liiiijiii m Please handle this volume with care. The University of Connecticut Libraries, Storrs 4> « .^ »», 1795. JOSIAH OUINCY. Address on the Embargo, 1808. JOHN QUINCY ADAMSS EULOGY OF LAFAYETTE. GENERAL HENRY LEE. FUNERAL ORATION ON GEORGE Washington. ROBERT YOUNG HAYNE'S SPEECH ON FOOTES RESOLUTION ON SECES- SION, 1830. DANIEL WEBSTER'S REPLY TO HAYNE. WENDELL PHILLIPS'S ADDRESS ON THE FREEDOM OF THE PRESS IN 1837, AND THE WAR FOR THE UNION, 1861. JUBILEE OF THE CONSTITUTION, 1839. Delivered by John Ouincy Adams. THOMAS HART BENTON. Speech on the Annexation of Texas in 1844. THOMAS CORWIN. Oration on the War with Mexico, against Voting Funds to Carry It On. CALHOUN'S SPEECH ON THE RIGHT OF SECESSION. HENRY CLAY'S ORATION ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF SECESSION, 1850. LOUIS KOSSUTH. Speech in Faneuil Hall in 1852, during His Famous Visit to the United States. CHARLES SUMNER'S PROTEST AGAINST SLAVERY, MAY 25, 1854- STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS'S SPEECH ON THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL. PRESTON SMITH BROOKS'S DEFENCE OF HIS ATTACK ON CHARLES SUMNER. CHARLES SUMNER, Address by. The Crime Against Kansas. THEODORE PARKER, Address by. The Dangers of Slavery. JEFFERSON DAVIS. INAUGURAL Address to the Confederate States IN 1861. BENJAMIN F. BUTLER. Farewell to the Citizens of New Orleans in 1862. ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS. Oration at Savannah on SLA%rERY as the Corner-Stone of the Confederacy. xii STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS'S SPEECH OPENING THE FAMOUS LINCOLN-DOUG- LAS DEBATE. ABRAHAM LINCOLN'S REPLY TO STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS. HENRY WARD BEECHER'S SPEECH AT LIVERPOOL ON SLAVERY, 1863. EDWARD EVERETT. Oration on the Opening of the National Cemetery AT Gettysburg, 1863. GEORGE BANCROFT. Famous Oration on the Death of Abraham Lincoln. HORACE GREELEY. Acceptance of the Presidential Nomination in 1872. ROSCOE CONKLING. Renomination of General Ulysses S. Grant for A Third Term in the Presidency. WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. Oration on the Lessons of Independence Day, Delivered July 4, 1876. L. Q. C. LAMAR'S ADDRESSES ON THE SILVER BILL OF 1878 AND THE RACE PROBLEM OF 1876. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Speech on the Anniversary of Indepen- dence Day and of the Battle of Gettysburg. WILLIAM MAXWELL EVARTS. Speech on Bimetallism, at the Paris Conference in 1881. GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS. Oration on the Evils of the Spoils System, delivered 1881. JAMES G. BLAINE. Oration on James A. Garfield, February 27, 1882. HENRY W. GRADY. Oration on the New South, Delivered in New York, 1886. ROBERT G. INGERSOLL. Eulogy on Thomas Paine. JOHN JAMES INGALLS. Eulogy on Senator Benjamin H. Hill. HENRY CABOT LODGE. Speech on Restriction of Immigration, 1891. CHAUNCEY MITCHELL DEPEW. Washington Centennial Oration. WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN. Oration on " The Cross of Gold," ^t the Chicago Democratic Convention of 1896. JUSTIN SMITH MORRILL. Speech on the Remonetization of Silver, 1898. JOHN TYLER MORGAN. Speech on the Nicaragua Canal. ARCHBISHOP IRELAND. Lafayette and America. July 4, 1900. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Address in Minneapolis, September 2, 1901. WILLIAM McKINLEY. Address in Buffalo, September 5, 1901. JOHN COTTON'S SERMON, " GOD'S PROMISE TO HIS PLANTATIONS." PROTEST AGAINST TAXATION, 1764, by Samuel Adams. STEPHEN HOPKINS'S GRIEVANCES OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES, 1765. RIGHTS OF THE COLONISTS, 1772, BY Samuel Adams. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S VINDICATION OF THE COLONIES, i775- THE FIRST PRAYER IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. De- LIVERED BY DOCTOR DUCHIE. ALEXANDER HAMILTON'S REPORT ON THE COINAGE IN 1791- EDWARD LIVINGSTON'S PLEA FOR THE ABOLITION OF CAPITAL PUNISH- MENT. THE DEFECTS OF THE UNITED STATES ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION, BY Richard Rush. xiii JOHN GREENLEAF WHITTIER, Narrative of the Anti-Slavery Con- vention, 1833. THE NEWBURG ADDRESS AND WASHINGTON'S REPLY, 1783. ROBERT CHARLES WINTHROP. Centennial Oration, 1876, ALEXANDER STEPHENS. Savannah Address, 1861. JAMES WILSON. Vindication of the American Colonies, 1775. XIV PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS GEORGE WASHINGTON. Farewell Address, containing the Germs OF WHAT afterwards BECAME KNOWN AS THE MONROE DOCTRINE. First and Second Inaugural Addresses. Several Addresses to the Churches in the United States. Letters on the Constitution to Jay, Madison, Knox, Patrick Henry, etc. JOHN ADAMS. MESSAGE ON the Threatening Attitude of France, May i6, 1797 THOMAS JEFFERSON. First Lnaugural Address. JAMES MADISON. Famous Message on British Aggressions. Message on the Treaty of Peace, February 15, 1815. Proclamation Declaring War against England. JAMES MONROE. Message to Congress, December 2.2. 1822, declaring WHAT IS KNOWN AS THE MONROE DOCTRINE. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. MESSAGE TO the Senate on a Pan-American Union. Address on the Jubilee of the Constitution, 1826. ANDREW JACKSON. Proclamation in Relation to the Question of Nul- lification. MARTIN VAN BUREN. Message on the Panic of 1837. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. Inaugural Address at Washington, 1841. JOHN TYLER. Message to Congress concerning the Boundary -Line between the United States and Canada. Message on Negotiations with Great Britain on the United States Northern Boundaries. Message on the Annexation of Texas, April 22, 1844. JAMES K. POLK. Special Message in Regard to the Mexican War. Inaugural Address delivered at Washington, 1845. ZACHARY TAYLOR. Message on the Central American States, March 1850. (On Nicaragua and Panama Canals.) Message concerning the Status of California, New Mexico, and Texas (June 23, 1850). MILLARD FILLMORE. MESSAGE ON the Texas Boundary Controversy, 1850. FRANKLIN PIERCE. Special Message on Kansas, 1856. JAMES BUCHANAN. Message to Congress on the Prospects of Civil War. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Proclamation Freeing All the Slaves in the United States. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Address Delivered at the Cooper Institute, i860. First and Second Inaugural Addresses, and the Speech at Gettys- burg. 1865. ANDREW JOHNSON. Answer to the Articles of Impeachment, 1868. ULYSSES S. GRANT. Defence of General Fitz-John Porter. First Inaugural Address, 1869. Last Message to Congress, 1876. Address at the Centennial Exhibition, 1876. RUTHERFORD B. HAYES. INAUGURAL ADDRESS AT Washington, 1877. Message on Military Interference in Elections. JAMES A. GARFIELD. Inaugural Address at Washington, 1881. Address on the Western Reserve. CHESTER A. ARTHUR. Message Vetoing the Chinese Immigration Bill in 1882. GROVER CLEVELAND. PROCLAMATION, September 27, 1894, of Amnesty TO THE Mormons. Tariff Message of 1887, and Message on the Venezuelan Boun- dary Question, 1895. BENJAMIN HARRISON. Inaugural Address Delivered at Washington, Washington Centennial Address, 1889. WILLIAM McKINLEY. SECOND Letter of Acceptance, 1900, reviewing THE History of the United States from 1896 to 1900. Second Inaugural Address at Washington, 1901. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. Message to Congress, December 3, 1901. XVI SPECIAL TOPICS NEW NETHERLANDS.— The Beginning and Growth of the Colony. THE AMERICAN INDIAN.— Legislation Governing Indians. THE PANAMA CANAL.— Attempts that have been made to Pierce the Isthmus of Panama. LABOR ORGANIZATIONS. — The History and Development of Labor Unions and their Work. CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA.— GENERAL Sketch of the Compo- sition OF THE Confederacy. COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES.— The Birth, Growth, and Present State of our Commerce (with Tables). ABOLITION AND THE ABOLITIONISTS. ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY. ARCTIC EXPLORATIONS. THE CABINETS OF THE PRESIDENTS SINCE 1789. THE CENSUS OF 1900 (with Comparative Tables). AMERICA'S PART IN THE SUGGESTED PARTITION OF CHINA. DIPLOMATIC SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES. THE DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES FROM 1791 TO 1901. WASHINGTONI AN A. MONETARY REFORM.— The Indianapolis Conference. RELIGION IN THE UNITED STATES (with Tables). CHRONOLOGY OF THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR, 1775-83. CHRONOLOGY OF THE EVENTS OF THE CIVIL WAR. THE WAR WITH SPAIN— A COIVIPLETE CHRONOLOGY. Sampson's and Schley's Reports on the Naval Battle of Santiago. CHRONOLOGY OF THE PHILIPPINE INSURRECTION. ARMY. — A Chronologically Classified Statement of the Birth and Growth of the Army of the Colonies and of the United States. NAVY.— Chronological Sketch of the American Navy, from Revolu- tionary Times to the Present Day, with a List of all the Ves- sels in the United States Navy Arranged by Classes. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, 1789-1901.— Popular and Electoral Votes. PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATIONS, 1789-1901. xvii POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE iJNITED STATES. PLATFORMS OF THE MINOR POLITICAL PARTIES. LIST OF THE HIGHER OFFICIALS OF THE UNITED STATES FEDERAL GOVERNMENT— EXECUTIVE, LEGISLATIVE, AND JUDICIAL. 1902. AMERICAN LEARNED SOCIETIES.— A LiST OF ALL the Most Important. AMERICAN LABOR ARBITRATION (National Civic Federation).— A His- tory OF THE Movement and a List of all the Members. TARIFF LEGISLATION, 1789-1900. TREATIES OF THE UNITED STATES. UNITED STATES.— Each of the States and Territories of the Union is Treated in a Separate Article, with a Chronology of the Chief Events from its First Discovery or Settlement In each Case this Article has been Verified by the Governor of the State or Territory, His Representative, or the Historical Society. In Addition to these, there is a Chronology of the United States from 1492 TO 1902, AND A Preliminary List of the Early Discoverers ^nd Explorers. CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA.— GIVING the Names of all the Members of the Provisional Congress, the Senators of Each State, the Full List of Generals above the Rank of Brigadier- Generals, and many Important Lists and Statistics. XVlll LIST OF PLATES President John Adams Frontispiece President J. Q. Adams Facing page 44 The Fleet of Columbus Approaching the New World After the Surrender at Appomattox President C. A. Arthur The Boston Massacre, March 5, 1770 Major-General Jacob Brown President James Buchanan Viewing the Battle of Bunker Hill 116 188 222 380 412 432 444 MAPS united States, Showing Acquisition of Territory. Facing page 16 Alaska' ' " " 78 PREFACE THE SIGNIFICANCE OF AMERICAN HISTORY By Woodrow Wilson, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Jurisprudence and Politics at Princeton University The study of American history has changed its whole tone and aspect within a generation. Once a plain and simple tale, — though heroic withal, — of a virgin continent discovered in the West, new homes for the English made upon it, a new polity set np, a new nation made of a sudden in the hot crucible of war, a life and a government apart, — a thing isolated, singular, original, as if it were the story of a separate precinct and parish of the great world, — the history of the United States has now been brought at last into perspective, to be seen as what it is, an integral portion of the general history of civilization; a free working-out upon a clear field, indeed, of selected forces generated long ago in England and the old European world, but no irregular invention, no histrionic vindication of the Eights of Man. It has not lost its unique significance by the change, but gained, rather, a hundred- fold both in interest and in value. It seemed once a school exercise in puritan theory and cavalier pride ; it seems now a chapter written for grown men in the natural history of politics and society, a perfect exposition of what the European civilization of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was to produce in the nineteenth century. What formerly appeared to be only a by-product of the creative forces of society is now clearly enough seen to be the epitome of a whole age. We see it all, now that America, having come out of her days of adolescence and preparation, has taken her place among the powers of the world, fresh and still in her youth, but no stranger among the peoples, — a leader, rather, and pace-maker in the wide field of affairs. The history of the United States is modern history in broad and open analysis, stripped of a thousand elements which, upon the European stage, confuse the eye and lead the judgment astray. It spans a whole age of the xxi PREFACE world's transformation, from the discoveries, the adventure, the romance of the sixteenth century, with its dreams of unbounded wealth in the far Indies and marvels at the ends of the earth, to the sober commerce and material might of the twentieth, with its altered dreams, of a world mastered, if not united, by the power of armed fleets patrolling it from end to end, in the interests of peace and European and American trade. At its outset American history discloses a novel picture of men out of an old world set upon the coasts of a new to do the work of pioneers, without suitable training either of thought or hand, — men schooled in an old civiliza- tion, puzzled, even daunted, by the wilderness in which they found them- selves as by a strange and alien thing, ignorant of its real character, lacking all the knowledge and craft of the primitive world, lacking everything but courage, sagacity, and a steadfast will to succeed. As they pushed their gigantic task they were themselves transformed. The unsuitable habits of an old world fell away from them. Their old blood bred a new stock, and the youth of the race to which they belonged was renewed. And yet they did not break with the past, were for long scarcely conscious of their own transformation, held their thoughts to old channels, were frontiersmen with traditions not of the frontier, traditions which they cherished and held very dear, of a world in which there were only ancient kingdoms and a civiliza- tion set up and perfected time out of mind. Their muscles hardened to the work of the wilderness, they learned woodcraft and ranged the forests like men with the breeding, the quick instincts, the ready resource in time of danger of the Indian himself, and yet thought upon deep problems of re- ligion, pondered the philosophy of the universities, were partisans and fol- lowers of statesmen and parties over sea, looked to have their fashions of dress sent to them, with every other old-world trapping they could pay for, by the European ships which diligently plied to their ports. Nowhere else, perhaps, is there so open and legible a record of the stiffness of thought and the flexibility of action in men, the union of youth and age, the dominion of habit reconciled with an unspoiled freshness of bold initiative. And with the transplantation of men out of the old world into a wilder- ness went also the transplantation of institutions, — with the same result. The new way of life and association thrust upon these men reduced the com- plex things of government to their simples. Within those untouched forests they resumed again, as if by an unconscious instinct, the simple organization of village communities familiar to their race long centuries before, or here and there put palisades about a group of huts meant to serve for refuge and fortress against savage enemies lurking near at hand in the coverts, and lived in their " hundreds " again under captains, to spread at last slowly into counties with familiar sheriffs and quarter-sessions. It was as if they had PREFACE brought their old-time polity with them, not in the mature root nor even in the young cutting, but in the seed merely, to renew its youth and yield itself to the influences of a new soil and a new environment. It was drawn back to its essential qualities, stripped of its elaborate growth of habits, as they themselves were. All things were touched, as it were, by the light of an earlier age returned. The study of American history furnishes, as a conse- quence, materials such as can be found nowhere else for a discrimination between what is accidental and what is essential in English political practice. Principles developed by the long and intricate processes of the history of one country are here put to experimental test in another, where every element of life is simplified, every problem of government reduced to its fundamental formula. There is here the best possible point of departure, for the student who can keep his head and who knows his European history as intimately as he knows his American, for a comparative study of institutions which may some day yield us a sane philosophy of politics which shall forever put out of school the thin and sentimental theories of the disciples of Eousseau. This is the new riches which the study of American history is to afford in the light that now shines upon it: not national pride merely, nor merely an heroic picture of men wise beyond previous example in building States, and uniting them under a government at once free and strong, but a real under- standing of the nature of liberty, of the essential character and determining circumstances of self-government, the fundamental contrasts of race and social development, of temper and of opportunity, which of themselves make governments or mar them. It may well yield us, at any rate, a few of the first principles of the natural history of institutions. The political history of America was the outcome of a constitutional struggle which concerned Englishmen in England no less deeply than it concerned Englishmen in the colonies, a struggle whose motives were com- pounded both of questions of conscience and of questions of civil liberty, of longings to be free to think and of longings to be free to act. And English- men on the two sides of the sea were not wholly divorced in the issue of that struggle. Not America alone, but the power to rule without principle and restraint at home as well, was once for all cut off from the crown of England. But there was sharp contrast, too, between the effects wrought in England and the effects wrought in America. On one side the sea an ancient people won their final battle for constitutional government ; on the other side a new people was created, — a people set free to work out a new experience both in the liberty of its churches and in its political arrangements, to gain a new consciousness, take on a distinctive character, transform itself from a body of loosely associated English colonies into a great commonwealth, not Eng- lish nor yet colonial merely, but transmuted, within little more than a xxiii PREFACE generation, into a veritable nation, marked out for an independent and striking career. At the Eevolution the American States did hardl}'^ more than disengage themselves from the English dominion. Their thoughts, their imagina- tions, were still held subject to policy and opinion over sea. By the close of the War of 1812, these last, impalpable bonds were also thrown off. American statesmen had got their freedom of thought, and, within a genera- tion, were the leaders of a nation and a people apart. One has only to contrast the persistent English quality and point of view of the English colonies of to-day, self-governing communities though most of them are, which have led their own lives for generations together under parliaments and ministers of their own free choosing, with the distinctive character of the United States to realize how much of the history of nations is spiritual, not material, a thing, not of institutions, but of the heart and the imagination. This is one of the secrets American history opens to the student, the deepest of all secrets, the genesis of nationality, the play of spirit in the processes of history. Of course the present separateness and distinctive character of the United States among the nations is due in part to the mixture of races in the make- up of their people. Men out of every European race, men out of Asia, men out of Africa have crowded in, to the bewilderment alike of the statesmen and of the historian. An infinite crossing of strains has made a new race. And yet there is a mystery here withal. Where, when, in what way, have our institutions and our life as a people been turned to new forms and into new channels by this new union and chemistry of bloods? There has been no break in our constitutional development. Nothing has been done of which Ave can confidently sa}^, This Avould not have been done had we kept the pure Saxon strain. All peoples have come to dwell among us, but they have merged their individuality in a national character already formed; have been dominated, changed, absorbed, W^e keep until now some of the char- acteristic differences of organization and action transplanted to this conti- nent when races were separate upon it. W^e single out the Dutch element in the history of New York, the French element in the history of Louisiana, the Spanish influence in the far West. But these things remain from a time when Dutch and French and Spanish had their seats and their power apart and were independent rivals for the possession of the continent. Since they were fused they have given us nothing which we can distinguish as their own. The French who have come to us since that final settlement on the heights of Quebec have contributed nothing distinctive to our civilization or our order of government. The Dutch who have been immigrants amongst us since New Netherlands became New York have no doubt strengthened our PEEFACE stock, but they have adopted our character and point of view. No foreign stock long keeps its identity in our affairs. The fact should a little daunt those who make much of physical heredity and speak of the persistence of race characteristics as a thing fixed and inva- riable, if they are to apply their theory to communities which are dominated by one and the same national idea, and fused to make a common stock. It is where races act separately that they act in character and with individual distinction. In this again the history of the United States demonstrates the spiritual aspects of political development. Nations grow by spirit, not by blood ; and nowhere can the significant principle of their growth be seen more clearly, upon a more fair and open page, than in the history of the United States. It is this principle which throws a light as if of veritable revelation upon the real nature of liberty, as a thing bred, not of institutions nor of the benevolent inventions of statesmen, but of the spiritual forces of which institutions themselves are the olTspring and creation. To talk of giving to one people the liberties of another is to talk of making a gift of character, a thing built up by the contrivance of no single generation, but by the slow providence which binds generations together by a common training. From whatever point of view you approach it, American history gives some old lesson a new plainness, clarification, and breadth. It is an off- shoot of European history and has all its antecedents on the other side of the sea, and yet it is so much more than a mere offshoot. Its processes are so freshened and clarified, its records are so abundant and so accessible, it is spread upon so wide, so open, so visible a field of observation, that it seems like a plain first chapter in the history of a new age. As a stage in the economic development of modern civilization, the history of America consti- tutes the natural, and invaluable, subject-matter and book of praxis of the political economist. Plere is industrial development worked out with in- comparable logical swiftness, simplicity, and precision, — a swiftness, sim- plicity, and precision impossible amidst the rigid social order of any ancient kingdom. It is a study, moreover, not merely of the make-up and setting forth of a new people, but also of its marvellous expansion, of processes of groAvth, both spiritual and material, hurried forward from stage to stage as if under the experimental touch of some social philosopher, some political scientist making of a nation's history his laboratory and place of demon- stration. The twentieth century will show another face. The stage of America grows crowded like the stage of Europe. The life of the new world grows as complex as the life of the old. A nation hitherto wholly devoted to do- mestic development now finds its first task roughly finished and turns about to look curiously into the tasks of the srreat world at large, seeking its special PREFACE part and place of power. A new age has come which no man may forecast. But the past is the key to it; and the past of America lies at the centre of modern history. ^7'75>-»TrcrV%^i.-t^ Princeton, New Jersey, September 9, 1901. The American School oi Historical Writers By Albert Bushnell Hart, Professor of American History at Harvard University, and author and editor of many works on American History American History is fortunate not only in the romantic setting of its earlier periods, and in the succession of great events, momentous to man- kind, but quite as much in the interest of Americans to record and to de- scribe the development of their own country. Before the reader and the student can come into contact with his ancestors, a cohort of men must clear away the obscuring noteless facts, and must leave standing the men and women of might and influence in the history of the United States. Now hundreds of chroniclers, scores of zealous investigators, and a throng of secondary writers have taken part in the work of making their country known to itself. Looking over the whole field of American historiography, it is easy to recognize a succession of literary impulses; first come the narratives of such discoverers and explorers as Ohamplain, written with many different pur- poses, but much alike in the freshness and life which they put into their story. A few years later, in the first half of the seventeenth century, arise a group of writers of whom Winthrop is a type, builders of commonwealths, who have left us a heritage of wisdom on the conditions of colonization. About the beginning of the eighteenth century we find- conscious historians piecing together traditions and records, and trying to see the meaning and proportions of previous events; they reach from Cotton Mather to Hutch- inson. Just after the devolution, a new national self -consciousness led to several efforts to tell at some length the history of that great struggle. The beginnings of the literary period of American history, about 1830, included new and ambitious attempts to compress the whole history of the country into one systematic work ; in this period George Bancroft is the most signifi- cant name. Since the Civil War a new school of historians has arisen, for '^ xxvii HISTORICAL WRITEIIS the most part choosing -limited periods and treating them intensively; of these Henry Adams is a type. At the outset must be made clear the distinction between the recorders of events and the critical analytic Avriters : the first, men like Columbus, are al- ways a part of the event which they describe ; while the second may look back- ward from a distance of centuries, as did John Fiske; but at both extremi- ties of our national history we find some writers who combine first-hand and contemporary knowledge with the power to see the spirit animating the body politic; such were Bradford almost three centuries ago, and Eopes and Yon Hoist to-day. To enumerate all the good servants of America in either category is impossible ; but the best and the tj^pical may be selected. The first discoverers and explorers not only laid the foundation on which later generations of writers have built; they also left us narratives which, in directness, simplicity, and elevation of thought, make them comparable with Herodotus and the Venerable Bede. What may be called the first school of American historians is made up of those who themselves felt the sting of the salt spray; heard the breakers beating upon mysterious shores; saw the painted savages come down to view the great white-winged monsters from which came forth a race of white men of incalculable wealth and unearthly powers; smelt the land odors from uncleared forests; and brought home pearls and beavers and savage captives. The letters of Columbus, despite some ignoble boasting and a certain sordidness which ill became so great a man, were memorials of a splendid achievement worthy of handing down to his children's children. So the narratives of Gomara and Pizarro on the conquest of Mexico and Peru give an unfading picture of the harsh, con- quering race, and of that heroic spirit through which a handful overcam^e a multitude. The Gentleman of Elvas somehow appeals to the native Amer- ican sense of humor when he tells us how De Soto was hemmed in between the Mississippi and his enemies; "and on both sides there were many Ind- ians, and his power was not now so great, but that he had need to help himself rather by flight than by force." The narratives of the first English explorers have the same quality of virility, intensity, and undaunted spirit. Doubtless Sir Francis Drake was a gentleman who could make a good deal of trouble to-day on a twenty-knot ship in the midst of an enemy's commerce, and he would hardly understand the niceties of the law of contraband of war; but who can help enjoying his rollicking voyage to the Pacific, with its store of unctuous enumerations of plunder: "a silver chalice, two cruets, and one altar cloth'*; "thirteen bars of silver, each weighing four hundred ducats, Spanish " ; " eight llamas, or sheep of Peru, every one of whi'^h =bpep had nn its back two bags of leather, HISTORICAL WRITERS each bag containing fifty pound weight of fine silver " ; "a chest full of royales of plate and goodly stores of silks and linen cloth " ; " great riches as jewels and precious stones " ; " thirteen chests full of royales of plate, fourscore pound weight of gold, and six-and-twenty ton of silver." WTiat adventurous boy would not to-day be proud to share the life of such a pirate, and to revel in the riches of perfidious Spain ? Nor do the voyagers have all the romance of history to themselves. While the English language lives will live honest John Smith, who has been so painfully misunderstood because his historical novel, although carefully studied on the spot and singularly accurate in its setting, came early to be accepted, and has many times been criticised, as though it were sober history. It is fortunate for later generations that so many of the early worthies could either handle the pen themselves, or had a companion or scrivener to set down in order the details of whatever was strange in scenery, in inhabitants, in wild animals, and in products. Nowadays we do not realize the absolute novelty of the new world, for nowadays no part of the world is remote, except perhaps the Antarctic continent. The sense of discovery was very stimulating : men like Champlain could with equal ease explore, fight, found communities, and write the most engaging narrative; heroes like Father Jogues have left us not only a most complete account of the natives of America, but an imperishable record of the superiority of soul over such accidents as tomahawks and bone-breaking gauntlets, and red-hot coals. In real richness, variety, and romance, American history is full, even when we compare it with the contemporary accounts of European countries; and we know actually more of the conditions, the standards, and the social life of the American Indians in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries than we know of the life of the English, French, or German peasantry of that time. What wonder if the early writers were a little hampered by the attempt to describe a new barbarism in terms of an old civilization? Why should not the early historian make an " emperor '' out of a naked savage who had at least the 'physical power to sweep the Europeans off the new continent if he chose ? Was it not natural that " kings " and " princesses " and " noble- men " should stalk out of lodges that really held unclean and untrust- worthy savages? To Virginia, to New Amsterdam, to New England, the Indians were a mighty military power, often superior in battle, and all but victorious in the great campaign which lasted more than a hundred years. If the red man had had the musket, and the white man the bow and arrow, we should to-day be writing the history of the United States " as the lion would have painted it." In these contemporary narratives, many of them interfused with fancy, and few recognizing the real squalor, degradation, and sinfulness of savage life, we have a great cycle of historical material HISTORICAL WRITERS told in the simplest historical fashion ; and this is the first school of writers of American history. As soon as English colonization actually begins, we find a second group of writers of whom two, Bradford and Winthrop, stand pre-eminent; men who recorded the annals of the time in the full faith that we to-day should carefully read them, and should find disclosed in them the soul of the earliest commonwealths. It is of great significance that throughout the colonies, and especially in New England, there were highly educated men capable of leaving a record, reasonably accurate, and phrased in the big, broad, rugged English of the time. If one of the objects of the historian is to dis- cover motives, what can be more significant than Bradford's long and ana- lytic account of the reasons for the foundation of Pl3rmouth plantation ? The opening words of the " Of Plimoth Plantation '' seem like the stately gate- way to an epic. " And first of the occasion and inducements thereunto, the which that I may truly unfold I must begin at the very root and rise of the same. The which I shall endeavor to manifest in a plain style with sincere regard unto the simple truth in all things, at least as near as my slender judgment can attain the same." In this manuscript, covering the period 1608-1645, so carefully written, so long preserved, used by Prince, Hubbard, Cotton Mather, and Hutchinson, to disappear, and to come to light again in the palace of the Bishop of London at Fulham, almost in our own day — in this precious memorial, we have the first attempt at a consciously reasoned history of America. Bradford tells only that part which he knew; he de- pended upon his own memory and the immediate communications of his friends; but the book is a remarkable account of what we now call the con- stitutional history of the community. Indeed, there is much in Bradford to reward the student of mankind, the sociologist, the economist, the lawyer, the ecclesiastical historian, and the lover of picturesque narrative. Hero Wfc have the foundations of an English colony and the growth of its polity, the slow building of the walls of a government which was at the same time a municipality; here we read of Indian wars, stratagems, powwows, and peace- makings; here is the record of an important experiment in communism, ending like all such experiments in the final parceling out to individuals of such territory and property as was left. We learn something of what emigrants' food and quarters were on board ship, while crossing the Atlantic : we have an insight into fisheries and agriculture and trade, and interest and profit at " the rate of cento per cento " ; and in the midst of affairs we have the splendid story of calm, resolute, unshrinking men, slowly piecing together a political community and preparing the way for the later United States. The other great historical writer of this period, John Winthrop, is far less HISTORICAL WRITERS systematic and argumentative. An annalist and yet possessed of a keen sense of selection, in the midst of much that is trivial and some things that reveal the intense Puritan curiosity about things better left undisturbed, he still deals in the main with the imposing problems of free government. The staples of his history are the interplay of man against man, of class with class, the rivalries of the grave magistracy with the pushing General Court; the final compromise by which a legislature of two houses was organ- ized in Massachusetts. In his story of the period from 1630 to 1648, he gives us not simply crude materials, but a description of the farthermost bases of American political ideas, as worked out on American soil. Bradford and Winthrop are by no means the only men of that period who deal with events as the warp and woof of a systematic narrative. Cap- tain Edward Johnson, in his Wonder WorJcing Providence of Sion's Saviour, published in 1654, essays what he calls a History of New Eng- land, from those beginnings " when England began to decline in religion like lukewarm Laodicea," till " these soldiers of Christ first stood on this western end of the world." But Johnson and other writers of similar worthy purposes had neither the literary skill nor the sense of continuity for which Bradford and Winthrop are remarkable. ISTo others left a well- founded and well-knit narrative extending over so many years. No others felt so clearly that they were both upbuilders and recorders of their own upbuilding . Eor the inner life of most of the New England settlements besides Plym- outh and Massachusetts, there is a painful dearth of contemporary narrative. The histories of Ehode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire have to be pieced out of scattered and minute references in journals and public records. It is much the same in the middle and southern colonies; except for the vivacious accounts of the settlers of the Jerseys and Pennsylvania, written by Gabriel Thomas and others, there is hardly any contemporary history of the middle colonies, though much material for history. On the founda- tions of Virginia and ]\raryland there are interesting contemporary notices by Strachey, John Smith, Wingfield, White, and others; but no man writes with the feeling that he is drawing ont the real meaning of the events which he describes, for the use of later generations ; no man foresees the oak which is to spring from his acorn. The separate history of the Carolinas came much later and must be collated from many scattered narratives. When Georgia was founded in the eighteenth century, the historical sense was more developed, and of that colony there are several excellent contemporary ac- counts. We must leap across more than half a century from the end of Bradford HISTORICAL WBITERS and Winthrop's histories to reach a third school made "up of local historians and annalists, most of whom have now become simply material for later writers. Of these the first and the worst is Cotton Mather, whose magnum opus is the Magnalia Christi Americana, or the Ecclesiastical History of New England, first published in 1703. It would be hard to cap this sm- gular production for whimsicality, variety of contents, and treatment; it is everything except histor3^ To Cotton Mather's mind nothing came amiss : tradition, rumor, gossip, memory, experiences, every-day facts, were all equally put to his service. So far as a naturally keen and well-practised memory could go, he sounded and verified these various sources, but it was not in his mind to reject a statement because he could not show it to' be probably true. The make-up of the book is a monument to the perverted learning of the time. Anagrams, prefatory poems, attestations, introductory poems, general introductions, epitaphs, old sermons pitchforked in, little biographies, contemporary letters, squibs, polemic pamphlets, dialogues, prophecies, the last dying speeches of criminals, wonderful prodigies, and " remarkables " of Indian wars — all was fish that came to Mather's net ; and it is one of the tasks of the present-day historian to delve in the many fonts of type of this ponderous book in order to discover how much is truth, how much prejudice, and how much downright error. Contemporary with Mather is the first really good local history, Beverley's History of Virginia, published about 1705 ; and it is worth noting that Bev- erley had in his mind the modern conception that history includes a view of the social conditions and standards of the time. He makes it his business not only to describe the foundings of the commonwealth of Virginia, for Avhich he had to depend on material made by others, but also to tell us of the products, the social institutions, the education, and the labor system of his time. Here we have really the first example of an American history, written not from personal experiences, or from the memory of those who had gone through such experiences, but from printed and even written records, or at least from a restatement of such printed narratives as he could find. Beverley set an example which unfortunately was followed by few writers of his century. To be sure there are some other agreeable books of the same kind: Smith's History of New Jersey, published in 1765: William Smith's History of New YorTc, written in the eighteenth century, though not pub- lished till many years later; Stith's Virginia (to 1624), published in 1747; and several ecclesiastical histories of merit, especially ISTeal and Backus. But these writers are independent of each other, are local and had but a limited circle of readers. One man deserves to be specially noticed because he made it his task to accumulate small details, and was the first to estab- lish many of the accepted conventions of American history. Thomas Prince, xxxii HISTORICAL WRITERS in the preparation of his Annals, published from 1736 to 1755, made a collection of documents which served him as the basis for a chronological conspectus of the history of New England, which, unluckily, reached only to 1633. Like his follower, Abiel Holmes, he has long since been forgotten, except by specialists; the work of both Prince and Holmes was that of laying rough stones which are hidden out of sight by the finished structure. The first general historian of America upon the model of the three great contemporary English writers, Hume, Eobertson, and Gibbon, was Thomas Hutchinson in his History of Massachusetts Bay. An official, a man of prop- erty, of high connections, much experiences in town and colonial government, he began to publish in 176-1. His second volume was published three years later, when the storm-cloud of the devolution was already gathering. A third volume, which includes the unhappy history of the pre-revolutionary controversies, did not appear till long after his death. In Hutchinson as in Prince, we have a study of historical sources, though very limited in kind; he seems scarcely to have loiown that there were manuscript records of the lower house of the Massachusetts legislature, and his history is directly founded on private papers and the records of the governor and council. ^¥ha.t is really important in Hutchinson is his attempt to write a history in a narrative form, covering a century and a half, which should deal with events in their right proportions, and in which he should also apply the same methods of judgment and segregation to a period within which he had himself lived. Nobody now reads Hutchinson for his style, and his account of early Massachusetts is long since surpassed, but the experience of the trained public man gives a permanent value to his conclusions, and his is dis- tinctly a genuine historian's work. Among the evidences of a quickened national consciousness was the growth of a new school of historians immediately after the Eevolution. Among them were several notable historians of a single commonwealth — Proud's Pennsylvania, Trumbull's Connecticut, Burk's Virginia, and — far the best of them all — Belknap's New Hampshire. At the same time arose several conscientious and hard-working writers, who wrought upon the history of their country, taking into view not a colony nor a section, but the whole nation; and they also conceived the modern idea of choosing a limited field and treating it with thoroughness and in detail. Of these the most notable are Ramsay, Mercy Warren, and Timothy Pitkin. Dr. Eamsay, whose book, published in 1811, describes much of the military side of the Eevolution, and includes an invaluable discussion of the effects of that great struggle on the political and social life of Americans. ]\Tercy Warren was the first woman to publish a narrative history, which, however one-sided, was written HISTORICAL WRITEIIS by an eye-witness, and tliat eye-witness a woman of high education and great spirit. It was this able person, called by her friends the Marcia of the American Eevolution, who ventured to attack the great John Adams and accused him of leaning towards monarchism. Better than all the others is honest Pitkin, whose history, published in 1828, covers with clearness and insight the history of the foundation of the American republic from 1763 to 1797, with a few foot-notes referring to the scanty sources available at that time. Pitkin had a strong liking for statistics, and his books remained until up to a few years ago almost the only well-thought discussion of the political and economic conditions of the colonies, as a background for a discussion of the causes of the Eevolution. Besides these important studies of material at first-hand, the great libra- ries contain many so-called histories of the United States, published in the first third of the nineteenth century. It seems to have been a habit of the x^Tew England country clergy to combine with the country newspapers to produce a history; the parson furnished scissors, paste, and circumambient rhetoric, and produced a manuscript chiefly out of extracts from his prede- cessors; the printer set it up on the off days when the week's paper was printed and copy for the next had not 3^et appeared. This process, not un- known in later and wiser generations, adds nothing to American histori- ography and needs no further description. Although up to 1830 there had appeared no account of the development of America which is now read as a classic, and still less any first-hand Amer- ican history of a foreign country — the foundations were laying upon which historians might safely build. During the whole time from the beginning of the Eevolution down, materials were being collected and made available, without which the work of Hildreth and Bancroft would have been impos- sible. It is the happy fortune of America that the great men of the revo- lutionary period either kept copies of their letters or wrote such important documents that they were preserved by those Avho received them. In the letters of Washington and Franklin, of John Jay, of Jefferson, of Madison, of Monroe, and a score of other revolutionary worthies, we find the true spirit of their times, and in 1791, Dr. Jeremy Belknap, himself the author of the excellent history of Kew Hampshire, founded in Boston the Massa- chusetts Historical Society, the first in time of a long series of public-spirited organizations, whose aim it has been to collect memorials which would other- wise perish, and to put them in permanent form for later generations. Our ancestors have always been rather tenacious of public records, partly because of the importance of such evidence in settling questions of property, and partly from an instinctive feeling that what they were doing was worth remembrancing. It is this sense of doing something worth while which HISTORICAL WRITERS finds expression in the famous resolutions of the Cambridge town meeting in 1'765 : " that this vote be recorded in the town book that the children yet unborn might see the desire their ancestors had for their freedom and hap- piness." Accident, neglect, the T^evolutionary War, caused the loss of many precious records, especially in the South, but enough remained to make an almost inexhaustible mine for the antiquary and investigator. Three dif- ferent influences were brought to bear side by side with each other to effect the publication of historical material: the historical societies; the state gov- ernments, in many cases animated by the societies; and the strong historical spirit of a few investigators. Of these latter, the chief is Jared Sparks, who published his edition of the Writings of Washington in 1836, followed by his Franklin's Works, and by his Correspondence of the American Revolution; he also established a series of brief biographies, all of them edited and several written by Mr. Sparks. It is hard to overestimate the influence of this man, endued as he was with an immense capacity to take advantage of his great opportunities. According to the historical canons of his time he was a most intelligent editor; he thought it his duty to correct the mis- takes of grammar or expression in the originals before him, so that he might more clearly bring out the sense ; and it wounded him that the Father of his Country should misspell. Sparks's editions, therefore, overlay the originals with literary shellac and varnish, but he does not conceal the original grain. Himself a conscientious investigator, a careful historical writer, he combines within his own achievements three historical triumphs: he opened up great evidences of truth; he was the first exemplar of the co-operative method of writing history ; and he was himself no mean author. Upon the foundations thus laid, and infused with that lively national spirit which began to be distinctly felt after the War of 1813, there now appears a writer who had a combination, almost unexampled in America up to that time, of an historian's qualities: ambition, training, wealth, social connections, political experience, and an intense desire to write a history of his country from its earliest beginnings down to the end of his own time. That man was George Bancroft, who, beginning his self-imposed task about 1830, in 1883 was still systematically engaged on it. A whole cycle of national history had passed by between the beginning and end of his work, and his fifty years of labor was enough only to bring him from the discovery of America down to the adoption of the federal Constitution in 1788. Here at least was a difl^erent conception of history, so different from those who preceded him that he became the founder of a new school. Besides a capacity for vast labor, Bancroft created a machinery for the assembling of material up to that time unknown in America : he sent all over the world HISTORICAL WmTERS for transcripts of documents ; he collected a valuable library ; as Secretary of the Navy under Polk, he had opportunities for intimate acquaintance with the archives of the federal government; he wrote patiently, and repeat- edly rewrote his own work, which in its most elaborated form includes twelve good-sized volumes. That Bancroft is to-day rather the companion of the scholar than of the patriot reader is not strange; he began and carried on his work in the midst of an atmosphere of what may be called professional history; his intellectual predecessor was Robertson; his intellectual compeers were Macaulay and Prescott. He wrote to be read and chose the style which most attracted readers half a century ago; he wrote to justify his fathers for the Revolution, and his mind was quicker to grasp the grievances of the colonies than the difficulties of the English ad- ministration. A sincere and honest man whose public service has been enor- mous, Bancroft is now neglected by readers, and his example is avoided by writers. It is unfortunate for Bancroft's permanent fame that a considerable part of his work has no foot-notes ; his reason was that other people followed him on his authorities, without giving him credit; he thus cut off not only a means of checking his conclusions, but also a useful aid to inquirers. Ban- croft has often been charged with rearranging and docking his quotations. His habit of referring to many materials available only in his own collection of transcripts makes it difficult to examine this charge, but where he refers to printed materials he does not seem consciously to have altered the sense of a quotation by omission or transposition. Side by side with Bancroft is a writer much less known and much less appreciated, who nevertheless has deserved well of his countrymen — Richard Hildreth, who attempted the same task as Bancroft, and in six volumes, the last of them published in 1856, brought down his history from the earliest colonial times to 1820. In many respects Hildreth more nearly approaches to the modern standard of the historian than any one who preceded or accom- panied him. He has such a grasp of facts and so well knows how to assemble them, and to discriminate among them, that almost any event of large im- portance that has happened in our history is mentioned in his volumes. He, too, had his thesis to prove; strongly federalist in sympathy, his later vol- umes are to a considerable degree a justification of the Hamiltonian theory of government ; and like Bancroft, he does not see fit to append those foot- notes which are a restraint upon a writer, an opportunity to examine his ground, and a useful equipment for later investigators. Only one other general history of the United States in the period from 1830 to 1860 need be mentioned here. Tucker's History of the United States, published in 1857 and covering the period from 1774 to 1841, is the only work of the kind written by a Southern man. Just why most of the xxxvi HISTORICAL WmTERS history-writing down to the Civil War was done by New England men is not easy to discover; traditional interest in history, good libraries, the in- fluence of a live State historical society, the nearness of a book-buying public, the close connection between literary and public life — these are some of the reasons. Tucker aimed to look at our history from a different angle, but he has little of the method or style of the trained historian, he does not attract the reader, and is less quoted than his careful work deserves. So far, most of the interest of American writers had been given to their own country ; it was a mark of a growth in cosmopolitanism when two writers chose for their themes fields of European history, though in both cases there was a connection with American history in its wider aspects. Prescott chose first the Spaniards in America, and then the Spanish monarchy in the six- teenth century. In his time he was considered one of the safest as well as one of the most brilliant historical writers. Brilliant he is, and he chose for his theme the romantic period which connected European civilization with the earliest phases of American history. His Ferdinand and Isabella, his Conquest of Peru, his Conquest of Mexico, his Charles V., his Philip II.. published during the two decades from 1837 to 1858, were read with interest and enthusiasm by scholars, business men, and school-boys, just as Macaulay was read at the same time both in England and America. In every way he is a notable figure, this man almost blind, working patiently year after year in his Boston library and slowly committing to the press his beautifully written volumes, which are still among our best historical works, although the meth- ods of the author and his Judgment of his sources are no longer accepted as final. Motley came a little later, chose a similar theme, but without a direct con- nection with American history. His Dutch Republic, his United Nether- lands, his John of Barneveld, have been sources of inspiration to thousands of readers; and if the maturer student now searches them in vain for any insight into the organization of the marvellous military people whom he described; if he finds little about their colonics and nothing about their gov- ernment; if he learns not the source of their wealth, nor the secret of their national persistence, he does get a striking picture of the heroism of the later- day Athenians contending against the Persians of the sixteenth century. Motley was really not an historian, but a describer of mighty historic deeds. Motley began to publish in 1856, and continued long after the Civil War, but he belongs to the ante-bellum school, and that school, notwithstand- ing its great services, had as yet treated history only in partial fnshion. Ma- terials were collected and much learning was expended in explaining and an- notating them and in brief articles and papers founded upon them. Upon the other side, several ambitious attempts had been made to give in one con- HISTORICAL WRITEIIS spectus an account of what was most noteworthy in the whole history of the nation. A school of biographers had also arisen, some of whom had pub- lished elaborate works like the painfully minute Eives's Madison; or history was grouped about the life of one individual as in Marshall's Washington, or Irving's Columhus. As yet, however, there was little grouping of great masses of related facts in monographs, and few examples of historians who took a brief period as their whole field. For some years after the Civil War, Motley and Bancroft were still the noted American historians, and the development of a new spirit in history is due first of all to the achievements of another writer, whose work, though begun long before, was ended only in 1885. Francis Parkman is the greatest of all the writers who have ever made America their theme or have written as American scholars, and his greatness depends upon three qualities rarely brought together in one man ; he was a matchless investigator, a man of the most unflinching tenacity, and somehow he knew how to write so that men loved to read him. His method was that of the special field, long enough in his case, but narrow in geographical dimensions. He wrote upon what he himself called " the history of the woods," upon the century and a half of hostile contact between the French colonists and the English colonists, ac- centuated by the fierce savages who were between them. Back of the romance of history was the romance of Parkman's own life. One of the most unassuming and modest men who ever lived, he went on his way without seeming to know that he was a hero; but in an autobiographical fragment, drawn up in 1868, he has revealed the inner man. At the age of eighteen he had formed the splendid plan of his history, all of which he lived to complete, and while still a young man he made that adventurous overland trip to Oregon, which is faithfully commemorated in his Oregon Trail, published in 1851, an account of a journey intended to give him an " inside view of Indian life." He returned with a physique naturally feeble, further weakened by the hardships of the prairie, and resulting in a state which he describes as follows : " The conditions were threefold : an extreme weakness of sight, disabling him even from writing his name except with eyes closed; a condition of the brain prohibiting fixed attention except at occasional and brief intervals; and an exhaustion and total derange- ment of the nervous S3^stem, producing of necessity a condition of mind most unfavorable to effort." After 1851, he says that there had not been " any waking hour when he has not been in some degree conscious of the presence of the malady " ; although later " the con- dition of the sight has so far improved as to permit reading, not exceeding, on an average, five minutes at a time. . . . By reading that amount and \ HISTORICAL WRITERS then resting for an equal time, this alternative process could generally be continued foi; about half an hour, then, after a sufficient interval, it would be repeated, even three or four times in the course of the day." It was thus that large parts of his literary monument were prepared ; and the difficulties but enhanced the result, for they make it evident that it is not the fascination of the subject, nor the pleasure of breaking new ground, nor the careful prep- aration of material that fix Parkman as the greatest of all American his- torians, but the soaring spirit, which had its message to tell and could not be fettered. Parkman is a kind of bridge between the older and the newer school of his- torians, for he began with the same traditions as Bancroft and Hildreth, and he furnished a model and an impetus for Henry Adams, McMaster, Winsor, Ehodes, and Eoosevelt. Before describing the more recent group of writers, most of them still living, it is necessary to show what an awakening came over the country in historical matters during and after the Civil War. If it be true that interest in athletic sports and open-air life is to be traced from the Virginia and Georgia campaigns, it is equally true that, just as in the post-revolutionary period, the country awoke after 1865 to a new sense of the dignity and importance of its own history and institutions. This con- sciousness took form in various directions: first, in the systematic training of young men to be writers and teachers of history ; second, in the appearance of a new literature of carefully wrought monographs, resembling though usually superior to the German doctors' dissertations ; and third, in the devo- tion of their lives to historical writing by a new series of historians. Most of the elder historical schools in America from the days of Bradford and Winthrop down to Hildreth and Palfrey were made up of college-bred men; and most of the writers are grouped about one little New England college. Winthrop was a founder of Harvard ; Hutchinson, a graduate, Ban- croft, Hildreth, Parkman, Belknap, Prescott, Motley, were its sons; Jared Sparks, its president. And yet that college made no effort, and no other college made efi'ort, to train young men in historical methods, and very little was done to instruct them in historical data. Each successful writer was his own teacher, and handed down few traditions. In several of the colleges were intelligent and highly educated men, who taught history by hearing formal recitations from a dull text-book ; but the creative and inspiring side of teaching commonly went into mental and moral philosophy. Early in the seventies arose two fishers of men, Charles Kendall Adams in the University of ]\Iichigan, and Henry Adams in Harvard University, and about the same time began a new system of graduate instruction in Johns Hopkins University, where for twenty-five years Herbert B. Adams was HISTORICAL WmTERS the inciter of historical teachers and writers. All these men, and others who speedily followed them, made it their task, not only to inform their students, but also to make them searchers for truth. Henry Adams had the habit on the first day of the term of deliberately frightening out of his course all but the most eager and undaunted students; and from the residuum he built up an enthusiastic company of able young men. He edited and published a volume of essays on Anglo-Saxon Law, prepared under his guidance by students whose names have since been attached to many more formal works; but he grew tired of enforcing historical truths through other people, and he withdrew to the ten years' labor of preparation of his masterpiece. Charles Kendall Adams, at the University of Michigan, introduced with some useful modifications the German seminary method, and he also sent out students imbued with his methods, to be college professors and presidents. This was also the method steadily and effectively applied at Johns Hopkins, and the young men trained there have been widely distributed throughout the country. In 1877, Justin Winsor came to Harvard, and so long as he lived he was the greatest force for historical learning in his university. This remarkable man in many ways resembled Sparks ; he was a great organizer, and as libra- rian of the Boston Public Library'- and of the Harvard College Library fur- nished models to the world of libraries in which the main purpose was to have books used. As an editor and historical writer he has left three series and various independent volumes; but one of his greatest services to learning was his untiring interest in the yoimg men and young women, students of history, who came under his influence. Himself a man of method and ac- customed to deal with great masses of material and to draw from them his conclusions, he infused into all those who came into contact with him the spirit of scientific historical work. Perhaps ]\Ir. Winsor's chief claim to eminence in his craft was his profound acquaintance with practical bibli- ographjr, not only a knowledge of books, but a consciousness of what books are important, a power of discrimination ; and upon the period of American history from discovery to the War of 1812, his Narrative and Critical His- tory is an example of broad scholarship applied with high intelligence to the service of science. Although he gave but few college courses, Mr. Win- sor was in effect a teacher and a trainer, as well as a librarian and an author, and he drew into his co-operative labors the most ardent young men. Mr. Winsor's labors were to a large degree monographic. He secured from various other people short studies of episodes and movements, all founded upon a minute study of sources, and each annotated by the author and supplemented by Mr. Winsor's own nnfatliomable learning, with precise xl HISTORICAL WRITERS references to the original material. Similar monographic work has for twenty years been going on all over the country and particularly in the ■uni- versities. Following the example of Johns Hopkins, other universities after 1880 founded special graduate schools and developed systematic instruction and preparation looking towards the degree of Ph.D. The i^edgiing doctors were expected to write theses, and their results, in most cases printed, con- stituted a new stratum in the historical materials of America. In many instances they were published in separate volumes, like Woodrow Wilson's Congressional Government; others were grouped in various series, of which the oldest is the Johns Hopkins Studies, comprising a volume every year since 1883, and thus has been furnished an opportunity of reaching the world on a subject which did not stimulate the ordinary publisher, or commend itself to the magazine editor. Later, other institutions took up the system: Columbia University, the University of Pennsylvania, the University of Michigan, the University of Wisconsin, the University of Nebraska, Cornell University, Brown Univer- sity, Harvard University, and other institutions have taken the responsibility for the publication of single or grouped studies, often representing the well- directed labor of several years. Here many historical writers who have later blossomed out into more general literary work have tried their prentice hands; here young men and young women have the opportunity to put upon record evidence of their power to deal with historical subjects, an evidence often of much service to them through the etfect which it may have upon the mind of the college presidents and other grandees who have the power to hold out the golden sceptre. In such monographs the residuary results, drawn from the distilling of great masses of otherwise undigested material, are made available for other writers. The stream of such publications goes on unceasingly, and their character tends to improve as the opportunities for study and for direction from older men increase. The better writers out- grow their doctor's theses, and sometimes wonder that their judgments were ever so crude; but the result is an opening up of fields of great importance which had long remained unfilled. For example, until a few years ago there was nowhere to be found any account, based upon the sources, of Presidential elections, of the Speakership of the House of Eepresentatives, or of the Senate, or of the veto power, or of Congressional committees, or of the actual system for nomination for office ; the student of American institutions has now the benefit of careful studies in all these subjects : and it is worth noting that within this field of practical politics some of the best work of collecting and generalizing from the scat- tered materials has been done by women. Twenty years ago there was almost nothing in the way of careful, first-hand studies of the slavery ques- xli HISTOKICAL WRITERS tion; now we have able monograpns on various individual commonwealtlis, on fugitive slaves, on slavery in the District of Columbia, on the slave-trade, and on the underground railroad — nearly every one a result of scientific study under the direction or impetus of college teachers. The system of monographs has done much to make the conditions and the merits of historical writing widely known. Where half a century ago one man knew how to write an acceptable historical narrative, forty persons have now had some experience. One of the influences which has done much to stimulate investigation in limited topics has been the American Historical Association, founded in 1884. In its two functions of holding meetings at which younger men are brought into association with older writers, and of printing an annual report in which shorter or longer papers may be printed and distributed to an impatient world, the Association has made the path of young writers easier; and its list of presidents has included most of the foremost historical writers of the time. The most widely known and most useful series of monographs, a revival of Sparks^s idea of brief biographies by experts, is the widely read American Statesman Series, which is edited, and of which several volumes have been written by John T. Morse, Jr. Similar to it in scope are the American Men of Letters, Makers of America, Beacon Biographies and other like combina- tions, all in principle an attempt to tell the story of a brief period through the lives of public men who stood for a dominant idea. Under modern conditions one of the measures of the interest in a science is the kind of journals which are created to represent it. In many respects the publications of the various state and local historical societies have for more tban a century been sober periodicals; besides the more special issues of Collections, such societies annually print Transactions, or Records which contain briefer and less imposing matter, and in several cases, as for ex- ample the Pennsylvania Historical Society, this publication has not only the character but the form of a magazine. From the founding of Carey's American Museum, in 1787, and especially after the establishment of the North American Review, in 1815, there has always been a medium for his- torical articles, often elaborate enough to be monographs. ISTot till 1857 was there a periodical devoted entirely to history; Dawson's Historical Mag- azine, which kept up a respectable existence till 1875. Then followed the Magazine of American History from 1877 to 1896. These were both private enterprises, which were able to get very little aid and comfort from the established historical writers of the time, and they received little that was significant from the new race of monographists. In 1895, a journal was founded under the title of the American Historical Review, with the express purpose of uniting scattered historical forces, of xlii HISTORICAL WRITERS dealing with all fields and phases of history, and of offering an opportunity for the publication of the result of the latest scholarships. Through a re- lation established with the x\merican Historical Association in 1898, the circulation and influence of this review were much increased, and history remains one of the few great fields of learning in America on which rival ■universities have not established rival and struggling journals. The illustrated magazines of the time, and the political reviews also give scope for historical articles, often of great excellence, by able hands, and in many cases drawn out into a series which eventually becomes a book. No historical writer, young or old, need suffer for a medium through which to make his conclusions known, provided he really has conclusions worth draw- ing; and in the pages of the special and general periodicals future writers of history will find a fund of valuable materials. The connection of history with universities has had some admirable effects; among them has been an intimate relation between the profession of teaching history and the profession of writing history. The American historians of half a century ago were, with few exceptions, litterateurs^ men of private station and of private means, who gave up a large part of their lives to historical writing for the love of scholarly occupation and the hope of fame. The collection of materials was a tedious and expensive task ; they were the men who had the time and money to travel afar, in order to get the proper horizon, and to make some acquaintance with other countries and languages. In the Sparks manuscripts, in the Parkman manuscripts and the Bancroft manuscripts, are many extracts copied from records not avail- able in print. A man sat down to write a history as he now sits down to found a review, with ambition as a frontlet and with money in his pocket. Sometimes good Uncle Sam gave them a diplomatic position in which they might pursue thpir investigations ; thus Prescott was made Minister to Spain, Motley to the Netherlands, Bancroft to Germany. The growth of scientific instruction in history has developed a new race of historical writers who have gone forth to supersede the older type ; among the present best-known American writers upon history, McMaster is a pro- fessor in a university, Schouler is a lecturer in a university, Charles Francis Adams is a most ardent overseer of a