That Mr. Gary, who was employed to purfue it in the name of Cour tin's exe- -^' ■ cutorsj 3 S L etfers of Sir WtUmn Temple y cutors, had brought it very near a compofition, de- manding forty thoufand pounds for all pretenfions, and the Dutch offering thirty. That he (Monfieur de Witt) to end this affair, had appointed a meeting with Mr. Gary, who had fmce confelfed to his friends, that he was refolved to end it at that meeting, and rather to take the Dutch offer, than let the fuit run on ; but that very morning Sir George Downing fent for him, told him it was a matter of State between the two nations, and not only a concern of private men ; and therefore abfolutely forbid him to go on with any treaty about it, otherwife than by his com- munication and confent : that he would put in a me- morial to the States upon it, and inflead of forty thoufand pounds, which he demanded, would under- take to get him fourfcore, and that he was fure the Dutch would give a great deal m.ore, rather than ven- ture a quarrel with his Majefty. This courfe he purfued, made extravagant demands, and with great inlblence ; made the fame reprefenta- tions to our Court, and polfeffed fome of the Mini- iters that he would get great fums of money, bpth for his Majeily and them, if they would fuffer him to treat this affair after his own manner ; for he v/as fure the Dutch would go very far in that kind, if they faw there was no other v/ay to avoid a war with Engr land. That Monfieur de Witt for his part thought they were a free State no longer, if they fliould yield ^ point that they not only knew we had no ground for, but were fure we knew it as well as they -, and that whatever the States fhould give upon this occafion, might be demanded at any time by our Court upon any other, fmce none could have lefs pretence. This was all the account he thought fit at leaft to giv*e me of this v./ar -, but other politic reafoners amono; the Dutch pretended x.^ p;ive feveral others. Sgme md other Mbiijfers of State, 36^ 8ome fciid, the Duke's military genius made him de- firous to enter upon fome a6tion abroad, and be at the head of a great fleet againft a State he never had been a friend to : that the Duke of Albemarle had long had a pique to their country, upon fome ufage he refented during his being an officer there : that he had a very mean opinion of their fleets, as v/ell as their other forces, fince the fucccfl^es of the Englifli in the firfl: war during the Ufurper's time : that fome of the Minifl:ers were poflefied with an opinion of getting money, by only threatening a war, without intention of feeins; it brouo;ht to efleft; and had let it run on fo far, till it was too late to go backi Some others attributed Sir Thomas CiifFord's violence in the houfe of Comm.ons, and practices with our Eafl:- India company, to a deeper defign ; and would have the matter of religion concerned in the quarrel, as their pamphlets flill endeavoured during the war : and thefe will not believe, that, when all Chriften- dom was at peace, fuch a war could be begun mere- ly upon a chicane, about the lofs of a fhip or two (o many years flnce. There are others that lay the war upon the condu6l of France, by which, they fay, we were engaged in it : that the prefent King was refol- ved to purfue the old fcherne laid by Cardinal Rich- iieu, of extending the bounds of France to the Rhine, for which ends the conqueft of Lorrain and Flanders was to be firfl: atchieved. That the purchafe of Dun- kirk from us v/as fo violently purlued for this end, without which they could not well begin a war upon Flanders. That after this they had endeavoured to engage the prefent Miniilry in Kolland, to renew the meafures once taken in Cardinal Richlieu's time, for dividing Flanders between France and Holland : but, not fucceeding in it, they had turned all their in- trigues to engage us in a war, which might make room for theit in^/afion of Flanders, whiiil the two neigh- 3 lo Letter's of Sir William Temple y neighbours, moit concerned in its defence, lliould be deep in a quarrel between themfelves : that diey made both parties believe they would affift them if there were occafion, and would certainly have done it : that as they took part with Holland upon our firfl fuccefles at fea, and the Bilhop of Munfter's trea- ty ; fo, if the fucceffes had been great on the Dutch fidCj they would have aflifted us in order to prolong the wan Thefe are difcourfes current in Holland upon this fubje6l •, and I had rather give you thofe of others upon it, than any of my own. The Duke of Ormond will be able to judge whether any of thefe Dutch rea- fonings are true, or which are moll probable. For my part I can only fay, that, however the war began^ I am very glad it is ended ; but forry it has made way for another, which, if it lafts any time, is like to involve us, and perhaps all the reft of the neighbours, either in a new war, or in new dangers. For if the French fhall carry Flanders, as they very well may in another campaign, by the weaknefs and diforders in the government here ; the Dutch are fenfible that they muft fall to be a maritime province of France, upon the beft terms they can. The Empire will cx- pe6l to fee them foon at the Rhine, and thereby ma- ilers of four Electors ; and what a condition England will be left in by fuch an acceflion of maritime forces, as well as provinces, to fuch a power as France is already, is but too eafy and too melancholy a refledlion. The Dutch are much exafperated at this invafion of Flan- ders, both as dangerous and as fcornful to them in particular ; for they fay that France, till the very time of their march, gave conftant affurances to the States, both by the French AmbafTador here, and by their AmbafTador at Paris, that they w^ould not invade Flanders without firft taking their meafurcs upon it with the States themfelves. I iind oui Court are nnd other Minijlers of State* 3 1 1 are as much provoked on the other fide, riot only up- on this new danger, but alfo upon the French havincr declared war againft us in favour of Holland, with- out the leaft pretence of injury, "or other occafion • fo that, if we both underflood or trulled one another, it is likely we fiiould be both of a mind in this mat- ter •, but, after fuch a Iharp war as hath been for two years between us, and fuch a fnarling peace as that at Breda, I do not well fee how this can happen before it be too late, and fo muft leave thefe contemplations to fuch as are in the minidry, both in England and Holland, as well as Spain and the Empire, to take fuch meafures as are wife and neceffary in fjch a con- ]un6ture \ which is perhaps the moil important that has been a great while in Chriftendom, and may have confequences that none alive v/ill fee the end of. It is time I am fure that you fhould fee an end of this long letter, and come to the afTurancds of my being ever^ Sir, yours, &c. Tb Sir George Savtle, S I R, Brufiels, Dec. 9, N. S. i66j. BEcaufe my wife aflures m.e I am not wholly loft in your favour and memory, 1 will not run any farther venture of forfeiting my title for want of lay- ing claim to it, but make ufe of the fmalleft occa- fion rather than none in a matter wherein I am fo mucji and fo juftly concerned. This place never was in a worfe poflure to furnilh either a war or a Gazette than at this time, for the troops are all mouldering in their winter quarters ^ and, as the greateft calms ordinarily fucceed the greateft ftorms, fo, fince the heat of news and occur- rences here during the late campaign, I have hardly knov/n a place where lefsof both were flirring -, a6lion and invention fecming to have ended together. There is ^ 1 2 Letters of Sir JVilUam Temple, is indeed a new difference between the two Crowns arifen this winter ; which is, that France talks ot* peace, but prepares for war ; and Spain talks of war, but prepares hitherto as if they were fure of peace : they fay at prefent they are off that with Portugal^ which is the only thing yet in fight that can ftiake the other neceffary to them. Becaufe my wife tells me you were content with the iafl: papers I lent of the Roman news, I take occafion to continue it by the inclofed, though there be feldom any thing in it worth confidering at this diftance, un- lefs it be the ftyle, and the quiet of that fcene, which, like the upper region, has no fhare in the ftorms of that below. And befides, as men have more curiofity to enquire how a great man (leepSj than what a mean man does all day long ; fo the very reft and idlenefs of that Roman Court feems, among the difcourfers, more worth knowing, than the bufy motions of many fmall ones in this northern continent, who yet at this time pretend to be confidered, and to make a noife. This is all I can fay to excufe my inclofufe of fuch papers, unlefs it be that, to tell a plain truth, I was very glad of the occafion to affure you that I am ever, with very much paffion, as well as with much reafon. Sir, your moft faithful humble fervant. I7je triple alliance ivas made in "January 1668. To Sir John Te77iple, SIR, London, Jan. 2, N. S. 1668. YO U will wonder to fee a letter from this place, my lad having been from Bruffels, without any thoughts of fuch a journey : and, becaufe my ftay hers is like to be very fhort, and my time extremely filled, I take the firft hour I can fmd, to give you fbme ac- count of this adventure. Soon and other Mmijiers of State. 315 Soon after my lad an exprefs came to me from his Majefty, commanding me to come immediately into England with all the fpeed I could poflibly make, but to take the Hague in my way, and there, upon the credit of a vifit I made Monfieur de Witt laft Sep- tember, and which palled very well between us, to make him another, and let him know his Majefty had commanded me to do fo on purpofe, to inform my- felf of the opinions he had concerning the French late invafion in Flanders, their great fuccefs there, and the appearances of fo much greater this enfuing fpring ; the thoughts he had of what was the true in- tereft of his Majefty, the States, and the reft of Chriftendom upon this occafton : that his Majefty, by knowing his mind, lliould believe he knew a great deal of that of the States, and thought he might there- by be enabled to take fuch meafures, as might be neceflary for him in this conjunfture. I obeyed this fummons, fpoke with Monfieur de "Witt, entered into great confidences with him, made report of all to his Majefty at my arrival here ; gave Monfieur de Witt the charadler I think he deferves, of a very able and faithful Minifter to his State, and, I thought, a fmcere dealer, very different from what Sir George Downing had given of him at Court, who would have him pafs for fuch another as himfelf, but only a craftier man in the trade than he. Upon all this, his Majefty came laft night to a re - folution of the greateft importance which has yet paf- fed, I think, here in any foreign affair, and begun the new year, I hope, with a good prefage, and in which the new Miniftry, particularly my Lord Keeper and my Lord Arlington, have had a very great part: mine will be to return immediately upon it into Hol- land, where, if it pleafe God I arrive and fucceed, I exped a great deal of fatisfadlion by my errand, ai;d much the greater by knowing that you will have a Vol. 1. X great 3 1 4 Letters of Sir WUliam Temple y great deal in it too, as in an affair I remember to be fo agreeable with what have been always your opi- nions. The feafon of the year is bad, and the weather ill, and yet my filler has been fo kind as to come with me hither from BruiTels, and to refolve to return with me at this fnort warning to the Hague, which will be a great eafe to me as well as fatisfaclion ; and, by freeing me from all domellic cares, leave me the more liberty for thofe of my bufinefs, which, I fore- fee, will be enough to take up a better head than mine. My v/ife and children continue here till I fee where my wandering planet is like to fix ; but my brother Harry refolves to be of the party, and take this occafion of feeing Holland, and what is like to pafs in the world upon this great conjun£lure. I am called away, and have time only to add the conftant profefTicns of that duty, wherewith 1 am, and fhall be ever, Sir, your, &c. To my Lord Arlington, My Lord, Hague, Jan. 24, N. S, 1668, UPON laft Friday at night I gave your Lordfhip the account of what advance I had then made in my negotiation, and of the point where it was then arrefled, v/ith defires of his Majcfty^'s pleafure \ where- upon, having fpent that whole day in debates, I had little time left for that letter, but intended to make fome amends for the halle of it^ within two days, by a difpatch with the yacht, and, though delayed a lit- tle longer, will not, I hope, be m.ore unwelcome by bringing your Lordfhip a fuller and final account, which may be allowed to furprife you a htde there, fince it is looked upon as a miracle here, not only by thofe that heard it, but even by the CommilTiQ- ners and other Minifters of State, % i ^ ners themfelves, who have had the whole tranfadlion of it, which I fhall now acquaint your Lordfhip with. Upon my two firft conferences with Monfieur de Witt;^ which were the Tuefday and Wednefday, I found him much fatisfied with his Majeily's refolu- tion concerning our neighbours ; but of the opinion, that the condition of forcing Spain was neceflary to our common end, and to clear the means towards it from all accidents that may arife. For the defenfive league, he was of his former opinion, that it fhould be negotiated between us ; but upon the projedt of- fered his Majefly at Schevelin, by which all matter' of commerce might be fo adjufted, as to leave no feeds of any new quarrels between the nations. After two very long conferences upon thefe points, we ended with fome difference upon the neceflity of iloncluding both parts of my projedts at the fame time ; but, for the reft, with great confidence and fa- tisfaftion in one another's fin cere and frank way of treating, fince the firft overtures between us. The firft time I faw him, he told me I came upon a day he ftiould always efteem very happy, both in refpedl of his Majefty's refolutions which I brought, and of thofe which the States had taken about the difpofal of the chief commands in their army, by making Prince Maurice and Monfieur Wurtz Camp- mafters-general, and the Prince of Tarante and Rhingrave Generals of the horfe, each to command in abfence of the other. He told me all the detail of that difpofition, but the reft I remember not well. I laid hold on this occafion (as indeed I thought was neceftary) to fay that his Majefty gave rv.t order con- cerning the Prince of Orange •, which he took very well, and faid, was very obliging to the States ; that, for his own part, he never failed to fee the Prince once or twice a week, and grew to have a particular X 2 affedlion 516 Lelt&rs of Sir William Tempk, affedlion for him, and would tell me plainly, thaf the States defigned the Captain-generalfhip of all the forces fur him fo foon as by his age he grew capable of ita The next day was my audience, which paffed with all the refped that could be given his Majefty's cha- racter-, and the next morning began my conference with the eight Commiffioners of fecret affairs : I ex- pofed my powers, and faw theirs, in purfuit whereof 1 offered them the project of the defenfive league, as that which was to be the foundation of all farther negotiations, and without which perhaps neither of us iliould be very forward to fpeak our minds with confidence and freedom, in what concerned our neighbours, being 1 kely therein to fhock fo great powers abroad : I told them, for the reft, his Ma- jefty having refolved, as far as he could in honour, to comply with the fenfe of the States, in the offices of mediation between the two Crowns ; I was firft to expert from them the knowledge of the States refo- lution, in cafe they were already agreed. I took this courfe in my firft propofals, becaufe 1 found here, that the Provinces were not yet refolved upon theirs, five of them only having fallen upon that of Monfieur de Witt ; but Zealand being of opinion to agree with France for dividing Flanders ; and Utrecht, for fuffering France only to retain the laft year's conqueft, by way of comprofniSj till their pretenfions were adjudged before competent arbiters to be agreed by the two Crowns, or by the joint me- diators : and I was in hopes, that, knowing his Ma- jefty's refolutions to join with them, before they were agreed among themfelves, it might produce fome counfels among them a little more favourable to Flanders, and confequently more honourable to his ^lajefly. After and other Mhiijiers of State. 3 1 7 After my propofals, Monfieur de Witt was, by the reft of the Commiffioners, defired to fpeak for them all in the condu6t of our conferences j who, after a preamble of the ufual forms, and compliments upon his Majefty's happy dilpofitions to enter into a nearer alliance with the States upon the mentioned points, declared the fame refolution in the States, and, al- lowing our confidence by a defenfive league for the bafis of the reft, faid, the States were very willing de faire infufer les claufes pour la feurete commune dans les articles de la mediation \ and was large upon this ar- gument, that, the laft being of very prefling hafte as well as necelfity, and they having already order from tiieir Provinces to proceed upon it, they could not have the fame powers upon the defenfive, being a new matter, under fix weeks or two months time, but, aa foon as they received them, would proceed to give their AmbalTador in England powers to fall upon that treaty, which muft, for a bafis, have at the fame time an adjuftment of matters of commerce, for his forementioned reafons. I thought fit to cut this matter fhort, and told them dire6lly, I had no orders to proceed upon any other points, but in confequence or conjun6lion of the defenfive league ; in which I thought his Majefty had all the reafons that could be, both becaufe he would not venture a war's ending in Flanders to be- gin upon England ; and on the other fide knew the States, whofe danger was nearer, would never be ca- pable of taking any vigorous refolutions in their neigh- bours affairs, till they were fecure at home by his Ma^ iefty's defence. That his Majefty thought the moft generous and friendly advance, that could be, was rriade on hi^ fide, by his propofition, being himfelf fo much more out of danger than they were, and fo much courted to a conjundion with France to their prejudice, as X 3 well 3 1 8 Letters cf Sir William Temple^ well as that of Flanders •, that they had not made a difficulty of fuch alliances with Princes, who had lately des melees with them as well as his Majefty ^ and that, God be thanked, his Majefty was not in condition to have fuch an offer refufed by any Prince or State of Chriflendom. Thefe were the fum of our difcourfes, though very long, and fuch as occafioned the CommifTioners to withdraw thrice and confult together -, though nothing was refolved, but that Monfieur de Witt and Mon- fieur Ifbrant fhould fpend the afternoon with me at my lodging, to endeavour the adjufling of circum- ftances between us, fince we feemed to agree in fub- llance. That conference ended, as I gave your Lordlhip notice that evening, upon the point, that, inftead of the projedL of Schevelin, or any new adjuflment con- cerning marine affairs, the States would proceed up- on his Majefly's proje6t of a defenfive league, provi- ded^ the provifional articles in the Breda treaty might be inferred and perpetuated in this, and there- upon we fhould exped his Majefly's anfwer to v/hat I fhould write that night. The next being Saturday morning, I defired ano- ther conference with my two CommifTioners, but could not have it till the afternoon, they being to re- port that morning to the States what had palled the evening before. At our meeting after noon, they told me their communication of all to the States, and their Lordfhips refolutlon upon them, that it Vv^as neceifa- ry the articles provifional fhould be inferred in the treaty ; fo as I began to doubt a flop of all till his Majefty's anfwer, which fubjeded all to uncertain- ties : I knew the French AmbafTador was grown into very ill humour upon my arrival, and fallen intq complaints and expoflulations v/ith feveral of the States \ and the morC;^ becaufe he could not fee Mon- fieur and other Minijlers of State. 3 1 9 fieur de Witt from my coming over till that time, though he had often prelTed it, and had an hour giveri him the next day •, Monfieur de Witt having pro- mifed to fee him, as he went to church after noon. Upon this I knew likewiie he had difpatched a cou- rier to Paris, which I thought would make no delay, and therefore refolved to fall upon all the inftances and expedients I could, to draw up a fudden conclu- fion. I told them I defired it extremely, before I could hear again out of England, becaufe I had left Monfieur Ruvigny very bufy at my coming away, and not unbefriended ; that I feared the fame arti- fices of France to diflurb us here, and perhaps Mon- fieur d'Eflrades might, at his next meeting, endea- vour to infufe fome jealoufies into them, by the re- lation of what had paffed between your Lordihip and Monfieur Ruvigny three or four days after ti'ie date of my firfl inftru6tions ; upon which 1 told them frankly (as his Majeily gave me leave) what had paf- fed in that affair. Monfieur de Witt afked me whe- ther I could Ihew him the paper drawn up between you ; and, knowing I had it not, defired earneflly I would procure it him, affuring me no ufe fliould be made of it, but by joint confent : but faying, nothing would ferve fo far to juflify them, in cafe of a breach growing neceffary between them and France, I pro- niifed to write to your Lordfliip about ir, which I defire you will pleafe to take notice of. 1 told Monfieur de Witt, what confidence I had given his Majeily of his fincere proceedings, and how 1 had been fupported by your Lordfhip in thofe fugge- ftions, againft the opinion of fome other great men : what advantage thefe would take if they faw our whole negotiation was flopped upon a thing that look^ ed like a chicanerie^ fince articles provifional till new agreements were in effe6l as flrong as perpetual, which might itfelf be changed by new agreements; X 4 \\m 320 Letters of Sir William Temple, that this would be efleemed an artifice of his, efpeci- ally fince he had declared, upon my afkinghim, that it was his own opinion (and that he would tell the States fo if they demanded it) not to conclude with- out infertion of thole articles, which yet he could not deny to be of prefent force : for that they allowed ; but feemed to doubt, that, referring in the treaty of Breda to a new treaty, they would be invalidated, if a new treaty fhould pafs without their confirmation. I found Monfieur Ifbrant was content with my reafons, and faid he would undertake his Province fhould be fo ; but Monfieur de Witt faid, Holland and Zealand would not. I told them at laft, that I was fure the States would not think fit to lofe the ef- {^&i of the league propofed upon fach a point as this, and that they intended only to have the advantag;e of feeing his Majefty's refolution, in anfwer to my let- ter, before they concluded, with refolutions however, that this fhould not hinder at lait : that I forefaw many things might arife in ten days time, to break all our good intentions, and fome more than I had told them, or could at prefent ; that, if they knew me, and how far I was to be trufled where I gave my word, T would propofe an expedient to them •, but, being ^o new among them, 1 thought it was to no purpofe : there I paufed. They defired me I would propofe however, and fo I did 5 which was, That we fhould proceed to draw up the whole projedt, and fign as foon as was pofTible -, and that, in cafe I after- v/ards received his Majefty's leave, in anfwer of my Friday's letter, to infert thofe provifional articles, I would freely declare it to them, and infert them in a feparate article, to be a part of the defenfive league. They both looked a while one upon another, and, afterapaufe, Monfieur de Witt gave me his hand, and, after a compliment upon the confidence he had taken in my face, and in the refl of my dealing fincc ou^ and other Minijlers of State. 321 our firfl commerce, told me, that, if I would promife them what I had faid en bomme de bien^ they would 2Sk no farther afTurance of me ; and provided the treaty of Breda might be confirmed in the preamble of this, to take away all fcruples of thofe ardcles be- ing of lefs force than they were before ; for his parr, though he could promife nothing what the States would refolve, yet he would promife, that he and Monfieur Ifbrant would ufe their utmofl endeavours to induce them to proceed upon my propofition. And fo w^e fell immediately to digeft our proje6l of the whole treaty : for I made no difficulty of the con- firmadon propofed, knowing that new treaties ufe to begin by confirmation of the old. I am the larger in this relation, that his Majefty may know upon what reafons I engaged my word to them in this point, and thereupon may give me leave, without more circumflances, to be true to it, in cafe his Majelly's pleafure in the point be difpatched away to me, upon the receipt of my former letter. After this difficulty well evaded, we found none but in this expreffion [In cafe our ferfuafiofis to Spain Jhculd not prevail^ and we Jhoidd come a la force et a la confirainte\ which I moderated at firft by the words \aux tnoyens plus durs]^ and afterwards [^aux moyens plus efficaces\ ; for we drew it up firfl in French : the other additions or enlargements, I dare prefume, his Ma- jefty will not be difpleafed with, no more than that article about Portugal, though I had no inftruction in it, If I have failed in enlarging upon very fhort and hafty inftru6lions, I mofl humbly beg his Majefty's pardon, becaufe I am fure 1 kept myfelf, as clofe as was poflible, to what I apprehended to be his Maje- fty's fenfe upon the whole and every part. That evening being Saturday, or rather that night and Sunday morning, we agreed upon the proje(5t in French, and prave order for the tranfladng- of it into Latin 3 322 Letters of Sir William Temple y Latin, which was done, and perufed by me, and agreed to between twelve and one that night, and en- grofTed by eleven next morning, being Monday, and, at a meeting with the CommifTioners, joindy was fign- ed and fealed, and mutually delivered between two and three that afternoon ; after that, time fpent in comparing the inflruments, and adjufting the fums, computed as the value of the feveral aids. After feaiing, Vv^e all embraced with much kind- nefs and applaufc of my faying upon that occafion, A Breda comme amis^ icy comme freres : and Monfieur de Witt made me a mofr obliging compliment, of having the honour, which never any other Miniiler had before me, of drawing the States to a refolution and conclu- fion in five days, upon a matter of the greateft impor- tance, and 2ifecoiirs of the greateft expence they had ever engaged in ; and all diredlly againft the nature of their conftitutions, which enjoined them recourfe to their Provinces upon all fuch occafions, and ufed to drav/ out all common dehberations to months de- lays ^ and added upon it, that, now it was done, it looked like a mnracle. I muft add three words to do him right in return of his complim.ent, that I found him as plain, as dired, and fquare, in the courfe of this bufinefs, as any man could be •, though often ftiff in points v/here he thought any advantage could accrue to his country : and have ail the reafon in the world to be fatisfied with him, and for his induftry no man had ever more. I am fure, for thefe five days at ieaft, neither of us fpent any idle hours, neither day nor night. After the conclufion, I received yefterday the vifits of all the public Minifters in town, except the Am- bafiadors, between whom, and Envoys extraordinary,, fome difficulties were arifen (they fay, here firft be- gun by Sir George Downing) which have, in a man- ner, fpoilcd all commerce. None of the other failed cjid other Mtntjlers of State. 323 to reioice with me upon the conclufion of my bufinefs, and to exprefs their adoring his Majefty's rcfolurions, which, in this conjundure, they fay, have given new life to all the Courts of Chriftendom, whofe counfels were before in the greateft perplexities and diforder that could be. They fay his Majefty will have the fole honour of giving either peace to Chriftendom, or a balance to the wars -, and has il:iewn, that all muft follow^ v/hat he gives a head to. Much more of this kind I hear from all hands, and have no reafon to doubt their meaning what they fay. Thus far I have given your Lordfliip the fmooth fide only of this conclufion, and now you muft receive the rough : for, having concerted with the CommilTio- ners, that Monfieur de Witt and I ftiould give part of our treaty (all but the feparate articles) to the French and Spanifti Ambaftadors ^ the firft we performed this afternoon, the laft we intend to morrow morning. The French Ambaflador had been much fur- prized with our conclufion : for, upon our firft con- ference with the CommilTioners, he had faid, ^otit cela s^en ira en fumee^ et que le roy fon maitre s^en moc- qiieroit. The day before our figning, being told we advanced very faft, he replied : Et Uen^ d'icy a fix femaines nous en parkrons^ relying upon the forms of the State, to run the circle of their towns. Upon our giving him part of the whole bufmefs, he replied coldly, that he doubted we had not taken a right way to our end •, that the fourth article of the fecond inftrument was not in terms very proper to be digefted by a king of twenty-nine years old, and at the head of eighty thoufand men : that, if we had join- ed both to defire his Mafter to prolong the offer he had made of a ceiTation of arms till the time we pro- pofed, and, withal, not to move his arms farther in Flanders, though Spain fhould refufe, we might hope £0 fucceed ^ but, if we thought to prefcribe him laws, 5 ^nd 324 Letters of Sir JVilUam Temple y and force him to compliance, by leagues between Durfelves, or with Spain, though Sweden and the Ger- man Princes fhould join with us, he knew his Mailer tie fiecheroit pas^ and that it would come to a war of forty years. From this he fell a little warmly upon the proceedings of the States, faying, they knew his Matter's refolutions upon thofe two points, neither to prolong the ccffation propofed beyond the end of March, nor to defifl the purfuit of his conquefts with his own armis, in cafe Spain confented not to his de- mands within that term. He faid, his Majefly, not being their ally, might treat and conclude what he pleafed, without their offence ; but for the States, who were their neareil ally, to conclude io much to his Mailer's difrefpedl at leafl, and without communicat- ino; with him the Ambafiador at all durino; the whole treaty, he mud leave it to his Mailer to interpret as he thought fit. Monfieur de Witt defended their caufe, and our common intentions, with great phlegm, but great ileddinefs, and told me, after he was gone, that this was the leail we could expe6l at firil from a Frenchman •, and that I fhould do well, however, to give his Majefly an account of it by the firft, that we put ourfelves early in pofture, to make good what we have faid •, and that, as to the time and degree of our arming, he w^ould confult with the States, and let me know their thoughts to be communicated to his Ma- jeily upon this occafion. I was in hopes to difpatch this away to-morrow morning, but I fhall be hindered till night, by the delay of figning a ieparate article with the Count de Dona, v/hereby place is referved for Sweden to enter as principal into this treaty : for I have gone along in the whole bufmefs, fince my coming over, with perfed confidence and concert with the Count de Do- na, upon his ailuring me, his orders were to conform himfelf to his Majeily's refolution in what concerns the two Crowns, though, before he abfolutely engages, he and other Mimjlers of State. 