college, John Fiske was once an in- structor in history in a college and a college librarian. Von Hoist was a pro- fessor, Moses Coit Tyler was a professor, and Winsor was a college librarian. This academic connection is the more striking when we remember that in pure literature the most noted writers to-day have mostly come up outside university precincts and are little associated with college life. Some reasons for the taking up of formal history by college men are ob- vious; since the scientific basis of history has become recognized, history is D xliii HISTORICAL WRITERS more likely to be undertaken by those who have had a scientific training and a scientific opportunity. From the other direction, the publication of an excellent history often leads to a call which for the rest of a man's days connects him with some college: thus McMaster's first volume led to his transference from an instructorship in mathematics to a professorship in American history. It has become a tradition that the university professor of history ought to have part of his time for literary duties, and he often has the use of superior libraries. Perhaps the best explanation is simply that preparation for classes and preparation for publication run on all fours with each other; and the enthusiasms of both pursuits are alike. All explanations, however, fail to account for the fact that among the many American teachers of ancient, mediaeval, continental, and English history, hardly a single one is at work on a magnum opus in his own field; so far, text-books, brief histories, or an account of an episode, are all that have been exhibited. While Doyle and Lecky and Trevelyan place them- selves among the best writers on American affairs, what American professor has undertaken a history of England, or of any part of it, as a life-long task ? The few considerable pieces of such work do not come from the universities at all: Henry C. Lea is a publisher; Hannis Taylors England, James Breck Perkins's France, Tom Watson's bizarre France, a kind of etherealized Georgia, are written by hard-working lawyers or politicians; William R. Thayer has made Italian history his theme, and Professor Charles M. Andrews is author of a history of modern Europe; while Professor Sloane's best-known work is his Napoleon; they alone of American historians of Europe are in close touch with universities. Two remarkable exceptions must be noted to the general rule, that the more noted living writers of history are given up to American history. Captain Mahan has so far chosen to write chiefly on the naval history of Great Britain; but aside from the interest of the trained naval officer in that country which has taught the world most about figliting at sea, he has really in mind a principle of national polity which he thinks his countrymen ought to keep in mind; he is an American writing for the instruction, first of all, of America, and then of all mankind. Plenry C. Lea, in his studies of eccle- siasticism, and especially in his History of the Inquisition, has shown a rare cosmopolitan spirit. In general it is safe to sa}'' that the chief interest of American historical writers is in the affairs of their own countr}'-, and almost all the living writers give themselves up to a distinct and limited area. Perhaps no competent scholar will ever write a complete history of i\merica from the sources; the last attempt was Winsor's. and he was unable, even by his skilful use of the co-operative method, to get much beyond the beginning of the nineteenth xliv "HISTORICAL WRITERS century. Each man now assumes that he may begin on the foundations laid by somebody else. John Fiske has, in his own method, traversed the ground of Bancroft and Hildreth, to the adoption of the Constitution. Edward Eggleston has chosen the era of commonwealth building. James Schouler has written a history in six volumes, extending from the end of the Eevolu- tion to the end of the Civil War. Professor McMaster has chosen the same beginning, and appears to look forward to about the same date for his end. Ehodes has chosen to begin at 1850, long enough before the Civil War, so that he may make plain the reason for that titanic struggle, and he expects to bring the work down to a point near the present day. Henry Adams chose the sixteen years, 1801-1817, from the inauguration of Jefferson to the end of Madison's administration, and having finished that period has apparently abandoned further historical writing. No attempt has been made in this article to enumerate all the good writers in or on America, for the aim is to describe tendencies and not men; and prophecies as to what is to be accomplished by the fledglings would only cause distrust in the prophet's judgment. It is, however, safe to say that, through a long process of development, in which the recorders of history and the critics of historical events have united to bring together a vast body of materials, we have now reached a point where there is a permanent body of active, highly trained, ambitious writers of history who, with the aid of the monographers, the patient earth-worms who prepare soil to bear fruit, constitute what may not unreasonably be called the American School of His- torical Writing. One of the leading spirits in this favored present was the late John Fiske. Gibbon is like the march of an army : legion after legion, cohort after cohort, trumpets fanfaring at regular intervals, horses cavalcading, all glowing in shining armor; perhaps Fiske might be compared to a holiday procession, men singers and women singers, both young men and maidens, flutes, harps, and psalteries, and children dancing in the rear. There is a wholesome, sunny serenity about his volumes; he does not go very deeply into the Welt- schmerz, but he tells the story so that he who runs may read. His books are the books of the prosperous man, who likes to see the evidence of healthy growth in his country. Perhaps illustration may be clearer than statement on this point. Five living writers of American history stand out plainly as the present heads of their craft : Herman von Hoist, Henry Adams, Henry C. Lea, Alfred T. Mahan, and James Ford Ehodes; what they do is the best that is now being done. Von Hoist has finished his labor of thirty years, on what is substantially a history of the slavery contest from 1838 to 1860. He fights the battle HISTORICAL WRITERS over again, for he loves intensity. His chief service has been to bring home to Americans the inevitableness of a contest, after the traditional principles of free government were so violently contradicted by slavery. A good hater, a powerful hitter, Von Hoist has done much to break in pieces the con- ventional apotheosis of our public men, and to lead us to see the real elements of the Civil War. Henry Adams seems to have given up historical writing; a man of in- dependent fortune, he likes to diverge around the world and to give sage advice to young politicians. He need never put pen to paper again in order to assure his reputation as one of the world's great historical narrators. It is his forte to be at the same time scientific, careful, and imaginative, to penetrate the intricacies of complex characters, to seize the spirit of bygone times; his is the study of motive, the discerning of guiding principles of national character. He has almost a lordly disregard of his own foot-notes ; he gives a reference, not because he feels the need of a backer, but because he has so many reserves that he may give them or withhold them as he pleases. His style, less absorbing than Parkman's, is equally limpid, almost equally effective. Henry C. Lea has chosen a theme apparently remote from our participa- tion : his three great works are histories of the monastic orders, of torture, and of the Inquisition. Steady, sane, infinitely painstaking, resolute, and impartial, he is a model of the careful habits of the business man applied to the ascertaining of historical truth ; his books are interesting, they are just, they are permanent. In interest of subject, in insight of investigation, in the power to reach and state conclusions, and in style, he stands' among the best of American historical writers, and exemplifies the value of the study of other peoples and their civilization. Captain Mahan is the only American military or naval officer to win dis- tinction as an historical writer. His theme in all his books is the Sea Power, the strength of the naval country: to impress that power on the reader he masses his argument and illustrations; and he has carried the world; he has altered the purposes of mankind. Ehodes is the latest knight to besiege the enchanted castle of literary fame, and he is the only one of the four who reveals the intellectual forces that lie outside the colleges; only a short time a college student, never a college teacher, brought up to business in a bustling Western city, he has wooed both Lady Fortune and the muse of history, and both have smiled upon him. His most characteristic merits are his care, his impartiality, his clear and read- able style, and, above all, his ability to discover the ruling motives of a people in a time of passionate stress. The impression made upon the observer of historical writing is hopeful. xlvi HISTORICAL WRITEIIS Our greatest historian, Parkmaii; lives only in his imperishable books; bnfc leaving him out, there has never been an American historian equal to the best living writers in training, in conception of what historical research means, in discrimination, in insight, or in genuine historical style. Where are the poets to replace Lowell and Longfellow and A¥hittier? Where are the es- sayists to equal Emerson ? Where the novelists to measure height with Haw- thorne? Yet in historical writing the authors of the golden age give way to the present American School in popularity among readers, and in usefulness to scholars; and perhaps some day a new generation of authors may arise to whom the historians of this quarter-century will give God-speed. <^^tV>s< ^--vWl Mayapi; Ceded by Spain ATLAS TIC BBEAS SE ■"A? L ^ s "^^ ACQUISITION or TERBITORY 1835, and the appointment of a dictator, declared itself independent of Mexico, March 2, 1836. After a brief war, dis- tinguished by two brutal massacres on the part of the Mexicans at Goliad and the Alamo {q. v.) , Houston, the Texan com- mander, with 700 men, met Santa Ana, the Mexican President, with 5,000 men, at San Jacinto, and totally defeated him. Santa Ana, to gain his liberty, signed a treaty recognizing the independence of the Repub- lic of Texas. This treaty was never rati- fied by Mexico; but the United States, and afterwards England, France, and Belgium, recognizing the new republic, its indepen- dence was practically secured. From this time the annexation of Texas to the United States became a great political issue, both by the Southern politicians, who were anxious to add more slave terri- tory to the United States, and by Texas herself, whose finances had fallen into fearful disorder through careless and extravagant expenditures. This was not made possible until the election of Polk to the Presidency, when the campaign cry of the South was, " Texas or Disunion." The first resolutions were introduced into 'Congress in the House, Jan. 25, 1845; by joint resolution, in the House, Dec. 16; and in the »Senate, Dec. 22. Texas was admitted as a State without the for- mality of a treaty. It added 376,133 square miles to the territory of the United States. Mexico and California. — This terri- tory, comprising 545,783 square miles, and including the present States of Cali- fornia, Nevada, and Utah, and a large ])art of Arizona and New Mexico, and part of Colorado, came to the United States as a result of the Mexican War {q. v.) , through conquest and purchase. The treaty, known as the treaty of Guada- loupe Hidalgo, was signed Feb. 2, 1848, and was ratified by the Senate March 10, the United States" paying $15,000,000 in addition to assuming the payment of claims of American citizens against Mex- ico amounting to $3,250,000. Gadsden Purchase. — In 1853 the United States bought from Mexico a strip of land, now forming that part of Arizona and New Mexico lying south of the Gila Eiver and extending from the Rio Grande, near El Paso, on the east, to the Colorado I.— B r River on the west. Gen. James Gads- den {q. V.) was at that time minister to jVIexico and negotiated the transfer, and this territory, 45,535 square miles in ex- tent, has always borne his name. Alaska. — This valuable fur and mineral producing country was first claimed by Russia by right of discovery. By treaty of March 30, 1867, ratified by the Senate in special session, June 20, 1867, Russia ceded the whole of the territory, 557,390 square miles in extent, to the United States for $7,200,000. See Alaska. Haioaii. — In January, 1896, a joint resolution was introduced into the Lower House of the United States Congress pro- viding for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands, and was referred to the commit- tee on foreign affairs. On June 16, 1897, a treaty was signed in Washington by representatives of both governments and transmitted to the Senate. The commit- tee on foreign relations reported favor- ably upon it, but the Senate adjourned without action. In Hawaii, the treaty was ratified by both Houses of the Congress by iinanimous vote, Sept. 10. Many attempts were made in later sessions of Congress, but it was not till June 6, 1898, when the United States Senate adopted a direct an- nexation resolution, that anything was accomplished towards the acquisition of the islands. The President signed the resolution on the following day, and or- dered the cruiser Philadelphia to proceed to Honolulu and raise the American flag. Commissioners were appointed to prepare a plan for the future government of the islands, and formal possession was taken on Aug. 12, 1898. See Blount, James H.; Hawaii. Wake Island. — This low-lying atoll in the midst of the Pacific Ocean, half-way between the Hawaiian Islands and the Philippines, was taken possession of, in the name of the United States, by a land- ing-party under the command of Com- mander Edward D. Taussig, of the U. S. S. Bennington, Jan. 17, 1899. Wake Island is said to have been by rights already American territory, since, in 1851, Ad- miral Wilkes surveyed the place and as- serted title. As a cable station, in view of the laying of a Pacific cable, it will be invaluable. See Wake Island. Porto Rico. — This large and fertile isl- Acquisition of territory— acrelius and, together with its outlying smaller islands, came into the possession of the United States at the close of the Spanish- American War, by the ratification of the treaty of peace (1899). At the time of the suspension of hostilities General Miles was conducting a campaign in the island. He had met with very little resistance, and had been treated by the natives on every hand more as a liberator than a con- queror. The island has valuable natural resources and possesses a delightful cli- mate. See Porto Rico. Philippine Islands. — After his great victory in Manila Bay, May 1, 1898, Dew- ey refrained from attacking the city until he could receive co-operation from the land forces. General Merritt, as first mil- itary governor of the Philippines, was despatched immediately with a large mil- itary force, which was landed during the months of June and July. The first land engagement took place on Aug. 9, near Malate, and the city was stormed and capt- ured on Aug. 13, one day after the sign- ing of the protocol, a fact of which the American generals were in ignorance. The final treaty of peace (1899) ceded the en- tire group of islands to the United States upon the consideration of a payment of $20,000,000. See Philippine Islands. Guam. — The principal island of the Ladrone group, in the Pacific Ocean, was seized by the United States naval authori- ties on June 21, 1898, and was ceded by Spain to the United States by the treaty of peace following the Spanish-American War. Formal American possession was taken Feb. 1, 1899. On Oct. 4, 1900, by order of the Navy Department, Guam was made a separate naval and government station. The harbor of San Luis d'Api-a is said to be one of the finest in the world. See Agana; Guam. Samoa. — The independence and neutral- ity of the Samoan Islands were guaran- teed in 1890 by tripartite agreement be- tween Great Britain, Germany, and the United States. The political situation re- mained very peaceable until 1899, when some of the followers of Mataafa, the for- mer king, then in exile, instigated a revo- lution. This was quickly suppressed by the interference of the above powers, who landed marines and put the insurgents to flight. Soon after quiet had been re- stored negotiations were entered into which resulted in the partitioning of the islands and the surrendering by Germany and Great Britain of all rights to the island of Tutuila, containing the magnif- icent harbor of Pago Pago, and all other islands of the Samoan group east of long. 171° W. of Greenwich. The treaty was ratified in the Senate, Jan. 16, 1900, and formal possession of the islands was taken by the President on March 16. See Samoa; Tutuila. Cibitu and Cagayan. — The Peace Com- missioners in Paris (1899) who nego- tiated the transfer of the Philippine Isl- ands from Spain to the United States drew a geographical boundary-line fixed by meridians of longitude and parallels of latitude. The lines described a paral- lelogram with the exception that there was an inset in the southwestern corner to exclude some islands off the coast of Borneo. A year after the signing of the treaty of Paris (1899), the fact was dis- covered that in laying down these boun- daries the commissioners had excluded the islands of Cibitu and Cagayan of the Philippine group. After negotiations lasting for several months, in which Spain refused to recede from her position of ownership, the United States, in July, 1900, in order to remove cause of possible irritation as well as to protect herself from their future purchase by other Eu- ropean powers, bought the islands from Spain for $100,000. The islands are small and thinly populated, but are valuable for their pearl and shell fisheries. Rati- fications of the treaty of cession were exchanged in Washington on March 23, 1901. See also Annexed Territory, Status of; Anti-Expansionists; Atkinson, Ed- ward; Bryan, William Jennings; Im- perialism. Acre, one of the principal land meas- ures in the United States. The English imperial or standard acre, by statute (George IV.. 1824) contains 4,840 square yards, and this is the accepted standard in the United States. Acrelius, Israel, clergyman ; born in Osteraker, Sweden, Dec. 25, 1714; was ordained in 1743; came to America to preside over the Swedish congregations in New Sweden in 1749. His work was 18 ACROPOLIS— ADAIR marked with success, but after seven years' toil he was forced, to resign by ill- health, and returned to Sweden. His pub- lications include The Swedish Colonies in America (1759, translated into English in 1874), and articles on America. He died in Fellingsbro, April 25, 1800. See New SwEDEjf, Founding of. Acropolis, a citadel, usually on the summit of a rock or hill. The most cele- brated was the one at Athens. Acta Diurna, the Roman gazette con- taining an authorized account of daily transactions. This was exposed daily in the Forum. Acuera, a Creek Indian cacique, the territory of whose people in Florida was -early invaded by De Soto. The cruel- ties of Narvaez and De Soto in Florida aroused among the native tribes feel- ings of the bitterest hatred. Narvaez caused a captive cacique, or chief, to be mutilated after the first engagement with the hostile Indians. His nose was cut off, and he was otherwise disfigured : and the invader caused fierce blood-hounds to tear the chief's mother in pieces in the presence of her children. Narvaez sup- posed this would strike terror, and make conquest easy; but he was mistaken. De Soto had blood-hounds, iron neck-collars, handcuffs, chains, and instruments of tort- ure, wherewith to subdue the barbarians, who were really less barbarous than he. He loaded his captives with chains, and made beasts of burden of them, regardless of age or sex. After some acts of this kind, he sought to conciliate Acuera, whose territory he had invaded, for he was pow- erful, and commanded many warriors. De Soto invited the dusky sovereign to a friendly interview, when he received from Acuera this haughty reply: "Others of your accursed race [Narvaez and his men] have, in years past, disturbed our peaceful shores. They have taught me what you are. What is your employment ? To wander about like vagabonds from land to land ; to rob the poor and weak : to be- tray the confiding; to murder the defence- loss in cold blood. No! ^vith such a peo- ple I want neither peace nor friendship. War — never-ending, exterminating war — is all I ask. You boast yourself to be valiant — and so you may be; but my faithful warriors are not less brave, and of this you shall one day have proof, for I have sworn to maintain an unsparing conflict while one white man remains in my borders; not openly in the battle-field, though even thus we fear not to meet you. but by stratagem, ambush, and midnight surprisal." De Soto then demanded that Acuera should yield obedience to the Span- ish monarch. " I am a king in my own land," said the cacique, " and will never become the vassal of a mortal like my- self. Vile and pusillanimous is he who submits to the yoke of another when he may be free! As for me and my people, we prefer death to the loss of liberty and the subjugation of our country." De Soto could never pacify Acuera, and during the twenty days that he remained in the cacique's dominions his command suf- fered dreadfully. A Spaniard could not go 100 paces from his camp without be- ing slain and his severed head carried in triumph to Acuera. Fourteen Castilians £0 perished, and many were severely wounded. " Keep on ! robbers and trai- tors!" said the cacique. "In my province and in Apalacha you will be treated as you deserve. We will quarter and hang every captive on the highest tree." And they did so. See De Soto and Narvaez. Adair, James, author; lived among the Chickasaw and Cherokee Indians in 1735- 75. He held the opinion and attempted to show that the American Indians were de- scended from the Jews. He was the author of a History of the American Indians (in which he elaborated his opinion), and of vocabularies of Indian dialects. Adair, John, military officer; born in Chester county, S. C, in 1759. He served in the Continental army during the Revolution, and in the wars against the frontier Indians in 1791-93. He was United States Senator in Congress in 1805-6; and as volunteer aide to Gen- eral Shelby at the battle of the Thames, in 1813, he showed much bravery and skill. He distinguished himself as commander of the Kentucky troops in the battle of New Orleans, in January, 1815. From 1820 to 1824 he was govern- or of Kentucky, having served in the legis- lature of that State; and from 1831 to 1833 was a Representative in Congress. He died in Harrodsburg, Ky., May 19, 1840. 19 ADAIR— ADAMS Adair, William P., born in 18:28. He was one of the chiefs of the Cherokee na- tion, and commanded a brigade of Indians organized by Gen. Albert Pike on behalf of the Confederacy. This brigade took part in the battle of Pea Ridge, Ark., in 1862. He died in 1880. Adams and Liberty. See Paine, R. T. Adams, Abigail (Smith), wife of Pres- ident John Adams; born in Weymouth, Mass., Nov. 23, 1744; daughter of the Rev. William Smith; M'as married Aug. 25, 1764, when Mr. Adams was a rising young law- yer in Boston. In 1784 she joined her hus- band in France, and in the following year went with him to London, where neither her husband nor herself received the cour- tesies due their position. In 1789-1810 she resided at the seat of the national government, and passed the remainder of her life in the Quincy part of Braintree, dying. Oct. 28, 1818. Her correspondence, preserved in Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife, Abigail Adams, dur- ing the Revolution, throws important light upon the life of the times which it covers. Adams, Brooks, author; born in Quin- cy, Mass., June 24, 1848; son of Charles Francis; was graduated at Harvard Col- lege in 1870; spent a year in the law school there ; was secretary to his father while the latter was serving as an arbi- trator on the Alabama Claims, under the Treaty of Washington; and after his re- turn from Creneva lie was admitted to the bar and practised till 1881, when he be- gan applying himself chiefly to literature. Besides numerous articles in magazines and other periodicals, he has published The Emancipation of Massachusetts, The Law of Civilization and Decay, etc. Adams, Charles, lawyer; born in Ar- lington Vt., March 12, 1785; educated himself for college, and was graduated at the University of Vermont in 1804. Dur- ing the Canadian cjifficulties of 1838 he was the friend and legal adviser of Gen- eral Wool, and subsequently wrote a his- tory of the events of that uprising under the title of The Patriot War. He attain- ed a lai'ge practice in his profession, and was a voluminous contributor to period- ical literature on the public events of his day. He died in Burlington, Vt., Feb. 13, 1861. Adams, Charles Follen, humorous writer; born in Dorcliester, Mass., April 21, 1842; received a common-school edu- cation; and was wounded and taken pris- oner at Gettysburg while serving in the Union army. Since 1872 he has become widely known by his humorous poems in German dialect, of which Leedle Yawcob Strauss and other Poems and Dialect Ballads are the most popular. Adams, Charles Francis, statesman; born in Boston, Mass., Aug. 18, 1807; CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. son of John Quincy Adams; was gradu- ated at Harvard College in 1825. He ac- companied his father to St. Petersburg and England, where he passed much of his childhood until the return of his family to America in 1817. Mr. Adams studied law in the office of Daniel Webster, and was admitted to the bar in 1828, but never practised it as a vocation. In 1829 he married a daughter of Peter C. Brooks, of Boston. For five j^ears he was a member of the legislature of Massachusetts. Hav- ing left the Whig Party, he was a candi- date of the Free-soil Party (q. v.) in 1848 for the Vice-Presidency of the United States, Mr. Van Buren being the candidate for the Presidency. They were defeated. In 1850-56 Mr. Adams published the Life and Works of John Adams (his grand- father), in 10 volumes. In 1859 he, was elected to Congress from the district which his father long represented. He was then a Republican in politics. In March, 1861, he was appointed minister to Great Brit- ain, where he managed his diplomatic 20 ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS duties with much skill during one of the you and our whole country — were drawing most trying times in our history — that of the Civil War. He remained as American minister in London until 1868, when, in February, he resigned. In 1872 Mr. Adams was first a Liberal Republican, and then a Democrat, in politics. His labors in the field of literatuie were various. From 1845 to 1848 he edited a daily newspaper in Boston, and was long either a regular or an occasional contributor to the North American Revieio. His principal task was the preparation of the Life and Works of John Adams, and a Life of John Adams, in 2 volumes. He also issued the Life and Works of John Quincy Adams, in 12 volumes. He died in Boston, Nov. 21, 1886. When the spirit of secession was rampant in Congress late in Decem- ber, 1860, he tried to soothe the passions of the Southern jwliticians by offering in the House Committee of Thirty- three a res- olution, " That it is expedient to propose an amendment to the Constitution, to the efl'ect that no future amendments of it in regard to slavery shall be made unless pro- posed by a slave State and ratified by all the States." It was passed by only three dissenting voices in the committee. Adams, Charles Francis, lawyer and historian; borri in Boston, Mass., May 27, 1835; second son of Charles Francis, 1st; was graduated at Harvard College in 1856, and admitted to the bar two years afterwards. During the Civil War he served in the Union army, attaining the rank of brevet brigadier-general. He was appointed a member of the Board of Railway Commissioners of Mas- sachusetts in 18G9; and was president of the Union Pacific Railway Company in 1884-91. In 1895 he was elected presi- dent of the Massachusetts Historical So- ciety. His publications include. Railroads, their Origin and Problems ; Massachusetts, its Historians and its History; Three Episodes of Massachusetts History; Life of Charles Francis Adams; Richard Henry Dana, a Biography, etc. The Double Anniversary, "16 and '63. — On July 4, 1869, he delivered the follow- ing historical address at Quincy, Mass.: Six years ago, on this anniversary, we — and not only we who stood upon the scarred and furrowed field of battle, but breath after the struggle of Gettysburg. For three long days we had stood the strain of conflict, and now, at last, when the nation's birthday dawned, the shat- tered rebel columns had sullenly with- d)awn from our front, and we drew that long breath of deep relief which none have ever drawn who have not passed in safety through the shock of doubtful battle. Nor was our country gladdened then by news from Gettysburg alone. The army that day twined noble laurel garlands round the proud brow of the mother-land. Vicks- burg was, thereafter, to be forever asso- ciated with the Declaration of Indepen- dence, and the glad anniversary rejoicings, as they rose from every town and village and city of the loyal North, mingled with the last sullen echoes that died away from our cannon over the Cemetery Ridge, and were answered by glad shouts of victory from the far Southwest. To all of us of this generation — and especially to such of us as were ourselves part of those great events — this celebration, therefore, now has and must ever retain a special signif- icance. It belongs to us, as well as to our fathers. As upon this day, ninety- three years ago, this nation was brought into existence through the efforts of oth- ers, so, upon this day, six years ago, I am disposed to believe through our own ef- forts, it dramatically touched the climax of its great argument. The time that has since elapsed enables us now to look back and to see things in their true proportions. We begin to real- ize that the years we have so recently passed through, though we did not appre- ciate it at the time, were the heroic years of American history. Now that their pas- sionate excitement is over, it is pleasant to dwell upon them — to recall the rising of a great people — the call to arms as it boomed from our hill-tops and clashed from our steeples — the eager patriotism of that fierce April which kindled new sympathies in every bosom, which caused the miser to give freely of his wealth, the wife with eager hands to pack the knap- sack of her husband, and mothers, with eyes glistening with tears of pride, to look out upon the glistening bayonets of their boys; then came the frenzy of impa- tience and the defeat entailed upon us by 21 ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS rashness and inexperience, before our na- tion settled down, solidly and patiently, to its work, determined to save itself from destruction; and then followed the long, weary years of fear and hope, until at last that day came six years ago which we now celebrate — the day which saw the flood-tide of rebellion reach high-water mark, whence it never after ceased to re- cede. At the moment, probably, none of us, either at home or at the seat of war, realized the grandeur of the situation — the dramatic power of the incidents, or the Titanic nature of the conflict. To you who were at home — mothers, fathers, wives, sisters, brothers, citizens of the common country, if nothing else — the agony of sus- pense, the anxiety, the joy, and, too often, the grief which was to know no end, which marked the passage of those days, left little either of time or inclination to dwell upon aught save the horrid reality of the drama. To others, who more im- mediately participated in those great events, the daily vexations and annoy- ances — the hot and dusty day — the sleep- less, anxious night — the rain upon the unsheltered bivouac — the deep lassitude which succeeded the excitement of action • — the cruel orders which recognized no fatigue and made no allowance for labors undergone — all these small trials of the soldier's life made it possible to but few to realize the grandeur of the drama in which they were playing a part. Yet we were not wholly oblivious of it. Now and then I come across strange evidences of this in turning over the leaves of the few weather-stained, dog-eared volumes which were the companions of my life in camp. The title-page of one bears witness to the fact that it was my companion at Gettys- burg, and in it I recently found some lines of Browning's noble poem of Saul marked and altered to express my sense of our situation, and bearing date upon this very 5th of July. The poet had described in them the fall of snow in the spring-time from a mountain, under which nestled a valley; the altering of a few words made them well describe the approach of our army to Gettysburg. " Fold on fold, all at once, we crowd thun- drously down to your feet, And there fronts you, stark, black but alive yet, your army of old, With Its rents, the successive bequeathing of conflicts untold; Yea ! — each harm got in fighting your bat- tles, each furrow and sear Of its head thrust "twixt you and the tem- pest — all hail ! here we are !" And there we were, indeed, and then and there was enacted such a celebration as I hope may never again be witnessed there or elsewhere on another 4th of July. PJven as I stand here before you, through the lapse of years and the shifting expe- riences of the recent past visions and memories of those days rise thick and fast before me. We did, indeed, crowd thun- drously down to their feet! Of the events of those three terrible days I may speak with feeling and yet with modesty, for small indeed was the part which those with whom I served were called upon to play. When those great bodies of infan- try drove together in the crash of battle, the clouds of cavalry which had hitherto covered up their movements were swept aside to the flanks. Our work for that time was done, nor had it been an easy or a pleasant work. The road to Gettysburg had been paved with our bodies and water- ed with our blood. Three weeks before, in the middle days of June, I, a captain of cavalry, had taken the field at the head of 100 mounted men, the joy and pride of my life. Through twenty days of almost incessant conflict the hand of death had been heavy upon us, and now, upon the eve of Gettysburg, thirty-four of the hun- dred only remained, and our comrades were dead upon the field of battle, or languish- ing in hospitals, or prisoners in the hands of the enemy. Six brave young fellows we had buried in one grave where they fell on the heights of Aldie. It was late on the evening of the 1st of July that there came to us rumors of heavy fighting at Gettysburg, near 40 miles away. The regiment happened then to be detached, and its orders for the 2d were to move in the rear of Sedgwick's Corps and see that no man left the column. All that day we marched to the sound of the can- non ; Sedgwick, very grim and stern, was pressing forward his tired men, and we soon saw that for once there would be no stragglers from the ranks. As the day grew old, and as we passed rapidly up from the rear to the head of the col- 22 ADAMS, CHARLES FRANCIS umn, the roar of battle grew more dis- tinct, until at last we crowned a hill, and the contest broke upon us. Across the deep valley, some 2 miles away, we could see the white smoke of the bursting shells, while below the sharp, incessant rattle of the musketry told of the fierce struggle that was going on. Before us ran the straight, white, dusty road, choked with artillery, ambulances, caissons, am- munition trains, all pressing forward to the field of battle, while mixed among them, their bayonets gleaming through the dustlike wavelets^ on a river of steel, tired, footsore hungry, thirsty, begrimed with sweat and dust, the gallant infantry of Sedgwick's Corps hurried to the sound of the cannon as men might have flocked to a feast. Moving rapidly forward, we crossed the brook which runs so promi- nently across the map of the field of bat- tle, and halted on its farther side to await our orders. Hardly had I dismounted from my horse when, looking back, I saw that the head of the column had reached the brook and deployed and halted on its other bank, and already the stream was filled with naked men shouting with pleas- ure as they washed off the sweat of their long day's march. Even as I looked, the noise of the battle grew louder, and soon the symptoms of movement were evident. The rappel was heard, the bathers hur- riedly clad themselves, the ranks were formed, and the sharp, quick snap of the percussion-caps told us the men were pre- paring their weapons for action. Almost immediately a general officer rode rapidly to the front of the line, addressed to it a few brief, energetic words, the short, sharp order to move by the flank was given, followed immediately by the ' double quick,' the officer placed himself at the head of the column, and that brave infan- try, which had marched almost 40 miles since the setting of yesterday's sun— which during that day had hardly known either sleep or food or rest or shelter from the July heat — now, as the shadows grew long, hurried forward on the run to take its place in the front of battle, and to bear up the reeling fortunes of the day. It is said that, at the crisis of Solfe- rino, Marshal MacMahon appeared with his corps upon the field of battle, his men having run for 7 miles. We need not 23 go abroad for examples of endurance and soldierly bearing. The achievement of Sedgwick and the brave 6th Coi'ps, as they marched upon the field of Gettysburg on that second day of July, far excels the vaunted efforts of the French Zouaves. Twenty-four hours later we stood upon that same ground; many dear friends had yielded up their young lives during the hours which had elapsed, but, though 20,000 fellow-creatures were wounded or dead around us, though the flood-gates of heaven seemed open and the torrents fell upon the quick and the dead, yet the ele- ments seemed electrified with a certain magnetic influence of victory, and, as the great army sank down overwearied in its tracks, it felt that the crisis and danger was passed — that Gettysburg was im- mortal. May I not, then, well express the hope that never again may we or ours be called upon so to celebrate this anniversary? And yet now that the passionate hopes and fears of those days are all over — now that the distracting doubts and untold anx- ieties are buried and almost forgotten, we love to remember the gathering of the hosts, to hear again in memory the shock of the battle, and to wonder at the mag- nificence of the drama. The passion and the excitement is gone, and we can look at the work we have done and pronounce upon it. I do not fear the sober second judgment. Our work was a good work; it was well done, and it was done thoroughly. Some one has said, ' Happy is the people which has no history.' Not so! As it is better to have loved and lost than never to have loved at all, so it is better to have lived greatly, even though we have suffered greatly, than to have passed a long life of inglorious ease. Our generation — yes, we ourselves — have been a part of great things. We have suffered greatly and greatly re- joiced; we have drunk deep of the cup of joy and of sorrow; we have tasted the agony of defeat; and we have supped full with the pleasures of vietorj^ We have proved ourselves equal to great deeds, and have learned what qualities were in us, which, in more peaceful times, we our- selves did not suspect. And, indeed, I would here, in closing, fain address a few words to such of you, if any such are here, who, like myself. ADAMS may have been soldiers during the War country and not to tlie exigencies of party of the Rebellion. We should never more politics; it is for us ever to bear in mind be partisans. We have been a part of the higher allegiance we have sworn, and great events in the service of the common to remember that he who has once been a country, we have worn her uniforms, we soldier of the mother-land degrades him- have received her pay, and devoted our- self forever when he becomes the slave of selves, to the death if need be, in her ser- faction. Then, at last, if through life we vice. When we were blackened by the ever bear these lessons freshly in mind, smoke of Antietam, we did not ask or will it be well for us, will it be well for care whether those who stood shoulder our country, will it be well for those to shoulder beside us, whether he who led ^^'hose name we bear, that our bones also us, whether those who sustained us, were do not moulder with those of our brave Democrats or Eepublicans, Conservatives comrades beneath the sods of Gettysburg, or Radicals; we asked only that they or that our graves do not look down on might prove as true as was the steel we the swift - flowing Mississippi from the grasped, and as brave as we ourselves historic heights of Vicksburg. would fain have been. When we stood Adams, Charles Kendall, educator like a wall of stone vomiting fire from the and historian; born in Derby, Vt., Jan. heights of Gettysburg, nailed to our po- 24, 1835; was graduated at the University sition through three long days of mortal of Michigan, and continued his studies in hell, did we ask each other whether that Germany, France, and Italy. In 1867-85 brave officer who fell while gallantly lead- he was Professor of History in the Uni- ing the coimter-charge, Avhether that cool versity of Michigan; in 1885-92 was pres- gunner steadily serving his piece before ident of Cornell University; in 1892 be- us midst the storm of shot and shell, came president of the University of Wis- v/hether the poor, wounded, mangled, gasp- consin; and from that year till 1895 was ing comrades, crushed and torn, and dying editor-in-chief of the revised edition of in agony around us, had voted for Lin- Johnson's Universal Cyclopcedia. He has coin or Douglas, for Breckenridge or Bell? published many monographs and papers We then were full of other thoughts. We in reviews, and Democracy and Monarchy prized men for what they were worth to in France; Manual of Historical Litera- the common country of us all, and recked ture; British Orations; Christopher Co- not of empty words. Was the man true, liunbus, his Life and Work, etc. was he brave, was he earnest, was all we Adams, Cyrus Cornelius, geographer; thought of then, not did he vote or think born in Naperville, 111., Jan. 7, 1849; with us, or label himself with our party was educated at the University of Chi- name. This lesson let us try to remember, cago, in 1876. On the founding of the We cannot give to party all that we once Brooklyn Institute of Arts and Sciences, offered to country, but our duty is not yet was chosen president of its department done. We are no longer, what we have of geography. He is widely known as a been, the young guard of the republic; writer and lecturer on geographical we have earned an exemption from the topics; has travelled extensively; and clangers of the field and camp, and the old was a delegate to the International musket or the crossed sabres hang harm- Geographical Congress, in London, Eng- le^ over our winter fires, never more to be land, in 1895, and a speaker at the Afri- grasped in these hands henceforth devoted can Congress, in Atlanta, Ga., the same to more peaceful labors ; but the duties of year. He has made a special study of the citizen, and of the citizen who has re- the geography of Africa, and has collected ceived his baptism in fire, are still incum- for the Brooklyn Institute over 2,500 bent upon us. Though young in years, we specimens of appliances used in the ten should remember that henceforth, and as principal countries of the world in geo- long as we live in the land, we are the graphical education. ancients, the veterans of the republic. As Adams, Fort, one of the largest and such, it is for us to protect in peace what strongest defensive works in the United we preserved in war; it is for us to look States; near Brenton Cove, Sy, miles at all things with a view to the common from the city of Newport, R. I. For 24 ADAMS several years the War Department lias been engaged in providing for the most thorough fortification of Newport Har- bor. In 1894 preliminary plans were completed calling for batteries of six- teen mortars each, to be grouped in sec- tions of four mortars, and provided with a casemate for the gunners, and a wall of sufficient strength to resist hostile at- tack. Two of these liatteries were planned to be erected at Dutch Island and Fort Adams. At both of these points there were already torpedo casements. The new battery at Fort Adams was designed to assist in fortifying the main entrance to Narraganset Bay, while the one at Dutch Island would aid in resisting the approach of an enemy through what is called West Passage. Fort Adams mounts 460 guns, and besides being a work of protection for the city and har- bor of Newport, it also protects the United States torpedo station on Goat Island, and the training station for naval apprentices and the Naval War College, both on Coasters Harbor Island. Adams, George Burton, educator and historian; born in Vermont in 1851; Pro- fessor of History in Yale University. His late works include: Civilization during the Middle Ages; Why Americans Dislike England; The Growth of the French Na- tion; and European History, an Outline of its Development. Adams, Hannah, historian; born in Medfield, Mass., in 1755. By an early fondness for study, which was promoted by her father, a man of literary tastes, she obtained a knowledge of Latin and Greek from some divinity students broading at her father's house before she had arrived at full womanhood. Her father, a shop- keeper, failed in business when she was seventeen years of age, and his children were compelled to help themselves. Dur- ing the war for independence she sup- ported herself by teaching and lace-mak- ing. Miss Adams wrote a History of the Jeivs, in which she was assisted by the Abbe Gregoire, witn whom she corre- sponded. She also wrote a History of New England, published in 1799. She also wrote books on religious subjects ; and, in 1814, published a Controversy with Dr. Morse (Rev. Jedidiah). Her auto- biography, continued by Mrs. G. G. Lee, was published in 1832. Miss Adams was small in stature, very deaf in her old age, fond of strong tea, and an inveterate snuff-taker. She derived very little pe- cuniary gains from her writings; but her friends established a comfortable annuity for her. She was one of the pioneer literary women of the United States, pos- sessing rare modesty and great purity of character. She died in Brookline, Mass., Nov. 15, 1831. Her remains were the first interred in Mount Auburn Cemetery. Adam.s, Henry, historian; born in Boston, Mass., Feb. 1(5, 1838; third son of Charles Francis, 1st; was graduated at Harvard College in 1858; acted as pri- vate secretary to his father while the latter was American minister to Great Britain, in 1861-68; was Associate Pro- fessor of History at Harvard in 1870-77; and editor of the North American Revieio in 1870-76. His principal works are, Historical Essays; Documents Relating to Neiv England Federalism ; History of Ihe United States from 1801 to 1817 (9 volumes) . Adams, Henry A., Jr. ; born in Penn- sylvania in 1833. Graduated at Annapo- lis in 1851'. Took part in the engagement with the forts at the mouth of Canton Piver, China, in 1854. Was on the BrooJclyn at the passage of Forts St. Philip and Jackson in 1802, and also participated in the attack on Fort Fisher. Was highly praised by Admiral Porter in his official despatches. Adams, Henry C. ; born in Davenport, la., 1861. Graduated from Iowa Col- lege, 1874. Professor of Political Econo- my in the University of Michigan since 1887. Director of the division of trans- portation of the eleventh census ; statis- tician to Interstate Commerce Commission since 1887; president American Economic Association from 189.5-97. He has writ- ten Lectures on Political Economy ; State in Relation to Industrial Action; Public Debts: The Science of Finance. Adams, Herbert Baxter, historian and editor; born in Shutesbury, Mass., April 16, 1850; was graduated at Am- herst College in 1872 and at Heidelberg University in 1876; and in 1878-81 was successively Associate Professor and Pro- fessor of History in Johns Hopkins LTni- versity; also in 1878-81 lecturer in Smith 25 ADAMS College, Northampton, Mass. He had been for many years secretary of the American Historical Association and edi- tor of its Reports, editor of the Johns Hopkins Studies in Historical and Politi- cal Science, and editor of Contributions to American Educational History, pub- lished by the United States board of edu- cation. He wrote a large number of edu- cational and historical monographs. He died in Amherst, Mass., July 30, 1901. Adams, Isaac, inventor; born in Rochester, N. H., in 180.3; learned the cabinet-maker's trade; in 1824 settled in Boston and worked in a machine shop. He invented the printing-press to which his name was given in 1828, and two years later it was perfected and soon came to be generally used. In 1840 he was elected to the Massachusetts Senate. He died in Sandwich, N. H., July 19, 1883. ADAMS, JOHN Adams, John, second President of the United States; from 1797 to 1801; Fed- eralist; born in Braintree (near Quincy), Mass., Oct. 30, 1735. He was graduated at Harvard College in 1755, and immediately afterwards taught school at Worcester, where he began the study of law. His father was in moderate cir- cumstances — a selectman and a farmer. Beginning the profession of law in Brain- tree in 1758, he soon acquired a good practice; and, when he was twenty-nine years of age, he married Abigail Smith, an accomplished woman possessed of great common- sense'. His first appearance in the political arena was as author of In- structions of the Toivn of Braintree to its Representatives on the Subject of the Stamp Act, which was adopted by over forty towns. Associated Avith Gridley and Otis in supporting a memorial ad- dressed to the governor and council, pray- ing that the courts might proceed with- out the use of stamps, Adams opened the case by declaring that the Stamp Act was void, as Parliament had no right to make such a law. He began early to write political essays for the newspapers; and, in 1768, he went to Boston, when the town was greatly excited by political dis- turbances. There he was counsel for Cap- tain Preston in the case of the " Boston Massacre " (see Boston), and in the same year (1770) he was elected to a seat in the General Court. From that time John Adams was a leader among the patriots in Massachusetts. He was a delegate to the. first Continental Congress (1774), where he took a leading part. Return- ing, he was elected a member of the Pro- vincial Congress. He was an efficient speaker and most useful committee-man in the Continental Congress until he was appointed commissioner to France late in 1777, to supersede Deane. He advo- cated, helped to frame, voted for, and signed the Declaration of Independence, and he was a most efficient member of the Board of War from June, 1776, until December, 1777. He reached Paris April 8, 1778, where he found a feud between Frankliir and Lee, two other commissioners. He advised in- trusting that mission to one commis- sioner, and Franklin was made sole ambassador. He Avas appointed minister (1779) to treat with Great Britain for peace, and sailed for France in November. He did not serve as commissioner there, but, in July, 1780, he went to Holland to negotiate a loan. He was also received by the States-General as United States minister, April 19, 1782. He obtained a loan for Congress of $2,000,000, and made a treaty of amity and commerce. He re- turned to Paris in October, and assisted in negotiating the preliminary treaty of peace. With Franklin and Jay, he nego- tiated a treaty of commerce with Great Britain ; and, in the following winter, he negotiated for another Dutch loan. In 1785 Adams went as minister to the English Court, and there he prepared his Defence of the American Constitution. Being coldly received, he returned home, and, in 1788. was elected Vice-President of the United States under the national Con- stitution. He sustained the policy of Washington through the eight years of his administration, opposed the French Revo- lution, and was a strong advocate for the neutrality of the United States. In 1796 26 ADAMS, JOHN he was chosen President by a small ma- jority over Jefferson, and his administra- tion was vehemently opposed by the new party known as Republicans, led by the latter, its real founder. He had much trouble with the French Directory throughout his entire administration, and drew upon himself great blame for favor- ing the Alien and Sedition Law. In his eagerness for re-election Adams offended a powerful faction of his party, and was beaten by Jefferson at the election in 1800. Then he retired to private life, where he watched the course of events Vv'ith great interest for twenty-five years longer, dying July 4, 1826. His death oc- curred on the same day, and at almost the same hour, as that of Jefferson, his col- league on the drafting committee and in signing of the Declaration of Indepen- dence, fifty years before. His biography, diary, essays, and correspondence were edited and published, in 10 octavo vol- umes, by his grandson, Charles Francis Adams. Though courteous in his manner usually, he was, at times, irritable and imperious. See Cabinet, President's. While he was teaching school at Worces- ter, in 1755, he wrote a letter to Nathan 'Webb, in which he remarked : " Mighty states and kingdoms are not exempted from change. . . . Soon after the Reforma- tion, a few people came over into this new world for conscience' sake. This appar- ently trivial incident may transfer the great seat of empire to America. ... If we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according to the exaetest calcula- tions, will, in another century, become more numerous than in England itself. The united force of Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting up for ourselves is to dis- unite us." Less than thirty years after- wards the prophet stood before the mon- arch of England as the representative of an American republic, where, only ten years before, were fiourishing English col- onies. And just a century after that prophecy was uttered the number and strength of the people here exceeded the calculation of young Adams. The popula- tion then was more than double that of England; and, while his country was fiercely torn by civil war, its government defied the power of Great Britain, France, Spain, and the Papal States, whose rulers were enemies of republican government. Lord Kanes uttered a similar prophecy in 1765. On June 1, 1785, he was introduced by the Marquis of Carmarthen to the King of Great Britain as ambassador extraor- dinary from the United States of America to the Court of London. The inexecution of the treaty of peace on the part of Great Britain had threatened an open rupture between the two nations. Adams was sent with full powers to arrange all matters in dispute. His mission was almost fruit- less. He found the temper of the British people, from the peasant up to the mon- arch, very unfriendly to the United States. He was never insulted, but the chilliness of the social atmosphere and the studied neglect of his official representations often excited hot indignation in his bosom. But his government, under the old confedera- tion, was so weak and powerless that he was compelled to endure the hauteur of British officials in silence. They gave him to understand that they would make no arrangements about commercial relations between the two governments; and when he proposed to his own government to pass countervailing navigation laws for the benefit of American commerce, he was met by the stern fact that it possessed no pow- er to do so. At length, believing his mis- sion to be useless, and the British govern- ment sturdily refusing to send a minister to the United States, Mr. Adams asked and obtained permission to return home. Mr. Adams saw with alarm the con- tagion of revolution that went out from Paris, in 1789, affecting England, and, in a degree, his own country. It was differ- ent, in form and substance, from that which had made his own people free. With a view to avert its evil tendencies, he Avrote a series of articles for a newspaper, entitled Discourses on Davila. These contained an analysis of Davila's History of the Civil War in France, in the six- teenth century. In those essays he main- tained that, as self-esteem was the great spring of human activity, it was impor- tant in a popular government to provide for the moderate gratification of a desire for distinction, applause, and admiration. He therefore advocated a liberal use of titles and ceremonial honors for those in ADAMS, JOHN ofiice, and an aristocratic Senate. He pro- posed a popular Assembly on the broadest democratic basis to counteract any undue influence; and to keep in check encroach- ments upon each other, he recommended a powerful executive. The publication of these essays at that time was vmfortunate, when jealousy was rife in the public mind concerning the national Constitution. His ideas were so cloudily expressed that his meaning was misunderstood by many and misinterpreted by a few. He was charged with advocating a monarchy and a hered- itary Senate. The essays disgusted Jeffer- son, who for a time cherished the idea that Hamilton, Adams, Jay, and others were at the head of a conspiracy to overthrow the republican institutions of the United States. The Threatening Attitude of France. — On May 16, 1797, President Adams com- municated the following message to the Congress on the serious relations which had sprung up between the United States and France: Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, — The per- sonal inconveniences to the members of the Senate and of the House of Rep- resentatives in leaving their families and private affairs at this season of the year are so obvious that I the more regret the extraordinary occasion which has rendered the convention of Congress indispensable. It would have afforded me the highest satisfaction to have been able to con- gratulate you on the restoration of peace to the nations of Europe whose animosities have endangered our tranquillity; but we have still abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of national blessings for general health and prom- ising seasons, for domestic and social hap- piness, for the rapid progress and ample acquisitions of industry through extensive territories, for civil, political, and religious liberty. While other states are desolated with foreign war or convulsed with intes- tine divisions, the United States present the pleasing prospect of a nation governed by mild and equal laws, generally satisfied with the possession of their rights, neither envying the advantages nor fearing the power of other nations, solicitous only for the maintenance of order and justice and the preservation of liberty, increasing daily in their attachment to a system of government in proportion to their experi- ence of its utility, yielding a ready and general obedience to laws flowing from the reason and resting on the only solid foun- dation — the affections of the people. It is with extreme regret that I shall be obliged to turn your thoughts to other circumstances, which admonish us that some of these felicities may not be lasting. But if the tide of our prosperity is full and a reflux commencing, a vigilant circumspec- tion becomes us, that we may meet our re- verses with fortitude and extricate ourselves from their consequences with all the skill we possess and all the efforts in our power. In giving to Congress information of the state of the Union and recommending to their consideration such measures as ap- pear to me to be necessary or expedient, according to my constitutional duty, the causes ^nd the objects of the present ex- traordinary session will be explained. After the President of the United States received information that the French gov- ernment had expressed serious discontents at some proceedings of the government of these States said to affect the interests of France, he thought it expedient to send to that country a new minister, fully instructed to enter on such amicable dis- cussions and to give such candid explana- tions as might happily remove the dis- cfintents and suspicions of the French government and vindicate the conduct of the United States. For this purpose he selected from among his fellow-citizens a character whose integrity, talents, experi- ence, and services had pla'ced him in the rank of the most esteemed and respected in the nation. The direct object of his mission was expressed in his letter of cre- dence to the French Republic, being " to maintain that good understanding which from the commencement of the alliance had subsisted between the two nations, and to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly tmion." And his instruc- tions were to the same effect, "faithfully to represent the disposition of the gov- ernment and people of the United States f their disposition being one), to remove jealousies and obviate complaints by show- ing that they were groundless, to restore that 28 ADAMS, JOHN mutual confidence which had been so unfort- unately and injuriously impaired, and to explain the relative interests of both coun- tries and the real sentiments of his own." A minister thus specially commissioned it was expected would have proved the in- strument of restoring mutual confidence between the two republics. The first step of the French government corresponded with that expectation. A few days before his arrival at Paris the French minister of foreign relations informed the Amer- ican minister then resident at Paris of the formalities to be observed by himself in taking leave, and by his successor pre- paratory to his reception. These formalities they observed, and on December 9 presented officially to the minister of foreign relations, the one a copy of his letters of recall, the other a copy of his letters of credence. These were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards the min- ister of foreign relations informed the re- called American minister that the Execu- tive Directory had determined not to re- ceive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States until after the re- dress of grievances demanded of the Am.er- ican government, and which the French Republic had a right to expect from it. The American minister immediately en- deavored to ascertain whether by refusing to receive him it was intended that he should retire from the territories of the French Republic, and verbal answers were given that such was the intention of the Directory. For his o^vn justification he desired a written answer, but obtained none until towards the last of January, when, receiving notice in writing to quit the territories of the republic, he pro- ceeded to Amsterdam, Avhere he proposed to wait for instruction from this gov- ernment. During his residence at Paris cards of hospitality were refused him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the jurisdiction of the minister of police; but with becoming firmness he insisted on the protection of the law of nations due to him as the known minister of a foreign power. You will derive further informa- tion from his despatches, which will be laid before you. As it is often necessary that nations should treat for the mutual advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommo- 29 date and terminate differences, and as they can treat only by ministers, the right of embassy is well known and established by the law and usage of nations. The re- fusal on the part of France to receive our minister is, then, the denial of a right; but the refusal to receive him until we have acceded to their demands without dis- cussion and without investigation is to treat us neither as allies nor as friends, nor as a sovereign state. With this conduct of the French gov- ernment it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minister of the United States on his tjrking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the President discloses senti- ments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the same time studiously marked with indignities towards the government of the United States. It evinces a disposition to sepa- rate the people of the United States from the government, to persuade them that thej' have different affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow- citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colo- nial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of na- tional honor, character, and interest. I should haA^e been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions if it had been possible to conceal them; but they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the face of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity that they cannot be disguised and will not soon be forgotten. They have inflicted a wound in the Ameri- can breast. It is my sincere desire, how- ever, that it may be healed. It is my sincere desire, and in this I presume I concur with you and with your constituents, to preserve peace and friend- ship with all nations; and believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbid the repe- tition of advances for securing these de- ADAMS, JOHN sirable objects with France, I shall in- stitute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of the nation. If we have com- mitted errors, and these can be demon- strated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done injuries, we shall be Avilling on conviction to redress them; and equal measures of justice we have a right to expect from France and every other nation. Tlie diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at present susi^ended, the government has no means of obtaining official information from that country. Nevertheless, there is reason to believe that the Executive Directory passed a decree on the 2d of March last contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our lawful commerce and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you. Wliile we are endeavoring to adjust all our differences with France by amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in Europe, the depredations on our com- merce, the personal injuries to our citi- zens, and the general complexion of affairs render it my indispensable duty to recom- mend to your consideration effectual meas- ures of defence. The commerce of the United States has become an interesting object of attention, whether we consider it in relation to the wealth and finances or the strength and resources of the nation. With a sea-coast of near 2,000 miles in extent, opening a field for fisheries, navigation, and com- merce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their industry and enter- prise to these objects. Any serious and permanent injury to commerce would not fail to produce the most embarrassing dis- orders. To prevent it from being under- mined and destroyed it is essential that it receive an adequate protection. The naval establishment must occur to every man who considers the injuries committed on our commerce, the insults ofl'ered to our citi/ens, and the description of vessels by which these abuses have been practised. As the sufferings of our mer- cantile and seafaring citizens cannot be ascribed to the omission of duties demand- able, considering the neutral situation of our country, they are to be attributed to the hope of impunity arising from a sup- posed inability on our part to afford pro- tection. To resist the consequences of such impressions on the minds of foreign nations and to guard against the degrada- tion and servility which they must finally stamp on the American character is an im- portant duty of government. A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defence of the United States. The experience of the last war would be sufficient to show that a moderate naval force, such as would easily be within the present abilities of the Union, would have been sufficient to have baffled many for- midable transportations of troops from one State to another, which were then practised. Our sea-coasts, from their great extent, are more easily annoyed and more easily defended by a naval force than any other. With all the materials our country abounds; in skill our naval architects and navigators are equal to any; and commanders and seamen will not be wanting. But although the establishment of a permanent system of naval defence appears to be requisite, I am sensible it cannot be formed so speedily and extensively as the present crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought proper to prevent the sailing of armed vessels except on voyages to the East Indies, where general usage and the danger from pirates appeared to render the permission proper. Yet the restriction has originated solely from a wish to pre- vent collisions with the powers at war, contravening the act of Congress of June, 1794, and not from any doubt entertained by me of the policy and propriety of per- mitting our vessels to employ means of defence while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for Congress to prescribe such regulations as will enable our seafaring citizens to defend them- selves against violations of the law of nations, and at the same time restrain them from committing acts of hostility against the powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for defence by individual citizens, it appears to me neces- sary to equip the frigates, and provide other vessels of inferior force, to take un- 30 ADAMS, JOHN der convoy such merchant vessels as shall remain unarmed. The greater part of the cruisers whose depredations have been most injurious have been built and some of them partially equipped in the United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with difficulty, yet 1 have thought it my duty to present the subject generally to your consideration. If a mode can be devised by the wisdom of Congress to prevent the resources of the United States from being converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be prevented. With the same view, I think it proper to men- tion that some of our citizens resident abroad have fitted out privateers, and others have voluntarily taken the com- mand, or entered on board of them, and committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such unnatural and iniquitous practices can be restrained only by severe punishment. But besides a protection of our com- merce on the seas, I think it highly neces- sary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most important ports. The distance of the United States from Europe, and the well-known promptitude, ardor, and courage of the people in de- fence of their country, happily diminish the probability of invasion. Nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory in- cursions the situation of some of our prin- cipal seaports demands your consideration. And as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means of general defence ought not to be increased by an addition to the regular artillery and cavalry, and by arrange- ments for forming a provisional army. With the same view, and as a measure which, even in a time of universal peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your consideration a revision of the laws for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, to render that natural and safe defence of the country efficacious. Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and separate from it if we can, yet to eflfect this separation early, punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events and of the political projects in contemplation is no less necessary than if we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in order to the discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to make preparations against them. How- ever we may consider ourselves, the mari- time and commercial powers of the world will consider the United States of Amer- ica as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe which never can be for- gotten or neglected. It would not only be against our interest, but it would be doing wrong to one-half of Europe, at least, if we should voluntarily throw our- selves into either scale. It is a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neu- tral to consult with other nations en- gaged in the same studies and pursuits. At the same time that measures might be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia and Sweden, one of which is ex pired and the other near expiring, might be renewed. Gentlemen of the House of Representa- tives, — It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public finances, and to adopt such measures respecting them as exigencies shall be found to require. The preservation of public credit, the regular extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray any extraor- dinary expenses will, of course, call for your serious attention. Although the im- position of new burthens cannot be in itself agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American people will ex- pect from you such measures as their actual engagements, their present security, and future interests demand. Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, — The present situation of our country imposes an obligation on all the departments of government to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In my situation an ex- position of the principles by which my administration will be governed ought not to be omitted. It is impossible to conceal from our- selves or the world what has been before observed, that endeavors have been em- ployed to foster and establish a division between the government and people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not 31 ADAMS, JOHN necessary, but to repel, by decided and united councils, insinuations so derogatory to the honor and aggressions so dangerous to the Constitution, Union, and even inde- pendence of the nation is an indispensable duty. It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United States will support the government established by their voluntary consent and ap- pointed by their free choice, or whether, by surrendering themselves to the direc- tion of foreign and domestic factions, in opposition to their own government, they will forfeit the honorable station they have hitherto maintained. For myself, having never been indiffer- ent to what concerned the interests of my country, devoted the best part of my life to obtain and support its independence, and constantly witnessed the patriotism, fidel- ity, and perseverance of my fellow-citizens on the most trying occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my heart has been so long engaged. Convinced that the conduct of the gov- ernment has been just and impartial to foreign nations, that those internal regula- tions which have been established by law for the preservation of peace are in their nature proper, and that they have been fairly executed, nothing will ever be done by me to impair the national engage- ments, to innovate upon principles which have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or to surrender in any manner the rights of the government. To enable me to maintain this declaration I rely, under God, with entire confidence on the firm and enlightened support of the na- tional legislature and upon the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens. John Adams. The Fourth of July. — In a letter to his wife, dated Philadelphia, July 3, 1776, Mr. Adams made the following predictions: Had a declaration of independence been made seven months ago, it would have been attended with many great and glorious effects. We might, before this hotir, have formed alliance with foreign states. We should have mastered Quebec and been in possession of Canada. You will, perhaps, wonder how much a declaration would have influenced our affairs in Canada ; but, if I could write with freedom, I could easily convince you that it would, and explain to you the man- ner how. Many gentlemen in high sta- fions and of great influence have been duped, by the ministerial bubble of com- missioners, to treat; and in real, sincere expectation of this event, which they so fondly wished, they have been slow and languid in promoting measures for the re- duction of that province. Others there are in the colonies who really wished that our enterprise in Canada would be defeat- ed ; that the colonies might be brought into danger and distress between two fires, and be thus induced to submit. Others really wished to defeat the expedition to Canada, lest the conquest of it should ele- vate the minds of the people too much to harken to those terms of reconciliation which they believed would be offered us. These jarring views, wishes, and designs occasioned an opposition to many salutary measures which were proposed for the sup- port of that expedition, and caused ob- structions, embarrassments, and studied delays, which have finally lost us the province. All these causes, however, in conjunc- tion, would not have disappointed us, if it had not been for a misfortune which could not have been foreseen, and perhaps could not have been prevented — I mean the prev- alence of the small-pox among our troops. This fatal pestilence completed our de- struction. It is a frown of Providence upon us. which we ought to lay to heart. But, on the other hand, the delay of this declaration to this time has many great advantages attending it. The hopes of reconciliation which were fondly enter- tained by multitudes of honest and well- meaning, though short-sighted and mis- taken, people have been gradually, and at last totally, extinguished. Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of indepen- dence, and to ripen their judgment, dis- sipate their fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pam- phlets, by debating it in assemblies, con- ventions, committees of safety and inspec- tion, in town and county meetings, as well as in private conversations, so that the whole people, in every colony, have now adopted it as their own act. This will 32 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY cement the union, and avoid those heats, and perhaps convulsions, which might have been occasioned by such a declara- tion six months ago. But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by suc- ceeding generations as the great Anni- versary Festival. It ought to be com- memorated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time for- ward forever. You may think me transported with enthusiasm; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil and blood and treasure that it will cost us to maintain this dec- laration and support and defend these States. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory; I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not. ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY Adams, John Quincy, sixth President 1802, and he occupied one in that of the of the United States; from 1825 to 1829; United States from 1803 until 1808, when Republican; born in Braintree, Mass., disagreeing with the legislature of Massa- July 11, 1767; was a son of President chusetts on the embargo question, he re- John Adams; and was graduated at Har- signed. From 1806 to 1809 he was Pro- vard College in 1787. In February, 1778, fessor of Rhetoric in Harvard College, he accompanied his father to France, In the latter year he was appointed by where he studied the French and Latin President Madison minister to Russia; languages for nearly two years. After and in 1814, while serving in that office, an interval, he returned to France and he was chosen one of the United States resumed his studies, which were subse- commissioners to negotiate a treaty of quently pursued at Amsterdam and at peace at Ghent. After that, he and Henry the University of Leyden. At the age of Clay and Albert Gallatin negotiated a fourteen years, he accompanied Mr. Dana commercial treaty with Great Britain, to Russia as his private secretaiy. The which was signed July 13, 1815. Mr. next year he spent some time at Stock- Adams remained in London as minister holm, Copenhagen, and Hamburg. He until 1817, when he was recalled to take afterwards accompanied his father (who the office of Secretary of State. This was was American minister) to England and at the beginning of what was popularly France and returned home with him early known as the " era of good feeling," the in 1785. After his graduation at Har- settlement of questions growing out of the vard, he studied law with the eminent war with Great Britain (1812-15) having Theophilus Parsons, practised at Boston, freed the government from foreign polit- and soon became distinguished as a po- ical embarrassments and enabled it to litical writer. give fuller attention to domestic concerns. In 1791 he published a series of articles During his occupation of this office Mr. in favor of neutrality with France over Adams was identified with the negotia- the signature of " Publius." He was en- tion of the treaty with Spain by which gaged in the diplomatic service of his Florida was ceded to the United States country as minister, successively, to Hoi- for $5,000,000, and by which also the land, England, and Prussia from 1794 to boundary between Louisiana and Mexico 1801. He received a commission, in 1798, was established. He is credited with hav- to negotiate a treaty with Sweden. At ing been the author of the declaration Berlin he wrote a series of Letters from known as the "Monroe Doctrine" (see Silesia. Mr. Adams married Louisa, Moneoe, James ) . The closing part of daughter of Joshua Johnson, American his term as Secretary was marked by the consul at London, in 1797. He took a legislation of the " Missouri Compromise " seat in the Senate of Massachusetts in (see Missouri) . When President Monroe I.— c 33 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY submitted to his cabinet the two qucs- to be represented at the congress of Amer- tions concerning the interpretation of the ican nations to be assembled at Panama act as passed by the Congress, Mr. Adams to deliberate upon objects of peculiar stood alone in the opinion that the word concernment to this hemisphere, and that " forever " meant forever. this invitation had been accepted. When Monroe's administration was Although this measure was deemed to drawing to a close, several prominent be within the constitutional competency men were spoken of as candidates for the of the executive, I have not thought Presidency — -William H. Crawford, John proper to take any step in it before as- Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, John C. Cal- certaining that my opinion of its expe- houn, and Andrew Jackson. The votes in diency will concur with that of both the autumn of 1824 showed that the people branches of the legislature, first, by the had not elected either of the candidates; decision of the Senate upon the nomina- and when the votes of the Electoral Col- tions to be laid before them, and, second- lege were counted, it was found that the ly, by the sanction of both Houses to the choice of President devolved upon the appropriations, without which it cannot House of Representatives, in accordance be carried into effect. with the 12th Amendment. In February, A report from the Secretary of State, 1825, that body chose John Quincy Adams and copies of the correspondence with President. Mr. Adams received the votes the South American governments on this of 13 States on the first ballot. Gen- subject since the invitation given by them, eral Jackson 7 States, and Mr. Craw- are herewith transmitted to the Senate. ford 4 States. Mr. Calhoun received They will disclose the objects of impor- the votes of 182 of the electors, against 78 tance which are expected to form a sub- for all others. The Electoral College had ject of discussion at this meeting, in given Jackson the largest vote of any can- which interests of high importance to didate — 99 — and Adams 84. See Cabinet, this Union are involved. It will be seen President's. that the United States neither intend nor In 1831 Mr. Adams was elected to Con- are expected to take part in any delibera- gress, and was continued in it by sucees- tions of a belligerent character ; that the sive elections until his death, which occur- motive of their attendance is neither to red suddenly in the Capitol, on Feb. 23, contract alliances nor to engage in any 1848. His last words were, " This is the undertaking or project importing hostility last of earth; I am content." Mr. Adams to any other nation. was a ripe scholar, an able diplomatist, a But the Southern American nations, in life-long opponent of human slavery, a bold the infancy of their independence, often and unflinching advocate for its abolition, find themselves in positions with refer- When he was eighty years of age he ence to other countries with the prin- was called " The old man eloquent." He ciples applicable to which, derivable from wrote prose and poetry with almost equal the state of independence itself, they have facility and purity of diction. See La- not been familiarized by experience. The FAYETTE. result of this has been that sometimes in Pan-American Union. — On Dec. 26, their intercourse with the United States, 1825, President Adams sent the following they have manifested dispositions to re- message to the Senate, in which he ampli- serve a right of granting special favors fied the views concerning a Pan - Ameri- and privileges to the Spanish nation as can union which he had expressed in a the price of their recognition. At others previous message : they have actually established duties and impositions operating unfavorably to the To the Senate of the United States, — United States, to the advantage of other In the messages to both Houses of Con- European powers, and sometimes they gress at the commencement of the session, have appeared to consider that they might it was mentioned that the governments interchange among themselves mutual of the republics of Colombia, of Mexico, concessions of exclusive favor, to which and of Central America had severally in- neither European powers nor the United vited the government of the United States States should be admitted. In most of 34 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY these cases their regulations unfavorable to us have yielded to friendly expostula- tion and remonstrance. But it is believed to be of infinite moment that the prin- ciples of a liberal commercial intercourse should be exhibited to them, and urged with disinterested and friendly persua- sion upon them when all assembled for the avowed purpose of consulting together upon the establishment of such prin- ciples as may have an important bearing upon their future welfare. The consentaneous adoption of princi- ples of maritime neutrality, and favorable to the navigation of peace, and commerce in time of war, will also form a subject of consideration to this congress. The doctrine that free ships make free goods and the restrictions of reason upon the extent of blockades may be established by general agreement with far more ease, and perhaps with less danger, by the general engagement to adhere to them concerted at such a meeting, than by partial treaties or conventions with each of the nations separately. An agreement between all the parties represented at the meeting that each will guard by its own means against the establishment of any future European colony within its borders may be found advisable. This was more than two years since announced by my predecessor to the world as a principle resulting from the emancipation of both the American con- tinents. It may be so developed to the new southern nations that they will all feel it as an essential appendage to their independence. There is yet another subject upon which, without entering into any treaty, the moral influence of the United States may perhaps be exerted with beneficial conse- quences at such a meeting — the advance- ment of religious liberty. Some of the southern nations are even so far under the dominion of prejudice that they have in- corporated with their political constitu- tions an exclusive church, without tolera- tion of any other than the dominant sect. The abandonment of this last badge of re- ligious bigotry and oppression may be pressed more eflfeetually by the united ex- ertions of those who concur in the prin- ciples of freedom of conscience upon those who are yet to be convinced of their jus- tice and wisdom than by the solitary efforts of a minister to any one of the separate governments. The indirect influence which the United States may exercise upon any projects or purposes originating in the war in which the southern republics are still engaged, which might seriously afi'ect the interests of this Union, and the good offices by which the United States may ultimately contribute to bring that war to a speedier termination, though among the motives which have convinced me of the propriety of complying with this invitation, are so far contingent and eventual that it would be improper to dwell upon them more at large. In fine, a decisive inducement with me for acceding to the measure is to show by this token of respect to the southern republics the interest that we take in their welfare and our disposition to comply with their wishes. Having been the first to recognize their independence, and sym- pathize with them so far as was compat- ible with our natural duties in all their struggles and suflferings to acquire it, we have laid the foundation of our future intercourse with them in the broadest prin- ciples of reciprocity and the most cordial feelings of fraternal friendship. To ex- tend those principles to all our commercial relations with them and to hand down that friendship to future ages is congenial to the highest policy of the Union, as it will be to that of all those nations and their posterity. In the confidence that these sentiments will meet the approba- tion of the Senate, I nominate Richard C. Anderson, of Kentucky, and John Ser- geant, of Pennsylvania, to be envoys ex- traordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the assembly of American nations at Panama, and William B. Rochester, of New York, to be secretary to the mission. John Quincy Adams. On March 15, 1826, he sent the follow- ing reply to a House resolution: To the House of Representatives of the United States, — In compliance with the resolution of the House of the 5th ultimo, requesting me to cause to be laid before the House so much of the correspondence between the government of the United States and the new states of America, or their ministers, 35 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY respecting the projjosed congress or meet- ing of diplomatic agents at Panama, and such information respecting the general character of that expected congress as may be in my possession and as may, in my opinion, be communicated without preju- dice to the public interest, and also to in- form the House, so far as in my opinion the public interest may allow, in i-egard to what objects the agents of the United States are expected to take part in the deliberations of that congress, I now trans- mit to the House a report from the Secre- tary of State, with the correspondence and information requested by the resolu- tion. With regard to the objects in which the agents of the United States are expected to take part in the deliberations of that congress, I deem it proper to premise that these objects did not form the only, nor even the principal, motive for my accept- ance of the invitation. My first and great- est inducement was to meet in the spirit of kindness and friendship an overture made in that spirit by three sister repub- lics of this hemisphere. The great revolution in human affairs which has brought into existence, nearly at the same time, eight sovereign and in- dependent nations in our own quarter of the globe has placed the United States in a situation not less novel and scarcely less interesting than that in which they had found themselves by their own transition from a cluster of colonies to a nation of sovereign States. The deliverance of the South American republics from the op- pression under which they had been so long afflicted was hailed with great una- nimity by the people of this Union as among the most auspicious events of the age. On the 4th of May, 1822, an act of Congress made an appropriation of $100,- 000 " for such missions to the independent nations on the American continent as the President of the United States might deem proper." In exercising the authority recognized by this act my predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed successively ministers plenipotentiary to the republics of Colom- bia, Buenos Ayres, Chile, and Mexico. Un- willing to raise among the fraternity of freedom questions of precedency and eti- quette, which even the European monarchs had of late found it necessary in a great measure to discard, he despatched these ministers to Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chile without exacting from those repub- lics, as by the ancient principles of politi- cal primogeniture he might have done, that the compliment of a plenipotentiary mission should have been paid first by them to the United States. The instruc- tions, prepared under his direction, to Mr. Anderson, the first of our ministers to the Southern continent, contain at much length the general principles upon which he thought it desirable that our relations, political and commercial, with these our new neighbors should be estab- lished for their benefit and ours and that of the future ages of our posterity. A copy of so much of these instructions as relates to these general subjects is among the papers now transmitted to the House. Sinailar instructions were furnished to the ministers appointed to Buenos Ayres, Chile, and Mexico, and the system of social intercourse which it was the purpose of ' those missions to establish from the first opening of our diplomatic relations with those rising nations is the most effective exposition of the principles upon which the invitation to the congress at Panama has been accepted by me, as well as of the objects of negotiation at that meeting, in which it was expected that our plenipo- tentiaries should take part. The House will perceive that even at the date of these instructions the first treaties between some of the Southern republics had been concluded by which they had stipulated among themselves this diplo- matic assembly at Panama. And it will be seen with what caution, so far as it might concern the policy of the United States, and at the same time with what frankness and good will towards those na- tions, he gave countenance to their design of inviting the United States to this high assembly for consultation upon American interests. It was not considered a con- clusive reason for declining this invitation that the proposal for assembling such a congress had not first been made by our- selves. It had sprung from the urgent, immediate, and momentous common in- terests of the great communities strug- gling for independence, and, as it were, quickening into life. From them the 36 ADAMS, JOHN QXJINCY proposition to us appeared respectful and talent. Nothing was ever lost by kind friendly; from us to them it could scarce- treatment. Nothing can be gained by ly have been made without exposing our- sullen repulses and aspiring pretensions, selves to suspicions of purposes of am- But objects of the highest importance, bition, if not of domination, more suited not only to the future welfare of the to rouse resistance and excite distrust whole human race, but bearing directly tlian to conciliate favor and friendship, upon the special interests of this Union, The first and paramount principle upon icill engage the deliberations of the con- which it was deemed wise and just to lay gress at Panama, whether we are repre- the corner-stone of all our future rela- sented there or not. Others, if we are tions with them was disinterestedness p the represented, may be offered by our pleni- next was cordial good will to them; the potentiaries for consideration having in third was a claim of fair and equal rec- view both these great results — our own iprocity. Under these impressions when interests and the improvement of the the invitation was formally and earnestly condition of man upon earth. It may given, had it even been doubtful whether be that, in the lapse of many centuries, any of the objects proposed for consider- no other opportunity so favorable will ation and discussion at the congress were be presented to the government of the such as that immediate and important in- United States to subserve the benevolent terests of the United States would be af- purposes of divine Providence ; to dis- fected by the issue, I should, nevertheless, pense the promised blessings of the Re- have determined, so far as it depended upon deenier of Mankind; to promote the me, to have accepted the invitation and to prevalence in future ages of peace on have appointed ministers to attend the earth and good - will to man, as will meeting. The proposal itself implied that now be placed in their power by partici- the republics by whom it was made he- pating in the deliberations of this con- lieved that important interests of ours or gress. of theirs rendered our attendance there de- Among the topics enumerated in offi- sirable. They had given us notice that in cial papers published by the republic of the novelty of their situation and in the Colombia, and adverted to in the corre- spirit of deference to our experience they spondence now communicated to the would be pleased to have the benefit of our House, as intended to be presented for friendly covmsel. To meet the temper with discussion at Panama, there is scarcely which this proposal was made with a cold one in which the result of the meeting repulse was not thought congenial to that will not deeply alTect the interests of the warm interest in their welfare with which United States. Even those in which the the people and government of the Union belligerent states alone will take an active had hitherto gone hand in hand through part will have a powerful efTect upon the the whole progress of their revolution. To state of our relations with the American, insult them by a refusal of their overture, and probably with the principal Euro- and then invite them to a similar assembly pean, states. Were it merely that we to be called by ourselves, was an expe- might be correctly and speedily informed dient which never presented itself to the of the proceedings of the congress, and mind. I would have sent ministers to the the progress and issue of their nego- meeting had it been merely to give them tiations, I should hold it advisable that such advice as they might have desired, we should have an accredited agency with even with reference to their oion interests, them, placed in such confidential rela- not involving ours. I would have sent tions with the other members as would them had it been merely to explain and insure the authenticity and the safe and set forth to them our reasons for declining early transmission of its reports. Of the any proposal of specific measures to which same enumerated topics are the prepara- they might desire our concurrence, but tion of a manifesto setting forth to the which we might deem incompatible with world the justice of their cause and the our interests or our duties. In the inter- relations they desire to hold with other course between nations temper is a mis- Christian powers, and to form a conven- sionary perhaps more powerful than tion of navigation and commerce appli- 37 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY cable both to the confederated states and to their allies. It will be within the recollection of the House that, immediately after the close of the war of our independence, a meas- ure closely analogous to this congress of I'anama was adopted by the Congress of our Confederation, and for purposes of precisely the same character. Three com- missioners, with plenipotentiary powers, were appointed to negotiate treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce with all the principal powers of Europe. They met and resided, for that purpose, about one year at Paris, and the only result of their negotiations at that time was the first treaty between the United States and Prussia — memorable in the diplomatic annals of the world, and precious as a monument of the principles, in relation to commerce and maritime warfare, with which our country entered upon her career as a member of the great family of independent nations. This treaty, pre- pared in conformity with the instructions of the American plenipotentiaries, conse- crated three fundamental principles of the foreign intercourse which the Con- gress of that period were desirous of es- tablishing: first, equal reciprocity and the mutual stipiilation of the privileges of the most favored nation in the com- mercial exchanges of peace ; secondly, the abolition of private war upon the ocean; and, thirdly, restrictions favorable to neutral commerce upon belligerent prac- tices with regard to contraband of war and blockades. A painful, it may be said a calamitous, experience of more than forty years has demonstrated the deep importance of these same principles to the peace and prosperity of this nation, and to the welfare of all maritime states, and has illustrated the profound wisdom with which they were assumed as car- dinal points of the policy of the Union. At that time in the infancy of their political existence, under the influence of those principles of liberty and of right so congenial to the cause in which they had just fought and triumphed, they were able but to obtain the sanction of one great and philosophical, though absolute, sov- ereign in Europe to their liberal and en- lightened principles. They could obtain no more. Since then a political hurricane has gone over three-fourths of the civi- lized portions of the earth, the desola- tion of which it may with confidence be expected is passing away, leaving at least the American atmosphere purified and refreshed. And now at this propitious moment the new-born nations of this hemi- sphere, assembling by their representa- tives at the isthmus between its two con- tinents to settle the principles of their future international intercourse with other nations and with us, ask in this great ex- igency for our advice upon those very fundamental maxims which we from our cradle at first proclaimed and partially succeeded to introduce into the code of national law. Without recurring to that total pros- tration of all neutral and commercial rights which marked the progress of the late European wars, and which finally in- volved the United States in them, and ad- verting only to our political relations with these American nations, it is ob- servable that while in all other respects those relations have been uniformly and without exception of the most friendly and mutually satisfactory character, the only causes of difference and dissension between us and them which ever have arisen originated in those never-failing fountains of discord and irritation — dis- criminations of commercial favor to other nations, licentious privateers, and paper blockades. I cannot without doing injustice to the republics of Buenos Ayres and Colombia forbear to acknowledge the candid and conciliatory spirit with which they have repeatedly yielded to our friend- ly representations and remonstrances on these subjects — in repealing discrimina- tive laws which operated to our disadvan- tage and in revoking the commissions of their privateers, to which Colombia has added the magnanimity of making reparation for unlawful captures by some of her cruisers and of assenting in the midst of war to treaty stipulations favor- able to neutral navigation. But the re- currence of these occasions of complaint has rendered the renewal of the discussion which resulted in the removal of them necessary, while in the mean time injuries are sustained by merchants and other in- dividuals of the United States which can- not be repaired, and the remedy lingers 38 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY in overtaking the pernicious operation of the mischief. The settlement of general principles pervading with equal efficacy all the American states can alone put an end to these evils, and can alone be accomplished at the proposed assembly. If it be true that the noblest treaty of peace ever mentioned in history is that by which the Carthagenians were bound to aboli.sh the practice of sacrificing their own children because it was stipulated in favor of human 7iature, I cannot exagger- ate to myself the unfading glory with which these United States will go forth in the memory of future ages if, by their friendly counsel, by their moral influence, by the power of argument and persuasion alone, they can prevail upon the American nations at Panama to stipulate by general agreement among themselves, and so far as any of them may be concerned, the per- petual abolition of private war upon the ocean. And if we cannot yet flatter our- selves that this may be accomplished, as advances towards it the establishment of the principle that the friendly flag shall cover the cargo, the curtailment of con- traband of war, and the proscription of fictitious paper blockades— engagements which we may reasonably hope will not prove impracticable — will, if successfully inculcated, redound proportionally to our honor and drain the fountain of many a future sanguinary war. The late Pi'esident of the United States, in his message to Congress of Dec. 2, 1823, while announcing the negotiation then pending with Russia, relating to the northwest coast of this continent, ob- served that the occasion of the discus- sions to which that incident had given rise had been taken for asserting as a principle in which the rights and inter- ests of the United States were involved that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they had assumed and maintained, were thencefor- ward not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power. The principle had first been as- sumed in that negotiation with Russia. It rested upon a course of reasoning equally simple and conclusive. With the exception of the existing European colo- nies, which it was in no wise intended to disturb, the two continents consisted of several sovereign and independent nations, whose territories coVered their whole sur- face. By this their independent condition the United States enjoyed the right of commercial intercourse with every part of their possessions. To attempt the es- tablishment of a. colony in those posses- sions would be to usurp to the exclusion of others a commercial intercourse which was the common possession of all. It could not be done without encroaching upon existing rights of the United States. The government of Russia has never dis- puted these positions nor manifested the slightest dissatisfaction at their having been taken. Most of the new American republics have declared their entire assent to them, and they now propose, among the subjects of consultation at Panama, to take into consideration the means of mak- ing effectual the assertion of that principle as well as the means of resisting inter- ference from abroad with the domestic con- cerns of the American governments. In alluding to these means it would obviously be premature at this time to anticipate that which is offered merely as matter for consultation, or to pronounce upon those measures which have been or may be suggested. The purpose of this government is to concur in none which would import hostility to Europe or justly excite resentment in any of her states. Should it be deemed advisable to contract any conventional engagement on this topic, our views would extend no further than to a mutual pledge of the parties to the compact to maintain the principle in application to its own territory, and to permit no colonial lodgments or establish- ment of European jurisdiction upon its own soil ; and with respect to the obtru- sive interference from abroad — if its fut- ure character may be inferred from that which has been and perhaps still is exer- cised in more than one of the new states — a joint declaration of its character and exposure of it to the world may be proba- bly all that the occasion would require. Whether the United States should or should not be parties to such a declaration may justly form a part of the deliberation. That there is an evil to be remedied needs little insight into the secret history of late years to know, and that this remedy may best be concerted at the Panama meeting 39 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY deserves at least the experiment of con- sideration. A concert of measures having reference to the more effectual abolition of the African sla^e-trade and the consider- ation of the light in which the political condition of the island of Hayti is to be regarded are also among the subjects men- tioned by the minister from the republic of Colombia as believed to be suitable for deliberation at the congress. The failure of the negotiations with that republic undertaken during the late administration for the suppression of that trade, in com- pliance with a resolution of the House of Eepresentatives, indicates the expediency of listening with respectful attention to propositions which may contribute to the accomplishment of the great end which was the purpose of that resolution, while the result of those negotiations will serve as admonition to abstain from pledging this government to any arrangement which might be expected to fail of obtain- ing the advice and consent of the Senate by a constitutional majority to its ratifi- cation. Whether the political condition of the island of Hayti shall be brought at all into discussion at the meeting may be a question for preliminary advisement. There are in the political constitution of government of that people circumstances which have hitherto forbidden the ac- knowledgment of them by the government of the United States as sovereign and in- dependent. Additional reasons for with- holding that acknowledgment have recent- ly been seen in their acceptance of a nomi- nal sovereignty by the grant of a foreign prince under conditions equivalent to the concession by them of exclusive commer- cial advantages to one nation, adapted al- together to the state of colonial vassalage and retaining little of independence but the name. Our plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present these views to the assembly at Panama, and, should they not be concurred in, to decline acceding to any arrangement which may be proposed upon different principles. The condition of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico is of deeper import and more immediate bearing upon the present interests and future prospects of our jUnion. The correspondence herewith transmitted will show how earnestly it has engaged the attention of this govern- ment. The invasion of both those islands by the united forces of Mexico and Co- lombia is avowedly among the objects to be matured by the belligerent states at Panama. The convulsions to which, from the peculiar composition of their jwpula- tion, they would be liable in thfe event of such an invasion, and the danger there- from resulting of their falling ultimately into the hands of some European power other than Spain, will not admit of our looking at the consequences to which the congress at Panama may lead with indif- ference. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this topic or to say more than that all our efforts in reference to this interest will be to preserve the existing state of things, the tranquillity of the islands, and the peace and security of their inhabitants. And, lastly, the congress of Panama is believed to present a fair occasion for urging upon all the new nations of the South the just and liberal principles of religious liberty; not by any interference whatever in their internal concerns, but by claiming for our citizens whose occupa- tions or interests may call them to occa- sional residence in their territories the inestimable privilege of worshipping their Creator according to the dictates of their own consciences. This privilege, sanc- tioned by the customary law of nations and secured by treaty stipulations in numerous national compacts — secured even to our own citizens in the treaties with Colombia and with the Federation of Cen- tral America — is yet to be obtained in the other South American states and Mexico. Existing prejudices are still struggling against it, which may, perhaps, be more successfully combated at this general meet- ing than at the separate seats of govern- ment of each republic. I can scarcely deem it otherwise than superfluous to observe that the assembly will be in its nature diplomatic and not legislative; that nothing can be transacted there obligatory upon any one of the states to be represented at the meeting, unless with the express concurrence of its own representatives, nor even then, but subject to the ratification of its con- stitutional authority at home. The faith of the United States to foreign powers cannot otherwise be pledged. I shall, in- 40 ADAMS, JOHN QTJINCY deed, in the first instance, consider the assembly as merely consultative; and al- though the plenipotentiaries of the United States will be empowered to receive and refer to the consideration of their govern- ment any proposition from the other par- ties to the meeting, they will be author- ized to conclude nothing unless subject to the definitive sanction of this government in all its constitutional forms. It has therefore seemed to me unnecessary to insist that every object to be discussed at the meeting should be specified with the precision of a judicial sentence, or enumer- ated with the exactness of a mathematical demonstration. The purpose of the meet- ing itself is to deliberate upon the great and common interests of several new and neighboring nations. If the measure is new and without precedent, so is the situation of the parties to it. That the purposes of the meeting are somewhat in- definite, far from being an objection to it, is among the cogent reasons for its adop- tion. It is not the establishment of prin- ciples of intercourse with one, but with seven or eight nations at once. That be- fore they have had the means of exchang- ing ideas and communicating with one another in common upon these topics they should have definitely settled and ar- ranged them in concert is to require that the efl'ect should precede the cause; it is to exact as a preliminary to the meeting that for the accomplishment of which the meeting itself is designed. Among the inquiries which were thought entitled to consideration before the de- termination was taken to accept the in- vitation was that whether the measure might not have a tendency to change the policy, hitherto invariably pursued by the United States, of avoiding all entangling alliances and all unnecessary foreign con- nections. Mindful of the advice given by the Father of our Country in his Farewell Address, that the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connec- tion as possible, and, faithfully adhering to the spirit of that admonition, I can- not overlook the reflection that the coun- sel of Washington in that instance, like all the counsels of wisdom, was founded upon the circumstances in which our coun- try and the world around us were situ- ated at the time when it was given; that the reasons assigned by him for his ad- vice were that Europe had a set of pri- mary interests which to us had none or a very remote relation; that hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which were essentially foreign to our concern, that our detached and distant situation invited and enabled us to pursue a different course; that by our union and rapid growth, with an efficient government, the period was not far distant when we might defy material injury from external annoyance, when we might take such an attitude as would cause our neu- trality to be respected, and, with refer- ence to belligerent nations, might choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by juctice, should counsel. Compare our situation and the circum- stances of that time with those of the present day, and what, from the very words of Washington then, would be his counsels to his countrymen now? Europe has still her set of primary interests with Avhich we have little or a remote relation. Our distant and detached situation with reference to Europe remains the same. But we were then the only independent nation of this hemisphere, and we were surrounded by European colonies, with the greater part of which we had no more intercourse than with the inhabitants of another planet. Those colonies have now been transformed into eight independent nations, extending to our very borders, seven of them rei^ublics like ourseh'es, v.'ith whom we have an immensely growing commercial, and must have and have al- ready important political, connections, with reference to whom our situation is neither distant nor detached; whose po- litical principles and systems of govern- ment, congenial with our own, must and will have an action and counteraction upon us and ours to which we cannot be indifferent if we would. The rapidity of our growth, and the con- sequent increase of our strength, has more than realized the anticipations of this admirable political legacy. Thirty years have nearly elapsed since it was written, and in the interval our population, our wealth, our territorial extension, our 41 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY power — physical and moral — have nearly trebled. Reasoning upon this state of things from the sound and judicious prin- ciples of Washington, must we not say that the period which he predicted as then not far off has arrived, that America has a set of primary interests which have none or a remote relation to Europe; that the interference of Europe, therefore, in those concerns should be spontaneously withheld by her upon the same principles that we have never interfered with hers, and that if she should interfere, as she may, by n;easures which may have a great and dangerous recoil upon ourselves, we might be called in defence of our own altars and firesides to take an attitude which would cause our neutrality to be respected and choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, should counsel. The acceptance of this invitation, there- fore, far from conflicting with the coun- sel or the policy of Washington, is di- rectly deducible from and conformable to it. Nor is it less conformable to the views of my immediate predecessors as declared in his annual message to Congress of Dec. 2, 1823, to which I have already adverted, and to an important passage of which I invite the attention of the House: "The citizens of the United States," said he, " cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happi- ness of their fellow-men on that [the Euro- pean] side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we re- sent injuries or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more im- mediately connected, and by causes which mvist be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially differ- ent in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And ,to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unex- ampled felicity, this whole nation is de- voted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations substitut- ing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not in- terferred and shall not interfere; but with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have on great consideration and on just principles ac- knowledged, we could not view any inter- position for the purposes of oppressing them or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly dispositon towards the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain we de- clared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which in the judgment of the competent authorities of this government shall make a corre- sponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security." To the question which may be asked, whether this meeting and the principles which may be adjusted and settled by it as rules of intercourse between the American nations may not give umbrage to the holy league of European powers or offence to Spain, it is deemed a suffi- cient answer that our attendance at Pana- ma can give no just cause of umbrage or offence to either, and that the United States will stipulate nothing there which can give such cause. Here the right of inquiry into our purposes and measures must stop. The holy league of Europe itself was formed without inquiring of the United States whether it would or would not give umbrage to them. The fear of giving umbrage to the holy league of Europe was urged as a motive for de- nying to the American nations the ac- knowledgment of their independence. That it would be viewed by Spain as hos- tility to her was not only urged, but directly declared by herself. The Con- gress and administration of that day con- sulted their rights and duties, and not 42 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY their fears. Fully determined to give no the motives by which I have been gov- needless displeasure to any foreign power, erned in this transaction, as well as of the United States can estimate the proba- the objects to be discussed and of the bility of their giving it only by the right ends, if possible, to be attained by our which any foreign state could have to representation at the proposed congress, take it from their measures. Neither the 1 submit the propriety of an appropria- representation of the United States at tion to the candid consideration and en- Panama nor any measure to which their lightened patriotism of the legislature, assent may be yielded there will give to John Quincy Adams. the holy league or any of its members. Jubilee of the Constitution. — The follow- nor to Spain, the right to take offence; ing is the address of Mr. Adams before the for the rest, the United States must still, New York Historical Society, April 30, as heretofore, take counsel from their 1830: duties rather than their fears. Such are the objects in which it is ex- Would it be an unlicensed trespass of pected that the plenipotentiaries of the the imagination to conceive that, on the United States, when commissioned to at- night preceding the day of which you tend the meeting at the Isthmus, will now commemorate the fiftieth anniversary take part, and such are the motives and — on the night preceding the 30th of purposes with which the invitation of the April, 1789, when from the balcony of your republics was accepted. It was, how- city hall the Chancellor of the State of ever, as the House will perceive from the New York administered to George Wash- correspondence, accepted only upon condi- ington the solemn oath faithfully to exe- tion that the nomination of commissioners cute the office of President of the United for the mission should receive the advice States, and to the best of his ability to and consent of the Senate. preserve, protect, and defend the Constitu- The concurrence of the House to the tion of the United States — that in the measure, by the appropriations necessary visions of the night the guardian angel of for carrying it into effect, is alike subject the Father of our Country had appeared to its free determination and indispen- before him, in the venerated form of his sable to the fulfilment of the intention. mother, and, to cheer and encourage him That the congress at Panama will ac- in the performance of the momentous and complish all, or even any, of the tran- solemn duties that he was about to assume, scendent benefits to the human race which had delivered to him a suit of celestial warmed the conception of its first pro- armor — a helmet, consisting of the prin- poser, it were, perhaps, indulging too ciples of piety, of justice, of honor, of sanguine a forecast of events to promise, benevolence, with which from his earliest It is in its nature a measure speculative infancy he had hitherto walked through and experimental. The blessing of Heaven life, in the presence of all his brethren — a may turn it to the account of human spear, studded with the self-evident truths improvement; accidents vmforeseen and of the Declaration of Independence — a mischances not to be anticipated may sword, the same with which he had led baffle all its high purposes and disap- the armies of his country through the war point its fairest expectations. But the de- of freedom, to the summit of the tri- sign is great, is benevolent, is humane. umphal arch of independence — a corslet It looks to the melioration of the con- and cuishes of long experience and ha- dition of man. It is congenial with that bitual intercourse in peace and war Avith spirit which prompted the declaration of the world of mankind, his contemporaries our independence, which inspired the pre- of the human race, in all their stages of amble of our first treaty with France, civilization — and, last of all, the Consti- which dictated our first treaty with Prus- tution of the United States, a shield, em- sia, and the instructions vmder which it bossed by heavenly hands with the future was negotiated, which filled the hearts history of his country, and fired the souls of the immortal found- Yes, gentlemen! on that shield, the ers of our Revolution. Constitution of the United States, was With this unrestricted exposition of sculptured (by forms unseen, and in char- 43 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY acters then invisible to mortal eye), the predestined and prophetic history of the one confederated people of the North American Union. They have been the settlers of thirteen separate and distinct English colonies, along the margin of the shore of the North American continent; contiguously situ- ated, but chartered by adventurers of char- acters variously diversified, including sec- tarians, religious and political, of all the classes which for the two preceding cen- turies had agitated and divided the people of the British islands, and with them were intermingled the descendants of Hol- landers, Swedes, Germans, and French fugitives from the persecution of the re- voker of the Edict of Nantes. In the bosoms of this people, thus het- erogeneously composed, there was burn- ing, kindled at different furnaces, but all furnaces of affliction, one clear, steady flame of liberty. Bold and daring enter- prise, stubborn endurance of 2:)rivation, un- flinching intrepidity in facing danger, and inflexible adherence to conscientious prin- ciple had steeled to energetic and unyield- ing hardihood the characters of the primi- tive settlers of all these colonies. Since that time two or three generations of men had passed away, but they have increased and multiplied with unexampled rapidity; and the land itself had been the recent theatre of a ferocious and bloody seven years' war between the two most powerful and most civilized nations of Europe, con- tending for the possession of this conti- nent. Of that strife the victorious comba- tant had been Britain. She had con- quered the provinces of France. She had expelled her rival totally from the conti- nent, over which, bounding herself by the Mississippi, she was thenceforth to hold divided empire only with Spain. She had acquired undisputed control over the Ind- ian tribes, still tenanting the forests unex- plored by the European man. She had established an uncontested monopoly of the commerce of all her colonies. But for- getting all the warnings of preceding ages • — forgetting the lessons written in the blood of her own children, through cen- turies of departed time, she undertook to tax the people of the colonies without their consent. Resistance, instantaneous, unconcerted, sympathetic, inflexible resistance, like an electric shock startled and roused the peo- ple of all the English colonies on this con- tinent. This was the first signal for the North American Union. The struggle was for chartered rights, for English liberties, for the cause of Algernon Sidney and John Hampden, for trial by jury, the habeas corpus and Magna Charta. But the English lawyers had decided that Parliament was omnipotent; and Parliament, in their omnipotence, instead of trial by jury and the habeas corpus, enacted admiralty courts in England to try Americans for offences charged against them as committed in America; instead of the privileges of Magna Charta, nulli- fied the charter itself of Massachusetts Bay, shut up the port of Boston, sent armies and navies to keep the peace and teach the colonies that John Hampden was a rebel and Algernon Sidney a traitor. English liberties had failed them. From the omnipotence of Parliament the colo- nists appealed to the rights of man and the omnipotence of the god of battles. Union ! Union ! was the instinctive and simultaneous cry throughout the land. Their Congress, assembled at Philadelphia, once — twice — had petitioned the King, had remonstrated to Parliament, had ad- dressed the people of Britain for the rights of Englishmen — in vain. Fleets and armies, the blood of Lexington, and the fires of Charlestown and Falmouth, had been the answer to petition, re- monstrance, and address. Independence was declared. The colo- nies were transformed into States. Their inhabitants were proclaimed to be one people, renouncing all allegiance to the British crown, all co-patriotism with the British nation, all claims to chartered rights as Englishmen. Thenceforth their charter was the Declaration of Indepen- dence. Their rights, the natural rights of mankind. Their government, such as should be instituted by themselves, under the solemn mutual pledges of perpetual union, foimded on the self-evident truths proclaimed in the Declaration. The Declaration of Independence was issued, in the excruciating agonies of a 44 J, o) . JitLoJln'^Jb ADAMS, JOHN QXTINCY civil war, and by that war independence was to be maintained. Six long years it raged with unabated fury, and the Union was yet no more than a mutual pledge of faith and a mutual participation of com- mon sulFerings and common dangers. The omnipotence of the British Parlia- ment was vanquished. The independence of the United States of America was not granted, but recognized. The nation had " assumed among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitled it '' — but the one, united people had yet no government. In the enthusiasm of their first spon- taneous, unstipulated, unpremeditated union, they have flattered themselves that no general government would be required. As separate States they were all agreed that they should constitute and govern themselves. The revolution under which they were gasping for life, the war which was carrying desolation into all their dwellings, and mourning into every fam- ily, had been kindled by the abuse of power — the power of government. An in- vincible repugnance to the delegation of power had thus been generated by the very course of events which had rendered it necessary; and the more indispensable it became, the more awakened was the jeal- ousy and the more intense was the distrust by which it was to be circumscribed. They relaxed their union into a league of friendship between sovereign and inde- pendent States. They constituted a Con- gress, with powers co-extensive with the nation, but so hedged and hemmed in with restrictions that the limitation seemed to be the general rule and the grant the oc- casional exception. The Articles of Confed- eration, subjected to philosophical analy- sis, seem to be little more than an enumer- ation of the functions of a national gov- ernment which the Congress constituted by the instrument was not authorized to perform. There was avowedly no execu- tive power. The nation fell into an atrophy. The Union languished to the point of death. A torpid numbness seized upon all its faculties. A chilling, cold indifference crept from its extremities to the centre. The system was about to dissolve in its own Imbecility — impotence in negotiation abioad, domestic insurrection at home, were on the point of bearing to a dishon- orable grave the proclamation of a govern- ment founded on the rights of man — when a convention of delegates from eleven of the thirteen States, with George Washing- ton at their head, sent forth to the people an act to be made their own, speaking in their name and in the first person, thus: " We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, estab- lish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the bless- ings of liberty to ourselves and our pos- terity, do ordain and establish this Con- stitution for the United States of Amer- ica."' Tliis act was the complement to the Declaration of Independence, founded upon the same principles, carrying them out into practical execution, and forming with it one entire system of national gov- ernment. The Declaration was a mani- festo to the world of mankind, to justify the one, confederated people for the vio- lent and voluntary severance of the ties of their allegiance, for the renunciation of their country, and for assuming a sta- tion themselves among the potentates of the world — a self-constituted sovereign, a self-constituted country. In the history of the himian race this had never been done before. Monarchs had been dethroned for tyranny, king- doms converted into republics, and revolt- ed provinces had assumed the attributes of sovereign power. In the history of Eng- land itself, within one century and a half before the day of the Declaration of Inde- pendence, one lawful king had been brought to the block, and another expelled, with all his posterity, from his king- dom, and a collateral dynasty had ascend- ed his throne. But the former of these revolutions had, by the deliberate and final sentence of the nation itself, been pronounced a rebellion, and the rightful heir of the executed king had been re- stored to the crown. In the latter, at the first onset, the royal recreant had fled — he was held to have abdicated the crown, and it was placed upon the heads of his daugh- ter and of her husband, the prime leader of the conspiracy against him. In these events there had been much controversy 45 ADAMS, JOHN QTJINCY upon the platform of English liberties — upon the customs of the ancient Britons, the laws of Alfred, the witenagemote of the Anglo-Saxons, and the Great Charter of Runnymede with all its numberless con- firmations. But the actors of those times had never ascended to the first foundation of civil society among men, nor had any revolutionary system of government been rested upon them. The motive for the Declaration of In- dependence was on its face avowed to be '■' a decent respect for the opinions of man- kind"; its purpose, to declare the causes which impelled the people of the English colonies on the continent of North Amer- ica to separate themselves from the politi- cal community of the British nation. They declare only the causes of their separa- tion, but they announce at the same time their assumption of the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them among the powers of the earth. Thus their first movement is to recog- nize and appeal to the laws of nature and to nature's God, for their right to assume the attributes of sovereign power as an in- dependent nation. The causes of their necessary separa- tion, for they begin and end by declaring it necessary, alleged in the Declaration, are all founded on the same laws of nature and of nature's God; and hence, as prelim- inary to the enumeration of the causes of separation, they set forth as self-evident truths the rights of individual man, by the laws of nature and of nature's God, to life, to liberty, to the pursuit of happiness ; that all men are created equal ; that to secure the rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, governments are in- stituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. All this is by the laws of nature and of nature's God, and of course presupposes the existence of a God, the moral ruler of the universe, and a rule of right and wrong, of just and unjust, binding upon man, preceding all institutions of human society and of government. It avers, also, that governments are instituted to secure these rights of nature and of nature's God, and that whenever any form of govern- ment becomes destructive of those ends it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new govern- ment — to throw ofi" a government degen- erating into despotism, and to provide new guards for their future security. They proceed then to say that such was then the situation of the colonies, and such the necessity which constrained them to alter their former systems of govern- ment. Then follows the enumeration of the acts of tyranny by which the King, Parlia- ment, and people of Great Britain had per- verted the powers to the destruction of the ends of government over the colonies, and the consequent necessity constraining the colonies to the separation. In conclusion, the Representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Su- preme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all polit- ical connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, total- ly dissolved; and that, as free and inde- pendent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alli- ances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. The appeal to the Supreme Judge of the world, and the rule of right and wrong as paramount events to the power of independent States, are here again repeated in the very act of constituting a new sovereign commu- nity. It is not immaterial to remark that the signers of the Declaration, though qualifying themselves as the Representa- tives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, yet issue the Declaration in the name and by the authority of the good people of the colo- nies, and that they declare, not each of the separate colonies, but the United Colo- nies, free and independent States. The whole people declared the colonies in their united condition, of right, free and inde- pendent States. The dissolution of allegiance to the British crown, the severance of the colo- nies from the British empire, and their 46 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY actual existence as independent States, thus declared of right, were definitely es- tablished in fact, by war and peace. The independence of each separate State had never been declared of right. It never ex- isted in fact. Upon the principles of the Declaration of Independence, the dissolu- tion of the ties of allegiance, the assump- tion of sovereign power, and the institu- tion of civil government are all acts of transcendent authority, which the people alone are competent to perform; and, ac- cordingly, it is in the name and by the au- thority of the people that two of these acts — the dissolution of allegiance, with the severance from the British empire, and the declai'ation of the United Colonies, as free and independent States — were per- formed by that instrument. But there still remained the last and crowning act, which the people of the Union alone were competent to perform — the institution of civil government for that compound nation, the United States of America. At this day it cannot but strike us as extraordinary that it does not appear to have occurred to any one member of that assembly, which had laid down in terms so clear, so explicit, so unequivocal, the foun- dation of all just government, in the im- prescriptible rights of man and the trans- cendent sovereignty of the people, and who in those principles had set forth their only personal vindication from the charges of rebellion against their King and of treason to their country, that their last crowning act was still to be performed upon the same principles — that is, the institution, by the people of the United States, of a civil government to guard and protect and defend them all. On the contrary, that same assembly which issued the Declara- tion of Independence, instead of continu- ing to act in the name and by the author- ity of the good people of the United States, had, immediately after the appointment of the committee to prepare the Declaration, appointed another committee, of one mem- ber from each colony, to prepare and digest the form of confederation to be entered into between the colonies. That committee reported on the 12th of July, eight days after the Declaration of Independence had been issued, a draft of Articles of Confederation be- tween the colonies. This draft was pre- pared by John Dickinson, then a delegate from Pennsylvania, who voted against the Declaration of Independence, and never signed it, having been superseded by a new election of delegates from the State eight days after this draught was re- ported. There was thus no congeniality of principle between the Declaration of In- dependence and the Articles of Confeder- ation. The foundation of the former were a superintending Providence, the rights of man and the constituent revolutionary power of the people; that of the latter was the sovereignty of organized power and the independence of the separate or dis-united States. The fabric of the Dec- laration and that of the Confederation were each consistent with its own founda- tion, but they could not form one con- sistent symmetrical edifice. They were the productions of diflerent minds and of adverse passions — one, ascending for the foundation of human government to the laws of nature and of God, written vipon the heart of man ; the other, resting upon the basis of human institutions and pre- scriptive law and colonial charter. The corner-stone of the one was right, that of the other was power. The work of the founders of our inde- pendence was thus but half done. Absorb- ed in that more than herculean task of maintaining that independence and its principles by one of the most cruel wars that ever glutted the furies with human woe, they marched undaunted and stead- fast through that fiery ordeal, and, con- sistent in their principles to the end, concluded, as an acknowledged sover- eignty of the United States, proclaimed by their people in 1776, a peace with that same monarch whose sovereignty over them they had abjured in obedi- ence to the laws of nature and of nature's God. But for these United States they had formed no Constitution. Instead of re- sorting to the source of all constituted power, they had wasted their time, their talents, and their persevering, untiring toils in erecting and roofing and buttress- ing a frail and temporary shed to shelter the nation from the storm, or rather a mere baseless scaffolding on which to 47 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY stand when they should raise the marble palace of the people, to stand the test of time. Five years were consumed by Congress and the State legislatures in debating and altering and adjusting these Articles of Confederation, the first of which was: " Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every pow- er, jurisdiction, and right which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assem- bled." Observe the departure from the lan- guage, and the consequent contrast of principles, with those of the Declaration of Independence. " Each State retains its sovereignty," etc. Where did each State get the sovereign- ty which it retains? In the Declaration of Independence the delegates of the colonies in Congress assembled, in the name and by the authority of the good people of the colonies, declare, not each colony, but the United Colonies, in fact, and of right, not sovereign, but free and independent States. And why did they make this declaration in the name and by the authority of the one people of all the colonies? Because by the principles before laid down in the Declaration, the people, and the people alone, as the rightful source of all le- gitimate government, were competent to dissolve the bands of subjection of all the colonies to the nation of Great Britain, and to constitute them free and indepen- dent States. Now the people of the colo- nies, speaking by their delegates in Con- gress, had not declared each colony a sovereign, free, and independent State, nor had the people of each colony so de- clared the colony itself, nor could they so declare it, because each was already bound in union with all the rest — a union formed de facto, by the spontaneous revolutionary movement of the whole people, and organ- ized by the meeting of the first Congress, in 1774, a year and ten months before the Declaration of Independence. Where, then, did each State get the sovereignty, freedom, and independence which the Articles of Confederation de- clare it retains ? Not from the whole peo- ple of the whole Union ; not from the Declaration of Independence — not from the people of the State itself. It was assumed by agreement between the legislatures of the several States and their delegates in Congress, without authority from or con- sultation of the people at all. In the Declaration of Independence the enacting and constituent party dis- pensing and delegating sovereign power is the whole people of the United Colonies. The recipient party, invested with power, is the United Colonies, declared United States. In the Articles of Confederation this order of agency is averted. Each State is the constituent and enacting party, and the United States in Congress assembled the recipient of delegated power, and that power delegated with such a penurious and carking hand that it had more the aspect of a revocation of the Declaration of Independence than an instrument to carry it into effect. None of these indispensably necessary powers were ever conferred by the State legislatures upon the Congress of the con- federation; and well was it that they never were. The system itself was radi- cally defective. Its incurable disease was an apostasy from the principles of the Declaration of Independence — a substi- tution of separate State sovereignties, in the place of the constituent sovereignty of the people as the basis of the confederate Union. In the Congress of the confederation the master minds of James Madison and Alexander Hamilton were constantly en- gaged through the closing years of the Revolutionary War and those of peace which immediately succeeded. That of John Jay was associated with them short- ly after the peace, in the capacity of Sec- retary