325 he expeds from the Spaniards, by our interceffion, fome fupplies for payment of his troops, and fome other adjuftments with the Emperor, which v/iil be treated between the feveral Miniilcrs at London un- der his Majeily's influence. In what I fhall fign upon this occafion, together with the States, I confefs to your Lordlhip to go beyond my in{lru6lions, but ap- prehending it to be wholly agreeable to his Majefty's intentions, and extremely advantageous to the com- mon ends and affairs •, I venture upon this excefs, and humbly beg his Majefly's pardon if I fail. YourLord- fhip will be troubled with fome poftfcript to-morrow, before I difpatch an exprefs with the copies to be ra- tified by his Majeily within a month, though, I hope, a lefs time will be taken, thofe of Holland having undertaken theirs in fifteen days. I am, &c. To tny Lo?'d Arlingtori. My Lord, Hague, Jan. 26, N. S. 1668, SINCE the clofe of my long difpatch, I have every hour expeded the copies to be tranfmitted for his Majcfty's ratification, without being able to procure them. I cannot but imagine fome occafion of the delay may have been a defire in them here to interpofe fome time between the receipt of my lafl Friday's letter and of this pacquet, to the end hisMa- jefty may in the mean tim.e have difpatched his orders to me about the provifional articles, though I cannot- think they fhould be of fuch moment inferted or omit- ted to either fide. 1 now difpatch the inclofed copies of the treaty, in order to his Majeily's ratification, which it is gene- rally defired may be returned as fudden as polTibly; the States having undertaken to have theirs ready in fifteen days after the figning, and believing it necef- fary to proceed jointly and early to the mutual coun- kls of arming, in cafe France continues the difpoft- tions they feem to be in at prefent of purfuing the war. / ^ My ^26 Letters of Sh' WilHa77i Temple y My brother, who will deliver this difpatch to yoiii: Lordiliip, is able to add what particular circumilan- ces I may have omitted, or your Lordfiiip iliall think fit to enquire from this place ; and what he fails, Count Dona will fupply, who is a perfon v/ell worth your Lordlhip's particular acquaintance and afiiftance in his negotiations, or at leaft the forms and en- trances of them, being, in all points, our friend. Yefterday the Spanidi Ambaflador received the communication of our treaties from Monfieurde Witt and me, with fome defcants upon the hardfhip of it, but, I believe, fatisfa6tion at heart. I have this day written at large, and with all the inilance imaginable, to the Marquis de Caftel Rodrigo to induce his con- fent, and, immediately upon the radficadons, fliall away and purfue that point at BrufTels. I cannot but rejoice in particular with your Lordr Ihip upon the fuccefs of this affair, having obferved in your Lordfhip, as well as my Lord Keeper, acon- llant fleddy bent, in fupporting his Majefty's refolu- tion, which is here fo generally applauded as the hap- pieft and wifeft, that any Prince ever took for himfelf or his neighbours : what in earned I hear every hour^ and from all hands of that kind, is endlefs, and even extravagant. God of heaven fend his Majefty's coun- fels to run on the fame courfe ; and I have nothing left to willi, fmce I know your Lordfhip will continue to efteem me what I am with fo great pafiion and truth, my Lord, your, &:c. 51? Sir Orlando Bridgman, Lord Keeper, My Lord, Hague, Jan. 27, i668* THOUGH I know my long difpatch by this exprefs to my Lord Arlington will give your LordjQiip your fhare of trouble, yet I could not omit the charging my brother with a particular attend- ance upon your Lordfhip from me, nor accompa- nying him with thefe acknovv^ledgements of your Lordlhip's great favour and good opinion, even be- fore and other Minijlers of State, 327 fore I had the honour of being known to yoiu I will prefume I have done nothing iince to forfeit them, as I had nothing before to delerve them ; and that my late good fortunes at the Hague will help to continue what my good fortune alone at BrufTels began, and my five days flay at London ferved to improve in fo great a degree. Yet, I will afllire your Lordfliip, if 1 can make any farther advance by the refentments of your favour, by my defires to deferve it in the return of my bell fervices, or by the true honour and efteem of thofe qualities I have difcovered in your Lordfhip, upon fo Hiort an acquaintance •, I am very far upon my way already. But I will leave this fubjed, in the firil place, to congratulate with you upon another ; which is the fuccefs of a counfel, wherein I obferved your Lord- fhip and my Lord Arlington to have the moft fteddy bent, in promoting a refolution of his Majefly's which is on this fide the water efleemed generally the hap- piefl and the wifeil that could ever have been taken by any Prince in fach a conjundure, and upon re- fpeds not only of his own affairs, but even thofe of all Chriftcndom befides. It is not fit for me to tell you much of what 1 hear of this kind, or the applau- fes given to his Majeily and his Miniflers upon this occafion : to tell you all, I am. fure, would be endiefs ; but, from what I hear, I cannot but raife at leall a happy prcfage of a new year, and a new miniftry's running on together, with a fucceffion of the fame honour and good fortunes both to his Majefly and his kingdorris. in the next place, I will, according to your orders, give your Lordfhip an account of fome particulars thdt fell into this great tranfadion, which I thought not fit to trouble my Lord Arlington with, as not perhaps proper, or of weight enough, for the view of his Majefly or the foreign committee, and yet worth the knowledge or reflexion of fome of his Miniflers, in 328 Letters of Sir WilUa7n Tempky in order to the condu6l of his Majefly's counfels here- after, both in this and other of his affairs. I mufl tell your Lordlhip, that, in my firfl confer- ence with Monfieur de Witt fince my return, I began with telling him, that he could not but remember, when I palfed this way lafl: into England, I told him, upon what points his Majelly defired, with the great- eft fecrefy that could be, to know his opinion, and by that to guefs at what might be the States, upon the prelent conjuncture of affairs in Flanders ; to the end his Majefty might accordingly take his own meafures. That his Majefty gueffed, by the general carriage and difcourfes of the Dutch Ambaffadors at London, the States were not willing to fee Flanders over-run by France, but could not find they had any thing po- fitive to fay to him upon that fubje6l : that he had therefore fent me privately and plainly to tell him his mind upon it, as to a man of honour, and who he be- lieved would make no ill ufe of it, (and if he thought fit) to know his fentiments upon that affair. That, for his Majefty, he neither thought it for his own intereft nor fafety, nor for that of the States, or of Chriften- dom in general, that Flanders fhould be loft; and therefore was refolved to do his utmoft to prefer ve it, provided the States were of the fame mind, and that it might be done in conjundion between them ; and * to that end deftred to know, whether the States would be content to enter into an alliance with him, both defenfive between themfelves, and offenfive againft France, for the prefervation of Flanders. That he (Monfieur de Witt) might remember, his anfwer to me was ; firft, much applaufe of his Majefty 's refo- lution, great acknowledgement of his confidence to- wards him by that communication, much affurance that the States would be of tRe fame mind, as to the prefervation of Flanders, which was their neareft intereft next their own : that he found both his Majefty and the States had the fame mind, as well as itJid other Minijiers of Stdie^ 3^9 as interefl in this matter, but that the diflrufls, re- maining upon the late quarrel between them^ had kept either of them from beginning to enter frankly upon it. But fince his Majefty had pleafed to break it to him in a manner fo obliging, though he could not pretend to tell me his Mailer's mind^ yet he would his own : which was, tliat the defence of Flanders was abfolutely neceflary, but that it ought to be tried iirfl, rather by a joint Mediation of a peace between the two crowns, than by a declaration of war j but that, if the firfl would not ferve, it ought to come to the other. That I knew France had already offered a peace to the offices made by the States upon an al- ternative at the choice of the Spaniards ; that he thous^ht our mediation ouo-ht to be offered to both Crowns upon that foot, to induce France to make good their own offer, and Spain to accept it. And that to this purpofe he thought it very neceffary to make a ilrid alliance between his Majeiry and the States. That, for making an offenfive alliance, it could not be •, for it was a maxim obferved by this State, never to make any, at leafl when they were in peace \ that, for defenfive leagues, they had them with many Princes, and he believed would be ready to enter into one with his Majefly j and, though he could not at all anfwer what would be the mind of the States up- on thele points, yet he had told me his ; and would add, that he was not ufually miflaken in theirs, and that he v>7ould at leaft ufe all his endeavours to bring the States to fuch opinions and refolutions. When I had faid this, and obferved by his adtion and face that he aifented to this recital of all that had pafTed between us ; I aflced him whether this was all right, that I might know whether I had miflaken no- thing in reprelenting his Majefly's meaning to him, nor his to his Majefly, He anfwered, that it was Vol. I. Y ill 330 Letters of Sir William Temple , all right, and that he very well remembered it, and much commended a method of proceeding fo exadt and fincere, by an endeavour to avoid all miilakes be- tween us. I then told him, that I had, upon my arrival in England, reprefented all as faithfully to his Majefty as 1 had done to him ; and that upon it his Majefty had taken fo much confidence in his (Mohfieur de Witt's) opinion and judgment, as well as in his cre- dit with the States, that he had taken a fudden and firm refolution upon it j firft, to join with the States in the offer of a mediation between the two Crowns, and upon fuch terms as they and I lliould agree, but with a defire that they might be as advantageous as the States could be induced to, for the prefervation of Flanders, and recovery of fuch places as ihould be mOil neceffary to it. In the next place, to conclude a treaty, the ftrongeft that could be between us, for obliging France to accept the peace upon thofe terms, and in the mean time for putting a ftop to the courfe of their arms in Flanders. But that his IV ajefty thought it necelTary to begin all this with a ftri6l; league between him and the States, for their own mutual defence, and to this purpofe had fent me over as his Envoy to the States with full powers, and the draught of a defenfive league between us •, but refers the reft, for what touched Flanders, to v/hat the States and I ftiould agree. Mcnfieur de Witt received this difcourfe with a countenance pleafed, but yet, as I marked, fomething furprifed, as if he expected not a return from his Ma- jefty fo fudden and fo refolute. He faid, that the States would be much plealed with the honour his Majefty did them, and the overture he made them j that 1 ftiould chufe my time, whenever I defired it, for my audience ; and would pafs the forms of de- manding it from the Prefident of the week : that he was and other Minijlers of State. 331 was fbill confident the States would enter with hi^ Majefly into the mediation, though France gave them hopes of fucceeding by their own : that the Provinces differed in opinion upon what terms the peace fhould be made : that Utrecht was fo bold as to think no- thing but juflice ought to be confidered in the cafe, that all that France had conquered fhould be reflored to Spain, and their pretenfions be referred to judg- ment or arbitrage. But Holland, with mod of the other Provinces, v/ere of another mind, and confi- dering their own prefent condition, as well as that of France, thought it bed to keep the French to their own offer ; but he believed would come to means of more force if France fnould recede from what they themfelves had advanced to the States. That, for the defenfive league between us, he did not know whe- ther the late fore were yet fit for fuch an application, but would try the mind of the States. That he doubted they would think it like to prove too fudden a change of all their intereils, and that which would abfoluteiy break them off from fo old and conilant a friend as France, to rely wholly upon fo new and un- certain a friend, as England had proved. I told him, that the doing what he laid, would be the effect of any treaties of this nature between us, let them be as tenderly handled and compofed as we could : that France would take it as ill of us and of them, to be flopped in the remaining conqueft of Flanders, as to be forced out of all they had already gained: that he knew very v/ell, it had been long their defign, at any price, to poffefs themfelves of the Spanifh Netherlands •, and he knew as well that it was their intereil to do fo, confidering the advantages it w^ould give them over all the reft of Chriftendom \ that it was as much our intereft to hinder it, and that, nothing could do it, but a firm conjun(5lion between us : that the States , part v/ould be next after Flanders y 2 was 332 Letters of Sir JVilliam Temple , was gone, and therefore they had now as much need of being proteded by England againft France, as they thought they had three or four years ago of being proteded by France againft England ; and that they had no other choice, but either continuing their friendlhip with PVance till they fhould fee both Flan- ders and themfelves fv/allov/ed up by fuch a neigh- bour, or eife change their whole meafures, and en- ter into the ftrideft alliance with his Majefty for the prefervation of both , and let France take it as they pleafed. Monlieur de Witt confefTed the defigns of France for the conqueft of Flanders ; fpoke of the treaties they had made with the States in Cardinal Richlieu's time, and lately offered again, for partaging it be- tv/een them ; and faid, he underflood very well the danger of fuch a counfel and neighbourhood, or elfe he Ihiould have fallen into them ; but the ventures were great on the other fide too ; that the States were much more expofed than the King -, that the Spani- ards were weak, and ill to be trufted by the States^ between whom there had never yet been any better meaflires than barely thofe of the Munfler peace, af- ter fo great rancours and long hoftiiities. That, though he believed the German Princes would be glad of what his Majefly propofed, yet he knev/ noE how far Sweden might be-^ engaged in the meafures with France, who lay here at their backs in the duchy of Bremen. And, laft of all, though this refolution feemed now to be taken by his Majefty and his Mi- nifters, upon the fureft and wifeft foundations, which were thofe of true intercfl and fafety ; yet no mari knew how long they might lair. That, if they fnould break all their meafures v/ith France, and throw themfelves wholly upon his Majefty by fuch a conjunc- tion, any change of couniels in England would be fheir certain ruin. That he knew not "this pi'efent Mi- niftrv* &nd other Minijlcrs of State. 3 i^ niilry, and could fay nothing to them •, but that he knew the lafl too well. Upon which he laid a good deal of our uncertain condud fmcc his Majefty's re- turn, and concluded that the unfleadinefs of counfels in England feemed a fatal thing to our conftitution ; he would not judge from what grounds, mais qiie de- puis le temps de la Reyne Elifahet^ il n'y avoit eu qu'une fluElHation popetuelle en la conduite de VAngleterre^ avec laquelle on ne pouvoit jamais prendre des mefures pour deux annees de temps. After this ended with fome melan- choly that look'ed a little irrefolute. I told him, that as to their own interefrs, he knew them, and could weigh them better than I •, that, after my audience and firil conference with CommifTioncrs, 1 ihould quickly fee how the States would underfland them, in which I knew very well how great a part he would have : that, for our danger, I confeiTed tliey would be firft cxpofed to France, and we the lafc, which made it reafonable they fliould make the firfl pace to their fafety. That for Sweden, f had no orders to negoti- ate with them ; but, being fully inftruded in his Ma- jefly's general intentions, 1 ihould be glad to fee them ilrengthened all I could ; and to that purpofe, if he thought fit, I would talk with the Count Bona, the Swedilli AmbafTador here, and fee whether he had any powers to engijge their Crown in any common meafures for the fafety of Chriftendom ; that, if by fuch a conjundion we could extend it to a triple al- liance among us, upon the fame foundation, I be- lieved he would think it too flrong a bar for France to venture on. That, for the unfleadinefs of our coun- fels, I would rather bewail than defend it ^ but that I fhould not have made this journey, if I had not been confident that had been ended, and we now bottomed pail any change or remove. That I could not pretend to know any body's mind certainly but my own ; but that upon this matter I was as confi- y 3 dent 334- Letters of Sir William Temple, dent of his Majefty's, of your Lordfhip's, and my Lord Arlington's, as I was of my own. Upon this occafion I faid a great deal, not only of the interefts, but refentments, that had engaged his Majefty and his Minifters in this counfel ; and concluded that I was confident it could never break, but would an- fwer, if ever it did, it Ihould never be by my hand, and was as confident I might anfwer the fame for your Lordfhip and my Lord Arlington, and that you would fall or fland upon this bottom. Monfieur de Witt feemed much fadsfied with what I had faid ; affured me, for his part, he would give his hands towards a good conclufion of this affair : that he would trull his Majefty's honour and intereft upon fo great a conjun6lure, as well as the fincereneiS andconftancy of his Minifters, whom he could judge of by no other lights but what 1 gave him ; made me compliments upon the great confidence he had taken in mt and my manner of dealing, by what he had heard and feen of me fince the firft vifit I made him in my pafTage here, after the end of the war ; and concluded that 1 fhould fee the Count Dona, and try hov/ far Sweden was to be engaged in this afi^air. I tell your Lordfliip all thefe circumftances, that, knowing where the difficulties have been, how they have been overcome, and upon what advances on my fide this knot has been tied, your Lordftiip and my Lord Arlington may the better know how to fupport this affair, and make many others eafy, by recover- ino- the credit of our condu6t in England, fo far loft by the unfteadinefs too truly laid to our charge -, and -at leaft by your own conftancy, in what you have be- gun, make good the charaders you have already in the world, and the aiTurances I have given Monfieur de Witt upon your occafion. That ah J other Minijiers of State, 33^ That evening I went to the Count Dona, and run over all ceremonies of our charadlers, by going ftraight into his chamber, taking a chair, and fitting down by him before he could rife out of his. I told him i hoped he would excufe the liberty upon an errand v/herein I thought both our Maflers were concerned i that ceremonies were intended to facilitate bufinefs, and not to hinder it ; that I knew nothing to make my feeing the other Ambafladors at the Hague ne- ceflary, and fo was content with the difficulties had been introduced between our charade rs ; but, think- ing it abfolutely for my Mafter's fervice to enter in- to confidence with his Excellency upon my errand here, I had refolved to do it in this manner, and, if he gave me leave, would purfue it as if our acquain- tance and commerce had been of never fo long a dare. The Count embraced mc, gave me great thanks for the honour I did him, made me comphments up- on fo frank and confident a manner as I ufed with him ; and faid he was ready to return it upon any thing that I fhould think fit to communicate to him. After this I entered into the detail of my wliole progrefs to that time, both in England and here ; of his Majeily's reafons, of the common interefts of Chriilendom, of the reception my errand found from Monfieur de Witt, and the hopes I had of fucceed- ing : of our difcourfes about engaging Sweden in the fame meafures, and a defire of extending our league into a triple alliance among us, for our ov/n mutual defence, the fafety of Flanders, and thereby of Chri- flendom. That I knew how the Crown of Sweden had been treated of late years by France, how clofe they had kept to the friendfliip with his Majeily, and how beneficial, as well as honourable, fuch a part as this might prove to them, by the particular ule they might be of to the Crown of Spain •, and that, upon Y 4 any 336 Letters of Sir William I'emple^ €ny good occafion, they might be fure of his Majef-^ • ty's offices and the States, who refolved to enter into this affair without any other interefl than that of the prefervation of Flanders, and thereby of their own fafety, and the common good. The Count Dona profeiied to applaud his Majefty's counfel, to be confident diat Sweden would be con- tent to go his pace in all the comm.on affairs of Chri.- llendom, which he was aifured of by his own inllruc- tions in general ; but that, fuch an affair as this not being forefeen, he could have none upon it: that, if it fuccetded, he would make all the paces he could to engage his Mailer in it, as what he thought of ho- nour and advantage to the common fafety : but that he would return my franknefs to him with the fame to me, in telling me, that he doubted my bringing it to an iifue : that he firft doubted Monfieur de Witt's refolution, to break upon any terms with France, and clofe with England ; not only confidering what had lately paifed between us, but the interefls of the houfe of Orange, which, he muft ever believe, would, at one time or other, be advanced by us \ whereas he was fure to be fupported againft them by France : therefore he believed, though he would not oppofe it, becaufe the States and people might run into it ; yet he would find fome means to elude the conclufion or effe6l of it, without appearing himfelf in any fuch defign : that, in the next place, fmce fuch a treaty could not be made by the States-General, without iirfi: being fent to all the Provinces and towns for their approbation, and orders upon it to their depu- ties ; he did not fee how it was polfiblefor the French Ambaffador to fajl of engaging fome towns or Pro- vinces againfl it, and the oppofidon of any one of them would lofe the effed •, fmce no new treaty could be made, by the conftitutions here, without an uni- verfai confept. That, however, he would not dif- coumge and other Minijiers of State. 337 courage mc, but wifli me fuccefs with all his heart, upon many reafons, and, among others, as being io much a fervant to the houfe of Orange, which could not but profit by a conjundtion between England and Holland : and again promifed, whenever I brought it to a period, to ufe all his endeavours, and ftretch his powers as far as he could, towards engaging his Mailer in the fame meafures with us. (n the fecond conference I had with Monfieur dc Witt, I acquainted him with what had pafled with Count Dona, which he feemed much pleafed with ; and faid, though we could not expe6l iie fhould have powers fo general as to conclude fuch an affair, yet an jnftrument might be drawn up between us, whereby room may be left for Sweden to enter as a principal into our alliance; and the Count de Dona had fo much credit at his Court, to recommend it there {o as to fucceed, efpecially upon the hopes we muft give him of obtaining fubfidies from Spain, v/hich might countervail what they might lofe from France upon this occafion. I then fell upon the form of concluding this treaty ; faying, I could eafily foretel the fate of it, if it mufl pafs the common forms of being fent by the feveral deputies to all their principals for their refult upon it : that I knew this would take up a month or fix weeks time, and that nothing would be fo eafy as for the French Ambaflador to meet with it in running that circle, and by engaging fom.e one member, per- haps by money thrown among the chief perfons in f^me of the fmall towns, to prevent and ruin a coun- fel of the greateft importance to Chriflendom, as well as to our two nations, that had been on foot in ma- ny ages : that, unlefs the States-General would con- clude and f7gn the treaty immediately, and truft tq th^ approbatipn of their ieveral Provinces and towns after 33^ Letters of Sir Willtain Temple » after it was done, I lliould give it for gone, and think no more of it. Monfieur de Witt fcemed to think this impoffible ; faid, no fuch thing had ever been done fmce the firft inftitution of their commonwealth ; that, though it was true, the States-General might fign a treaty, yet they could not ratify it without recourfe to their prin- cipals, and that they lliould venture their heads in ligning it, if their principals, not approving it, fnould queflion them for doing it without orders ; that he hoped the forms might be expedited in three weeks time, and that all care that could be, fhould be taken to prevent the addrefTes of the French AmbajGTador among the Provinces. I cut the matter fhort, and told him, I continued of my firft opinion, to fee it immediately agreed be- tween me and the CommifTioners, and then figned by the States, which might be done in four or five days ; and that the deputies might Mdy truft to the approbation of their principals in a point of fo great and evident public intereft : that, for my part, I knew not how this delay, and thereby hazard, of the affair might be interpreted in England, nor what change in my orders it might produce : that I had now powers to conclude an alliance of the laft confequence to the fafety of Flanders and this State-, that, if it fhould mifcarry by the too great caution of the deputies in point of form, for aught I knew they might venture their heads that way, and more defervedly, than by ligning at prefent what, all of them believed, would not only be ratified, but applauded by their princi- pals. With this I left him •, and the reft that pafTed in the progrefs of this affair, as well as in my audi- ence, or with the CommifTioners, your Lordfhip has it in my difpatch to my Lord Arlington, to whom you will pleafe to communicate thefe more fecret fprings. and other Minijlers of State, 339 fprings, that, by knowing the conception, the form- ing, the throws, and birth of this child, you may the better confult how it is to be nourilhed till it grow to ftrength, and thereby fit to atchieve thofe great adventures for which it ieems defigned. I am ever, with equal paflion and truth, my Lord, your Lordfhip's moil faithful and moft humble fer- vant. To Mr, Godolphin. SIR, BrufTels, Jan. 28, N. S. 1668. T Hough the interruption of our commerce hath been long, yet J thought it neceflary to renew it at this time, and thereby let you know what has lately broken it on my fide, that you may not believe any interruption of yours has had a worfe effe6l upon me of late, than it ever had before, being an accident \ have often been fubjed to. About the end of lad month, N. S. I pafTed through this place with private commiffion from his Majelly, to found the mind of the States in what concerns the prefent quarrel be- tween the two Crov/ns, and how they were difpofed to join with him in the Ihare of a war, or projed of a peace, to be endeavoured by our joint offices be- tween them. From hence I went to London, with the private account of what 1 had in charge. After five days ftay there, I was difpatched back, as his Ma- jefly's Envoy extraordinary to the States, with full powTr to treat and conclude upon thofe points which his Majefty efteemed neceifary for our common fafe- ty, and the repofe of Chriftendom, in this conjunc- ture. Upon the 6th 1 arrived here, had my firll au- dience on the 18th, and on the 23d were figned by me, and the CommifTioners given me by the States with full powers, three feveral inftruments of our prefent treaty : the firft containing a league defenfive an4 340 I^itfers of Sir William Temple, and pefpetual between his Majefty and the States, againft all perfons without exception, that (hall in- vade either of them, with agreement to furnifh each other, upon occafion, with forty Ihips of war, of which, fourteen between fixty and eighty guns, and four hundred men a-piece, one with another ; four- teen between forty and fixty guns, and three hundred men a-piece •, and, of the other twelve, none under thirty-fix guns, and a hundred and fifty men : befides this, with fix thoufand foot, and four hundred horfe, or money inftead of them, at the choice of the invaded, and to be repaid within three years after the end of the war : the proportions of money to the feveral parts of the faid aid being afcertained in the treaty. The fecond inftrument contains our joint obliga- tions to difpofe France to make peace in Flanders, upon one of the alternatives already propofed ; and likewife to difpofe Spain to accept it, before the end of May ; but, in cafe of difficulty made by them, to difpofe France, however, to flop all farther progrefs of its own arms there, and leave it wholly to the al- lies to procure the ends propofed in this league. The third inflrument contains certain feparate ar- ticles between his Majefiy and the States, figned at the fame time, and of the fame force with the treaty, bnt not to be committed to letters. It is hardly imaginable, the joy and wonder con- ceived here, upon the conclufion of this treaty, brought to an iffue in five days, nor the applaufe given to his Majefty's refolution^ as the wifefl and happiefl that could, in this conjun<5lure, be taken by any Prince, both for his own and his neighbours affairs ; nor are the reflexions upon the condud of it lefs to the ad- vantage of the prefent • miniflry in England ; the thing being almofl: done here as foon as my journey was known in London, and before my errand was fufpeded by any public Minifter there. Three md other Minijlers of State. 341 Three days after our figning, the Swedifh Ambaf- fador figned another inftrument jointly with me and the States CommiiTioners, obliging his Mailer to en- ter as a pringipal into the fame alliance, fo foon as fome pretenfions he has from the Emperor and Spain arc fatisfied by our good offices between them. Af- ter which Count Dona parced as AmbafTador like- v/ife from that Crown for England, v/here the reft of that affair will be negotiated ; and in his company my brother Henry Temple, with the whole account of my bufinefs, and the treaties figned in order to their ratification, for which a month is allowed, though the States promife theirs within fifteen days after the date. When thofe arrive and are exchanged, I return to my refidence at Bruflels, to fee the iflue of this bufinefs, which now takes up the thoughts and difcourfe of all Chriftendom, and from which moft Princes will refolve to take their meafures. I fuppofe my Lord Sandwich upon his way, and therefore content myfelf only with giving you this trouble, and the profeflions of my being, Sir, your, &c. To the King, Hague, Jan. 29, N. S. 166S. May it pleafe your Majefty, IN my laft pafiage hither, I had the honour of try- ing your Majefty's yacht, in fuch a ftorm as that never felt before, and a greater no man in her pre- tended ever to have feen. The fortune of your Majef- ty's affairs helped us to the difcovery of a pilot- boat at a diftance from the coafts, that brought us hap- pily in ; without which, we had pafTed fuch another night at fea, as I lliould not care to do for any thing your Majefty could give me, befides your favour, and the occafions of ferving you : if we had mifcar- ried, •2 342 Letters of Sir JVilliam Temple y ried, your Majefty had loft an honed diligent Cap- tain and fixteen poor feamen, fo beaten out with wet and toil, that the compaflion, I had then for them, I have flill about me, and affure your Majefty, that five or fix more will be neceflary for your yacht, if you ufe her to fuch pafiages as this ; but, for the reft, I believe there is not fuch a boat in the world. She returns with a long but final and happy account of my bufinefs to my Lord Arhngton, and with the Count de Dona, who will be better company than a long ill letter, and deferves your Majefty's welcome by his other qualities, as well as his particular devo- tions for your Majefty's perfon and fervice. I cannot end this letter without congratulating with your Majefty upon the fuccefs of your refolu- tion which occafioned my journey hither, and which Is generally applauded here as the wifeft and happieft, both for your kingdoms and your neighbours, and the moft honourable to your Majefty's perfon, that ever was taken, upon any occafion, by any Prince : and the ftrange fuccefs of it hath been aniwerable to the reft of your Majefty's fortunes, and fo amazing, that the expreftions made of it here, every hour, are altogether extraordinary, not to fay extravagant. God of heaven continue your Majefty's good health, ajid good counfcls, and good fortunes -, and then I (hall have nothing more to wilh, but that you may pardon the faults, and accept of the humble and hear- ty devotions of, Sir, your Majefty's moft loyal and moft obedient fubjed and fervant. 'To Monfteiir Gourvilk, A Monfieur de Gourville. Hague, Feb. 7, De la Haye^ 7 Fevr, N. S. 1668. S. iV. 1668. I Have juft received (by the '^ E v'lcns dc recevoir^ pai' Ics Rhingrave's favour) yours ^J fo'nis oblige cms de Monfieur of the 28!:h p^fl, and am ex- h Rh'mgrave^ voire lettre du treme 28 and other Minijlers of State. 343 treme glad to have yet fome place in your memory, after fo many diverfions in Germa- ny, which ufe to make one forget things of much greater importance. But all this was necelTary to comfort me for your abfence, which I believe you have ordered, with defign for 2II my journeys into Hol- land ; this is now the third I have made fmce that of Breda, without ever meeting you there ; you, I fay, who are not able to live three months without going thither, though you are forced for it to leave the Ladies and the orange- trees at BrufTels. I can tell you no news ; the DukeofLunenburg'sRefident having aflured me that he has fent you word of the (zonclu- fion of our treaty here, where- of I every day expect the ra- tifications. They will needs have me pafs here for one of great abilities, for having fi- nifhed and figned in five days a treaty of fuch importance to Chriftendom : but I will tell you the fecret of it : to draw things out of their center re- quires labour and addrefs to put them in motion ; but, to make them return thither, na- ture helps fo far, that there needs no more than jufl to fet thera 1^ du pajfe ; ^ je me rejou'is extremement d'occupier encore \ quelque place dans voire fou- venir, apres tant de diver tif- femens goutez en Allemagne ; ce ne feroit pas la premiere fois quails auroient fait oublier des chofes plus importantes que ma perfonne : mais il ne falloit pas moins que les plaifirs que je fay que vous avez gcutez., ^ la nouvelle marque que vous 2m donnez de voire amitie^ pour me confolev de voire abfence \ je croy au rejle que vous Vaviez concer- tee avec tous mes voyages en Hol- lander car void le trcifieme que fy fais depuis celuy de Breda^ fans vous y irouver. vous dif- je^ qui ne pouviez pcffer trois mois fans y aller^ quand ineme it auroit fallu pour cela quitter vos Grangers & les inignonnes de Bruxelles. Je n'ay poi?it de nouvelles a vous mander ; le Refident de Lunebourg n^aya-nt ajjure quit vous avoit appris la conclufon dutraiteque nous avons fait icy : fattens de jour en jour les ratifi- cations. On veut d toute force me fair e paffer icy pour habile homme^ d caufe que j' ay acheve ^ figne en cinq jours un traiik fi important pour toute la Chre- tiente: rnaisje vous diray le fe- cret ; quand on arrache les chofes de leur centre^ il faut diL terns & de la peine., iff meme de Vaddrefjepour les fair e mou- voir ; mais lors qu'tl n'efi que- fiion que de les y ramener^ la nature y aideftpuijfammenty qu'il 344 Letters of Sir William Temple, them a-going. Now^Ithink, aftridl alliance is the true cen- ter of our two nations. There was alfo another accident, which contributed very much to this affair, and that was, a great confidence arifen be- tween the Penfioner and me ; he is extremely pleafed with me, and my fmcere open way of dealing ; and I with all the reafon in the world am in- finitely pleafed with him up- on the fame fcore ; and look on him as one of the great- eft genius's I have known, as a man of honour, and the moft eafy in conversation, as well as in bufmefs. In fhort, the two nations are clofer uni- ted than if there never had been a war. For affairs in ge- neral I can tell you nothing, but that our common defign is to give peace to all Chriften- dom, fo that if France pleafes, they may have it this fpring ; if not (as Monfieur d'Eftra- des fays, at leaft not after our fafhion) they may have their fill of the war. For the con- vention at Aix, I can tell you nothing till we get an- anfwer from France and Bruffels, where we have already font advice ofourdefenfivelcaoTJe, and of our treaty or projeSb of the peace. This nefaut quafi que leur donner U branh : or, je croy qu'une e^ iroite alliance ejl U centre de nos deux nations, II y a encore un accident qui a fort contribue acette affaire -, c eji la parfaite conjiance qui mm a reciproque^ ment uni, Monfieur le Fenfi* onnaire ^ moy : ilfe hue de moy iff de ma maniere d'agir, qui^ comme vous favex, efi toujour s franche ^ ouverte j ^ moy, je me hue infiniment de luy ; j\n ay toutes les raifons du monde^ iff je dois a toute fa conduite les eloges qiHil donne a la mienne : je le regarde comme un des plus grand genie s que fay connuSj av£c ccla, trh homme de bien ; d'un co7?imerce egalement aise fit dans les yiegotiations, fit dans la converfation, Enfin la confiancc ef prefentement retablie entre les deux nations ; iff je la croy menieplus entiere que s'll n'y avoit jamais eu de guerre. Four les affaires generales, je ne vous faurois dire autre chofe, ft non, que notre d^ffein unanime efi de do'nner la paix &' la tranquilli- te d toute la Chretiente ; de forte que fi la France le veut, ellt Vaura ce printems ; fi elle ne le veut pas (ainft que dit Monfieur le Comte d'EJirades, qui ajoute, que du moins ce ne fera pas dune paix de notre fapn) elle aura tout fon faoul de guerre. 'Touchant la con- 'Oentlon a Mx jufqu' a ce que tious ayons refponfe de France & ds Bruxelles, je ne vous en faurois rien dire, Ncus Icur avQns and other Minijlers of State* 34^ a'vons deja donne avis de noire ligue defenfive^ ^J de notre traiti Qu projet depaix. This at leaft may ferve for Du tnoins cecy fervtra a four- a new health at your German ntr une nouvdle fante dans vcs feafts, when the old ones are fefiins Allemans^ lorfque Ics gone round ; and will at the andennes auront fait leur ronde fame time help to put you in accoutwnee ; dsf cela vous fa'ira mind of, Sir, your, &c. en meme terns fouvenir de^ Mcn- fieur^ *uotre, b^c, To my Lord Arlington, My Lord, ^ Hague, Feb. 12, N. S. 1668. TH E arrival of the ratifications here was recei- ved with the fame difpofitions of general fatif- fadion and joy, that the treaty was concluded : thofs of the States will, I doubt, be fomething later ready, though occafioned only by a delay in the afTembly of the States of Friezland and Zealand ; but new dif- patches were yefterday fent away for haftening both j and IVJonfieur de Witt aflures me, the 20th of this month will be the latefl I fhall exped: them, and he hopes all may be ready fomething fooner. I fhall prefs it all I can poflibly, and, immediately after the exchange made, fhall demand my audience of Conge^ and away to BrufTels to purfue his Majefly's inftruc- tions there ; I cannot tell with what fuccefs, becaufe I know not with what mien the Marquis has enter- tained our proje6l of the peace, not yet having heard one word from him in anfwer to all I have writ upca this fubjecl. I wifh fome of his vifions may not o-ive it another face than what it ought, 1 am fure, to re- ceive from the true prefent itate of the Spanifh af- fairs ; for, in that cafe, I know his way of arguing fo well, as to exped'c he Ihould fay there is no reafon for them to give money to lofe their towns; but that, in cafe his.Majefly will enter into their defence. Vol. I. Z he 546 Letters of Sir William Temple, he fhall want no money the Indies can give him ;> therefore, he muil: be pUed on that fide by the Count of Moiiiia and Baron de rifola^as well as by me here ;, and not only difpofed to accept the alternative, but to- receive it as the greateit effe79 fhem to Spain, as foon as the peace with Portugal fhali be made. But if, beyond and contrary to expe6lation, Spain {hould refufe to make peace with the King of Portugal, and alfo with the mod Chrif- tian King, under that excep- tion, of leaving him free to effift his confederate, as has been already faid; in this un- expefted cafe, the King of Great Britain, and the confe- derated States, (ball be bound to employ themfelves effectu- ally to procure the confent of the Spaniards : yet with this provifion, that the moft Chrif- tian King do alfo oblige him- felf not to make war in the Low-Countries, as in the for- mer cafe is already faid. III. But, if, beyond all expe(?l:a- tion, the moft Chrifiian King fhould entertain fuch thoughts as (hall induce him to refufe to promife, that he will fign the treaty of peace as foon as the Spaniards fhall confent to give up all thofe places which have been acquired by him in his laft expedition, or fuch an equivalent as fhall be agreed by mutual confent ; or in cafe he ihall not accomplifh his promife, or (hall difallowor reje^l: the. cautions and provi- fions that are expreffed in the faid treaty, which are fo necef- fary to obviate the fears and jealoufics that arc moft juftly tuet Hifpanics : fed/i, prectci' et contra expeSfafionem^ Hijpania recufet pacem cum Rege Lufda- nae^ ut et cum Rege Chrijiianif- fimo^ ea cum except'ione ut fcede- rato fuo lib cr urn fit ei auxiliari^ quemadmodum jam diftum ejl ; hoc inopinato cafu Rex Magna Britanniis et fcsderati Oi'dines tenehuntur reapfe id effcere ut Hlfpani omnimodo in id confen- tiant : ita tairicn ut reciproci Rex Chrijlianijfimm fe chjirin- gat quemadmodum coju primo^ quod non fit 7noturus anna in Behica. IIL 5/ prater omnem expeSiatio-* nem Rex Chrijiianiffimus indu- cat in animum ut prcmltiej'e no- lit quod tra^latum pads figna- tarus fit^ fimidatque Hifpani ceffuri fint ofnnia loca ab eo cc- cupata in noviffima expediticne, vel aliud tantundem valens, de quo mutuQ confenfu convenietur ; aui promifforum fdem non im- pleat^ aut dctre£let refpuatve cautioner et presmunnnenia in diSIo tra^atu expreffa^ qua necefTaria funt ut obviam eatur -rnetui jujiijftm} conceptOy ne Rex B b 2 Chrif 380 Letters of Sir William Temple, GonceiveS of the moft Cbri-fti- an King*s intentions to make a farther progreis with his vic- torious arms into the faid Low-Countries, fo often al- ready mentioned : In all thefe cafes, and alfo if he fhould endeavour by any fubterfuges or oblique practices to hinder or elude the conclufion of the peace ; then England and the United Netherlands {hall be bound and obliged to join themfelves to the King of Spain,, and with all their unit- ed force and power to make war againft France j not only to compel him to make peace upon the conditions aforefaid; but, if God fliould blefs the arms taken up to this end, and favour them with fuccefs, and if it fhould be thought expedient to the parties con- cerned, to continue the war ti^l things {hall be reflored to that condition in which they were at the time when the peace was made upon the bor- ders of both kingdoms, in the Pyrenean mountains. IV, Thefe feparate articles, with all and every thing therein contained, fhall be confirmed and ratified by the faid King ©f Great Britain, and the iaid States-General of the U- jiitcd Provinces, by letters pa- tents of both parties, fcaled with their great feal in due sad authentic ^ouVf within four ChriJila7iiJ}lmus arma fua vU-* tr'icia in fcepius memorata Bel- gka ulterius prof er at ; quod om- nibus ijiis caftbus^ ut et fi per alia fuhterfugia autobliquas ar- te s coneiur pacts conclufiomm jfri" pedlre aui eludere', Anglia fee- deratumque Belgium tenebuntur accedere partibus Regis Hifpa-' niiSy Qmnibufque et junSfis viri- bus terra marique adverfus Gal* Ham bellu7n gerere ; ut compel- latur non in leges duntaxat fcs- pius jam memoratas pacem fa- cere ; fed ft arma in eum finem fumpta Deum habeant faven- tern et propitiumy, atque de com- muni confenfu id expedire vifum fuerity etiam helium continuare, donee res in eum fiatum fuerint reflituta quo fuerunt tempore foederis in collimitio regnorum m montibus Pyremsisfamiti. IV. jfrticuli hi feparaii, omnin" que et fingula iis contenta^ a die- to Domino Rege Magna Bri^ tanniiSy diSlifque Domini s Or- dlnihus Generalibus foederata- rum Provinciarum, per patenc- ies utriufque partis liter as fjgtl-^ lo magna muni t as y debita et au- ihenijca formoy. intra quaiucr feptimsnai and other Minijiers of State, 381 four weeks next enfuing, or fooner if it may be ; and with- in the faidtime, the mutual in- ftruments of ratification fhall be exchanged on both fides. Done at the Hague in Hol- land, the 23d of Jan. 1668. Signed as beibre. feptimanas proxime fequenteSf aut cltius ft fieri poicrit^ confir^ mahuntur^ et ratihabebuntur^ muttiaque ratihabitionurn injlru' menta intra pradi^um tempus hiijc inde extradentur, J^um Hagce- Comiium in Hollandia, die 23. Jan. 1668. Signed ^s before^ The Swedijh A8. XXZHereas theKing of Great ^^ Britain, and the States of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, have carneftly defired, that the King of Swe- den might be aflbciated with them, as one prmcipal party, in that league which is this day concluded, and figned by their Commiffioners and Ple- nipotentiaries ; whereby a fpeedy and fafe peace may be promoted and made between the two neighbouring Kings, and the public tranquility of Chriftendom, by the bleffmg of God, maybe reftored : and whereas th-e King of Sweden himfelf, even from the begin- ningofthefedifFerences,which have grown to fuch a height between the two Kings, has acquainted the King of Great Britain, and the States of the United Netherlands, with his good and fmcere intentions and defire to aflbciate and ]mn himfelf to them in the bufmefs above-mentioned, as well in regard of the ftrifit friendfliipand ail.ancesjwhich he /^ XJMmagnfS Britannia Rex^ ^ ac Ordines Feeder atarum Belgii Provinciarum, valde de- fiderarint Regem Suecies una cum ipfis in partem principalem adfcifd alius fxderis^ quod ho- dierno die per Deputatos ac Ple- nipotentiarios fuos conclufumfig- natmnque ejl j quo prompta at- que tuta pax inter Reges duos vicinos promoveatur, q-uoque Di- vind adfpirante gratia per or* hem Chriftianum puhlica tran- quillitas injiauretur : prater ea cum Rex ipfe Sued a jamah in- itio eorum motuum qui inter duos defignatos Reges crudu^- runt^ tarn Magna Britannia Regiy quam fosderatorum Bel- gar um OrdinihuSjfit tejlaturbo- num fiyicerumque fuum propofi-^ turn acjludium^ quo tenehatur^ fefe cum iis in hoc negotio modo fupradi^o fociandi ac jungendi | idque refpeSlu ar£lijftma necef- fitudinis^ et horum feeder um per B b 3 qu0 8 2 Letters of Sir William Temple, he acknowledges have joined him in one common intereft with them, as that, by his ac- ceilion to them, all ufefuland honourable means and induf- try may be ufed to eftablilh a peace between the two Kings: profeffiiig that no other diffi- culty has hitherto reftrained him from opening his mind upon that w^hole matter, than that he waited to be informed, what firm anddeliberatecoun- fels the King of Great Bri- tain, and the States of the United Netherlands, would take in this affair, and what affiftance would be requifite, with other things of that kind, in which the faid Kingof Swe- den defires to be fatisfied, to the end that he may proceed by the like fteps, and in equal manner with the King of Great Britain, and the States of the United Netherlands : for thefe reafons it is thought expedient for the common good, that the prefent inftru- ment between the Minifters, Deputies and Plenipotentiaries of the faid Kings of Sweden and Great Britam, and thofe of the faid States of the Unit- ed Netherlands, be put down in writing, whereby, on the one hand, theKing of Sweden fhall be obliged, after the forefaid fatisiaciion received, to embrace the faid league, to ufe the fame endeavours, and to proceed equally, and in the like manner^ as the faid King of qu^ communihus aim ufdem com-* ?nodis adftringi fe agnofdt^ ut per hunc intcrventum^ perque modos utiles quofcunque ac ho- nejlos^ pad inter binos Reges Jlahillendcs infudetur : nee per ullam difficultatem fsfe ha£ienus cohibitum^ meniem juam fuper re tola aperiendi^ niji quod prccjlo- latusefl dum certo refciretur quid deliberati atque firmi confilii Rex Magnce Britannia et fce^ dcratorum Belgarum Or dines fu* per omni hoc negotio ejfent captu- ri\ turn quouf que pro mover ifub' ftdia aliaqua id genus itonnulla poJJ'enty per qucs di^us SueciiS Rex fibi fatisfieri exoptat^ ut pari et aquato cum Magna: Britannics Rege ac fcederati Belgii Ordinibus pajju in hac re procedat : ea propter^ ex com-' modo communi 'vifum ejl fore^ ft hoc injirumentum inter Mi- nijiros Deputatos ac Plempoten^ tiarios diiforum Regum Suecia Magnceque Britannics^ nee non did orum feeder ati Belgii Qrdi- num jcripto confignaretur ; quo una ex parte obligaretur Rex Suecia^ mediante fatisfa5iione prcsdiSia^ ad ainpleSiendum de- ftgnatum foedus^ et ad eandem navandam operam^ eodemque pajfu procedendum^ quo diSius Magncs Britannicd Rex die- iqus and other Minifiers of State, 3§3 ©f Great Britain and the faid States of the United Nether- lands think lit to do, In order to promote and carry on fo ufeful a work ; and, on the o- ther hand, the faid King of Sweden will be aflured, that a place is referved for him, empty and entire, to enter, as one principal party, Into this league ; as by thefe prefents he is defired in the moft friend- ly manner, both by the King of Great Britain, and by the States of the United Nether- lands ; who on their part will moft readily employ them- felves, and all kind of good offices, towards the Emperor and King of Spain, to the end that all fuch differences, as the faid King of Sweden may have with them, be compofed and determined, according to the rules of equity and juftice. And, forafmuch as concerns the aid which is required from the faid King, the States-Ge- neral of the United Nether- lands will not be wanting to fend, with expedition, fuch neceffary inftru6tions to their Ambaffadors in the Court of England ; that between them, and fuch Commiffioners as the faid King of Great Bri- tain fhall appoint to that pur- pofe, and the extraordinary Ambaffador of the King of Sweden, who Is now ready to begin his journey thither, to- gether with other Ivlinifters refiding there on the part of divers Princes and States, who are tique fosderatorum Belgmum Ordincs procedendutn ftbi ejfe eX' ijiimant^ ut negotium tarn jalu- tare promoveatur : necnon parte ex altera di^us Rex Suec'ns cer- ius Ha fieret locum fih'i vacuum ac Integrum relinqiii fcsderis hujufce inter partes principales amplest eyidi^ quemadrnodum id ut faciat a Magnus Britannia: Rege^ et ah Ordinibus fosckratl Belgii^per hafcepra:fentes^ max- ime amicum in modum rogatur ; qui et ipft Ubenter apud Ccr.fa- rem et Hifpaniarum Regem om'^ ne officii genus eo convcrtcnt^ ut controverfice nonnullcs qu^ di^a Sueci^ Regi cum iis pojfmt in^ tercedere^ quampri7niim compo- nantur^ et fecundu?n jus fafque e ?nedio tollantur. Quantum vers ad fubfidia quce a di6lo Rege prcstenduntur ; Or dines fosde- rati Belgii Generales non ds- futuri funt mandatis necejfariis confejlim ad legato s fiios in Aula Britannica fnittendis^ ut hos in^ ter et Commijjarios quos dicius Magnus Britannic^ Rex earn in re?n defignabit^ interque legaiuM Regis Suecics extraordinarium.^ qui iter jam nunc eo meditatur ex Belgio, aliofque illic degentes Minijlros Frincipum Statuum B b 4 ve^ 384 Letters of Sir William Temple, are concerned and interefted in this affair ; fuch meafures may be taken to fettle al 1 things which {hall be requifite and riecefTary, that the faid league may acquire the fubftance as well as the form of a triple a- greement : towhich the refpec- tive parties fhall make it their bufmefs to invite their friends and allies, if any of thenl {hould.defire to be admitted. Done at the Hague, \;\ of January, 1668. Signed, Chrijlopher Delphicus 5. and Count of D bona. Haraldus Appelboom, ve, qUQs id negotium qucque tan^ git utque concernit ; confdia in' eantur^ fuper necejfari'is ac re^ quifitis omnibus conjlituendis \fc utfcsdus jam di£ium ccnfequa' iur quamprimum fuhflaniiam afqueformam paSli iripli/tter £onventi\ ad quod^ invitandis amicis ft ionfosderatisy ft qui ejus in partem admitti volenti omni ex parte opera quam dili- gentijftme dabitur, ASfum Haga-Comitum^ \^ die fanuarii^ l66S. Signed, Chriftophorus Delphicus B. ac Gomes /« Dhona. Haraldus Appelboomius. The Negotiation of the Peace at Aix la Chapelle. To my Lord Arlington. My Lord, Antwerp, Feb. 27, N. S. 166S. I Did not expe6^ to give your Lordlhip another trouble from this town ♦, but having been detained here fome days by the Marquis's (lay till this morn- ing, and intending at night to follow him for BrulTels, I know not whether my arrival there may be time enough to write by the pacquet that parts from thence to-morrow at evening, and therefore will not venture by any omifiion to forfeit my charter of writing every poft. I had yeflerday a joint audience with the States-De- puties, and will refer your Lordlhip for what pafled^ there to the inclofed memorial on our part, and an- fwer given us by the Marquis, which we -have dif- patched and other Minijiers of State. 385 patched this morn'-ng to Sir Joha Trevor, and Mr. Bouningham ak Paris, by a joint exprefs ; in hopes by their endeavours there to bring the buHncfs to a fuf- penfion of arms, upon the Marquis's having now accepted the truce, to the Ihorter term offered by France, as well as the longer propofed b} wis Majefty and the States, For the alternative, we can y©t draw no refolution from him upon it, defending himfelf by the neceflity of firft concerting with us how he fhall be aflifted, in cafe of France refufxng both the truce and the alterna- tive. This is in the Marquis an aim of engaging us by advance in the party, and thereby exafperating France, by being threatened more diredly ; and fo embark the whole affair into the neceflity of a long enfuing war ; for that Spain would much rather engage in it with our allTftance, than be forced to a peace upon our }ate projed : and, I think, purfues its own interefl right in this point. That of Holland is certainly op- pofite to theirs, and leads them to nothing fo much as the compofure of the quarrel, with fome fecuriry of prance growing no greater at leaft on this fide. The Marquis is large in arguing to me, that our iptereft lies in a joint war, rather than a peace between the two Crowns, and that our end muft have been hitherto, only to engage Holland with us in the quar- rel ; and reafons from llory, and the prefent genius of our people and Parliament. I endeavour to quiet him in this point, by alTuring him, that whatever other Kings have thought or done, and whatever the peo- ple wifti or talk -, the King, in whofe fole difpofition all matters of peace and war lie, will by no arts nor confiderations be induced to break from Holland, in the management of this buQnefs j nor make one pace farther in the Spaniards defence, than the- Dutch are willing to join in. That his intereft as well as honour lies in this refolution, agreed by fo many folemn trea^ ties i and jJ^at we as well as the Dutch can very well 5 content 386 Letters of Sir William Temple, content ourfelves with a peace, and purfuit of our commerce ; provided we are not alarmed too much, and too near, with the growth of the French greatnefs. And I wind up all with prefling him flill to an ac- ceptation of the alternative, and to embrace the peace according to our projedl. And thus we fence here at prefent ; of all which, your Lordlhip, I believe, will receive the detail more at large by the Holland pacquet, in the difpatches pafTed between me and Monfieur de Witt fmce my arrival here ; of which I defired him to fend copies to their AmbafTadors in England, to be by them communicated to your Lord- ihip ; becaufe more uncertainty in the Nieuport pac- quet, and the prefent want of a fettled cypher, have hindered larger tranfrpiflions this way, and more di- rediy to your L.ordfhip's hands. Yellerday came in the Spanifh letters , and, though I have not feen the Marquis fince, yet, by what 1 have from his Secretary, and the Count Mountery, I have reafon to believe, that Don Juan is on his way hither, and now at fea with confiderable fupplies of men and money, which are very neceffary here, either for car- rying on a warj or inducing a peace. The parti- culars I cannot afTure, though the common talk is, of eight thoufand Spaniards, and fix hundred thoufand crowns in fpecie, and eight hundred thoufand in remife. It is very pofTible your Lordfhip may hear more there of his coming, and fee him fooner than we fhall here, as well as judge better, what, or how much, it will im- port to the effed or defeat, the advance or diverfion, of the prefent counfels. What occurs to your Lord- fhip upon it, and will relate to my conducl here, I hope to receive from you by the firft 5 not eileeming any thing well begun, without a thread at leafl from your Lordfhip to guide me-, nor well performed, until I receive your approbation, upon which depends fo much the fatisfadion^ as well as good fortune of,&c. md other Minijlers of State. 3«7 ^0 Monfieur de Witt, Antwerp^ Feb. 27, SIR, N.S.166S. T Have received much fatif- faction as well as honour by yours of the 25th, and am very glad to obferve the fame conformity of fentiments be- tween us fmce we parted, that there ever was while I refided at the Hague. I fhali write to you now with my own ink, having already done it with that of the Marquis, who would not be fatisfied till I fent you that difpatch : and I was forced to fliew him my letter before I fealed it, to fee whe- ther it were agreeable with what he had defired me to tell you upon that occafion. I had, at my firfl: audience, prefled him fo clofely to de- clare himfelf upon the altei*- native, and furmounted all his excufes upon defeat of powers, by defiring that he would do it by way of limitation, not to be ratified till the Queen of Spain's farther pleafure ; that at laft he told me he would comply, provided France could be brought to ratify their re- nunciation in form in the Par- liament of Paris, to content themfelves with an equivalent for A Monfieur de Witt. Anversy le i"] Fevr, Monfieur, S,N, 1668. JV / eprouve heaucoup de fa- ils fatiion, i^ re^u beau' coup d^homuur par voire lettre du 1^ de ce mois \ i^ je fuis fort aife de remarquer une anf- ft grande confor?mie de fenti- mens entre nous depuis que nous nous fommes fepares, qu^il y en a ioujours eu pendant mon fejour a la Haye. fe vous ecrirai a prefent de mon propre encre^ car cej} de celle de Monfieur le MaV' qii'is que je vous ecrivis derniere- ment : il ne voulut point paroitre fatisfait, que je n'eufj'e confenti d me charger du foin de vous ecrircy ^ par-la je me vis con"- traint d hi montrer ma lettre avant que de la fermer ; car il falloit qu^il jugedt fi elk etoit conforme d ce quit m'avoit prie de vous mander fur faffaire qui enfafoit le fujet, Dans ma premiere audience je I'avois fi fort preffe de fe declarer fur Valternativey i^ favois ete fi habile a lever tou- tesfes difficult eSy iff d m'oppofer dfes deiais qui Hoient fondes fur fon manque de pouvoirs ; mes injlances etoicnt ft fortes ^ fi redoubleesy qu'il me dit enfin quil fe difpoferoit dfaire ce que fexigeois de luiy paitrvu qiCon put porter la France dfaire ve- rifier, dans les formes^ fa re^ nonciation dans le Parlement de Paris J dfe contenter d'un cqui-r vajent 388 Letters of Sir William Temple^ for the cities taken, which ad- vance fo far into the heart of the country : and laftly, if, in cafe of a refufal from France, he might be afTured before- hand of the afliftance of Eng- land and Holland by a com- mon concerts I told him, that, for the two points of the renunciation and the equivalent, he might reckon from our joint offices upon all we could obtain from France in favour of Spain. For, as to the equivalent, our own interefl obliged us to it, thai: we might leave fo much a ftronger barrier between France and Holland : and, as for the renunciation, we de- fired it too, but do not con- ceive it a thing upon which Spain ought to be too ftiffj fmce our guaranty was the only flrong and folid renunci- ation that could be made up* <^ this occafion : and for the aflu ranee be defired, of being affifted in cafe of a refufal from France,! did not doubt but he had heard atleaftthe fubftance of our fecret articles to that purpofe ; becaufe their Am- bairad<>r at the Hague had told me, valent pour les villes prijes, lef- quelks fontfituees ft avant dans ie pa'isy ^ prefque au cosur de PEtaty ^ enfin qu'en cas de refus de la part de la France^ il feroit ajjure du fecours de rkngleterre ^ de V Hollander i^ que les dfux nations armii-. roient de concert. Au rejle^ voU ci par oh je reitjfis a vainer e fa repugnance^ ^ a ohtenir ma de- mande ; je lui dis qu'en atten-^ dant Varrivee de pleinpouvotrs^ il fit^ fous le bon plaifir de la Reine d'Efpagne^ & ad ratifi- candunii ^o, declaration fur la- quelle je le preffois, A regard des conditions qu*il propofe^ void ce que je lui ai repondu ; que pour les deux pre- mieres^ f avoir la renonciation l^ r equivalents qu'il fe pou^ voit projnettre de nos Joins ^ de nos offices mutuels tout ce que nous pourriqns ohtenir de la France enfaveur de VEfpagne ; a quoi fai ajoute^ qu^d Regard de riquivalent, notre interet commun defnandoit qiionprejfdt cet article.^ (sf qu'ilfut accorde afin qu^une plus forte barriere fut laijfee entre la France ^ VHollande. ^e pour ce qui regardoit la renonciation^ nous la defirions aujft 5 mais que nous ne croyom pas que ux bonnes^ fiances, to give them a fpeedy faintes difpofitions ovec lefquel" 2nd plain anfwer, agreeable to Iss fa Majejie ^ leurs Hautes^ the good and holy difpofitions Puijfances out entame & pour^ wherewith his Majefty and fuivice deJfcinglorieux^Chrs^ their High MightineiTes have ticn de la paix c&mmune, begun and purfued this glori- ous and Chriftian dellgn of a general peace. Ti my Lard MaUifax. ■ My Lord; BruITels^ March 2, N. S. 1-6M. JT would be a difficult thing to anfwer a letter I re- ceived lately from your Lordlliip, if it could be- ever difficult for me to do a duty where I owe it fo much, and pay it fo willingly. I'he reflexions I make Mpon what you fay, and wTiat I hear from other hands of the fame kind, carry me only to confider how much h'j chance, and how^ unequally, perfons and things are jiidged at a difbance •, and make me apprehend,, from^ io much more applaufe than is my due upon this oc- €afion, that upon the next I may meet with as much more blame than I deferve \ as one feldom has a great run of cards which is not followed by an ill one, at lead gameflers that are no luckier thaiR I. It is noB' wcf part to undeceive people, that will make my fuc- cefTes pafs for merit or ability ; but, for my friends, T would not cheat them to my advantage itfelf ; and therefore w^ili tell you the fecret of ail that has fcemed fb fuirprifing iii. my negptiation •,. which is, that things^ drawiii mid other Miniflers tf State. 3 9^7 ing thofe that ferve him ill, fince that is to make their conditions equal, whofe deferts are different. I fhould not fay this to any perfon but your Lordftiip, to whom I know part of that juftice is due. But, to fay the truth, the pro- grefs and end of the laft war went fo much to my *' hem, and other Mhiijlers of State* 399 heart, and I have heard fo much lately from Monfieur t3e Witt concerning the carriage of it on our fide, efpe- cially what fell under his eye while he was abroad in the fleet, that I cannot but think the Parliament may be excufed for their warmth in this purfuic. But your Lordfhip can bed difcern by the courfe of debates, whether this proceeds from a Heady intention upon a general good, or from fome accidental diftempers, from which the greateft and bcft affemblies of men are not always free, efpecially when they have con- tinued long together. I beg your Lordfhip's pardon for my liberty in thefe difcourfes, to which you were pleafed to encour- age me by hearing me fo obligingly thofe few minutes I was allowed for fuch talk or thoughts at my laft being with you, and from the fenfe you then expref- fed of the abfolute neceflity there was for his Majefty to fall into a perfed intelligence with his Parliament, efpecially being engaged into an appearance of a(5bion abroad by the force of this prefent conjunfture. I am ever, &c. Ti Sir 'John Trevor. S I R, Brufleis, March 5, N. S. 1 66^, A Bout ten days fince I difpatched away an exprefs to you (jointly with the deputies of Holland) whereby we acquainted you and Monfieur Bouning- ham, that the Marquis de Caflel-Rodrigo laad ac- cepted the truce and fufpenfion of arms propofed fome time fince by France, until the end of March, as well as the other propofed lately by his M^efty and the States-General until the end of May. We are in fome pain to have yet received no account of his ar- rival, but hope this delay will be recompenfed by bringing us news of the treaty's being accepted in the fame terms by that Court as well as by this. How- C c 4 ever, 400 Letters of Sir William Temple y ever, in cafe of any fcruple which may be raifed there, for want of due notice given of the acceptation here, we now fend you an a6l of the Marquis Caftel-Rodrigo, authorifmg his Majefly's and the States Minifters ac Paris to tnanifeft to that Court his Excellency's faid acceptation, and thereupon to negotiate and conclude the fame on that fide. And, to the end that no objection may be made by France againfl the prefent expedition of this truce, in order to an enfuing treaty and peace, we fend you likewife by this exprefs the Marquis's laft anfwer to our inftances yeflerday made for the acceptation alfo of the alternative, which is fo full and fo dire6l to the ends of our late treaty, that we have now nothing left to do on this fide, the remainder of the whole nego- tiation lying on your parts at Paris, which we are here very much pleafed with, feeing it is devolved to fo much abler hands. I hope you will place the whole ftrength of his Majefty's and the States-General cre- dit in that Court upon an immediate confent to the fufpenfion of arms, knowing how dangerous all new accidents m.ay prove to the fair hopes and profpedl in which we are at prefent of a peace j and withal how far his Majefly and the States are engaged to take part in any aclion that fhail begin after the Marquis's accepting the alternative, as well as all other points of their late prqjedi: for bringing about fo happy an end. For a good prefage of this greater peace, we receiv- ed here the news of that of Portugal, the very even- ing which brought us fo happily the Marquis's an- fwer upon the alternative, which has fo much raifed the hearts of the Spaniards here, that we are likely to fcavrkis thanks for prelTing them fo far to a prejudi- cial peace, as they efleem it on this fide : but, fince they are already obliged, it will depend wholly vip- on France to hinder the conclufion of this in the fame feafon with the others which I will believe them too wife to do, as well as too conftant to the aiTurances €nd other Miniflers of State. 401 affurances they have ah'eady given his Majefly, the States, and feveral other Princes in this point j of which the immediate contenting to a fufpenfion of arms will Ihew the meaning and effect. I fhall no farther increafe your prefent trouble, than by the profeCions of my being, Sir, your moil humble fervant. To the Count de Molina^ Spanijh jhiba/fador at London. Al Conde de Molina. My Lor d^ March']., t668. V^ OUR Excellency cannot * doubt ofmyfatisfa looks of a very different ftyle from his Mailer's, and» in my judgment, artificial : nor do I underiland great Minifters reafoning upon the intentions of Crowns, rather from common report, from pafiages of private men's letters, or of books made for argument, than from the open and pofitive declaration of Minifters, who ought to know their powers befl, and how to ufe them. Befides, they give the Spaniards very fair play againft them in this kind of war, by an adlion I ani very much unfatisfkd in, which is, beginning and continuing the fiege of Genap about four leagues from hence, now the eighth day after the accord granted by France for the fufpenfion of arms, notwithflanding our fignification of it to the commander of thofe troops •, befides the feizing of another caflle five days after the faid accord, though the courier came in two days from Paris, and the fame hafte might as eafily have been made upon the other errand. In fhort^ if France pretends to be believed here, they mufl give deeds as well as words 5 and will fhew the fincerity of their intentions for peace, by confenting to the truce till the end of May, accepted already here ; fince, if there fhould be any defed; in the Marquis's powers,' it may be eafily fupplied with a little time, and any d<2k|? 4o6 Letters of Sir William Temple, delay in the choice of the alternative repaired. In the mean while I will hope by the next courier to give you fatisfadbion in thofe points ; for I neither know why the Marquis Ihould be difficult in making his choice upon the alternative, or expofing the material claufes of his powers, which I will alRlre you are as full, in my apprehenfion, as can be granted. In the mean time, this courier goes to you with a duplicate of Monfieur Colbert's pafs (which was fcnt fome time fince to the Internuncio at Aix) with the orders fent out for the fufpenfion of arms, and with the Marquis's naming a day for the Baron de Bergeyck's coming to Aix, m cafe Monfieur Colbert can be ready in that time ; though I do not fee how the treaty can begin till his Majefty's and the States Miniflers can be there, as well as two principals ; and, in that regard, as well as many others, it will be abfolutely neceflary to obtain France's confent to the truce, if they would have us believe they intend the peace, and, in the mean lime, to procure orders for the fufpenfion of arms be- fore Genap, as well as all other places. To-morrow I expert an audience upon the choice of the alternative ; though I confefs I did not think, any more than the Marquis, that fuch declaration was ne- ceflary before the Minifters meeting at Aix ; but the compliance mull be on the weaker fide, and, to that purpofe, I fhall ufe my bed endeavours, and remain. Sir, &c. 7o my hord Arlington » My Lord, Brufiels, March i6, N. S. i66S. BY yourLordfhip'sof the 28th paft, I am put out of pain for the Merlin yacht, and return of the ratification upon the laft treaty. The error in the forms of the preceding inftruments, fent over for his Majefty's ratification, was, I fuppofe, occafioned, as. your Lordiliip fays, by the omilTion of figning both parts. and other Minijlers of State. 407 parts, which I confefs was offered me by the Dutck CommifTioners, but, being unpra(5ttfed in thofe forms, I chofe to follow the AmbalTador's example at Breda, who figned but one. Your Lordihip fees how ill a Minifter I am likely to make, if ever I muft enter upon new forms, or a chara6ter that requires being more pundlual in them. I ihall however fay no more in anfwer to what your Lordfhip has hinted to me about the journey to Aix, having written from Antwerp all that occurred to me upon it ! after which I know very well, it becomes me to leave all to the King's pleafure. 