to the Congress for Foreign Affairs. The incompetency of the Articles of Con- federation for the management of the affairs of the Union at home and abroad was demonstrated to them by the painful and mortifying experience of every day. W'ashington, though in retirement, was brooding over the cruel injustice suffered by his associates in arms, the warriors of the Hevolution ; over the prostration of the public credit and the faith of the nation in the neglect to provide for the payment even of the interest upon the public debt; over the disappointed hopes of the friends of freedom ; in the language of the address 48 ADAMS, JOHN QUINCY from Congress to the States of the 18th of April, 1783, " The pride and boast of America, that the rights for which she contended were the rights of human nature." At his residence in Mount Vernon, in March, 1785, the first idea was started of a revisal of the Articles of Confederation by an organization of means differing from that of a compact between the State legislatures and their own delegates in Congress. A convention of delegates from the State legislatures, independent of the Congress itself, was the expedient which presented itself for effecting the purpose, and an augmentation of the powers of Congress for the regulation of commerce as the object for which this assembly was to be convened. In January, 1786, the proposal was made and adopted in the legislature of Virginia and communicated to the other State legislatures. The convention was held at Annapolis in September of that year. It was attend- ed by delegates from only five of the cen- tral States, who, on comparing their re- stricted powers with the glaring and uni- versally acknowledged defects of the con- federation, reported only a recommenda- tion for the assemblage of another con- vention of delegates to meet at Philadel- phia in May, 1787, from all the States and with enlarged powers. The Constitution of the United States was the work of this convention. But in its construction the convention immediate- ly perceived that they must retrace their steps, and fall back from a league of friendship between sovereign States to the constituent sovereignty of the people; from power to right — from the irresponsible despotism of State sovereignty to the self- evident truths of the Declaration of Inde- pendence. In that instrument the right to institute and to alter governments among men was ascribed exclusively to the people; the ends of government were declared to be to secure the natural rights of man ; and that when the government de- generates from the promotion to the de- struction of that end, the right and the duty accrued to the people to dissolve this degenerate government and to institute another. The signers of the Declaration further averred that the one people of the United Colonies were then precisely in that situation, with a government degen- erated into tyranny, and called upon by the laws of nature and of nature's God to dissolve that government and institute another. Then, in the name and by the authority of the good people of the colo- nies, they pronounced the dissolution of their allegiance to the King and their eternal separation from the nation of Great Britain, and declared the United Colonies independent States. And here, as the representatives of the one people, they had stopped. They did not require the confirmation of this act, for the power to make the declaration had already been conferred upon them by the people; dele- gating the power, indeed, separately in the separate colonies, not by colonial au- thority, but by the spontaneous revolu- tionary movement of the people in them all. From the day of that declaration the constituent power of the people had never been called into action. A confederacy had been substituted in the place of a government, and State sovereignty had usurped the constituent sovereignty of the people. The convention assembled at Phila- delphia had themselves no direct authority from the people. Their authority was all derived from the State legislatures. But they had the Articles of Confederation be- fore them, and they saw and felt the wretched condition into which they had brought the whole people, and that the Union itself was in the agonies of death. They soon perceived that the indispensa- bly needed powers were svich as no State government, no combination of them, was by the principles of the Declaration of In- dependence competent to bestow. They could emanate only from the people. A highly respectable portion of the assembly, still clinging to the confederacy of States, proposed as a substitute for the Consti- tution a mere, revival of the Articles of Confederation, with a grant of additional powers to the Congress. Their plan was respectfully and thoroughly discussed, but the want of a government and of the sanc- tion of the people to the delegation of powers happily prevailed. A Constitu- tion for the people, with the distribution of legislative, executive, and judicial powers, was prepared. It announced itself I. — D 49 ABAMS as the work of the people themselves; and people, and distorts the Constitution of the as this was unquestionably a power as- United States into a league of friendship sumed by the convention, not delegated to between confederate corporations. I speak them by the people, they religiously con- to matters of fact. There is the Declara- fined it to a simple power to propose, and tion of Independence, and there is the carefully provided that it should be no Constitution of the United States let more than a proposal until sanctioned by them speak for themselves. The gross- the confederation Congress, by the State ly immoral and dishonest doctrine of legislatures, and by the people of the sev- despotic State sovereignty, the exclusive eral States, in conventions specially as- judge of its own obligations, and respon- sembled, by authority of their legislatures, sible to no power on earth or in heaven for the single purpose of examining and for the violation of them, is not there, passing upon it. The Declaration says, "It is not in me." And thus was consummated the work The Constitution says, " It is not in me." commenced by the Declaration of Inde- Adams, John Quinct (son of Charles pendence, a work in which the people F.) ; born in Boston, Mass., Sept. 22, of the Noi'th American Union, acting 1833; graduated at Harvard in 1853; was under the deepest sense of responsibility the unsuccessful candidate for the gov- to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, had ernorship in 1868-69-70, and for the Unit- achieved the most transcendent act of ed States Vice-Presidency on the ticket power that social man in his mortal con- with Charles O'Conor in 1872. He died in dition can perform, even that of dis- Quincy, Mass., Aug. 14, 1894. solving the ties of allegiance by which he Adams, Julius Walker, engineer; born is bound to his country, of renouncing in Boston, Mass., Oct. 18, 1812. He was that country itself, of demolishing its the pioneer engineer of the East River government, of instituting another gov- Bridge. He died in Brooklyn, N. Y., Dec. ernment, and of making for himself an- 13, 1899. other country in its stead. Adam.s, Robert, Jr., legislator; born in The Revolution itself was a work of Philadelphia, Pa., Feb. 26, 1849; was thirteen years, and had never been com- graduated at the University of Pennsyl- pleted until that day. The Declaration vania in 1869. He entered Congress in of Independence and the Constitution of 1893 as representative from the 2d Penn- the United States are parts of one con- sylvania District, and in 1898 was acting sistent whole, founded upon one and the chairman of the committee on foreign same theory of government, then new, not affairs which reported the Cuban resolu- as a theory, for it had been working itself tions and the declaration of war against into the mind of man for many ages, and Spain. been especially expounded in the writ- Adams, Samuel, patriot; born in Bos- ings of Locke, but had never before been ton, Sept. 27, 1722; was graduated at adopted by a great nation in practice. Harvard College in 1742, and was honored There are yet, even at this day, many with the degree of LL.D. by it in 1792. speculative objections to this theory. The tendency of his mind was shown Avhen, Even in our own country there are still at the age of twenty-one, receiving the de- philosophers who deny the principles as- g^ee of A.M., he proposed, and took the serted in the Declaration as self-evident affirmative on, the question " Whether it truths, who deny the natural equality and he lawful to resist the supreme magis- inalienable rights of man, who deny that trate if the commonwealth cannot other- the people are the only legitimate source wise be preserved?" He published a pam- of power, who deny that all just powers phlet at about the same time entitled of government are derived from the con- Englishmen's Rights. He became an un- sent of the governed. Neither your time successful merchant, but a successful nor, perhaps, the cheerful nature of this writer; and gained great popularity by occasion permit me here to enter upon his political essays against the adminis- the examination of this anti-revolutionary tration of Governor Shirley. Stern in theory, which arrays State sovereignty morals, a born republican, and with cour- against the constituent sovereignty of the age equal to his convictions, Samuel 50 ADAMS, SAMUEL Adams was a natural leader of the op- posers of the Stamp Act and kindred meas- ures of Parliament, and from that period (1765) until the independence of the colonies was achieved he was a foremost leader of the patriot host. He suggested SAMUEL ADAMS. the Stamp Act Congress, and was a con- tinual object of dread and hatred to the colonial governors. He proposed the first Committee of Correspondence in Massa- chusetts in 1772; and, when General Gage besought him to make his peace with the King, he replied, " I trust I have made my peace with the King of kings. No per- sonal considerations shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my coun- try." In 1774 he was the chief in maturing the plan for a Continental Congress; was a member of it; and served in that body most efficiently from that time until 1781. As early as 1769 Mr. Adams advocated the independence of the colonies, and was one of the warmest supporters of it in the Congress. When debating on the Declara- tion of Independence, Adams said : " I should advise persisting in our struggle for liberty though it were revealed from heaven that 999 were to perish, and one of 1,000 were to survive and retain his liberty. One such freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness, than 1,000 slaves; and let him propagate his like, and transmit to them what he has so nobly preserved." Mr. Adams assisted in drafting the State constitution of Mas- sachusetts (1779), was president of his State Senate (1781), member of his State Convention that ratified the national Con- stitution, lieutenant-governor (1789-94), and governor (1794-97). He sympathized with the French Revolutionists, and was a Jefi'ersonian Democrat in politics in his latter days. The purity of his life and his inllexible integrity were attested by friends and foes. Hutchinson, in a letter to his government, said he was of " such an obstinate and inflexible disposition that no gift nor office would ever conciliate him." His piety was sincere, and he was a thoroughbred Puritan. Without fort- une, without a profession, he depended on moderate salaries and emoluments of office ; and for almost fifty years a daily maintenance, frugal in the extreme, was eked out by the industry and prudence of his second wife, whom he married in 1757. He died in Boston, Oct. 2, 1803. Samuel Adams and John Hancock were regarded as arch-rebels by General Gage, and he resolved to arrest them and send them to England to be tried for treason. A capital part of his scheme, in sending out the expedition to Lexington and Concord (April 18-19, 1775), was the seizure of these patriots, who, members of the Pro- vincial Congress, had tarried at Lexing- ton on being informed of Gage's intention to arrest them on their return to Boston. They were at the house of Rev. Jonas Clarke, and Gage thought to surprise and capture them at midnight. The vigilant Warren, learning the secret of the expe- dition, sent Paul Revere to warn the pa- triots of their danger. Revere waited at Charlestown for a signal-light from the sexton of the North Church, to warn him of the forward movement of the troops. It was given, and on Deacon Larkin's swift horse Revere sped to Lexington. At a little past midnight he rode up to Clarke's house, which he found guarded by Sergeant Monroe and his men. In hur- ried words he asked for Hancock. " The family have retired," said the sergeant, " and I am directed not to allow them to be disturbed by any noise." "Noise!" ex- claimed Revere; " you'll have noise enough 51 ADAMS, SAMUEL before long; the regulars are coming out!" He was then allowed to knock at the door. Mr. Clarke appeared at a window, when Revere said, " 1 wish to see Mr. Hancock." " I do not like to admit strangers into my house so late at night," answered Mr. Clarke. Hancock, who was not asleep, recognized Revere's voice, and called out, " Come in, Revere, we are not afraid of you." The Avarning was given ; the whole household was soon astir, and the two patriots awaited the coming of the enemy. When they approached, the " arch-rebels " were persuaded to retire to a more secure retreat, followed by Dorothy Quincy, to wiiom Hancock was affianced (and whom he married in September following ) , who was on a visit at Mr. Clarke's. When Adams, from a wooded hill near Clarke's house, saw the beginning of the skirmish at Lexington, he exclaimed, Avith prophetic prescience, " What a glorious morning for America is this!" In a proclamation (June 12) in which he denounced those in arms and their abettors to be " rebels and parricides of the Constitution," and offered a free pardon to all who should forthwith return to their allegi- ance. General Gage ex- cepted Adams and Han- cock, who were out- lawed, and for whom he offeied a lewaid as s " aich tiaitois " - Immediately after the " Boston Massa- cie" a monster meeting of citi- 7Pns of Boston OLD SOUTH MEETIXG-HOUSE. was held in the Old South Meeting- house, and appointed a committee, consist- ing of Samuel Adams. John Hancock, William Molineaux, William Phillips, Jose])h Warren, Joshua Henshaw, and Samuel Pemberton, to call on Lieutenant- Governor Hutchinson and demand the re- moval of the British troops from Boston, by presenting resolutions to that effect adopted by the meeting. Adams submit- ted the resolutions. The lieutenant - gov- ernor and Colonel Dalrymple were dis- posed to temporize. Hutchinson said he had no power to remove all the troops. Adams proved that he had, by the terms of the charter. Still the crown officers hesitated. Adams resolved that there should be no more trifling with the will of the people. Stretching forth his hand towards Hutchinson, and in a voice not loud but clear, he said : " If you have power to remove one regiment, you have power to remove hoth. It is at your peril if you do not. The meeting is composed of 3,000 people. They are become very im- patient. A thousand men are already ar- rived from the neighborhood, and the coun- try is in general motion. Night is ap- proaching; an immediate answer is ex- pected." This was the voice of the province — of the continent. Hutchinson grew pale; his knees trembled; and Adams afterwards said, " I enjoyed the sight." After conferring together in a whisper, Hutchinson and Dalrymple promised to send all the troops to Castle William, in Boston Harbor. Mr. Adams was early marked as an in- flexible patriot and most earnest promoter of the cause of freedom. When Governor Gage sought to bribe him to desist from his opposition to the acts of Parliament concerning taxation in America, he sent Colonel Fenton on this errand. The latter said to Adams that he was authorized by Gage to assure him that he ( the governor ) had been empowered to confer upon him such beneflts as would be sati|(factory, upon the condition that he would engage to cease his opposition to the measures of gOA^ernment. He also obserA^ed that it Avas the advice of Governor Gage to him not to incur the further displeasure of his Majesty; that his conduct had been such as made him liable to the penalties of the Act of Henry VIII., by Avhich persons could be sent to England for trial for trea- son or misprision of treason, at the dis- cretion of the gOA'ernor of a province; but by changing his political course he Avould 52 ADAMS, SAMUEL not only receive great personal advantages, but would thereby make his peace with his King. Adams listened attentively, and at the conclusion of the colonel's remarks he asked him if he would deliver a reply exactly as it should be given. He assent- ed, when Adams, rising from his chair and assuming a determined manner, said, after repeating the historical words al- ready quoted, " No personal considera- tion shall induce me to abandon the right- eous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated people." Protest against Taxation. — On May 24, 1764, Samuel Adams addressed the fol- lowing protest to Royal Tyler, James Otis, Thomas Gushing, and Oxenbridge Thacher: Gentlemen, — Your being chosen by the freeholders and inhabitants of the town of Boston to represent them in the General Assembly the ensuing year affords you the strongest testimony of that confidence which they place in your integrity and capacity. By this choice they have dele- gated to you the power of acting in their public concerns in general as your own prudence shall direct you, always reserv- ing to themselves the constitutional right of expressing their mind and giving you such instructions upon particular matters as they at any time shall judge proper. We therefore, your constituents, take this opportunity to declare our just ex- pectations from you, that you will con- stantly use your power and influence in maintaining the valuable rights and privi- leges of the province, of which this town is so great a part, as well those rights which are derived to us by the royal charter as those which, being prior to and independent of it, we hold essentially as free-born subjects of Great Britain. That you will endeavor, as far as you shall be able, to preserve that indepen- dence in the House of Representa- tives which characterizes a free people, and the want of which may in a great measure prevent the happy efforts of a free government, cultivating as you shall have opportunity that iiarmony and union there which is ever desirable to good men, which is founded on principles of virtue and public spirit, and guarding against any undue weight which may tend to disad- just that critical balance upon which our Constitution and the blessings of it do de- pend. And for this purpose we particu- larly recommend it to you to use your en- deavors to have a law passed whereby the scats of such gentlemen as shall ac- cept of posts of profit from the crown or the governor, while they are members of the House, shall be vacated agreeably to an act of the British Parliament, till their constituents shall have the opportunity of re-electing them, if they please, or of re- turning others in their room. Being members of the legislative body, you will have a special regard to the mor- als of this people, which are the basis of public happiness, and endeavor to have such laws made, if any are still wanting, as shall be best adapted to secure them; and we particularly desire you carefully to look into the laws of excise, that if the virtue of the people is endangered by the multiplicity of oaths therein enjoined, or their trade and business is unreasonably impeded or embarrassed thereby, the griev- ance may be redressed. As the preservation of morals, as well as of property and right, so much depends upon the impartial distribution of justice, agreeable to good and wholesome law; and as the judges of the land do depend upon the free grants of the General As- sembly for support, it is incumbent upon you at all times to give your voice for their honorable maintenance, so long as they, having in their minds an indiffer- ence to all other affairs, shall devote themselves wholly to the duties of their own department and the further study of the law, by which their customs, prece- dents, proceedings, and determinations are adjusted and limited. You will remember that this province hath been at a very great expense in carry- ing on the war, and that it still lies under a very grievous burden of debt; you Avill therefore use your utmost endeavor to promote public frugality as one means to lessen the public debt. You will join in any proposals which may be made for the better cultivating the lands and improving the husbandry of the province; and as you represent a town which lives by its trade, we expect 53 ADAMS, SAMUEL in a very particular manner, though you make it the object of your attention to support our commerce in all its just rights, to vindicate it from all unreasona- ble impositions and jDromote its prosperity. Our trade has for a long time labored under great dicouragements,and it is with the deepest concern that we see such fur- ther difficulties coming upon it as will re- duce it to the low ebb, if not totally ob- struct and ruin it. We cannot help ex- pressing our surprise that when so early notice was given by the agent of the inten- tions of the ministry to bvirden us with new taxes, so little regard was had to this most interesting matter that the Court was not even called together to consult about it till the latter end of the year ; the consequence of which was that instruc- tions could not be sent to the agent, though solicited by him, till the evil had gone be- yond an easy remedj^ There is no room for further delay; we therefore expect that you will use your earliest endeavors in the General Assem- bly that such methods may be taken as will effectually prevent these proceedings against us. By a proper representation we apprehend it may easily be made to appear that such severities will prove det- rimental to Great Britain itself; upon which account we have reason to hope that an application, even for a repeal of the act, should it be already passed, will be successful. It is the trade of the colonies that renders them beneficial to the mother country; our trade, as it is now and al- ways has been conducted, centres in Great Britain, and, in return for her manufact- ures, affords her more ready cash beyond any comparison than can possibly be ex- pected by the most sanguinary promoter of these extraordinary methods. We are, in short, ultimately yielding large supplies to the revenues of the mother country, while we are laboring for a very moderate subsistence for ourselves. But if our trade is to be curtailed in its most profitable branches, and burdens beyond all possible bearing laid upon that which is suffered to remain, we shall be so far from being able to take off the manufactures of Great Britain, though it will be scarce possi- ble for us to earn our bread. But what still heightens our appre- hensions is that these unexpected pro- ceedings may be preparatory to new tax- ations upon us; for if our trade may be taxed, why not our lands? Why not the jjroduce of our lands and everything we possess or make use of? This we apprehend annihilates our charter right to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our British privileges, which, as we have never for- feited them, we hold in common with our fellow-subjects who are natives of Britain. If taxes are laid upon us in any shape without our having a legal representation where they are laid, are we not reduced from the character of free subjects to the miserable state of tributary slaves? We therefore earnestly recommend it to you to use your utmost endeavors to obtain in the General Assembly all neces- sary instruction and advice to our agent at this critical juncture ; that while he is setting forth the unshaken loyalty of this province and this town — its unrivalled ex- ertion in supporting his Majesty's gov- ernment and rights in this part of his dominions — its acknowledged dependence upon and subordination to Great Britain, and the ready submission of its merchants to all just and necessary regulations of trade, he may be able in the most humble and pressing manner to remonstrate for us all those rights and privileges which justly belong to us either by charter or birth. As his Majesty's other Northern Amer- ican colonies are embarked with us in this most important bottom, we further desire you to use your endeavors that their weight may be added to that of this prov- ince, that by the united application of all who are aggrieved, all may happily obtain redress. Rights of the Colonists. — On Nov. 20, 1772, he made the following report: AS MEN. Among the natural rights of the colo- nists are these: First, a right to life. Second, to liberty. Thirdly, to property; together with the right to support and de- fend them in the best manner they can. These are evident branches of, rather than deductions from, the duty of self-preser- vation, commonly called the first law of nature. All men have a right to remain in a state of nature as long as they please, and 54 ADAMS, SAMUEL in case of intolerable oppression, civil or far as possible into the states under whose religious, to leave the society they belong protection they enjoy life, liberty, and to and enter into another. property, that solecism in politics, impe- When men enter into society it is by rium in imperio, leading directly to the voluntary consent, and they have a right worst anarchy and confusion, civil dis- to demand and insist upon the perform- cord, war, and bloodshed, ance of such conditions and previous lim- The natural liberty of man by entering itations as form an equitable original com- into society is abridged or restrained, so pact. far only as is necessary for the great end Every natural right not expressly giv- of society — the best good of the whole. en up, or from the nature of a social com- In the state of nature every man is, pact necessarily ceded, remains. under God, judge and sole judge of his All positive and civil laws should con- own rights and of the injuries done him. form, as far as possible, to the law of nat- By entering into society he agrees to an ural reason and equity. arbiter or indifferent judge between him As neither reason requires nor religion and his neighbors ; but he no more re- permits the contrary, every man living in nounces his original right, thereby taking or out of a state of civil society has a a cause out of the ordinary course of law, right peaceably and quietly to worship and leaving the decision to referees or in- God according to the dictates of his con- different arbitrators. In the last case, he science. must pay the referee for time and trouble. " Just and true liberty, equal and im- He should also be willing to pay his just partial liberty," in matters spiritual and quota for the support of the government, temporal is a thing that all men are clear- the law, and the Constitution, the end ly entitled to by the eternal and immuta- of which is to furnish indifferent and im- ble laws of God and nature, as well as by partial judges in all cases that may hap- the laws of nations and all well-grounded jien, whether civil, ecclesiastical, marine, and municipal laws, which must have or military, their foundation in the former. The natural liberty of man is to be In regard to religion, mutual toleration free from any superior power on earth, in the different professions thereof is what and not to be under the will or legisla- all good and candid minds in all ages five authority of man, but only to have have ever practised, and both by precept the law of nature for his rule, and example inculcated on mankind. It In the state of nature men may, as the is now generally agreed among Christians patriarchs did, employ hired servants for that this spirit of toleration, in the fullest the defence of their lives, liberties, and extent consistent with the being of civil property, and they shall pay them reason- society, is the chief characteristical mark able wages. Government was instituted of the true Church. In so much that Mr. for the purpose of common defence, and Locke has asserted and proved, beyond the those who hold the reins of government possibility of contradiction on any solid have an equitable, natural right to an hon- ground, that such toleration ought to be orable support from the same principle that extended to all whose doctrines are not "' the laborer is worthy of his hire." But subversive of society. The only sects then the same community which they which he thinks ought to be, and which by serve ought to be the assessors of their all wise laws are, excluded from such tol- pay. Governors have a right to seek and eration are those who teach doctrines sub- take what they please: by this, instead of versive of the civil government under being content with the station assigned which they live. The Roman Catholics, or them, that of honorable servants of the Papists, are excluded by reason of such society, they would soon become absolute doctrines as these: That princes excom- masters, despots, and tyrants. Hence, as municated may be deposed, and those that a private man has a right to say what they call heretics may be destroyed with- wages he will give in his private affairs, out mercy; besides their recognizing the so has a community to determine what Pope in so absolute a manner, in sub- they will give and grant of their substance version on government, by introducirrg, as for the administration of public affairs. 55 ADAMS, SAMUEL And in both cases more are ready to ofTer their service at the proposed and stipu- lated price than are able and willing to perform their duty. In short, it is the greatest absurdity to suppose it in the power of one, or of any number of men, at the entering into so- ciety to renounce their essential natural rights, or the means of preserving those rights, when the grand end of civil govern- ment, from the very nature of its institu- tion, is for the support, protection, and defence of those very rights; the principal of which, as is before observed, are life, liberty, and property. If men, through fear, fraud, or mistake, should in terms re- nounce or give up any essential natural right, the eternal law of reason and the grand end of society would absolutely va- cate such renunciation. The right of free- dom being the gift of God Almighty, it is not in the power of man to alienate this gift and voluntarily become a slave. AS CHRISTIANS. These may be best understood by read- ing and carefully studying the institutes of the great Law-giver and head of the Christian Church, which are to be found clearly written and promulgated in the New Testament. By an act of the British Parliament commonly called the Toleration Act, every subject in England, except Papists, etc., were restored to, and re-established in, his natural right to worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience. And by the charter of this province it is grant- ed, ordained, and established (that is, de- clared as an original right) that there shall be liberty of conscience allowed in the worship of God to all Christians, ex- cept Papists, inhabiting, or which shall inhabit or be resident within, such prov- ince or territory. Magna Charta itself is in substance but a constrained declaration or proclamation and promulgation in the name of King, Lords, and Commons, of the sense the latter had their original, inher- ent, indefeasible, natural rights, as also those of free citizens equally perdurable with the other. That great author, that gi-eat jurist, and even that court writer, Mr. Justice Blackstone, holds that this recognition was justly obtained of King John, sword in hand. And peradventure it must be one day, sword in hand, again 56 rescued and preserved from total destruc- tion and oblivion. AS SUBJECTS. A commonwealth or state is a body politic, or civil society of men united to- gether to promote their mutual safety and prosperity by means of their union. The absolute right of Englishmen and all freemen, in or out of civil society, are principally personal security, personal liberty, and private property. All persons born in the British Ameri- can Colonies are by the laws of God and nature, and by the common law of Eng- land, exclusive of all charters from the Crown, well entitled, and by acts of the British Parliament are declared to be en- titled, to all the natural, essential, in- herent, and inseparable rights, liberties, and privileges of subjects born in Great Britain or within the realm. Among these rights are the following, which no man, or body of men, consistently with their own rights as men and citizens, or mem- bers of society, can for themselves give up or take away from others: First. The first fundamental positive law of all commonwealths or states is the establishing the legislative power. As the first fundamental natural- law, also, which is to govern even the legislative power itself is the preservation of the so- ciety. Secondly. The legislative has no right to absolute arbitrary power over the lives and fortunes of the people ; nor can mor- tals assume a prerogative not only too high for men, but for angels, and there- fore reserved for the Deity alone. The legislative cannot justly assume to itself a power to rule by extempore arbi- trary decrees; but it is bound to see that justice is dispensed, and that the rights of the subjects be decided by promulgated standing, and known laws, and authorized independent judges; that is, independent, as far as possible, of prince and people. There should be one rule of justice for rich and poor, for the favorite at court, and the countryman at the plough. Thirdly. The supreme power cannot justly take from any man any part of his property without his consent in person or by his representative. These are some of the first principles of natural law and justice, and the great ADAMS— ADEE barriers of all free states, and of the Brit- Ireland together; yet it is absurdly ex- ish constitution in particular. It is ut- pected by the promoters of the present terly irreconcilable to these principles, and measure that these, with their posterity to any other fundamental maxims of the to all generations, should be easy while common law, common-sense, and reason, their property shall be disposed of by a that a British House of Commons should House of Commons at 3,000 miles dis- have a right at pleasure to give and grant tant from them, and who cannot be the property of the colonists. (That the supposed to have the least care or con- colonists are well entitled to all the es- cern for their real interest, but must sential rights, liberties, and privileges of be in effect bribed against it, as every men and freemen born in Britain is niani- burden they lay on the colonists is so fest not only from the colony charters in much saved or gained to themselves. general, but acts of the British Parlia- Hitherto many of the colonists have been ment.) The statute of the 13th of Geo. free from quit rents; but if the breath II., c. 7, naturalizes every foreigner after of a British House of Commons can seven years' residence. The words of the originate an act for taking away all our Massachusetts charter are these: "And money, our lands will go next, or be sub- further, our will and pleasure is, and we ject to rack rents from haughty and re- do hereby, for us, our heirs and successors, lentless landlords, who will ride at ease grant, establish, and ordain that all and while we are trodden in the dirt. The every of the subjects of us, our heirs and colonists have been branded with the successors, which shall go to and inhabit odious names of traitors and rebels only within our said Province or Territory, and for complaining of their grievances. How every of their children which shall happen long such treatment will or ought to- be to be born there or on the seas in going borne is submitted. thither or returning from thence, shall Addams, Jane, social reformer ; born in have and enjoy all liberties and immunities Cedarville, 111., Sept. 6, 1860; was gradu- of free and natural subjects within any of ated at Rockford College in 1881, and, the dominions .of us, our heirs and sue- after spending some time in study in cessors, to all intents, constructions, and Europe, established the Social Settlement purposes whatsoever, as if they and every of Hull House in Chicago, of which she be- one of them were born within this, our came head resident. She is widely es- realm of England." teemed for her writings and lectures on Now what liberty can there be where Social Settlement work, property is taken away without consent? Addicks, John Edward, capitalist; Can it be said with any color of truth born in Philadelphia, Nov. 21, 1841. In- and justice that this continent of 3,000 terested in gas companies. He was a can- miles in length, and of a breadth as didate for United States Senator from yet unexplored, in which, however, it is Delaware for several years, but failed of supposed there are 5,000,000 of people,, election. His adherents prevented the has the least voice, vote, or influence in election of any one, and as a consequence the British Parliament? Have they alto- Delaware has been unrepresented in the gether any more weight or power to return United States Senate for several years. a single member to that House of Com- Adee, Al\'ey Augustus, diplomatist: mons who have not inadvertently, but de- born in Astoria, N. Y., Nov. 27, 1842; was liberately, assumed a power to dispose of educated privately. On Sept. 9, 1870, he their lives, liberties, and properties, than was appointed secretary of the American to choose an emperor of China? Had the legation in Madrid, where he also served colonists a right to return members to at different times as charge d'affaires ; the British Parliament, it would only be July 9, 1877, was transferred to the De- hurtful, as, from their local situation and partment of State in Washington, D. C. ; circumstances it is impossible they should June 11, 1878, became chief of the Diplo- ever be truly and properly represented matic Bureau; July 18, 1882, third assist- there. The inhabitants of this country, in ant Secretary of State; and Aug. 3, 1886, all probability, in a few years, will be more second assistant Secretary of State. He numerous than those of Great Britain and was present when the peace protocols were 57 ADET— ABLER signed between the United States and n'ient, in this respect, violated the obliga- Spain, in Washington. tions of treaties." This was followed by Adet, Pierre Augustus, French diplo- a summary of these alleged violations, in- matist; born in Nevers in 1763. He was eluding the circular of 1793, restraining ambassador to the United States in 1795- the fitting-out of privateers in American 97. Here he interfered too much in local v/aters; the law of 1794, prohibiting hos- politics, and became unpopular with the tile enterprises or preparations against government party. He issued an inflani- nations with whom the United States were matory address to the American people, in at peace; the cognizance of these matters which he accused the administration of taken by the American courts of law; and Washington with violations of the friend- ship which once existed between the Unit- ed States and France. On Nov. 5, 1796, he issued the famous " cockade " procla- mation, or order, calling upon all French- men in the United States, in the name of the admission of armed British vessels into American waters. He complained of the " British treaty " as inimical to the interests of France. This paper, published in the Aurora, was intended more for the American people than for the American the French Directory, to mount and wear government. While in the United States the tricolored cockade, " the symbol of a he was a busy partisan of the Repub-' liberty the fruit of eight years' toil and licans. In 1796 he presented to Con- five years' victories." Adet declared in gress, in behalf of the French nation, the his proclamation that any Frenchman who tricolored flag of France; and just before might hesitate to give this indication of he left, in 1797, he sent to the Secre- adherence to the republic should not be tary of State the famous note in which the allowed the aid of the French consular Directory, contrary to the spirit of the chanceries or the national protection. The tricolored cockade was at once mounted, not only by the French residents, but by many American citizens who wished to signify in this marked manner their at- tachment to the French Republic. This " cockade proclamation," as the Federal- ists called it in derision, was the origin of the practice, for several years, of wearing a cockade as a badge of party distinction. treaty of 1778, declared that the flag of the republic would treat all neutral flags as they permitted themselves to be treated by the English. Soon afterwards Adet suspended his diplomatic functions and returned to France, where he died in 1832. Adirondack Park, a tract in the Adirondack Moimtain region covering Hamilton county and parts of Essex, Franklin, Herkimer, and St. Lawrence counties ; containing numerous mountains, Ten days after the issuance of this peaks, lakes, and woodlands. It was set proclamation he sent a note simultaneous- apart by the State of New York in 1892 ]y to the State Department and to the for the protection of the watershed of the Aiirora — the opposition newspaper — de- Hudson and other rivers, for the practical manding, " in the name of the faith of study of forestry, and for public recrea- treaties and of American honor, the exe- tion. The tract has an area of 4,387 cution of that contract [treaty of 1778] which assured to the United States their existence, and which France regarded as a pledge of the most sacred union between two people, the freest upon earth." He announced, at the same time, " the resolu- tion of a government terrible to its ene- mies, but generous to its allies." With square miles. The study of forestry is here carried on under the direction of the newly established State School of Forestry, a department of Cornell Uni- versity ( q. V. ) . Adler, Felix, educator; born in Alzey, Germany, Aug. 13, 1851 ; was graduated at Columbia University in 1870 and then grandiloquent sentences he portrayed the studied in Germany. In 1874-76 he was disappointment of the French nation in Professor of Hebrew and Oriental Litera- not finding a warm friend in the American ture at Cornell University; and in 1876 government. " So far from ofl['ering the he founded the New York Society of French the succor which friendship might Ethical Culture, before which he has since have given," he said, "without com- lectured on Sundays. On May 5, 1901, at promitting itself, the American govern- its twenty-fifth anniversary, in recognition 58 ADMINISTRATIONS— AGAMENTICUS of Dr. Adler's services, the society pre- sented him with $10,000 as a nucleus of a larger fund the income of which is to be employed in developing the natural gifts of worthy young men and women. Dr. Adler is a member of the editorial board of the International Journal of Ethics. His publications include Creed and Deed; The Moral Instruction of Children, etc. Administrations. See Presidential Administrations; Cabinet, President's; also the titles of the several Presidents. Admiral, several times the title of the highest rank in the United States naval service. Prior to the Civil War the high- est rank was that of commodore. In 1862 Congress established the rank of rear-ad- miral; in 1864 that of vice-admiral; and in 1866 that of admiral, in each case the office being bestowed on David G. Farra- gut. On the death of David D. Porter (1891), who by law had succeeded to the titles of vice-admiral and admiral, both these grades were abolished, and the grade of rear-admiral remained the highest till 1899, when that of admiral was again created by Congress and conferred on George Dewey. Further legislation by Congress in that year increased the num-. ber of rear-admirals from six, to which it had been reduced in 1882, to eighteen, and divided these officers into two classes of nine each, the first nine corresponding in rank to major-generals in the army, and the second to brigadier-generals. The same act made the increase in the number of rear-admirals possible by abolishing the grade of comtnodore, and advancing the holders of that grade to rear-admirals. Admiralty Courts. The governor of each colony was vice-admiral, with the right of deciding maritime cases person- ally, or by a judge appointed by him. By the Constitution this jurisdiction is now vested in the federal courts, with original jurisdiction in the district courts. Adventists, also known as Millerites, a sect in the United States founded by William Miller, who believed that the sec- ond coming of Christ would occur in Oc- tober, 1843. As the expected event did not occur on the first nor succeeding days set for it, the number of believers decreased very largely. The Adventists of to-day still look for the coming of Christ, but do not fix a definite time for it. In 1900 the Adventists wei-e divided into six bodies: Evangelical, Advent Christians, Seventh- Day, Church of God, Life and Advent Union, and Churches of God in Jesus Christ, and together reported 1,491 min- isters, 2,267 churches, and 89,482 com- municants. See Miller, William. African Methodist Episcopal Church, a religious sect established in Philadel- phia in 1816, by colored members of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The first bishop chosen by the convention that founded the Church was the Rev. Richard Allen. In 1794, under his direction, the first church for colored Methodists in the United States was built in Philadelphia. The government and doctrine of the Church is substantially the same as that of the body from which it withdrew. Its terri- tory is divided into two annual confer- ences, and it has a general conference which meets once every four years. In 1900 it reported as follows: Ministers, .5.659; churches, 5,775; and members, 673,504. African Methodist Episcopal Church, ZiON, a religious sect, foimded in New York City in 1796. This organization sprang from a desire of colored members of the Methodist Episcopal Church to have a separate spiritual fellowship that they might be more helpful to each other. The first annual conference, however, was not held until 1821. James Varich was elect- ed bishop in the following year. Until 1880 bishops held office for four years only, but in that year an act was jjassed making the bishopric a life office. The territory of this Church is divided into seven districts, over each of which there is a bishop. In 1900 it reported as fol- lows: Ministers, 3,155; churches, 2,906; and members, 536,271. Agamenticus, the name given in 1636 to the region lying between the mountain and the sea, now comprising York county. Me. It was within the grant given to Gorges and Mason. There a city was formed, and incorporated in 1641, in imi- tation of English municipalities, with a mayor and aldermen. The city was called Gorgeana. The occupants of the land in Agamenticus were tenants at will of the proprietor. There English apple-seeds were planted and thrived, and one of the trees that sprang up lived and bore fruit 59 AGANA— AGASSIZ annually so late as 1875, when it was cut down. See Maine ; York. Agana, the principal town and district of the island of Guam, the largest of the Ladrone Islands, in the Pacific Ocean, about 1,500 miles east of Luzon, in the Philippines. As a result of the war between the United States and Spain, the former took possession of this island, and in the following year established a seat of government in this town with Capt. Rich- ard P. Leary, U. S. N., as the first gov- ernor. The population of the island is between eight and nine thousand; three- fourths of the people live in the district of x^gana, and four-fifths of this number, or 5,249, in the to^vn. Under American con- trol the town and its vicinity speedily took the appearance of greater activity and prosperity than was ever before seen there; and the process of Americanizing con- tinued with excellent results till Nov. 13, 1900, when both the town and the. island were swept by a typhoon, in which the United States auxiliary cruiser To- semite was wrecked on a coral reef, after drifting 60 miles from her anchorage. The navy department promptly sent relief in the form of food, clothing, and building materials to the people, who had become greatly attached to their new national connection. See Guam. Agassiz, Alexander, naturalist; born in Neuchfitel, Switzerland, Dec. 17, 1835; son of Prof. Louis Agassiz ; came to the United States in 1849; and was graduated at Harvard College in 1855, and at Law- rence Scientific School in 1857. He was curator of the Natural History Muse- um, in Cambridge, in 1874-85; has since been engaged in important zoological in- vestigations; and became widely known by his connection with the famous Calumet and Hecla copper-mines. The University of St. Andrews conferred the honorary degree of LL-D. upon him, April 2, 1901. Agassiz, Elizabeth Cabot, naturalist and educator; born in Boston, Mass., in 1823; daughter of Thomas G. Cary; was married to Prof. Louis Agassiz in 1850. In 1865 she accompanied her husband on his expedition to Brazil, and in 1871-72 was on the Hassler expedition. She greatly aided her husband in his studies and writings; was joint author with her son of Seaside Studies in 'Natural His- tory; published Louis Agassiz: Uis Life and Correspondence ; and was president of the Harvard " Annex," now Radclifi'e CJollege, from its organization till 1899, when she resigned. Agassiz, Louis John Rudolph, nat- uralist; born in Motier parish, near Neuchatel, Switzerland, May 28, 1807. He was of Huguenot descent, was thorough- ly educated at Heidelberg and Munich, and received the honorary degree of Ph.D. He prosecuted his studies in natural his- tory in Paris, where Cuvier offered him liis collection for the purpose. The liber- ality of Humboldt enabled him to publish his great work (1834-44) on Fossil Fish- es, in 5 volumes, with an atlas. He ar- rived in Boston in 1846, and lectured there LOnS AGASSrZ. on the Animal Kingdom and on Glaciers. In the summer of 1847 the superintendent of the Coast Survey tendered him the fa- cilities of that service for a continuance of his scientific investigations. Professor Agassiz settled in Cambridge, and was made Professor of Zoology and Geology of the Lawrence Scientific School at its foun- dation in 1848. That year he made, with some of his pupils, a scientific exploration of the shores of Lake Superior. He after- wards explored the southern coasts of the United States, of Brazil, and the waters of the Pacific Ocean. An account of his exj^lorations on the Brazilian coast was given in A Journey to Brazil, by Mrs. Agassiz, in 1867. He received the Copley Medal from the Royal Society of London; 60 AGAWAM— AGRARIAN PARTY from the Academy of Sciences of Paris, the Monthyon Prize and the Cuvier Prize; the Wollaston Medal from the Geological Society of London; and the Medal of Merit from the King of Prussia. He was a member of many scientific societies, and the universities of Dublin and Edinburgh conferred on him the honorary degree of LL.D. Professor Agassiz published valu- able scientific works in Europe and in the United States. He died in Cambridge, Mass., Dec. 14, 1873. Aga'wam, the Indian name of Ipswich, Mass.; settled in 1033; incorporated under the present name in 1634. See Boston; Massachusetts. Age of Reason, the title of a work written by Thomas Paine ( g. v.) , and noted in its day for its extreme freedom of thought. See Ingersoll, Robert Green. Agnew, Cornelius Pea, physician and surgeon; born in New York City, Aug. 8, 1830; was graduated at Columbia Col- lege in 1849, and at the College of Phy- sicians and Surgeons in 1852, subsequently continuing his studies in Europe. He be- came surgeon-general of the State of New York in 1858, and at the beginning of the Civil War was appointed medical director of the New York State Volunteer Hospital. During the war he was also one of the most influential members of the United States Sanitary Commission (q. v.) . Dr. Agnew was one of the founders of the Columbia College School of Mines. He died in New York, April 8, 1888. Agnew, Daniel, jurist; born in Tren- ton, N. J., Jan. 5, 1809; removed to Pitts- burg, Pa., where he practised law; dis- trict judge in 1851; Supreme Court judge in 1863; and chief-justice of the State in 1873; resigned in 1879. He wrote Oui' National Constitution, History of Penn- sylvania, etc. Agnew, David Hayes, anatomist and author; born in Lancaster county, Pa., Nov. 24, 1818; was graduated at the Medical Department of the University of Penn- sylvania in 1838; became professor in the Philadelphia School of Anatomy; demon- strator of anatomy in the Medical Depart- ment of the University of Pennsylvania, and surgeon at the Pennsylvania and the Orthopaedic hospitals, all in Philadelphia. During the Civil War he became widely known as a daring and successful operator in cases of gunshot wounds. After the war he was elected Professor of Operative Surgery and of the Principles and Practice of Surgery at the University of Pennsj'l- vania. Dr. Agnew was the consulting and operating surgeon in the case of President Garfield in 1881. Among his numerous publications are Practical Anatomy; Anatomy and Its Relation to Medicine and Surgery; and The Principles and Practice of Surgery. He died in Philadelphia, March 22, 1892. Agnew, James, a British general ; came to America late in 1775; participated in the military movements in and about Bos- ton ; and was engaged in the battle of Long Island, where, and in subsequent campaigns, he commanded the 4th Brigade of the royal army. He accompanied ex- Governor Tryon in his marauding expedi- tion to Danbury, Conn., in the spring of 1777. He was slightly wounded in the bat- tle of Brandy wine- (Sept. 11), and in the battle of Germantown (Oct. 4, 1777) he was killed. Agnus, Felix, journalist; born in Lyons, France, July 4, 1839; was edu- cated in the College of Jolie Clair, near Paris; came to the United States in 1860, and in the following year entered the Union army in Duryea's Zouaves (5th New York Volunteers). At Big Bethel he saved the life of Gen. Judson Kilpatrick. He aided in recruiting the 165th New York Volunteers, of which he was made captain; in 1862 he participated in the siege of Port Hudson, La.; afterwards v\'as promoted major and lieutenant-colo- nel. He next, served in the 19th Corps under Sheridan and in the Department of the South. On March 13, 1865, he was brevetted brigadier-general of volunteers, and in August of the same year was mustered out of the service. After the war he became the editor and publisher of the Baltimore American. Agrarian Party, a political organiza- tion in Germany inspired in 1869, and practically founded in 1876. The mem- bers in recent years have become widely noted for their opposition to German com- mercial relations with the United States, especially in the matters of all kinds of food-stuflFs. In 1898 and 1899 this oppo- sition assumed a phase that was exceed- 61 AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE ingly annoying to the German govern- direct influence of high German oflicials, ment, and the defeat of many Agrarians who feared a disturbance of commercial for the Reichstag was attributed to the relations with the United States. AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE Agreement of the People, a document drawn up in October, 1647, and presented in the British House of Commons on Jan. 20, 1648. The document, which follows, should be read in connection with the Magna Charta, the Bill of Rights, the Articles of Confederation, and the Decla- ration of Independence, all of which are reflected in our national Constitution. Having, by our late labours and haz- ards, made it appear to the world at how high a rate we value our just freedom, and God having so far owned our cause as to deliver the enemies thereof into our hands, we do now hold ourselves boiuid, in mu- tual duty to each other, to take the best care Ave can for the future, to avoid both the danger of returning into a slavish condition and the chargeable remedy of another war: for as it cannot be imagined that so many of our countrymen would have opposed us in this quarrel if they had understood their own good, so may we hopefully promise to ourselves, that when our common rights and liberties shall be cleared, their endeavours will be disap- pointed that seek to make themselves our masters. Since therefore our former oppressions and not-yet-ended troubles, have been occasioned either by want of frequent national meetings in council, or by the undue or unequal constitution thereof, or by rendering those meetings ineffectual, we are fully agreed and re- solved, God willing, to provide, that here- after our Representatives be neither left to an uncertainty for times nor be un- equally constituted, nor made useless to the ends for which they are intended. In order whereunto we declare and agree. First, that, to prevent the many incon- veniences apparently arising from the long continuance of the same persons in supreme authority, this present Parlia- ment end and dissolve upon, or before, the last day of April, 1649. Secondly, that the people of England (being at this day very unequally dis- 62 tributed by counties, cities, and boroughs, for the election of their Representatives) be indifferently proportioned; and, to this end, that the Representatives of the whole nation shall consist of 400 persons, or not above; and in each county, and the places thereto subjoined, there shall be chosen, to make up the said Representa- tives at all times, the several numbers here mentioned, viz. : Kent^ with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parish- es therein, except such as are hereunder particularly named, 10 ; Canterbury, with the Suburbs adjoining and Liberties there- of, 2 ; Rochester, with the Parishes of Chatham and Stroud, 1 ; The Cinque Ports in Kent and Sussex, viz., Dover, Romney, Hythe, Sandwich, Plastings, with the Towns of Rye and Winchelsea, 3. Sussex, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Par- ishes therein, except Chichester, 8 : Chi- chester, with the Suburbs and Liberties thereof, 1. Southampton County, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are hereunder named, 8 ; Winchester, with the Suburbs and Liberties thereof, 1 ; Southampton Town and the County there- of, 1. DoRSETSHiEE, With the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Dorchester, 7 ; Dorchester, 1. Devonshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are here- under particularly named, 12 ; Exeter, 2 ; Plymouth, 2 ; Barnstaple, 1. Cornwall, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 8. Somersetshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are hereunder named, 8 ; Bristol, 3 ; Taunton- Dean, 1. Wiltshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Salisbury, 7 ; Sal- isbury, 1. Berkshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Reading, 5 ; Read- ing, 1. Surrey, with the Boroughs. Towns, and Parishes therein, except Southwark, 5 ; Southwark, 2. Middlesex, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are here- under named. 4 : London, 8 ; Westminster and the Duchy, 2. Hertfordshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 6. Buckinghamshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 6. AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE Oxfordshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are hereunder named, 4 ; Oxford City, 2 ; Ox- ford University, 2. Gloucestershire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Gloucester, 7 ; Gloucester, 2. Herefordshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Hereford, 4 ; Hereford, 1. Worcestershire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Worcester, 4 ; Worcester, 2. Warwickshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Coventry, 5 ; Coventry, 2. NoRTHAiiPTOxsHiRE, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except North- ampton, 5 ; No7tliamptoii, 1. Bedfordshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 4. Cambridgeshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are hereunder particularly named, 4 ; Cam- bridge University, 2 ; Cambridge Town, 2. Essex, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Par- ishes therein, except Colchester, 11 ; Col- chester, 2. Suffolk, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are here- after named, 10 ; Ipsivich, 2 ; St. Edmund's Bury, 1. Norfolk, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are here- under named, 9 ; Norwich, 3 ; Lynn, 1 ; Yarmouth, 1. Lincolnshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except the City of Lincoln and the Town of Boston, 11 ; Lin- coln, 1 ; Boston, 1. Rutlandshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 1. Huntingdonshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 3. Leicestershire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Leicester, 5 ; Leicester, 1. Nottinghamshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Not- tingham, 4 ; Nottingham, 1. Derbyshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Derby, 5 ; Der- by, 1. Staffordshire, with the City of Lichfield, the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes there- in, 6. Shropshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Shrewsbury, 6 ; Shrewsbury, 1. Cheshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Chester, 5 ; Ches- ter, 2. Lancashire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except Manchester, 6 ; Manchester and the Parish, 1. Yorkshire, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are here- after named, 15 ; York City and the County thereof, 3 : Kingston upon Hull and the County thereof, 1 ; Leeds Town and Par- ish, 1. Durham County Palatine, with the Bor- 63 oughs. Towns, and Parishes therein, except Durham and Gateside, 3 ; Durham City, 1. Northumberland, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, except such as are hei'eunder named, 3 ; Newcastle upon Tyne and the County thereof, with Gateside, 2 ; Berwick, 1. Cumberland, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 3. Westmoreland, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein, 2. Wales Anglksea, with the Parishes therein 2 Brecknock, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 3 Cardigan, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 3 Carmarthen, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 3 Carnarvon, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 2 Denbigh, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 2 Flint, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 1 Monmouth, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 4 Glamorgan, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 4 Merioneth, with the Boroughs and Par- ishes therein 2 Montgomery, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 3 Radnor, with the Boroughs and Parishes therein 2 Pejibroke, with the Boroughs, Towns, and Parishes therein 4 Provided, that the first or second Rep- resentative may, if they see cause, assign the remainder of the 400 representers, not hereby assigned, or so many of them as they shall see cause for, unto such counties as shall appear in this present distribu- tion to have less than their due propor- tion. Provided also, that where any city or borough, to which one representer or more is assigned, shall be found in a due proportion, not competent alone to elect a representer, or the number of representers assigned thereto, it is left to future Rep- resentatives to assign such a number of parishes or villages near adjoining to such city or borough, to be joined therewith in the elections, or may make the same pro- portionable. Thirdly. That the people do, of course, choose themselves a Representative once in two years, and shall meet for that purpose upon the first Thursday in every second May, by eleven in the morning; and the Representatives so chosen to meet upon the second Thursday in the June follow- ing, at the usual place in Westminster, or AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE such other place as, by the foregoing Rep- resentative, or the Council of State in the interval, shall be, from time to time, ap- pointed and published to the people, at the least twenty days before the time of elec- tion: and to continue their sessions there, or elsewhere, imtil the second Thursday in December following, unless they shall ad- journ or dissolve themselves sooner; but not to continue longer. The election of the first Representative to be on the first Thursday in May, 1649; and that, and all future elections, to be according to the rules prescribed for the same purpose in this Agreement, viz. 1. That the electors in every division shall be natives or denizens of England ; not persons receiving alms, but such as are assessed ordinarily tow- ards the relief of the poor ; no servants to, and receiving wages from, any partic- ular person; and in all elections, except for the Universities, they shall be men of twenty-one years of age, or upwards, and housekeepers, dwelling within the division for which the election is: provided, that (until the end of seven years next ensuing the time herein limited for the end of this present Parliament) no person shall be ad- mitted to, or have any hand or voice in, such elections, who hath adhered unto or assisted the King against the Parliament in any of the late wars or insurrections; or who shall make or join in, or abet, any forcible opposition against this Agree- ment. 2. That such persons, and such only, may be elected to be of the Repre- sentative, who, by the rule aforesaid, are to have voice in elections in one place or other. Provided, that of those none shall be eligible for the first or second Repre- sentative, who have not voluntarily assist- ed the Parliament against the King, either in person before the 14th of June, 1645, or else in money, plate, horse, or arms, lent upon the Propositions, before the end of May, 1643; or who have joined in, or abbetted, the treasonable engagement in London, in 1647; or who declared or en- gaged themselves for a cessation of arms with the Scots that invaded this nation the last summer; or for compliance with the actors in any insurrections of the same summer; or with the Prince of Wales, or his accomplices, in the revolted fleet. Provided also, that such persons as, by the rules in the preceding Article, are not capable of electing until the end of seven years, shall not be capable to be elected until the end of fourteen years next ensuing. And we desire and recom- mend it to all men, that, in all times, the persons to be chosen for this great trust may be men of courage, fearing God and hating covetousness ; and that our Rep- resentatives would make the best provi- sions for that end. 3. That whoever, by the rules in the two preceding Articles, are incapable of electing, or to be elected, shall presume to vote in, or be present at, such election for the first or second Rep- resentative; or, being elected, shall pre- sume to sit or vote in either of the said Representatives, shall incur the pain of confiscation of the moiety of his estate, to the use of the public, in case he have any visible estate to the value of £50, and if he has not such an estate, then shall in- cur the pain of imprisonment for three months. And if any person shall forcibly oppose, molest or hinder the people, capa- ble of electing as aforesaid, in their quiet and free election of representers, for the first Representative, then each person so offending shall incur the penalty of confis- cation of his whole estate, both real and personal ; and, if he has not an estate to the value of £50, shall suffer imprison- ment during one whole year without bail or mainprize. Provided, that the offender in each case be convicted within three months next after the committing of his offence, and the first Representative is to make further provision for the avoiding of these evils in future elections. 4. That to the end all officers of state may be cer- tainly accountable, and no faction made to maintain corrupt interests, no member of a Council of State, nor any officer of any salary-forces in army or garrison, nor any treasurer or receiver of public money, shall, while such, be elected to be of a Representative; and in case any such election shall be, the same to' be void. And in case any la'wyer shall be chosen into any Representative or Council of State, then he shall be incapable of prac- tice as a lawyer during that trust. 5. For the more convenient election of Represent- atives, each county, wherein more than three representers are to be chosen, with the town corporate and cities, if there be any, lying within the compass thereof, to 64 AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE which no representers are herein assigned, shall be divided by a due proportion into so many, and such parts, as each part may elect two, and no part above three rep- resenters. For the setting forth of which divisions, and the ascertaining of other circumstances hereafter expressed, so as to make the elections less subject to confu- sion or mistake, in order to the next Rep- resentative, Thomas Lord Grey of Groby, Sir John Danvers, Sir Henry Holcroft, knights; Moses Wall, gentleman; Samuel Moyer, John Langley, Wm. Hawkins, Abraham Babington, Daniel Taylor, Mark Hilsley, Rd. Price, and Col. John White, citizens of London, or any five or more of them, are intrusted to nominate and ap- point, under their hands and seals, three or more fit persons in each county, and in each city and borough, to which one rep- resenter or more is assigned, to be as Commissioners for the ends aforesaid, in the respective counties, cities and bor- oughs; and, by like writing under their hands and seals, shall certify into the Par- liament Records, before the 11th of Feb- ruary next, the names of the Commission- ers so appointed for the respective coun- ties, cities and boroughs, which Commis- sioners, or any three or more of them, for the respective counties, cities and bor- oughs, shall before the end of February next, by writing under their hands and seals, appoint two fit and faithful persons, or more, in each hundred, lathe or wapen- take, within the respective counties, and in each ward Avithin the City of London, to take care for the orderly taking of all voluntary subscriptions to this Agreement, by fit persons to be employed for that pur- pose in every parish; who are to return the subscription so taken to the persons that employed them, keeping a transcript thereof to themselves ; and those persons, keeping like transcripts, to return the original subscriptions to the respective Commissioners by whom they were ap- pointed, at, or before, the 14th day of April next, to be registered and kept in the chief court within the respective cities and boroughs. And the said Commission- ers, or any three or more of them, for the several counties, cities and boroughs, re- spectively, shall, where more than three representers are to be chosen, divide such counties, as also the City of London, into 1.— E fi so many, and such parts as are afore- mentioned, and shall set forth the bounds of such divisions; and shall, in every county, city and borough, where any rep- resenters are to be chosen, and in every such division as aforesaid within the City of London, and within the several coun- ties so divided, respectively, appoint one place certain wherein the people shall meet for the choice of the representers; and some one fit person, or more, inhabit- ing within each borough, city, county or division, respectively, to be present at the time and place of election, in the nature of Sheriff's, to regulate the elections; and by poll, or otherwise, clearly to distin- guish and judge thereof, and to make re- turn of the person or persons elected, as is hereafter expressed; and shall likewise, in writing under their hands and seals, make certificates of the several divisions, with the bounds thereof, by them set forth, and of the certain places of meeting, and persons, in the nature of Sheriff", appointed in them respectively as aforesaid; and cause such certificates to be returned into the Parlia- ment Records before the end of April next ; and before that time shall also cause the same to be published in every parish within the counties, cities and boroughs respectively; and shall in every such parish likewise nominate and appoint, by warrant under their hands and seals, one trusty person, or more, inhabiting there- in, to make a true list of all the persons within their respective parishes, who, ac- cording to the rules aforegoing, are to have voice in the elections; and expressing who amongst them are, by the same rules,, capable of being elected; and such Jist, with the said warrant, to bring in and re- turn, at the time and place of election, unto the person appointed in the nature of Sheriff', as aforesaid, for that borough, city, county or division respectively; which person so appointed as Sheriff, be- ing present at the time and place of elec- tion; or, in case of his absence, by the space of one hour after the time limited for the peoples' meeting, then any person present that is eligible, as aforesaid, whom the people then and there assembled shall choose for that end, shall receive and keep the said lists and admit the persons there- in contained, or so many of them as are present, unto a free vote in the said elec- AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE t,ion; and, having first caused this Agree- ment to be publicly read in the audience of the people, shall proceed unto, and reg- ulate and keep peace and order in the elec- tions ; and, by poll or otherwise, openly distinguish and judge of the same; and thereof, by certificate or writing under the hands and seals of himself, and six or more of the electors, nominating the person or persons duly elected, shall make a true return into the Parliament Records within twenty-one days after the election, under pain for default thereof, or, for making any false return, to forfeit £100 to the public use; and also cause indent- ures to be made, and unchangeably sealed and delivered, between himself and six or more of the said electors, on the one part, and the persons, or each person, elected severally, on the other part, expressing their election of him as a representer of them according to this Agreement, and his acceptance of that trust, and his prom- ise accordingly to jjerform the same with faithfulness, to the best of his understand- ing and ability, for the glory of God and good of the people. This course is to hold for the first Representative, which is to provide for the ascertaining of these circumstances in order to future Repre- sentatives. Fourthly. That 150 members at least be always present in each sitting of the Representative, at the passing of any law or doing of any act whereby the people are to be bound; saving, that the num- ber of sixty may take a House for debates or resolutions that are preparatory there- unto. Fifthly. That the Representative shall, within twenty days after their first meet- ing, appoint a Council of State for the managing of public affairs, until the tenth day after the meeting of the next Repre- sentative, unless that next Representative think fit to put an end to that trust soon- er. And the same Council to act and pro- ceed therein, according to such instruc- tions and limitations as the Representa- tive shall give, and not otherwise. Sixthly. That in each interval between biennial Representatives, the Council of State, in case of imminent danger or ex- treme necessity, may summon a Represent- ative to be forthwith chosen, and to meet; so as the Session thereof continue not above eighty days; and so as it dissolve at least fifty days before the appointed time for the next biennial Representa- tive; and upon the fiftieth day so preced- ing it shall dissolve of course, if not oth- erwise dissolved sooner. Seventhly. That no member of any Rep- resentative be made either receiver, treas- urer, or other officer during that employ- ment, saving to be a member of the Coun- cil of State. Eighthly. That the Representatives have, and shall be understood to have, the supreme trust in order to the preservation and government of the whole; and that their power extend, without the consent or concurrence of any other person or per- sons, to the erecting and abolishing of Courts of Justice and public offices, and to the enacting, altering, repealing and declaring of laws, and the highest and final judgment, concerning all natural or civil things, but not concerning things spiritual or evangelical. Provided that, even in things natural and civil, these six particulars next following are, and shall be, understood to be excepted and reserved from our Representatives, viz. 1. We do not empower them to impress or constrain any person to serve in foreign war, either by sea or land, nor for any military ser- vice within the kingdom; save that they may take order for the forming, training, and exercising of the people in a military way, to be in readiness for resisting of foreign invasions, suppressing of sudden insurrections, or for assisting in execu- tion of the laws; and may take order for the employing and conducting of them for those ends; provided, that, even in such cases, none be compellable to go out of the county he lives in, if he procure an- other to serve in his room. 2. That, after the time herein limited for the commence- ment of the first Representative, none of the people may be at any time questioned for anything said or done in relation to the late wars or public differences, other- wise than in execution or pursuance of the determinations of the present House of Commons, against such as have adhered to the King, or his interest, against the peo- ple; and saving that accomptants for pub- lic moneys received, shall remain account- able for the same. 3. That no securities given, or to be given, by the public faith 66 AGREEMENT OF THE PEOPLE of the nation, nor any engagements of the conversation. 3. That such as profess faith public faith for satisfaction of debts and in God by Jesvis Christ, however differing damages, shall be made void or invalid by in judgment from the doctrine, worship or the next or any future Representative; discipline publicly held forth, as afore- except to such creditors as have, or shall said, shall not be restrained from, but have, justly forfeited the same: and sav- shall be protected in, the profession of ing, that the next Representative may con- their faith and exercise of religion, ac- firm or make null, in part or in whole, all cording to their consciences, in any place gifts of lands, moneys, offices, or other- except such as shall be set apart for the wise, made by the present Parliament to public worship; where we provide not for any member or attendant of either House, them, unless they have leave, so as they 4. That, in any laws hereafter to be made, abuse not this liberty to the civil in- no person, by virtue of any tenure, grant, jury of others, or to actual disturbance of charter, patent, degree or birth, shall be the public peace on their parts. Neverthe- privileged from subjection thereto, or from less, it is not intended to be hereby pro- being bound thereby, as well as others. 5. vided, that this liberty shall necessarily That the Representative may not give extend to Popery or Prelacy. 4. That all judgment upon any man's person or estate, laws, ordinances, statutes, and clauses in where no law hath before provided; some any law, statute, or ordinance to the con- only in calling to account and punishing trary of the liberty herein provided for, in public officers for abusing or failing in the two particulars next preceding con- their trust. 6. That no Representative cerning religion, be, and are hereby, re- may in any wise render up, or give, or pealed and made void, take away, any of the foundations of com- Tenthly. It is agreed that whosoever mon right, liberty, and safety contained shall, "by force of arms, resist the orders in this Agreement, nor level men's estates, of the next or any future Representa- destroy property, or make all things com- tive (except in case where such Repre- mon; and that, in all matters of such sentative shall evidently render up, or fundamental concernment, there shall be give, or take away the foundations of com- a liberty to particular members of the said mon right, liberty, and safety, contained Representatives to enter their dissents in this Agreement), he shall forthwith, from the major vote. after his or their such resistance, lose the Ninthly. Concerning religion, we agree benefit and protection of the laws, and as followeth:— 1. It is intended that the shall be punishable with death, as an ene- Christian Religion be held forth and rec- my and traitor to the nation. Of the ommended as the public profession in things expressed in this Agreement: the this nation, which we desire may, by the certain ending of this Parliament, as in grace of God, be reformed to the greatest the first Article; the equal or proportion- purity in doctrine, worship and discipline, able distribution of the number of the rep- according to the Word of God; the in- resenters to be elected, as in the second; structing the people thereunto in a public the certainty of the people's meeting to way, so it be not compulsive; as also the elect for Representatives biennial, and maintaining of able teachers for that end, their freedom in elections; with the cer- and for the confutation or discovering tainty of meeting, sitting and ending of of heresy, error, and whatsoever is con- Representatives so elected, which are pro- trary to sound doctrine, is allowed to be vided for in the third Article; as also the provided for by our Representatives; the qualifications of persons to elect or be maintenance of which teachers may be out elected, as in the first and second particu- of a public treasury, and, we desire, not lars under the third Article; also the by tithes: provided, that Popery or Prel- certainty of a number for passing a law acy be not held forth as the public way or or preparatory debates, provided for in the profession in this nation. 2. That, to the fourth Article; the matter of the fifth public profession so held forth none be Article, concerning the Council of State, compelled by penalties or otherwise; but and of the sixth, concerning the calling, only may be endeavoured to be won by sitting and ending of Representatives ex- sound doctrine, and the example of a good traordinary; also the power of Represent- 67 AGRICULTURAL COLLEGES— AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS atives to be, as in the eighth Article, and limited, as in the six reserves next follow- ing the same: likewise the second and third Particulars under the ninth Article concerning religion, and the whole matter of the tenth Article; all these we do ac- count and declare to be fundamental to our common right, liberty, and safety: and therefore do both agree thereunto, and re- solve to maintain the same, as God shall enable us. The rest of the matters in this Agreement we account to be useful and good for the public; and the particular circumstances of numbers, times, and places, expressed in the several Articles, we account not fundamental; but we find them necessai-y to be here determined, for the making the Agreement certain and practicable, and do hold these most con- venient that are here set down; and there- fore do positively agree thereunto. By the appointment of his Excellency the Lord-General and his General Council of Officers. Agricultural Colleges. In 1857, the late Justin S. Morrill, then Chairman of the Committee on Agriculture of the na- tional House of Representatives, intro- duced a bill appropriating to the several States a portion of the public lands for the purpose of encouraging institutions for the advancement of agriculture and the mechanic arts. The bill lingered in Con- gress (having been vetoed by President Buchanan) until July, 1862, when it be- came a law. The act provided that each State should receive a quantity of land equal in value to $30,000 for each of its Senators and Representatives in Congress under the census of 1860, to establish at least one college in each State where " all the needful sciences for the practical avo- cations of life " should be taught, and " where agriculture, the foundation of all present and future prosperity, may look for troops of earnest friends studying its familiar and recondite economies." It pro- vided that all expenses of location, man- agement, taxation, etc., should be paid by the respective State treasurers, that the entire proceeds of the sales of the land may forever remain undiminished, and that every State receiving the grant must provide an institution Avithin five years from the date of filing its acceptance of the grant. Every State in the Union has established one or more of these industrial colleges, with ample equipments, in which persons of both sexes may equally enjoy the benefits of the institution. Each student is paid a stipulated sum of money for every hour of labor given to the in- stitution; and by this means students are materially aided in defraying the ex- penses of their education. At the close of the school year 1898-99, there were in the several States and Terri- tories a total of fifty agricultural and me- chanical colleges for white students, and fourteen for the colored race. The receipts of the year were: From the federal gov- ernment under the original and subse- quent acts of Congress, $1,769,716, from State and Territorial treasuries, $2,.570,- 427; and from other sources, $1,852,873 — a total of $6,193,016. There were 2,655 men and 312 women teachers, 26,121 men and 9,337 women students, 4,390 students in the purely agricultural course, and 6,730 students in the four engineering courses. The expenditures were $4,544,- 376. Agricultural Experiment Stations. The United States appropriates about $15,000 yearly to each of the States and Territories which have established such stations. The first was that of Middle- town, Conn., in 1875. There are now sixty such stations, of which fifty-four receive financial aid from the United States. Agricultural Implements. The United States for many years has led the world in the invention and use of appliances for tilling the soil. The extension of farming to large areas, as in Minnesota, Nebraska, and the Dakotas, where farms of 60,000 acres are not unusual, has called for quick- er means of ploughing, sowing, and reaping than is i30ssible by hand. Hence inventive genius has recognized the new conditions and provided ploughs, seeding-machines, cultivators, reapers, binders, and other ap- paratus operated by horse and steam-pow- er. The invention of the mowing-ma- chine is coeval, in our country, with the reaping-machine. The " Manning " mower was invented in 1831. That and the " Ketcham " (1844) held the place of su- perior excellence until about 1850, when other inventors had made improvements. In 1850 less than 5,000 mowing-machines had been made in our country. Within 68 AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS a quarter of a century afterwards a mow- ing-machine was considered indispensable to every farm. Tlie American machines are the best in the world, and are sold all over Europe and South America. The plough used in this country during the colonial period was made of wood, covered with sheet-iron, the share being of wrought-iron. In 1793, Thomas Jefferson, who had been experimenting on his Vir- ginia farm, invented an improved mould- board, which would turn a furrow with- out breaking it. In 1797, Charles New- bold, of Burlington, N. J., invented a cast- iron plough, and spent about $30,000 in perfecting it. It proved a great loss and failure to him, however, for the report spread among the farmers that the new plough "poisoned the soil, ruined the crops, and promoted the growth of rocks " ; and, as they refused to use it, the manufacture of the new invention ceased. About 1804 Daniel Peacock patented a plough having its mould-board and landside of cast-iron and separate, while its share was of wrought-iron, edged with steel. Jethro Wood, of Scipio, N. Y., patented improve- ments on this in 1819, and the prejudice against new inventions among farmers having somewhat abated, he did a very successful business as a maker of these implements, and his plans have been the basis of most all those of modern construc- tion. The first steam-plough in the Unit- ed States was patented by E. C. Bellin- ger, of South Carolina, in 1833, but did not come into practical use until much later. Perhaps the " Great Plough," invented by Daniel Webster, which was twelve feet long, drawn by four yoke of oxen, and turned a furrow two feet wide and one foot deep, may be regarded as the un- wieldy precursor of the admirable and efficient sulky ploughs of later times. The value of inventive genius to the farmer, however, is not shown as much in the im- provements of the plough as in the mowers and reaping-machines which to-day take the places of sickle, scythe, and cradle, laboriously wielded by our forefathers. The first reaping-machine in America was patented in 1803 by Richard French and John J. Hankins. One wheel of the ma- chine ran in the grain, and the cutting was done by a number of scythes which re- volved on a pivot. It did not prove very successful. Two or three other like ma- chines were patented in the following twen- ty-five years. In 1831 the Manney mower was patented, which was the first success- ful machine of the kind. In 1833, Mr. Obed Hussey, of Cincinnati, 0., patented a reaper, with saw-toothed cutters and guards, which was immediate- ly jtiit into practical operation, and proved thoroughly satisfactory. In 1834, Cyrus H. McCormick, then of Virginia, and late of Chicago, took out the first patent on his reaper, which has since come into such general use. This reaper, with improve- ments patented in 1845 and 1847, received the first prize at the World's Fair of 1851, where American reapers were first intro- duced to the notice of Europeans. At the International Exhibition at Paris, in 1855, American reapers were brought into com- petition with others, each machine being allowed to cut an acre of standing oats near Paris. The American reaper did its work in twenty-two minutes, the English in sixty, and an Algerian in seventy-two. It used a cutter similar to that of Hus- sey's machine, its main features being the reel, the divider, the receiving platform for the grain, and the stand for the raker. American reaping-machines are now used all over Europe where cereals abound. The automatic rake was patented by a Mr. Seymour, of Brockport, N. Y., in 1851, and in 1856 Mr. Dorsey, of Maryland, patented the revolving rake, which was improved upon by Samuel Johnston, of Brockport, in 1865. The first self-binder was patented by C. W. and W. W. Marsh in 1858. The first threshing-machine used here was largely modelled after the invention of Andrew Meikle, a Scotchman, patented in Great Britain in 1788, but this has since been changed in detail, till scarcely more than the outline of the original plan is left. The fanning-machine was originally invented in Holland, though largely im- proved and altered by American inven- tions. An agricultural implement of great importance to one part of the country, at least, is the cotton-gin. The first machine of this kind was invented by M. De- breuil, a French planter of Louisiana, but did not prove successful. Whitney's cot- ton-gin. which did succeed, and increased 69 AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES— AGRICULTURE the production of cotton tenfold in two years, was invented in 1793. The census of 1890 reported 910 es- tablishments engaged in the manufacture of agricultural implements. These had a capital investment of $145,313,997, em- ployed 42,544 persons, paid $21,811,761 for wages, and $31,603,265 for materials used in construction, and turned out imple- ments valued at $81,271,651. In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, the exporta- tion of American-made agricultural imple- ments aggregated in value $16,094,886. Agricultural Societies. The first so- ciety in the United States was formed by planters of South Carolina in 1784, and it is yet in existence. The next year the " Philadelphia Society for Promoting Ag- riculture " was formed, and in 1791 citi- zens of New York organized a similar so- ciety. In 1792 the "Massachusetts Soci- ety for Promoting Agriculture " was or- ganized. These were city institutions, and not composed of practical farmers. They dealt with facts and theories. The ma- jority of husbandmen then did not hear nor heed their appeals for improvements. But finally the more intelligent of that class of citizens became interested, and a convention of practical farmers in the District of Columbia, held in 1809, result- ed in the formation of the " Columbian Agricultural Society for the Promotion of Rural and Domestic Economy." They of- fered premiums; and their fair, held in May, 1810, is believed to be the first exhibition of its kind in this country. Elkanah Watson {q. v.) founded the "Berkshire (Mass.) Agricultural Society " in 1810, and there was a grand " Agri- cultural Fair and Cattle Show " at Pitts- field in September, 1811. It was the first of the county fairs held in this country. From that time until now there has been, at first a gradual, and then a rapid, in- crease in such institutions ; and now they exist in every State and Territory of the Union. Agriculture. Nothing can more ade- quately demonstrate the remarkable devel- opment of the agricultural industry in the United States than the statement of the value of the exports of the products of agriculture during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900. Impressive as these fig- ures are, it should be borne in mind that they represent the surplus of production over domestic requirements. The total domestic exports aggregated in value $1,- 370,476,158, and of this total the share of agricultural products was $835,912,952, or 60.99 per cent, of the entire value. In the preceding year the percentage was 65.19; but in 1899-1900 the exports of domestic manufactures increased to an unprecedent- ed extent, and caused a lowering of the agricultural percentage. In the period quoted the export of agricultural imple- ments rose in value to $16,094,886. The following details, covering the cal- endar year 1899, show still more striking- ly the great value of this industry and its most productive crops: Wheat, acreage under cultivation, 44,592,516; production, in bushels, 547,303,846; value, $319,545,- 259 — corn, acreage, 82,108,587; production, 2,078,143,933; value, $629,210,110— oats, acreage, 26,341,380; production, 796,177,- 713; value, $198,167,975— rye, acreage, 1,659,308; production, 23,961,741; value, $12,214,118 — buckwheat, acreage, 670,148; production, 11,094,473; value, $6,183,675 - — barley, acreage, 2,878,229; production, 73,381,563; value, $29,594,254— potatoes, acreage, 2,581,353; production, 228,783,- 232; value, $89,328,832— hay, acreage, 41,328,462; production, in tons, 56,655,- 756; value, $411,926,187— cotton (1898- 99), production, in bales, 11,189,205; value, $305,467,041. Here are nine branches of this great industry, which in a single crop-year yielded products of an aggregate value of $2,001,637,451. The extent of domestic agricultural op- erations is still further shown in the re- ports of the census of 1890. The number of farms exceeding three acres in extent was 4,564,641, aggregating 623,218,619 acres, of which 357,616,755 acres were im- proved; and the number of farms culti- vated by owners was 3,269,728. Farm valuations included land, fences, and build- ings, $13,279,252,649, and implements and machinery, $494,247,467. The estimated value of all farm products in the preceding year was $2,460,107,454. It is to be noted here that the value of the nine principal crops in the calendar year 1899 w^as only $458,470,003 less than the value of all crops in 1889. In the matter of farm and ranch ani- mals it is difficult to distinguish clearly 70 AGRICULTUEE— AGUINALDO between those used in strict fai'ming op- erations and those that would more nat- urally be included under stock-raising. In its official reports the Department of Agri- culture aggregates all such stock. On Jan. 1, 1900, the number and value of these animals were as follows: Horses, 13,537,524; value, $603,969,442— mules, 2,086,027; value, $111,717,092 — milch cows, 16,292,360; value, $614,812,106— other cattle, 27,610,054; value, $689,486,- 260— and sheep, 41,883,065; value, $122,- 665,913— a total value of $2,042,650,813. It is curious to note here that for several years past the values of the chief crop pro- ductions and of the farm and ranch ani- mals have closely approximated each other. Agriculture, Department of. See Cabinet, President's. Aguadilla, the name of a district and of its principal town and port in the ex- treme northwestern part of the island of Porto Rico. The district is bounded on the north and west by the Atlantic Ocean, on the east by the district of Arecibo, and on the south by the district of Mayaguez. The town is on a bay of the same name, and has a population of about 5,000. Industries in the town and vicinity con- sist of the cultivation of sugar-cane, cof- fee, tobacco, and cocoa-nuts, and the dis- tillation of rum from molasses. Three establishments in the town prepare coffee for exportation. The climate is hot but healthful, and yellow fever rarely occurs. Aguadores, a port in the province of Santiago, Cuba, a few miles east of the entrance to Santiago harbor. On June 6, 1898, the defences at this place, as well as the shore batteries off Santiago, were bom- barded by Admiral Sampson, ten vessels of all grades being engaged and operating in a double line. This movement was exe- cuted for the purpose of concentrating the attention of the Spaniards to this point in order to secure the success of operations at Caimanera, in the Bay of Guantanamo, 40 miles east of Santiago, which were carried out on the following day. Aguinaldo, Emilio, leader of the Phil- ippine insurgents in their insurrection against Spanish authority, in 1896, and organizer and president of the so-called Filipino Pepublic; was born in Imus, in the province of Cavite, in Luzon, in 1870. He is a Chinese mestizo (of Chinese and Tagalog parentage), and received his early education at the College of St. Jean de Lateran and the University of St. Tomas, in Manila. Later he became the protege of. a Jesuit priest, and was for a time a student in the medical department of the Pontifical University of Manila. In 1883 he went to Hong-Kong, became interested in military affairs, learned something of KMILIO AGUINALDO. the English, French, and Chinese lan- guages, and through his reputation for ability, shrewdness, and diplomacy, and his personal magnetism, gained great in- fluence with his countrymen. In the re- bellion of 1896 he was a commanding fig- ure, and was at the head of the diplomatic party, which succeeded in making terms with the Spanish government, the latter paying a large sum to the Philippine leaders. In Hong-Kong he quarrelled with his associates over the division of this money, and went to Singapore, where he remained until the outbreak of the Spanish-American War. Aguinaldo presented himself to Admiral Dewey at Cavite shortly after the battle of Manila Bay, and was given an oppor- tunity to organize the Filipinos against the Spanish authority; but no promises were made to him, and the insurgents were never officially recognized by the Ameri- 71 AGUINALDO cans. The cruel treatment of the Spanish prisoners by the Filipinos, and their claim to the right of sacking the city, after the capture of Manila, soon caused serious relations between the natives and the United States officers. On June 12, 1898, Aguinaldo organized his so-called Filipino Republic, with himself as president, and soon proclaimed himself dictator. He or- ganized an extensive conspiracy among the native population of Manila, with the in- tention of massacring the entire American and foreign population of the city ; but the plot was discovered and failed. He protested against the Spanish-American treaty of peace, which ceded the Philippine Islands to the United States, and on the evening of Feb. 4, 1899, his troops at- tacked the American lines in the suburbs of Manila. This caused the immediate ratification of the treaty by the United States Senate. The Filipinos, under Aguinaldo, made a strong resistance to the Americans, and it was not till after the close of the rainy season that they could be followed up in the oi>en field. Early in 1900 the organ- ized insurrection, which was chiefly con- fined to the Tagalog nationality, Avas broken up. Aguinaldo was driven into hiding, and reports of his death had persistent circulation. Later in the year, the insurgents, encouraged by the possible change of administration in the United States, actively renewed hostilities ; but, discouraged by their repeated failures in their attacks on the American troops, and the news of the re-election of President McKinley, they began giving up the strug- gle and surrendering in large bodies to the American officers. Aguinaldo himself Avas captured by Gen. Frederick Funston (q. V.) on March 23, 1901, at his hiding- place in Palanan, Isabella Province. Luzon, and Avas immediately taken to Manila. He had been located by means of the capture of his secret cipher code in a drugrstore in Manila, from Avhich the in- surgents had been furnished Avith medical supplies. As soon as his hiding-place Avas knoAvn, General Funston planned the scheme for his capture. He chose a num- ber of nati\^e troops, informing them that they Avere to pass themselves off as Agui- naldo's expected reinforcements. Four Tagalogs who had been officers in the in- surgent army Avere first selected, and then seventy - eight trustworthy Maccabebe scouts were picked out. Besides General Funston this expedition Avas accompanied by Captain Hazzard, of the 1st United States CaA'alry, and Lieutenant Mitchell and Captain NcAvton, of the 34th Infantry. On March 6, at 4 p.m., the expedition em- barked on the gunboat Vickshurg at Ca- vite. At 2 A.M. on the 14th General Fun- ston and his party Avere landed Avithin a short distance of Baler, about 20 miles south of Casiguran, the place nearest the reported headquarters of Aguinaldo, suit- able for a base of operations. As the Vickshurg had displayed no lights and had used extreme precaution, not the slightest suspicion Avas excited by the landing. An ex-colonel of the insurgent army Avas the nominal commander of the expedition. About twenty Maccabebes Avere dressed in the insurgent uniform, the rest being at- tired in the ordinary dress of the country. The American officers, who Avere dressed as privates, posed as prisoners. When the party arrived at Casiguran a message was forAA^arded to Auginaldo that the re-en- forcements he had ordered Avere on their AA'ay to Palanan, and a further statement Avas enclosed that there had been an en- gagement Avith Americans, five of Avhom, with Krag rifles, had been captured. In six days the expedition marched 90 miles over a most difficult country. When Avithin 8 miles of Aguinaldo's camp the fact that he sent provisions proved the ruse had thus far worked admirably. On March 23 the party reached the camp, where Aguinaldo received the supposed of- ficers at his house, located on the Palanan River. After a brief conversation Avith him the party quietly excused themselves, ond at once orders Avere given to fire upon Aguinaldo's body-guard, who fled in con- sternation. Tavo of them, hoAvever, were killed and eighteen wounded. During this engagement the American officers rushed into Aguinaldo's house, and succeeded in taking him. Colonel Villa, his chief of staff, and Santiago Barcelona, the insur- gent treasurer. After remaining tAVO days in the camp the party returned to the coast, Avhere the Vickshurg, Avhich was in Avaiting, receiA'ed them, and conA^eyed the entire party to Manila. On April 2 he subscribed and SAVore to 72 AGTJINALDO the following declaration which had been prepared by the American military au- thorities for use in the Philippines: '■' I, , hereby renounce all allegi- According to the censored press of Manila during ttie month of October only thirty-sis Filipinos in various provinces were hanged ; the totals for the month of November and December were the same, and during the first ten days of this month the United States courts-martial have condemned to the same inhuman death the following : Fifteen in San Isidro (Doroteo Noul and anee to any and all so-called revolutionary governments in the Philippine Islands, and recognize and accept the supreme au- thority of the United States of America his fellow-martyrs), nine in Tayabas, one in therein; I do solemnly swear that I will ^^ler, one in Bolinao, one in Pangasinan, , , J, .., J 11 • J. i.1, i one in Donsol, and three in Tayaba, a total bear true faith and allegiance^ to that ^f twenty-eight death sentences in ten days, government; that I will at all times con- according to information given the Manila duct myself as a faithful and law-abiding P^ss by the staff of the enemy. citizen of the said islands, and will not, ^JZ.t1^'f°'' H ^^^ ^^,'%.^^^ f\l^^''^ ^^^^ . 1111 committed another violation of the Geneva either directly or indirectly, hold corre- international treaty by employing against us spondence with or give intelligence to an our own countrymen, who have sold them- enemy of the United States, nor will I selves to them, sowing by this atrocious meas- ,.•^11 i J. 1 XI i- ure the seeds of a civil war, which could abet, harbor, or protect such enemy; that ^^^y ^.^u ^^^^j. ^fter this war, which is 1 impose upon myself these voluntary ob- desolating this poor country, if those now ligations without any mental reservations counted as traitors should form a regular or purpose of evasion, so help me God." ^^^^P' ^hus making more and — ----- more remote the coming of the long-sought-for peace. I protest, therefore, before God and the honorable men of the whole world, in the name of the Philippine people, against such iniquitous measures, and for our own de- fence : I order and command — ■ Article I. All guerilla chiefs as soon as they capture any armed American citizen, shall talje him into the interior at once, and shall communicate with the chief of the near- surgents, published at Madrid, Spain, and est American detachment, urgently request- appears in the issue of that paper of i^g the exchange of prisoners at the rate of March 10, 1901. A translation of the "^^^tlf'l'V' ^°' T'^ t^^T f^'t'^'Z'' °.^ ^^^ . . . ' . mi i- 11 • many who are condemned to death by them, article is here given: The following proc- and who expect to be led to execution at any lamation has been recently received by moment, and informing him that he would be this paper, which will probably satisfy i-esponsible for the reprisals which we would His Last Proclamation. — Copies of what was probably the full text of the last proclamation issued by Aguinaldo previ- ous to his capture by General Funston were received at the War Department in Washington in March, 1901. The procla- mation was contained in the Filipinos' Anti-Europa, the organ of the Filipino in- the clamor of all Filipinos: Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, President of the Philippine Republic, Captain-General, and General-in-Chief of her army : Heart-broken groans of the oppressed and of their unfortunate families, and energetic protests from the entire people of the Philip- pines, come to my far-off camp on account of the unheard-of cruelties and scornful vio- latiors of the most elementary laws of war committed by the imperialists who, under pre- text of some American having been killed, hang their prisoners of war by means which are both repugnant and inhuman, the agony lasting about fifteen minutes, according to the press of Manila, or otherwise submitting them to unheard-of tortures, according to the official communications from my various com- manding generals ; and if this were not sufficient, the military governor of the in- vading army has proclaimed martial law, placing beyond the protection of law not only Filipinos under arms, but also all peace- ful residents, whom they arrest and deport without giving them a hearing, almost al- ways for no other purpose than to loot their houses and treasures, or to await a ransom or bribe for their liberty. 73 see ourselves obliged to take in our just de- fence. If said American chief should refuse to make the exchange requested, the Ameri- can prisoners shall be shot, whatever be their number, which punishment is fixed in the Spanish penal code, which we have adopted for those who attack our national integrity, if in four days after the exchange requested the execution of some Filipino sentenced by the Americans should be announced. Article II. Preference should also be given in exchange of prisoners to deported Filipinos, and to those who have rendered signal service to the cause of our independence. Article III. The promoters of the so-called Federal party shall be submitted as traitors to a most summary court-martial, and those who stimulate the invaders to pursue and prosecute our fellow-countrymen who do not wish to identify themselves therewith shall be punished with special severity, and after those who are guilty have been sentenced, they shall be captured and punished wherever they may be, and by any means which may be possible. 'Article IV. The commanding generals and all guerilla chiefs in their respective dis- tricts are entrusted with and responsible for a speedy execution of this general order. AGUINALDO— ALABAMA Given in tlie capital of the republic on Jan. 17, 1901. E. Aguinaldo. There is a seal in purple ink, consisting of a sun and three stars, and the words, " Philippine Republic, OlKce of the Presi- dent." Address of Submission. — After his capt- See Atkinson, Edwaed; Luzon; Ma- nila; Philippine Islands. Ainsworth, Frederick Crayton, mili- tary oflicer ; born in Woodstock, Vt., Sept. 11, 1852: was appointed a iirst lieutenant and assistant surgeon in the United States army in 1874; promoted major and sur- geon in 1891; colonel and chief of the Rec- ure Agumaldo was fully informed of the -, , t> • r^^xt ■ j^i ttt t^ ,,'=.,,. . n + f j-i, 1,- o™ ^nd Pension Office m the War Depart actual situation m all parts of the archi- ^ pel ago, not only by the United States mili- tary, naval, and civil authorities, but by many of his former generals and support- ers who had surrendered. He was thus led to issue the following address to the Filipinos, which was published in Manila on April 19: " I believe I am not in error in presuming that the unhappy fate to which my adverse fortune has led me is not a surprise to those who have been familiar with the progress of the war. The lessons taught with a full meaning, and which have recently come to my knowledge, suggest with irresistible force that a complete termination of hostilities and lasting peace are not only desirable, but ment in 1892; and brigadier-general in 1899. He invented and introduced the index-record card system, by the use of which the full military history of any sol- dier may be immediately traced. About 50,000,000 of these cards have been placed on file, and their introduction has resulted in a yearly saving of more than $400,000. In 1898 he succeeded Gen. George W. Davis as supervisor of the publication of the official records of the Civil War. Aitken, Robert, publisher; born in Scotland in 1734; arrived in Philadelphia in 1769; was a practical printer, and pub- lished the Pennsylvania Magazine, or Amer- absolutely essential to the welfare of the ican Monthly Museum, 1775-76. He was I'hilippine Islands. " The Filipinos have never been dismayed at their weakness, nor have they faltered in following the path pointed out by their forti- tude and courage. The time has come, how- ever, in which they find their advance along this path to be impeded by an irresistible force which, while it restrains them, yet en- lightens their minds and opens to them an- a warm Whig, and was thrown into prison by the British in 1777. He issued the first American edition of the Bible in 1782. He died in Philadelphia in July, 1802. Aix-la-Chapelle Treaty. See Louis- burg. Akerman, Amos Tappan, statesman; other course presenting them the cause of born in NeAV Hampshire in 1823. Served in the Confederate army. He was United States district attorney for Georgia, 1866- 70; Attorney-General of the United States 1870-72. He died Dec. 21, 1880. Alabama. The soil of this State was peace. This cause has been joyfully em- braced by the majority of my fellow-coun- trymen, who have already united around the glorious sovereign banner of the United States. " In this banner they repose their trust, and believe that under its protection the . ,rx« m, Filipino people will attain all those promised first trodden by Europeans m 1540. ihese liberties which they are beginning to enjoy, were the followers of De Soto (q. v.) . In The country has declared unmistakably in favor of peace. So be it. There has been enough blood, enough tears, and enough desolation. This wish cannot be ignored by the men still in arms if they are animated by a desire to serve our noble people, which has thus clearly manifested its will. So do I respect this will, now that it is known to me. " After mature deliberation, I resolutely proclaim to the world that I cannot refuse to heed the voice of a people longing for peace nor the lamentations of thousands of families yearning to see their dear ones en- joying the liberty and the promised gen- erosity of the great American nation. " By acknowledging and accepting the sovereignty of the United States throughout the Philippine Archipelago, as I now do. and without any reservation whatsoever, I be- lieve that I am serving thee, my beloved country. May happiness be thine." 1702, Bienville, the French governor of Louisiana, enter- ed Mobile Bay, and built a fort and trading- house at the mouth of Dog River. In 1711 the French founded Mobile, and there a col- ony prospered for a while. Ne- gro slaves were first brought into this colony by three French ships of war in 1721. By the STATE SEAL OF ALABAMA. 74 ALABAMA treaty of 1763 this region was transferred the State was represented. William by France to Great Britain. Alabama Brooks was chosen president. There was formed a portion of the State of Georgia, a powerful infusion of Union sentiment but in 1798 the country now included in in the convention, which endeavored to the States of Alabama and Mississippi postpone a decision, under the plea of the was organized as a Territory called Mis- desirableness of co-operation. A commit- sissippi. After the Creeks disappeared tee of thirteen was appointed to report an (see Creek Indians) the region of Ala- Ordinance of Secession. It was submitted bama was rapidly settled by white people, on the 10th. It was longer than any oth- and in 1819 it entered the Union as a er already adopted, but similar in tenor. State. The slave population increased They assumed that the commonwealth, more rapidly than the white. In the Dem- which had been created by the national ocratic National Convention that was held government first a Territory, and then a at Charleston in 1860 the delegates of Ala- State (1819), had "delegated sovereign bama took the lead in seceding from the powers " to that government, which were convention. now " resumed and vested in the people of In October of that year, Herschell V. the State of Alabama." The convention Johnson, the candidate for Vice-President favored the formation of a confederacy on the Douglas ticket, declared, in a speech of slave-labor States, and formally invited at the Cooper Institute, New York, that the others to send delegates to meet those Alabama was ripe for revolt in case Mr. of Alabama, in general convention, on Lincoln should be elected; that it was Feb. 4, at Montgomery, for consulta- pledged to withdraw from the Union, and tion on the subject. The convention was had appropriated $200,000 for military not harmonious. Union men were not to contingencies. The governor suggested se- be put down without a struggle. There cession at the beginning of November ; and was a minority report on Secession; and in December, 1860, the conference of the some were for postponing the act until Methodist Church, South, sitting at Mont- March 4, with a hope of preserving gomery, declared " African slavery as it the Union. Nicholas Davis, from north- existed in the Southern States of the ern Alabama, declared his belief that the republic, a wise, beneficent, humane, and people of his section would not submit to righteous institution, approved of God, any disunion scheme, when Yancey and calculated to promote, to the highest (q. v.) denounced him and his fellow-citi- possible degree, the welfare of the slave; zens of that region as " tories, traitors, that the election of a sectional President and rebels," and said they " ought to be of the United States was evidence of the coerced into submission." Davis was not hostility of the majority to the people of moved by these menaces, but assured the the South, and which in fact, if not in Confederates that the people of his section form, dissolves the compact of union be- would be ready to meet their enemies on tween the States." Northern Alabama the line and decide the issue at the point was opposed to the movement. of the bayonet. The final vote on the Elections for members of a State eon- Ordinance of Secession was taken at vention in Alabama were held Dec. 24, 2 p.m. on Jan. 11, and resulted in sixty- 1860, and as in some of the other States, one yeas to thirty - nine nays. An im- the politicians were divided into " Seces- mense mass-meeting was immediately held sionists " and " Co-operationists." The in front of the State - house, and timid latter were also divided; one party wish- "co-operationists" assured the multitude ing the co-operation of all the slave-labor that their constituents would support the States, and the other caring only for the ordinance. A Secession flag, which the co-operation of the cotton-producing \\'omen of Montgomery had presented to States. The vote for all but ten counties the convention, was raised over the capi- was, for secession, 24,445 ; and for co-oper- ial. In Mobile, when the news reached ation, 33,685. In the ten counties, some that city, 101 guns were fired in honor of were for secession and some for co-opera- Alabama, and fifteen for Florida. At tion. In the convention assembled at night the city blazed with fireworks, the Montgomery, Jan. 7, 1861, every county in favorite pieces being the Southern Cross 75 ALABAMA and the Lone Star. The convention had voted against the reopening of the slave- trade, and adjourned on Jan. 30, 1861. A week before the Secession Ordinance ^A'as adopted, volunteer troops, in accord- ance vsrith an arrangement made with the governors of Louisiana and Georgia, and by order of the governor of Alabama, had seized the arsenal at Mount Vernon, about 30 miles above Mobile, and Fort Mor- gan, at the entrance to Mobile Har- bor, about 30 miles below the city. The Mount Vernon arsenal was captured by four Confederate companies commanded by Captain Leadbetter, of the United States Engineer Corjjs, and a native of Maine. At dawn (Jan. 4, 1861) they surprised Captain Reno, who was in command of the arsenal, and the Alabama Confederates thus obtained 15,000 stands of arms, 150,- 000 pounds of gunpowder, some cannon, and a large quantity of munitions of war. The Alabama Senators and Representa- tives withdrew from Congress Jan. 21, 1861. On March 13, a State convention ratified the constitution adopted by the Confederate Congress. The authorities of the State seized the national property within its borders, and sent troops to Flor- ida to assist in capturing Fort Pickens and other public works there. Alabama sent a commissioner to Washington as an ambassador, but he was not received. Dur- ing the war that ensued, Alabama bore her share of the burden, and her cities and plantations suflered from the ravages of the conflict. Wilson's cavalry raid through the State caused great destruction of property. During the war Alabama fur- nished 122,000 troops to the Confederate army, of whom 35,000 were killed or wounded. Montgomery, in the interior of the State, was the Confederate capital un- til July, 1861, when the seat of govern- ment was removed to Richmond. At the close of the war a provisional governor for Alabama was appointed (June 21, 1865), and in September a convention re- ordained the civil and criminal laws, ex- cepting such as related to slavery; de- clared the Ordinance of Secession and the State war-debt null ; passed an ordinance against slavery; and provided for an elec- tion of State officers, who were chosen in November. The government thus consti- tuted remained in force until superseded by military rule in 1867. In November of that year a convention formed a new con- stitution for the State, which was ratified Feb. 4, 1868. State officers and members of Congress having been duly chosen, and all requirements complied with, Alabama became entitled to representation in Con- gress; and on July 14, 1868, the military relinquished to the civil authorities all legal control. The Fourteenth and Fif- teenth Amendments to the national Con- stitution were ratified by Alabama, the latter Nov., 16, 1870. Population in 1890, 1,508,073; in 1900, 1,828,697. See United States — Alabama, in vol. ix. GOVERNORS OF THE MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY. Including the present States of Alabama and Mississippi. Name Winthrop Sargent. . . , Wm. C. C. Claiborne. Robt. Williams David Holmes TeriM of Office 1799 to 1801 1801 " 1805 1805 " 1809 1809 " 1817 GOVERNOR OF THE TERRITORY OF ALABAMA. Wm. WyattBibb | Mar. 1817 to Nov. 1819 GOVERNORS OF THE STATE OF ALABAMA. Wm. Wyatt Bibb Nov, Thomas Bibb July Israel Pickens Nov, John Murphy Gabriel Moore Saml. B. Moore Mar. John Gayle Nov. Clement C. Clay Hugh McVay July, Arthur P. Bagby Nov. Benj. Fitzpatrick Joshua L. Martin Reuben Chapman Henry Walking Collier. . John A. Winston Andrew B. Moore John Gill Shorter Thomas H. Watts . Interregnum of two m Lewis E. Parsons ! . , Robt. M. Patton . . . Wm. H. Smith Robt. B. Lindsay . . David B. Lewis Geo. S. Houston Rufus W. Cobb Edward N. O'Neal. Thomas Seay Thomas G. Jones. . William C. Gates. .. Joseph F. Johnston W. J. Samford* W. D. Jelks June Dec, July, Nov.. 1819 to 1820 " 1821 " 1825 " 1829 " 1831 " 18.31 " 1835 " 1837 " 1837 " 1841 " 1845 " 184T " 1849 " 1853 " 1857 " 1861 " 1863 " onths. ,1865 to 1865 " July, Nov. , Mar. Nov. July, Nov., Apr., Dec, July, Nov.. 1870 ' 1872 ' 1874 ' 1878 ' 1882 ' 18S6 ' 1890 ' 1894 ' 1896 ' 1900 ' 1901 ' W. J, Saiiiford died June 12, 1901. 1820 1821 1825 1829 1831 1831 1835 1837 1837 1841 1845 1847 1849 1853 1857 1861 1863 1865 1865 1868 1870 1872 1874 1878 1882 1886 1890 1894 1896 1900 1901 1902 70 ALABAMA— ALABAMA CLAIMS UNITED STATES SENATORS FROM THE STATE OF ALABAMA. Names. No. of Congress. Date. William R. King 16th to 28th 1819 to 1844 John W. Walker Kith '• 17th 1819 " 1822 William Kelley 17th " 19th 1823 " 1825 Henry Chambers 19th 1825 " 1826 Israel Pickens 19 Ih to 20th 1826 John McKinley 19th " 22d 1826 to 1831 22d 2.5th " 25th " 27th 1831 " 1837 " 1837 Clement C. Clay 1841 Arthur P. Bagby 27th " 30th 1841 " 1848 Dixon H. Lewis 2Hth '• 30th 1844 " 1848 William R. King 30th " 32d 1848 " 1852 Benj. Fitzpatrick 30th " 3tjth 1848 " 1861 Jeremiah Clemens. ... 31st •' 33d 1849 " 1853 Clement C. Clay, Jr 33d " 36th 1853 " 1861 37th, 38th, and 39th Congresses vacant. George E. Spencer. Williard Warner George Goldthwaite. .. John T. Morgan , James L. Pugh Edmund W. Fettus... 40th to 46th 40th " 42d 42d " 45th 45th " 47th " .55th 55th " 1868 to 1879 1868 ■• 1871 1872 " 1877 1877 " 1880 " 1897 1897 " Alabama, The, Confederate man-of- war; a British vessel, manned chiefly bj' British subjects at a British port; armed with British cannon, and provided with coal and other supplies from British soil. She had no acknowledged flag, nor recog- nized nationality, nor any accessible port to which she might send her prizes, nor any legal tribunal to adjudge her captures. She was commanded by Raphael Semmes, a native of Maryland, and roamed the seas, plundering and destroying vessels belong- ing to American citizens. Her command- er avoided contact with American armed vessels, but- finally encountered the Kear- THE ALABAMA. surge, Capt. John A. Winslow, off Cher- bourg, France, in the summer of 1864. On June 19 Semmes went out of the harbor of Cherbourg to fight the Eearsarge. The Alabama was accompanied by a French frigate to a point beyond the territorial waters of France. At a distance of 7 miles from the Cherbourg breakwater, the Kearsarge turned and made for the Con- federate cruiser, when, within 1,200 yards of her, the latter opened fire. After re- ceiving two or three broadsides, the Kear- sarge responded with telling eff"ect. They fought for an hour, the steamers moving in a circle. At the end of the hour the Alabama was at the mercy of her antag- onist, her flag down, and a white flag displayed over her stern. Respecting this, Winslow ceased firing. Two minutes af- terwards the Alabama fired two guns at the Kearsarge, and attempted to run to the protection of the French neutral waters, not more than 3 miles distant. Winslow opened fire again, and very soon a boat came to his vessel from the Ala- hama, saying she had surrendered and was fast sinking. Just then the Deerhound passed by, w-hen W^inslow humanely asked her owner to assist him in saving the crew of the Alabama, which, in twenty minutes, went to the bottom of the sea. The Kear- sarge rescued sixty-five of the crew; the Deerhound picked up Semmes, his officers, and a few mariners, and carried them away from the lawful custody of Winslow, to England. There Semmes was received with great honor. The Kearsarge had three men badly wounded — one of them mortally. The Alabama had nine men killed and twenty-one wounded. See Ar- bitration, TRiBrxAL OF; Joint High Commission. Alabama Claim.s, The, a series of claims against Great Britain for losses sustained by the United States through depredations on her commerce by Con- federate vessels fitted out or supplied in English ports. As finally presented they wore as follows: No Alabama 58 Boslnn 1 Chickamauga 3 Florida 38 Georgia 5 Nashville 1 Retribution 2 Sallie 1 Shenandoah 40 Sumter 3 Tallahassee 17 For losses from increased war premiums.. 77 ;, 547. 609. 86 400.00 95,6.54 85 ,698.609.34 383,976.50 69,1536.70 20, 334, .52 5,540.00 1,488,320.31 10,695.83 579,955.55 ,120,79.5.1.5 $19,021,428.61 ALABAMA LETTER— ALASKA See Arbitration, Tribunal of; Joint in each case. The commander of the be- HiGH Commission. leaguered garrison sent many couriers to Alabama Letter, The. Henry Clay, San Felipe for assistance, but only a hand- Whig candidate for President in 1844, ful of men succeeded in reaching the fort, had a fair prospect for election when his As the siege jDrogressed provisions grew letter to a friend in Alabama, on the an- scarce, and the defenders of Alamo, worn nexation of Texas, appeared in the North by the labors of the defence and broken Alabamian, on Aug. 16. It was repre- in health, although not in spirits, were sented by his adversaries as a complete hourly becoming less able to hold their change of policy on his part. The Whig posts. March 6 a combined attack was campaign became " defensive " from this made by the entire forces of the besiegers ; time, and resulted in defeat. See Clay, twice they assaulted the posts, and Avere Henry. as often driven back with heavy loss by Alamo, Fort, a structure in San An- the Texan troops. A hand-to-hand en- tonio, Tex.; erected for a mission build- counter ensued, which the Texans, few ing in 1744; used for religious purposes and feeble, were unable to sustain, and till 1793, when, on account of the great but six of their devoted band remained, strength of its walls, it was converted Among this number was the famous Davy into a fort. In the struggle by Texas for Crockett, who, with the others, surren- iudependence, the most sanguinary and dered, under promise of protection; but heroic conflict of the border warfare, when they were taken before Santa Ana which merged into the Mexican War, oc- were, upon his command, instantly cut to curred there — a conflict which for years pieces, Crockett having been stabbed by a was familiar to Americans as the Ther- dozen swords. Other barbarities were mopylse of Texas. The fort was about an committed, such as collecting the bodies acre in extent, oblong, and surrounded of the slain in the centre of the Alamo, by a wall 8 or 10 feet in height by and, after horribly mutilating the re- 3 feet in thickness. A body of Tex- mains, burning them. Only three persons, ans, under the command of Col. William a woman, a child, and a servant, were Barrett Travis, retired into the fort early spared. A few weeks after Santa Ana in 1836, upon the dismantling of San An- was routed with immense loss, and him- tonio by Sam Houston, and then Santa self captured in the battle of San Jacinto, Ana, with a large force, invested the fort where the Texans raised the war cry, Feb. 23. The Texans numbered only 140 "Remember the Alamo!" It is estimated men, while the Mexican army was 4,000 that during the siege of Fort Alamo the strong. The enemy took possession of the Mexican losses aggregated over 1,600 town, then erected batteries on both sides men. For many years, indeed until the of the river, and for twenty-four hours close of the Mexican War, the Texans bombarded the fort, during which, it is only needed to be roused to deeds of valor stated, over 200 shells were discharged by the recollection of the massacre at the into it, but without injuring a man. The Alamo, and dearly did the neighboring attacking forces made several vigorous republic pay for the butchery by Santa assaults on the fort, but were repulsed Ana and his forces. ALASKA Alaska, an unorganized Territory of population, according to revised census re- the United States, formerly known as port of 1890, 32,052; estimated population " Russian America ": occupying the region in 1899, about 40,000; seat of admin- of the extreme northwestern portion of istration, Sitka. The Rvissians acquired North America; lying north of the paral- possession of this Territory by right of lei of lat. 50° 40' ]Sr.,and west of the merid- discovery by Vitus Bering, in 1741. He ian of long. 140° W. ; also including many discovered the crowning peak of the Alas- islands lying ofT the coast; area, as far as ka moimtains, JNIount St. Elias, on July determined in 1900, 531,000 square miles; 18. That mountain rises to a height of 78 ALASKA 18,024 feet above the sea. Other notable altitudes, as ascertained by the United States Meteorological Survey and an- nounced in 1900, are: Blackburn Moun- tain, 12,500 feet; Black Mountain, 12,500 feet; Cook Mountain, 13,750 feet; Crillon Mountain, 15,900 feet; Drum Mountain, 13,300 feet; Fairweather Mountain, 15,292 feet; Hayes Mountain, 14,500 feet; Iliam- na Peak, 12,066 feet; Kimball Mountain, 10,000 feet; Laperouse Mountain, 10,750 feet; Lituya Mountain, 11,852 feet; Mount McKinley,"^ 20,464 feet ; Sanford Mountain, 14,000 fe'et; Seattle Mountain, 10,000 feet; Tillman Mountain, 13,300 feet; Vancouver Mountain, 15,666 feet; and Wrangel Moun- tain, 17,500 feet. The entire coast - line measures over 4,000 miles, taking into account the smaller indentations. The climate in some parts is most agreeable. In the interior are numerous lakes. Its valleys are fertile; its streams abound with fish and its for- ests with game; and its islands have af- forded the most extensive and richest fur- seal fishing in the world. Sitka, or New Archangel, the capital of Alaska, is the old- est settlement. It was founded by Russian fur-traders in the nineteenth century. The country was a sort of independent prov- ince, under the rule of the Russian- Amer- ican Fur Company, to whom it was grant- ed by the Emperor Paul in 1799. It was invested with the exclusive right of hunt- ing and fishing in the American waters of the Czar. The charter of the company expired in 1867, when the government de- clined to renew it. In 1865-67 the coun- try was explored by a scientific corps sent out by the United States to select a route for the Russo-American telegraph line — a project which was abandoned in conse- quence of the successful laying of the At- lantic cable. Early in 1867 negotiations were begun for the purchase of the Terri- tory by the United States, and a treaty to that effect was ratified by the United States Senate May 20 the same year. The price paid was $7,200,000. In October Gen. Lovell H. Rousseau, a commissioner for the purpose, formally took possession of the region. The Territory remained under military government till 1884, when a district government was established and a land office opened. This form of admin- istration proved adequate till the remark- able discoveries of gold in the neighbor- hood of the Klondike and Yukon rivers, in 1897, attracted thousands of miners to those regions, and soon made necessary larger means of communication. A num- ber of bills were introduced into Congress for the purpose of providing the Territory with the form of government prescribed for the other Territories; but up to the time of writing the only movements in this direction were the extension of a number of laws of Oregon to the Territory; a gradual increase in the number of execu- tive officers ; and the creation by the Presi- dent, in 1900, of a new military depart- ment comprising the entire Territory. While it was long believed that the Ter- ritory possessed vast riches in minerals, the chief industries were those connected with sealing and salmon-fisheries till about 1895. In that year the United States government organized the first ex- pedition to make a thorough investigation of the mineral properties. The geological survej' has since been continued with most fruitful results, and early in 1900 the Director of the Survey completed plans for thorough surveys and explorations by both geological and topographical experts, es- pecially to supplement the important work of his bureau in 1898, and to acquire a fuller knowledge of the remarkable Cape Nome district and its extension in the Seward Peninsula. This work was expect- ed to occupy several years. As a result of explorations prior to 1900, mining operations on a large scale were undertaken, first in the neighborhood of the boundary-line between the United States and the British possessions, and then, as other fields were disclosed, along the coast section and on some of the near^ by islands. During the season of 1899 the last-mentioned region gave indications of outrivalling the famous Klondike and Yukon fields. The rush of miners to the interior fields, and the indiscriminate staking of claims, soon led to a conflict between the American and Canadian min- ers concerning the boundary-line. Both parties claimed territorial rights to the richest fields then known, and to avoid a state of anarchy that seemed imminent, the United States and the Canadian au- thorities undertook, first, a separate, and then a joint, survey of the region in dis- 79 ALASKA pute. Each party naturally claimed more lations for the protection of the revenue territory than the other was willing to as the Canadian government may pre- concede, and, as a result, the delimitation scribe, to carry with them over such part of the boundary was made one of the sub- or parts of the trail between the said jects for determination by the Anglo- points as may lie on the Canadian side American Commission (q. v.) appointed of the temporary line such goods and in 1898 for the purpose of negotiating a articles as they desire, without being plan for the settlement of all matters required to pay any customs duties on in controversy between the United States such goods and articles; and from said and Canada. The commission, after sev- junction to the summit of the peak east eral sessions in Canada and the United of the Chilkat River, marked on the afore- States, failed to reach an agreement on said map No. 10 of the United States the matters submitted to it, and in 1899 Commission with the number 5,410 and a modus vivendi was signed by the on the map No. 17 of the aforesaid Brit- representatives of both governments, ish Commission with the number 5,490. This agreement fixed the boundary provi- On the Dyea and Skagway trails, the sionally, and went into operation on Oct. summits of the Chilkoot and White 20. Under the agreement no part of its passes. territory was surrendered by the United It is understood, as formerly set forth States, and none of the rights of either in communications of the Department of government were prejudiced by it. State of the United States, that the citi- Modus Vivendi of 1899. — The following zens or subjects of either power found by is the text of the agreement: this arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of the other shall suffer no It is hereby agreed between the gov- diminution of the rights and privileges ernments of the United States and Great which they now enjoy. Britain that the boundary-line between The government of the United States Canada and the Territory of Alaska, in will at once appoint an officer or officers, the region about the head of Lynn Canal, in conjunction with an officer or officers to shall be provisionally fixed, without preju- be named by the government of her Bri- diee to the claims of either party in the tannic Majesty, to mark the temporary permanent adjustment of the interna- line agreed upon by erection of posts, tional boundary, as follows: stakes, or other appropriate temporary In the region of the Dalton Trail, a marks, line beginning at the peak west of Porcu- Alaska in Transition. — After the United pine Creek, marked on the map No. 10 of States obtained possession of the Terri- the United States Commission, Dec. 31, tory the sealing industry was for several 1895, and on sheet No. 18 of the British years prosecuted with a vigor that led to Commission, Dec. 31, 1S95, with the num- such a decrease in the number of seals ber' 6,500; thence running to the Klehini that the government was obliged to enact (or Klaheela) River in the direction of stringent laws for the conservation of the the peak north of that river, marked 5,020 seals, in order to check the indiscriminate on the aforesaid United States map and slaughter and prevent the total destruc- 5,025 on the aforesaid British map ; tion of the industry. These laws, how- thence following the high or right bank ever, have been constantly violated, with of the said Klehini River to the junction the result that the fur - seal has been thereof with the Chilkat River, a mile nearly exterminated in these waters, and a half, more or less, north of KIu- Some compensation for this loss has been kwan — -provided that persons proceeding found in a remarkable increase in the to or from Porcupine Creek shall be freely supply of food fishes. permitted to follow the trail between Large as was the knowledge of Alaska the said creek and the said junction of and its manifold interests and resources the rivers, into and across the Territory that had been acquired up to 1900, much on the Canadian side of the temporary of its vast expanse remained practically line wherever the trail crosses to such an unknown region, depending upon the side, and subject to such reasonable regu- government surveys then in progress and 80 ALASKA— ALASKAN BOUNDARY the resistless pushing forward of gold- Alaskan Boundary, The. Prof. J. hunters for the disclosure of new wonders B. Mooee (q. v.) contributes the follow- and material attractions. The entire ing discussion of the conflicting claims reo-ion on both sides of the boundary-line of the United States and Canada in re- was in a transition state, and both the lation to the boundary-line. United States and the Canadian govern- nients, aided by commercial and religious In his message of Dec. 2, 1872, Presi- organizations, were pushing forward, as dent Grant, i-eferring to the settlement of rapidly as the face of the country would the San Juan Water Boundary, remarked permit, the advantages of civilization that this award left us, " for the first hitherto unknown in that bleak region, time in the history of the United States Early in 1898 an aerial railway was con- as a nation, without a question of dis- structed over the Chilkoot Pass to Lake puted boundary between our territory Linderman, a unique enterprise that short- and the possessions of Great Britain on ened the time between tidewater and the this continent." In making this state- headwaters of the Yukon River from a ment. President Grant Avas not unmindful month to a day, and removed the perils of the fact that the boundary between the and hardships of former travels. At the British possessions and Alaska, as defined end of that year the first section of the in the treaty between Great Britain and first railroad built in Alaska was com- Kussia of 1825, had not been surveyed and pleted. This Avas the White Pass and marked. No dispute in regard to this Yukon Railroad, projected to extend from line had then arisen; and, with a view to Skao-way to Fort Selkirk. The section prevent the occurrence of any, he made ended at Summit, the highest point of the the following recommendation: divide. The road was completed through to Lake Bennett in 1899. At the same " Experience of the difficulties attend- time the Canadian government had se-, ing the determination of our admitted line lected five routes for railways in the' of boundary, after the occupation of the Yukon region, which it was thought might Territory and its settlement by those owing be provided with sea-coast outlets in the allegiance to the respective governments, territory of the United States. points to the importance of establishing. In 1900 the all-water route to the Klon- by natural objects or other monuments, dike was 2,705 miles from Seattle to St. the actual line between the territory ac- Michael, and 1,313 miles up the Yukon to quired by purchase from Russia and the DaAvson, the voyage taking about seven adjoining possessions of her Britannic weeks. The most feasible land route start- Majesty. The region is now so sparsely ed from the head of Lynn Canal. The occupied that no conflicting interests of Dyea, or Chilkoot Pass, route leads 527 individuals or of jurisdiction are likely to miles northwest to Dawson. The Skagway, interfere to the delay or embarrassment or White Pass, route is somewhat longer of the actual location of the line. If de- and more difficult than the Chilkoot. The ferred until population shall enter and Dalton route, which crosses the Chilkoot occupy the Territory, some trivial contest Pass, joins the others at Fort Selkirk. Up of neighbors may again array the two to that year the Chilkoot and the Teslin governments in antagonism. I therefore routes were the most popular. New rail- recommend the appointment of a commis- roads are in process of construction. See sion, to act jointly with one that may be United States— Alaska, in vol. ix. appointed on the part of Great Britain, „ _ to determine the line between our Terri- GOVERNORS OF THE TERRITORY. \ . K^ ^ a ^-\, + „,• ^ „ ^..„ tory of Alaska and the coterminous pos- MiLiTART GOVERNOR. scssions of Great Britain." Gen. Lovell H. Rousseau 1867 — j^y correspondence published in the CIVIL GOVERNORS. Canadian Sessional Papers, this recom- John H. Kinkead 1884-85 mendation appears to have been inspired Alfred P. Swineford 1885-89 ijy representations, originating with the jImeTsheafrer: : ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 1 ! ilsg'l? government of Canada, and commumcated John G. Brady 1897-1901 through the British minister at Wash- I.— F 81 ALASKAN BOUNDARY ington, as to the desirableness of definitely marking the boundary. No action upon the recommendation was taken; but an estimate then made by United States offi- cials as to the probable cost and duration of the task of surveying and marking the line as laid down in the treaty placed the cost at about $1,500,000 and the time at nine years for field operations and at least an additional year for office work. In January, 1886, the minister of the United States in London, acting under instructions, proposed the appointment of a joint commission, which should designate and establish the boundary-line, or else report such data as might afford a basis for its establishment by a new treaty. The Dominion government, to whom this pro- posal was referred, expressed the opinion that a preliminary survey was " preferable to a formally constituted joint commis- sion," and suggested that such a. survey " would enable the two governments to establish a satisfactory basis for the de- limitation of the boundary, and demon- strate whether the conditions of the con- vention of 1825 are applicable to the now more or less known features of the coun- try." Early in 1888 several informal con- ferences were held in Washington between Prof. W. H. Dall, of the United States Geological Survey, and Dr. George M. Dawson, of Canada, for the purpose of dis- cussing the boundary and elucidating, so far as the information then in existence enabled them to do, the questions which might be involved in it. The result of these conferences was communicated to Congress. A further step was taken in the con- vention between the United States and Great Britain of July 22, 1892, by which it was agreed that a coincident or joint survey should be made " with a view to ascertainment of the facts and data neces- sary to the permanent delimitation of the said boundary-line in accordance with the spirit and intent of the existing treaties in regard to it between Great Britain and Russia and between the United States and Russia." The time for the report of the commissioners under this stipulation was extended by the supplemental convention of Feb. 3, 1894, to Dec. 31, 1895. Joint surveys and a joint report were made, but no recommendations as to the boun- dary. By the protocol of May, 1898, it was agreed that the joint international com- mission to be organized thereunder should endeavor to adopt " provisions for the de- limitation and establishment of the Alaska-Canadian boundary by legal and scientific experts if the commission shall so decide, or otherwise." Under this clause, it is understood that the commis- sion has failed to reach an agreement, and the question still remains open. It is our purpose to disclose, in general outlines, in what the dispute consists. By a ukase dated July 8, 1799, the Em- peror Paul I. of Russia, having in view the benefits resulting to his empire from the hunting and trading carried on by Russian subjects " in the northeastern seas and along the coasts of America," conceded to the Russian-American Com- pany the right to " have the use of all hunting-grounds and establishments now [then] existing on the northeastern (sic) coast of America, from the . . . 