1 have aflced the Marquis, with what charadler he will fend the Baron de Bergeyck ; he fays, in quality of Plenipoten- tiary, but, in the reft, with power to take upon him that chara6ler the French Minifler Ihall afilime. He plainly acknowledges that in right he cannot fend any man with the title of an AmbafTador, which lies only between two Sovereigns ; and I know not why the charadler of Plenipotentiary may not agree with that of Envoy Extraordinary on all hands. But the light in this point muft be drawn from France, and not from this place. Laft night at an audience jointly with the Dutch deputies (which I had difpofed in the morning with the Marquis, and with difficulty enough) his Excel- lency was content to declare his choice with the alter- native, which was to leave France their conqueft of laft campaign, and likewife to promife us a tranfcrip- tion of the moft material claufes : both to be fent t;o Sir John Trevor and Mr. Van Bouningham at Paris, to enable them to give that Court fatisfaclion upon their Icaft objedlions againft the Marquis's acceptation of the alternative. So that we have now gained the utmoft point that can be defired here in purfuit of our treaty, and muft leave the reft upon their hands at Paris. The 4oS Letters of Sir William Temple y The Marquis took occafion at the fame time to complain hard of the French breaking the fufpenfion by the attempt upon Genap, which was yielded to them, two days fince upon conditions, after a large breach with their cannon, and feems to be defigned for a poft to block up this town, which they would cer- tainly do if they could pofTefs themfelves of Terveur and Vilvorde ; the firft being an abandoned place, and the fecond not tenable without forces to relieve it. I do not fee how his Majelly and the States can refufe to oblige France to reftore Genap within the time of the fufpenfion, fince no pretence of miflake or delay in the orders can appear at all fincere with- out the rellitution, the fiege continuing to the eighth day after the accord made for the fufpenfion at Paris. The Marquis feems to apprehend, that the efFeds of our having obtained from him all that France can demand in purfuit of their former propofals, or we in purfuit of our treaty, will be a fudden throwing off the maik on the French fide, and making what ad- vances they can in the war, before we and Holland are in pollure to enter upon defence of this country, and therefore preffes, all that can be, our arming, and concerting how to proceed in fuch a cafe : and I fup- pofe his Majeily may think fit to encourage Holland that is fo near, and already armed, to furnifh them here with three or four thoufand foot, for defence of their towns upon the firfl motions of the French to attack any of them -, with aflurance that his Majefly will fall into the fame courfe, with all pofTible fpeed and vigour, and in the ways that fhali be concerted. For the fupplies of money from hence, I can yet fay no more than in my former, though I omit no in- llances upon that fubjedt •, but I doubt in the pre- fent pofture here the King will lofe his right, whiY Monfieur Van Beuning- jyOus avez appris, par les -*-^ hen's difpatches of the '^ depkhes de Morifteiir Van 2lft, you will have known the Beuninghen du 21 du courafit^ anfwer of the French Court la reponfe de la Cour de France upon the truce we defire^, fur la tr rue iant defer ee : ceite Vi^hich in iry opinion feems to tcponfe fekn mot Jernlk rcndre malse /^ 4 1 8 Letters of Sir William Templcy jnake the war inevitable ; and that al! theappearances France has made of defiring a peace, are levelled at no other mark but to ilacken the refolutions of the allies from aflifting Flanders ; or, at leaft, to gain fix weeks time to enlarge their conquefls, before the Spani- ards cm cither receive the re- cruits they expedlcd, or the ailiftance of their neighbours for defending their moft con- fiderable places. For, as to ■what the P>ench propofe, of reftoring all they fliall conquer between the end of this month and the 15th of May, it feems to me to be too grofs, and to difcover a contempt of our wit as well as of our treaty : for, if all our offices and offers to make Spain ratify what the Marquis has accepted, are not fufBcient to with- hold them fix weeks, from what they pre- tend to reftore, how will they be capable of refl:oring for ever what they have already taken ? I cannot fee how their man- ner of accufing and making exceptions to the abfolute powers of a Minifler of Spain ; and all this founded upon par- ticular intelligence they pre- tend to have from the court at Madrid, nor the formal ob- jections they make againfl the delegation uf the Baron de Bergeyck, when at the fame time they fend Monfieur Col- ::bert to Aix la Chapellej how, . I fay, all this can admit bet- ter la guerre inevitable ; b* il pa^ roit que toutes les mines que la France fait de la vouloir^ ne tendent a autre hut qtia refroi^ dir les allies fur le fecours des Pdis-Bas^ ou du moins a gag- ner un mols & demi de temsy a fin de poujfer fes conquetes^ a- vant que les Efpagnols puijfent recevoir leurs recruites, ou des fecours de leurs voifinspour mil' nir leurs plus importantes places, Car^ a I'egard de l*offre qu^elle fait^ de rejlituer tout ce quifera conquis entre la fin de ce mots tS le i^de Mai^ cela me paroit trop groffier^ ^ decouvre memefon mepris pour nos eprits aufft bien que de noire traite. Car ^ ft ious nos foins^ & nos bons offices^ joints a I'offre que nous faifons de faire ratifier par I'Efpagne les articles dej a accept e spar le Mar- quis de Cafiel-Rodrigo^n'ont pu obienir de la France qu^elle re^ nonce pour fix femaines audeffein de tenter de nouvelles conquetes^ qui font ^ au rejle^ les feu les qiC elle offre de rejlituer ; ft tout eela , disje^ efl vrai , nouspouvons- nous flater que nous en obtien^ drons la rejiitution entiere f Je ne vois pas que leur maniere de chicaner y ^ de faire des excep- tions contre les pleins-pouvoirs d* un Miniftre d'Efpagne^ l^ tout cela fondi fur les avis particu- Hers que la France pretend avoir de la cour de Madrid^ mn plus que les obje£lions formelles qu^elle fait contre la delegation du Ba- ran du Bergeyck^ en mime terns qu'elk envoys Monfieur Colbert a Aix and other Mlnifters of Stal ter interpretation in what re- gards their intentions for the peace : for, in whatever comes from thefe Minifters at Paris, I think one may difcover an irregular ambition under a great deal of affectation and difguife, whereof God only knows the iffue. ^For myfelf, I v/ill tell you in confidence, and with my ufual freedom, my opinion in all this. I think then in the firft place, that by all our ne- gotiations, though never fo well managed ; by all our of- fices and carefles j we fhall never obtain a peace from France, while they have any appearances of purfuing their intereft or their glory in car- rying on the war: and that the only way of difpofing them to a peace is to order it (o^ as they may only find their in- terells in it ; which we can no other wife do, but by fhewing them the ftrength of our forces, and the firmnefs of our refola- tions before the war begins ; and, fince we only draw a war on ourfelves by dcfiring a peace, to endeavour on the contrary to draw on the peace by making all the appearances of defiring a war. Therefore I think, that what remains to be done is, to advance as much as poflible our preparations and forces by fea and land j and let the moft Ct\iiliian 419 a A'lx la Chepelle^ puijfent re- avoir de meilleurs intcrpreta" tions par rapport a lews inten^ iions pour la paix : car dans tout ce qui part de ces Mimjires^ il me ftJ/ible quon decouvre unt ambition deregUe^ qui fe couvre fous line addrejje recherchee, ^ des manieres trap etudiees pour etre finceres. Dieu fait ce qui en eji. Pour moi^je vozis dirai, avcc ma con fiance iff mafranchife or^ dmaircs^ mon fenilmetit Jur tout cela, Oejl que par touies fortes de negociations les mieux conduit ies, par toutes fortes de cajoleries^ is" de carejfes^ Id' par tant de hons offices rciteres^ nous nepour- rons jamais ohtenir la paix de la France^ pendant qu'elle e/lfiatee par les apparcnces, & qu*elle juge qu'il cJi ^ de fon inter h ^ de fa gloire de poufjer la guerre j ^ que par corfequent le feul moyen de la difpojer d la paix cejl de (aire en forte que la paix feule puijfe s'accorder avec fes interets. Pour cela il me femhle^ que la feule voye qui nous ejl offerte^ ejl defaire une gran- de montre de nos forces^ de pa- roitre hi en refolus a la guerre^ avant que la guerre commence : carpuijque nous attirons la guer- re en voulant trop fortement la paix^ ilfaut tacher ait contraire d^attirer la paix en faifant tou- tes les mines de vouloir la guerre, O ejl pour quoi^ il me femhle que ce qui re fie d faire^ cejl de hater nos preparatifs, & de 77iettre toutcs nos forces en etat tant 420 Letters of Sir William Temple, Chriftlan King know by our Mirufbrs, that fince his Ma- Jeftyftill declares he is content with the alternative already accepted by the Marquis of Caftel-Rodrigo, and that all the difEculty his Majefty finds, is only upon the powers of the faid Marquis, and the fince- rity of intentions in the Court of Spain : we therefore defire his Majefty to give us fo much time by a fufpenfion of arms, as may be fufficient to fend a difpatch to Madrid, and re- turn to Paris with a full and plain anfwer from the King of Spain upon the alternative. (And truly I think, a month^s time wi'ii be fufficient after the difpatches of our exprefTes from Paris.) But in the mean time to add, that if his Ma- jefty refufes us a demand fo necelTary to the peace of Chriftendom, and will ftill carry on his arms without con- fideration of the offers of Spain, or ofHces of the allies ; that, upon the firfl advances he (hall make to attack the rell of Flanders, we will march with our forces to defend it, and endeavour farther by all ways to give him a diverfion both by fea and land. This I think is all that is left us to do upon the prefent ftate of affairs, for obtaining t^ e peace : and, as to the in- v/ard difpofitions of the Spa- niards, I will tell you, that there is not one of them here, of tant par mer que par terre : de fa'ire dire en meme terns par nos Mini fires au Roi tres Chretien^ que puifque fa Majejle paroit difpofee a fe cont enter de V alter- native dej a accept ee par le Mar- quis de Cafiel-Rodrigo^ ^ que toute la diffculte roule fur lespou^ voirs du dit Marquis^ & fur la ftncerite des intentions de la cour d'Efpagne-^ nous la priojis de nous accorder par une fufpenfton d'armes autant de terns qu'tl en fautpour depecher a Madrid^ ^ de Madrid revenir a Paris avec une reponfe^ fentens une reponfe nette &" precife de la Reine d* Efpagne, touchant r alternative^ dont les deux parties temoignent fe cont enter (& pour moi il me femhle^ qu^un mois aprh le depart de nos couriers de Paris fera fuffifant) d^ajouter en meme terns ^ que ft fa Majejle nous re- fufe une demande ft neceffaire au repos de la Chretiente^ & veut fans egard pour les offres d'Ef- pagne^ & les offices des allies, pouffer fes armes plus loin ; que fur la premiere demarche qiielle fera pour attaquer le rejle des Pdis-Bas, nous ferons avancer nos troupes pour les defendre^ ^ tacherons de produire une puif- fante diverfion tant par mer que par terre, Voiiace me fe?nhle tout ce qui nous reJle a tenter fur Vetatpre^ fent des affaires.^ afn dobtenir la paix. Et pour ce qui eft des difpofitions interieuresdesEfpag- nols^je vous dirai qu^il n^y en a pas unfeul ici tant foit peu con- ftderabii and other Mimjlers of State. of the leaft confideration, who does not defire it, and think it wholly for the prefent intereft of Spain : and the Marquis af- fures me in confidence, that he has not only the power ex- hibited, but that the King his Mafler has given him others, by which he leaves him abfo- lute arbiter of the conditions of the peace, according as con- juncftures ihall ferve to make him accept either an equal or a difadvantageous one. And all the delays of Don John feem only to proceed from their hopes of a peace upon the pro- je<^ of our treaty. In the mean time I am glad the States have fent Monheur Van Beverning to be at Aix with the Miniilers of both Crowns J I doubt not but the King my Mafter will do the fame, v/hen he fhall have re- ceived advice of their depar- ture \ for forms muft be ob- ferved as well as fubftance ; though for my fhare I cannot imagine to what efFe6l this congrefs will meet : France having declared itfelf already upon the invalidity of the de- legation in particular, as well as of the powers in general. And truly I think, all pretence of negotiation without a cef- fation of arms feems a mere jeft in an affair where two months progrefs in the war may fo near end the difpute upon which they pretend to treat. I am. Sir, your, &c. 42 f fiderable, qui ne la fouhaite^ ^ qui ne croit y voir finteret pre- fent de rEfpagne. Le Marquis ma ajfure en conjiance qui! r/a pas Jeulement les pouvoirs cxhi- hes, mais deplus^ que le Roi lui en a donne encore un autre^ par Icqiiel it le rend arbitre abr folu des conditions de la paix^ fe- lon que Us conjunctures le devront determiner a la recevoir d des conditions cu egales ou dcfavan- tageufes. Et tous les reiarde- mem de Don Juan ne fcmblent provenir que de ce qu^il efpire une paix conforme au projet de notre traite. En attendant^ j^fi'^^ ^'^^^ '^''f^ de ce que les Etats font partir Monficur Van Beverning^ pour fe trouver d Aix avec les Mi- nifires des deux Couronnes^jene doute pas que le Roi nion Mai- tre ne fafj'e la meme demarche^ quand it aura refu avis de leur depart ; car il faiit faiisfaire aux formes auffi bien qu' aufond ; quoque pour moiy je ne pu/Jfe i?naginer quel effet rcfuliera de ce congres \ la France s'etant deja declaree fur I'invalidite de la delegation en parti culier^ auf- fi bien que fur les pouvoirs en ge- neral. Et pour moi^ toute ap'^- rence de negociation ava^it une cefjation d^ar?nes me paroit une pure mocquerie^ furtout dans une conjonSiure ou deuxmois deguer* re ^ de progrh peuvent chan* ger la face des chofes^ ^ decider le difference Jur Icquel on va irai- tcr* J^fuis^ b'V. 42 2 Letters of Sir William Temple^ To Mr. Godolphin. S I R, .. Bruflels, March 27, N. S. 1668. I Received lately the favour of fome lilies from you in a letter of my wife's, which were the firft 1 re- member to have {Qi^n of yours thefe five or fix months pail, though I never failed on my part to entertain the commerce between us as became both our ftations, and the kindnefs with which it began on both fides, as I thought \ I am fure on mine, till I took your filence as a civil declaration that you were wiUing it iliould end : and the compliance I was defirous tafhew you in all things would not fufier me to deny it you in this. I find it very difficult to anfwer your laft other- wife than by giving you thanks for the favour of your remembrance, which indeed I thought had been bet- ter employed than upon one v/ho has for fo long time fo little deferved it. For thofe expreflions you are pleafed to ufe fo much below yourfelf, and fo much above me, I confefs they rather confound than ob- lige me, fince I am not fond of receiving what I de- fpair of returning. I know no reafon at all I had to- be angry wdth you, but much rather with myfelf, if, having been once poiTefi^ed of your friendlhip, you found 1 did not deferve it : but, as I reckoned that lofs among my ill fortunes, fo I fhall among my good, whenever you return to your former dilpofitions of favour to me, though the mifery of the fcene where I live will teach me to be fond of no poiTefTions that I am in danger of lofing •, and, to a plain equal man like mc, the certainty of an eflate feems more valuable than the greatnefs of ir. But I have- as much ambi- tion for my friends advances, as others have for their cv/n V and therefore rejoice in all your good fortunes in Spain, and wifli you an incrcafe cf rhcm in your next dcfigDs. I am, &c. "To and other Mmijlers of State, 423 T^o my Lord Keener. My Lord, BriilTels, April 3, N. S. i ^^Z. I Received fome days fince the honour of one from your Lordfhip of the 9th pad, and, though I owe all the acknowledgments that can be upon it, yet I will not fo much wrong your Lordihip's time, or my own fincerenefs, as to enlarge them with much cere- mony. It will b€ enough to fay, that nothing can be more obliging than your favour to me, both in the degree and manner of it, arifmg fo freely from your Lordfhip's bounty and generoufnefs, as well as ex- prefTed in a way fo frank and fo hearty as that of your lafl letter ; and, on the other fide, that no man can refent it more, though they may much better defcrve it : and that your Lordlliip can never reckon more truly, nor more juftly, upon any perfon's eileem and fervices, than upon mine, which I humbly beg your Lordfhip to beheve. I doubt you will be troubled with my wife's attendances, having told her, your Lordfhip had given her that liberty : if ever ihe pre- tends your favour and countenance farther than in re- ceiving what the King has made my due upon this employment while I have it, or what his Majefly ihall, from his own motion, aflign me, upon any new com*- miflion J I difclaim her beforehand, and declare fhs goes not upon my errand ; for I fhall never think that too httle which his Majefty thinks enough : for the reft I will be confident neither your Lordfhip nor my Lord Arlington intend I fhould ruin myfelf by my employments, or that I fhould, at my own charge,, bear out a character, which, of itfelf, is enough to turn round a head that has all its life, till thefe laft three years, been ufed to Ihade and filence. In cafe the occafion fhould break, and my journey to Aix fliould yet fail, I all^ nothing of his Majefty, though putting 424 Letters of Sir William Temple^ putting myfelf in a poflure to comply with any fucJ-» cien neceffity of it has already forced me to enter intcif very confiderable expences : but, in cafe I muft go, I beg your Lordihip, that has children, to confider how hard it would be for me to perform fuch a journey upon my own credit. Whatever it be his Majefty thinks fit to affign me upon fuch an occafion, if he pleafes to order Alderman Backwell to furnifh mc with a letter of credit for fo much, let it be what it will, 1 will live according to what that and my own little revenue will reach, and not fpare any little pre^ fents I have received in his Majefty's fervice, where his honour requires it : all I defire is only not to be forced into debts, which, to fay the truth, I have ever abhorred, and would by my good will eat dry cruils, and lie upon the floor, rather than do it upon any other confideration, than of his Majefty's immediate commands, and I hope thofe, his juftice, and my friends favour, will prevent. I beg 3/pur Lordftiip's pardon for troubling you with this 'ftrange freedom about my own concern- ments, which you have pleafed to encourage me to, and may at any time check me in it, with the leail difcountenance, which I doubt I have already deferved. But I will not increafe or lengthen my faults by ex- cufes, nor trouble your Lordihip, by repeating any thing of what my Lord Arlington receives from me at large, upon the courfe of public affairs here ; which, though feeming to change often in others eyes, ap- pears to me confbant in the French defign of a war ; which I believe nothing can alter, but the vifible marks of force and fteadinefs in their neighbours to oppofe them. 1 beg your Lordflilp's belief, that, as I am with very great reafon, fo. I am with very great pafTion too^ my Lord, your, he. met other Minijiers of State, 425' to Moftfieur [de Witt. BruJJeh^ Jpfii 17, X 5. SIR, 1668. T Doubt not but you are pleaf- •■- ed as much as I at the con- tents of the laftdifpatchesfrom Paris, which make us believe, that in two or three days we fhall have the fufpenfion of arms to the end of May ; and then I do not fee the leaft dif- ficulty that can happen, which we fhall not eafily avoid in the negotiation of the peace ; for I fee not how France can draw back, after the fatisfa(flion we are going to give them at Pa- tis: and, for Spain, I never had the leaft fcruple upon their conduct : and I ftill believe, as 1 ever did, that, unlefs we drive them to defpair by ill ufage, neither the Spanifh na- tion in general, nor the Mar- quis ofCaftel-Rodrigo in par- ticular, will have recourfe to any bafe evafions. And to fpeak to you in confidence (as it is neceflary between phyli- cians) fmce the refolution you have talked of about driving the Spaniards wholly outof his country, and cantoning your- felves in it; and fmce fo many violent inftances made by your Deputies for figning Mcnfieur de Lyonne's project without altering a word, or (o much as giving the Marquis any af- VoL, I, furance A Monfieur de Witt. Bruxelles, le 17 Avr, Monfieur, S,N. 1668. 7E ne doute pas que vous ne njous rejouijfez autant que moi du contenu cles dernieres de* peches de Paris, qui nous donnent lieu de croire que dans deux ou irois jours nous aurdns une fuf" penfion d^ armes jufqii a la jinde Mai ; ^ cela etant, je ne vois point de difficult e qui puijje fuT" venir, dont nous ne venions fa" cilement a bout dans le cours de la negociation de Id paix. Car je ne vois pas comment la France pQurra reenter apres lafatisfac-i iion que nous lui allons donner a Paris. A regard d'Efpagne^ je n^ai jamais eu le moindrefcru^ pulefurfaconu"ite ; ^ je crois encore, ccmnie I'ai toujours crug qu'a moins que noils ne la redui^ ftons au defefpoir a force de la traiter de haut en has ; ni la nation Efpagnole en general, ni le Marquis de Cajlel-Rodrigo en particuUer, n^aur outpoint re-^ cours a de honteux fubterfuges^ Et pour vous dire en confidence (comme il faut falre entre Me^ decins) depuis que vous ave% par'- le de la refolution de chaffer les Efpagnols des Pais-Bas, ^ de vous y cantonner-, depuis tant dUnfiances reiterees faites par vos Dcputez pour la fignature du pro jet de Monfieur de Lionne^ fous la condition de ne rien chan* ger, ^ irdme fans lui donner la £ e nmndre 426 Letters of Sir William Temple y furance of afnflinghimin cafe France (hould drawback (ac- cording to the orders of the Q^ieen) I have often heard his Excellency fay, that, if he were now in the council of Spain, he would give his ad- vice wit"hout farther difficulty, for making peace with France by delivering this country up to them, rather thafn fuffer fuch 2 treatment from all their neighbours, who are mere in- terefted in the lofs of it than themfelves. For it cannot enter into the Marquis's head, why we fhould give France more afliirances than they de- fire, in cafe of Spain's refufmg the alternative, and even con- trary to our treaty at the Hague ; and yet refufe to give Spain the bare afTurances of the words of our treaty, in cafe of France's refufal after hav- ing driven Spain to all we can afk. Neither can the Mar- quis imagine why we prefs him fo much to fign a proje6l word for word from Monlieur de Lyonne, without firft ufmg our endeavours at Paris to reduce the affairs of cities In the heart of the country to fomereafonable exchange; as ive have always promifed him, and as I let him fee in one of your letters; nay without once endeavouring to hinder the de- vaftations mohidre efperance de I'ajftfler in cas que la France recule^ cori' formement aux ordres de la Reine ; depuis celd (dts-je) fai fouvmt oiii dire d [on ExcelLnce^ que s'il etoit d cette heurean cori' Jeil d'Ejpagne^ que fan cn^is fe- roitf quon fit fa 'is ?7ierchandcr r accord avec la France ^ en Li donnant tout ce pa'is^ plutot que d'endurer un traitement pareil de la part de tous les Etats voi- .fin$ de la Flandre ; Icf quels dot- vent etre plus interejjes dans la perte de ces Provinces^ que le$ Efpagnoh eux-niinies. Car il ne pent pas entrer dans Vefprlt du Mcirqws^ que nous donniors a la France plus d^affuranee qii elk nen dejire^ fupposs le refus d^Efpagr.e^ i5' cela me me contre mire irmie de la Haye ; ^ qua nous refufions a CEfpagne de /'- cjfurer fimplement des claufes de notre tra'ite pour elle^ en cas que la France refufe^ fur tout aprcs avoir pcujfe I'Efpagne d faire tout ce que nous avons voulu. Le Marquis n^ imagine point aujf:^ pourquoi nous le preffons tant pour la fignature mot d-mot du prcjet de Aionfuur de LionneT^ fans faire par avance tous na efforts a Paris^ pour reduire I' affaire des villes fituces dans le cceur des provinces a quel que e- change raifonnable : cela lui a,- voit toujours etc promis ; ^ je Ven ai mo, ^m erne offure par une de vos lettres que je lui ai fait voir. II s'ctonne encore pourquoi nous ne fcffons pas . nos efforts pour ewpLher la demolition des places hnd biher Minijlcrs of State, vacations in the Franc he Gompte. So that by this pro- jeiSl, he fees clearly, he muft be confined within Brufiels as in a priibn, fhut up by French garrirons,v/ithin 'itvtn leagues of him on one fide, and eight on the other; ani that Bur- gundy may be invaded as an open country, without the poflibility of defending it a 4ay. And, if the peace be made upon thefe terms, every one may fee that France will only wait till we are engaged in a quarrel with our neigh- bours, or till fome mifunder- Handing happen between our two nations, to finifh the con- queft of this country, which they may do in fifteen days. However, the Marquis f/iys, that, in cafe we will give him alTurances to follow the third of our feparate articles, he is ready to fign himfelf, or give powers to fign even Monfieur de Lyonne's project immedi- ately, as the foundation of the treaty ; and will rely upon our good ofHces to negotiate either fome convenient exchange for Burgundy, or to have it reffor- ed in the condition it was ta- ken ; or elfe find means to re- pair the towns demolifhed. In cafe you will not be perfuaded to give him thefe aflurances, v/e muft endeavour to finifii it altogether at Aix, whither I fhall begin my journey as foon as we Iba'l have received the fulpen- 427 places dans la FrancJje CoTnpti. De Jorte qtiil voit tih-dalre- ment^ que par ce prtijet ilfera dans Bruxeiles comme en prifon^ oil en at age a I'egard de la France^ fes garnifons d'un cote n'en etant qu^ a huit l:eues, ds' de l' autre qu dfept. 11 vait de plus que^ les forces de France entreront dans la Bourgogne comme dans im plat pa'is^fans quon la puijje couvrir un jour en tier, ^^^fi la paix je fait dav.s ces tcrmcs; tout le monde 'Voit que la France ■ ri attendra que 4t moment de la prejniere dej'unicn entre quelqu* ■ uns de nos voijins^ on de la plut legere mpfmicUigence enire rios deux nations, pour acbever la con^ quete des PaisBas^ qui ne lui coutera plus de quinze joursi Pouria?2t le Marquis dit^ qu'en cas que nous lui donnions des af- furances de pou^fuivre le troi^ fihne de nos articles jl'pares, il eji pret de fegner ou donner les pouvoirs de figner le projet mems felon les terines de Monfieur de Lionne^ co?nme fervant defonde^ ment au trait e : qtiil s'en re^ mettra d nos foins ^ a nos bom off ces pour la negociation de quelque echange commode d fe- gard de la Beiirgognei, ou bien d'une reftiiidion en I'efat oii elk a He prife^ ou pour trouver les moyens de rsparer les villcs de- molles. En cas que vous lui re- fufie-z, a tous ces egards les ojfu- ranees quil demande., il faudra que noustachions de reprendre ^ d'achever le tout enjernhle^ ^ d'un mcme fdei d Aix la Cha- E e 2 pslU > 428 Letters of Sir William Temple^ fufpenfion of arms. And I fhall not fail to purfue, as ef- fe6lually as I can, both there and at other places, the ac- complifhment of this great af- fair ; and (hall be glad to re- ceive your advice, from time to time, upon the condudi of this negotiation. Before I go, I muil tell you freely, that, the lefs of buftnefs you leave between the Mar- quis and your Deputies here, I think it will be fo much the better for the general afFair: for, in one word, they are not perfons made for each other ^ the Marquis being of a hu- mour rather to die than be go- verned in the management of bufinefs : and he fays, Monf. Bourgerfdycke is a man not to be employed but where you abfolutely give the law. I have already hinted fomething of" this to you ^ but now 1 think it neceffary you fhould be informed of it, that you Biay do thereupon as you {hall find convenient; for I have not obferved one thing in the coi*rfe of this afFair, which you and I could not have compaf- fed without the leaft heat or difcontent : and I will not tell you the pain and cares I have been at to manage matters be- tween them, and prevent their breaking out into violences upon fo many occafions ; which I endeavoured by all means to avoid 'y pelle ; ouje commencerat a mV* cheminer dh que mm aiirom re^ fu -fiQuvellede la fufpenfion d'ar^ mes^ & je ne manquerai pas la^ non plus qi/'ailkurs^ depourfui- 'vre de tout men pouvoir la con- clufton de cette grande affaire, ye ferai bten-aife de recevoir de terns en terns vos avis fur la ma- nure dont cette negociaiion Jera conduite, Avant ^ue je parU^ ilfaut queje vous difefranchement^ que le mows d'affaires que vous don-^ nerez a dij cuter avec le Marquis a vos Deputes, fera le meilleur pour la caufe cotmnune ; car^ en un mot^ ce ne font point des gens faits les uns pour les autres. Le Marquis eji d'un humeur a bra- ver plutot la mort^ que de fouf* frir d'etre matrife dans la con- duite ^ le maniement des af" faires. II dii, que Monfieur Bourgerfdycke rCeJipropre a etre employe que dans les lieux oH vous donnez fouverainement la hi, ye vous en avois deja tcu* che quelque chofe, mais je croi a cette heure qu'il eJi neceffaire de vous le dire^ afin que fur cela vous en ufiez comme vous leju- gerez a propos, Je n'ai encore rien remarque dans le cours de cette affaire dont je iiefuffe venu a bout avec vous fans le moindre chagrin^ mais me me avec agre^ ment ; et je ne vous dirai point les peines &' les foucis que fai eu d menager touies chojes entr* euxy & a prevenir des eclats ^ les reparties picquantes qu'ils e- talent pr it 5 defefaire a tout bout de and other Mlnijiers of State, avoid; becaufe I know the difpofitions of Minifters are often infufed into their mafters. I fee nothing in the world that can hinder the peace at pre- fent, unlefs France finds fome mifunderftandings between us and Spain. To tell you the truth, many people would perfuade me, that you have changed your meafures fince I left Holland : but I anfwer every body, that I truft (o much to the fincerity of your proceedings, that I do not doubt, but, if it were fo, your- felf would be the firft to inform me. You fee what confidence I have in your perfon, and you may fafely have the fame in that of, Sir, your, &c. » 429 de champ ; f ai employe pour cela toute mon adrejfe ; car je faifois ceite reflexion^ que les^dijpojitionsy cUf ft vous vouleZy les pajfions des Minijires out une grands influence fur celki des maitreu A cette heure je ne vois plus rien qui puijfe empecher lapaix^ fi ce n'efl que la France vit la diffenfion fe glijfer enlre VEf- ppgne i^ nous. A ne vous rien celer, il y a ici heaucoup de gens qui voudroient bien me perfuader que vous avcz change de mefures depuis mon depart d' Hollande ; mais je leur repons a tous^ que je me repofe ft fort fur vo- tre ftnceritCy ^ a la candeur de VQtre procede^ quefuppofe que ce quils difent fut^ vous auriez ete le premier d nCen injlruire, Voila quelle eji la confiance quej'ai en vous^ (ff vous pouvfz avoir la mime en^ Monfieur^ voire^ ^c. To my Lord Arlington. My Lord, Aix, April 28, N. S. 1668. I Never writ to your Lorddiip in v/orfe health, nor in worfe humour, and therefore you could never receive a worfe letter than this is like to be. The cere- monies of my journey your Lordfhip Ihall find in a letter to Mr. Williamfon, fo foon as a fever, which is now upon me, gives me leave to fay one word more than what I think of abfolute necelTity ; for fo, I con- ceive, all I have now written to the Marquis is. The defpight of feeing the Baron de Bergeyck yet refufe to fign the projedl of the treaty, without another dif- ' E e 3 patch 430 Letters of Sir William Temple^ patch frcm the Marquis, after that I brought him, \% enough to lole all patience •, my ill humour, I confefs, is not leflened by feeing myfelf here, with equal cha,- rader to other Miniflers, and without pofiibility, in this place, of piitting myfelf in an equipage fuitabie to them, which \ could not think poiTible neither to provide rnyielf before my journey, conlidering the uncertainty of it aimoft to the very iail, and the af- furance I cam.e with from the Marquis of the treaty's being figned the firfl m.oment. I afTured the Mar- quis deBergeyck, that I thought it neceifary, fo that I hoped three days would end our bufinefs, which I believed his MajeRy would unwillingly fee done with- out his intervention, and would be content to have all men think as they have done here, ever fince the convention began (and perhaps every-where elfe) that nothing could be done till the King's Minifter came, and th^t would immediately cioie the affair. The reft I muft refer to the inclofed copy of my letter this night to the Marquis, by an exprefs ; and beg your Lcrdfhip to give me leave to reft a very weary dif- tempered head, which yet can never forget how much I am, my Lord, &c, ^0 the Marquis of Caftel- Au Marquis de Caftel- Rodrigo, Rodrigo. A Aix, le 28 Avr. Jix.jlpnli^^ Monfieur, S.N. 1668. My Lor d^ N. S. 166S. ^' Arrival hier en cetie ville. "I Arrived yefterdayinthlscity. J J'ai re^u cette aprh-dinee ^ This afternoon I received une njifiie de la part du Barcn a viflrfrom the Baron de Ber- de Bergeyck^ ^ line autre de la gcyck, and another from Mon- part de Monfieur Colbert. Je fieur Coiberr. I treated them les ai traites tous egakment^fur both equally, upon a meffage la parole que le gentilhomme en- bv a gentleman fent from the voye de la part du Baron nia Baron to inform me, that he donnee, que fon inaitre etoit deja ^i^as already qualified Ambaf- revet u du titre d' Atnhojfadeur^ fpdor of Spain, by the letters l^ qu'il Holt muni des leitres ^ *iDd dfs and ether Mimjlers of State. end powers of the Queen hcr- felf. MonfieurBeverning vifit- ed me this morning; incognito; and all thai a great indifpofi- tion will fuffer me to te)! you at prefent is this : that it is not poiTible to make anv other paces for faving the Nether- lands, but byimmediately fign- ing the projedt fent to the Ba- ron de Bergeyck : for every body expciSled the figning of it upon my arrival. The Fiench Amballador declares every- where, as he has already done to me, that he is ready to fign this very evening, and in all points as they have been couched by our o»vn Minif!:ers at Paris. And, if the Baron makes any exceptions or dif- ficulties, he is ready to give anfwer thereupon, according to his inftru6tions, and as he fhall think convenient : but that Spain muft impute to it- felf whatever may happen by this lofs of time. I fee plain- ly, he is ready to fecond and afiift the Baron de Bergeyck in any delays that may be given to the affair ; and forefeeing that it mud at length pafs in the words of this projetSt, fmce we and Holland are already engaged about it at Paris ; he hopes either to fee ihe affair break, or to have the honour to make Spain yield at lafl up- on all difnculties they firfl: ^raifed. In the mean v^hile, Monfieur Beverning pretends to cbs pleins-powdoirs dc la F^eine eUe-jneme. Monfieur Ecvern- ing ma avjfi v:fit^ Incognito c& ?naUn ; ^ ioul ce quune grands mdifpofnion qui 7ns retur.i apre* fent permet que je dife a V, E, dejt^ quit ne re/Je plus ^ autre demarche a fair e pour [aiivcr les Paii-BaSy que de fgner irjcef- fatnmrtit U proj>:t envoye nu Ba- rcii de Bergeyck ; ccla ejl Jforai que n.eme a rnon arrivee tout le rnonde en attendoit la fignoture* Celut de France declare par touty Gprh avoir declare a mot- me me ^ qu'il efi pret de figner des ce foir me me ious les points, tcls quih. ont ete couches par nos Miniflres d Paris, ^e fi le Barm de Bergeyck fait cu des difficult es^ ou aes exceptions^ il donnera fes reponfes conformemeni d fes in^ fhuiiicns, hS felon r exigence des ch'jfes ; l^ quaprh toui^ PEf- pagne ne doit attriluer qua elle jeule les rnalheurs qui peuvent naitre de tant de delais ^ de t ems perdu. 'Je vois fort hien^ qu'il efi pret a fuivre (S d aider le Baron de Bergeyck dans ious les retardemens qu'on pourra ap- porter a la conclufion de cette af- faire ; ^' que prevoyant que /' Efpagne doit enfn s* accommoder des conditions & des termes du iraiie, vtl V engagement cu la HoUande^ iff nous'fommes deja entres par nos Aiinifires a Pa- ris ; il fe promet ou d' avoir l* affaire fe rompre^ ou d' avoir la gloire de fa ire ceder V Efpagne . fur ioutes les diffcultes quelle aura mi fes en avant : cependant^ E e 4 Monfieur 432 Letters of Sir William Temfle, to think, that, after the orders given to the Baron de Ber- geycic, and the copies of them fent into Holland, no difHcul- ties can arife upon the figning : and, for me, I cannot refufe to carry the orders^ and am in the greateft pain imaginable to fee the Baron ftill make a (difficulty to fign without an- other order from your Excel- lency. Therefore I defire J0^^ in the name of all thofe who wifti well to the affairs of Spain and of Chriftendom, to dif- patch an exprefs command to tbeBaronjto fign without far- ther trifling, and to fend him inftni^tions for any thing that your Excellency fhallfind con- venient to have negotiated af- terwards ; in which I fhall have MonfieurBeverning*s af- fiftance, but not at all before the projedl is figned. If your Excellency will not think fit to comply with this, I difcharge myfelf at leaft of all the fatal effeds that may arrive upon it. I defire your Excellency yet once more to grant this difpatch to the in- fiances of one who had found- ed the bottom of this affair with all pofTible attention, and all the refiedlions I am capable of making ; and who forms a judgment of it, without other pafTion than that I have for Jhe prefervation of Flanders. I am, &c. Monfteur Bevernlng ne i^ attend point a voir fufciter de nouveaux objlachs^ l^ de nouvelks difficuU tes touchant cette ftgnature\ aprh des ordres dannes au Baron de Bergeycky & dont les copies ont ete envoyhs en Hollande. Pour moi^ apres Pavoir promis, je nai pu reculer a porter les ordres ^^ jefuis dans la plus grande peine du monde de voir que le Baron de B er gey ch fait di^culte defig' ner avant que d'avoir refii un Gutre ordre de V, E. c^eft pour- quoiy je lafuppUe^ au nom de torn ceux qui fouhaitent le hien des affaires d'Efpagne ^ de la ChrU tiente^ d'ordonner par un corn's mandement exprh^ que Vordre foitfigne, ^ qu'on n^y marchaU' de plus, V. E. donnera auffifes avis au Baron de Bergeyck iou- chant ce qiielle trouvera hon qui foit negocie dans la fuite ; cela fait ^je pour rai compter fur lefe- cours i5f I'aide de M. Beverning^ du quel je n^attens ricn tandis que la chofe fera comme elk eji. En cas que V. E. fuive d^au-^ ires voyeSi je me dkharge par avance de toutes les fuitesfunef tes qui en pourront arriver. Je fupplie encore une fois F. E. de donner cela aux injlances d^une perfonne qui a approfondi cette affaire avec toute r attention ^ la reflexion dontjefuis capable 'y ^ qui en porte un jugement ex- empt de paffton^ excepte celle qu'il a pour la confervation des Pats- Bas, Jefuis^ ^c. and other Minijlers of State, 43 j 7o my Lord Arlington, My Lord, Aix, April 30, N. S, 1668* IN the hurry of thefe exprefTes to Brufiels, all that I can pqllibly do, is to give your Lordfhip the account of the Hate of our bulinefs here, in the copy of thofe letters I am forced to write to the Marquis. To which end the Ambaffadors of Spain and Holland have been very often with me already, though I have not yet ftirred out of doors, and they are but now gone fuccelTiveiy from my bed-fide. The fruits of our conferences your Lordfhip will find in the inclofed, and will pardon me for doing nothing more at this time, than barely acknov/ledging, and that in extreme hafle, yours of the loth and 13 th, which are come here to my hands : the torn paper is an original of a poflfcript I received jufl now in a letter from Mon- fieur de Witt, which I fend in anfwer to one I haS lately from your Lordfhip, The inclofed from my Secretary to IVi r. Williamfon gives account of all the ceremonies that have been hitherto pall. I am ever, &c. €0 the Marquis of Caftel- Au Marquis de Caftel- Redrigo, Rodrigo. Mx^ Jpril 30, My Lord, N.S.iteS. T Am very much indifpofed, -* and God keep me from thofe &ccidcnts,which the defpight I have upon the prefent courfe of affairs may caufe in my ilhiefs. All I have to fay is, that tihe Ambafl'ador of i* ranee has or-^ 4ers not to change a word in the A Aix, le 30 Avr. Monfieur, S.N. 1668. JE trcuve ma /ante fort /- Iranlee^ l^ a Dieu ne plaife que les acddens, qu'eji capable de me caufer le depit que je rejfens du train que prennent les aff'ai- res, viennent fe joindre a mon indifpofition. Tout ce quefai d dire c'eji^ que V Amhajfadeur de France 434 Letters of Sir WilUam Temple, the proje£l as prepared by our Minifters at Paris : the Dutch AmbafladOr has the fame or- ders from his mafters : the 'JNuncio preiles the figning without any change; and all the German Minillers are of the fame opinion. The Baron refufes to fign without another order from Eruflels : upon which the French Ambaflador preiles both me and Monfieur Be- verning to give him an a^^, wherein we are to Vv^itnefs, that he has been ready to fign ever fmce the arrival of the project. The Dutch Ambaf- lador proteirs he cannot re- fufe; and befides, that, if the Baron will not fign to-mor- row, he will depart, and re- turn for Holland. The moil Chrifdan King has fent all his officers into ihe field, and in- tends to follow them in per- fon : fo that our Minifters at Paris apprehend fome new ac- cidents, unlefs they are pre- vented by figning the treaty. For myfelf, I have inftru(5i:i- ons to ufe all means for ad- vancing the peace in concert with the Dutch Ambaflador ; and can by no means difagree with his refdiutions. I bear with what patience I can the mortification to fee that I muil pali; for a perfon v/nom your Excellency has impofed on, by giving me an order which your Minifter was not to France a ordre dc ne changer pas unfeul mot auprojet de nos Mi- nijhes qui font a Paris. Celui d'HoUande a les memes ordres ; le Nonce du Pape prejfe la ftg- nature^ & infijh fur le mme point : enfin tons les Miniftrei d^ Allemagne font dans le meme fentiment. Le Baron de Bergeyck refufe a Jigner fans un nouvel ordre de Bruxelles : la-dejfus r Amhajfa- deur de France prejfe t^ mot ^ Monfieur Beverning de lui don- ner un a^ie^ dans Icquel nous temoignions, que^ depuis I'arrivee du projet^ il a ete tous les jours preta figner, U Ambajfadcur d^ Hollande protfh qu'il ne peut pas le lui refufer ; iff que meme^ fi le Baron de Bergeyck ne f^-gne pas dans la journee de demain^ il par lira d'ici pour s*en reijur- ner en Hollande. Le Roy Tres Chretien a fait partir tous fes Officiers pour aller Quvrir la cam- pagne^ 6f // pretend les fuivre en perfonne ; de forte que nos Minijlres d Paris apprehendmt de nouveaux defordreSf fi on riarrete tout ce grand mouvement par la fignaturedu traite. Pour moi^ les inJtruSlions que fai re- fues^ portent que je nepargne rien pour avancer la paix, t^ que je fafje toutes choj'es de con- cert avec l' Amhajfadeur d^ Hol- lande^ y je ne puis en aucune forte me dcpartir de fes refolu- tions. Je porte le plus patiem- ment que je puis^ la mortifica^ tion de fajjer pour un hotnme dont V, E, s'eji jouee, lors qii elk {hould fign wiienever i judged and other Minijlers of State. 