55th degree [of north latitude] to Bering Strait," as well as the right " to make new discoveries not only north of the fifty- fifth degree," but farther to the south, and " to occupy the new lands discovered, as Russian possessions," if they were not previously occupied by or dependent upon another nation. Still further privileges were granted to the Russian-American Company by the famous ukase issued by the Emperor Alexander, Sept. 7, 1821, by which the pur- suit of commerce, whaling and fishing, and of all other industry, on all islands, ports, and gulfs, " including the whole of the northwest coast of America, beginning from Bering Strait to the 51st degree of northern latitude," was exclusively granted to Russian subjects, and foreign vessels, except in case of distress, were forbidden " not only to land on the coasts and islands belonging to Russia, as stated above, but also to approach them within less than 100 Italian miles." This extension by Russia of her claim of dominion on the northwest coast of America from the 55th parallel of north latitude down to the 51st, coupled with the new claim of exclusive ma- rine jurisdiction of 100 Italian miles 82 ALASKAN BOUNDARY along the coast, called forth protests both from the United States and from Great Britain. Both these powers claimed ter- ritory north of the 51st parallel, as well as the right freely to navigate the ocean and to fish and trade with the natives on unoccupied coasts. Russia met their protests with an offer of negotiation. This offer was accepted. In the negotia- tions which ensued, Russia was represent- ed by Count Nesselrode, minister for for- eign affairs, and M. Poletica. Great Brit- ain was represented first by Sir Charles Bagot, and then by Stratford Canning; the United States by Henry Middleton. The United States and Great Britain at one time entertained the intention of act- ing jointly, but, finding that their terri- torial claims were to some extent conflict- ing, they carried on their negotiations with Russia separately. The negotiations between the United States and Russia ended in a convention, signed at St. Petersburg, April 17, 1824, which will hereafter be referred to as the convention of 1824. As to the territorial question, it was agreed that no establish- ment should be formed by the United States on the northwest coast north of lat. 54° 40' N., nor by Russia south of that parallel. As to navigation, fishing, and trading, the right of navigation and of fishing in the Pacific Ocean was acknowl- edged unqualifiedly and in perpetuity; and it was agreed that during a term of ten years the ships of both powers might fre- quent " the interior Seas, Gulfs, Harbors, and Creeks upon the coast " in question, for the purpose of fishing and trading with the natives. No resort, however, was to be made by citizens of the United States to any point where there was a Russian establishment, without the permission of the governor; and a reciprocal rule was to be observed by Russian subjects as to United States establishments. From the commerce permitted by the convention, fire-arms and liquors were excluded. So far as dominion was concerned, the practical effect of this treaty was to leave it to Great Britain and Russia to divide the territory north of lat. 54° 40' N., and to the United States and Great Brit- ain to divide that to the south. Great Britain and Russia settled their maritime and territorial differences by a convention signed at St. Petersburg on Feb. 28, 1825, which will hereafter be re- ferred to as the convention of 1825. This convention defines, in Articles III. and IV., the boundary between Alaska and the British possessions as it exists to-day. The treaty of 1867, ceding Alaska to the United States, describes the eastern limits of the cession by incorporating the defini- tion given in the convention of 1825. This convention was signed only in French, which is therefore the official text; but there accompanies it, in the British pub- lications, an English " translation," which in the main fairly reproduces the original. These texts, so far as they relate to the boundary, are as follows: " III. La ligne de demarcation entre les Possessions des Hautes Parties Contractantes sur la Cote du Conti- nent et les lies de I'Amerique Nord Quest, sera trac6e ainsi qu'il suit: — " A partir du Point le plus meridional de Vile dite Prince of Wales, lequel Point se trouve sous la paral- lele du 54 me de- gre 40 minutes de latitude Nord, et en- tie le ISlme et le ISSwe degre de longitude Quest (M6- ridien de Greenwich), la dite ligne remon- tera au Nord le long de la passe dite Port- land Channel, jusqu'au Point de la terre ferme oH elle atteint le 56me degre de lati- tude Nord: de ce der- nier point la ligne de demarcation suivra la crSte des montagnes situees parallelement a la Cote, jusqu'au point d' intersection du 141me degrt de longitude Quest (meme Meridieti) ; et finale- ment du dit point d'in- tersection, la mime ligne meridienne du 141me degre formera, dans son prolonge- ment jusqu'd, la mer Glaciate, la limite entre les Possessions Russes et Britan- " III. The line of demarcation between the Possessions of the High Contracting Parties upon the Coast of the Conti- nent and the Islands of America to the North-West, shall be drawn in the follow- ing manner : " Commencing from the southernmost point of the Island called Prince of Wales Island, which point lies in the par- allel of 54 degrees 40 minutes. North Latitude, and between the 131st and 133d Degree of West Longi- tude (Meridian of Greenwich), the said line shall ascend to the North along the Channel called Port- land Channel, as far as the Point of the Continent where it strikes the 56th De- gree of North Lati- tude : from this last mentioned Point the line of demarcation shall follow the sum- mit of the mountains situated parallel to the coast, as far as the point of intersec- tion of the 141st De- gree of West Longi- tude (of the same Me- ridian) ; and, finally, from the said point of intersection, the said Meridian Line of the 141st Degree, in its prolongation as far as 83 ALASKAN BOUNDARY niques ^r le Conti- nent de VAmirique Nord Quest. " IV. II est en- tendu, par rapport a, la ligne de demarca- tion determinee dans I' Article precedent: " 1. Que rile dite Prince of Wales ap- partiendra toute en- tier e a la Russie: " 2. Que partout oil la Crete des montagnes qui s'etendent dans une direction paral- lele a Cote depuis le 56me degre de latitude Nord au point d'intersection du 141me degre de longi- tude Quest, se trouve- rait a la distance de plus de dix lieues ma- rines de I'Ocean, la limite entre les Pos- sessions Britanniques et la lisiere de Cote mentionnee ci-dess'us comme devant appar- tenir d la Russie, sera forniee par une ligne parallele aux sinuosites de la Cote, et qui ne pourra ja- mais en 6tre eloignee que de dix lieues ma- rines." the Frozen Ocean, shall form the limit between the Russian and British Posses- sions on the Conti- nent of America to the North-West. " IV. With refer- ence to the line of demarcation laid down in the preceding Arti- cle, it is understood : " 1st. That the Isl- and called Prince of Wales Island shall be- long wholly to Rus- sia. " 2d. That wherever the summit of the mountains which ex- tend in a direction parallel to the Coast, from the 56th degree of North Latitude to the point of intersec- tion of the 141st de- gree of West Longi- tude, shall prove to be at the distance of more than ten marine leagues from the Ocean, the limit be- tween the British Possessions and the line of Coast which is to belong to Rus- sia, as above men- tioned, shall be form- ed by a line parallel to the windings of the Coast, and which shall never exceed the distance of ten ma- rine leagues there- from." It was further provided (Art. V.) that neither party should form establishments within the limits thus assigned to the other, and, specifically, that British sub- jects should not form any establishment, " either upon the coast, or upon the border of the continent {soit siir la cote, soit sur la lisiere de terre ferine) comprised with- in the limits of the Russian possessions." As to navigation, fishing, and trading, the convention of 1825 included sub- stantially the same provisions as that of 1824. The right of navigation and fishing in the Pacific Ocean was acknowledged. For the space of ten years the ships of the two powers were to be at liberty to frequent " the inland Seas, the Gulfs, Havens, and Creeks on the Coast " in ques- tion. Permission to land at points where there were establishments was to be ob- tained from the governor. Trade with the natives in fire-arms and liquors was pro- hibited. Besides these stipulations, it was agreed (Art. VI.) that British subjects, whether arriving from the ocean or from the interior of the continent, should " for- ever enjoy the right of navigating freely . . . all the rivers and streams which, in their course towards the Pacific Ocean, may cross the line of demarcation upon the line of coast described in Article III. of the present convention"; and that, for the space of ten years, the port of Sitka, or Novo Archangelsk, should be " open to the Commerce and Vessels of British sub- jects." An examination of the boundary defined in Articles III. and IV. of the convention of 1825 shows that it is scientifically di- visible into two distinct sections, first, the line from the southernmost point of Prince of Wales Island, through Portland Chan- nel and along the summit of the moun- tains parallel to the coast, to the point of intersection of the 141st meridian of longi- tude; and, second, the line from this point to the Arctic Ocean. With the latter sec- tion, which is merely a meridian line, and as to which the United States and Cana- dian surveys exhibit no considerable dif- ference, we are not now concerned. The section as to which material differences have arisen is the first. The principal differences in this quarter are two in number, first, as to what chan- nel is meant by Portland Channel (some- times called Portland Canal) ; and, sec- ond, as to what is the extent of the line or strip of coast (le lisiere de cote) which was assigned to Russia. The latter differ- ence, since it is the more complicated, we will consider first. As has been seen, the easterly limit of the lisiere, from the point where the line strikes the fifty-sixth degree of north lati- tude, was to follow " the summit of the mountains situated parallel to the coast," except that, where this summit should prove to be more than ten marine leagues, or thirty miles, from the ocean, the limit was to be formed " by a line parallel to the windings of the coast, and which shall never exceed the distance of ten marine leagues therefrom." On the part of Canada two theories as to this line have been advanced: (1) that it should follow. 84 ALASKAN BOUNDARY not the actual windings (sinuosites) but the general trend of the coast, so as to intersect or cross the headlands of some of the bays and inlets, especially in the Lynn Canal, and give Great Britain one or more ports on tide-water ; and ( 2 ) that the coast whose windings are to be fol- lowed is not the shore of the mainland, but that of the adjacent islands, border- ing on the ocean.* The United States, on the other hand, has maintained that the coast whose windings were to be follawed was the coast of the mainland, the design of the convention being to giA'e to Russia the control of the whole of the shore of the mainland, and of the islands, bays, gulfs, and inlets adjacent thereto. In other * On the sketch-map accompanying this ar- ticle, the Canadian claim is given as shown on the •' Map of the Province of British Co- lumbia, compiled by direction of Hon. G. B. Martin, Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works, Victoria, B. C. 1893." This claim would give Dyea, Skagway, Pyramid Harbor, and various other points, and a long stretch of tide-water, to Canada. Canada offered to give up her claims on Dyea and Skagway if the United States would give Pyramid Harbor to her. The United States refused to consider the question. words, Russia was to have exclusive do- minion of tide-water and of a continuous strip of territory bordering upon it, while Great Britain was to have the interior country, with a right of free navigation of streams crossing the Russian territory on their way to the sea. That this was the design of the conven- tion may be shown, first, by the record of its negotiation. The principal object on the part of Great Britain was to obtain the withdraw- al by Russia of the claim made in the ukase of 1828 to exclusive jurisdiction over the Pacific Ocean — a claim which in- volved the right to navigate a vast extent of ocean and, incidentally, the right of passage from the Pacific to the Arctic Ocean through Bering Straits. " It is not on our part," declared George Canning, British Secretary of State for Foreign Af- fairs, " essentially a negotiation of limits. It is a demand of the repeal of an offen- sive and unjustifiable arrogation of ex- elusive jurisdiction over an ocean of un- measured extent." With a view to facili- tate the withdrawal of this pretension, Great Britain proposed a settlement of limits.* The actual geographical features of the territory were to a great extent unknown. Vancouver had navigated and charted the coast, but the interior was un- explored. Back from the shore high moun- tains were visible, and, after the manner of the early geographers, he drew artistic ranges which follow the windings of the coast, making a continuous barrier be- tween the coast of the mainland and the interior country. It is well known, how- ever, to the negotiators of the convention of 1825 that the mountain ranges might be broken, or that, instead of following closely the windings of the coast, they might extend far inland. Instead, there- fore, of attending to geographical details, they adopted general rules, which should be applied whenever the line came to be actually marked. In settling the limits along the coast the two governments were largely guided by the interests and the representations of certain commercial companies — on the part of Russia, the Russian - American Company, and, on the part of Great Brit- * G. Canning to Stratford Canning, Dec. 8, 1824. 85 ALASKAN BOUNDARY ain, the jSTorthwest and Hudson's Bay companies — which hunted and traded with natives for furs. The fur trade was then the principal object of value in the esti- mation of the worth of the regions in question. The British companies, how- ever, had no establishment on the coast now under consideration. Their opera- tions in that quarter were conducted in the interior, and their furs were sent to England through their own territories, and not across the coast involved in the negotiation. The first definite proposition as to lim- its was made by Great Britain to Russia in the autumn of 1823. Sir Charles Bagot, then British ambassador at St. Peters- burg, was instructed to propose a line drawn east and west along the 57th parallel of north latitude. He went somewhat further, and suggested that Great Britain would " be satisfied to take Cross Sound, lying about the latitude of 57° 30', as the boundary between the two pow- ers on the coast; and a meridian line drawn from the head of Lynn Canal, as it is laid down in Arrowsmith's last map, .. .as the boundary in the interior of the continent." This suggestion was not ac- cepted, and subsequently, acting under in- structions, he proposed " a line drawn through Chatham Straits to the head of Lynn Canal, thence northwest to the 140th degree of longitude west of Greenwich, and thence along that degree of longitude to the Polar Sea." The Russian plenipotentiaries rejected this proposal and submitted a counter- project. By the ukase of 1799, the Rus- sian dominion was assumed to extend to the southward as far as the 55th de- gree of north latitude. The Russian plen- ipotentiaries therefore offered to adhere to this limit, with a deflection at the south- ern extremity of Prince of Wales Island so as to avoid a division of territory, and, for the rest, proposed that the line should " follow Portland Channel up to the moun- tains which border the coast," thence " as- cend along these mountains, parallel to the sinuosities of the coast, as far as the 139th degree of longitude (meridian of Lon- don)," and then pursue that meridian in- definitely to the north. The reasons of the two governments for their respective proposals were fully ex- plained by them. In the early stages of the negotiation the Russian plenipoten- tiaries intimated that they would require the 55th degree of latitude as their southern boundary. In his instructions to Sir C. Bagot, of Jan. 15, 1824, Mr. George Canning, adverting to the fact that no limit was suggested by the Russian plenipotentiaries to the eastern extension of the parallel, declared that it was es- sential to guard against the " unfounded pretensions " of Russia in that direction, and for that purpose, whatever the degree of latitude assumed, to assign a definite meridian of longitude as a limit. The 135th meridian northward from the head of " Lynn's Harbor " might suffice. As to " the mainland southward of that point," it would be expedient to assign " a limit, say of 50 or 100 miles from the coast, beyond which the Russian posts should not be extended to the eastward. We must not," he continued, " on any ac- count, admit the Russian territory to ex- tend at any point to the Rocky Mountains. By such an admission we should estab- lish a direct and complete interruption between our territory to the southward of that point and that of which we are in possession to the eastward of long. 135° along the course of the Mackenzie River." The Russian plenipotentiaries explained their object with equal clearness. In a memorandum accompanying their counter- proposal they said : " The principal motive which constrains Russia to insist upon sovereignty over the above-indicated strip of territory {lisiere) upon the mainland {terre ferme) from the Portland Channel to the point of intersection of the 60th degree (latitude) with the 139th degree of longitude, is that, deprived of this terri- tory, the Russian - American Company would have no means of sustaining its es- tablishments, which would then be with- out any support {point d'appui) , and could have no solidity." If Great Britain would accept the line proposed by them, the Russian plenipotentiaries declared that their government would grant to British subjects " the free navigation of all the rivers which empty into the ocean through the said lisiere," and open the port of Novo Archangelsk to their trade and vessels. 86 ALASKAN BOUNDARY To this counter-proposal Sir C. Bagot objected that it " would deprive his Bri- tannic Majesty of sovereignty over all the inlets and small bays lying between lat. 56° and 54° 45', whereof several (as there is every reason to believe) communicated directly with the establishments of the Hudson Bay Company, and are conse- quently of essential importance to its com- merce." He offered, however, to accept a line traced from the west towards the east " along the middle of the channel which separates Prince of Wales and Duke of York islands from all the islands situated to the north of the said islands until it touches the mainland." Subsequently he modified this offer by proposing that the line be drawn " from the southern ex- tremity of the strait called ' Duke of Clarence's Sound,' through the middle of this strait to the middle of the strait which separates Prince of Wales and Duke of York islands " from the islands to the north, and- thence eastwardly to the main- land, thus giving Prince of Wales Island to Russia. These proposals the Russian plenipo- tentiaries declined. They declared that " the possession of Prince of Wales Island without a slice (portion) of territory upon the coast situated in front of that island could be of no utility whatever to Russia," since any establishment founded upon it would then " find itself, as it were, flanked by the English establishments on the mainland and completely at the mercy of the latter." They adhered to Portland Channel; but, as to the eastern boundary of the lisiere, they oflfered to extend it " along the mountains which follow the sinuosities of the coast as far as Mount Elias," and then to run the line along the 140th meridian of longitude instead of the 139th. Said Count Nesselrode, in an instruction to Count Lieven, Russian am- bassador at London, April 17, 1824: " This proposal will assure to us merely a narrow strip of territory (lisiere) upon the coast itself, and will leave the English establishments all needful room for in- crease and extension .... We limit our de- mands to a mere strip of the continent, and . . . we guarantee the free navigation of the rivers and announce the opening of the port of Novo Archangelsk. Russia cannot stretch her concessions farther. She will make no others .... It cannot be reiterated with sufficient positiveness that, according to the most recent charts, Eng- land possesses no establishment either up to the latitude of Portland Channel or on the shore of the ocean itself; and Russia, when she insists on preserving a moderate expanse of the mainland {terre ferme) only insists in reality upon the means of utilizing — we might better say of not los- ing — the surrounding islands." The British cabinet, with the concur- rence of the Hudson Bay Company, de- cided to accept the Russian proposal, with a limitation of the distance from the coast at which the line along the mountains should run, and the selection of a me- ridian of longitude north of Mount St. Elias farther to the west than the 140th. In this way Russia would secure her strip of territory on the mainland and Great Britain prevent the intersection of her in- terior possessions and communications. Great Britain accordingly proposed that the line should ascend northerly along Portland Channel " till it strikes the coast of the continent lying in the 56th degree of north latitude," and that it should thence be carried " along the coast, in a direction parallel to its windings, and at or within the seaward base of the mountains by which it is bounded," pro- vided that it should not extend more than a certain number of marine leagues in- land, whatever the distance of the moun- tains might be. Experience had shown, said the British government, that moun- tains which were assumed as lines of boundary were sometimes incorrectly laid down, and that it- was " therefore neces- sary that some other security should be taken that the line of demarcation to be drawn parallel with the coast, as far as Mount St. Elias, is not carried too far in- land." It might be limited to 10 leagues or less.* * G. Canning to Sir C. Bagot, July 12, 1824. Were there room for doubt as to what these proposals and counter-proposals meant, it might be worth while specially to note the phrase " seaward base of the mountains," as well as the suggestion made by the British government that no forts should be estab- lished or fortifications erected by either party " on the summit or in the passes of the mountains " in case the boundary should fol- low their summit and not their seaward base. (G. Canning to Sir C. Bagot, July 24, 1824.) 87 ALASKAN BOUNDARY The Russian government, in response to the last British proposition, proposed that the lisiere, instead of being bounded by the summit of the mountains, except where it exceeded a certain distance from the coast, should " not be wider on the continent than 10 marine leagues from the shore of the sea." In other words, Russia wanted either the crest of the mountains, or else a line 10 leagues from the coast, as the boundary all the way. Great Britain objected to this as a with- drawal of the limits of the lisiere which the Russians were themselves the first to propose, viz., " the summit of the moun- tains, which run parallel to the coast, and which appear, according to the map, to follow all its sinuosities, and to substi- tute generally that which we only sug- gested as a connection of their first prop- osition."* Accordingly, Mr. Stratford Canning, who had lately been appointed a plenipotentiary to conclude the conven- tion, proposed that the line should fol- low " the crest of the mountains in a direction parallel to the coast," but that, if the crest should be found anywhere to be more than 10 leagues fr.om the sea, the boundary should there be " a line par- allel to the sinuosities of the coast, so that the line of demarcation shall not be any^vhere more than 10 leagues from the coast." This proposal was accepted as a compro- mise, and the treaty was drawn tip and signed in conformity with it. Until a re- cent period the line, as it was then under- stood by both governments, remained un- questioned. It appeared on all the maps, including those published in England, as the United States now maintains it, fol- lowing the sinuosities of the coast and running along the heads of the inlets, in- cluding the Lynn Canal, and giving to Russia an unbroken strip of the mainland up to Mount St. Elias. But more significant, perhaps, than any map, is the fact that the greater portion of the strip of mainland in question was for many years after 1839 leased, at an annual rental, by the Hudson Bay Com- pany. The lease embraced the coast (ex- clusive of islands) and the interior coun- Both these phrases obviously referred to monntains on the mainland. * G. Canning to S. Canning, Dec. 8, 1824. try belonging to Russia, situated between Cape Spencer, on Cross Sound, and lat. 54° 40', or thereabout, including " the whole mainland coast and interior coun- try belonging to Russia," eastward and southward of an imaginary line drawn from Cape Spencer to Mount Fairweather. By an agreement between the Hudson Bay and Russian-American companies, which received the sanction of both gov- ernments, this strip of territory was ex- empted from molestation during the Cri- mean War.* As to the southern limit of the strip in question, a line through Portland Channel, as now maintained by the United States, continued to be the uncontested boundary till about 1873, Avhen Canadian writers be- gan to suggest that the line should run through Behm Canal, or by some other way than Portland Channel, ( 1 ) because, while the line is required by the treaty to " ascend to the north " from the southern- most point of Prince of Wales Island, it must first run to the east in order to enter Portland Channel, and (2) because the head of Portland Channel does not reach the 56th degree of north latitude. These suggestions, besides disregarding the his- torical and geographical evidence, in- cluding that of the British Admiralty charts, presuppose a minuteness and ac- curacy of description which the negotiators did not essay. When the line, commencing at the southernmost point of Prince of Wales Island, was required to " ascend to the north " till it should strike the 5Gth degree on the continent, the general direction and objective of the boundary obviously was intended to be given. This has not been uncommon in descriptions of boundary. An actual due north line from the point in question would have cut the island. Nor is the argument from a hiatus between the head of Portland Channel and * Sir George Simpson, Governor of Hud- son Bay Territory and a director of Hud- son Bay Company, in his account of a trip around the world (Lea & Blanchard, Phila- delphia, 1847, Part 1, p. 124), referring to the lease, said : " Russia, as the reader is of course aware, possesses on the mainland be- tween lat. 54° 40' and lat. 60° only a strip, never exceeding 30 miles in depth : and this strip, in the absence of such an arrangement as has just been mentioned (the aforesaid lease), renders the interior comparatively use- less to England." ALASKAN BOUNDABY— ALBANY tlie 56th degree any stronger. The " line," after ascending " Portland Chan- nel, as far as the point of the continent where it strikes the 56th degree of north latitude," is required from " this last-mentioned point " to follow " the summit of the mountains." If this were intended as a complete description, cover- ing every foot or mile of the boundary, and if the " it " of the treaty were intend- ed to refer to the channel and not to the line, then Portland Channel evidently was supposed to have performed the remark- able feat of climbing to the summit of the mountains. But, obviously, it was the ■'■' line " Avhich was to " strike " the 56th parallel and reach the summit of the mountains. The drawing of the line through Port- land Channel, whose outlet into the sea appeared on the map in the same latitude as the southernmost point of Prince of Wales Island, was part of the plan of al- lowing to Russia, in return for her aban- donment of abnormal jurisdictional claims and her concessions in respect of trade, a strip of territory on the mainland as a barrier between her islands and the Brit- ish possessions in the interior. We have seen how the representatives of Great Britain successively proposed as the southern boundary the line of 57° 30', tlien a line through " Chatham Straits to the head of Lynn Canal," then a line drawn from west to east " through the middle of the channel which sepa- rates the islands of Prince of Wales and Duke of York from all the isl- ands to the north " till it should touch the mainland, and then a line drawn north- ward through Clarence Strait and thence eastward to the mainland through the strait separating Prince of Wales and Duke of York islands from the islands to the north, and how they finally accepted the line through Portland Channel, on which Russia, for the purpose of preserv- ing for her islands a protective barrier on the coast of the mainland, had firmly and finally insisted. But, while we have shown how the gen- eral principles of the boundary were set- tled, it yet remains to adjust the line and mark it. For this purpose it is conceded that something more than the general de- scriptions of the treaty is requisite. To 89 meet this defect, various plans have been suggested, and there may be room for the adjustment of common interests. The dis- covery of gold in the Klondike region has intensified the desire of Canada for an out- let on Lynn Canal. This desire, if con- sidered upon grounds of mutual interest and convenience, rather than of treaty right, is worthy of attention, since the coast must profit by the development of the interior. It has been suggested that a lease be granted of a narrow strip of land in that quarter, as an outlet on the sea. The same object might, perhaps, be attained by assimilating one or more of the portages, for instance, that by way of the Chilkoot Pass, the principal Klondike route, to a stream of water and treating it as an international highway. By Arti- cle II. of the Webster-Ashburton Treaty, it was stipulated that " all the water com- munications and all the usual portages along the line [of boundary] from Lake Superior to the Lake of the Woods, and also Grand Portage, from the shore of Lake Superior to the Pigeon River, as now actually used, shall be free and open to the use of the citizens and subjects of both countries." But whatever plan may be adopted, it is obvious that, if the end can be attained without the sacrifice of clear national rights, the boundary should not be left unsettled, but should, in the interest of trade and industry, of the administra- tion of justice, and of international amity, be finally adjusted and marked. Albans, St. See St. Albans; Vermont. Albany, city and capital of the State of New York ; the oldest existing to\vn within the domain of the original thirteen States; was first settled by Dutch traders in 1614, who built a trading-house on Castle Island, a little below the site of Albany, and eight years afterwards Fort Orange was built on that site. The set- tlement was called Fort Orange at first, then Beverswyck; and after the Province of New Netherland passed into the posses- sion of the English it was called Albany, the second title of Duke James, afterwards James II. of England. Albany is yet full of the descendants of its early settlers, and has a large present importance by reason of its trade relations with the Western and Southern States, promoted by its ex- ceptional shipping facilities by river, rail- ALBANY road, and canal. In 1890 the population was 94,923; in 1900, 94,151. Albany is especially noted in history be- cause of the colonial conventions held there. The following is a synopsis of their most important transactions: First Colonial Conventiori. — Thoroughly alarmed by the opening hostilities of the French and Indians on the frontiers, the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut sent commissioners to Albany to hold a conference with the chiefs of the Five Nations, all of whom, excepting the Mohawks, had renewed their covenant of friendship with the English. This cove- nant was renewed June 27, 1689, previous to the arrival of Count Frontenac in Canada. The commissioners held the con- ference in September following. They tried to persuade the Five Nations to en- gage in the war against the Eastern Ind- ians. They would not agree to do so, but ratified the existing friendship with the English colonies. " We promise," they said, " to preserve the chain inviolably, and wish that the sun may always shine in peace over all our heads that are com- prehended in the chain." Second Colonial Convention. — In the summer of 1748, when news of the pre- liminary treaty of peace reached the col- onies, a convention or congress of colonial governors was called at Albany for a two- fold purpose : ( 1 ) to secure a colonial revenue, and (2) to strengthen the bond of friendship between the Six Nations and their neighbors in the West, and the Eng- lish. Only Governors Clinton and Shirley, two able commissioners from Massachu- setts, and one (William Bull) from South Carolina, were present. With the latter came the grand sachem and some chiefs of the Catawbas, a nation which had long waged war with the Iroquois. There was an immense number of the Six Nations present. The royal governors failed to gain anything for themselves in the way of a. revenue, but satisfactory arrange- ments with the Indians, including the tribes along the southern borders of Lake Erie, were made. At that conference the commissioners from Massachusetts (An- drew Oliver and Thomas Hutchinson) pre- sented a memorial for adoption, praying the King so far to interpose as that, while the French remained in Canada, the more southern colonies, which were not immedi- ately exposed to hostilities, might be obliged to contribute in a just proportion towards the expense of protecting the in- land portions of New York and New Eng- land. Clinton and Shirley signed and ap- proved of the memorial, which was sent with it to the Board of Trade and Plan- tations. Third Colonial Convention. — The kindly attitude manifested towards tlje French by the Six Nations excited the jealousy and alarm of the English, especially of Govern- or Clinton, of New York. As yet, the Iroquois had never recognized the claim of the English to dominion over their land, and they were free to act as they pleased. Clinton called a convention of representatives of the several English- American colonies at Albany, and invited the Six Nations to send representatives to meet with them. Only Massachusetts, Connecticut, and South Carolina chose to incur the expense. Delegates from these colonies met the chiefs of the Six Nations (July o, 1751) and made a treaty of friendship. The " King " of the Catawbas and several chiefs accompanied the South Carolina delegate (William Bull), and a peace between that Southern nation and the Iroquois was settled at the same time. Fourth Colonial Convention. — There were indications that the Six Nations, in- fluenced by French emissaries, were becom- ing alienated from the English. The colonists were uneasy, and the British government, acting upon the advice of the royal governors in America, sent a circular letter to all the colonial assemblies, pro- posing the holding of a convention at Albany, to be composed of committees from the several legislatures and repre- sentatives of the Six Nations. Seven of the assemblies responded, and on June 19, 1754, twenty-five delegates assembled in the old City Hall at Albany. James De Lancey, acting governor of New York, pre- sided, and he was authorized by the Vir- ginia legislature to represent that colony in the convention. The chiefs of the Six Nations were there in great numbers, of whom " King Hendrick," of the Mohawks, was leader. To the Indians De Lancey lirst spoke, and Plendrick responded in words of bitter reproof of the English for their neglect of preparations for danger. 90 ALBANY— ALBEMARLE SOUND " Look at the French," he said ; " they are men; they are fortifying everywhere; but, we are ashamed to say it, you are like women, bare and open, without any forti- fications. It is but one step from Canada hither, and the French may easily come and turn you out-of-doors." But the busi- ness with the Six Nations was closed amicably and satisfactorily by a treaty of friendship. The Massachusetts delegation was authorized to propose a measure quite as important as a treaty with the Indians. It was an invitation for the convention to consider the question whether a union of the colonies for mutual defence was not desirable; and they were empowered to agree to articles of union or confederation. The proposition was favorably received, and a committee, composed of one dele- gate from each colony, was appointed to draw up a plan. The fertile brain of Dr. Benjamin Franklin, a delegate from Penn- sylvania, had conceived a plan before he went to the convention. It was reported by the committee and adopted by the con- vention, the Connecticut delegates alone dissenting. It proposed a grand council of forty-eight members, to be chosen by the several assemblies, the representatives of each colony to be, in number, in propor- tion to the contribution of each to the general treasury. No colony was to have more than seven or less than two members. This congress was to choose its own speaker and have the general management of all civil and military affairs, and to enact general laws in conformity to the British Constitution. It proposed to have a president-general, appointed and paid by the crown, who should have a negative or veto power on all acts of the congress, and to have, with the advice and consent of the congress, the appointment of all mili- tary officers, and the entire mahagement of Indian affairs; the civil officers to be appointed by the congress with the ap- proval of the president-general. This plan of government bore a strong resemblance to our national Constitution, which Frank- lin assisted in framing more than thirty years afterwards. This plan was sub- mitted to the Lords of Trade and Planta- tions. They did not approve of it, nor recommend it to the King for considera- tion. They thought there was too much democracy in it. The assemblies did not favor it, because they thought there was too much prerogative in it. So it was rejected. Albany Plan of TJnion, 1754. See Albany {Fourth Colonial Convention) . Albany Regiency, a name popularly given to a few active and able New York men of the Democratic party, between 1820 and 1854, who, in a great degree, con- trolled the action of their party in the State and in the Union. Among the lead- ing members were Martin Van Buren, William L. Marcy, Silas Wright, Edwin Croswell, Benjamin F. Butler, Azariah C. Flagg, and Dean Richmond. See Hunkers. Albay, the name of a province in the extreme southeastern part of the island of Luzon, Philippines; noted as being the richest hemp-growing district on the isl- and. In January, 1900, in order to put a stop to the surreptitious shipping of the products of the hemp-growing sections of the archipelago, a new military district was created by the United States authori- ties, comprising both this province and Catanduanes Island, situated directly north of Logonoy Bay. Brig.-Gen. William A. Kobbe, U. S. V., was appointed gov- ernor of this district and given tentative authority also over Samar and Leyte islands. He had several encounters with the Filipino insurgents before he secured control of his new district, and immedi- ately after establishing his authority he formally occupied and opened to trade the various hemp ports under his jurisdiction, which was subsequently extended over the entire hemp-growing district. Albay is also the principal town and port of the province. Albemarle Sound, Battle in. In the Civil War, the Confederate general Hoke, after capturing Pljmiouth, proceeded to Newbern and demanded its surrender. The commander of the Albemarle, a powerful " ram," started out on Albemarle Sound to assist Hoke, when his vessel encoun- tered (May 5, 1864) the Sassaeus, Lieut.- Com. F. A. Rose, one of Capt. Melancton Smith's blockading squadron in the sound. The Albemarle was heavily arm- ed with Brooks and Whitworth guns. After a brief cannonade the Sassaeus struck the monster a blow which pushed it partly under water and nearly sank it. When the " ram " recovered, the two ves- 91 ALBEMARLE— ALCOTT sels hurled 100-lb. shot at each other at ing and his companions leaped into the a distance of a few paces. Most of those water, but only one besides the commander from the Sassacus glanced off from the escaped drowning or capture. Gushing Albemarle like hail from granite. Three swam ashore, crept into a swamp, and was of the shots from the Sassacus entered a found and eared for by some negroes. The part of the "ram" with destructive effect, torpedo had destroyed the Albemarle, and and at the same moment the Albemarle she settled down in the mud in Plymouth sent a 100-lb. Brooks bolt through one of the boilers of the Sassacus, killing three men and wounding six. The vessel was filled with scalding steam and was un- manageable for a few minutes. When the smoke and vapor passed away, the Albe- marie was seen moving towards Plymouth, firing as she fled. The Sassacus slowly followed, but finally desisted for want of steam. Hoke fell back from Newbern. Albemarle, The, a powerful Confed- erate iron-clad vessel that patrolled the waters off the coast of North Carolina dur- RAM ALBEMARLE. ing a part of the Civil War. Late in Oc- tober, 1864, Lieut. W. B. Cushing, a daring voung officer of the United States navy. Harbor. Plymouth was recaptured (Oct. 81) by a squadron under Commodore Ma- comb, with some prisoners and valuable stores. See Cushing, William Barker. Albert Edward, Prince of Wales. See Edward VII. Albion, New. The name given by Sir Francis Drake {q. v.) to California {q. i\) when he took possession in 1577. Albright, Jacob, clergyman; born near Pottstown, Pa., May 1, 1759. In youth he was a tile-burner, but entered the Methodist ministry in 1790. He made many converts, almost exclusively among the Germans, and in 1800 a separate Church oi'ganization was formed for them, Albright becoming their first presiding elder. He Avas appointed bishop in 1807. His denomination is known as the Evan- gelical Association ( g. v.) . He died in 1808. Alcott, Amos Bronson, educator; born in Wolcott, Conn., Nov. 29. 1799. He became a successful teacher of an infant school in his native State. Piemoving to Boston, he soon became conspicuous as a teacher of the very young. He finally set- tled in Concord, Mass., where he studied natural theology and the best methods for undertook to destroy it. It was lying at producing reforms in diet, education, and Plymouth, behind a barricade of logs civil and social institutions. By invita- 30 feet in width. With a small steam- tion, he went to England in 1842, to teach launch equipped as a torpedo-boat, Cush- at "Alcott House," a name given to a ing moved in towards Plymouth on a dark school at Ham, near London. Returning night (Oct. 27), with a crew of thirteen to America, with two English friends, he officers and men, part of whom had volun- attempted the founding of a new com- teered for this service. The launch had munity, calling the farm " Fruit Lands." a cutter in tow. They were within 20 yards of the " ram " before they were dis- covered, when its pickets began firing. In the face of a severe discharge of musketry, Cushing pressed to the attack. He drove his launch far into the log barricade, low- ered his torpedo boom, and drove it direct- ly tmder the overhang of the " ram." The mine was exploded, and at the same mo- ment one of the guns of the Albemarle It was a failure, and in 1840 he again went to Concord, where he afterwards re- sided, living the life of a peripatetic phi- losopher, conversing in cities and in vil- lages, wherever invited, on divinity, hu- man nature, ethics, as well as on a great variety of practical questions. He was one of the founders of the school of transcen- dental ists in New England, and after re- turning to Concord became dean of the hurled a heavy bolt that went crashing famous Concord School of Philosophy. He through and destroying the launch. Cush- died March 4, 1888. 92 ALCOTT— ALDEN Alcott, Louisa May, author; born in Alden, John, a " Pilgrim Father "; born Philadelphia, Pa., Nov. 29, 1832; daughter in England in 1599; was employed as a of Amos Bronson Alcott. In 1862 she cooper in Southampton, and, having been volunteered as a nurse, and for months engaged to repair the Mayflower while labored in the military hospitals. In 1868 awaiting the embarkation of the Pilgrims, she published Little Women, which almost concluded to join the company. It has immediately made her famous. Her other been stated that he was the first of the works are. Flower Fables, or Fairy Tales; Pilgrim party to step on Plymouth Rock, Hospital Sketches; An Old-Fashioned Girl; but other authorities give this honor to a series called Aunt Jo's Scrap Bag, con- Mary Chilton. Alden settled in Duxbury, taining Sly Boys, Shaicl Straps, Cupid and and in 1621 was married to Priscilla Mul- Choiv-Chow, My Girls, Jimmy's Cruise in lins. For more than fifty years he was the Pinafore, and An Old-Fashioned a magistrate in the colony, and outlived Thanksgiving ; Work, a Story of Ewperi- all the signers of the Mayfloiver compact. ence; Eight Cousins; Rose in Bloom; Sil- He died in Duxbury, Sept. 12, 1687. The ver Pitchers; Under the Lilacs; Jack and circumstances of his courtship inspired Gill : Moods; Proverb Stories; Spinning- Longfellow to write The Courtship of Wheel Stories; Lulu's Library, etc. She Miles Standish. They were as follows: died in Boston, Mass., March 6, 1888. The dreadful famine and fever which de- Alden, Henry Mills, editor; born in stroyed one-half of the Pilgrims at New Mount Tabor, Vt., Nov. 11, 1836; was Plymouth during the winter and spring graduated at Williams College in 1857, of 1621 made a victim of Rose Standish, and at Andover Theological Seminary in wife of Capt. Miles Standish. Her hus- 1860. In the winter of 1863-64 he de- band was then thirty-seven years of age. livered before the Lowell Institute of Bos- Not long after this event the brave little ton a series of twelve lectures on The captain was smitten by the charms of Structure of Paganism; 1863-69 he was Priscilla Mullins, daughter of William managing editor of Earpei-'s Weekly, and Mullins, who was a passenger on the May- in 1869 became editor of Harper's Maga- floiver. Priscilla had then just bloomed zine. He is the author of The Ancient into young womanhood, and Standish sent Lady of Sorrow, a poem; God in His young John Alden to ask the hand of the World; A Study of Death; and (with A. maiden in marriage. The ambassador H. Guernsey) of Harper's Pictorial His- went to her father and discreetly and mod- tory of the Great Rebellion. estly performed the duties of his mission. Alden, James, naval officer; born in The father readily gave his consent, and Portland, Me., March 31, 1810; became a added, "But Priscilla must be consulted." midshipman in 1828; lieutenant in 1841; She was summoned to the room, where sat commander in 1855; captain, Jan. 2, 1863; young, graceful, almost courtly, ruddy- commodore, July 25, 1866; and rear-ad- faced John Alden, whom she knew well, miral, June 19, 1871. He was a partici- The ambassador of love repeated his mes- pant in the South Sea Exploring Expedi- sage, and when Priscilla asked, " Why tion under Lieutenant Wilkes, and served does he not come himself?" and was an- under Commodore Conner on the Gulf swered, " He is too busy," the indignant coast of Mexico during the war with that maiden declared that she would never country. He was active in the reinforce- marry a man who was " too busy " to ment of Fort Pickens; in the expedition court her. She said (in the words of against Galveston; as commander of the Longfellow): Richmond in the passage of Forts Jackson and St. Philip; in the capture of New Or- leans; and at Vicksburg, Port Hudson, Mobile Bay, and Fort Fisher. He was ap- pointed chief of the Bureau of Navigation and Detail in 1869, and, after his promo- tion to rear-admiral, commander of the European squadron. He died in San Fran- John Alden pressed the suit of Standish, Cisco, Cal., Feb. 6, 1877. when 93 Had he waited awhile, had only showed that he loved me. Even this captain of yours — who knows? — at last might have won me. Old and rough as he is ; but now it never can happen.' " ALDRICH— ALEXANDER "Archly the maiden smiled, and, with eyes overrunning with laughter. Said, in a tremulous voice, ' Why don't you speak for yourself, John?' " Young Alden blushed, bowed, and retired, for he was faithful to his trust. His visit was soon repeated, and it was not long before the nuptials of John Alden and Priscilla Mullins were celebrated by the whole community, excepting Captain Stan- dish, who could not readily forgive the weakness (for he knew it was not perfidy) of his young friend in surrendering at the first assault from the eyes and lips of the maiden. Aldrich, Charles, historian; born in Ellington, N. Y., Oct. 2, 1828; was edu- cated at Jamestown Academy, N. Y. On June 29, 1857, he established The Freed- man, a newspaper in Webster City, la. For several years between 1860 and 1870 he was chief clerk of the Iowa House of Eepresentatives, and in 1882 was a mem- ber of that body; in 1875 served with the United States Geological Survey in the Rocky Mountains; and in 1892 established the Historical Department of Iowa, of which he afterwards was made curator and secretary. Aldrich, Nelson^ Wilmabth, states- man; born in Foster, R. I., Nov. 6, 1841; president of the Providence common coun- cil, 1871-73; member of the Rhode Isl- and House of Representatives, 1875-76, serving the latter year as speaker ; mem- ber of Congress, 1878-82; United States Senator, 1881 to the present time. Aldrich, Thomas Bailey, author and editor; born in Portsmouth, N. H., Nov. 11, 1836; entered upon mercantile life at an early age, and at the same time en- gaged in writing verses for the New York journals. In 1856 he joined the staflF of the Home Journal. He edited Every Sat- urday from its foundation, and from time to time contributed largely to periodical publications. From 1881 to 1890 he was the editor of the Atlaniic Monthly. Aleutian, or Aleutan, Islands, a group in the North Pacific Ocean, stretch- ing in a row from the peninsula of Alaska towards the shores of Kamchatka. They belong to the Territory of Alaska. These islands were discovered by Bering in 1728, and are about 150 in number. A few of them are inhabited, chiefly by Eskimos. The population is estimated at nearly 6,000. Russian missionaries have con- verted them to Christianity, and they are chiefly engaged in the various fisheries. The islands are volcanic and rocky, and agriculture is unknown there. Alexander, an American Indian king. Massasoit (q. V.) died in 1660. Three or four years before his death he took his two sons, Wamsutta and Metacomet, to Plym- outh, Mass., and asked that both should receive English names. The oldest was named Alexander, and the second Philip. Alexander succeeded his father as chief sachem of the Wampanoags. In 1661 he was compelled to go to Plymouth a prison- er, on suspicion of being leagued Avith the Narragansets in hostile designs against the English. The suspicion was not sustained by evidence. On his way to Plymouth the chief was taken suddenly ill, and in a few hours died, it was said of a fever brought on by rage and mortification. His young wife, who became the squaw sachem Wita- mo, believed he had been poisoned by the English. This event soured the minds of Philip and his followers towai'ds the Eng- lish, and Avas one of the indirect causes which led to King Philip's War. See Philip. Alexander, Archibald, theologian ; born in Augusta (now Rockbridge) county, Va., April 17, 1772; was of Scotch descent, and became teacher in a Virginian family at the age of seventeen years. In 1791 he entered the ministry as an itiner- ant missionary in his native State. In 1789 he became president of Hampden-Sid- ney College; left it in 1801; married a daughter of Rev. Mr. Waddell, the cele- brated " blind preacher " in Virginia, and afterwards (1807) became pastor of a Presbyterian church in Philadelphia. In 1810 he was elected president of Union College, Georgia, but did not accept it. On the establishment of the Theological Semi- nary at Princeton, N. J., in 1811, Dr. Alex- ander was chosen its first professor, which position he held until his death, Oct. 22, 1851. Among his numerous writings his Outlines of the Evidences of Christianity, used as a text-book in several colleges, is most extensively known. It has passed through many editions in various lan- guages. Alexander, Barton Stone, military 94 ALEXANDER engineer; born in Kentucky in 1819; was the part which he took in that famous graduated at the Military Academy at trial he was arbitrarily excluded from West Point in 1842. He was made second the bar, but was reinstated in 1737. He lieutenant of engineers in 1843, and cap- was associated with Franklin and others tain in 1856. For services at the battle in founding the American Philosophical of Bull Eun, July, 1861, he was brevetted Society. He was the father of William major, and in March, 1863, was commis- Alexander, known as Lord Stirling, a sioned major of the engineer corps. For general in the Continental army. He meritorious services during the Civil War, died in New York City, April 2, 1756. he was brevetted brigadier - general in Alexander, William, called Lord Stir- March, 1865. Active during the war, he ling, military officer; born in New York was consulting engineer in Sheridan's City in 1726; was a son of Secretary army in the Shenandoah Valley, and was Alexander of New Jersey. His mother at the Battle of Cedar Creek, Oct. 19, was the widow of David Provoost, a 1864. After the war he spent two years wealthy merchant of the city of New in charge of the construction of public York. Attached to the commissariat of works in Maine. He died in San Fran- the army, he attracted the notice of Gen- cisco, Cal., Dec. 15, 1878. Alexander, Edward Porter, engineer; born in Washington, Ga., May 26, 1835; was graduated at the United States Mili- tary Academy, and commissioned a second lieutenant in the United States Engineer Corps in 1857; resigned and entered the Confederate army in 1861; served with the Army of Northern Virginia from the beginning to the close of the war, attain- ing the rank of brigadier-general and chief of ordnance. In 1866-70 he was Pro- fessor of Mathematics and Engineering in the University of South Carolina; in 1871-92 engaged in railroad business; and in 1892-94 was a member of the Boards on Navigation of the Columbia River, eral Shirley, and was for three years his Ore., and on the ship-canal between Chesa- aide-de-camp and private secretary. He peake and Delaware bays. Subsequently he went to England and Scotland in 1755, was engineer - arbitrator of the boundary and before his return he prosecuted his survey between Costa Bica and Nicaragua, claim to the earldom of Stirling, but was Alexander, James, an active public unsuccessful. He spent much of his fort- man in the province of New York, to une in the matter. It was generally which he emigrated from Scotland in believed that he was the rightful heir 1715, where he was born in 1690. He had to the title and estates, and he assumed fled from Scotland because of his peril the title of Lord Stirling, by which he there as an adherent of the " Young Pre- was ever afterwards known in America, tender." He was accompanied by William When the quarrel with Great Britain be- Smith, afterwards chief-justice of the gan in the colonies Lord Stirling es- province and its historian. He was made poused the cause of the patriots. In 1775 surveyor-general of New Jersey and New he was appointed a colonel, and in March, York, was secretary of the latter colony, 1776, was commissioned a brigadier-gen- and attained eminence in the profession eral in the Continental army. When Gen- of the law. As attorney-general of the eral Lee went South, Lord Stirling was province and occupant of other important placed in command of the troops in and positions, he became distinguished. He around the city of New York. After con- was one of the able counsel who defended spicuous service in the battle of Long Isl- the freedom of the press in the person of and (Aug. 27, 1776) he was made a John Peter Zenger in 1735. Because of prisoner, but was soon exchanged; and in 95 LORD STIRLING. ALEXANDER— ALEXANDER VL 1777 he was commissioned by Congress a -wick and Nova Scotia, excepting a part of major-general. Acadia proper; and the King confirmed He fought with Washington on the it, and issued a patent Sept. 10, 1621. Brandywine on Sept. 11, 1777, and was The territory granted was called Nova specially distinguished at Germantown Scotia — New Scotland — and it was given and Monmouth, commanding the left wing to Sir William and his heirs in fee with- of the American army in the last-named out conditions. It was erected into a royal engagement. He was one of the most pialatinate, the proprietor being invested faithful of Washington's soldiers during with the rights and powers of a count- the war. William Alexander married a palatine. It was designed to settle the daughter of William Livingston, of New territory with Scotch emigrants, who Jersey, and had been, like his father, sur- should form a barrier against French en- veyor-general. He was also an excellent croachments. A colony was accordingly mathematician and astronomer. He was planted, and Sir William held possession one of the founders of the New York So- ten years before he was displaced by the ciety Library, and also of King's College French. (now Columbia University). Alexander In 162.5 Charles T. (who had just suc- Humphreys, born in Birmingham, Eng- ceeded his deceased father ) , in order to land, in 1783, claimed the earldom of Stir- help Sir William plant a successful col- ling. In 1824 he obtained the royal ony or sell the domain in parcels, created license to assume the name of Alexander, the order of " Baronets of Nova Scotia," because he had a maternal grandfather the title to be conferred upon purchasers of that name, and his deceased mother of large tracts of land there. He also was a great-great-granddaughter of John gave the proprietor the privilege of coin- Alexander, fourth son of William Alex- ing base copper money. In 1626 Sir Will- ander, the last earl of Stirling, and all in- iam was appointed Secretary of State for termediate heirs had become extinct. For Scotland, Keeper of the Signet in 1627, a short time he exercised the privileges Commissioner of the Exchequer in 1628, of an earl, and he even claimed vast pos- also Lord of Canada. In 1630 he was sessions in Nova Scotia; but after a legal created Viscount Stirling, and in 1633 investigation he was stripped of his titles Earl of Stirling and Viscount of Canada, and pretensions, and in 1839 he sank into In 1628 the Council for New England gave oblivion. Many of the original surveys in him a grant of territory, which included New Jersey made by William Alexander a part of Long Island, opposite Connecti- and his father are now in the possession cut; but he was not able to manage his of the New Jersey Historical Society, and colonization schenres in Nova Scotia, and are frequently consulted by lawyers to he sold his domain to the French. He quiet titles to real estate. William Alex- died in London, Sept. 12, 1640. Lord Stir- ander died in Albany, N.Y., Jan. 15, 1783. ling's title expired with the fifth earl Alexander, Sir Wiixiam, patentee of (1739), but other claimants appeared Nova Scotia, and a poet and court favor- afterwards. See Acadia. ite, to whom James I. and Charles I. were Alexander VI., Pope. Rodrigo Len- rauch attached. He was born at Menstrie, zuolo, a native of Valencia, Spain, was Scotland, in 1580. He became the author elected Pope, and assumed the name of of verses when he was fourteen years old, Alexander VI. He was born in 1431; and was cherished by Scotchmen as a made Pope Aug. 11, 1492; and died Aug. descendant of the Macdonalds. His Au- 8. 1503. His mother was a Borgia, and rora contained more than one hundred Csesar and Lucretia Borgia were two of sonnets, songs, and elegies which dis- his five illegitimate children by his mis- played the effects of ill - requited love, tress, Rosa Vanozza. His death, some his- When the Council for New England per- torians say, was caused by his accident- ccived the intention of the French beyond ally taking a poisoned draught intended the St. Croix to push their settlements for a large party of cardinals whom he westward, they granted to Sir William had invited to a banquet, (who had been knighted in 1614) all of On the return of Columbus from his tlie territory now known as New Bruns- first voyage of discovery, the Portuguese, 96 ALEXANDRIA who had pi'eviously explored the Azores and other Atlantic islands, instantly claimed a title to the newly discovered lands, to the exclusion of the Spaniards. Simultaneous with the order given to Columbus at Barcelona to return to His- paniola, an ambassador was sent to Rome to obtain the Pope's sanction of their claims to the regions discovered, and to make a conquest of the West Indies. Alex- ander assented without much hesitation to the proposal, and, on May 3, 1493, he issued a bull, in which he directed that a line supposed to be drawn from pole to pole, at a distance of 100 leagues westward of the Azores, should serve as a boundary. All the coun- tries to the east of this imaginary line, not in possession of a Christian prince, he gave to the Portuguese, and all west- ward of it to the Spaniards. On account of the dissatisfaction with the Pope's par- tition, the line was fixed 270 leagues farther west. Other nations of Europe subsequently paid no attention to it, but sent colonies to the Western Con- tinent without the leave of the sover- eigns of Spain or the Pope. A little more than a century afterwards the Eng- lish Parliament insisted that occupancy confers a good title, by the law of na- tions and nature. This remains a law of nations. Portugal soon disregarded the institutions, and has important manu- facturing industries. In 1890 the popula- tion was 14,339; in 1900, 14,528. In August, 1814, while the British were making their way across Maryland tow- ards Washington, a portion of the British fleet, consisting of two frigates of thirty- six guns and thirty-eight guns, two rock- et-ships of eighteen guns, two bomb-ves- sels of eight guns, and one schooner of two guns, sailed up the Potomac under the charge of Commodore Gordon, of the Sea Horse, and easily passed the guns of Fort Washington, the defences of which the government had neglected. The British squadron appeared before the fort (Aug. 27), when the commander blew up the magazine and fled. The squadron passed and anchored in front of Alexandria, prepared to lay the city in ashes with bombs and rockets if demands w^ere not complied with. There was no effective force at Alexandria to oppose the in- vaders, for the able-bodied men and heavy guns had been called to the defence of Washington. They were powerless, and were compelled to submit. The invader contented himself with burning one vessel and loading several others with plunder, for he became in too great a huriy to depart to wait for the hidden merchandise and the raising of the scut- tled vessels. The squadron sailed down FORT WASHIXGTOX. Pope's donation to Spain, and sent an ex- pedition to North America in 1500. Alexandria, city, port of entry; on the Potomac River, here a mile wide and providing an excellent harbor, and 6 miles below Washington, D. C. The city con- tains a number of high-grade educational 97 the Potomac, annoved all the way by bat- teries and the militia on the shore, the former quickly constructed and armed with heavy guns from vessels sent by Com- modore Rogers from Baltimore, and also others sent down from Washington. The British squadron, having an aggregate of ALEXANDRIA^ LA.— ALGER 173 guns, passed out safely into Chesa- peake Bay on Sept. 5. In the Civil War the city was occupied by National troops on May 25, 1861, and the same day Col. Ephraim Elmer Ells- worth (q. v.), commanding the 11th New York Volunteers (Fire Zouaves), was killed as he was descending from the roof of the Marshall House, where he had hauled down a Confederate flag, by James T. Jackson, the keeper of the hotel. Alexandria, La. See Red Rivee EXPEDITIOA\ Alexandria Conference. George Mason and Alexander Henderson, of Virginia, and Daniel Jenifer, Thomas Stone, and Samuel Chase, of Maryland, were com- missioned in 1785 to treat concerning the jurisdiction of the waters between the two States. Their report led to the Annap- olis Convention of 1786 {q. v.). Alexandria Government. See Vir- ginia, 1867. Alfonso XIIL, King of Spain; born in Madrid, May 17, 1886, after his father's death ; son of the late King Alfonso XII. and Maria Christina, daughter of the late Carl Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria. His mother became Queen Regent during his minority, and after the destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay she made strenuous though unavailing efforts to in- duce both the Pope and the principal countries of Europe to intervene in the hope of speedily closing the war between the United States and Spain. Alger, Cyrus, inventor; born in West Bridgewater, Mass., Nov. 11, 1781; became an iron-founder early in life. In 1809 he founded in Boston the works which since 1817 have been known as the South Boston Iron Company. During the War of 1812 he supplied the government with a large number of cannon-balls. He de- vised many improvements in the construc- tion of time-fuses for bomb-shells and grenades. In 1811 he invented a method of making cast-iron chilled rolls, and in 1822 designed the cylinder stove. The first perfect bronze cannon, the first gun ever rifled in the United States, and the largest gun of cast-iron, the " Columbiad " mortar, that had been cast in the country, were turned out at his foundry under his personal supervision. He died in Boston, Feb. 4, 1856. Alger, Horatio, author; born in Re- vere, Mass., Jan. 13, 1834; graduated .at Harvard in 1852. After spending several years in teaching and journalism he was ordained as a Unitarian minister in 1864. He removed to New York City in 1866. He published Bertha's Christmas Vision; Nothing to Do, a poem; Frank's Cam- paign, or, What a Boy Can Do; Helen Ford, a novel; a volume of poems; Ragged Dick; Luck and Pluck; Tattered Tom; Frank and Fearless; His Young Bank Messenger, etc. He died in Natick, Mass., July, 18, 1899. Alger, Russell Alexander, Secretary of War; born in Lafayette, O., Feb. 27, 1836; worked on a farm for years earning RUSSELL A. ALGER. money to defray the expenses of his edu- cation. He was admitted to the bar in 1859, but was forced by ill health to give up practice. When the Civil War broke out he entered the Union army as a cap- tain, and rose to brevet brigadier-general of volunteers. After the war he entered the lumber business, in which he acquired a large fortune. He was governor of Michi- gan in 1885-87; was a candidate for the Republican Presidential nomination in 1888 ; was commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic in 1889-90; and became Secretary of War under President ]\TcKinley in 1897. During almost all of the American-Spanish War in 1898 he was subjected to much public censure on ac- count of alleged shortcomings in the vari- 98 ALGER— ALGIERS ous bureaus of the War Department. He resigned his office in 1899, and wrote a history of the war with Spain. Alger, William Rounseville, clergy- man and author; born in Freetown, Mass., Dec. 30, 1822; graduated at Harvard Theological School in 1847 ; held charges in Boston, New York, Denver, Chicago, and Portland, Me., subsequently making his home in Boston. His publications in- clude: Symholic History of the Cross; History of the Doctrine of a Future Life; The Genius of Solitude; The Friendships of Women; Poetry of the Orient; Life of Edwin Forrest; Sounds of Consolation in Human Life, etc. Algiers, one of the former Barbary States on the northern coast of Africa, stretching west from Egypt to the Atlan- tic Ocean; bombarded and captured by the French in 1830, and held under French military control till 1871, when a French civil administration was established. All of Algeria is now considered a part of France rather than a colony. The city of Algiers, under French domination, is the capital of the department and colony, is well equipped with educational institu- tions, and has become as orderly as any place in France. The population in 1891 was 82,585. The Barbary States derived their name from the Berbers, the ancient inhabitants. From their ports, especially from Algiers, went out piratical vessels to depredate upon the commerce of other peoples. So early as 1785 two American vessels had been captured by these corsairs, and their crews (twenty-one persons) had been held in slavery for ransom. The Dey, or ruler, of Algiers demanded $60,000 for their re- demption. As this sum would be a prec- edent, other means were sought to obtain the release of the captives. In a message, in 1790, President Washington called the attention of Congress to the matter, but the United States were without a navy to protect their commerce. For what pro- tection American vessels enjoyed they were indebted to Portugal, then at war with Al- giers. In 1793 the British government made a secret arrangement with that of Portugal, whereby peace with Algiers was obtained. In that arrangement it was stipulated that for the space of a year Portugal should not afford protection to the vessels of any nation against Algerine corsairs. This was for the purpose of in- juring France. The pirates were imme- diately let loose upon commerce. David Humphreys, who had been sent to Algiers by the government of the United States to make arrangements for the release of American commerce from danger, was in- sulted by the Dey. Humphreys wrote, '■ If we mean to have commerce, we must have a navy." Meanwhile the United States were compelled to pay tribute to the Dey to keep his corsairs from Ameri- can commerce. From 1785 until the autumn of 1793, when W^ashington called the attention of Congress to the necessity of a navy, the Algerine pirates had captured fifteen American vessels and made 180 officers and seamen slaves of the most revolting kind. To redeem the survivors of these captives, and others taken more recently, the United States government paid about $1,000,000 in ransom - money. In the autumn of 1795 the government was com- pelled to agree, by treaty, to pay to the Dey of Algiers an annual tribute for the relief of captured seamen, according to long usage among European nations. It was humiliating, but nothing better could then be done, and humanity demand- ed it. In 1812 the Dey, offended because he had not received from the American government the annual tribute in precise- ly such articles as he wanted, dismissed the American consul, declared war, and his corsairs captured American vessels and reduced the crews to slavery. The Amer- ican consul — Mr. Lear — was compelled to pay the Dey $27,000 for the security of himself and family and a few other Amer- icans there from horrid slavery. Deter- mined to pay tribute no longer to the in- solent semi-barbarian, the American gov- ernment accepted the Dey's challenge for war, and in May, 1815, sent Commodore Decatur to the Mediterranean with a squadron to humble the Dey. Decatur found the Algerine pirate-fleet cruising for American vessels. He played havoc with the corsairs, entered the Bay of Algiers (June 28), demanded the instant sur- render of all American prisoners, full in- demnification for all property destroyed, and absolute relinquishment of all claims to tribute from the United States there- 99 ALGONQUIAN INDIANS after. The terrified Dey complied with Miami or Maumee, on Lake Erie, and the the demand. See Decatuk, Stephen. watershed between the Wabash and Kas- Algonquian, or Algonkian, Indians, kia rivers. The English and the Five Na- the most powerful of the eight distinct Ind- tions called them the Twightwees. The ian nations found in North America by the Eickapoos were on the Wisconsin River Europeans in the seventeenth century. It when discovered by the French. The Illi- was composed of several tribes, the most nois formed a numerous tribe, 12,000 important of which were the Ottawas, strong, when discovered by the French. Chippewas, Sacs and Foxes, Menomonees, They were seated on the Illinois River, Miamis, Pottawattomies, Kickapoos, Illi- and composed a confederation of five nois, Shawnees, Powhatans, Corees, Nan- families — namely, Kaskaskias, Cahokias, ticokes, Lenni-Lenapes or Delawares, Mo- Tamaronas, Michigamies, and Peorias. The hegans, the New England Indians, the Shaicnees occupied a vast region west of Abenakes, and Micmacs. There were the Alleghany Mountains, and their great smaller independent tribes, the principal council-house was in the basin of the Cum- of which were the Susquehannas in Penn- berland River. The Powhatans consti- sylvania; the Mannahoacs in the hill- tuted a confederacy of more than twen- country between the York and Potomac ty tribes, including the Accohannocks and rivers ; and the Monacans, on the head- Accomacs, on the eastern shore of Chesa- waters of the James River, Virginia. All peake Bay. The confederacy occupied the of these tribes were divided into cantons region in Virginia consisting of the navi- or clans, sometimes so small as to afford gable portion of the James and York a war-party of only forty men. The do- rivers, with their tributaries. The Corees main of the Algonkians covered a vast re- were south of the Powhatans, on the At- gion, bounded on the north and northeast lantic coast, in northern North Carolina, by the Eskimos; on the northwest by the The Cheraws and other small tribes occu- Knistenaux and Athabascas; on the west pied the land of the once powerful Hat- by the Dakotas ; on the south by the teras family, below the Corees. The Nan- Catawbas, Cherokees, Mobilians, and Nat- ticokes were upon the peninsula between ehez; and on the east by Nova Scotia, the Chesapeake and Delaware bays. The West of the Mississippi, the Blackfeet and Lenni-Lenapes, or Delawares, comprised Cheyennes are regarded as a family of the powerful families — namely, the Minsis and Algonkians. Tl\e original land of the Delawares proper. The former occupied Ottawas was on the west side of Lake the northern part of New Jersey and a Huron ; but they were seated upon the portion of Pennsylvania, and the latter OttaAva River, in Canada, when the French inhabited lower New Jersey, the banks discovered them, and claimed sovereignty of the Delaware River below Trenton, and over that region. The Chippeioas and the whole valley of the Schuj'lkill. The Pottaivattomies were closely allied by Ian- Mohegans were a distinct tribe on the east guage and friendship. The former were side of the Hudson River, and under that on the southern shores of Lake Superior ; name were included several independent the latter occupied the islands and main- families on Long Island and the country land on the western shores of Green Bay between the Lenni-Lenapes and the New when first discovered by the French. In England Indians. The Wew England Ind- 1701 they seated themselves on the south- ians inhabited the country from the Con- ern shores of Lake Michigan. necticut River eastward to the Saco, in The Sacs and Foxes are really one tribe. Maine. The principal tribes were "'he They were found by the French, in 1680, Narragansets on Rhode Island; the Poka- at the southern extremity of Green Bay. nokets and Wampanoags on the eastern The Menomonees are among the few Ind- shore of Narraganset Bay and in a portion ian tribes who occupy the same domain as of Massachusetts; the Massachusetts in when they were discovered by Europeans the vicinity of Boston and the shores in 1699. That domain is upon the shores southward; and the Pawtuckets in the of Green Bay, and there the tribe remains, northeastern part of Massachusetts, em- The Miamis and Piankeshaics inhabited bracing the Pennacooks of New Hamp- that portion of Ohio lying between the shire. The Abenakes (g. v.) were east- 100 ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS— ALIQUIPPA ward of the Saco. Their chief tribes were the Penobscots, Norridgewocks, Androscog- gins, and Passamaquoddies. For further details of the principal tribes, see their respective titles. Alien and Sedition Laws, Up to 1798 the greater part of the emigrants to the United States since the adoption of the national Constitution had been either Frenchmen, driven into exile by political troubles at home, or Englishmen, Scotch- men, and Irishmen, who had espoused ultra-republican principles, and who, fly- ing from the severe measures of repres- sion adopted against them at home, brought to America a fierce hatred of the government of Great Britain, and warm admiration of republican France. Among these were some men of pure lives and noble aims, but many were desperate po- litical intriguers, ready to engage in any scheme of mischief. It was estimated that at the beginning of 1798 there were 30,000 Frenchmen in the United States organized in clubs, and at least fifty thou- sand who had been subjects of Great Britain. These were regarded as danger- ous to the commonwealth, and in 1798, when war with France seemed inevitable. Congress passed acts for the security of the government against internal foes. By an act (June 18, 1798), the naturaliza- tion laws were made more stringent, and alien enemies could not become citizens at all. By a second act (June 25), which was limited to two years, the President was authorized to order out of the country all aliens whom he might judge to be dan- gerous to the peace and safety of the United States. By a third act (July 6), in case of war declared against the United States, or an actual invasion, all resident aliens, natives or citizens of the hostile nation, might, upon proclamation of the President, issued according to his discre- tion, be apprehended and secured or re- moved. These were known as Alien Laws. The President never had occasion to put them in force, but several prominent Frenchmen, who felt that the laws were aimed at them, speedily left the United States. Among these was M. Volney, who, in the preface of his work, A Vieiv of the Soil and Climate of the United States, complained bitterly of " the public and violent attacks made upon his character, with the connivance or instigation of a certain eminent personage," meaning Pres- ident Adams. On July 14, 1798, an act was passed for the punishment of sedition. It made it a high misdemeanor, punishable by a fine not to exceed $5,000, imprisonment from six months to five years, and binding to good behavior at the discretion of the court, for any person unlawfully to com- bine in opposing measures of the govern- ment properly directed by authority, or attempting to prevent government officers executing their trusts, or inciting to riot and insurrection. It also provided for the fining and imprisoning of any person guilty of printing or publishing " any false, scandalous, and malicious writings against the government of the United States, or either House of Congress, or the President, with intent to defame them, or to bring them into contempt or disre- pute." This was called the Sedition Law. These laws were assailed with great vigor by the Opposition, and were deplored by some of the best friends of the adminis- tration. Hamilton deprecated them. He wrote a hurried note of warning against the Sedition Act (June 29, 1798) to Wol- cott, while the bill was pending, saying: " Let us not establish a tyranny. Energy is a very different thing from violence. If we take no false step, we shall be es- sentially united; but if we push things to the extreme, we shall then give to par- ties body and solidity." Nothing contrib- uted more to the Federalist defeat two years later than these extreme measures. See Kentucky; Naturalization. Aliens. See Naturalization. Aliquippa, an Indian queen who dwelt at the confluence of the Monongahela and Youghiogheny rivers at the time of Washington's expedition to Fort Le Boeuf (1753). She had complained of his neg- lect in not calling on her on his outward journey, so he visited her in returning. With an apology, he gave the queen a coat and a bottle of rum. " The latter," Washington wrote, " was thought the much better present of the two," and har- mony of feeling was soon restored. Ali- quippa was a woman of great muscular and mental strength, and had performed such brave deeds that she was held in reverence by the Indians of western Pennsylvania. 101 ALISON— ALLATOONA PASS Alison, Francis, patriot and educator; born in Donegal county, Ireland, in 1705; came to America in 1735; and in 1752 he took charge of an academy in Philadelphia. From 1755 until his death he was Vice- provost and Professor of Moral Philosophy of the College of Pennsylvania. His chief claim to honor among men is that he was the tutor of a large number of Americans who were conspicuous actors in the events of the Revolution that accomplished the in- dependence of the United States of America. He died in Philadelphia, Nov. 28, 1779. Allatoona Pass, a locality in Bartow county, Ga., about 40 miles northwest of Atlanta, having large historical in- tej'est because of the important military operations in 1864. The Confederates, re- treating from Resaca, took a position at Allatoona Pass. Sherman, after resting his army, proceeded to flank them out of their new position. J. C. Davis's division of Thomas's army had moved down the Oostenaula to Rome, where he destroyed important mills and foundries, and capt- ured nearly a dozen guns. He left a garrison there. Meanwhile Sherman had destroyed the Georgia State Arsenal near he made a bold push, by Sherman's or- der, to secure possession of a point near New Hope Church, where roads from Ack- v/orth. Marietta, and Dallas met. A stormy night ensued, and Hooker could not drive the Confederates from their position. On the following morning Sher- man found the Confederates strongly in- trenched, with lines extending from Dallas to Marietta. The approach to their in- trenchments must be made over rough, wooded, and broken ground. For several days, constantly skirmish- ing, Sherman tried to break through their lines to the railway east of the Allatoona Pass. McPherson's troops moved to Dal- las, and Thomas's deployed against New Hope Church, in the vicinity of which there were many severe encounters, while Schofield was directed to turn and strike Johnston's right. On INIay 28 the Con- federates struck McPherson a severe blow at Dallas; but the assailants were re- pulsed with heavy loss. At the same time, Howard, nearer the centre, was re- pulsed. Sherman, by skilful movements, compelled Johnston to evacuate his strong position at Allatoona Pass (June 1, 1864). ALLATOONA PASS. Adairsville. The Nationals proceeded to gather in force at and near Dallas. John- ston was on the alert, and tried to prevent this formidable flank movement. Hook- er's corps met Confederate cavalry near Pumpkinvine Creek, whom he pushed across that stream and saved a bridge they had fired. Following them eastward 2 miles, he (Hooker) found the Confeder- ates in strong force and in battle order. A sharp conflict ensued, and at 4 p.m. The National cavalry, under Garrard and Stoneman, were pushed on to occupy it, and there Sherman, planting a garrison, made a secondary base of supplies for his army. Johnston made a stand at the Kenesaw Mountains, near Marietta; but Sherman, who had been reinforced by two divisions under Gen. Frank P. Blair (June 8), very soon caused him to abandon that position, cross the Chattahoochee River, and finally to rest at Atlanta. 102 ALLATOONA PASS— ALLEN After the evacuation of Atlanta (Sept. ^, 1864), Sherman and Hood reorganized their armies in preparation for a vigorous fall campaign. Satisfied that Hood in- tended to assume the offensive and prob- ably attempt the seizure of Tennessee, Sherman sent Thomas, his second in com- mand, to Nashville, to organize the new troops expected to gather there, and to make arrangements to meet such an emergency. Thomas arrived there Oct. 3. Meanwhile the Confederates had crossed the Chattahoochee, and by a rapid move- ment had struck the railway at Big Shanty, north of Marietta, and destroyed it for several miles. A division of in- fantry pushed northward and appeared before Allatoona, where Colonel Tourtel- lotte was guarding 1,000,000 National ra- tions with only three thin regiments. Sherman made efforts at once for the de- fence of these and his communications. Leaving Slocum to hold Atlanta and the railway bridge across the Chattahoochee, he started on a swift pursuit of Hood with five army corps and two divisions of cavalry. He established a signal station on the summit of Great Kenesaw Moun- tain, and telegraphed to General Corse, at Eome, to hasten to the assistance of Tourtellotte. Corse instantly obeyed ; and when the Confederates appeared before Allatoona, at dawn ( Oct. 5 ) , he was there with reinforcements, and in command. The Confederates were vastly superior in num- bers, and invested the place. After can- nonading the fort two hours, their leader (General French) demanded its surrender. Then he assailed it furiously, but his columns were continually driven back. The conflict raged with great fierceness; and Sherman, from the top of Kenesaw, heard the roar of cannon and saw the smoke of battle, though 18 miles dis- tant. He had pushed forward a corps (23d) to menace the Confederate Tear, and by signal - flags on Kenesaw he said to General Corse at Allatoona, " Hold the fort, for I am coming." And when Sherman was assured that Corse was there, he said, " He will hold out ; I know the man." And so he did. He repulsed the Confederates several times; and when they heard of the approach of the 23d Corps, they hastily withdrew, leaving behind them 230 dead and 400 prison- ers, with about 800 small-arms. The Nationals lost 707 men. The famous signal of General Sherman was subse- quently made the title of one of Ira D. Sankey's most thrilling hymns, which has been sung the world over. Allegiance, Oath of. See Oaths. Allen, Charles Herbert, adminis- trator; born in Lowell, Mass., April 15, 1848; was graduated at Amherst College in 1869; and became a lumber merchant at Lowell. He served in both Houses of the Massachusetts legislature; was a Re- publican member of Congress in 1885-89; defeated as Republican candidate for gov- ernor of Massachusetts in 1891 ; became Assistant Secretary of the Navy in May, 1898, and in April, 1900, was appointed the first American governor of Porto Rico. Allen, Ethan, military officer; born in Litchfield, Conn., Jan. 10, 1737. In 1762 he was one of the proprietors of the iron- works at Salisbury, Conn. In 1766 he went to the then almost unsettled domain between the Green Mountains and Lake Champlain, where he was a bold leader of the settlers on the New Hampshire grants in their controversy with the authorities of New York. (See New Hampshire.) During this period several pamphlets were written by Allen, in his peculiar style, which forcibly illustrated the injustice of the action of the New York authorities. The latter declared Allen an outlaw, and offered a reward of £150 for his arrest. He defied his enemies, and persisted in his course. Early in May, 1775, he led a few men and took the fortress of Ticon- deroga. His followers were called " Green Mountain Boys." His success as a par- tisan caused him to be sent twice into Canada, during the latter half of 1775, to win the people over to the republican cause. In the last of these expeditions he attempted to capture Montreal. With less than 100 recruits, mostly Canadians, Colonel Allen crossed the St. Lawrence, Sept. 25, 1775. This was done at the suggestion of Col. John Brown, who was also recruiting in the vicinity, and who agreed to cross the river at the same time a little above the city, the at- tack to be made simultaneously by both parties. For causes never satisfactorily explained, Brown did not cross, and dis- 103 ALLEN aster ensued. Gen. llobert Prescott was in command in the city. He sallied out with a considerable force of regulars, Canadians and Indians, and after a short skiiniish made Allen and his followers prisoners. When Prescott learned that she sailed from Quebec the humane cap- tain struck off his irons. He was con- lined seven weeks in Pendennis Castle in England, when he was sent to Halifax, and thence to New York, where he was exchanged in the spring of 1778, and re- turned home, where he was received with joy and honors. He was invested with the chief command of the State militia. Congress immediately gave him the com- mission of lieutenant-colonel in the Con- tinental army. When, in the course of the war, Vermont assumed and main- tained an independent position, a fruitless attempt was made by Beverly Robinson to bribe Allen to lend his support to a union of that province with Canada. He was supposed to be disaffected towards the re- volted colonies, and he fostered that im- pression in order to secure the neutrality of the British towards his mountain State until the close of the war. As a member of the legislature of Vermont, and as a delegate in Congress, he secured the great object of his efforts — namely, the ultimate recognition of Vermont as an independent State. He removed to Burlington before the close of the war, and died there Feb. 13, 1789. In 1894 the United States gov- ernment established a new military post 5 miles from Burlington and named it after him. See Ethan Allen, Fort. Allen, Ethan, lawyer; born in Mon- mouth county, N. J., May 12, 1832; was graduated at Brown University in 1860. At the beginning of the Civil War he raised a brigade of troops, but did not enter the service. In 1861-69 he was deputy United States attorney for the Southern District of New York; in 1870- 90 practised law in New York City; and in the Presidential campaign of 1872 was chairman of the National Liberal Repub- lican Committee. Subsequently he was president of the Cuban League of the United States. He is the author of Washington, or the Revolution, a history of the American Revolution in dramatic Allen was the man who captured Ticon- form. deroga, he treated him very harshly. He Allen, Henry Watkins, military offi- was bound hand and foot with irons, and cer ; born in Prince Edward county, Va., these shackles were fastened to a bar of April 29, 1820; became a lawyer in Mis- iron 8 feet in length. In this plight sissippi ; and in 1842 raised a company to he was thrust into the hold of a vessel to fight in Texas. He settled at West Baton be sent to England, and in that condi- Rouge, La., in 18-50; served in the State tion he was kept five weeks; but when legislature; was in the Law School at 104 ALLEN Cambridge in 1854; and visited Europe in 1859. He took an active part with the Confederates in the Civil War, and was at one time military governor at Jackson, Jtliss. In the battle of Shiloh and at Baton Rouge he was wounded. He was commissioned a brigadier-general in 18G4, but was almost immediately elected gov- ernor of Louisiana, the duties of which he performed with great ability and wis- dom. At the close of the war he made his residence in the city of Mexico, where he established the Mexican Times, which he edited until his death, April 22, 1866. Allen, Ira, military officer; a younger brother of Ethan ; born in Cornwall, Conn., April 21, 1751. He was an active patriot, and took a distinguished part in public affairs in Vermont, his adopted State, where he served in the legislature, and was secretary of state, surveyor-gen- eral, and a member of the council. He was a military leader in the war for inde- pendence, and was one of the commission- ers sent to Congress to oppose the claims of neighboring provinces to jurisdiction in Vermont. He .effected an armistice with the British in Canada in 1781, and by so doing brought about a settlement of the controversy with New York. As senior major-general of the State militia in 1795, he went to Europe to purchase arms for his commonwealth, and on his way homeward with muskets and cannon he was captured, taken to England, and charged with being an emissary of the French, and intending to supply the Irish malcontents with arms. After long liti- gation the matter was settled in Allen's favor. He wrote a National and Political History of Vermont, published in London in 1798, and died in Philadelphia, Jan. 7, 1814. Allen,, James Lane, author ; born in Kentucky in 1849; was graduated at Transylvania University; taught in the Kentucky University, and later became Professor of Latin and Higher English in Bethany College, West Virginia. Since 1886 he has been engaged in authorship. His publications include Flute and Vio- lin: The Blue Grass Region, and Other Sketches of Kentucky; John Gray, a novel; The Kentucky Cardinal; After- math; A Summer in Arcady; The Choir Itivisible, etc. Allen, Joel Asaph, zoologist; born in Springfield, Mass., July 19, 1838; studied zoology at the Lawrence Scientific School. In 1865-71 he was a member of scientific expeditions to Brazil, the Rocky Moun- tains, and Florida; in 1870-85 was as- sistant in ornithology at the Museum of Comparative Zoology in Cambridge. He was president of the American Ornitholo- gists' Union in 1883-90, and since 1885 has been curator of the department of vertebrate zoology in the American Muse- um of Natural History in New York. Professor Allen edited the Bulletin of the Nuttall Ornithological Club, and was au- thor of Ponographs of North American Rodents (with Elliott Coues) ; History of Noj-th American Pinnipeds, etc. Allen, Robert, military officer ; born in Ohio, about 1815; was graduated at West Point in 1836, and served with distinction in the war with Mexico. He was a very useful officer in the Civil War, and at- tained the rank of brigadier-general, and brevet major - general of volunteers. He was stationed at St. Louis, where his ser- vices were of great value during the war. At its close he was made assistant quar- termaster-general (1866), and afterwards chief-quartermaster of the division of the Pacific. He died in Switzerland, Aug. 6, 1886. Allen, William, jurist; born in Phila- delphia about 1710; married a daughter of Andrew Hamilton, a distinguished law- yer of Pennsylvania, whom he succeeded as recorder of Philadelphia in 1741. He assisted Benjamin West, the painter, in his early struggles, and co-operated with Benjamin Franklin in establishing the College of Pennsylvania. Judge Allen was chief- justice of that State from 1750 to 1774. A strong loyalist, he withdrew to England in 1774. In London he published a pamphlet entitled The American Crisis, containing a plan for restoring American dependence upon Great Britain. He died in England in September, 1780. Allen, William, educator and author; born in Pittsville, Mass., Jan. 2, 1784; graduated at Harvard College in 1802. After entering the ministry and preaching for some time in western New York, he was elected a regent and assistant libra- rian of Harvard College. He was presi- dent of Dartmouth College in 1817-20, and 105 ALLEN— ALLIBONE of Bowdoin College in 1820-39. He was the author of Junius Unmasked ; a supple- ment to Webster's Dictionary ; Psalms and Hymns ; Memoirs of Dr. Eleazer Wheelock and of Dr. John Codmand; A Discourse at the Close of the Second Century of the Settlement at Northampton, Mass.; Wun- nissoo, or the Vale of Housatonnuck, a poem; Christian Sonnets; Poems of Naza- reth and the Cross ; Sacred Songs; and nu- merous pamphlets, and contributed bi- ographical articles to Sprague's Annals of the American Pulpit. He also prepared the first edition of the American Biograph- ical and Historical Dictionary. He died in Northampton, Mass., July 16, 1868. Allen, William Henry, naval officer; born in Providence, R. I., Oct. 21, 1784; entered the navy as a midshipman in April, 1800, and sailed in the frigate George Washington to Algiers. He after- WILLIAM HENRY ALLKN. wards went to the Mediterranean in the Philadelphia, under Barron; then in the John Adams, under Rodgers; and in 1804 as sailing-master to the Congress. He was in the frigate Constitution in 1805 ; and in 1807 he was third lieutenant of the Chesapeake when she was attacked by the He died in New Haven in 1659 Leopard. It was Lieutenant Allen who Alliance, Farmers'. See Alliance. made first lieutenant of the frigate United States, under Decatur. He behaved brave- ly in the conflict with the Macedonian; and after her capture took her safely into New York Harbor, Jan. 1, 1813. In July, 1813, he was promoted to master- commandant while he was on his voyage in the brig Argus, that took W. H. Craw- ford, American minister, to France. That voyage ended in a remarkable and suc- cessful cruise among the British shipping in British waters. After capturing and destroying more than twenty British mer- chantmen, his own vessel was captured , and he was mortally wounded by a round shot (Aug. 14), and died the next day at Plymouth, England, whither he was con- veyed as a prisoner. Allen, William Vincent, politician; born in Midway, 0., Jan. 28, 1847; was educated in the common schools and Up- per Iowa University; served as a private soldier in the Union army during the Civil War. In 1869 he was admitted to the bar. In 1891 he Avas elected judge of the Ninth Judicial District Court of Ne- braska, and in 1892, United States Sena- tor from Nebraska, as a Populist. In the special session of Congress in 1893 he held the floor with a speech for fifteen consecu- tive hours, and in 1896 was chairman of the Populist National Convention. See People's Party; Populists. Allerton, Isaac, a Pilgrim Father; born in England about 1583; was the fifth man who appended his name to the con- stitution of government signed in the cabin of the Mayfloioer. He survived the terrors of the first winter at Plymouth, and afterwards became the active agent of the settlers in negotiating the purchase of the domain from the Indians for the London merchants who furnished money for the enterprise. He was a successful trader, and became one of the founders of the commerce of New England. He finally made New Amsterdam (now New York) his chief place of residence, and traded principally in tobacco. He was chosen one of the Council of Eight Men. drew up the memorial of the officers of the Chesapeake to the Secretary of the Navy, urging the arrest and trial of Bar- ron for neglect of duty. In 1809 he was Allibone, Samuel Austin, pher; born in Philadelphia, 1816. He was the author of Farmers' bibliogra- April 17, A Critical 106 ALLISON— ALMAGRO Dictionary of English Literature and British and American Authors, Living and Deceased, from the Earliest Ac- counts to the Latter Half of the Nine- teenth Century. This work is in 3 volumes loj^al octavo, and exhibits evi- dence of great care, industry, good judg- ment, most extensive research, and im- mense labor in its preparation. Dr. Alli- bone spent many years in gathering and arranging his materials. The volumes were published in 1850, 1870, and 1871. The work contains notices of 47,000 au- thors, with forty classified indexes of sub- jects. Dr. Allibone contributed articles to the North American Review, the Evangelical Revieio, and other periodicals, and was the author of some religious con- troversial essays. He also privately print- ed and circulated a number of tracts. He was librarian of the Tjcnox Library in New York City at the time of his death, Sept. 2, 1889. Allison, William Boyd, statesman; born in Perry, 0., March 2, 1829; was edu- cated at Alleghany and Western Reserve Colleges ; admitted to the bar and prac- tised in Ohio until 1857, when he removed to Dubuque, la. In 1860 he was a dele- gate to the Chicago Convention. During the Civil War he was active in raising troops for the Union army. In 1862 he was elected to Congress as a Republican, and was re-elected three times. In 1873 he was elected to the United States Sen- ate, and has since held the seat by re- elections. He has been a conspicuous can- didate for the Republican Presidential nomination several times, and his name is associated with that of the late Richard P. Bland (q. v.) in the history of the Silver Act of 1877-78. See Bland Silver Bill. Allouez, Claude Jean, one of the earli- est French missionaries and explorers of the country near the Great Lakes ; born in 1620. After laboring among the Ind- ians on the St. Lawrence several years, he penetrated the Western wilds and es- tablished a mission on the western shores of Lake Michigan, where he heard much about the Mississippi River, and made notes of what he learned concerning it. Ho explored Green Bay, and founded a mission among the Foxes, Miamis, and other tribes there. A mission begun by Marquette at Kaskaskia, 111., Allouez sought to make his permanent field of la- bor; but when La Salle, the bitter oppo- nent of the Jesuits, approached in 1679, he retired. Returning to the Miamis on the St. Joseph's River, he labored for a while, and died, Aug. 27, 1689. The contribu- tions of Father Allouez to the Jesuit Re- lations are most valuable records of the ideas and manners of the Indians. Allston, Washington, a distinguished painter; born in Waccamaw, S. C, Nov. 5, 1779; was graduated at Harvard College WASHINGTON ALLSTO.V, in 1800; went to Europe the next year to study art, and remained eight years abroad. His numerous works of art exhibit great power in delineating the pictures of a fertile imagination. His skill as a color- ist earned him the title of " The Ameri- can Titian." He died in Cambridge, Mass., July 9, 1843. Almagro, Diego de, a Spanish con- queror of Peru, and principal associate of Pizarro; born about 1464. Almagro, Pi- zarro, and a priest named Luque under- took the conquest of Peru, and eflfected it, with a small force, in 1533. Almagro was appointed governor of what is now Chile in 1534, extending his conquests into that region in 1535. He and Pizarro became bitter enemies. He conquered Cuzco, the ancient capital of Peru. In a decisive 107 ALMANACS— AMBASSADOR battle near that place, in 1538, Almagro was defeated, made prisoner, and put to death by order of Pizarro, in July, 1538. Almagro was profligate, perfidious, and cruel. His barbarous treatment of the inca Atahualpa covered his name and fame with infamy. The inca's son rallied men, who assassinated Pizarro, July 26, 1541, and these were excuted by order of the Viceroy of Peru in 1542. Almanacs, American. No copy is known to exist of the almanac of 1639, ihe first published in America, calculated for New England by William Pierce, mariner: another, the Boston Almanac, by John Foster, 1676. William Bradford at PJiiladelphia published an almanac of tAventy pages, 1685, commonly received as the first almanac published in the colo- nies ; a copy from the Brinl'ey library sold in New York, March, 1882, for $555. Alsop, EicHARD, a witty poet and essay- ist; born in Middletown, Conn., Jan. 23, 1761. He is best known in literature as the principal author of a series of bur- lesque pieces, begun in 1791 and ended in 1805, entitled, in collective form, The Echo. They were thus published in 1807. Dwight, Hopkins, and Trumbull were associated with Alsop in the production of The Echo, Avhich, from a work provocative of mirth, became a bitter political satirist of the Democratic party. He wrote a Monody on the Death of Washinaton, in heroic verse, which was published in 1800. Al- sop ranked among the " Hartford Wits " at the close of the eighteenth century. He died in Flatbush, L. I., Aug. 20, 1815. Alta California, the name formerly ap- plied to Upper, or New, California, now a State in the American Union, to dis- tinguish it from Lower, or Old, Califor- nia, now a territory of Mexico. The name California was first applied solely to what is now known as Lower California. Altgeld, John Peter, lawyer; born in Germany, Dec. 30, 1847; was brought to the United States in infancy by his parents, who settled near Mansfield, 0. ; received a public school education ; en- tered the Union army in 1863, and served till the close of the war. In 1869 he was admitted to the Missouri bar; in 1874 was elected State attorney of Andrew county. Mo. ; in the following year removed to Chicago; in 1886-91 was judge of the superior court of that city; and in 1893- 07 was governor of Illinois. His action in pardoning (June 27, 1893) Fielden, Schwab, and Neebe, who had been im- prisoned for complicity in the Haymarket atrocity by alleged anarchists, excited strong and general criticism (see Anar- chists ; Socialism). His publications include Our Penal Machinery and its Vic- tims; Live Questions ; Oratory, etc. He died in Joliet, 111., March 12, 1902. Alvarado, Pedro de, a Spanish conquer- or in America; born in Badajos, Spain, about 1485. Sailing from Spain to Cuba, in 1518, he accompanied Grijalva on his exploring expedition along the Gulf coasts. Alvarado made explorations and discov- eries on the coast of California, and was killed in a skirmish with the natives in New Galicia, June 4, 1541. Alvey, Richard Henry, jurist; born in St. Mary's county, Md., in March, 1826; was educated in St. Mary's College; admitted to the bar in 1849. He was elected a Pierce Presidential elector in 1852, and a member of the Michigan State Constitutional Conven- tion in 1867. He served as chief judge of the Fourth Judicial Circuit, and as a justice of the Michigan Court of Ap- pieals in 1867-83. and as chief-justice of that court in 1883-93. On Jan. 1, 1896, President Cleveland appointed him a mem- ber of the Venezuelan Boundary Com- mission (q. v.). Ambassador, the title of the highest diplomatic officer. In the days immedi- ately preceding the establishment of the American Republic the officers who were sent to Europe on diplomatic missions were officially termed commissioners. On June 1, 1785, when Marquis Carmarthen introduced John Adams to the King of Great Britain, he designated the Ameri- can representative as " Ambassador Ex- traordinary from the LTnited States of America to the Court of London." When the American diplomatic service was per- manently organized, the title of the high- est representative was made " Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotenti- ary," subordinate representatives being given the title of " Ministers " or " Minis- ters Resident." In 1893 Congress passed an act providing that whenever a foreign government elevated its representative at 108 AMBRISTER— AMENDMENTS OF THE CONSTITUTION" PHILADELPHIA FIREMEX'S AMBULANCE. Washington to the rank of an ambassador, Amelia Island, an island at the mouth the United States government would raise of the St. Mary River, near the boundary its representative to that foreign govern- betv^'een Georgia and Florida. In the sum- ment to the same rank. Under this law nier of 1817 Gregor McGregor, styling the American representatives to France, himself " Brigadier-general of the armies Great Britain, Italy, Mexico, and Russia of New Granada and Venezuela, and gen- have been raised to the higher rank, and eral-in-chief employed to liberate the prov- are known officially as Ambassadors Ex- inces of both the Floridas," commissioned traordinary and Plenipotentiary. Ambas- by the supreme councils of Mexico and sadors, in addition to the usual privileges South America, took possession of this accorded representatives of foreign govern- island. His followers were a band of ad- ments, have the special one of personal venturers which he had collected in audience with the head of the State to Charleston and Savannah; and when he which they are accredited. took possession he proclaimed a blockade Ambrister. See Arbuthnot. of St. Augustine. In the hands of these Ambulance Service. The benevolent desperadoes the island was soon converted work of the Volunteer Refreshment Sa- into a resort of buccaneering privateers loons of Philadelphia during 1861-65 was under the Spanish-American flag, and a depot for smuggling slaves into the United States. Another similar establishment had been set up on Galveston Island, off the coast of Texas, under a leader named Aury. This establishment was more im- portant than that on Amelia Island, as well on account of numbers as for the greater facilities afforded for smuggling. It was a second Barataria, and to it some of the old privateers and smugglers of Lafitte's band of Baratarians resorted, supplemented by a good work carried on Under a secret act, passed in 1811, and wholly by the firemen of that city. When first made public in 1817, the President sick and wounded soldiers began to be took the responsibility of suppressing brought to the hospitals in Philadel- both these establishments. Aury had phia, the medical department found it joined McGregor with the Galveston des- difficult to procure pro^jer vehicles to con- peradoes, and their force was formida- vey them from the wharves to their des- ble. The President sent Captain Henly, tination. The distress caused by delays in the ship John Adams, with smaller and inconvenient conveyances the sympa- vessels, and a battalion of Charleston thetic firemen attempted to alleviate. An artillery under Major Bankhead, to arrangement was made for the chief of take possession of Amelia Island, the department to announce the arrival McGregor was then at sea, leaving of a transport by a given signal, when the Aury in command of the island. He was firemen would hasten to the landing-place summoned to evacuate it; and on Dec. with spring-wagons. Finally, the " North- 23 the naval and military commanders, ern Liberties Engine Company " had a fine with their forces, entered the place and ambulance constructed. More than thirty took quiet possession. Aury left it in other engine and hose companies followed February, and so both nests of pirates their example, and the suffering soldiers and smugglers were broken up. At were conveyed from ship to hospital with the same time there was much sympa- the greatest tenderness. These ambu- thy felt in the United States for the lances cost in the aggregate over $30,000, revolted Spanish - American colonies, and, all of which was contributed by the fire- in spite of the neutrality laws, a num- nien. The number of disabled soldiers ber of cruisers were fitted out in American who were conveyed on these ambulances ports under their flags, during the war was estimated at more Amendments of the Constitution. See than 120,000. Constitution of the United States. 109 AMEBICA, DISCOVEBEBS OF America, Discoverers of. About the year 860 Noddodr, an illustrious sea- rover, driven by a storm, discovered Ice- land, and named it Snowland. Not many years afterwards Earl Ingolf, of Norway, sought Iceland as a refuge from tyranny, and planted a colony there. Greenland Avas discovered by accident. One of the early settlers in Iceland was driven west- ward on the sea by a storm, and discovered Greenland. To that retreat Eric the Red was compelled to fly from Iceland, and, finding it more fertile than the latter, named it Greenland, made it his place of abode, and attracted other Northmen thither. Among Eric's followers was a Norwegian, whose son Bjarni, or Biarne, a promising young man, trading between Norway and Iceland, and finding his fa- ther gone t with Eric, proposed to his crew to go to his parent in Greenland. They were driven westward, and, it is believed, they saw the American continent in the year 986. The sons of Eric heard the stories of Bjarni, and one of them, Lief, sailed in search of the newly discovered land, and found it. See United States. While there continues to be much doubt concerning the authenticity of claims put forth in behalf of extremely early dis- coverers, there are unquestioned histori- cal records of America for the space of over 500 years. It was undoubtedly dis- covered by Northern navigators early in the eleventh century, and the colony of the son of a Welsh prince, Madoc (q. v.), probably landed on the North American continent about the year 1170. There is no evidence that the Northmen saw more than the coasts of Labrador and New England — possibly Newfoundland; and the landing-place of Madoc is wholly conjectural. On Oct. 11, 1492, Christo- pher Columbus discovered one of the Ba- hama Islands, east of Florida, but not the continent. In the summer of 1498 Sebas- tian Cabot (commissioned by King Henry VII. of England), who sailed from Bristol in May with two caravels, discovered the North American continent at Labrador. He was seeking a northwest passage to " Cathay," and, being barred from the Polar Sea by pack-ice, sailed southward, discovered Labrador, and possibly went along the coast as f.ar as the Carolinas. He discovered and named Newfoundland, and found the treasures of codfishes in the waters near it. On Aug. 1 the same svunmer Columbus discovered the con- tinent of South America, near the mouth of the Orinoco River. Americus Vespucius, a Florentine, and an agent of the de' Medici family of Flor- ence, was in Spain when the great discov- ery of Columbus was made. In May, 1499, Vespucius sailed from Spain with Alonzo de Ojeda as an adventurer and self-consti- tuted geographer for the new-found world. They followed the southern track of Co- lumbus in his third voyage, and olT the coast of Surinam, South America, they saw the mountains of the continent. That v/as a year after Columbus first saw the continent of America. On his return, in 1500, Vespucius gave an account of the voyage in a letter to Lorenzo de' Medici (for text of letter, see Americus Vespu- cius). He made other voyages, and in a letter to Rene, Duke of Lorraine, written in 1504, he gave an account of his four voyages, in which he erroneously dated the time of his departure on his first voyage May 29, 1497, or a year or more before Columbus and Cabot severally discovered the conliinent of North and South Amer- ica. In 1505 a narrative of his voyages to America was published at Strasburg, entitled Americus Vesputius de Orbe Ant- arctico per Regum Portugalliae Pridem Juventa. From that publication, bearing the untrue date of his first voyage, Vespu- cius acquired the reputation of being the first discoverer of America. Alluding to that false date and the statements under it, the learned and conscientious Charle- voix wrote that " Ojeda, when judicially interrogated, gave the lie direct to the statement." And Herrera, an early Span- ish historian, accuses Vespucius of pur- posely falsifying the date of two of his voyages, and of confounding one with the other, " in order that he might arrogate to himself the glory of having discovered the continent." Finally, when Columbus was dead, and no voice of accusation or denial could escape his lips, the narra- tives of Vespucius were published at St. Diey, in Lorraine, then, as now, a German frontier province. At that time Vespucius was in correspondence with a learned Ger- man school-master named Waldseemfiller (W^ood-lake-miller), who was a corre- 110 AMEBICA, DISCOVEREBS OF spondent of the Academy of Cosmography at Strasburg, founded by the Duke of Lorraine. Waldseemiiller suggested to the members of that institution, under whose auspices the narrative of Vespucius had been published, the name of " America " for the Western Continent, in compliment to the reputed discoverer. This proposi- tion was published, with approval, in a work entitled Cosmographice Rudimenta, in 1507. It is believed that this action was taken at the request or suggestion of Vespucius; at any rate, he is respon- sible for the fraud, for it was published seven years before the death of the Flor- entine, and he never repudiated it. " Con- sidering the intimacy of the two parties," says the learned Viscount Santerem, " there is no doubt that the geographer was guided by the navigator in what he did." The name of America was given in honor of Americus Vespucius, for whom a fraudulent claim to be the first dis- coverer of the Western Hemisphere was made, and it was done at the suggestion of a German school-master. Both Colum- bus and Cabot were deprived of the right- ful honor. See America, Discovery of. In 1499, Vincent Yaiiez Pinzon sailed from Palos with his brother and four caravels, and, reaching the coast of South America, discovered the great river Amazon in the spring of 1500. Before Pinzon's return, Pedro Alvarez Cabral, sent by Emanuel, King of Portugal, while on an exploring expedition discovered Bra- zil, and took possession of it in the name of the crown of Portugal. It was within the territory donated by the Pope to the Spanish monarchs. (See Alexander VI.) A friendly arrangement was made, and it was ultimately agreed that the King of Portugal should hold all the country he had discovered from the river Amazon to the river Platte. On the announcement of the discoveries of Cabot in the Northwest, King Emanuel of Portugal sent Gaspard Cortereal, a skilful navigator, with two caravels on a voyage of discovery towards the same region. He saw Labrador, and possibly Newfoundland, and went up the coast almost to Hudson Bay; and it is be- lieved that he discovered the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In 1504 Columbus, in a fourth voyage to America, sailed with four caravels through the Gulf of Mexico, in 1 search of a passage to India, and discov- ered Central America. In 1506 John Denys, of Honfleur, explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Two years later Thomas Aubert, a pilot of Dieppe, visited, it is believed, the island of Cape Breton, and gave it its name. He carried some of the natives with him to France. In 1518 the Baron de Leri, preparatory to the settle- ment of a colony on Sable Island, left some cattle there, whose progeny, four- score years afterwards, gave food to un- • fortunate persons left on the island by the Marquis de la Roche. Six years later, Juan Ponce de Leon, an old Spanish noble- man, sailed from Porto Rico, in the West Indies, of which he was governor, in search of an island containing a fabled fountain of youth. He did not find the spring, but discovered a beautiful land covered with exquisite flowers, and named it Florida. In 1520 Lticas Vasquez de Allyon, a wealthy Spaniard, who owned mines in Santo Domingo, voyaged northwesterly from that island, and discovered the coast of South Carolina. Meanwhile the Span- iards had been pushing discoveries west- ward from Hispaniola, or Santo Domingo. Ojeda also discovered Central America. In 1513 Vasco Nunez de Balboa discovered the Pacific Ocean from a mountain sum- mit on the Isthmus of Darien. Francisco Fernandez de Cordova discovered Mexico in 1517. Pamphila de Narvaez and Fer- dinand de Soto traversed the country bor- dering on the Gulf of Mexico, the former in 1528, and the latter in 1539-41. In the latter year De Soto discovered and crossed the Mississippi, and penetrated the coun- try beyond. This was the last attempt of the Spaniards to make discoveries in North x^merica before the English ap- peared upon the same field. , It is claimed for Giovanni da Ver- razano, a Florentine navigator, that he sailed from France with four ships, in 1524, on a voyage of discovery, and that lie traversed the shores of America from Florida to Nova Scotia. He is supposed to have entered Delaware Bay and the har- bors of New York, Newport, and Boston, and named the country he had discovered New France. Jacques Cartier discovered the gulf and river St. Lawrence in 1534, and, revisiting them the next year, gave them that name, because the day when he 11 AMERICA, DISCOVERY OF entered their waters was dedicated to St. and explored by French traders and Jesuit Lawrence. In 1576 Sir Martin Frobisher missionaries in the seventeenth century, went to Greenland and Labrador, and So early as 1G40 the former penetrated the coasting northward discovered the bay that western wilds from Quebec. Father Al- bears his name. Huguenot adventurers louez set up a cross and the arms of from South Carolina, floating on the France westward of the lakes in 1665. ocean helplessly, were picked up, taken to Father Marquette, another Jesuit mis- England, and by the stories which they sionary, pushed farther in 1673, and dis- told of the beautiful land they had left, covered the upper waters of the Missis- caused Queen Elizabeth to encourage voy- sippi. Father Hennepin, who accom- ages of discovery in that direction. Sir panied La Salle, explored the Mississippi Walter Raleigh, favored by the Queen, sent in a canoe from the mouth of the Illinois two ships, commanded by Philip Amidas River, northward, in 1680, and discovered and Arthur Barlow, to the middle regions and named the Falls of St. Anthony. A of the North American coast. They dis- little later Robert Cavelier de la Salle, covered Roanoke Island and the main an enterprising young trader, penetrated near, and in honor of the unmarried Queen to the Mississippi, and afterwards visited the whole country was named Virginia, the coast of Texas from the sea and plant- In 1602 Bartholomew Gosnold, sailing ed the germ of a colony in Louisiana. See from England directly across the Atlantic, Americus Vespucius; Cabeza de Vaca; discovered the continent on May 14, near Cabot, Sebastian; Colonies; Columbus, Nahant, Mass., and sailing southward also Christopher; Verrazano, Giovanni da; discovered a long, sandy point, which he Hui Shen; Vasquez de Allyon. named Cape Cod, because of the great America, Disco\tery of. Ferdinand number of that fish found there. He also Columbus was an illegitimate son of the discovered Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, great admiral by Doua Beatrix Hen- and the Elizabeth Islands. In 1604 Mar- riques; was born in Cordova Aug. 15, tin Pring discovered the coast of Maine. 1488; became a page to Queen Isabella Again the French had turned their at- in 1498; accompanied his father on the tention to North America. M. de Chastes, fourth voyage, in 1502-4; passed the lat- governor of Dieppe, having received a ter part of his life principally in literary charter from the King of France to form pursuits and in accumulating a large li- a settlement in New France, he employed brary; and died in Seville July 12, 1539. Samuel Champlain, an eminent navigator. Among his writings was a biography of to explore that region. He sailed from his father, which was published in Italian, Honfleur in March, 1603, went up the St. in Venice, in 1571. The original of this Lawrence in May to Quebec, and, return- work, in Spanish, together with that of ing to France, found De Chastes dead, and his history of the Indies, is lost, although the concession granted to him trans- a considerable portion of his collection of ferred by the King to Pierre du Gast, volumes in print and manuscript is still Sieur de Monts, a wealthy Huguenot, who preserved in the Seville Cathedral. Be- accompanied Champlain on another voy- cause of the loss of the original manu- age to the St. Lawrence the next year, script of the biography, its authenticity In 1608 he went up the St. Lawrence has been called into question, and has again; and the following summer, while formed the basis for quite a spirited con- engaged in war with some Hurons and troversy by historians, with the result that Algonquins against the Iroquois, he dis- the general belief in the genuineness of covered the lake that bears his name in the biography has not been seriously northern New York. At the same time, shaken. If it did not settle the doubt, Henry Hudson, a navigator in the employ the controversy had the effect of call- of the Dutch East India Company, en- ing a larger degree of attention to the tered the harbor of New York (Septem- biography than it would have had other- ber, 1609) and ascended the river that wise. bears his name as far as Albany. The In this biography Ferdinand gave a nar- region of the Great Lakes and the upper rative of the discovery of America by his valley of the Mississippi were discovered father, which is herewith reproduced: 112 AMERICA, DISCOVERY OF All the conditions which the admiral demanded being conceded by their Catholic majesties, he set out from Granada on the 21st May 1492, for Palos, where he was to fit out the ships for his intended ex- pedition. That town was bound to serve the crown for three months with two cara- vels, which were ordered to be given to Columbus; and he fitted out these and a third vessel with all care and diligence. The ship in which he personally embarked was called the St. Mary; the second vessel named the Pinta, was commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon ; and the third named the Nina, which had square sails, was under the command of Vincent Yanez Pinzon, the brother of Alonzo, both of whom were inhabitants of Palos. Being furnished with all necessaries, and having 90 men to navigate the three vessels, Co- lumbus set sail from Palos on the 3d of August 1492, shaping his course directly for the Canaries. During this voyage, and indeed in all the four voyages which he made from Spain to the West Indies, the admiral was very careful to keep an exact journal of every occurrence which took place; al- ways specifying what winds blew, how far he sailed with each particular wind, what currents were found, and every thing that was seen by the way, whether birds, fishes, or any other thing. Although to note all these particulars with a minute relation of every thing that happened, shewing what impressions and effects answered to the course and aspect of the stars, and the differences between the seas which he sail- ed and those of our countries, might all be useful; yet as I conceive that the rela- tion of these particulars might now be tiresome to the reader, I shall only give an account of what appears to me neces- sary and convenient to be known. On Saturday the 4th of August, the next day after sailing from Palos, the rudder of the Pinta broke loose. The admiral strongly suspected that this was occasioned by the contrivance of the master on purpose to avoid proceeding on the voyage, which he had endeavoured to do before they left Spain, and he therefore ranged up along side of the disabled ves- sel to give every assistance in his power, but the wind blew so hard that he was unable to afford any aid. Pinzon, how- I.— H 1 ever, being an experienced seaman, soon made a temporary repair by means of ropes, and they proceeded on their voyage. But on the following Tuesday, the weather becoming rough and boisterous, the fast- enings gave way, and the squadron was obliged to lay to for some time to renew the repairs. From this misfortune of twice breaking the rudder, a superstitious person might have foreboded the future disobedience of Pinzon to the admiral; as through his malice the Pinta twice sep- arated from the squadron, as shall be afterwards related. Having applied the best remedy they could to the disabled state of the rudder, the squadron contin- ued its voyage, and came in sight of the Canaries at day-break of Thursday the 9th of August; but owing to contrary winds, they were unable to come to anchor at Gran Canaria until the 12th. The ad- miral left Pinzon at Gran Canaria to en- deavour to procure another vessel instead of that which was disabled, and went him- self with the Nina on the same errand to Gomera. The admiral arrived at Gomera on Sunday the 12th of August, and sent a boat on shore to inquire if any vessel could be procured there for his purpose. The boat returned next morning, and brought intelligence that no vessel was then at that island, but that Dona Beatrix de Bobadilla, the propriatrix of the island, was then at Gran Canaria in a hired ves- sel of 40 tons belonging to one Gradeuna of Seville, which would probably suit his purpose and might perhaps be got. He therefore determined to await the arrival of that vessel at Gomera, believing that Pinzon might have secured a vessel for himself at Gran Canaria, if he had not been able to repair his own. After wait- ing two days, he dispatched one of his peo- ple in a bark which was bound from Go- mera to Gran Canaria, to acquaint Pinzon where he lay, and to assist him in repair- ing and fixing the rudder. Having wait- ed a considerable time for an answer to his letter, he sailed with the two vessels from Gomera on the 23d of August for Gran Canaria, and fell in with the bark on the following day, which had been detained all that time on its voyage by contrary winds. He now took his man from the bark, and sailing in the night past the isl- 13 AMEHICA, DISCOVERY OF and of Teneriffe, the people were much as- tonished at observing flames bursting out of the lofty mountain called El Pico, or the Peak of Teneriff"e. On this occasion the admiral was at great pains to explain the nature of this phenomenon to the people, by instancing the example of Etna and several other known volcanoes. Passing by Teneriffe, they arrived at Gran Canaria on Saturday the 25th Au- gust; and found that Pinzon had only got in there the day before. From him the admiral was informed that Dona Beatrix had sailed for Gomera on the 20th with the vessel which he was so anxious to ob- tain. His officers were much troubled at the disappointment; but he, who always endeavoured to make the best of every oc- currence, observed to them that since it had not pleased God that they should get this vessel it was perhaps better for them; as they might have encountered much op- position in pressing it into the service, and might have lost a great deal of time in shipping and unshipping the goods. Wherefore, lest he might again miss it if he returned to Gomera, he resolved to make a new rudder for the Pinta at Gran Canaria, and ordered the square sails of the Nina to be changed to round ones, like those of the other two vessels, that she might be able to accompany them with less danger and agitation. The vessels being all refitted, the ad- miral weighed anchor from Gran Canaria on Saturday the first of September, and arrived next day at Gomera, where four days were employed in completing their stores of provisions and of wood and wa- ter. On the morning of Thursday the sixth of September, 1492, the admiral took his departure from Gomera, and com- menced his great undertaking by standing directly westwards, but made very slow progress at first on account of calms. On Sunday the ninth of September, about day-break, they were nine leagues west of the island of Ferro. Now losing sight of land and stretching out into utterly unknown seas, many of the people express- ed their anxiety and fear that it might be long before they should see land again ; but the admiral used every endeavour to comfort them with the assurance of soon finding the land he was in search of, and raised their hopes of acquiring wealth and 1 honour by the discovery. To lessen the fear which they entertained of the length of way they had to sail, he gave out that they had only proceeded fifteen leagues that day, when the actual distance sailed was eighteen; and to induce the people to believe that they were not so far from Spain as they really were, he resolved to keep considerably short in his reckoning during the whole voyage, though he care- fully recorded the true reckoning every day in private. On VVednesday the twelfth September, having got to about 150 leagues west of Ferro, they discovered a large trunk of a tree, sufficient to have been the mast of a vessel of 120 tons, and which seemed to have been a long time in the water. At this distance from Ferro, and for some- what farther on, the current was found to set strongly to the north-east. Next day, when they had run fifty leagues farther westwards, the needle was observed to vary half a point to the eastward of north, and next morning the variation was a whole point east. This variation of the compass had never been before ob- served, and therefore the admiral was much surprised at the phenomenon, and concluded that the needle did not actually point towards the polar star, but to some other fixed point. Three days afterwards, when almost 100 leagues farther west, he was still more astonished at the irregu- larity of the variation; for having ob- served the needle to vary a whole point to the eastwards at night, it pointed di- rectly northwards in the morning. On the night of Saturday the fifteenth of Sep- tember, being then almost 300 leagues west of Ferro, they saw a prodigious flash of light, or fire ball, drop from the sky into the sea, at four or five leagues distance from the ships towards the south-west. The weather was then quite fair and se- rene like April, the sea perfectly calm, the wind favourable from the north-east, and the current setting to the north-east. The people in the Nina told the ad- miral that they had seen the day before a heron, and another bird which they called Raho-de-junco. These were the first birds which had been seen during the voyage, and were considered as indications of ap- proaching land. But they were more agreeably surprised next day, Sunday six- 14 AMERICA, DISCOVERY OE teenth September, by seeing great abun- dance of yellowish green sea weeds, which appeared as if newly washed away from some rock or island. Next day the sea weed was seen in much greater quantity, and a small live lobster was observed among the weeds: from this circumstance many affirmed that they were certainly near the land. The sea water was after- wards noticed to be only half so salt as before; and great numbers of tunny fish were seen swimming about, some of which came so near the vessel, that one was kill- ed by a bearded iron. Being now 360 leagues west from Ferro, another of the birds called rabo-de-junco was seen. On Tuesday the eighteenth September, Mar- tin Alonzo Pinzon, who had gone a-head of the admiral in the Pinta, which was an excellent sailer, lay to for the admiral to come up, and told him that he had seen a great number of birds fly away westwards, for which reason he was in great hopes to see land that night; Pin- zon even thought that he saw land that night about fifteen leagues distant to the northwards, which appeared very black and covered with clouds. All the people would have persuaded the admiral to try for land in that direction; but, being certainly assured that it was not land, and having not yet reached the distance at which he expected to find the land, he would not consent to lose time in alter- ing his course in that direction. But as the wind now freshened, he gave or- ders to take in the top-sails at night, having now sailed eleven days before the wind due westwards with all their sails up. All the people in the squadron being utterly unacquainted with the seas they now traversed, fearful of their danger at such unusual distance from any relief, and seeing nothing around but sky and water, began to mutter among themselves, and anxiously observed every appearance. On the nineteenth September, a kind of sea-gull called Alcatraz flew over the ad- miral's ship, and several others were seen in the afternoon of that day, and as the admiral conceived that these birds would not fly far from land, he entertained hopes of soon seeing what he was in quest of. He therefore ordered a line of 200 fathoms to be tried, but without finding any bot- 11 tom. The current was now found to set to the south-west. On Thursday the twentieth of Septem- ber, two alcatrazes came near the ship about two hours before noon, and soon afterwards a third. On this day likewise they took a bird resembling a heron, of a black colour with a white tuft on its head, and having webbed feet like a duck. Abundance of weeds were seen floating in the sea, and one small fish was taken. About evening three land birds settled on the rigging of the ship and began to sing. These flew away at day-break, which was considered a strong indication of approaching the land, as these little birds could not have come from any far distant country; whereas the other large fowls, being used to water, might much better go far from land. The same day an alcatraz was seen. Friday the twenty-first another alca- traz and a rabo-de-junco were seen, and vast quantities of weeds as far as the eye could carry towards the north. These ap- pearances were sometimes a comfort to the people, giving them hopes of nearing the wished-for land ; while at other times the weeds were so thick as in some meas- ure to impede the progress of the vessels, and to occasion terror lest what is fabu- lously reported of St. Amaro in the frozen sea, might happen to them, that they might be so enveloped in the weeds as to be unable to move backwards or for- wards; wherefore they steered away from those shoals of weeds as much as they could. Next day, being Saturday the twenty- second September, they saw a whale and several small birds. The wind now veered to the south-west, sometimes more and sometimes less to the westwards; and though this was adverse to the direction of their proposed voyage, the admiral to comfort the people alleged that this was a favourable circumstance; because among other causes of fear, they had formerly said they should never have a wind to carry them back to Spain, as it had always blown from the east ever since they left Ferro. They still continued, however, to murmur, alleging that this southwest wind was by no means a settled one, and as it never blew strong enough to swell the sea, it would not serve to carry them AMERICA, DISCOVERY OE back again through so great an extent of sea as they had now passed over. In spite of every argument used by the admiral, assuring them that the alterations in the wind were occasioned by the vicinity of the land, by which likewise the waves were prevented from rising to any height, they were still dissatisfied and terrified. On Sunday the twenty-third of Septem- ber, a brisk gale sprung up W. N. W. with a rolling sea, such as the people had wished for. Three hours before noon a turtle-dove was observed to fly over the ship; towards evening an alcatraz, a river fowl, and several white birds were seen Hying about, and some crabs were ob- served among the weeds. Next day an- other alcatraz was seen and several small birds which came from the west. Num- bers of small fishes were seen swimming about, some of which were struck with harpoons, as they would not bite at the hook. The more that the tokens mentioned above were observed, and foimd not to be followed by the so anxiously looked-for land, the more the people became fearful of the event, and entered into cabals a,gainst the admiral, who they said was desirous to make himself a great lord at the expense of their danger. They repre- sented that they had already sufficiently performed their duty in adventuring far- ther from land and all possibility of suc- cour than had ever been done before, and that they ought not to proceed on the voyage to their manifest destruction. If they did they would soon have reason to repent their temerity, as provisions would soon fall short, the ships were already faulty and would soon fail, and it would be extremely difficult to get back so far as they had already gone. None could condemn them in their own opinion for now turning back, but all must consider them as brave men for having gone upon such an enterprize and venturing so far. That the admiral was a foreigner who had no favour at court; and as so many wise and learned men had already condemned his opinions and enterprize as visionary and impossible, there would be none to favour or defend him, and they were sure to find more credit if they accused him of ignorance and mismanagement than he would do, whatsoever he might now say Jfor himself against them. Some even pro- ceeded so far as to propose, in case the affmiral should refuse to acquiesce in their proposals, that they might make a short end of all disputes by throwing him over- board; after ; which they could give out that he had fallen over while making his observations, and no one would ever think of inquiring into the truth. They thus went on day after day, muttering, com- plaining, and consulting together; and though the admiral was not fully aware of the extent of their cabals, he was not entirely without apprehensions of their in- constancy in the present trying situa- tion, and of their evil intentions towards him. He therefore exerted himself to the utmost to quiet their apprehensions and to suppress their evil design, sometimes using fair words, and at other times fully resolved to expose his life rather than abandon the enterprize; he put them in mind of the due pimishment they would subject themselves to if they obstriicted the voyage. To confirm their hopes, he re- capitulated all the favourable signs and indications which had been lately ob- served, assuring them that they might soon expect to see the land. But they, who were ever attentive to these tokens, thought every hour a year in their anxiety to see the wished-for land. On Tuesday the twenty-fifth of Septem- ber near sun-set, as the admiral was dis- coursing with Pinzon, whose ship was then very near, Pinzon suddenly called out, " Land ! land, Sir ! let not my good news miscarry;" and pointed out a large mass in the S. W. about twenty-five leagues dis- tant, which seemed very like an island. This was so pleasing to the people, that they returned thanks to God for the pleas- ing discovery; and, although the admiral was by no means satisfied of the truth of Pinzon's observation, yet to please the men, and that they might not obstruct the voyage, he altered his course and stood in that direction a great part of the night. Next morning, the twenty-sixth, they had the mortification to find the supposed land was only composed of clovids, which often put on the appearance of distant land; and, to their great dissatisfaction, the stems of the ships were again turned di- rectly westwards, as they always were un- less when hindered by the wind. Con- 16 AMERICA, DISCOVERY OF tinuing their course, and still attentively watching for signs of land, they saw this day an alcatraz, a rabo-de-junco, and other birds as formerly mentioned. On Thursday the twenty-seventh of Sep- tember, they saw another alcatraz coming from the westwards and flying towards the east, and great numbers of fish were seen with gilt backs, one of which they struck with a harpoon. A rabo-de-junco likewise fiew past; the currents for some of the last days were not so regular as before, but changed with the tide, and the weeds were not nearly so abundant. On Friday the twenty-eighth all the vessels took some of the fishes with gilt backs; and on Saturday the twenty-ninth they saw a rabo-de-junco, which, although a sea-fowl, never rests on the waves, but always flies in the air, pursuing the alca- trazes. Many of these birds are said to frequent the Cape de Verd islands. They soon afterwards saw two other alcatrazes, and great numbers of flying-fishes. These last are about a span long, and have two little membranous wings like those of a bat, by means of which they fly about a pike-length high from the water and a musket-shot in length, and sometimes drop upon the ships. In the afternoon of this day they saw abundance of weeds lying in length north and south, and three alcatrazes pursued by a rabo-de-junco. On the morning of Sunday the thirtieth of September four rabo-de-juncos came to the ship; and from so many of them com- ing together it was thought the land could not be far distant, especially as four alcatrazes followed soon afterwards. Great quantities of weeds Avere seen in a line stretching from W. N. W. to E. N. E. and a great number of the fishes which are called Emperadores, which have a very hard skin and are not fit to eat. Though the admiral paid every attention to these indications, he never neglected those in the heavens, and carefully observed the course of the stars. He was now greatly surprised to notice at this time that the Charles ivain or Ursa Major constellation appeared at night in the west, and was N. E. in the morning: He thence conclud- ed that their whole night's course was only nine hours, or so many parts in twenty- four of a great circle; and this he ob- served to be the case regularly every 1 night. It was likewise noticed that the compass varied a whole point to the N. W. at nightfall, and came due north every morning at day-break. As this unheard-of circumstance confounded and perplexed the pilots, who apprehended danger in these strange regions and at such an un- usual distance from home, the admiral en- deavoured to calm their fears by assign- ing a cause for this wonderful phenome- non : He alleged that it was occasioned by the polar star making a circuit round the pole, by which they were not a little satisfied. Soon after sunrise on Monday the first of October, an alcatraz came to the ship, and two more about ten in the morning, and long streams of weeds floated from east to west. That morning the pilot of the admiral's ship said that they were now 578 leagues west from the island of Ferro. In his public account the admiral said they were 584 leagues to the west; but in his private journal he made the real dis- tance 707 leagues, or 129 more than was reckoned by the pilot. The other two ships differed much in their computation from each other and from the admiral's pilot. I'he pilot of Nina in the afternoon of the Wednesday following said they had only sailed 540 leagues, and the pilot of the Pinta reckoned 634. Thus they were all much short of the truth ; but the admiral winked at the gross mistake, that the men, not thinking themselves so far from home, might be the less dejected. The next day, being Tuesday the second of October, they saw abundance of fish, caught one small tunny, and saw a white bird with many other small birds, and the weeds appeared much withered and almost fallen to powder. Next day, seeing no birds, they suspected that they had passed between some islands on both hands, and had slipped through without seeing them, as they guessed that the many birds which they had seen might have been passing from one island to another. On this ac- count they were very earnest to have the course altered one way or the other, in quest of these imaginary lands. But the admiral, unwilling to lose the advantage of the fair wind which carried him due west, which he accounted his surest course, and afraid to lessen his reputation by deviating from course to course in search 17 AMERICA, DISCOVERY OF of land, which he always affirmed that he well knew where to find, refused his con- sent to any change. On this the