43 5 die jri'a fait expedler un ordrt auquel on ne devoit pas obcir\ &' que voire Mini/ire a en effet /- lude ; maisje ne ptt'n voir qua- vec la dernier e enquietude que ioutes les affaires de la Chretien- te fe brouillent ^ fe perdent par lefeul caprice du Baron de Ber~ geyck. Car je me garde bien de fuppofer^ cornme les autresy tine feinie en V. E* ^ de lu'i aitri^ buer de nous avoir tendu un pi" ege^ en tirant de nous les ajfu- ranees demaridees^Jur lapromef- je defaire auffdotftgner le trait e^ & enj'uite de rn avoir charge d'un ordrepour le Baron de Bergeyck^^ qui par avance Holt detridt par une injir u5l ion fecr cite » Je naurois jamais parti de BruxeUcs^ ft V. E. ne mavoit cjjure dc bcuche^ que le Baron figneroit fans y manquer tout auf- Jitk que je jugcrois la chofe at" folument necejfaire. Nous nous fommes vus^ ^ je lui ai reprc^ fente la chofefi prejfce^ fi nccef- faire^ que je croi que la Francs na pas remporte plus d^avan^ tage^ ni ne fe foit erigce a elle^ mime un plus grand triomphe par le gain d'une bataille que par les avances qu^elle a faltes sti cette occafion. Pour moij je n*ai eu de ma^ vie une plus grande mortification que celle que fai effuyee en cette rencontre, Jefuis^ i^c. to obey : but I cannot bear with patience to fee that the affairs of all Chriftendommuft be abfolutely ruined by a ca- price of the Baron de^ergey ck. For I will not, as others do, impute to your Excellency fuch a feint as that of draw- ing from us all aiTurances you demanded, upon your prcmife pf in^mediately figning the treaty, and then of giving me a fort of order to the Baron, contradicted before by a coun- ter order in fccret. I fhould not have leftBruf- fels, had not your Excellency allured mc, that the Baron without delay, I judged it necef- fary, I now find it fo ; and have told him it is fo very ne- cefiary, that, I believe, France would not have carried great- er advantages, nor triumphed more upon the winning of a battle, than on the advances they have made in this affair. For myfelf, I was never in my life in greater mortifica- tion, than what I have borne In this affair. I am, &c. n 436 Letters of Sir William Temple^ To Mr. TVilliamfon, SIR, Aix, April 30, N. S. 166S. MY MaRer being kept in his bed by an illnefs that leized him the firft night of his arrival here, and fmce increafed upon him by the conftraints he was forced to the next day in the reception of the feveral AmbafTadors, hath commanded me to give you the account of his journey hither; and defires you will help it to pafs with my Lord Arlington for that promife, which he made in his laft, of doing it himfelf to his Lordfhip upon the next occafion. He parted from Bruflels upon the 24th of this month with nine and twenty perfons in his company, of which ten in his own livery. Befides thofe who belonged to him, m.y Lord Stafford, Captain Bru- midge, and Captain Wefely, did him the favour to accompany him in his journey, and twenty of the Marquis's guard for his fecurity, till he came the fe- cond night into the land of Liege. The firil night at Louvain palTed without any ceremony, not taking upon him any new chara6ter in the Spanifh domini- ons : the fecond night he lodged at Hirkinraedt, a very rich Abbey of Bernardin nuns, where he was re- ceived as the King of England's AmbalTador. The next morning the Magiflrates of the town of HalTel fent to inform whether he pafTed by their town of HaiTel in his way to Maeftricht, to the end they might do him the honour due to his chara6lt^r : but my Ma- fter defiring to avoid thofe ceremonies chofe to pafs a private way about a mile from the town ; however, he found all the road where it lay ovcr-againft the town crouded with people, and among them the IVIagiflrates of the town, who in the highway enter- tained him with a fpeech, a banquet, great itore of wine. and other Minifters of State, 437 wine, and all the great guns of the town at the fame time. The fame night he arrived at Mae ft rich t, having only fent an ordinary fervant before to take up his lodgings : near the town he was met by a Gentleman from the Rhingrave, to tell him, that, if the hour of his arrival had been known, he w^ould himfelf have met him on the way ; but however would not fail to do it at his coming to town. He was received there by all the great guns of the town, the garrifon ranged through the ftreets as he pafTed, and at the end of them a volley of their fmall fhot. At his inn he was immediately vifited by the Rhingrave, and after him by the Magiflrates of the town. The next morning he returned a viiit to the Rhingrave, who would by force accompany him back to his inn. As he went out, he had all the great guns of the town thrice round, and greater vollies of fhot than the night before, and the Rhingrave met him in his coach about half a mile out of town, to perform his laft compliment, having told my Lord Stafford that he had exprefs orders from the States to do all the honour that was pofTible both to his charadler and his peribn. From Maeflricht, he fent a letter to the Baron de Fraifheim here, to give him notice of his intended ar- rival upon Friday the 27th, but, withal, to defire him to keep it private, that fo he mjght enter witli little noife or ceremony, in regard he came upon a fudden journey and a very fhort flay, and therefore with the train of the King's Refident at BrufTels, rather than that of his Ambalfador. The Baron de Fraifheim did his part in luppreiTing the knowledge of it, but the town, having notice by orders they had given at Maeftricht to that purpofe, fent one to m.eet him in the midway with a compliment, and defire that they might receive him as they had done other AmbaiTa- 3 dors. 438 Letters of Sir William Temple y dors. My Mailer referred rt to them to do as they pleafed, and the rather becaufe \vc hei^-,! that the French AmbaiTador had made a iolemn entry about fix days before, with a very great train and ceremony \ and he thought, by this more private entry, to avoid the expedtation of any other : fo he was received in the town with all the guns and the Burghers in arms, and complimented immediately at his arrival both from the Magiftrates of the town, and a Commander of the Duke of Newburg's to afllire him that the Duke had given him orders for two hundred horfe to attend him upon the confines, and to accompany him into the town, as he had done the French ambafla- dor at his folemn entry, and that the Baron of Frai- fheim's afTurance of his defiring to enter privately had only prevented that attendance. The night of his arrival, my Mailer went about ten o'clock incognito to the Dutch AmbafTador's houfe, refolving to tell him, that, upon his arrival here, he intended to live after another fort with him than v;ith any of the other AmbalTadors, as well in refpedl of the near alliance between their Mailers, as of their mediation. The Dutch AmbaiTador happened to be in bed, but, having heard of my Mafrer's intentions, came and viiited him early the next morning without train or ceremony, and gave him full inform.ation of all that had paiTed here, which made good what we met with every-where upon the road, that n0thing in the peace could be done till the arrivals' the King's AmbaiTador here. My Mailer's indifpofition that morning delayed his fending to give the feveral public Minifcers advice of his arrival till about tea o'clock, and then he v/as pre- vented by compliments ; firil from the French, and then from the Spanifh AmbaiTadors, v/hich were re- turned that morning, and fuccecded in the afternoon by vifits from them both in the fame order. M/ and other Minijlers of State. 439 My Mafter, upon his iirft interview with the Hol- land AmbafTador, enquired of him what intercourie had paiTed between him and the Pope' nuncio ; and finding that, after fome offices by third perfons be- tween them, it had flopped upon fome difficulties without coming to any vifits or formal compliments ; he fpake to my Lord Stafford, when he made a vific of himfelf to the Nuncio, to let him know in com- mon converfation, that my mafber, finding, by what had pafled between him and the Dutch Ambaflador, that the fame difficulties were like to befal him, had omitted to give him any advice of his arrival, but to tell him, at the iame time, that he was very much a fcrvant to the merits of the Cardinal Fadror.c, upon his acquaintance wiih him at BrufTels, and was very glad to hear of the continuance of his health fmce his laft recovery : and fo thai matter ended, as I fuppofe : my iVIafiier having no inftruction in that point, and therefore de firing, as civilly as he could, to take this occafion of avoiding farther comm.erce with him. I have nothing elfe worth giving you the trouble of, but am, Sir, your mofl obedient fervant, Tho. Downton* ^0 the EleSlor of Mentz. A TEledeur de Mayence. yfix^ May 2, Aix, le 2 Mav, S IR, N. S. 1668. Monfieur, S. N, 1668. 'TP Hough my own indifpofi- ^Uoique mon indijpfttion^ ^ ^ tion,andMonrieurSchou- ^^'S^.^les affaires de Monfieur borne's affairs, deprived me of Schonhorne triayent empeche de the happinefs of feeing him le voir depuis mm arrwee en fmce my arrival in this city, I cette villc ; je Tiai pmrtant pas would not however delay any voulu differer plus lofMems fans longer to acknowledge the ho- me fruir de celte voye pour re- nour of your Highnefs's letter connoitre Vkcnneur que V* ^^ of the 1 2th pall:, and to make ?nafait par fa httre du 12 du you the offers of my fervlces pafse^ tsf fans lui envoyer dans (fmce line dcs mienncs Us offres de mes fervlces 5 44C> Lett en of &ir Witliam Hempte^ (fince of the King my Mafter's afFedion your Highnefs wants so teftimonies.) in the mean while I fend your Highnefs the agreeable news of the peace, the treaties whereof I iiave at prefent in my hands ; one flgned in prefence of the i3utch AmbafTador, and the other in mine ; which I was glad to obtain by precaution, ib to furmount the difficulties raifed upon delivering the in- ftruments to the Nuncio. I give your Highnefs joy of an afFair fo important to the ha p- pinefsof Germany ; and your Highnefs may juHly do the fame to the King my mafter, who, though at diftance, and out of danger of this flame, has however contributed more to theextinguifhing of it, than all thofe who were moft inter- efted in the neighbourhood. And, fm(!?b this peace, as well as that of Portugal, has fo juftly given his Majefty a rank io high among the Pacifci ; your Highnefs will join your prayers tom^ine, that God Al- mighty will pleafe to add alfo to his character the Beati, And, as your Highnefs has all reafon to believe the King my Mafter your friend, fo I beg your Highnefs to efteem me always. Sir, your Highnefs 's moft, &c. fer vices i je d'ls de mesferiJueii car pour VaffeSlion du Roi mart Maitre eite eji aJfeT. connue a V. A. ^ ria pas befoin de mon iemoignage. En meme terns je donnerat a V, A. une nouvelle hien agreable, puifque je lui ap- prendrai que la paix eJi conclucy & qua rheure que je lui ecris^ les traiies en font entre mes mains ; run Jigne en prefence de V Amhaffadcur d'Hollande^ ^ r autre en la mienne^ ce que j'ai He hien-aife d'obtenir par precaution^ & afin de furmonter les difficultes furvenues lors qu^on a livre les injlrumens a Mon- fieur le Nonce, jfe donne a F, A, toute la joye cVune affaire qui importoit au bonheur de rjl- lemagncy comme elle la donnera avec jujlice au Roi mon Maitre > car^ quoiqtC eloigned a convert des fiammes qui devoroiejit tant dcpdis^ on dira pourtant avec jujlice qttil a feid plus contri- hue a eteindre cet embrafement^ que tous ceux qid en etoient U les plus voifins ^ les plus alar- ?nes. Et puifque cettepaix, auf- fi bien que cclle de Portugal^ a ft legiti?nement place fa Majejie dans le plus haul rang e?itre les Pacifci ; F. A, joindra fes pri^ Ires aux miennes, afin que le bott Dieu y ajoute auffi les Beati^ Et comme elle a tout lieu de croire le Roi mon Maitre de fes amis, je la prie auffi de inefiimer tou- jour s, Monfteur. iife* Ts land other Minijicrs of State. 44 \ Ho 7ny Lord Arlington, My l^rd, Aix. May 8, N. S. 1668. OInce my lad I have received your Lordihip's of i^ the 17th and 20th, v/hich both copjplain of the ill (late wherein the Svvedifh treaty then flood, and command my applications to the Marquis for a re- hiedy. I have infufed it all I could poITibly into the Barori de Bergeyck at his return from hence to Bruflels, which was in hafle, and immediately after the figning and difpatching av/ay the infbruments of the treaty. Some here attribute his hafle to an intention of avoid- ing any fpeech of a general guaranty for the peace, Wnich, with iO many difficulties and delays before the figning, as well as lo many declamations agairift the violence and injullice in prefTmg him to it, are evidence enough of the force by which the Spaniards have been^ compelled to it -, though I doubt of their being this age in a condition of making better ufe of it. For my part, I was of opinion, that fmce Don John was neither arrived with Ibpplies, nor hardly expedled in any time; fince Holland was io defperately bent up- on the peace, withotit any refpecl to the Spanifh ho- nour or intereft farther than joined immediately with their own -, fince Spain had not been able to find means to engage his Majeflyor Sv/edeh in their quat- r'el by fupplies neceffary to both Crowns ; and fince his- Majelly w.is not in a condition of entering into the buflnefs fingle, upon confiderations of honour, juftice,' or a remote danger : and confequently, iince Upon the projecT:s made both at a time in Parrs, ic grew evident to Spain', ^iHl fallait fnjfer par hi on par Us fenejires : upon all thefe confiderations, I fay, I was of opinion that the Spaniards bufincfs was to end frankly ap--"' '"■• media :ely upon rr>v arrival \\<:x^^ there- ' Vol. I ' Fr ' bf 442 Letters- of Sir William Temple y by to have more time for bringing the ratifications of the treaty figncd here from Spain within this month, and lb avoid all pretexts (which I expecSted). of France's breaking the bufmefs, and which I knew they would be ftrongly tempted to by the Spaniards want or neglcd: of preparations, and by our difconcert for their defence. Upon thefe confiderations, I con- fefs, I have prefied as hard upon the Barom^. de Ber- geyck, as the Dutch AmbaiTador himfelf, to finifh the affair, ever fince my arrival, and was at an end of my patience to fee him flop it upon fuch flight and un- ^eafonable pretences as his two laft •, which were, firfl,, not to infert his powers,, becaufe both his and thofe of France were fliarp upon the rife of the war ; but: Monfieur Colbert's were fent in that ftyle fince his arrival here, and only in return of the Marquis's, fince thofe he brought with him were foft and without any Fefle6tions : the Baron had been advifed by Monfieur Beverning at his firft coming to have them changed^ had three weeks to do it, and yet made no difficulty upon it till after the treaty was figned, and the pow- ers came to be inferted, which he refufed to fuffer,. faying, he expedted new and fofter powers within twA or three days, and in the mean time would^a have had the inilruments difpatched away without any tran- fcription of the powers, though in the treaty mentionr ed as inferted : and I believe France would not have, wifhed a better occafion to delay the bufinefs beyond a pofTibility of being ratified within the time. This difficulty took up a whole day after the figning •, and,^ when the Baron was beaten out of it by main force, h'e threw us upon a worie •, for whereas his firfl pow- ers, and all he had ever given copies of,, or mentione^d to any Minifter here, had only run, as deputed from the Marquis with the fame pov>^er to treat and conclude as if his Majefly had been here in perfon •, when he in- ferted his powers, after having made Monfieur Col- 2 '■ * bert's« and other Minijiers of Stat ^^ 443 bert's e::prcfs to flay a v/hole day, he brings the inftru- ment with a power agreeing in all words with the firft^ but only thofe of Ambaflador and Plenipotentiary joined to his deputation, which put Monfieur ColberC into fuch a rage, that he was ready to tear all in pieces •, dnd, for five hours, Monfieur Beverning and I could draw no other anfwer from the Baron, but that it was impofiible for him to do any otherwife^ protefting he had no other power here, the firfl: having been returned to the Marquis upon the tranfmiffion of this, the advice af which he faid he had received' from Monfieur Beverning. With Monfieur Colbert we had no hopes of prevailing to have his new ftyle allowed, nor had we indeed any reafon to prefs it, be- ing offered upon a furprife, and there being no colour for the Marquis being qualified to fend an AmbafiTa- dor upon this cccafion : I was five hours upon the rack with the opinion the bufinefs would abfotutely break by ^\t delays this would occafion • and indeed cut of all patience with the Baron, not believing it pofiible he could be without his firll powders by him ; and Monfieur Beverning and he were at thofe heighths, that they were feveral times upon the point of draw- ing their fwords in my room, and I believe had done it in any other place. But, after all, the Baron con- fcfled he had his fird powers, and order to infert them if he could not make the other pafs, but inftrudtions to endeavour that to the utmofl: •, which, to give him his due, he a6ted to a heighth that I could never have done without ftraining my own truth as well as my bu- finefs. And fo upon the 4th at night all ended. My diflatisfaftion with the Baron de Bergeyck's condud itnce I came hither wa^, I confefs, very great, and my expreflions upon it very free in m.y feveral ex- prefies to the Marquis, who, it feems, takes part in it, and ov/n3 it fo far, as to feem mod extremely ill fa- tisfitd with the Miniltera ufing fo n'^uch earneltnefs F f 2 here 444 Letters of Sir WilFtam Temple^ here in beating him out of all thofe defigns. I have had three feveral letters from his Excellency, fince my being here, upon that lubjet^V, but all lb ill-humoured and lb cmpcrtces^ that 1 think they had been better fpared, and, though what was particular to me, civil enough, yet fome exprelTions concerning the general proceeding, wherein I had the chiefeil part, lb pi- qitantesy that I think 1 have rcafon to releiit^ and am fure have not deferved it from any public Minilier either there or here ; and, having anfwered them ac- cordingly, I know not upon what terms we are like to be upon my return ; and therefore could not forbear giving your Lordfnip the trouble of this relation-, to juflify myfelf not only to your Lordfliip, for there I am fure it will not need ; but, if you think fit, to the Count Molina, and the Baron d'ifola too, who may perhaps have received letters from the Marquis upon our proceedings here of the fame flyle that I have done. I have been the more earneft in bringing this mat- ter to an ifTue here (which the Holland AmbafTador ^ys had never been dons without me) bccaufe 1 con- ceived by all I have had from your Lordlhip, as well as from other hands, not only that you defired it ia England, but that the peace was neceiTary for the con- llitution of his Majefty's prefent affairs : and, finee he has had the glory of making tvv'o peaces fo important^ we have now nothing to wifh but to fee him in a condi- tion to make war as v/ell as peace, whenever the honour and interefts of his Crowns Oiall make it neceffary, for that necefiity can, I fuppofe, be no ways long avoided,. but by our being in a poflure to welcome it whenever it comes, and to make advantage of ir. And 1 think-. the befl time to fall into counfels tendingto this great end will be after the conclufion of this general peace,, vhen ro engagement abroad forces his Majcfiy to 1 ave fo much need of money from his people. Fot the 6th, and the 28 th for publiihing the peace, in cafe we receive a courier by that time with advice of the French concurrence in that day. For the manner of executing the treaty, I confers I was of opinion, npthing fhould be mentioned of it till the exchange and publication were pafTed, fincc new difficulties may arife upon it, which v/ill be eafieft overcome when the thing is done, and perhaps the parties will have begun to difarm. The Marquis was of my opinion in it, and therefore has propofed only in that point, that after the publication Commiflloners may be appointed on both fides to meet upon it, and the Mediators defired by both parties to intervene likewife by their Commiflioners; for the better com- pofing of any difference that may arife between the parties, and to whom the adjudication of fuch diffe- rence may be referred ; the place of meeting to be Oudenarde or Courtray, as moft commodious for ad- judication of the limits which may fall in difpute. After this matter thus digefted, and promife of the ratifications to be in my hands to-morrow by noon, I came away with Sir John Trevor's fecretary -, but the Marquis fent after me, to defire he might fpeak with me alone ; and told me. He was to thank me for fpar- ing him this morning in difpu tes he was falling into with the Holland Deputv : That, in (hort, the Dutch ^ ' had 45 2 Letters of Sir William 'Temple^ had crofftd him in an alliance he was making lad year with Sweden, becaufe they would make thcmielves mafter> of the affair ; and now would buy the Swedes de[)endance at the coft of Spain : That he had all the reafon in the world to be fatisfied with his Ma- jefty's condudl < f this affair, but little in the Dutch : That he knew no reafon why they fhould not pay wh t they had promifed to Sweden after the treaty at Bre- da, nor why all the money Spain could fpare jfhould not be given his Majefty upon a nearer league be- tween us, who was the only Prince had proceeded af- fedionately and generoufly in the Spanifh affairs, and who was the beft able to fupport them, in cafe he were in co:idition to make war without his people's purr* fes : That he expected the Baron Ifola fuddenly here. for conclufion of the guaranty, and this affair with Sweden : and that at lail, if it m.ufl be paid by Spain, it fhould be all laid in his Majefty 's hands to difpofe of as he pleafed. I gave his Excellency thanks for expreffions fo obliging in what concerned our part in this whole affair ; but defired him to take it for a ground in all the fuperftrudures to be made upon the ■^rt{tnt foundations: that Spain rnuft not difobhge Holland even to oblige us, but diffcmble any refent- ments they had given him, and facrifice them to the advantage both we and Spain received by their pre- fenr feparatinn from France. And fo our difcoiirfes ended, and Vv^e are returned into the fame good cor- refpondence we were in before I went to Aix, which had been interrupted by fome letters I received from his Excellency there, and fome I returned in the ftyle I thought they deferved \ it being perhaps natural to tke fame men to be the leaft fubje6t to do injuries, and the leaft capable of receiving them : for it is eafy enough to find morals for the firft, but chriftianity <*,"iQugh for the la^, I doubt, is difficult. I am ever, &c. und other Mimjlers of State. 451 'T'o Monfieur de Witt* Briijfthy May 27, SIR, NS. 166S. D V my lad from Aix, I gave you account of the figojng of the peace, and was in hopes by this to have given you alfo an account of the ratification, which is not yet ariived from Paris. Mean while the rava- ges made by the French troops over ^11 the country, and their approaches to tliis city^ akvrm us here, as if they ha^ a defign to wrangle upon fome f(jrma- lities, and in the mean time put themfelves in a condition to carry the greateft advanta- ges upon expiration of the truce, I will not have the leaft fufpicion of fuch a pro- ceeding; the moft Chrifiian King having already given notice of the peace to the Pope and other Chriflian Princes : and (which is of greater, weight) knowing that Sweden has already entered into the triple alliance. Therefore, the bulinefs that gives me moft pain, is to drav/ from Spain the fatbfasftion flipulated to Sweden, upon which your Deputies here have without doubt already given you the Marquis's anfwers, though in- deed fomcA^hat cold and un- certain. I have fince given him a very prelTing letter from the King my Mailer upon the f*me fut'jc^-, but have had vet no A Monfieur de Witt, BruxeJles, le 27 May* Monfieur, N. S. J068. p/^r ma {ierniee lettre d' Aix •^ la Chaf.elU^ ;V \JCus ai ap- pris la jignaiwe de la paix^ t^ fefperois p^ar Q^lle-ci -vous ap- pre7idre la ratif.^atkn ; man elle n'e/i pas encore arrives de Paris. Cependarit, les rauaggs falls par Us troupes tran^oifei dans toute la Handre^ U leurs apptochts de atte ville, laufent encore de I'alarme ici^ umme s'ils. uvoient dejfein dc chicaner fur quelques formalites^ Afterwards Marquis of Hallifax. to and other Mmijlers of State, 469 to what I am for my beft friends, it is the utmoft I will pretend to in that matter. I find his iMajefty of France will be an angry enemy. He doth not declare war like an honnete homme •, and therefore I hope he will not purfue it like a wife one. I do not defpair, but that the Englilh, who uie to go into France for their breeding, may have the ho- nour once to teach them better manners. The league with Spain is a good circumftance to make us able to do it 'y it is fo feafonable and fo well done, that I will fuppofe you had a hand in it. In the mean time we have great alarms the Monfieur will invade us, which makes every body prepare for their entertainment. And I hope they will neither find us fo Httle ready, or fo divided, as perhaps they expe6l. I will not make this longer, when I have afiured you I am. Sir, your mod faithful humble fervanr. From the Bijhop of Munfter, Ab Epifcopo Monaflerii. Munfler^ Feb. SIR, 12, 1666. 'T^ H E favours you have ex- '■' preiTed to me are fuch, that nothing can add to my efteem of you : however, it was very acceptable to find from yours of the 25th paft, that your afFecflion to me frill continues. In the mean time I am bufy in preparing an ar- my againft fpring ; nor do I doubt but fuch care is taken of the third payment, that I may have it altogether ; at leaft, that you have prepared 30,000 dollars ready at Bruf- fels, and that 25,000 more may be returned with all fpeed Monafterii, Feb. 12, Generofe Domine, 1666. T\Ominaticnem vejlravi ita "^^ 7neh rebus favent em re'ipfa femper expertus fum, ut nulla quidem contejiatlone mea defu- per concepts e^i/iimatiom plus addi pojjit J grat'ijfmmm iatnen fu'it, ex ejufdem Uteris de 25/^ elapft menjis Januarii percipe- re, quod D. F, eiindem %elum i^ affectum continuet. Ego m- terim non defmo tnflruere ^ pneparare exercitiim immlmnti jam veri ; nee dubito de iertio termino fic provifum, ut integre ameis fublevari poffit, aut eerts difpofitione D^^ V''' trigmta thaler or urn mill'ia BruxeUis in paratii 47 <^ Letters of Sir William Temple y fpeed by exchange to Cologn : for it is certain, that by fmall fums, and paid by parcels, no- thing can be performed worthy of fuch an undertaking ; and that my expedition will be as much obftru£ted by thefe, as if the fubfidies were wholly de- layed. Befides, I fball this year meet with more refiftance by enemies unexpected, to whom the Elector of Bran- denburg will join himfelf. But that I hope will be recom- penfed by the friendfhip of Sweden, and his Majefty'sde- claratoryletterscommunicated to me, and to be kept fecret. Nor (hall any thing be m.ore inviolably obferved by me, than the league I have made with his Majefty, from which nothing fhall be able to force me. Nor is there any reafon why the offer of a mediation from the Emperor and Princes fhould raife any fufpicions of the contrary, fmce the prefent . conjunctures would not per- mit me abruptly to refufe it. And, in order to gain time, I have kept that affair within preliminaries, relating to the perfons of the Mediators, the manner of negotiation, and the means of fecurity to be propofed, being refolved by any means not to feparate mv- i€i{ from his Majeffy j from whofe protection I truft to procure fafety and fatisfaCtion to myfelf. I am glad of the peace paratls prfejlo ftnt, isf viglnU quinque millia Coloniam cambio- quatitocius tranfmittantur . Cer- ium enim eft ininutis fummulis l^ carptim folutis^ vix quicquarfi pro dlgnitate tantce ret effd pojfe ; jiec ?nlnus ex hisy quanv dilatisfuhftdiisy expeditmum me-* am incommodi cepijje. ^u^ qui- deiji hoc anno plus refiftentics ^ difficultatis d tot inopi?iatis hoJH- h/s, qui bus iff Ele/t'or Bfatrden- burgicus fe fociabit^ hahilura ej}. Id tamen fiducia amic'itice Sue- des compenfatum exiji'imo^ ac cedentibus S, Regime Majefta" tis dedaraioi^ils Uteris mi hi com- mzinicatisy iff fecretofervandis, Nihilque mihi unquam erit anti- quius ant magis inviolabile noU feed ere cum 6'. Regia Majejiate JancitOy d quo nullo modo divelli me paiiar. Nee ejly quod obla- ta Cafaris iff quorundam prin* cipum 7ncdiatio umbras aliquas contrarice fufpido?iis invehers pojfit ; cii?n illam prafracfe re- fpuere nee temporum horum ra-^ do padatur^ nee mihi confultum fiicrity quiy hurando tempori in- de occajionem na^uSy rem. omnem haSfenus intra prceliminaria de. ipjis perfonis Mediatorum^ de modo tra^andiy i^ mediis fecu^- ?'itaiis proponendis continui^ cer- tui non feparare me a S. Regi4 Majeftatey cujus aufpidis^ iff fatisfa^ione7ny iff fecuritatem me confccitturum confido, ^od fcedus Anglo -Hifpaymm Ma- drid iam turn fignatuviy iD' ad rai'jiandnm in AngUam tranf-^ mi^urm and other Minijiers of State. 471 peace between England and mijfumfit^ libenter ficcepl ; op- Spain being figned at Madrid, tar em jam hujus effe^ium non. and that it is fent into Eng- deferri^ ^ Hlfpancs iemporipa^ land to be ratified. I wifh ratos ejfe^ qiiibiis ei'iam ah Hoi- the efFefts of it be not delay- land'is bslhtm Gallorrmi hiftiga- ed ; and that the Spaniards t'tone denunciandum intcll'igo : ac may be ready at the time, a- hi fee maneo Dominatuinh ve^ gainft whom I hear the Hoi- Jira addi^ijf, landers have alio declared war by the inftigationof theFrench. Your molt obliged lervant. From Sir George Savile, SIR, April 4, 1666. THIS mud carry my thanks to you for two letters i received at the fame tim.e from you, which giveth me a fair occafion to fay a great deal ta you \ but that I will not trefpafs upon our agreement, to omit ceremony, or any thing that looketh like it. Yet, you muft give me leave to tell you, I think my- felf as much afilired of your kindnefs,, by your letting ine Hay in your thoughts (when you might forget me without breach of friendfhip, confidering the weight of bufmefs that lieth upon you) as I could be by any mark of it you can imagine : and if you will fuppofe my fenfe of it anfwerably, and reckon upon my fer- vice accordingly ; if it may ever be of ufe to you,^ you will do me but right. In the mean time you make me fenfible of the inconvenience of living out of the world : now that I find it impoiTible for me to write three lines of fenfe in exchange for your letters, that are full of every thing whicii can make them wel- come. I am fo afhamed you (l^iould converfe with a dead man, that I almoll wi(h the French landed upon our coaft-, thinking it better to v/rite you a fad flory than none. How foon I may be furnifhed with fomething of this kind, dcpendeih upon our fuccefs at fea, and the faith of your Bilhop, wh'ch may well be Ihaken, if you da 4/^2 Letters of Sir Wiliuim 'Temple ^ do not fupport it with your bills of exchange. He is likely to be fo over- matched this next campaign, that I doubt he will be tempted to break faith with here- tics, rather than be a Martyr in our calendar. lihould be glad to hear Spain would come into our fcales, to help us to weigh down our enemies ; but I fear their ill luck in the late war hath not left them fpirit enough to fall out with the French, though their in- tereil provoketh them to it. Befides, the Crown is in a cradle ; and a Spanilli Council 1 imagine to be as flow an aifembly as a Houfe of Commons. So that we muft rely upon the oak and courage of Eng- land to do our bufinefs, there being fmali appearance of any thing to help us from abroad. I believe, before this cometh to your hands, you will be waiting upon Mademoifelle Beverwaert, who is a teflimony that this v/ar hath given us no fuch antipathy to the Dutch, fince we chufe one to breed Statefmen for the next age. The Captain that went upon fo peaceable an errand, and into a friend's har- bour, had ill fortune to be lb roughly faluted : but, it being a fingle ad: of the oliicer, without any order from his fuperiors, it is of no more confequence to us than the found of it may amount to. I dired this as you bid me : and, though it Ihould not come to you, I afTure myfelf you would not im- pute it to the omiftion, but to the ill fortune, of. Sir, your moil faithful hi^pble fervant. From the Blfioop cfMunfttr, Ab Epircopo Monailerii. I Ma-j 21,1 6/6-6. Liigderio, Mail 5/^5 Generofe Domine, 21, i666. I Doubt not but by your good TVJ O N duhlto cffxils /)'"- * offices the rccepLion of my -^ ' V^'^ adlium i?i aula fy' envoy the Baron dcRofenback g'ls ahlegato ineo Bm'oni de.Ro^ at Court will be fo prepared, Jt-nhack itci pr.^paratim^ td S. as ^at his Majefty .may have Reg:^ MajrjIiSti ratk ccrifiUl an nu'i and other Minijlers of State. 473 ail account of mydefigns : and I hope you will continue your favour fo far, as the King may be perfuaded that the jiecef- fity which forced me to ac- cept the peace, has not taken any thing from the profeffion of that honour, duty, and fer- vice, I fhall ever pay him. To which end I have ordered my agent Rentorf to cultivate a ftri(3: friendfhip in my name, as well as to communicate to you my moft fecret affairs, re- volving to watch all occafions for the fervice of his Majefty j in order to which, I have fent back to the Marquis of Caftel- Rodrigo the Brabant troops, as well as thofe raifed in the circle of Burgundy, all entire. And now fome German regi- ments, well armed and exer- cifed, are preparing for their march into Flanders, of whofe valour the Hollanders them- felves are witnefles, as I be- lieve you know already from the faid Marquis. Now, fince it concerns me very much that his Majefty fhould knowthefe foldiers are kept in his fervice, I fhould be extremely fatisfied if you would inform the King of it, at the fame time that the faid Baron de Rofenback will be arrived at London. And that it be reprefented as a mark of my eternal devotion to his Majefty. In which you will highly oblige me : and in confidence v/hereof I remain. Sir, your moft obliged fervant. Vol. I. 7nei preeheatur ; quod Donii Yram //^ cont'inuaturam fpero^ ut Rex perfuafum omnino habeat iftani necejfitatem^ quce mi hi pa- ds leges impofuit^ nihil prorjus d:traxijfe de ani?no quo S. Ma- jejlatis oh ferv antics^ glories^ i^ utilitati^ aternum devotus fum. Eumque in Jin em mandavi agenti meo Rentorf intimam meo nomi" ne cmn D'^' V''°- communica- tionem mtarum rerum^ ^ ami- citia?n colere, intentus femper in occaftones omnes futuras pro fcr^ vitio S. Majejiatis ; qucm in finein copias Brabanticos^ iy in circulo Burgundico confcriptasj Domino Marchioni de Cajhl^ Rodrigo integrasremifi\ ^ jam itineri in Belgium Hifpanicum accinguntur legioyus aliquot Ger-^ manor um ; fort is fane ^ exer^' citatus ?niles, de quorum virtuie ipfi foe derail Beiges iejiari pote- runt ; utl Dom. Vejlramjam ex presdl^io domino gubernatore la^ tlus cognovijje arbltror. Cum autem mea pluriinum interfit^ ut Rcgiis Majejlati fua conjlet mi Lit em hunc in fuo fervitio con^ fervari ; pergratum mihi foret^ ft Dio- Vejira de eo^facllltardiS intentioni mees^ quamprimum kj fme mora hoc ipfo tempore quo di£tus Baro de Rofgnback Lon-- dinum appulerit^ S. Mnjejla^ tern certiorem faciat\ Is tan- quam indicium ratum aterms- mece in Regem. fidel contejletur : quo me D*° V'^ fibi fummope- re chligahit j et hoc fiducia ma^ neo Dominationl rji/lra addle tiff. H h From 474 Letien of Sir^ JVilliam 'Tetnple^ From niy Lord Arlington. S I R, Whitehall, July, 30, 1666, WH A T I received in yours of the 2d was written to rne at large, from him whom I fuppofe to be the author of it, but not exadly with the fame circumftances : whether his meaning or his imagination fail him, is a great queftion here. His name, to fpeak freely with yo%i, is abie to difcredit any truth : and againft the grain I employed him in Holland, not to make him the inftrument of a peace, but to fend us news : however, I do not yet difcour- age him ftom writing, though I wifh what he faith came from any hand rather than his. Accordingly, you fhall do well to handle him : and this is enough upon this fubjefk, when I have fo much a better to entertain you upon. Here inclofed you have the effec- tive truth of what I fent you the fymptoms in my laft, I durft not hazard any of my acquaintance with the putting it into French, becaufe of the fea terms where- with it abounds : but, if you can get it well done, and quickly piiblifhed, you will do his Majefly a good fervice, and may fairly put the coft of it into your accounts. Moreover, 1 have promifed his Majefly to charge you with the writing of fbme fmall paper, and publifhing it in French, that may pleafantly and pertinently awaken the good patrkvts in Holland, not only to thoughts and wifbes of peace, but to a rea- fonabie application for it •, afTuring them bis Majefly continues Hill to wifh it, and would gladly receive any overtures for it from the States, here in his own Kingdom, not expeding lels from them in this kind, than they did to the Ufurper Cromwell. This done in any forrti you like befl would certainly operate well In Holland, and be a work v/orthy of your pen ; which, I know, lias fufRciency very much greater. One thing cfpecially and other Mimjlers of State. 475 cfpecially it will be good to mind them of, the confi- derable fuccours and advantages they have had by the conjundlion with France-, which hath not been re* markably vifible in any thing more than in getting their narratives to be believed in all the Courts of Chriftendom, and helping them to make their bon- fires for their fuccefles. His Majefty is going this night to vifit the Quce 1 at Tunbridge ; for which he had not leifure till now. I am, Sir, your moft affedlionate fervant. P. S. Let your emifTaries give you a particular ac- count of the condition of the Dutch fleet gotten into Zealand, and of the readinefs they are in to come out again -, with an exad account of their flrength if ic be poflible. Monfieur Nypho will help to convey it fpeedily to us. From the Earl of Clarendon^ SIR, Worcefter-Houfe, Auguft ^, 1666. IHave many excufes to make you for not acknow- ledging all your letters pundlually when I re- ceived them, which I fuppofe would give you fome trouble •, and I am fure all I can fay to you, by way of information or advice, is conftantly and abundant- ly fupplied by the diligence of my good friend my Lord Arlington. The lad favour I received from you was of the 23d of this month ; fince which time it hath pleafed God to give a wonderful improvement to our affairs : and yet I am perfuaded that you there knew more of the full extent of the late great victory than we do. In all mens view it is very great and noble, and in ore refped very wonderful, that almoll the whole fleet that went from hence rides now before the enemies harbours, withoiu being compelled to fend any con- II h 9/ fiderabk 4 76 Letters of Sir WtUiam Temple, fiderable auniber of their fhips to be repaired : and I believe this fuccefs will change the meafures of molt of the counfcls in Chriftendom. I wifh with all my heart it may work upon them from whom your Court muft receive its orders, to move with a little more vi- gour in their refolutions : the want of which will at fome time or other prove fatal to that monarchy. They have it yet in their power to lecure themfelves irom ever receiving prejudice from the French •, which I take to be the only bleffing they are to pray for in this world : but it will not be always in their power to do fo. I prefume my good friend Ogniate is before this time arrived there with good fatisfadtion : and I will not deny to you I always wifhed well to thofe tranf- adions, the concelTions being (in truth) no other than what in juflice ought to be granted •, except we would declare to the world, that, whilft we have a war with Holland, we will have no peace with Flanders, I wifh with' allmy heart that; it may be'pundlually and re- ligioufly obferved on our part, by the exemplary punifhment of thofe perfons who in the lead degree •violate the protedion agreed upon. And though there will be, as you fay, a great latitude for them to co- ver the Dutch trade \ yet that cannot be long without difcovery^ and they will thereby render themfelves infamous to the work], and will fuffer accordingly. I know the Marquis of Caflel-Rodriga will be as jea- lous in that affair as pofTible : and Ogniate, who was the fitted perfon alive to be fent on that errand, will •be vigilant to the utmoft •, and I am confident will advertife the Marquis upon the leail difcovery. I know not 'whether he be enough known to you ; bur, truil me, he is very worthy of your friendfhip, which is due to him from all good Englifhmen, having ex- prefled t^ fame veneration to the King, ^v\A the fame civility and other Minijiers of State. 477 civility and kindnefs to us, who had the honour at the fame time to attend his Majefly, when we were in Flanders, as he can do now, when we are at White- hall And, as that refped of his was then of great ufe and benefit to his Majelly, fo it was apparently to his own prejudice and difadvantage ; fo that, if we are not all kind to him, we defe/ve no more iuch friends. 1 am, Sir, your affedionate fervant. From Sir William Coventry, S I R, September 21, 1667. Since my lall to you, I have acquainted his (Via- jelly and his Royal Highnefs with your having difpofed the blank pafles fent to you ; and that the people of thofe countries were ftiil defirous of thofe palTes •, though there was another provifion made for their fecurity, by the agreement with M, Ogniate : wher-eupon his Majefty gave confent to the fending over ibme more of them. By this conveyance I fend you five of them. More (hall be fent hereafter, if you continue to dellre them : but I thought not fit :o iwell this pacquet too much. The French fleet hath been in the channel, and Prince Rupert's fleet having been driven from their anchors with a ftorm, and by other fuch accidents, he did not meet with them at their firfl coming; and now we are uncertain whether they are not gone back again. To-morrow will tell us more of *that than I can now afHrm. The florm which drove Prince Ru- pert's fleet from their anchors difperfed fome of the French fleet, and feven of them on the right fell into our white fquadron ; one of them (a fliip called the Ruby) of fifty-four guns, and five hundred men, we took \ and fome of our frigates purfued the refl, witli what fuccefs I know not as yet. I am* apt to believe jhe body of their fleet is gone back again towards Breil H h 3 or 478 Letters of Sir William Temple^ or Rochel. We hear De Ruyter is dead, and another Admiral chofen. This day the Parliament voted that they will fup- ply his Majefly p-roportionably to his occafions, or words to that effe6t ; fo our neighbours will fee our hearts do not fail us in all our misfortunes. I am. Sir, your moil affedtionate humble fervant, FrofJt the Duke of Ormond. SIR, Kilkenny, October 14, 1666. I Have more of yours to acknowledge than I have by me to take particular notice of. They were very pertinent informations as things then went : and fome of them got hither with fo much fpeed, that they out-ran any intelligence I could get out of England, To-morrow I fhall be in your livery, and perhaps try whether your BruiTels camlet will refift Irilh rain, as I have known it do that of Flanders. I muft thank you for the prefent, as coming very feafonably, both in refped: of the time of the year, and that, for aught I Can yet find, my Michaelmas rent would hardly have purchafed two cloaks: and that your ftufFwill make me, if I fhall be honeftly dealt with. I know both from hence and out of England, you are informed of all that pafTes here. The Commif- fioncrs and their dependents, I mean lawyers, and the train belonging to that Court, have all the bufinefs, and will have all the money-, and confequently, if they pleafe, much of the land contended for, and to be diftributed. In England they are revenging upon us here the falling of their rents, but, I doubt, not repairing themfelves ; they have us, and perhaps the King, at an advantage : the King muft be fupplied, and England only can do it. I wifh we could hear of fome overtures towards peace ; then would the King be freed from a necefilty of confenting to unreafon^ able and other Minijlers sf State. 479 able things j or we fhould be the better able to bear the interdidure of our trade with England : for to that, upon the matter, the forbidding us to fend our cattle to their markets will amount. 1 am, very really Sir, your moft affedionate fervant. From Sir William Coventry. SIR, Whitehall, November 2, i566. I Have received the favour you did me of the 5rh, N. S. and received with it the bill of exchange for fifty pounds, which, I doubt not, will fuddenly be paid. I ow/c {q many of thofe advantages to your care and kindnefs, that they become ordinary, and do not leave me any new exprefilons for my thanks. We have great expedbations what the Swedes army at Bremen, and the new confederation againft them, will produce. We hear the Duke of Savoy and the State of Geneva are falling out, which probably will not want partners in its fuccefs : fo that tht influence of Sixty-fix will extend itfeif farther than the puri- tans allowance for the Rcvelatious to be fulfilled in, which they confine to England. We are debating ftill in Parliament which way to raife money, but we draw nearer a conclufion •, and I believe the next week will bring it to good maturity. I am, Sir, your moft aff»5lionate humble fcrvant. From the Duke ofQrmond. SIR, Dublin, Dec. 18, 1666* YOurs of the -rV P^^ found me on my way hither, where I propofe to fpend the reft of the winter. How the fummer will be fpent, feems very doubtful ; our preparations for the war would make one think we are fure of a peace ; which may be well faid without any refle^lion on the King and his Minifters. H h 4 I am 480 Letters of Sir William Temple, I am once to thank you for your great civility to my nephew Clancarty, in whofe confideration you have undertaken to endeavour a pafs for Colonel Murphy, and for the difpofition of the money the Colonel was ordered (if he thought fit) to put into your hand. I have by this poft written to Sir John Shaw to draw it into England when he Ihall find it beft ; and I am prepared to pay the Colonel here. I believe you heard as foon of the fuppreffion, as of the railing, of the Scottifh commotion •, perhaps equal credit would not be given in Holland to both. It made me haften hither, and prepare myfelf to halve kept Chriflmas in the North, if the rebellion had laft- ed. What difcovery will be made, and juftice done upon the offenders, you will receive fooner knowledge of out of England, than from hence. I am very confident they had well-wiHiers here ; which is a good, or rather a bad, flep to correfpondency, as that is to conjundion, Thofe that think well of Prefby*- tcrians, diftinguifh thofe fellows, and call them Re- . m.onflrators. 1 think the true difference is, thefe thought they had power to change the government, and the other do wilh they had. When you are at leifure, I wifh to know what kind of fort is raifed at Charleroy, and what number of men, horfe, and foot, it will contain, I am, with all reality, Sir, your mofl affedionate humble fervant. From the Duke of OrmoJid. SIR, Dublin, January 29, 1667. TH E fuccefs of your negotiations gives no man greater fatisfadbion for the part you had in it, than to me. The happy confequences w^iich may reafonably be expedted from the conclufion of that treaty, may extend farther and laft longer, than I have had time, fince I received yours of the 24th in- ftant, , and other Minijlers of State. 48 1 ftant, to confider. I confefs, my firft reflexions were upon the good effedl it will have at home, and the good humour it is likely to put the Parliament in at ijieir firft meeting •, which I look upon as the foun- dation of all other advantages to be derived from it by reputation, and all the good effedls of that amongft our neighbours. I fhould be glad to hear where or when you are like to fix, that my letters may be con- veyed to you when I think they may be worth your receiving from. Sir, your moft affedionate humble fervant. From my Lord Ambajfador Coventry. S I R, Breda, Auguft 4, N. S. 1667. YOURS of the 29th July I have received, and thank you for it. I doubt not but by this time you have heard of the feveral treaties of peace figncd here the 44- of J^^^y- We were fo very bufy in dif- patching away Sir John Coventry for England with the treaties, that I had not leifure till now to give you an account of it. That between the States and us confifteth in an abfolute abolition of all pretences on either fide, each to remain mafters of what they were in poflefllon of the J:^ of May 1 66^ •, what fince taken, to be reftored, as to lands and fortrefTes ; fhips are yet liable till after publication, when all hoflili- ties are to ceafe within twelve days in the Channel, and fo proportionably in other feas ; then the whole treaty of 1662 renewed, and we both to make ufe of the articles between France and this State for contra- band goods, till fuch time as we can agree of one be- tween ourfelves. The reft is a reftoring of the treaty in 1662, as to all its articles except the eleventh, wherein our pretenfions are contained. As to the a#: of navigation, you will hear much noife, that that is repealed. Hiere is no fuch thing j neither doth tlic 482 Letters of Sir William Temple, the article about that matter give the States any more advantage, than as I conceive the adb gave them be- fore. As to the French, we reftore all to each other that each hath taken, and all things done put in ob- livion. As to Denmark, the debt he owed the Hamburgh company, France ftanding very firm to him upon the point •, and their greateft argument was, that it was not a debt contracted by him or his father v but, on the contrary, impofed on his father for hav- ing affifted the late King -, and befides they gave us our choice either to agree thus, or to account for what had been taken on each fide, and render : the latter was thought the more prejudicial to the King our Mailer •, and fo this hath paifed. And there is, I think, the fubflance of the three treaties. How or where this letter will find you, we know not : for we here believe BrufTels befieged, and that, according to the fafhion of this year's campaign, i3 litde lefs than taken. All public Minifters have, or will have, left this town within a day or two, except ourfelves. To- morrow fortnight they all meet here again, expelling the ratification. I am. Sir, with very great fincerity, your moft faithful humble fervant. From my Lord Hollis. S I R, Breda, July 4, N. S. 1 66 j. I Have received yours by my Lord Stafford's fer- vant, and fee you have put off your journey hither in expectation we might be removing hence ; and for which it feems the Marquis de Caftel-Rodrigo is pleafed to exprefs himfelf with fo much civility and kindnefs towards us -, for which both my Lord Am- baffador Coventry and myfelf do return our mod humble thanks. But ir will not be poffible that we ^ can and other Minifters of State. 483 can remove fo foon % fo as afTuredly you will have time enough to do us that favour, and very gladly we fhall receive it from you •, when we may at leifure difcourlc of the prefent polture of our affairs, and make thofe fad rcfledlions which they deferve ; and which will be much fitter for a conference, than to be fet down in paper. I fhall referve them till then, and in the mean time, and ever, remain. Sir, your very affeftionatc god moil humble fervant. From my Lord Amhaffador Coventry. S I R, Breda, Auguft ^-J, 1 66j. IAm very thankful to you for the buck you lent us ; and it came very well, and fo feafonably, that I made ufe of fome of it the very morning it came. We have no news to fend you from hence, but that we are now altogether employed in jollity, and expedt our fhips to give us fome fea phyfic, to purge the ex- cefTes we make, Your health is not only what we drink, but what we pray for. The firft part hath alrea- dy been ufeful to digeil our venifon, and the other we referve for more important confiderations. In conclu- fion, we hear more of drums and trumpets fince the peace, than we did in the war *, though I hope this will not be fo fatal a noife as they make at Li fie. I am forry both for the want of your company, and the reafon of it. Now, our own peace is done, I could wifh with all my heart Chriflendom's were fo too. Sir, I pray believe me to be, what I very fincerely am, your moft faithful humble fervant» From ^ 4S4 Letters of Sir William Temple, \. From my * Lord Lijle. SIR, September 26, i66j^ Since 1 had your laft letter, I have made you no acknowledgment of it : a retirement is in feve- ral refpeds like the night of one's life, in the obfcu- rity and darknefs, and in the fleepinefs and dofednefs : which I mention to put you in mind that I am only by my pofture of life apt to be failing towards you. What is of Court or aflemblies near us, is at my^ Lord Crofts's. Sir Thomas Ingram this fummer hath made no noife at all. Old Lady Devonlhire keeps up her feafts flill -, and that hath been of late Mr, Waller's chief theatre : the aflembly of wits at Mr. Comptroller's will fcarce let him in : and poor Sir John Denham is fallen to the ladies alfo. He is at many of the meetings at dinners, talks more than ever he did, and is extremely pleafed with thofe that feem willing to hear him ♦, and from that obligation exceedingly praifes the Dutchefs of Monmouth and my Lady Cavendifh ; if he had not the name of be- ing mad, I believe in mod companies he would be thought wittier than ever he was. He feems to have few extravagancies, befides that of telling ftories of himfelf, v/hich he is always inclined to. Some of his acquaintance fay, that extreme vanity was a caufe of his madnefs, as well as it is an efFed. All perfons of note hereabouts are going to their winter-quarters at London. The burning of the city begins to be talked of as a ftory like that of the burning of Troy. At Sheen we are like to be bare : Lady Luddal feems uncertain in her flay; and we hear that, when Sir James Sheen and his Lady we^e ready to come from Ireland, great cramps took my * Afterwards Earl of Lejceller. Lady and other Mtnijlers of State, 485 'Lady in her limbs : and Sir James's lervants doubt ■whether we fhall fee him this winter. "" I defire. Sir, your leave to kifs my Lady Temple's hands, and my Lady Giffard's hands, by your letter. My daughter and I were in difpute which of us two ihould write this time to BrufTels ; and, becaufe I was judged to have more leifure, it fell to me, and my Lady Temple is to have the next from her. I wiih, you. Sir, all good fucceffes in your bufinefs, and. am your very afFefiionate fervant. From the Earl of Sandwich. SIR, Madrid, September 27, 1667. THIS begs your pardon for my not writing by the lafl poll, and prefents you my humble thanks for that letter I fhould then have acknowledged, and another of September 7, N. S. which, with many advices very confiderable and defireable to be known, gives me one particular fatisfadlion, to hear that one copy of the treaty is in fo certain a way of getting home. There are two more gone by fea, one from Calais, Auguft 2, N. S. the other exprefs by a veflel from Rigo in Gallicia, Auguft 31, N. S. defigned to fet a gentleman of my company afliore in Ireland on the fouth part; which courfe I direded as a certain way to avoid the danger of the fea, and no very tedious way of pafTage ; I fuppofe all thefe like- ly to arrive in England much about a time. This place affords not much confiderable news to return you. Our Portugal adjuftment keeps the pace of the accuftomed Spanifli gravity (if it proceed for- ward at all.) They have here removed the Prefident of the Hazienda, (or, as they call it ^ Jubilar'd Kim) giving him his falary ftill of 6000 ducats per awimn^ for his own life,* his wife's and his eldeft fon's-, and alfo have given him fome other confiderable Mer- cedes ; 4^6 Letters of Sir William Tempky cedes ; and have made Don Lopez de los Rois Pre- fident de Hazienda in his room. This lafl is Caftil- lo's near kinfman and creature, the other a near kinf- man of the Duke of Medina's de las Torres. The Conde de Fwenfalida is lately dead (a Grandee of Spain.) My chief bufinefs here is a longing expec- tation to hear of the treaty I have made here to be received in England, which now I daily Ihall hope for ; and, as any thing thence, or here, occurs worth your nonce, it fhall be prefented you by. Sir, your moil affedtionate and moft humble fervant. From the Earl of Sandwich. S I R, Madrid, December -iJ, 1667. I Hope from your goodnefs to find pardon for mif- fing the other polls, but dare not adventure your patience to fail this alfo, though I am now hurried by bufinefs, fo that I have not time fo largely and con- fiderably to write as I defire. Be pieafed then to know that Mr. Godolphin's journey to Portugal fuf- fered fo much delay, until it was found neceflary that I mufl: go in perfon thither; and then he refolved to make ufe of the King my Mailer's leave to return in- to England, and began his journey for Bilboa on Tuefday morning lafl. You know the value of Mr. Godolphin fo well, that it is needlefs to tell you my griefs in parting from one of the moil accomphlhed, worthy, and generous friends that ever I met with : and am heartily glad that your friendiliip and mine do alfo convenire in aliquo tertio. My journey for Portugal hath ^raoil met with as many or more calms than Mr. Godolphin's : and, in good earneil, I am not able to give you any light, whether it be likely to proceed or no. The Spaniards have reformed tWo regiments of Gernian$ at Badajos ^ very good officers they fay, aflii. nfid other Minijltrs of State. 487 and are refolved never to ferve the Spaniard more. The King of Spain has had the fmall-pox \ but is fo recovered, as they fear no danger. In Portugal, Don Pedro is made Governor to af- fifl his brother in the fame nature as his mother did when Ihe was Regent : and the addrelTes are made in the fame manner. The Queen is returned to a convent, aflerting her- fclf to be a maid : and the King has under his hand and oath deHvered the fame. So the Queen purfues the caufe among the church-men to have the mar- riage declared null. There are Cortes to be called there January i, N. S. On the 7th inftant, N. S, the Marquis of Sande (the Ambaflador that brought the Queen) was Ihot and killed in the flreet with a carabine, and no body knows who did it. I wifh you a very merry Chriflmas, and am moft affedlionately. Sir, your moft faithful and mod hum- ble fervant. P. S. If I go to Portugal, pray continue our cor- refpondence to Mr. John Werden, a Gentleman wor- thy of your favour, and very able and fecurely my friend, who does me the favour to continue in my houfe, and manages the King's bufmefs in this Court in my abfence, and will fend me your letters. From Monjieur Gourville. De Monfieur Gourville. Luneburgy Jan, A Lunebourg, 28, SIR^ 28,1668. Monfieur, Jan. 1668. T> Y a copy of the letter writ- T} ARla copie de la lettre quf ^ ten from the King of Eng- ''^ fa Majejle Britannique a land to the States, 1 under- krite aux EtaU des Provinces ftand you are a peaceable Unies^ fapprens que vous etes man : and the memorial you un homme padfique ; la memoir e have given to defire commif- que vous avez prefentee pour de- fioners, in order to examine mander des commtjjaires pour jointly with you into the chercher enfemble les moyens dt means p<&r^ 488 Letters of Sir William Temple, means for a good peace, makes us believe that you dcfire in good earneft to give repofe to Chriftendom. You know I have alvirays defired it; but however it will be the more agreeable to fee it done by your hands. In good earneft, 1 am glad the King of Eng- land has made choice of you for fo great and important an affair : when his Majefty knows your merits, I afTure tnykM you will be always in the greateft employments ; and I aflure you, that I fhall al- ways be making wifhes for 3?our advancement, till I fee you made Chancellor of Eng- land. In the mean time I jQiall be ever, Sir, your moft humble and obedient fervant. P. S. If you have a defire to make the peace, I look up- on it as very far advanced ; the Princes here (hew their defire of it. I did not think to ftay in this country above eight or ten days ; yet here I am after four months. Pray let me know whether you th.ink the afiembly will be at Aix, and near what time, that I may keep my lodgings there ; and, if you will tell me in con- fidence the opinion you have of the peace, I (hall be obliged to you : mine is, that you may make it if you pleafe ; but I am not yet convinced whether you can hinder it, if Monfieur de Witt has fo much defire to parvenir a une bonne pah, doit faire croire que ceji tout de bon que vous voulez donner le repos a la Chretiente. Fousfdvez com- meje Vat toujour sfouhaite ; mah elk me fera autant plus agreahle, de la voir fait e de votre main : tout de bonje me rejouis que fa Majejie Britannique vous ait choifi pour une fi grande l^ ft importante affaire, ^mndelle connoitra votre merite^ je m'af-' fure que vous aurez toujour s les plus grands emplois ; ^ je vous affure de la meilleurefoi du mm^ de^ quejufqti a ce queje vous voye Chancelier d' Angleterre^je ferai toujours des vceux pour votre avancement. Et en attendant^ je ferai toujours plus veritable- ment que perfonne du monde^ votre tres humble ^ tres obeif fant ferviteur. P, S. Si vous avez bien envie de faire la paix^je la tiens fort avancee ; les Princes ia temoig- nent la defirer : je ne croyois de- meurer en ce pais ici que huit ou dix JQurSy i^ m^y voila au bout de quatre mois. Je vous prie de me mander ft vous croyez que Von s^ajjemblera a Aix^ ^ apeu prh le tems^ afin que j'y faffe retenir ma chambre : i^ ft vous voulez confidemment me mander Topinion que vous avez de la paix.je vous en ferai oblige. La m'lenne eft que fi vous la voulez que vous la ferez : mais je ne fuis pas ft convaincu que vous lapuiffiez empecher^ ft Monfieur de IV lit a autant d'' envie de la faire y ccmme bien de ge'ns le (royetit^ and other Minijlers of State. 489 tG make it, as many people believe, according to what 1 am told . croyenty felon ce que Von in en mande. From Monfieiir Gcurvilk, De Monfieur Gcurville. Luneburg^ Feb, SIR, 22, 1668. ALL your modcft reafon- ■^ ing will not hinder me from believing that any other Minifter the King of England could have fent to the Hague, would not have finiihed in many months what you have done in four days. Without flattery, it is a thing you ought to be extremely fatisfied with. I fufpefled at firft, that you had made this treaty by fome concert with the Marquis of Cartel- Rodfigo: for, though the King my mafter has fo much reafon to be content to fee him grant what his Ma- jefty demanded, neverthelefs the bad counfel of the Spani- ards has put them in a condi- tion to receive your work as the fafetyofwhat remained to them of Flanders. 1 never lamented my abfencefrom the Hague but fmce I knew you were there. I cannot yet tell wh^ time I ihal! be obliged to ilay here, Monfieur de Lionne having charged me from the King with fome or- ders in this court, which I have reafon to believe v/ill accom- modate my affairs. I am iirongly perfuaded the King Vol. I, my A Lunebourg, 22 Monfieur, Fevr. 1^668. TjrOute la modejlie de voire rai- "*• fmnement ne triempechera pas de croire, que tout autre Minljlre que fa Majejle Bri- tannique eut envoye a la Haye^ n'auroit pas fait en bien de mots ce que vous ave% acheve en quatre jours. Sansfaterie cefl une chofe qui vous doit extreme- ment fatisfaire. J'ai d^abcrd foup^ojine que vous avie^fait ce irai'te de quelque concert avec Monfieur le Marquis de Cajlel- Rodrigo : car encore que le Rot mon Maitre ait tantfujet d'etre content de le voir accorder cequ^il a demande ; neanmoins le me- chant confeil des Efpagmls les a mis en Hat de recevoir voire ou- vrage comme le falut de ce qui leur reflera aiix Pa'is-Bas. Je navois point regret te mon ab- fence de la Haye que depuis que je fai que vous y etes: je nefau* rois encore [avoir le terns que je ferai oblige de demeurer ici ; Monfieur de Lionne m'ayant charge de la part du Roi de quelques ordres en cette cour^ . tant que j'ai lieu de croire qu^ cela acccmmodera vies affaires^ Gefl pourtant un chtmin qui me peut conduire a cette fin: jefuis tres foriemcnt perfuade que le I i Rii 490 Letters of Sir V/illlam Temple^ my mafter will hold to the al- ternative, Monfit*ur deLion- ne having fent me word that his Majefty was content with what you had done at the Hague ; and that, if the man- ner of it had been a little more obliging, there were nothing more to be de fired. Thefe Princes mightily defire the peace upon your conditions j the league of the Rhine is ex- tremely fatisfied with it; fo that, in all appearance, Spain may do what they pleafe ; for this time their country fhall be faved, no thanks to them. I would fain know whether you think of going to Aix. I have a great mind to fee this negotiation : and I fnould have nothing to defire, if I were fure to find you there. I fee by this bufinefs here, that the peace will be made ; or elfe, that there will be a great war ; but I rather think the former. And, if they will let me come no more to France, it is there (at Aix) I defign to refide for the refl of my life. I doubt not but they will let me take one turn to Paris to fee if I can make my peace ; but I fear they will raife infupportable difficulties. 1 defire you to believe me alwavs- Sir, your m oft humble and mofl obedient fervant. It may be I tliall fee you at the Hague fooner than you think. Pram Rol man Maitre fe iiendra J Palternailve. Monfieur deLi- onne nia mande que fa Majejls eto'it contente de ce que vous a- VI ez fait a la Haye : ^ que ft la fapn en eut ete un peu plus obligeante^ il rCy aw oit eu rien a defirer. Ces Princes ici fou- haitent fort la paix aux condi* tions que vous la voulez faire : la ligue du Rhin en ejl trhfat'if- faite^ ainfi felon les apparences les Efpagnols auront beau faire .^ on Jauvera leur pais en depit d'eux pour cettc fois ici, "je voudrois hi en f avoir ft vouscroyeT^ aller a Aix ; fai fort envie de voir ceits negociation^ ^ je Tiaurois rien a defirer fi je fa- vols vous y trouper* fe voi par cette affaire ici, que la paix ce fera^ ou que fefera une grande guerre ; mais tout me fait croire le premier ; i^ fi on ne vcut point de moi en France ^je in en vai prendre mon parti pour le rejte de 7ncs jours, fe ne doute point que Von ne me laijfe faire un tour d Paris pour voir ftjepourrois m^ accominoder \ mais je crains que Von ne mefaf' je des difficultes infzipportables, fe vous fupplie de nie croire toujours^ Monfieur^ voire trh humble ^ trh ohe'ijfant fervi- teur, fepourraipeiit- etre vous voir a la Haye plutk que vous ne pen fez, . De and other Mintjlers of State. 49 1 From Monfietir de V/itt. De Monfieur de Witt. Ha^ue^ Feb. SIR, 25,1668. 'TT^ H E bearer hereof deliver- '■' ed me the letter you did me the honour to write to me from Antwerp of the 24th in- ftant 5 wherem I behold with pleafure your zeal and dili- gence for the advancement of our common affair ; as alfo the good difjiofitions that your offices have already raifed in the mind of the Marquis of Caftel-Rodrigo, and the ap- pearance of a morefatisfaitory declaration we fhall receive upon the common requeft to be made him from the King of Great Britain and this State. I delayed not to communicate and deliberate the contents of thefaid letter, with the States Commiiiioners deputed upon the fubje6l of our laft nego- tiations ; and we hope you will judge as we do, that it is abfolutely necelTary for his Excellence to declare himfelf without farther delayorreferve, agreeably to what is concluded between England and this State, without defiring before- hand any concert more parti- cular than that which is made, figned, and ratified, between us and our Mafters : for fmce the King of France has feen by his laft conquefts howweak and negligent the Spaniards are, it is to be feared, that, if the A la Have, 25 Monfieur, Fevr. 1668. T E porteur de celle- ci rna b'len •*~^ delivre la let Ire quilvous a phi vie falre rhonnew de wV- crire d'Anvejs le 2^?ne di ce ino'is \ ^ fy ai vu avec agrc'- ment le zele ^ la diligence qus vous avez apporte pour Havana' ment de notre affaire co?timune ; comme aiijfilei bonnes difpofitions que vos offices ont deja fait naiire dans Vefprit de Monfieur le Marquis de Cajiel-Roclrigo, ^ Vapparence d'une declaration plui fatisfaifante que nous recevrons fur la priere commune qu'on lui va faire de la part du Roi de la Grande Br etagne l^ de cetEtat. ye nai pas tarde de communis' quer ^ deliberer le contenu di ladite let tre avec lei Commiffaires des Etats^ deputes fur le fujet de nos dernieres negociations ; ^ nous efperons que vous jugerez avec nous qu'iiejl abfolument ne- ceffaire que f on Excellence fe de-* dare fans plus de delai (^ fans auciine referve conforme?nent d la difpofition de ce qui eft concltt, entr€ V Angleterre & cet Etat^ fans dejirer au preamble aucun concert plus particulier que celui qui efl fait^fignc^ &' ratifie entre 710US & par nos Maitres. Car puifque le Roi de France a vu par les dernier s pr ogres, comme les Efpagnols font foibles ^ ne- gligens ; // ejl a appreh^nder que li 2 / Letters of Sir William Temple, 495 the Marquis lets the month of March expire vvithoU't plainly declaring himfelf as we defire, the King of France may be very glad, after the expiration of the faid term, not to be obliged, by virtue of his word given, to make the peace up- on the alternative, but may make ufe of the time and dif- ordcf of the Spaniards, to fur- prife Luxemburg, and a great part of what remains to the King of Spain in the Nether- lands; and to order his affairs afterwards as occurrences (hall happen. The States-General are obliged and entirely refolv- ed, in cafe of refufal from the King of France, or any eva- fions from that fide, after it has been infmuated to him that the Marquis has accepted either part of the alternative, to execute, in the moft vigo- rous manner poiIible» what is contained in our third feparate article; and by confequence, jointly with England, to break into open war againft France, to ad in concert, not only for defence of the Netherlands, but, alfo, and above all, to at- tack and infeft France by fea, by defcents, invafions into the country, and all other ways. But becaufe it may be prefup- pofed in public, that the King of France, after having given his word to the States, and af- terwards by a circular letter, not or^.ly to the Kins: of Great Britain and the faid States, btst ah'U fi Monfieur le Marquis laljjg ecoider le mois de Mars fans. s'etre declare neitement^ commt nous le deftrons^ le R.oi de France nefoit trh aife de n'etre pas ob- lige aprh r expiration en vertu de Ja parole domiee^ de faire la paix fur I' alternative ; iff qu^il nefefrve encore du terns ^ du defer dre des Efpagnols pour fur' prendre en menu fa con le Lux- embourg^, is" une grande par tie de ce qui rejie an Roi d'Efpagne dans le Pais B as ; ^ pour fe regler par aprcs felon les occur- rences. Les Etats Gineraux fe trouvent obliges ^ entierement refolus^ au cas de refus du Roi de France^ ou des khappatoires recherches defon cote^ apres quon lui aura infinue que Monfieur le Marquis ait accept e Vune ou V autre par lie de r alternative ^ d'executer en la maniere la plus vigour eufe que faire fe pourra^ le contenu du troifmne de nos ar- ticles fepares ; par confequent de rompre conjoi;dement avec I'An- gkterre en guerre ouverte centre la France-i d'agir de concert tion feulcment pour ladefenfe du Pais- Bas ; ?nais auffi ^ furtout d'at- taquer i^ incommoder la France de leurs forces maritimes ; Cff meme par des defcentes^ ou in- vafions dans le Pdis^ ^ en toute autre maniere: mais d'autant quil faut prefuppofer publique- mcnt^ que le Roi d-e France^ a- pres avoir donne fa parole par une lettre circulaire^ non feide^ ment au Roi de la Grande Bre- iagne ^ aux diti Etats^'mais auff^ and other Minijiej^s of State alio to many Princes of Ger- many, will not break a pro- mife fo folemnJy made j we cannot by any means enter in- to concert and league with Spain, before this caleeffedu- ally arrives ; and we think that fuch a league and concert made before the feafon would be likely indeed to produce the efFecSt the Marquis defires ; but which is far from his Ma- jefty of England's aim, or that of the States ; for you cannot but know, that his Ex- cellence would prefer the con- tinuance of the war with our afliftance, to the ccnclufionof the peace uponthealternative; and his Majefty, as well as the States, prefers this peace before the continuance of a war, whereof they muft bear all the cofts, and all the profit be to the King of Spain. Now, we comprehend very well, that fuch a concert and fuch a league as his Excellence de- fires, would put the King of France upon an abfolute ne- celTity of continuing the war ; becaufe, if he fhould comply after fuch a league made with his enemies, it would appear publickly, that he was obliged to it by this bond, andconfe- quently by his enemies them- felves. And therefore the matter is judicioufly enough propofed by his Excellence for arriving at his end ; but, fince it would make us mifs of ours, we hope you will put the Marquis off it, and make him ^uit 493 au^t a phfieurs Princes d' AHe- magne^ 7ie voudra pas manquer a une promejfe ft fokmnelkment donnee ; nous ne pourrions en on- cune fa^on enti'er en concert i^ ligue avec VEfpagne^ avant que c€ cas foit cffetiivement arrive : is" nous jtigeons quun tel concert & une telle ligue faite dcvant la faifon^feroit fort capable de prO' duire I'effet que Monfeur le Marquis fouhaite^ mais qui eji tout a fait eloigne du hut de fa MajcjU de la Grayide Bretagne^ is' de leurs Hautes Puifjarues ^ car il ne pcut vous etre inconnu que fon Excellence pref err eroit la continuatiGn de la guerre avec nos fecours^ a la conclufton de lapaix fur r alternative. Et fa Ma- je/ie aujft hien que leurs Hautes Puiffances prefer eut cette paix a la continuation d\me guerre dont lis feroient obliges de porter tou" tes les deperfes^ & dont tout k profit feroit pour le Roi d'Efpag- ne. Or., nous comprennons fort hien qiiun tel concert l^ une teU le ligue que fon Excellence defire^ mettroit le Roi de France dans une necejjitc ahfolue de continuer la guerre ; d'autant que fe ren- dant apres une telle ligue fait e avec fes ennemis., il paroitroit publiquement qiiil y fut oblige par cette liaifon, & par conje- quent par fes ennemis manes ; 6f part ant f affaire eJi judicieufe- ment propofce par fon Excellence pour parvenir a fon hut \ mais puifque elle nous feroit pcrdre le notre^ nous efperons que vous en detour nereT. Monfeur le Mar- quis^ & que VGUS lui fere% pert Il 3 dn 494 Letters of Sir William Temple , quit all hopes of engaging us, by the force of his great geni- us, to enter of our own accord, where we have no mind to come but upon a fatal necef- fity. I think his Excellence does wrong to the King of Great Britain and the States, in not trufting their afFeiStion and their honour, which are concerned, as well as their in - tereft, after the alliance and the peace they have already made together : but if, after his Excellence has accepted our propofitions, the King of France fhall happen to draw back or Teek evafions, then the King of Great Britain and the States-General entering into the party, and even into a rup- ture with France, it will be very jp.fl: and proper to concert with his Excellence after what manner to a£l in the territory of the King his Mafter ; and yet in the mean while not o- mit entering into action with- out the leaft lofs of time. Therefore it will be no way neceffary for me to be upon our frontiers towards the end propofed by his Excellence, which befides will be wholly irnpoffible for me ; much lefs to fend any body from hence to BrufTels, fince the States- Deputies, who are there at prefent, are the fame wefliould chufe for the end defired : for I sfTure you I can name no body in whom the States as well 35 1 ill particylar can have greater dre toute efperance de 7te fouvclr pas par Jon grande genie meine nous engager comme pur gayete de arnry ou nous ne voulons ve- nir qu'au cas d^ume fatale necef- ftte. 11 me femhle que f on Ex- cellence ferott tort an Roi de la Grande Bretagne^ &' aux Etats Generaiix^ de ne fe fier pas a leur affection & d leur honneur^ dont il y va ft bten que de leur inter k^ apres la lialfon & lepas quails out fait dejd enfemble. Mais fi apres quelle aura accepte nos propofitions^ le Roi de France vie?it d reculer, ou d chercher des echappatoires ; alors le Rot de la Grande Bretagne^ tff les Etats Generaux^ entrant dans le partly ^ meme en rupture ovec la France^ il fera trh d propos que Von concert e avec fon Excel- lence la man lire dont on agira dans le territoire du Roi Jon Maitre ; ^ ^ue pourtant Von ne laiffe pas cependant d'entrer en a^ ion fans la moindre perte de terns. II ne fera done nullement necefjaire que je me trouve fur nos frontiers pour la fin propofee par fon Excellence <^ ce que d^ail- leurs me feroit tout a fait impoj- fible ; ^ encore hien moins l^on envoye quelqu^un d'ici a Bruxel- les, d'autant que les Deputes des Etats qui s'y trouvent prefente- ment^J'ont ceux-ld ineme que Von pourroit dm fir pour la fin de- free ; vous pouvafit affurer qus je ne pouvois nommer perfonne^ en qui VEtat aujfi hien que mot en particulier^ puijfent avoir plus de confiance^ dont ils vous don- neroni a72d other Minijlers of State. 495 greater confidence, whereof I do not doubt but they will give you proofs, as well as of their Sincerity and good condu6t. I dcfire you therefore, Sir, to ufe them with as much free- dom as me, and I will engage they {liall do the fame by you. And, if you have been at all fatisfied with my manner of tranfad^ing, as I have been ex- tremely with yours, that you will be alfo fatisfied with that of the faid Deputies, For the reft we approve ex- tremely the diligenceyou make on all fides in fending to the 71 e doiite ■point que la condmte que vous avez ienue pour difpofer ceux du Conjeil d'Etat de cc pais afi conformer au fefitifjient de Jon Excellence, ne produife leur ap- p laudijp?nent . J'ejp ere que de- vant que celle-ci vous /era rert' due, vous aurez rer,u de fon Ex- cellence une declaration, dans les formes ^ par ecrit, couchce en termes clairs & fatisfaifantSy fans aucune ainbiguite ou objcu- rite-, ^ enfin telle qui Me laiffe aucune cccafion ni nieme aucun preiexte d la France d'y trou- ver quelque chofe d redire-^ mais qui la mette en neceffite defede^ clarer auffi de fon cote nettement fur les conditions & articles de notre convention, i^ nous hors de doute &" d'embarras de ce que mm avons dfaire. ^ant a moife ne manquerai pas de tenir la main a ce que VEiat fe mette tout a fait en poflure de pouvoir ac' courir vigoureufement^ effica ce- ment d la defenfe du Pa'is-Bas en cas qu'apres une declaration nette h" fatisfaifante de fon Ex- cellence, fe Roi de France nous laiffe encore de l^apprehenfion de plus grands progrh que fa Ma- je/le voudroit tacher de faire dans le meme pais ; ce que nous ne pouvons pas prefiippofer fans etre preoccupe d'un foupgon que ledit Roi voudroit bienfaufferfa. parole donnee, l^ fa promefj'e fi folemnellement faite par des let- tres publiques & circulqires : c^ qu'd Dieu ne plaife \ ^ ce que pQU^rt and other Minijlers of State. however common prudence fhould make us fuppofe to be poiTiblc, that we might not neglect the means, whereof we have fo often difcourfed, and upon which the States have given order to their Am- bafTadors in England, to con- cert more particularly with the King of Great Britajn and his Minifters. You have farther obhVed o me by not giving a copy of my foregoing difpatch to the Marquis, fmce in my opinion he might have made ufe of it to provoke and anger the King of France, and oblige him, as it were in point of honour, to be obftinate in the war againft thedefire and intention of the King of England and the States ; but by giving his Ex- cellence fomuch part therein, as to read to him ourfeparate articles ; that is what I can- not but entirely approve, as being wholly agreeable to my manner of proceeding, as well as your precaution,wherewith yeu kept the common caufe from the danger above-men- tioned, in not giving him a copy. For the refi-, I refer myfelf to what the Deputies of the 3tates fhall have already told you upon the contents of your former difpatch, and to what they fhall communicate to you, from time to time, of the intentions of their High Mightinefie?, and fhall ever Remain 497 pourtant la prudence veut que nous nous Jigur ions comme pajjlbky pour ne negl'iger pas les nioyens dont nous nous fommes bien fou- vent entretenuSy U' fur Icjquels les Etats out donne ordre a leurs AmhaJjcMurs en Angleterre de concerter plus particuUerement avec le Rci de la Grande Bre- tagne ^ fes Mint/ires, Vous nCavez eyicore oblige de r^ avoir point donne copie de ma precedente depeche au Marquis ; puifque a mon jugement ^ on au- roit pu s^en fervir pour aigrir 6f picquer le Rci de France^ ^ pour Vobliger en quelque fapn^ par point d'honneur^ a s'opinia- trer dans la guerre contre le but ^ fouhait du Roi de la Grande Bretagne^ i^ des Etats Gene- raux. Mais que vous aye% donne part a fon Excellence par le^ure de nos articles fepares^ c'ejl ce queje ne puis qv^approu- ver entierement^ coimnc Hantfort conforme a ma maniere d'agir iff de prcceder ; aujft bien que la precaution dont vous avez ga- rafjti la caufe commune dufudit danger^ en ne lui en ayant point donne cqpie, Au rejle^ ]e me remets a ce que Meffieurs les Deputes de V Etat vous auront deja dit i^ temoigne fur le contenu de voire depeche precedente^ ^ dee quails vous communiqueront de terns en terns de V intention de lews Hau^ tes Puijfances : l^ demeurerai a jamais celui qui fuis avec pof- Jion, 498 Letters of Sir V/ilUarn Temple, remain what I am with paf- fion, Sir, your moft affectio- nate and h umble fervant. fton^ Monfteur^ voire ires affec^ iionne ^ trh humble fervitcur. From Monfieur de Witt, Pe Monfieur de Witt. Hague^ March SIR, 16, 1668. Y O U R difpatch of the 1 1 th ^ inllant did not come to my hands till the 14th at noon, the courier who brought it having not been difmiiTed from BrufTels till the 13th. I was very glad to fee you had at lafi: difpolcd the Marquis to difpatch the Baron of Ber- geyck for AixlaChapelle, be- ing very much perfuaded that it imports us mightily to have « quick conclufion of the peace, or elfe to fee clearly in- to the mofi inward difpofitions of the King of France, as well as thofe of the Spaniih Court ; and that all delay is very pre- judicial to our intentions, and totheintcrefts of Spain. And, that we may be neither fur- prifed nor abufed on either fide, I think, in the prefent conjun6lure, two things are tibfolutely neceflary : the firft is, that England and this State will be furniihed by fea and land ; and the other, that we take away, not only all law- ful caufe, but alfo, as much as poiliblc, all pretext, from France to delay or avoid the concluding arid figning the treaty of peace. To A la Haye, 16 Monfieur, Mars, 1668. jyOTRE depeche du 11 me de ce mots ne n^a he r endue que le \&.me apres mldi ; le cou- rier qui I' a apportee, n^ayant etc expedie ^ parti de Bruxelles qu§ le lyne, jy ai He fort aife de voir que vous aviez enfin difpofe Monfieur le Marquis de Cajlel-Rodrigo a depecher le Baron de Bergeyck promptement vers Aix la Cha- pelle ; etant trh perfuade qu'il nous importe d' avoir une prompte conclufion de la paix, ou de voir dair dans les intentions les plus interieures du Roi de France, aujji bien que dans celles de la cour d'Efpagne ; & que tout de-f' lai eft fort prcjudiciable a nos in- tentions dff aux interets de VEf- pagne : ilf afin que nous nepuijfi^ ons pas etre furpris cu abifcs de cote ou d'auire^ je juge qu'en la conjonSlure prefente deux chofes nous font ahjolument neceffaires ; dont la premiere efi que I Angle- terre ^ cet Etat foient bien ar^ mes par mer ^ par ierre ; ^ r autre quon oie non feulement taute caife legitime, mais aujfi tant que faire fe pourra, tout pretexie a la France de deldier defquiver la conclufion iff la fignature du traite de paix. Pm and other Miniflers of State. 4 9 9 Pour fatisfalre de noire cote GU premier pointy nous fommes rcfolus de mettre en campagne^ anjjitot que la faifon le pour r a permettre^ toute noire cavalerUy qui confijle en fcpi mille isf irois ccns chevaux^ ^ provifionnelle- meni vingt cinq regimens de no- ire infanterie^ pour lequel le principal rendezvous fer a a Berg- opzoom ^ aux environs ; place fori commode pour pouvoir de la nous jetier en peu de te?ns dans la plupari des places du Roi d* Efpagne au Pdis-Bas. Aujfi avons-nous donne ordre pour C equipage de quarante iff huit vaijfeaux de guerre par def- fus le no?nbre qui feri pour la garde &' refcorie ordinaire ; ^ il y a deja quelque iems que les Etais oni donne ordre a leurs JmhaJJadeurs en Anglcterre de concerter avec le Roi de la Gran- de Bretagne l^ fes Minijlresfur le 7iotnbre iff la quaniite des vaijjeaux iff hommes^ que chacun s^obligeroit d' avoir tout prei iff en quel iems. Outre ccla les De- putes de VEtai font tomhes au- jourd^hui finalemeni d' accord a- vec les Miniflres des Dues de Bronfwich iff de Lunehourgy pour fair e poffer au fervice de cei Etat irois regimens de cava- lerie^ iff irois ?nille hommes a pied-y i^ fefpere que le traiie en pourra etre figne demain,, cu a- prh demain ; iJ au furplus va- t-on id encore augment er la vi- eille milicepar de nouvelles levees jufques au nomhre de dou%e mille hommes^ y compris les troupes defdits To fatisfy on our fide for the firft point, we are refolved, as foon as the feafonwill per- mit, to fend into the field all our cavalry, which confifts of 7300 horfe, and provifionally 25 regiments of our foot, for which the chief rendezvous (liall be at Bergen-op-zoom, or thereabouts ; from whence there will be a convenient march in a few days into moft part of the King of Spain's places in the Netherlands. We have alfo given order for equipping 48 Ihips of war above the number commonly ufed for guard and convoy 5 and the States have already given order to their Ambafla- dors in England, to concert with the King of Great Bri- tain and his Minifters, upon the number of fhips and men that each party fliall be ob- liged to have ready, and in what time. Befides, the De- puties of the States have this day finally agreed with the Miniiters of the Dukes of Bruni\vick and Lunebourg, to bring into the fervice of this State three regiments of horfe, and 3000 foot ; and I hope the treaty will be figned to-mor- row, or the next day. And, farther, they are going here to augment the old militia by new levies, to the number of J 2,000 men, with the troops of the faid Dukes, which are to enter into the fervice of the ■5 State: roo Letters of Sir William Temple ^ State : and I will not fail of helping what I can to the ac- compliihingofallthis, as foon as it can be done by the con- ftitution of the government. And, if you approve all thefe preparations and diligence, as I hope you will, fmce they feem very neceffary, and no way offensive, fince he who really defires the peace, will find in it his fupport and ad- vantage ; and that thefe forces fhall not be employed till the lafl necelTity againft him, that by his wilfulnefs would difap- point Chriftendom of the be- nefit of it ; I defire you, by your letters, to make the ex- hortations neceffary to the King of England and his Mi- nifters, that they may not fail on that fide to make the like preparations and diligence. As to the fecond point, I think it imports much that the Marquis of Caftel-Rodrigo {hould explain himfelf upon which of the two conditions propofed by the alternative, he pretends to have accepted ; wherein there feems the lefs difficulty, fmce his Excellence will, without doubt, explain himfelf for the abandoning the places the King of France has conquered the laft campaign, with their dependencies. But |hep I think it will be our in- tereft defdits Dues qui pajjeront au fervice de cet Etat : ^ je ne manquerai pas de ten'ir la main^ & de prejjer autant quil me fe- ra pojfihle que tout ce que dejfus ait fon accomplijfement le piu- iot qu'ilfe pourra faire felon la conjiitution de ce gowuernment, Et fi VQUs approuvcT, toutes ces preparations S diligences^ com- me je Vefpere^ & qu'elles me femblent fort neceffaires ^ nul- lement offenf antes ; d' autant que celui qui voudra la paix reelle- mentj y trouvera fon appui iff fon av ant age ; ^ que leur em- ploi [era de la derniere neceffite contre celui qui par Jon opiniaire- te en voudroit frufirer la Chre- tiente ; je vous fupplie de faire les exhortations neceffaires par vos lettres au Roi de la Grande Bretagne & afes Minijlres^ a- fin que de ce cote- la on ne man- que pas de faire de feinhlahles preparatifs ^ les mime diligen- ces. ^lant au fecond pointy je croi qu^il importe grandement que Monfieur le Marquis de Cajiel- Rodrigo s'expUque^ laqiielle des deux conditions propofees par V al- ternative il entend avoir accepte : en quoi il me femhle tant moins de difficulte^ que c'eji fans con- tredit que fon Excellence s^expli- quera pour V ahandonement des places que le Roi de France a conquis la campagne pafsee^ avec leurs dependences : mais cefera, ce me femhle^ alorsde notre inte- ret ^ de notre devoir de tra- VCiilW and other Minijlers of State, tereft and duty to endeavour that fome reafonable exchange be made, for places far in the heart of Flanders, againft pla- ces lately taken in the Franche Compte, or others that fhall be more for the advantage of France and lefs for the incon- venience of Spain and us. Befides, to take all pretext from France which they may- pretend to make upon a defect of powers in thefaid Marquis, either in the principal matter, or by default of a claufe of fubilitution, or otherwife ; I think it will be very neceiTary that the King of Great Britain and the States-General ftiall be obliged to ratify and ac- complifh whatever {hall be treated and concluded at Aix; and {hall promife in the firmefl manner the King of France can defire, to oblige Spain in cafe of necefTity to the faid ra- tification and accompli{hment, by all their forces both by fea and land : and, in (hort, that in every occurrence they will do very judiciouily to obviate all exceptions and delays which can be brought to the preju- dice of the peace. But far- ther, when we {liall have brought the King of France to an abfolute neceflity of either finally concluding or difcover- sng his intention contrary to the peace j in that cafe, upon the 501 vatller puijfomment afin - que quelque ecbange raijonahle fe puijje fa'ire des places les plus avancces en Flandi'e^ contre des places nouvellement oaubees dans la Fra72cbe Compte^ ou aiitres qui fcront plus en la bienjeance de la France^ i^ moins d I'in- commodite de I'Efpagne ^ de nous auires, De plus ; pour oter a la France tout pretcxie dont elle fe poiirroit fervir d raifon qii'il pourroit y avoir quelque man- quement au pouvolr dudit Mar- quisy ou en la matiere prlncipa- le^ ou par defaui de la claufe de fuhfiitidion^ ou autre77ient ; il me femble qu'il fcra trcs ?iecef faire que la Roi de la Grande Bretagne & les Etats Generaux fe fdfjent fort de la ratification iff de r accompliffement de tout ce qui f era traite iff conclu a Aix ; ^ promettcnt en la rnaniere la plus forte que le Roi de France le pourra defirer^ d'ohliger en cas de befoin I'Efpagne d ladite ratification^ & au dit accont" pliffementy de toutes leurs forces par mer iff par terre : iff enfin^ qit'en toute autre occurrence on fera trh judkieufcmcnt d'obvier a ioutes les exceptions & delais qui pDurroieni itre apportes au prejudice de la paix. Mais auffi qiiand on aura mis par Id le Roi de France dans une neceffite ah- foluc de proceder outre a la con - chifisn finale^ ou ds dkouvrir fon intention conlraire a la paix -^ qiiahn, 502 Letters of Sir William Temple y the firft ftep France fhall make to fruftrate Chriftendom of fuch a general good, the King ofGreatBritainand the States Ihall, without farther delay, bring all their forces by fea and land, not only for defence of the Spaniards, but alfo for the intent fpecified in the third of our feparate articles, and more amply deduced in my difpatch of the 25th of Fe- bruary laft. For the reft, if you have received the King of Great Britain's ratification upon our laft marine treaty, I fhall wait till you think proper to ex- change it ', upon which I fliall endeavour to conform the States to your defire ; whether our ratification fhall be fent to our CommifTioners now with you ; or whether you will pleafe to fend your Secretary or your brother here to the Hague ; or whether you know any way will pleafe you bet- ter : for in this and every o- ther occurrence I fhall en- deavour to follow your defires, and fecond your intentions, as being not by form of compli- ment, but very really. Sir, your, &c. qtialors a la premlej'c demarchs que la France ferott pour fruf- trer la Chretienie d'un bien ft falutaire^ le Rot de la Grande Bretagne ^ les Etais Generaux feroient agir incontinent^ ^ fans marchander^ toutes leurs forces par mer l^ par terre^ non feu^ kjnent pour la defenfe des Efpag- nols^ ?nais aujfi pour la fin fpe- ctfiee au troifieme de nos articles fepares^ & plus ample?nent de^ duke en ma depiche du2^ Fev^ rier pafse. Au refle^ fattendrai de vos nouvelles ft vous avez re^u la ratification du Roi de la Grande Bretagne fur notre dernier trai' ie de 7narine^ que vous jugercTi a propos que I'on en fajfe re- change ; fur quoi je tacherai de difpofer les Etats afe conformer a votre defir ; foit que Von envoi notre ratification es mains de nos commijfaires qui fe trouveni pre- fentement aupres de vous \ foit que vous envoyez voire fecret aire ^ ou bien Monfteur votre fir ere ici d la Haye j ou que vous fachiez encore quelque autre fa^on qui foit plus a votre gout : car^ ^ en cela^ ^ en toute autre occur- renccy je tacherai de fuivre vos defir s^ & de feconder vos inten- tiotis, comme eta?it 7ion par for - me de compliment^ mais fort re- ellementy Monficur^ votre^ &c. From De and other MiJiiJlers of State, S<^3 Troin Monf^eur de WiU, Dc Monfieur de Witt. Hague^ March SIR, 25,1668. I Received the honour of \^ours of the 25th inftant, upon which I will tell you in few words, that I am wholly of your opinion ; as well for what regards the King of France's dirpofition to carry on the war, the infufficiency of his offer to reflore all he may conquer between the firft of April and the fifteenth of May, the ilrained exceptions againPc the Marquis of Caftel- Rodrigo's powers, and his ac- ceptation of the alternative ; as chiefly for what regards the forces to be raifed with all pof- fible readinefs, and the man- ner by which we ought to proceed to the defence of the Netherlands, as foon as the King of France (hall begin to move againft them. The States are every day more con- firmed in the fame fentiments, as their actions declare, by marching an army with all diligence to Bergen-op-zoom, and by fending an exprefs to the King of Great Britain with intelligence, that they are of opinion, that, in or- der to fatisfy the King of France upon the fcruples pro- pofcd in Monfieur de Lionne's paper of the iQth indant, with promifes and ailurances (uiE- ckiity we muft ht him know dif- A la Haye, 25 Monfieur, Mars, 1668. J' J I bien rc^u la i::ire dont il vous a pill 7nhonorer dii iz^me de ce ino'is^ fur quo'i je vous dirai en peu dc ?nots que je fuis tout a fait de voire opinion, tant a regard de la dfpofition dii Roi de France a continiur la guerre, rinfu^fancc de Voffre dc vouloir rejiitmr iout ce quil pcurroit conquerir enire le pretnier d^A' vril^ h 1^7-ne Ivlai ; les except- tions rccherchccs contre les pou- voirs du Marquis de Cafiel Ro- dvigo, ilf co72tre fon acceptation de r alternative ; que prmcipa- lement l£ fur tout a Vegard de Varmemeyit que Von dcvrcit avan- cer avec toutc la promptitude poffihlc, i5f de la maniere de la- quelle on devra cccourir a la de- fenfe du Pa'is-Bas, dcs que le Roi de France coi^mienc^ra a je remuerpQurVaccahler, Les Etais out dejd approzive & coyifinni encore de jour en jour les inemes feniirnens par leurs a£fions ; fai- fani ?narcher en tonie diligence line ar?rJe aiix environs de Berg- Gpzocm, £5" ayant envoye leur avis par un exprcs au Roi de Im Gra-ade Bretagne, qp'ils font d' opinion quaujfibien qu.e de fa- ti if aire au Roi de France fur la fcrupules prcpcfh dans Vccrit du Sieur de Lionne du i()?ne de ct mois^ avec dss affuranccs l^ pro- fnejes fujffants, il fancha lid fair e f avoir dli'c.rctcmmt^ ^fne- anwjim 504 Letters of Sir William Temple, cUfcreetly, and yet pofitlvely, that we think his generofity will not fufFer him to ruin a State, or a Minifter of Spain, whom the King of England and the States General have obliged, at his requeft, to ac- cept the conditions prefcribed, with a formal affurance, that by that means he fliould free himfelf from all the danger of the war. And, at leaft, that the honour and good faith of the King of Great Britain and the States cannot fufFer fuch a State or Minifter to be injured without lending him their fervice and alTiftance. And by every body's difpofition here I am aflured that, as foon as the agreement is concluded, we fhali march to the affift- ance of the Netherlands, up- on the firft ftep France (hall make to attack them, if the Kino- of England will do the like. But, to acquit ourcon- fciences, and let the world fee the juftice of our proceeding ; I am entirely of opinion we muft make all advances, and give all due affurances to France, to oblige them to the peace. Upon which, with many other particulars, I re- fer you to the Deputies of the States to communicate to you ; having not time at prefent to enlarge farther, but only to repeat in one word, that j. am truly, Sir, your, t\Q. From anmo'ins hien pofitivcmenf^ qiu nous jugeons que fa gemrofiti ne pourra pas permettre quil ac- cable un Etat ou un Mini/he d'Efpagne^ que le Roi d'Angle' terre & les Etats Generaux o?Jt oblige a fa requ'ifition d' accepter les cojiditions prefcrheSy avec une affurance forrnelle que par la il fe delivrerolt de tout danger de la guerre: ^ quaumoinsVhon- neur ^ la bonne foi du Roi de la Grande Bretagne &' des E- tats ne pourra pas fouffrir qiion accable un tel Etat ou un tel Minijlre^ fa?is lui preter leurs fervices ^ ajfjiances : & je ne vois point de difpofition ici^ qui ?ie m^affure que I'oppignoration ctant conclue, on marchera aufe- cours des Pais Bas des la pre- miere demarche que le Roi de France fera pour Vattaquer^ ft le Roi de la Grande Bretagne en veut faire autant. Mais pour nous fatisfaire en bonne confci- encey iff pour faire voir a tout le monde la jujlice de noire pro- cede, jefuis entierement d^ opinion quHlfaudrafaire toutes les avan- cesy i^ donner toutes les affu- rances requifes a la France^ pour parvenir^ i^ pour robliger a la paix. Surquoi^ coni??ie auf- ftfur plufcurs autres particular ritesy je me rernets a ce que les Deputes de I' Etat vous commu- niqueront plus en detail^ iiayani pas de terns de 7netendre ici plus c.mplement^ mais feulement pour repeter en im mot que iefuis tres Z'eritabknienty Monfeia\ votre^ and other Mijiijlers of State, S^S From Monfieur de Witt. De Monfieur de Witt. Hague ^ Mdrch 3IR, 4,1668. T Could not immediately an- •*■ fweryoursof the 2d in(!ant, by reafan of a fever I got by a great cold lad night; but towards noon the fever lelfen- ing, gives me leave at prefent to tell you, that, though it is now fome days fince Monfieur Beverning's departure for Aix la Chapelle, yet I do not fee how in the prefentconjun6^ure of affairs it fhould be more ne- CefTary for you to refide in that city than at Bruffels ; but, on the contrary, that the affair is iiow reduced to fuch a point, that the bufmefs which car- ried you to Aix, ought to be treated and finifhed in a few days, in the place where you are, and in the Netherlands ; and I think the King of Eng- land's Minifters, and thofe of the States at Paris, have ne- gotiated with addrefs in pro- curing us an inftrumerit, which in a few days will put us in a clear light upon v^hat we are finally to refolve and to do; if the Marquis of Caftel-Rodri- go feconds us, as We hope and expect: from his prudence, and from the vifible intereftof his Mafler, which obliges him to it. i fpeak of the pro] eft of the treatv drawn upon the foot Voi/L of A la Have, 4 Monfieur, Mars, 1668. T T^ S^^^'^ rkeume qui ma ^^ fufcite une fievre la nuii fafsee^ a etc cauje que je rini pas pu vous rcpondre (Tabor d a vo- ire leitre du id de ce mois : maii vers le midi la jievre etant beau- coup dminucc^ me laijpjprefente- ment lafacuite de vous dire, que quolquil y a deja qiielqiie jouri que Monfieur de B ever 721 ng eji parti pour fe rendre a Aix Id Chapelle^ je ne voi pas p our t ant que dans la conjonS^rare prejente des affaires vjtre fej our foit plus necejfaire au dit lieu qu' a Brux- elks ; 7nais que tout au contraire^ f affaire eft prefentement rediiite a un pointy que ce^pour quoi vous vous fujjic-z traufporte a Aixy fe pour r a ^ fe devra trailer iff achever en peii de jours ^ au lieu cii vous ctes ^ au Pais- Bas : dff // me fenlble que IVLffieurs lei Minijlres du Rci de la Grande Brctagne & des Etats d Parisi ont negocie adroitement de nous avoir fu procurer im inftrument qui nous meitra en peu de jcurs dans une clarte entiere pour re- foudre finalamnt ce que nous aurons d fcdre ; fi le Marquis de Caff el" Rodrigo nousy feconde^ comme nous Pefperoris (J Fatten- dons de fa prudence 05" de I'inte- rctvijiblc de Jon Maitre qui Ty oblige. Je park du projet de Kk irmti 506 Letters of Sir William Temple, of the alternative, and con- certed between the faid Mi- nifters of our Mafters at Paris, and the Commiffioners of the King of France, whereof, I am fure, you have received a Copy from Sir John Trevor. I think this projcd gives us a certain way of obtaining the peace, or elfe a war, wherein ail the Princes and States of Chriftendom will fupport us, or at leaft commend our con- duct and proceeding. And I think we muft proceed in it after this manner : I fuppofe before-hand that you and our Deputies w-ith you, will not be at much pains to difpofe the Marquis to fend immedi- ately a power to Monfieur Beuningen and Sir John Tre- vor, to fign in his (the Mar- quis's) name, and from the King his Mafter, the treaty with the King of France's Commiffioners, agreeable to the project above-mentioned, which I find entirely confor- mable to our agreement and Secret articles, as Monfieur Beuningen tells us, that he and Sir John Trevor made the fame judgment of it. Unlefs hi^ Excellency would rather lizn the faid treaty himfelf, and receive the exchange of it fio-ned by tTie King of I ranee. In which cafe i think there may be only writ on the top of the project, ' A treaty of * peace uttweea the Kirv^s f;t ' Spa in trait c drejje fur le pie de Vahef' native ^' concerte e?2tre lefdks Mirdfircs de nos Maitres a Paris ts" Ics Com?niJJhires du Rot de France^ dont je n^ajjure que voiis aure% re^u copie de la part de Monfieur 'Trevor, Ihne Jembleque ce projet nom donne en mam un moyrn ajfurepour avoir la paix, ou une guerre dans la- quelle tons les Princes Iff Etats de la Chretiente nous appuyeront^ ou au moins loueront notre pro- cede ^ noire conduit e, Et void comme quoi^ d monavis^ nous y pourrions proceder. Je prefup- pofe que vous ^ Meffieurs nos Deputes qui fe trouvent auprh de voziSy nauront pas beaUcoup de peine a difpofer Monfieur le Marquis d'' envoy er incontinent un pouvoir d Adeffieurs van Beuningen & Trevor, pour fig- ner enfon nom, ^ de la part du P.oi Jon Maitre, le traite avec les Commijfaires du Roi de France^ conformemeni au projet ftfdit que je trouve entiercment conforme d notre convention ^ d nos articles fecrets ; ainfi que le Sieur van Beuningen nous man- de auffi, que lui ^ Monfieur Trevor en ont rendu ce meme jugement. Si ce n^eft que fan Excellence aime mieux de figner lui-meme ledit traite, ^ d'en recevoir un en echange figne de la part du Roi de France, au quel cas il ?ne femhle que Von n'auroit qua meltre dejfus le projet, Iraitc de paix enire les Rois and other MimJIers of Slate. 507 * * Spain and France, to pre- ' vent difputing upon the * terms of the preface ;* and, beneath, to add the date. This being done, the aforefaid Mi- hifters at Paris mufi:, in my opmion, ofFer the King of France to iign in the King of Spain's name, or (in cafe his Excellency thinks fit to fign himfelf) to exchange the trea- ty figned ; on condition that France vvill confent to a rea- fonable time to procure the ratification from the Qiieen of Spain ; and, above all, the continuance of the celTation of arms during the time agreed. I fee that, for granting this term a little more to the hu- mour of France, you will be more liberal and complaifant than I : for, whereas you are fatisfied with the term till the 15th of May already propofed by Alonfieur de Ruvigny, I think reafon and decency fliould oblige to take till the end of May. And, if the King of France refufes either to fign on his fide, or to grant the faid term with the cefi^a- tion of arms, I fhould not (lick to declare immediately for Spain, and adtbyfea and land in conformity to our third fe- parate article. And fince it cannot enter into a reafon able man's mind, * And in the other Inflrument, of Prance and Spi^in. t-hat Rois'^ d'Efpagne laf de France \ pour ne difputer pas fur les ter^ mts de la preface ; ^ an has d'ajotiterladate. Cela ctantfait^ il faudra^ a mon yugcment^ que lefdits Mimjires a Paris offrent au Roi de France de figner^ au nom du Roi d' Ffpagne, ou bien d'echanger le trait e ftgne-, fi fon Excellence ait trouve bon defg' ner lui meme ; moyennant que la France accorde un terme raifon- nable poUr procwer la ratification de la Reine d'Efpagyie^ i^ fur tout la continuation delaceffation d'armes pendant ce terme un pen au grc de la France^ vous fieri ez, plus liberal ou complaifiant que moi ; car au lieu que vous vous content erie'z du terme de l^Jne de Mai ci devant propofie par Monfiieur de Ruvigny^ il me fie7nhle que la raifion ^ la bien- fieance ?icus obligeroient bien de prendre jufiques au dernier jour de Mai : tJ fii le Roi de France vient d refiufier ou la fignature dc fion coiU (^^ ^^ terme avec la cejfiation d^armes^ je ne hefiterois point a nom declarer d'abordfians marchander^ pour I'Efipagne^ £ff agir par mer ^ par ierre en confiof mite du yne de nes artides fiepares. Et comme il ne peut fomher duns I'efiprit d'un homme raifion-' • Et en Tautre inftrument, de France Si d'Efpagne. K \i2 (ihle. 5o8 Letters of Sir William Temple, that the Queen of Spain can be fo blind as not to ratify the faid treatVjby which a * whole Province is reflored, and a mi- nor King delivered from being engaged in a fecond war with us and Spain; Iftouldnotbe hard at granting the King of France whatever he can de- mand with any appearance of reafonjin acafe that will never arrive; chiefly, becaufe many Princes of Germany will then declare on our fide, who might elfe (blinded by the appearan- ces of reafon in Monfieur de Lionne's letter of the 19th pafl) abandon us entirely. The King of Sweden, or his Minifter at London, do, I think, flretch the cord too far, and he will break it if he does not yield a little. However we have laftWednefday fentfuch orders to our Ambaffadors, that I doubt not a good fuc- eefs of this negotiation. For the other points ofyour fetter, I mull refer myfelf to what you can learn from our Deputies and his Excellency, by advices from the Ambaiia- dor Don Eftevan de Gamar- ra, therefore, Ifhall conclude, remaining, Sir, your, &c. * The County of Burg^nd/, ahle^ que la Re'ine d^Efpagnf pourroit etre ft aveugle que de ne ratiper pont le dit traite que hit fait rendre une * Province entierey ^ qui delivre un Rot mineur d'un fecond accahlement de rjngleterre l^ de cet Etat ;• je ne ferois nullement chiche a ac- corder au Roi de France tout c& qiiil pourroit dejnander avee quelque apparence de raifon^ dans un cas qui n^echerra pas. Prin" cipakment parce que plufieursi. Princes d' Allemagne alorsfe de^ clareront de noire parti., qui fans cchy aveugles par ks apparences du raifonnement cotnpris dans la' lettre de Monfieur de Lionne dw l()me du fnois pafse, nous ahan- donneroient entierement. Le Rot de Suede^ cu fan Minijire a Londres, mefemble trop tendre la corde ; ^ il lo rompra s'il ne fe met un peu d la raifon : nean- moins nous avons encore Vendredi pafse envoy e iels ordres a ms, Ambaffadeurs que je ne doute d'un bonfuccls de cette negocia-- tion. ^laiit aux autres points de vatre lettre ^ je fuis oblige de ms re?nettre a ce que vous pourrcT, entendre de nos Deputes & de fen Excellence par ks avis de i' Ambaflddeur Don EJlevan de Gamarra. C eft pour quoi en fi- niffant je demeurerai coimne js fuis veritablementy Monfie-ary voire, ^c. * X^ ComtQ. de Bourgogne, From D© and other Minijiers of State, 509 From the Ek^or ofMentz, De TEledeur de Mayence. Ment^, Jpril My Lord, 12, 1668. TjAving heard of your Ex- -*-^ cellency's arrival at Aix laChapelle,to afTift in his Ma- jefty of Great Britain's name at a negotiation of peace be- tween the two Crowns, I could not forbear expreffing my joy, and the confidence f have that the intervention and authority of fo great a King will give much weight to the affair, and very much facilitate the peace ; which employing rJl my thoughts at prefent, I have difpatched to the faid town of Aix the Baron of Schonborn my nephew, with orders to render all ofHces from me to your Excellency, and to contribute all he can towards a peace fo necefTary to the repofe of all Chriften- dom. In the mean time I de- (ire your Excellency to be af- fured, that, as I (hall always reckon it an honour to krve the King your Mafler, fo I (hall never let pafs any occa- fion of (hewing in particular that I am, my Lord, your Ex- cellency's moft humble and atFe(5lionate fervant. A Mayence, 12 Monfieur, Avril, 1668. ATant fu farrivee de voire ■^ Excellrnce a Aix la Cha- pel le pour y ojfijler au mm defa Ma'jefte de la Grande Bretagne a la negociation de la paix entre les deux Couronnes\ je rial pu rriempecher de lul ietnoigner ma joye, id' la confiance que fai que linterventioH Cf Vautorite d'un Roy fipuijfant donnera an folds ires grand d V affaire^ Cf faclli- tera de heaucoup la conciliation id le retalUJfement de cette paix: la quelle fa IJ ant aujourd'hui tout mes folns^ fat depeche a ladite vllle dt Aix le Baron de Schon- born mon neveu av-ec ordre d'of frir id de rendre d voire Excel- lence, de WM part^ ious les offices^ isf de contribuer de fan poJTiblg pour parvenlr d la Jin que l^on s'efl propofce^ pour obtenir une palx ft neceffaire au repos de toute la Chretiente. Cependantje prie voire Excellence d'etre af- furei que comme je feral toujour s glolrc de fervlr le Rol fan Mai- ire; de yneme je ne per drai ja- mais Voccafon ou je pourrai te- molgner en man partlculier que jefulsy Monfieur^ de voire Ex- cellence le tres humble id trh affeSiionne fervlteur. From K k 3 De 5 1 o Letters of Sir William Tempk^ From Monfieur de Witt. De Monfieur de Witt, Hague^ March 1 6, SIR, 1668. A Fter having writ to you on -^^ the 4th, I find myfelf honoured by two of yours of the 9th and 14th inftant. The Marquis of Caftel-Ro- drio;o*s manner of tranfaclino; does infinitely difpleafe us 5 and we believe we have enter- ed enough into his defigns, to conclude, that his aim is to delay the figning of the pro- jecl', and the fending of the powers, till the French begin to be in motion : and in the mean while to fign or fend the power defired, and fummon us by virtue of a former promife to oppcfe our arms againft thofe of France, which will then begin to enter intoadion, and by that means fet us into an open war by advance. However, to give the faid Marquis the ampleft afTurance, and to convince him he is in the wrong, we were willing entirely to agree to your ad- vice, and to authorife our De- puties to pafs a promife wnth you in due form by writing, inferting in it the fame words cf our third feparate article. And 1 think you have very judicioufly confidered, that the Condition of the promife ought to be, not only the figning of the project: and powers ; but, ir ^Fter the figning, &c. France refufes either to confent to it, or A la Haye, 16 Monfieur, Mars, 1668. /fPr^> que je vous ai ecrit h -^^ \me je me trouve honor e de vos deuxdepiches du o^me y 14^^ de ce mols. La maniere d'agir de Monfieur le Alarquis de Ca- Jiel Rodrigo nous deplalt infini' merit ; & jious croyons penetrer afsesfes vifees^potir conclurre que Jon but eji de delayer fignature du projct & i' envoi du pouvoir jujques a ce que les Fran f oh com^ mencent a fe remuer ; ^ d^Jig^ ner en ?neme terns ou d^envoyer le pouvoir dcfire^ & de ncusfommer en veriu d'une promejfe preala- hle d'oppofer nos armes contre celles de France qui cammenceront alors d'entrer en a^ion^ bf par ainfi nous mettre en guerre ou," verte par provifion. 'Neanmoins pour donnerau dit Marquis une ajfurance plus ample, &' pour achever de le mettre dans le tort, nous avons hi en voulu nous conformer enii- erement a voire avis, & autori- Jer nos Deputes d pajfer avec %'GUS la promejfe en bonne i^ due forme par ecrit ; y infer ant lis menus paroles trofie?r.e de nox a'^ticles fcparcs ; & j^ juge que vous avez ires judicieufement confidere que la condition de la promejfe doit eire non fculement la fignature du projet ^ des pouvoirs ; mais ft apres la fig- nature J ^c, la France refufs ou. and other Minijlers of State. 511 or to continue the rufpenfion of arms, we believe we have great caufe to complain of the Marquis,thatnotwith(tanding the folemn promife made by the States-General, and deli- vered to Don EPievan de Ga- mara in their refolution of the 5th of this month, he has de- layed to fign and difpatch the povi'er ; fo that, if this had been done at firfl-, we had been already out of all doubt ; for either the conclufion of it would have been purfued at Paris with the fufpenfion of arms : or, in cafe of refufal, Kngland and this State would already a6t in earnefl:, and with a good confcience, for Spain. And I defire you to let his Excellency fee as plainly as poflible, that, if now after the figning and fending the power to Paris, and before the King of France can be informed of it, he fnall receive any difgrace, it is himfelf he ought to im- pute it to ; for England and this State v/ill not put into his hands the power of involving them in an open war v/ith France, unfcafonably, and a- gainft their intention clearly exprefled in the agreement of the25th inliant; which would have happened if we had left him the liberty to delay the figning or fending his pov/cr, till he had provoked the French to move; or, if then, figning or fending the power, lie h^d the right of employing Qur d'y confentir^ ou de continucr la Jufpenfion d' amies \ nous cro:cns avoir grand fujet de nous ■plain ' dre du Siciir Marquis en ce que mmhjlant la promejfe folennelle^ fake par les Etats Generaux^ ^ delivree a Don Ejhvan de Ganiarra dans leur rffohition du ^?}jc de ce mois^ il a delay e dejig- ner iff de depecher le pouvoir ; d' ant ant que. ft cela cut He fait d'abord, nous nous irouverions d-^jd hors de tsute obfcuriie ; car ou la conclufion en aiiroit etc fui" vie a Paris, avec la Jujbcnfim d^armes\ ou^ en cas de rtfusy V AngUterre i^ cei Etat agiroit dejd de Ion occur i^ en bonne conjcience pour V Efpagne, Et jc vous fupplie de faire voir d fon Excdlcnce le plw. vi- veinent quilfe pourra faire ^ que ft d cette heure apr}s lafignature ou r envoi du pouvoir vers Paris y l^ avant qu^on en puijje avoir avcrti le Roi de France, il re- goive qiielque difgrace ; que ce J era a foi-meme d qui il le devra imputer : car V Angleterre ^ cet Etat ne peuvent paslui don- ner en main U7i moyen affiirs pour les enveloper mal d prcpos & contre leur intention claire- ment exprimee dans la convene tion du 25 w3 decried by all men, or that his government fhould be loft j for, to think us fo ill advifed, that he can engage us in a war againft France, when they on their fide are earneft for concluding a peace, is what I cannot fuppofe ; and^ if he thinks France will draw back, or refufe the fufpenfion, then why he would not let it appear publicly to the world by a ready figning on his fide ; this is what I cannot compre- hend. In the mean time Monfieur Colbert at Aix has loudly made appear the eafmefs, and even the complaifance, of his Mafter, by the proteftation he has publicly made, that he has(' order to fign the alterna- tive, without excepting a- gainft the preamble of the Marquis's power upon the de- feat of a faculty to fubftitute, or upon any other j whereas, on the contrary, the Baron de * Bergeyck is not authorifed to do any thing at all : and I af- fure you, the pofitive advices we receive of it, make every body's head turn : therefore I defire you fo much the more to endeavour effedually that the Marquis fhould finifh the affair without any more delay; for, if this laft compliance of the State does not fatisfy him, I confefs to you I fhall think no farther, but of fome effec- tual means to reduce him to reafon, and of fome expe- dients ment ; car de ncm cro'ire Ji mal avifes qu'elle nous pcurrolt en^ gager dam une guerre contre la France^ lors qu'elle de fon cote veut tout de bon conclurre lapaixy c'eft que je ne puis pas prefup- pofer : 6f fi elle juge que la France recuiera ou refujera la fufpenfion^ pourquoi elle ne rait pas voulu faire paroitre publi- quement devant tout le mondepar une prompte f.gnature de fon cote ^ cefi ce que je ne puis pas com- prendre, Cependant Moifieur Colbert a Aix a fait paroitre hautement la facilite^ voire la complaifance^ du Roi fon Maitrey par la pro^ tejiation qu^ilfait publiquement^ qu'il a ordre de figner I' alterna- tive ^ fans faire exception fur U preamble du pouvoir du Mar-^ quisy fur le defaut de la faculte de fubflituer.^ au autres ; la ou ail contraire Monfieur le Baron de Bergeyck ne fe trouve autorife a rien. Et je vous affure que les avis pofttifs que nous en re- cevons^font tourner la the a un chacun: c eji pourquoi je vous fup^ plie d' aut ant plus de tenir la main efficacement d ce que Monfieur le Marquis acheve I' affaire fans plus de delai : car fi cette dernir ere complaifance des Etats ne lui fatisfait pas^ je vous avoue que je ne fongerai plus qu^aux tnoyens effcaces pour le reduire a la rai^ - fon^ y aux expediens^ par lef- quels le Roi de la Grande Bre^ tagne i^ leurs Hauies Puiffan^ ces fe puiffent entendre avec la France^ Letters of Sir William Temple, 5H dients by which the King of Great Britain and their High MightineiTes may take mea fares with France for pre- venting the miferies of the neighbourhood J in which I hope you ailift with as much application, according to the intent of our agreement, as I believe you will by all means endeavour to prevent a cafe fo defperate, and fo deftructive to Spain : and for me I fhall re- main ever with much paffion. Sir, your, &c. France^ pour prevsnir hs maU heurs de fon voijinage : en quot fefpere que vous cooperez avec autant d' application felon V'ln- tention de noire convention^ que je me tiens afiure que vous ta^ cherez par toute forte de moyens de prevemr ce cas defefpere ^ ruineux pour VEfpagne. Et moi^ je demeurerai a jamais avec beau- coup de pafjion^ Monfieur^ voire ires humble ferviteur^ From Monfieur de Witt. Hague^ April SIR, 27, 1668. \r O U ought to be well fa- ■^ tisfiec] with your whole condudl:, fmce the fuccefs fo well anfwers your good in- tention, ^nd that your work has fo excellent an agreement with the foundations you had laid. All Chriitendom ov^^es you the glory of having firfl: difpofed the King of Great Britain's mind to fo ftricl an alliance between his Majefty and this State, for the univer- fal good and peace of Europe. It is upon this principle you have continued to labour with fo much application, and fo fuccefsfully with the Marquis of Cadel-Rodrigo, that it is chiefly to you we are obliged for the good difpofition he is in at prefent, and for the en- joyment of fo great an advan- tage to Chriftcndom as refults from it. I fpeak of it as a thin;r A la Haye, 27 Monfieur, Avril, 1668. J/^0 US devez ctre bien fa* iisfait de toute voire con- duite^ puifque le fucch repondji parfaitement a voire bonne in- tention, i^ que voire ouvrage a unft excellent rapport aux fon- demens que vous en aviezjeites, Toute la Chretiente vous doit la gloire d'avoir donne la pre^ miere difpofition dans Vefprit du Roi de la Grande Bretagne a une fi etroite liaifon entrefaMa- jejle i^ cei Etat pour le bien ilf le repos univerfel de l Europe. Sur ce principe v:us avez conti- nue de travailler avec tant d^ ap- plication tj fi fieureufement au- prh de Monfieur le Marquis de Cafiel-Rodrigo, que cUft a vous principalement a qui Von ejl ob- lige de la bonne difpofition en la- quelle il fe irouve prefent ementy^ i^ de la jouiffance d'unft grand^ ({Vantqge pour la Chretient e qui end other Minijlers of State. thing we pofTefs already, be- caufe I fee nothins; that can hinder us from it ; it being likely that the Baron de Bcr- geyck has already executed the power we have fent him ; and that the Court of Madrid, in order to deliver Flanders from its troublefome guefts, will no longer defer to ratify the treaty. For the reft, I a- gree extremely with your fen- timents, and am of your opi- nion, fome exchange of places ihould be negotiated imme- diately after the figning of the treaty. I writ about it before t^ Monfieur Beverning, fo that I do not doubt but you have been entertained with it al- ready. I confefs alfo with you, that this negotiation will be more conveniently managed afterwards at Paris than any where elfe, at leaft, if the Mar- quis of Caftel-Rodrigo can refolve to have confidence e- noughin the K. of G.Britain's Minillers and thofe of this State, to refer them to the ne- gotiation of an affair of this nature: though, if he confi- ders it well, he will find that we both have the fame inter- eft in it. You have nothino- eile but to go on your own \vay upon the foundation of the agreement o January the 23d, to fupport the peace made, by a guaranty of all who are interefted in it, either iij general or particular ; ne- ver en refulte, J'en park com?m d'une chofe que nous poJJ'edons deja^ parceque je 7:e vci rien qui nous en puijfe frujlrer^ y ayant de Vapparence que des a prefent le Baron de Bergeyck aura efc- ecute le pouvoir que nous lui a-^ vons porte j ^ que la Cow de Madrid^ pour delivrer les Pa'is- Bas del'hnportunite defes hotes^ ne vcudrapas dlfferer de rat'ijier le traite. Au rcfte^ je donne fort dans vos Jentlmens^ l^ fuis d'avis que FonfaJJe negocier queU que echange de places inco?itineni apres laftgnature du traite, y^en at err it ci-devant a Monjieur Beverning^ de forte que je ne doute point que vous ne vous en foye-z, deja entretenus, y'avcue aujft avec vous que cetie negociationfefera plus comjnode-r ment dans la fuite a Paris qii ailleurs ; au moins fi Monfieur le Marquis de Cajiel-Rodrigo pent refoudre d prendre affez de confiance aux Minijlres du Roi de la Grande Bretagne & de cet Etat^ pour sen rapporter d eux de la negotiation d'une affaire de cette nature ; quoique s'tl le con- fidere hien^ il trouvera que nous y avons les uns dff les autres prej^^ que le fneme interet. Vous na- vez que continuer votre route fur le fonde7?ient de la convention du 23 Janvier ^ pour foutenir la paix faite par une guarantie de tons les interefes en general ^ en particulier ; ^ ne point era- indre que ceux qui travailleront au nom de cet Etai avec vous, decon^. 5 1 6 Letters of Sir William Temple, ver fearing that thofe who fhall deconcertent cette belle har?nom£ negotiate jointly with you in que I'on a vus en toute la fuite the name of this State, will de cette neggciatlon. Us le fe- diforder the harmony that has rant non feidement en execution appeared in the whole courfe des ordres qu'ils en ont^ mats of this negotiation. What aujji par incUnation, Pour mo't^ they can do, is as well from ce fera toujours avec joye que je their own inclination, as in feconderai voire %ele^ & que je purfuance of their orders. For rencontrerai les occafwns ou je me, I {hall ever fecond your vous pulffe donner des preuves de •LQ2\. with joy, and fhall take pajjion & fmcerite avec laquelle alloccafionsto{hewwithhow lajefuis^ Monfieur^ voire irh much paffion and fmcerity I humble ferviteur, am. Sir, yours, &c. From my Lord drlingion, S I R, Whitehall, May 8, 1 6()%. F I had written to you lafl poll (as I fhould have done if there had been time for it) you would have heard me complain much of the pain I was in not to hear from you in fifteen days in fo delicate a conjundure of affairs, which was occafioned by con- trary winds. In the mean time we were a little eafed by Sir John Trevor's afllirance to us of the peace having been figncd on the 2d, N. S. which has been fince amply confirmed by two of yours brought toge- ther, of \he 2d and 8th, N. S. fo that now I can with foundation give you the parahien of this great work, which you may without vanity call your own, . whatever padrinoes you have had to aiTifl you in it : and with more fatisfadion, confidering what efcapes you made between the Marquis's irreiblutions, the Baron de Bergeyck's pundilios, and Monfieur Col- bert's empcrtement, God be thanked, the great bu^ fmefs and you are fo well delivered from thefe acci- dents ; after which I hope this will find you fafely arrived at Bruffels, and keeping yourfelf flill in the fame figure of equipage to we^r the better the cha- rader and other Minijiers of State* 5 1 7 rafter of his Majefly's AmbafTador at the Hague; towards which 1 will fend you with all fpeed his final refolution and inftru6tions. In the mean time you will receive, by the inclofed^ his mind to the Marquis, recommending to his Excellence the making good with all fpeed to the Crown of Sv/eden what v/e and the Dutch AmbafTadors have promifed to the Count de Dona, as you v/iil fee by this inclofed afb,, v/hich we gave him at the exchange of our treaty, engaging him in the triple alliance-, the performance of Vv'hich the Dutch Ambaffadors and I have already befpoken of the Count de Molina within fix v^eeks time, when we hope the ratification will be come from Stock- holm ; and, the faid AmbafTador obferving already that the Count de Molina calls to the Dutch Am- bafTadors and us for a ratification, he admonilhes u^ to delay it till the conditions be performed with him. This, I fay, is ofi'ered, but not concluded by us to be fb obferved. His Majedy had refolved the Parliament fhould adjourn on Monday lafl, but, an unhappy difterence falling out between the Lords and Commons upon a great point of their privileges, their fitting hath been fpun on to this day, though not vvithout hopes of our finally rifing to-morrow. Our long talked of mifcarriages have this v/eek been finiflied with a very unhappy one in the Queen, after twenty days going, and raifing the dejeded hopes of the whole nation, v/hich even this misfortune hath fomewhat revived, I leave it to AmbafTador Patrick to entertain you up- on this fubjed^ who cannot fail of long letters by this pofi:. I am, with all truth and affedion. Sir,. your very humble fervant. P. S. You never fcnt us any copy of the promife of guaranty you figned to the Marquis-, though you did the original of that he gave you in exchange of it, with 5 1 8 Letters of Sir William Temple, with relation to the King our Mafler. When tfie Count de Molina hath preiTed me apart from the Dutch Ambaffadors for his Majefty's ratification, I have told him he ought to have ready his ratification from Madrid to exchange with ours ; which it will not be amifs for you to take notice of likewife to the Marquis, when he lliall give you occafion for it. From the Ekclor cf Mentz, MsntZy May 14, 1668. My Lord^ 'T~^ H E honour of a general T ^ joy, upon the peace con- cluded and figned between the Crowns, being equally due to the vigorous interpofition of his Majefty of Great Britain, and to the wife conduct of your Excellency In an affair of luch importance to Chriften- dom ; I defire to rejoice with you upon the happy fuccefs of it. I hope the ratification of this treaty will be exchanged in due time on both fides ; and fhail not fall, on my part, of contributing all I can to the prefervation of the public peace, and to fecond his Ma- jefty'sintentlons j ailuringyour Excellency in the mean time, that the obligations will never be forgot, which an infinite number of good Chrlftians owe you for your diligence in accomplifhing the peace : and that, for my particular, I fliall cherifh all occafions of fliew- ing your Excellency the fince- rlcy of my afFection, and how much De Mayence, 14 Monfieur, Mai, 1668. H&nneur d''une joye gmerale fur la paix conclue ^ ftg- nee enire les Couronnes^ fe devant egalement a la vigour euje inter' pofition ds fa Majejie de la Grande Bretagne^ ^ d la fage man'iere dont voire Excellence a fu conduire une affaire de telle importance d toute la Chretiente-y fat blen voiilu me conjouir avec elle de Vheureux fucch qui I'a fuivi, y'efpere que la ratification de ce traite fera echangee d fort terme de part & d' autre ; ^ ne 7nanquerai de contribuer de ma part tout ce que je pcurrai d la confervation du repos public^ ^ pour feconder les intentions de fa Majejie ; affiirant cependant vo- ire Excellence quon nouhliera jamais les obligations que lui doi^ vent une infinite de bons Chre-* tiens pour les foins qtielle a ap" portes d la conciliation de cctte paix ; ^ que pour mon pariicu- Her je cherirai les occafions par lefquelles je lui pourrai temoignei* la finceriie de mon aff'e^llon^ l^ combicn je defire hn faire con^ nahre and other Minijlers of State much I defire to let you know that I am your Excellency's moft humble and moft affec- tionate fervant. S^9 noitre que je fu'is^ Monfieur^ de voire Kxcelknce tres humhle ^ ires affeSJionne ferviteur. From the Duke de Roanez. From the Camp of Rnyjbrouky SIR, May 2(),i66S, 'T* H E Count of Rembourg -■' has informed me this morning (being the 27th in- ftant) at eleven o'clock, from the Marquis of Caftel-Rodri- go, of the arrival of the ratifi- cation ; to which I fent an- fwer, that I doubted not of what he did me the honour to write to me, but that I had no news of it from the King. Be pleafed that I repeat the fame thing to you, to tell you that I wonder extremely how any one can complain that I have attacked their troops out of the city ; fmce thefe ads of hoUilities are aUvays allowed till the publication of the peace ; for it is but yeilerday that one of their parties at- tacked ours, whereof I fent you the prifoners back to Braine le Chateau; and the fame day thofe of Braine le Chateau took loooo Francs from the equipage of one of our captains. Thry might better inform you, how I fend your prifoners back, without buffering them to be difmount- ed or plundered ; that I allow no pillage that comes to my kno wledj^e, and that they have dif-- Au Camp deRuyfbrouk, Monfieur, 29 Mai, 1668. li/fOnfieur le Compie de Rem- •^ '^ bourg ma fait f avoir ce maiin 27 a onze heiires, de la pari de Monfieur le Marquis de Cafel-RodrigOy Varrivce de la raiif cation : a qui fai fait re- ponfe, que je ne doutois pas de ce quil me faifoit l'])onnciir de niccrire ; mais que je nen avois aucune ncuvelle du cote du P,oi, ^rouve% hon que je vous repde la meme chofe ; 6f que je vous dife que jefuis extrcmcmcnt cton- ne que Van fe pvjfje plaindre de ce que j^ai fait attaqucr Uurs troupes hors de la ville : pitifque ces fortes d'aSfes d'hoflilite font permis jifqu d la publication de la paix, & que meme hier un ds leurs parlies aitaqua les noircs^ dont je re/ivoyai Us p?'ijo?7niers a Braine id Chateau ; (sf le me- me jour, ccux du meme Braine le Chateau prircnt pres de dix miiU Francs d^ equipage d un de nos cnpituines. Us pcurroic7if encore, rnieux vous informer com- me je renvoi leurs pri/ontziers, fam pcrmcttre qii'on les dem.onte ^ quon Us depGuilU ; que je r.e [ouffrc point de pilicgc qui vi- enne d ma connoiifmce \ C' qiiih ont detnonie ilf dcpouilie juj'qu d nos drmfiiqucs. Pour ce qu^ Msrficur 520 Letters of Sir Wiltiani Temple^ difmounted and- ftripped even my own domelHcb. For what the Marquis of Gaftel-Rodri- go has afTured you. that his troops on the 27th at noon, and the 28th or 29th at night, a6led only in the defenfive : if there be any action for the fu- ture, whereof I fee no appear- ance, then I (hall know by the iflue, whether they have yet adlcd defenfively or offenfive- ly. This is all I can anfwer you upon what is paft, or to €ome. In expectation of the King's orders for publifhing the peace at the camp, as it has been this day publifhed at Bruffels, you will do mejuftice to believe that no one is more than I, Sir, your mod humble fervant. Monfieur le Marquis de Cajlel- R.odrigo vous a ajfure que fef troupes le 2'] me aprh midiy i^ la nuit du i%me on 2()me, n*a- voient agi qiien fe defendant y ceji une verite dont je tomhe d' accord : ft d Pavenir il y d quelque aSfion^ d quo'i je ne vol fohit d'apparence^ alors je fan- rai par rifjue s'ils out encore agi en fe defendant ou en attaquant* Vo'ila ce queje vous puis repondre pour ce qui efl paffe^ ^ ce qui peut arriver^ en attendant les ordres du Roi pour f aire publier la paix au ca?np comme J: on Vd puhliee aujourd^hui d Bruxclles > vous me ferez juftice de croire qu'il nefi perfonne qui foit plus, Monfieur^ voire ires bumble fer-^ vitcur. From Monfieur de Witt. Hague ^ July 6, SIR, 1668. 1 Could not receive more a- -*■ greeable news than what you tell me of your return hither with the character of AmbafTador. I am fure you will not doubt the truth of what I fay, when you refiecft on the fatisfaftion I ought to have, and have already, in the genercfjty and fmcerity I have obferved in all your proceed- ings. You have reafon. Sir, to fay, that it is impoffible the King of Great Britain fhould not defign to live in a perfect good intelligence with this State, A la Haye, 6 JuilL Monfieur, 1668. 7E ne pouvGis pas recevoir un avis plus agreahle que celu'i que vous me donnez de voire prcchain retour avec la qualite d^ Ambaffadeur : je m^ ajfure que vous ne douterez point de Id verite de ce que je viens de dire ;• quand voUs voudrez faire re- flexion fur la fail sf a Si: 071 queje dois avoir ^ & ai en effet^ de la generofite l^ fncerite que fai remarque en tout voire procede* Vous avez raifon de dire^ Mon- fieur^ qu^il ne fe peut^ que I'in-^ tention du Roi de la Grande Breiagng ne foit de vivre dans- tihi and other Minijlers of State. State, when he fends us a per- fon who ought to be fo dear to us upon fo many confidera- tions, honoured with a cha- ra6ler that fhews the efteem and friendfhip he has for this State: we fhail endeavour the continuance of both, by doing all his Majefty can expe(5 from his rnoft faithful allies ; and by the fame means I ihall endeavour to give his Majefly the marks of that profound refpe6l I have for his perfon, and the proofs of thofe fenti- ments I have for your merit. And as you and I de fire no- thing on both fides, but to preferve eternally the good in- telligence you have helped to ftrengthen with fo much fuc- cefs \ I cannot doubt, but we may eafily avoid whatever is capable of changing it. Per- mit me. Sir, to fay, that you fhall find me always difpofed to give all facility to what- ever can eftablifh the common intereft of either State ; and, as I know I fhall always find the fame difpofition in you, I cannot but rejoice when 1 confider, that I fhall have to negociate with a Minifter w^ho pofTefles all the qualities that can make him fucceed in whatever he undertakes. This Is all I am permitted to fay, by an afflidion lately come upon me, having lofl a Vol. I. wife 521 une parfaitement bonne intelH- gence avec cet Eiat^ puifque it nouseywoye uneperfonne qui nous doit etre chere par tant de con- fiderationS) revetue d'un charac tere qui marque Vejiime & Fa- ?nitie qu'ilapour cet Etat. Nous tacherons d'en meriter la conti' nuation en faifant tout ce que fa Majejie pourra deftrer des fes plus fideles allies ; £ff par le me me 7noyen tacherai de lui don- ner des marques du profov.d re- fpe6i que fai pour la perfo7ine de fa MajeJle, iff des preuves des fentimens que fai de voire merite, Et comme de part iff d'autre^ nous ne defirons rien^ ni vous ni moi^ que de conferver eternellement la bonne intelligence que vous ave% aide a affermir avec tant de fucch ; je ne puis pas douter que nous n'evitions fans peine tout ce qui pourroit etre capable de ralterer. Per- meiie% moi^ Monfeur^ que je vous dife encore^ que vous me irouverez toujour s difpofe a don- ner une derniere faciliie d tout ce qui pourra etablir Tiyiterk cotnmun de Vun i^ de V autre Etat ; i^ comme je fai que je trouverai toujours la merne dif- pofition en vous^ it ne fe peut que je ne me rejouiffe quand je confider e que faurai a. negocier avec un Minifire qui poffede ioutes les qualiies qui le peuvent faire reiiffir en tout ce qu'il en- ireprendra. Cejl tout ce que me per met de dire prefentement Vaffii£lion qui meJifurveTiuey venant deperdre L 1 une 522 Letters of Sir wife who was indeed the true half of me ; whereof I make no difficulty by this occafion to inform you, v/ho have had the goodnefs to tell me, that you take part in my concerns ; as on my fide I {hall ever do in all your intercfts, with that afFe6lion and fmcerity where- with I am and fhall remain all my life. Sir, your moft hum- ble fervant. William Temple^ une femme qui falfoit en effet la veritable moit'ie de moi-meme -y dont je ne fats point de diffculte de fair e part par cette occafion^ a celui qui a eu la bonte de me tenwigner quil enprendbeaucoup depart a cequi me touche ; comma de mon cote fen prendrai toujours a tous vos interets avec toute VaffeSiion ^ fmcerite avec la- quelle jefuis & demeurerai toute ma vie, Monfieur^ voire tres humble ferviteur. From Monfieur de Witt, I Hague, July SIRy 27, 1668. N your obliging letter of the 3d inftant, I find fo many marks of affe6tion and tendernefs for me, that 1 can- not defer to return you my moft humble thanks, and to tell you, that of all the con- folations given me in my af- fli6lion, there is none has been more efFeft ual than what I re- ceived from you. I there find, it is the heart that fpeaks, and that you truly take part in my affliction, v/hereof 1 fee you know the greatnefs, becaufe you (o well know the inefti- mable lofs I have fuftcred. And I dare to fay, thr^.t, if any re- medy be capiibie of clofingthe wound, it ill doubtlefs be whatyour gentle healing hand has applied to it. I confefs it is fomewhat fenfible, becaufe it fearches the wound, but it afterwards applies a balm that eafes A la Haye, 27 Monfieur, Juill. 1668. 7E trouve dans Vobligeante lettre que vous m'avezfaii rhonneur de viecrire du yne de ce mois, Jlile de lieu, tant de marques d'affeSlion & de ten- drejje pour moi, que je ne puis pas differ er de vous dire que de toutes les confolatio77s que Von me donne en mon affli£iion, il ny en a point qui ait ete plus efficace que celle que je viens de recevoir de vous : fy reconnois que cejlle c&tir qui park, ^ que vous pr£ne% veritablen-^nt part a mon affii^ion j dont je voi que vous Jave% la gra^ideur puifque vous favez celle de la pert e inefllmable que j'ai faite : & j'ofe dire que s'il y a tin remede capable de fir- mer la play e, cejffans doute celui quiy applique la main benig?ie t^ falutaire que vous ms pritez : elle fe fait fentir, je I'avoue, parce qiiellejonde la playe^ mais elle y applique enfuite un hmhne qui and other Mlnijiers of State. 523 eafes and leflens the pain. I receive it as I ought, and {hall endeavour to profit by all your confolations, by combating my weaknefs with theftrength of your reafons, which are ciidtated to you not only by that Chriftian philofophy whereof you make profeffion, but by that fincere friendfhip where- with you are pleafed to honour me. I moft humbly intreat you to be perfuaded that I per- fe6lly return your kindnefs, and am impatient for an occa- lion to give you proofs of it, which as I hope I (hall find when we have the happinefs to enjoy you, fo I defue with pafTion to fee you here, to let you judge of the intention of this State to preferve faithful- ly the alliance that the King of Great Britain has pleafed to make with it, but more par- ticularly to let you judge of the inclination I have to con- tribute thereto all in my fmall power ; and to remain as long as I live. Sir, your, &c. qui la doucit & qui enfoulage la douleur. Je le refoi comme je dots, iff tScherai de faire mon profit de toutes vos confjlations^ en combatant une foihlejje avec la force de vos raijons^ que vous dt^e mnfeulement Id philofijphie Chretienne, dont vous faites profejfion^ mais aujji la trls fin- cere amitie^ dont il vous plait 7ri honor er. 'Je vous fiupplie tres humhlement d'etre perfuade que 'fy reponds parfiaitement^ que je finis dans Pi?npatience de vous en pouvoir donner des preuves ; isf que cctnme fi efipere que f en trou- verai les cccafions^ lorfique nous aurons l^avantage de vous poffie- der^ je defiire avec pafifiion de vous voir iciy pour vous faire juge de rintention de VEtat a entretenir fidellement I' alliance qu'il a pile au Roi de la Grande Bretagne fiaire avec lui 3 7nais bien plus parti cidieremcnt de C inclination que fat d y contri- huer tout ce qui eft de mon petit pouvoir^ ^ a demeurcr tant que jc vivraiy Monfiieur^ voire trh aH'eSiionne C5f trls humble fier- viteur. From the Lord Keeper Bridgeman, SIR,^ ^ July 26, 1666. I Received yours yeflerday morning after you were gone hence •, and am afraid the letter which I feni: you from Mr. Williamfon, might come unfeafonably to difcompofe you : it not being fo intended by me; nor I believe the mefTage from the King to be other- ^^ife intended than out of kindnefs and refped: to you to 524 Letters of Sir William Temple i &c, to haflcn you away •, that you might know how im- portant he held your negociations might be for his fervice at this critical time. And therefore I fhould be glad that you would take this by the right handle, 1 had a letter this night, from Sir Thoinas Clifford ; who writes, that they in the treafury have a great defire to accommodate you : and though it be not in the privy feal, that you fhall have three months ad- vance bcfides the loool. yet they will be careful that you receive the money as it is due. The draught of the inftru6lions are fent away to my Lord Arlington, and expeded back on Tueiday night, and the foreign committee appointed to fit on Wednefday to difpatch them. Really, Sir, I do not think that there is any intention in prcfTing your departure for Holland, but jufl and honourable towards you, and with refped to the greatnefs of the employment and the urgency of the Kincr's affairs at this time to have you at the Hague : and (if you will take my opinion) I would not have you take other meafures of it, even for your own fake. In the mean time, while you do flay, you may prefs on the bufinefs of your account, tho* I fhould not advife you to retard your journey upoa that fcore. It may be as well prefled on by your Lady if fbe do nor accompany you, or elfe by your folicitors (among whom I will be one) who, if any obftrudions be, may write to you to remove them : but you will find the Vice-Chamberlain dilatory, and then your flay at laft upon this new bufinefs (for fo I may call it) may beget a mifconftrudion. You will pardon the freedom I take in imparting my own thoughts to you in this cafe. I wifh you and my Lady (to whom I recommend my humble fervice) a happy journey and all other felicities, as I willa to myfelf, who am ever your faithful and very affedionate fervant. the End of the Firji Fokme.