people were again ready to mutiny, and resumed tlieir murmurs and cabals against him. But it pleased God to aid his authority by fresh indications of land. On Thursday tlie fourth of October, in the afternoon, above forty sparrows to- gether and two alcatrazes flew so near the ship that a seaman killed one of them with a stone. Several other birds were seen at this time, and many llying-fish fell into the ships. Next day there came a rabo-de-junco and an alcatraz from the westwards, and many sparrows were seen. About sunrise on Sunday the seventh of October, some signs of land appeared to the westwards, but being imperfect no person would mention the circumstance. This was owing to fear of losing the re- ward of thirty crowns yearly for life which had been promised by their Catho- lic majesties to whoever should first dis- cover land ; and to prevent them from calling out land, land, at every turn with- out just cause, it was made a condition that whoever said he saw land should lose the reward if it were not made out in three days, even if he should afterwards actually prove the first discoverer. All on board the admiral's ship being thvis fore- warned, were exceedingly careful not to cry out land \ipon uncertain tokens ; but those in the Nina, which sailed better and always kept ahead, believing that they certainly saw land, fired a gun and hung out their colours in token of the discov- ery; but the farther they sailed the more the joyful appearance lessened, till at last it vanished away. But they soon after- wards derived much comfort by observing great fiights of large fowl and others of small birds going from the west towards the south-west. Being now at a vast distance from Spain, and well assured that such small birds would not go far from land, the admiral now altered his course from due west which had been hitherto, and steered to the south-west. He assigned as a rea- son for now changing his course, although deviating little from his original design, that he followed the example of the Portu- guese, who had discovered most of their islands by attending to the flight of birds, 1 and because these they now saw flew al- most uniformly in one direction. He said likewise that he had always expected to discover land about the situation in which they now were, having often told them that he must not look to find land until they should get 750 leagues to the west- wards of the Canaries; about which dis- tance he expected to fall in with Hispani- ola which he then called Cipango; and there is no doubt that he would have found this island by his direct course, if it had not been that it was reported to extend from north to south. Owing there- fore to his not having inclined more to the south he had missed that and others of the Caribbee islands whither those birds were now bending their flight, and which had been for some time upon his larboard hand. It was from being so near the land that they continually saw such great num- bers of birds; and on Monday the eighth of October twelve singing birds of various colours came to the ship, and after flying round it for a short time held on their way. Many other birds were seen from the ship flying towards the south-west, and that same night great numbers ,of large fowl were seen, and flocks of small birds proceeding from the northwards, and all going to the south-west. In the morn- ing a jay was seen, with an alcatraz, sev- eral ducks, and many small birds, all fly- ing the same way with the others, and the air was perceived to be fresh and odor- iferous as it is at Seville in the month of April. But the people were now so eager to see land and had been so often dis- appointed, that they ceased to give faith to these continual indications; insomuch that on Wednesday the tenth, although abundance of birds were continually pass- ing both by day and night, they never ceased to complain. The admiral upraided their want of resolution, and declared that they must perish in their endeavours to discover the Indies, for which he and they had been sent out by their Catholic maj- esties. It would have been impossible for the admiral to have much longer withstood the numbers which now opposed him; but it pleased God that, in the afternoon of Thursday the eleventh of October, such manifest tokens of being near the land appeared, that the men took courage and 18 AMERICA, DISCOVERY OF rejoiced at their good fortune as much as they had been before distressed. From the admiral's ships a green rush was seen to float past, and one of those green fish which never go far from the rocks. The people in the Pinta saw a cane and a staff in the water, and took up another staff very curiously carved, and a small board, and great plenty of weeds were seen which seemed to have been recently torn from the rocks. Those of the Nina, besides similar signs of land, saw a branch of a thorn full of red berries, which seemed to have been newly torn from the tree. From all these indications the admiral was convinced that he now drew near to the land, and after the evening prayers he made a speech to the men, in which he reminded them of the mercy of God in hav- ing brought them so long a voyage with such favourable weather, and in comfort- ing them with so many tokens of a suc- cessful issue to their enterprize, which were now every day becoming plainer and less equivocal. He besought them to be exceedingly watchful during the night, as they well knew that in the first article of the instructions which he had given to all the three ships before leaving the Canaries, they were enjoined, when they should have sailed 700 leagues west with- out discovering land, to lay to every night, from midnight till daybreak. And, as he had very confident hopes of discovering land that night, he required every one to keep watch at their quarters; and, be- sides the gratuity of thirty crowns a-year for life, which had been graciously prom- ised by their sovereigns to him that first saw the land, he engaged to give the fort- unate discoverer a velvet doublet from himself. After this, as the admiral was in the cabin about ten o'clock at night, he saw a light on the shore; but it was so un- steady that he could not certainly affirm that it came from land. He called to one Peter Gutierres and desired him to try if he could perceive the same light, who said he did; but one Roderick Sanchez of Segovia, on being desired to look the same way could not see it, because he was not up time enough, as neither the admiral nor Gutierres could see it again above once or twice for a short space, which made them judge it to proceed from a candle or 1 torch belonging to some fisherman or traveller, who lifted it up occasionally and lowered it again, or perhaps from people going from one house to another, because it appeared and vanished again so suddenly. Being now very much on their guard, they still held on their course until about two in the morning of Friday the twelfth of October, when the Pinta which was always far a-head, owing to her su- perior sailing, made the signal of seeing land, which was first discovered by Rod- erick de Triana at about two leagues from the ship. But the thirty crowns a-year were afterwards granted to the admiral, who had seen the light in the midst of darkness, a type of the spiritual light which he was the happy means of spread- ing in these dark regions of error. Being now so near land, all the ships lay to; every one thinking it long till daylight, that they might enjoy the sight they had so long and anxiously desired. When daylight appeared, the newly dis- covered land was perceived to consist of a flat island fifteen leagues in length, with- out any hills, all covered with trees, and having a great lake in the middle. The island was inhabited by great abundance of people, who ran down to the shore filled with wonder and admiration at the sight of the ships, which they conceived to be some unknown animals. The Chris- tians were not less curious to know what kind of people they had fallen in with, and the curiosity on both sides was soon satis- fied, as the ships soon came to anchor. The admiral went on shore with his boat well armed, and having the royal standard of Castile and Leon displayed, accompanied by the commanders of the other two ves- sels, each in his own boat, carrying the particular colours which had been allotted for the enterprize, which were white with a green cross and the letter F. on one side and on the other the names of Ferdi- nand and Isabella crowned. The whole company kneeled on the shore and kissed the ground for joy, returning God thanks for the great mercy they had experienced during their long voyage through seas hitherto unpassed, and their now happy discovery of an unknown land. The admiral then stood up, and took formal possession in the usual words for their Catholic majesties of this island, to 19 AMERICA, DISCOVERY OF which he gave the name of St. Salvador, edge. Neither had they any knowledge All the Christians present admitted Co- of iron; as their javelins were merely lumbus to the authority and dignity of constructed of wood, having their points admiral and viceroy, pursuant to the com- hardened in the fire, and armed with a mission which he had received to that piece of fish-bone. Some of them had effect, and all made oath to obey him as scars of wounds on different parts, and the legitimate representative of their being asked by signs how these had been Catholic majesties, with such expressions got, they answered by signs that people of joy and acknowledgement as became from other islands came to take them their mighty success; and they all im- away, and that they had been wounded plored his forgiveness of the many af- in their own defence. They seemed inge- fronts he had received from them through nious and of a voluble tongue; as they their fears and want of confidence. Num- readily repeated such words as they once bers of the Indians or natives of the isl- heard. There were no kind of animals and were present at these ceremonies; and among them excepting parrots, which they perceiving them to be peaceable, quiet, and carried to barter with the Christians simple people, the admiral distributed among the articles already mentioned, and several presents among them. To some in this trade they continued on board the he gave red caps, and to others strings of ships till night, when they all returned to glass beads, Avhich they hung about their the shore. necks, and various other things of small In the morning of the next day, being value, which they valued as if they had the 13th of October, many of the natives been jewels of high price. returned on board the ships in their boats After the ceremonies, the admiral went or canoes, which were all of one piece hol- off in his boat, and the Indians followed lowed like a tray from the trunk of a tree ; him even to the ships, some by swim- some of these were so large as to contain ming and others in their canoes, car- forty or forty-five men, while others were rying parrots, clews of spun cotton yarn, so small as only to hold one person, with javelins, and other such trifling articles, many intermediate sizes between these to barter for glass beads, bells, and other extremes. These they worked along with things of small value. Like people in the paddles formed like a baker's peel or the original simplicity of nature, they were all implement Avhich is used in dressing hemp, naked, and even a woman who was among These oars or paddles were not fixed by them was entirely destitute of clothing, pins to the sides of the canoes like ours; Most of them were young, seemingly not but were dipped into the water and pulled above thirty years of age ; of a good backwards as if digging. Their canoes are stature, with very thick black lank hair, so light and artfully constructed, that if mostly cut short above their ears, though overset they soon turn them right again some had it down to their shoulders, tied by swimming; and they empty out the up with a string about their head like water by throwing them from side to side women's tresses. Their countenances were like a weaver's shuttle, and when half mild and agreeable and their features emptied they lade out the rest with dried good; but their foreheads were too high, calabashes cut in two, which they carry which gave them rather a wild appear- for that purpose. ance. They were of a middle stature. This second day the natives, as said plump, and well shaped, but of an olive before, brought various articles to barter complexion, like the inhabitants of the for such small things as they could pro- Canaries, or sunburnt peasants. Some cure in exchange. Jewels or metals of any were painted with black, others "with kind were not seen among them, except white, and others again with red; in some some small plates of gold which hung the whole body was painted, in others only from their nostrils: and on being ques- the face, and some only the nose and eyes, tioned from whence they procured the gold. They had no weapons like those of Europe, they answered by signs that they had it neither had they any knowledge of such; from the south, where there was a king for when our people shewed them a naked who possessed abundance of pieces and sword, they ignorantly grasped it by the vessels of gold; and they made our people 120 AMERICAN ARCHIVES— AMERICAN LEARNED SOCIETIES to understand that there were many other islands and large countries to the south and south-west. They were very covetous to get possession of any thing which belonged to the Christians, and being themselves very poor, with nothing of value to give in exchange, as soon as they got on board, if they could lay hold of any thing which struck their fancy, though it were only a piece of a broken glazed earthen dish or porringer, they leaped with it into the sea and swam on shore with their prize. If they brought any thing on board they would barter it for any thing whatever belonging to our people, even for a piece of broken glass; insomuch that some gave sixteen large clews of well spun cotton yarn, weighing twenty - five pounds, for three small pieces of Portuguese brass coin not worth a farthing. Their liber- ality in dealing did not proceed from their putting any great value on the things themselves which they received from our people in return, but because they valued them as belonging to the Christians, whom they believed certainly to have come down from Heaven, and they therefore earnestly desired to have something from them as a memorial. In this manner all this day was spent, and the islanders as before went all on shore at night. American Archives. See Fokce, Petek. American Association, The. On Oct. 20, 1774, the first Continental Congress adopted a " non-importation, non-consump- tion, and non-exportation agreement," ap- plied to Great Britain, Ireland, the West Indies, and Madeira, by which the inhabi- tants of all the colonies were bound to act in good faith as those of certain cities and towns had already done, under the penalty of the displeasure of faithful ones. The agreement was embodied in fourteen articles, and was to go into effect on the 1st of December next ensuing. In the sec- ond article, the Congress struck a blow at slavery, in the name of their constitu- ents, declaring that, after the 1st day of December next ensuing, they would neither import nor purchase any slave imported after that date, and they would in no way be concerned in or abet the slave- trade. Committees were to be appointed in every county, city, and town to enforce compliance with the terms of the associa- 121 tion. They also resolved that they would hold no commercial intercourse with any colony in North America that did not accede to these terms, or that should thereafter violate them, but hold such recusants as enemies to their common country. The several articles of the asso- ciation were adopted unanimously, except the one concerning exportations. The South Carolinians objected to it, because it would operate unequally, and insisted upon rice being exempted from the re- quirement concerning non - exportation. When the article was adopted, all but two of the South Carolina delegation seceded. Gadsden and another, in the spirit of Henry, declared that they were not " South Carolinians," but " Americans." The se- ceders were brought back, and signed the articles of association after a compromise was agreed to, which allowed their colony to bear no part of the burden of sacrifice imposed by the association. Short letters were addressed to the colonies of St. John ( now Prince Edward's ) , Nova Scotia, Georgia, and the two Floridas, asking them to join the association. Measures were taken in various colonies for en- forcing the observance of the American Association. Philadelphia set the exam- ple ( Nov. 22 ) . New York followed ( Nov. 23 ) . Other provinces took measures to the same effect. American Bible Society. See Bible Society. American Colonization Society. See CoLoxizATioN Society, American. American Learned Societies, most of which are located or have branches in New York City : AcTUARiAi, Society of America. — Organized in 1889 for the purpose of promoting actu- arial science. Membership, 130. Alaska Geographical Society. — Organized 1898. Membership, 1,200. American Academy of Medicine. — Present membership, 834. A:vrERicAN Academy of Political and Social Science. — Founded 1889. Members, 2,100. A:\iERicAN Antiquarian Society. — Domestic membership restricted to 140. American Asiatic Association. — To pro- mote the trade and commercial interests of the citizens of the United States in Asia and Oceanica. Membership, 260. American Association for the Advance- t.ient of Science. — Chartered in 1874, be- ing a continuation of the American Asso- ciation of Geologists and Naturalists, or- lanized in 1840. Membership, 3,000. AMERICAN LEARNED SOCIETIES American Bar Association. — Each State is Ami-:rican Physical Society. represented by one vice-president. Mem- American Psychological Association. — bership about 1,700. Organized in 1878. Organized in 1892 for " the advancement American Chemical Society. — The society of psychology." Membership, 120. was organized in 1876. Membership, 1,897. American Public Health Association. American Climatological Association. American Social Science Association. — American Dermatological Association. New York City. Founded in 1865. American Dialect Society. — Organized in American Society of Civil Engineers. — 1889. Membership about 325. New Yorlt City. Has 2,500 members. In- American Economic Association. — The ob- stituted in 1852. jects are the study of economic sciences. American Society of Curio Collectors. — American Electro-Therapeutic Society. Membership, 300. American Entomological Society. — Organ- American Society of Mechanical Engi- ized 1859 ; incorporated 1862. Member- neers. — Total membership, 2,064. The so- ship, 140. ciety was chartered in 1881. American Fisheries Society. — Organized American Society of Naturalists. December, 1870. Membership about 275. American Statistical Association. — Mem- American Folk-lore Society. — Organized in 1888. Publishes American Folk-lore. American Forestry Association. American Genealogical Society. — Object — bership, 556. Organized 1839. American Surgical Association. Archaeological Institute of America (New Yorlv Society). The promotion of the study of American Association of American Anatomists. Member- genealogy. American Geographical York City. Organized in 1852 ship, 1,200. American Gynecological Society. American Historical Association. — Found- ed 1884 : incorporated by Congress 1889. Membership, 1,600. AssociATifiN OF American Physicians. Society. — New Astronomical and Physical Society of America. Botanical Society of Ajlerica. Geological Society of America. — Society founded in 1888. Has 245 fellows. Pub- lishes Bulletin of the Geological Society of America. American Institute of Architects. — The National Academy of Design. — New York institute has 26 chapters, 399 fellows, 300 associates, 58 corresponding and 69 hon- orary members. Organized in 1857. American Institute of Electrical Engi- neers. — New York. Membership, 1,350. American Institute op Homoeopathy. — Organized in 1844, and is the oldest med- ical organization in the United States. Membership, 2,000. City. Founded in 1826. 92 National Academicians : 70 associates. National Academy of Sciences. — The acad- emy, incorporated by act of Congress. March 3. 1863. There are at present 89 members and 28 foreign associates. National Arts Club. — New York City. Or- ganized in 1899. National Dental Association. American Institute of Mining Engineers. N.4.tional Educational Association. — Wash- — Membership, 2,897. Organized in 1871. ington, D. C. 2,800 active members and American Laryngological Association. about 10,000 associates. American Library Association. — Organized National Geographic Society. — Washing- in 1876. Incorporated in 1879. Member- ton, D. C. It publishes a monthly maga- ship over 1,000. American Mathematical Society. York City. Membership, 375. The society publishes two Journals. American Medical Association. — Publishes a weekly journal. Membership over 11,000. American Microscopical Society. — Organ- ized 1878 ; incorporated 1891. Membership, 300. American Neurological AssociATioN.^New York City. American Numismatic and Archaeological Society. — Membership, 300. American Opthalmological Society. zine. There are 2.500 members. New National Sculpture Society. — New York City. Incorporated in 1896. New York Zoological Society. — The Zoo- logical Park is under the management of the society. Scientific Alliance of New Y'ork. — The Council of the Scientific Alliance is com- posed of three delegates from each of eight scientific societies. Society for the Promotion of Agricult- ural Science. Society of American Artists. — New Y'ork City. Annual exhibition. Members. 110. American Oriental Society. — Organized Society of American Authors. — Object — Sept. 7, 1842, for the cultivation of learn- ing in the Asiatic, African, and Polynesian languages. Membership, 380. American Ornithologists' Union. — Mem- bership, 734. American Orthopedic Association. American Philological Association. — Membership about 550. American Philosophical Society. — Phila- delphia. Object — For promoting useful The advancement of the interests and the protection of the rights of authors. Mem- bership over 400. Society of Chemical Industry (New York Section). — Membership, 871. Society of Naval Architects and Marine Engineers. — Object — The promotion of the art of ship-building, commercial and naval. Incorporated. Headquarters, New Y'ork City. Membership. 775. knowledge. Founded in 1743. Has 200 University Extension Society. — Philadel- resident and 300 non-resident members. 122 phia. Incorporated in 1892. AMEBICAN NATIONAL ARBITRATION BOARD American National Arbitration States; Cornelius N. Bliss, former Secre- Board. The industrial department of tary of the Interior; Charles Francis the National Civic Federation called a Adams, president of the Union Pacific conference of the leading capitalists and Railroad; Bishop Henry C. Potter, of labor representatives to meet in New New York; Archbishop John Ireland, of York City Dec. 16, 1901. On Dee. 17 St. Paul; Charles W. Eliot, president of the meeting appointed thirty-six repre- Harvard University; Franklin Macveagh, sentative men to form a permanent board wholesale grocer, of Chicago; James H. of arbitration. The men selected were: Eckels, bank president, Chicago; John J. To Represent CapiiaL — Marcus A. McCook, lawyer; John G. Milburn, law- Hanna, United States Senator; Charles yer, of Buffalo; Charles J. Bonaparte, M. Schwab, president of the United States of Baltimore; Oscar S. Strauss, mer- Steel Corporation; S. R. Callaway, presi- chant, and former minister to Turkey; dent of the American Locomotive Com- secretary of the commission, Ralph M. pany; Charles A. Moore, president of the Easley, of the National Civic Federa- American Tool Company; John D. Rocke- tion. feller, Jr., Standard Oil Company; H. H. The committee met Dec. 18 and passed Vreeland, president of the Metropolitan the following resolutions : Street Railway ; Lewis Nixon, owner of That this committee shall be known the Crescent Ship-yard, Elizabethport, N. as the Industrial Department of the Na- J. ; James A. Chambers, president of the tional Civic Federation. American Glass Company, Pittsburg; That the scope and province of this William H. Pf abler, president of the Na- department shall be to do what may seem tional Stove Manufacturers' Association, best to promote industrial peace; to be Philadelphia; Julius Kruttschnitt, as- helpful in establishing rightful relations sistant to the president of the Southern between employers and workers; by its Paciiic Railroad ; E. P. Ripley, president good offices to endeavor to obviate and of the Atchison, Topeka, and Santa Fe prevent strikes and lockouts; to aid in re- Railroad; Marcus M. Marks, president of newing industrial relations where a rupt- the National Association of Clothing Man- ure has occurred, ufacturers. That at all times representatives of To Represent Labor. — Samuel Gompers, employers and workers, organized or un- president of the American Federation of organized, should confer for the adjust- Labor; John Mitchell, president of the ment of difficulties or disputes before an United Mine Workers of America; Frank acute stage is reached, and thus avoid P. Sargent, grand-master of the Brother- or minimize the number of strikes and hood of Locomotive Firemen; Theodore P. lockouts. Shaffer, president of the Amalgamated That mutual agreements as to condi- Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Work- tions under which labor shall be perform- ers; James J. Duncan, first vice-presi- ed should be encouraged, and that when dent of the American Federation of La- agreements are made the terms thereof bor; Daniel J. Keefe, president of the should be faithfully adhered to, both in International Association of Longshore- letter and spirit, by both parties, men; Martin Fox, president of the Iron That -this department, either as a Moulders of America; James E. Lynch, whole or a subcommittee by it appointed, president of the International Typograph- shall, when required, act as a forum to ical Union; E. E. Clark, grand conductor adjust and decide upon questions at issue of the Association of Railway Conductors; between workers and their employers, pro- Heliry White, secretary of the Garment vided in its opinion the subject is one Workers of America; Walter Macarthur, of sufficient importance, editor of the Coast Seamen's Journal of That this department will not consider San Francisco; James O'Connell, presi- abstract industrial problems, dent of the International Association of That this department assumes no Machinists. power of arbitration unless such powers To Represent the Public. — Grover be conferred by both parties to a dis- Cleveland, former President of the United pute. 123 AMERICAN PARTY— AMERICA' S CUP That this department shall adopt a set a site given by the Greek government, and of by-lavi^s for its government. is valued, together with its grounds, at Senator Hanna was chosen chairman. $46,000. The endowment is about $50,000. The other officers are: Samuel Gompers Aside from the study of known remains of and Oscar Strauss, vice-chairmen; Charles Greek art and civilization, the school has A. Moore, treasurer, and Ralph M. Easley, engaged in independent excavations at secretary, Eretria and Argos, with valuable results. Araerican Party, a political organi- Associated with it are similar institu- zation, founded in 1854, the members of tions supported by the German, English, which became known as " Know-nothings," French, and Greek governments, because in their endeavors to preserve the American System, a phrase used to secrecy of their movements they were in- express the policy of protection to home structed to reply " I don't know " to any industries by means of duties on imports ; question asked in reference to the party. * applied by Henry Clay to his scheme for It was at first a secret political organi- protective duties and internal improve- zation, the chief object of which was the ments, which resulted in the enactment of proscription of foreigners by the repeal the tariff bill of 1824. See Free Trade; of the naturalization laws of the United Protection. States, and the exclusive choice of Ameri- AmLerica's Cup, the popular name of a cans for office. The more radical members yachting trophy originally called the of the party advocated a purely American Queen's Cup, which was offered by the school system, and uncompromising oppo- Eoyal Yacht Squadron of England in a sition to the Roman Catholics. Such nar- row views were incompatible with the gen- erosity and catholic spirit of enlightened American citizens. In 1856 they nomi- nated ex-President Fillmore for the Presi- dency, who received 874,534 popular and eight electoral votes ; made no nominations in 1860, but united with the Constitu- tional Union party, whose candidates, Bell and Everett, received 590,631 popular and thirty-nine elctoral votes ; reappeared with a ticket in 1880, which received 707 popular votes ; and again in 1888, when 1,591 votes were cast for the party candi- dates in California; and have made no nominations since. See Know-nothing Party. Am.erican Protective Association, a secret organization which acquired noto- riety first in 1890-95, and according to popular belief was opposed to the Catho- lic Church. According to W. J. H. Tray- nor, its president, " it is neither a religious body nor an institution adverse to the re- ligion, per se, of any person, sect, or faith." American School of Classical Stud- ies, an institution founded in Athens, Greece, in 1882. It is a branch of the Archaeological Institute of America, and is supported through an independent com- mittee of representatives from a number competition open to the yachts of all na- of American colleges, each of which con- tions in 1851. The cup was Avon by the tributes $250 a year for this purpose. It Boston - built schooner - yacht A7nerica. was erected by private subscriptions, upon Since then there were challenge contests 124 AMERICA'S CUP. AMERICUS VESPTJCIUS in 1870, 1871, 1876, 1881, 1885, 1886, 1887, 1893, 1895, and 1899, and in each instance the cup was defended by Ameri- can yachts, with success. In 1895 Lord Dunraven's yacht, ValTxyrie, after having been defeated in one race, won the second, but was deprived of the victory because of a foul. The Englishman claimed that he had been cheated, and refused to race again. He charged the American yachts- men with unsportsmanlike conduct, and visited this country to press his charges. His complaints were dismissed and he was dropped from the list of members of the New York Yacht Club, under whose auspices the races had been held. One of the most notable of the several contests was that in 1899, when Sir Thomas Lipton sailed the Shamrock against the American defender Columbia. The contest was characterized by the highest type of international courtesy and good feeling, and resulted in the issue of a second challenge by Sir Thomas Lipton for a contest in 1901. AMERICUS VESPUCIITS Americus Vespucius, navigator; born in Florence, INIareh 9, 1451. When Colum- bus was in Seville preparing for his second voyage, Vespucius was there as a commer- cial agent of the Medici family of Flor- ence, and he became personally acquainted with the discoverer. That acquaintance AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. inspired the Florentine with an ardent de- sire to make a voyage to the newly found continent, and he was gratified when, in 1499, he sailed from Spain with Alonzo de Ojeda as an adventurer and self-con- stituted geographer of the expedition. Ojeda followed the track of Columbus in his third voyage, and discovered moun- tains in South America when oflF the coast of Surinam. He ran up the coast to the mouth of the Orinoco River (where Co- lumbus had discovered the continent the year before), passed along the coast of Venezuela, crossed the Caribbean Sea to Santo Domingo, kidnapped some natives of the Antilles, and returned to Spain in June, 1500, and sold his victims for slaves to Spanish grandees. In May, 1501, Ves- pucius, then in the service of the King of Portugal, sailed on his second voyage to America, exploring the coast of Brazil. In 1503 he commanded a caravel in a squad- ron destined for America, but parted com- pany with the other A'essels, and off the coast of Brazil discovered the Bay of All- Saints. He then ran along the coast 260 leagues, and, taking in a cargo of Brazil wood, returned to Lisbon in 1504. He entered the Spanish service again in 1505, was made chief pilot of the realm, and again voyaged to America. In 1504 Ves- pucius, in a letter to the Duke of Lor- raine, gave an account of his four voy- ages to the New World, in which was given the date of May 29, 1497, as the time when he sailed on his first voyage. That was a year earlier than the discovery of the continent of South America by Co- lumbus and of North America by Cabot, and made it appear that Vespucius was the first discoverer. After the death of Columbus, in 1506, a friend of Vespucius proposed to the Academy of Cosmography at Strasburg, upon the authority of the falsely dated letter, to give the name " America " to the Western Continent in compliment to its " first discoverer." It was done, and so Columbus and Cabot were both deprived of the honor of having their names associated with the title of this continent by fraud. Vespucius died in Seville, Feb. 22, 1512. 125 AMERICirS VESPUCIUS His First Voyage. — He started from Cadiz on May 10, 1497, and returned to that city on Oct. 15, 1498. His letter to Pier Soderini, gonfalonier of the repub- lic of Florence, is as follows: Magnificent Lord. After humble rever- ence and due commendations, etc. It may be that your Magnificence will be sur- prised by {this conjunction of) my rash- ness and your customary wisdom, in that I should so absurdly bestir myself to write to your Magnificence, the present so-prolix letter; knowing (as I do) that your Magnificence is continually employed in high councils and affairs concerning the good government of this sublime Re- public. And will hold me not only pre- sumptuous, but also idly-meddlesome in setting myself to write things, neither suitable to your station, nor entertaining, and written in barbarous style, and out- side of every canon of polite literature: but my confidence which I have in your virtues and in the truth of my writing, which are things (that) are not found written neither by the ancients nor by modern writers, as your Magnificence will in the sequel perceive, make me bold. The chief cause which moved (me) to write to you, was at the request of the present bearer, who is named Benvenuto Ben- venuti our Florentine {fellow-citizen), very much, as it is proven, your Magnifi- cence's servant, and my very good friend: who happening to be here in this city of Lisbon, begged that I should make com- munication to your Magnificence of the things seen by me in divers regions of the world, by virtue of four voyages which I have made in discovery of new lands; two by order of the king of Castile, King Don Ferrando VI., across the great gulf of the Ocean-sea, towards the west: and the other two by command of the puissant King Don Manuel King of Portugal, towards the south : Telling me that your Magnificence would take pleasure thereof, and that herein he hoped to do you ser- vice: wherefore I set me to do it: because I am assured that your Magnificence holds me in the number of your servants, remem- bering that in the time of our youth I was your friend, and now {am your) ser- vant: and {rememhering our) going to hear the rudiments of grammar under the fair example and instruction of the ven- erable monk friar of Saint Mark Fra Giorgio Antonio Vespucci: whose counsels and teaching would to God that I had fol- lowed: for as saith Petrarch, I should be another man than what I am. Howbeit soever, I grieve not: because I have ever taken delight in worthy matters: and al- though these trifles of mine may not be suitable to your virtues, I will say to you as said Pliny to Maecenas, you were some- time wont to take pleasure in my prat- tlings: even though your Magnificence be continuously busied in public affairs, you will take some hour of relaxation to con- sume a little time in frivolovis or amusing things: and as fennel is customarily given atop of delicious viands to fit them for better digestion, so may you, for a relief from your so heavy occupations, order this letter of mine to be read: so that they may withdraw you somewhat from the continual anxiety and assiduous re- flection upon public affairs: and if I shall be prolix, I crave pardon, my Magnificent Lord. Your Magnificence shall know that the motive of my coming into this realm of Spain was to traffic in merchandise: and that I pursued this intent about four years: during Avhich I saw and knew the inconstant shiftings of Fortune: and how she kept changing those frail and transi- tory benefits; and how at one time she holds man on the summit of the wheel, and at another time drives him back from her, and despoils him of what may be called his borrowed riches: so that, know- ing the continuous toil which man under- goes to win them, submitting himself to so many anxieties and risks, I resolved to abandon trade, and to fix my aim upon something more praiseworthy and stable: whence it was that I made preparation for going to see part of the world and its wonders: and herefor the time and place presented themselves most opportunely to me: which was that the King Don Fer- rando of Castile being about to despatch four ships to discover new lands towards the west, I was chosen by his Highness to go in that fleet to aid in making discov- ery: and we set out from the port of Cadiz on the 10 day of May 1497, and took our route through the great gulph of the Ocean-sea: in Avhich voyage we were eighteen months {engaged) : and discov- 126 AMERICtrS VESPTTCItJS ered much continental land and innumer- able islands, and great part of them in- habited; whereas there is no mention made by the ancient writers of them: I believe, because they had no knowledge thereof: for, if I remember well, I have read in some one {of those tcriters) that he con- sidered that this Ocean-sea was an un- peopled sea: and of this opinion was Dante our poet in the xxvi. chapter of the Inferno, where he feigns the death of Ulysses: in which voyage I beheld things of great wondrousness as your Magnificence shall understand. As I said above, we left the port of Cadiz four con- sort ships: and began our voyage in direct course to the Fortunate Isles, which are called to-day la gran Canaria, which are situated in the Ocean-sea at the extremity of the inhabited west, {and) set in the third climate: over which the North Pole has an elevation of 27 and a half degrees beyond their horizon: and they are 280 leagues distant from this city of Lisbon, by the wind between mezzo di and Ubeccio : where we remained eight days, taking in provision of water, and wood and other necessary things: and from hei'e, having said our prayers, we weighed anchor, and gave the sails to the wind, beginning our course to westward, taking one quarter by south-west: and so we sailed on till at the end of 37 days we reached a land which we deemed to be a continent: which is distant westwardly from the isles of Canary about a thousand leagues beyond the inhabited region within the torrid zone : for we found the North Pole at an ele- vation of 16 degrees above its horizon, and {it was) westward, according to the shew- ing of our instruments, 75 degrees from the isles of Canary: whereat we anchored with our ships a league and a half from land: and we put out our boats freighted with men and arms: we made towards the land, and before we reached it, had sight of a great number of people who were going along the shore: by which we were much rejoiced: and we observed that they were a naked race: they shewed them- selves to stand in fear of us: I believe {it was) because they saw us clothed and of other appearance {than their own): they all withdrew to a hill, and for what- soever signals we made to them of peace and of friendliness, they would not come li to parley with us: so that, as the night was now coming on, and as the ships were anchored in a dangerous place, being on a rough and shelterless coast, we decided to remove from there the next day, and to go in search of some harbour or bay, where we might place our ships in safety: and we sailed with the maestrale wind, thus running along the coast with the land ever in sight, continually in our course observing people along the shore: till after having navigated for two days, we found a place sufficiently secure for the ships, and anchored half a league from land, on which we saw a very great num- ber of people: and this same day we put to land with the boats, and sprang on shore full 40 men in good trim: and still the land's people appeared shy of converse with us, and we were unable to encourage them so much as to make them come to speak with us: and this day we laboured so greatly in giving them of our wares, such as rattles and mirrors, beads, spalline, and other trifles, that some of them took confidence and came to discourse with us: and after having made good friends with them, the night coming on, we took our leave of them and returned to the ships: and the next day when the dawn appeared we saw that there were infinite numbers of people upon the beach, and they had their women and children with them: we went ashore, and found that they were all laden with their worldly goods which are suchlike as, in its {proper) place, shall be related: and be- fore we reached the« land, many of them jumped into the sea and came swimming to receive us at a bowshot's length {from the shore), for they are very great swim- mers, with as much confidence as if they had for a long time been acquainted with us: and we were pleased with this their confidence. For so much as we learned of their manner of life and customs, it was that they go entirely naked, as well the men as the women. . . . They are of medium stature, very well proportioned: their flesh is of a colour that verges into red like a lion's mane: and I believe that if they were clothed, they would be as white as we: they have not any hair upon the body, except the hair of the head which is long and black, and especially in the women, whom it renders handsome; in AMEEICUS VESPUCIUS aspect they are not very good-looking, be- cause they have broad faces, so that they seem Tartar-like: they let no hair grow on their eyebrows, nor on their eyelids, nor elsewhere except the hair of the head: for they hold hairness to be a filthy thing: they are very light-footed in walk- ing and in running, as well the men as the women : so that a woman recks nothing of running a league or two, as many times wo saw them do: and herein they have a very great advantage over us Christians : they swim {with an expertness) beyond all belief, and the women better than the men: for we have many times found and seen them swimming two leagues out at sea without anything to rest upon. Their arms are bows and arrows very well made, save that (the arrows) are not (tipped) with iron or any other kind of hard metal: and instead of iron they put animals' or fishes' teeth, or a spike of tough wood, with the point hardened by fire: they are sure marksmen for they hit whatever they aim at: and in some places the women use these bows: they have other weapons, such as fire-hardened spears, and also clubs with knobs, beautifully carved. Warfare is used amongst them, which they carry on against people not of their own language, very cruelly, without grant- ing life to any one, except ( to reserve him) for greater suffering. When they go to war, they take their women with them, not that these may fight, but because they carry behind them their worldly goods, for a woman carries on her back for thirty or forty leagues a load which no man could bear: as we have many times seen them do. They are not accustomed to have any Captain, nor do they go in any ordered array, for everyone is lord of himself: and the cause of their wars is not for lust of dominion, nor of extend- ing their frontiers, nor for inordinate covetousness, but for some ancient enmity which in by-gone times arose amongst them: and when asked why they made war, they knew not any other reason to give than that they did so to avenge the death of their ancestors, or of their par- ents: these people have neither King, nor Lord, nor do they yield obedience to any one, for they live in their own liberty: and how they be stirred up to go to war is (this) that when the enemies have slain or captured any of them, his oldest kins- man rises up and goes about the highways haranguing them to go with him and avenge the death of such his kinsman: and so are they stirred up by fellow-feel- ing: they have no judicial system, nor do they punish the ill-doer: nor does the father, nor the mother chastise the chil- dren: and marvellously (seldom) or never did we see any dispute among them: in their conversation they appear simple, and they are very cunning and acute in that which concerns them: they speak little and in a low tone: they use the same articulations as we, since they form their utterances eitlier with the palate, or with the teeth, or on the lips: except that they give difl'erent names to things. Many are the varieties of tongues: for in every 100 leagues we found a change of language, so that they are not understandable each to the other. The manner of their living is very barbarous, for they do not eat at certain hours, and as oftentimes as they will: and it is not much of a boon to them that the will may come more at midnight than by day, for they eat at all hours: and they eat upon the ground without a table-cloth or any other cover, for they have their meats either in earthen basins which they make themselves, or in the halves of pumpkins: they sleep in certain very la.rge nettings made of cotton, suspended in the air: and although this their (fashion of) sleeping may seem un- comfortable, I say that it is sweet to sleep in those (nettings) : and we slept better in them than in the counterpanes. They are a people smooth and clean of body, because of so continually washing themselves as they do. . . . Amongst those people we did not learn that they had any law, nor can they be called ]\foors nor Jews, and (they are) worse than pagans: because we did not observe that they offered any sacrifice: nor even had they a house of prayer: their manner of living I judge to be Epicurean: their dwellings are in common: and their houses (are) made in the style of huts, but strongly made, and constructed with very large trees, and covered over with palm-leaves, secure against storms and winds: and in some places (they are) of so great breadth and length, that in one single house we found there were 600 128 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS souls: and we saw a village of only thir- teen houses, where there were four thou- sand souls: every eight or ten days they change their habitations: and when asked why they did so: (they said it teas) be- .cause of the soil which, from its filthiness, was already unhealthy and corrupted, and that it bred aches in their bodies, which seemed to us a good reason; their riches consist of birds' plumes of many colours, or of rosaries which they make from fish- bones, or of white or green stones which they put in their cheeks and in their lips and ears, and of many other things which we in no wise value: they use no trade, they neither buy nor sell. In fine, they live and are contented with that Avhich nature gives them. The wealth that we enjoy in this our Europe and elsewhere, such as gold, jewels, pearls, and other riches, they hold as nothing: and although they have them in their own lands, they do not labour to obtain them, nor do they value them. They are liberal in giving, for it is rarely they deny you any- thing: and on the other hand, liberal in asking, when they shew themselves your friends. . . . When they die, they use divers manners of obsequies, and some they bury with water and victuals at their heads: thinking that they shall have (whereof) to eat: they have not nor do they use ceremonies of torches nor of lam- entation. In some other places, they use the most barbarous and inhuman burial which is that when a suffering or infirm (person) is as it were at the last pass of death, his kinsmen carry him into a large forest, and attach one of those nets of theirs, in which they sleep, to two trees, and then put him in it, and dance around him for a whole day: and when the night comes on they place at his bolster, water with other victuals, so that he may be able to subsist for four or six days: and then they leave him alone and return to the village: and if the sick man helps himself, and eats, and drinks, and survives, he returns to the village, and (friends) receive him with ceremony: but few are they who escape: without receiv- ing any further visit they die, and that is their sepulture: and they have many other customs which for prolixity are not related. They use in their sicknesses va- rious forms of medicines, so different from ours that we marvelled how any one es- caped: for many times I saw that with a man sick of fever, when it heightened upon him, they bathed him from head to foot with a large quantity of cold water: then they lit a great fire around him, making him turn and turn again every two hours, until they tired him and left him to sleep, and many were (thus) cured : with this they make use of dieting, for they remain three days without eat- ing, and also of blood-letting, but not from the arm, only from the thighs and the loins and the calf of the leg: also they provoke vomiting with their herbs which are put into the mouth: and they use many other remedies which it would be long to relate: they are much vitiated in the phlegm and in the blood because of their food which consists chiefly of roots of herbs, and fruits and fish: they have no seed of wheat nor other grain : and for their ordinary use and feeding, they have a root of a tree, from which they make flour, tolerably good, and they ca.ll it luca, and another which they call Cazabi, and another Ignami: they eat lit- tle flesh except human flesh: for your Magniflcence must know that herein they are so inhuman that they outdo every custom (even) of beasts; for they eat all their enemies whom they kill or capture, as well females as males with so much savagery, that (merely) to relate it ap- pears a horrible thing: how much more so to see it, as, infinite times and in many places, it was my hap to see it: and they wondered to hear us say that we did not eat our enemies: and this your Magnifi- cence may take for certain, that their other barbarous customs are such that ex- pression is too weak for the reality: and as in these four voyages I have seen so many things diverse from our customs, I prepared to write a common-place-book which I name Le quattro Giornate: in which I have set down the greater part of the things which I saw, sufficiently in detail, so far as my feeble wit has allowed me: which I have not yet published, be- cause I have so ill a taste for my own things that I do not relish those which I have written, notwithstanding that many encourage me to publish it: therein every- thing will be seen in detail: so that I shall not enlarge further in this chapter: 129 AMERICUS VESPUCITJS as in the course of the letter we shall come to many other things which are particu- lar: let this suffice for the general. At this beginning, we saw nothing in the land of much profit, except some show of gold: I believe the cause of it was that we did not know the language: but in so far as concerns the situation and condition of the land, it could not be better: we de- cided to leave that place, and to go fur- ther on, continuously coasting the shore: upon which we made frequent descents, and held converse with a great number of people: and at the end of some days we went into a harbour where we underwent very great danger: and it pleased the Holy Ghost to save us: and it was in this wise. We landed in a harbour, where we found a village built like Venice upon the water: there were about 44 large dwell- ings in the form of huts erected upon very thick piles, and they had their doors or entrances in the style of drawbridges: and from each house one could pass through all, by means of the drawbridges which stretched from house to house: and when the people thereof ha-d seen us, they ajjpeared to be afraid of us, and immedi- ately drew up all the bridges: and while we were looking at this strange action, we saw coming across the sea about 22 canoes, which are a kind of boat of theirs, constructed from a single tree: which came towards our boats, as they had been surprised by our appearance and clothes, and kept wide of us : and thus remaining, we made signals to them that they should approach us, encouraging them with every token of friendliness; and seeing that they did not come we went to them, and they did not stay for us, but made to the land, and, by signs, told us to wait, and they should soon return: and they went to a hill in the background, and did not delay long: when they returned they led with them 16 of their girls, and en- tered with these into their canoes, and came to the boats: and in each boat they put 4 of the girls. That we marvelled at this behaviour your Magnificence can imagine how much, and they placed them- selves with their canoes among our boats, coming to speak with us: insomuch that we deemed it a mark of friendliness: and while thus engaged, we beheld a great number of people advance swimming towards us across the sea, who came from the houses: and as they were drawing near to us without any apprehension; just then there appeared at the doors of the houses certain old Avomen uttering very loud cries and tearing their hair to ex- hibit grief: whereby they made us suspi- cious, and we each betook ourselves to arms: and instantly the girls whom we had in the boats, threw themselves into the sea, and the men of the canoes drew away from us, and began with their bows to shoot arrows at us: and those who were swimming each carried a lance held, as covertly as they could, beneath the water: so that, recognizing the treachery, we engaged with them, not merely to de- fend ourselves, but to attack them vigor- ously, and we overturned with our boats many of their almadie or canoes, for so they call them, we made a slaughter {of them), and they all flung themselves into the water to swim, leaving their canoes abandoned, with considerable loss on their side, they went swimming away to the shore: there died of them about 15 or 20, and many were left wounded: and of ours 5 were wounded, and all, by the grace of God, escaped {death) : we captured two of the girls and two men: and we pro- ceeded to their houses, and entered there- in, and in them all we found nothing else than two old women and a sick man: we took away from them many things, but of small value: and we would not burn their houses, because it seemed to us {as though that tcould he) a burden upon our conscience: and we returned to our boats with five prisoners: and betook ourselves to the ships, and put a pair of irons on the feet of each of the captives, except the little girls: and when the night came on, the two girls and one of the men fled away in the most subtle manner possible; and the next day we decided to quit that harbour and go further onwards: we pro- ceeded continuously skirting the coast, {until) we had sight of another tribe dis- tant perhaps some 80 leagues from the former tribe: and Ave found them very diff'erent in speech and customs: we re- solved to cast anchor, and went ashore with the boats, and we saw on the beach a great number of people amounting prob- ably to 4,000 souls: and when Ave had reached the shore, they did not stay for us, 130 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS but betook themselves to flight through the forests, abandoning their things: we jumped on land, and took a pathway that led to the forest: and at the distance of a bow-shot we found their tents, where they had made very large fires, and two (of them) were cooking their victuals, and roasting several animals and fish of many kinds : where we saw that they were roast- ing a certain animal which seemed to be a serpent, save that it had no wings, and was in its appearance so loathsome that we marvelled much at its savageness: Thus went we on through their houses, or rather tents, and found many of those ser- pents alive, and they were tied by the feet and had a cord around their snouts, so that they could not open their mouths, as is done (in Europe) with mastiff -dogs so that they may not bite: they »were of such savage aspect that none of us dared to take one away, thinking that they were poisonous : they are of the bigness of a kid, and in length an ell and a half: their feet are long and thick, and armed with big claws: they have a hard skin, and are of various colours: they have the muzzle and face of a serpent: and from their snouts there rises a crest like a saw which ex- tends along the middle of the back as far as the tip of the tail : in fine we deemed them to be serpents and venomous, and (nevertheless, those people) ate them: we found that they made bread out of little fishes which they took from the sea, first boiling them (then) pounding them, and making thereof a paste, or bread, and they baked them on the embers: thus did they eat them: we tried it and found that it was good: they had so many other kinds of eatables, and especially of fruits and roots, that it would be a large matter to describe them in detail : and seeing that the people did not return, we decided not to touch nor take away anything of their, so as better to reassure them: and we left in the tents for them many of our things, placed where they should see them, and returned by night to our ships: and the next day, when it was light we saw on the beach an infinite number of people: and we landed: and although they ap- peared timorous towards us, they took courage nevertheless to hold converse with us, giving us whatever we asked of them: and shewing themselves very friendly towards us, they told us that those were their dwellings, and that they had come hither for the purpose of fishing: and they begged that we would visit their dwellings and villages, because they desired to receive us as friends: and they engaged in such friendship because of the two captured men whom we had with us, as these were their enemies: insomuch that, in view of such importunity on their part, holding a council, we determined that 28 of us Christians in good array should go with them, and in the firm re- solve to die if it should be necessary: and after we had been here some three days, we went with them inland: and at three leagues from the coast we came to a vil- lage of many people and few houses, for there were no more than nine (of these) : where we were received with such and so many barbarous ceremonies that the pen suffices not to write them down: for there were dances, and songs, and lamentations mingled with rejoicing, and great quanti- ties of food: and here we remained the night: . . . and after having been here that night and half the next day, so great was the number of people who came wondering to behold us that they were beyond counting: and the most aged begged us to go with them to other vil- lages which were further inland, making display of doing us the greatest honour: wherefore we decided to go: and it would be impossible to tell you how much honour they did us: and we went to sev- eral villages, so that we were nine days journeying, so that our Christians who had remained with the ships were already apprehensive concerning us: and when we were about 18 leagues in the interior of the land, we resolved to return to the ships: and on our way back, such was the number of people, as well men as women, that came with us as far as the sea, that it was a wondrous thing: and if any of us became weary of the march, they car- ried us in their nets very refreshingly: and in crossing the rivers, which are many and very large, they passed us over by skilful means so securely that we ran no danger whatever, and many of them came laden with the things which they had given us, which consisted in their sleeping-nets, and very rich feathers, many bows and arrows, innumerable 131 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS popin-jays of divers colours: and others brought with them loads of their house- hold goods, and of animals: but a greater marvel which I tell you, that, when we had to cross a river, he deemed himself lucky wTio was able to carry us on his back: and when we reached the sea, our boats having arrived, we entered into them: and so great was the struggle which they made to get into our boats, and to come to see our ships, that we marvelled ( thereat ) : and in our boats we took as many of them as we could, and made our way to the ships, and so many {others) came swimming that we found ourselves embarrassed in seeing so many people in the ships, for there were over a- thousand persons all naked and unarmed : they were amazed by our {nautical) gear and con- trivances, and the size of the ships: and with them there occurred to us a very laughable affair, which was that we de- cided to fire off some of our great guns,. and when the explosion took place, most of them through fear cast themselves {into the sea) to swim, not otherwise than frogs on the margins of a pond, when they see something that frightens them, will jump into the water, just so did those people: and those who remained in the ships were so terrified that we regretted our action: however we reassured them by telling them that with those arms we slew our enemies: and when they had amused themselves in the ships the whole day, we told them to go away because we desired to depart that night, and so sepa- rating from us with much friendship and love, they went away to land. Amongst that people and in their land, I knew and beheld so many of their customs and ways of living, that I do not care to enlarge upon them: for Your Magnificence must know that in each of my voyages I have noted the most wonderful things, and I have indited it all in a volume after the manner of a geography: and I entitle it '■ Le quattro Giornate" : in which work the things are comprised in detail, and as yet there is no copy of it given out, as it is necessary for me to revise it. This land is very populous, and full of inhabi- tants, and of numberless rivers, {and) animals: few {of which) resemble ours, excepting lions, panthers, stags, pigs, goats, and deer : and even these have some dissimilarities of form: they have no horses nor mules, nor, saving your rever- ence, asses nor dogs, nor any kind of sheep or oxen: but so numerous are the other animals which they have, and all are savage, and of none do they make use for their service, that they could not be count- ed. What shall we say of others {such as) birds? which are so numerous, and of so many kinds, and of such variousrcol- oured plumages, that it is a marvel to be- hold them. The soil is very pleasant and fruitful, full of immense woods and forests: and it is always green, for the foliage never drops ofi". The fruits are so many that they are numberless and en- tirely different from ours. This land is within the torrid zone, clo.se to or just under the parallel described by the Tropic of Cancer: where the pole of the horizon has an elevation of 23 degrees, at the ex- tremity of the second climate. Many tribes came to see us, and wondered at our faces and our whiteness : and they asked us whence we came : and we gave them to un- derstand that we had come from heaven, and that we were going to see the world, and they believed it. In this land we placed baptismal fonts, and an infinite {number of) people were baptised, and they called us in their language Carabi, which means men of great Avisdom. We took our de- parture from that port: and the province is called Lariab: and we navigated along the coast, always in sight of land, until we had run 870 leagues of it, still going in the direction of the maestrale {north- west ) making in our course many halts, and holding intercourse with many peo- ples: and in several places we obtained gold by barter but not much in quantity, for we had done enough in discovering the land and learning that they had gold. We had now been thirteen months on the voyage: and the vessels and the tackling were already much damaged, and the men worn out by fatigue: we decided by gen- eral council to haul our ships on land and examine them for the purpose of stanch- ing leaks, as they made much water, and of caulking and tarring them afresh, and {then) returning towards Spain: and w^hen we came to this determination, we were close to a harbour the best in the world: into which we entered with our vessels: where we found an immense num- 132 AMERICUS VESPTJCIUS ber of people: who received us with much friendliness: and on the shore we made a bastion with our boats and with barrels and casks, and our artillery, which com- manded every point: and our ships hav- ing been unloaded and lightened, we drew them upon land, and repaired them in everything that was needful : and the land's people gave us very great assist- ance: and continually furnished us with their victuals: so that in this port we tasted little of our own, which suited our game well: for the stock of provisions which we had for our return-passage was little and of sorry kind: where (i.e., there) we remained 37 days: and went many times to their villages where they paid us the greatest honour: and (71010) de- siring to depart upon our voyage, they made complaint to vis how at certain times of the year there came from over the sea to this their land, a race of people very cruel, and enemies of theirs: and (who) by means of treachery or of violence slew many of them, and ate them: and some they made captives, and carried them away to their houses, or country: and how they could scarcely contrive to defend them- selves from them, making signs to us that (those) were an i«land-people and lived out in the sea about a hundred leagues away: and so piteously did they tell us this that we believed them: and we prom- ised to avenge them of so much wrong: and they remained overjoyed herewith: and many of them offered to come along with us, but we did not wish to take them for many reasons, save that we took seven of them, on condition that they should come (i. e., return home) afterwards in (their oion) canoes because we did not de- sire to be obliged to take them back to their country: and they were contented: and so we departed from those people, leaving them very friendly towards us: and having repaired our ships, and sailing for seven days out to sea between north- east and east: and at the end of the seven days we came upon the islands, which were many, some (of them) in- habited, and others deserted: and we anchored at one of them: where we saw a numerous people who called it Iti: and having manned our boats with strong crews, and (taken ammunition for) three cannon-shots in each, we made for 1 land: where we found, (assembled) about 400 men, and many women, and all naked like the former (peoples). They were of good bodily presence, and seemed right warlike men: for they were armed with their weapons, which are bows, arrows, and lances: and most of them had square wooden targets and bore them in such wise that they did not impede the drawing of the bow: and when we had come with our boats to about a bowshot of the land, they all sprang into the water to shoot their arrows at us and to prevent us from leap- ing upon shore: and they had all their bodies painted of various colours, and (icere) plumed with feathers: and the in- terpreters who were with us told us that when (those) displayed themselves so painted and plumed, it was to betoken that they wanted to fight: and so much did they persist in preventing us from land- ing, that we were compelled to play with our artillery: and when they heard the ex- plosion, and saw one of them fall dead, they all drew back to the land: wherefore, forming our council, we resolved that 42 of our men should spring on shore, and, -if they waited for us, fight them: thus having leaped to land, with our weapons, they advanced towards us, and we fought for about an hour, for we had but little ad- vantage of them, except that our arbalas- ters and gunners killed some of them, and they wounded certain of our men: and this was because they did not stand to re- ceive us within reach of lance-thrust for sword-blow: and so much vigour did we put forth at last, that we came to sword- play, and when they tasted our weapons, they betook themselves to flight through the mountains and the forests, and left us conquerors of the field with many of them dead and a good number wounded: and for that day we took no other pains to pursue them, because we were very weary, and we returned to our ships, with so much gladness on the part of the seven men who had come with us that they could not contain themselves (for joy) : and when the next day arrived, we beheld coming across the land a great number of people, with signals of battle, continu- ally sounding horns, and various other instruments which they use in their wars: and all (of them) painted and feathered, so that it was a very strange sight to be- 33 AMERICUS VESPUCITJS hold them: wherefore all the ships held was asked to come to Lisbon, to confer council, and it was resolved that since with his Highness, who promised to show this people desired hostility with us, we me favor. I was not inclined to go, and should proceed to encounter them and try I despatched the messenger with a reply by every means to make them friends: in that I was not well, but that, when I had case they would not have our friendship, recovered, if his Highness still wished for that we should treat them as foes, and so my services, I would come as soon as he many of them as we might be able to capt- might send for me. Seeing that he could ure should all be our slaves: and having not have me, he arranged to send Giuliano armed ourselves as best we could, we ad- di Bartholomeo di Giocondo for me, he vanced towards the shore, and they sought being in Lisbon, with instructions that, not to hinder us from landing, I believe come what might, he should bring me. from fear of the cannons: and we jumped The said Giuliano came to Seville, and on land, 57 men in four squadrons, each prayed so hard that I was forced to go. one {consisting of) a captain and his My departure was taken ill by many who company: and we came to blows with knew me, for I left Castile where honor them: and after a long battle (in which) was done me, and where the King held many of them (were) slain, we put them me in good esteem. It was worse that I to flight, and pursued them to a village, went without bidding farewell to my having made about 250 of them captives, host. and we burnt the village, and returned to When I was presented to that King, our ships with victory and 250 prisoners, he showed his satisfaction that I had leaving many of them dead and wounded, come, and asked me to go in company and of ours there were no more than one with three of his ships that were ready killed, and 22 wounded, who all escaped to depart for the discovery of new lands. (i. e., recovered), God be thanked. We As the request of a king is a command, I arranged our departure, and seven men, of had to consent to whatever he asked; and whom five were wounded, took an island- we sailed from this port of Lisbon with canoe, and with seven prisoners that we three ships on the lOtli of March, 1501, gave them, four women and three men, re- shaping our course direct for the island turned to their {own) country full of of Grand Canary. We passed without gladness, wondering at our strength: and sighting it, and continued along the west we thereon made sail for Spain with 222 coast of Africa. On this coast we made captive slaves: and reached the port of our fishery of a sort of fish called parchi. Calls {Cadiz) on the 15th day of October, We remained three days, and then came 1498, where we were well received and sold to a port on the coast of Ethiopia called our slaves. Such is what befell me, most Besechiece, which is within the Torrid noteworthy, in this my first voyage. Zone, the North Pole rising above it 14° His Third Voyage. — The following is his 30', situated in the first climate. Here account of his third voyage, as detailed in we remained two days, taking in wood and letters to (1) Pier Soderini, and (2) Lo- water; for my intention was to shape a renzo Pietro Francesco de' Medici. course towards the south in the Atlantic Gulf. We departed from this port of !• Ethiopia, and steered to the south-west. Being afterwards in Seville, resting taking a quarter point to the south until, from so many labors that I had endured after sixty-seven days, we came in sight of during these two voyages, and intending land, which was 700 leagues from the to return to the land of pearls. Fortune said port to the south-west. In those showed that she was not content with sixty-seven days we had the worst time these my labors. I know not how there that man ever endured who navigated came into the thoughts of the Most Se- the seas, owing to the rains, perturba- rene King Don Manuel of Portugal the tions, and storms that we encountered, wish to have my services. But being at The season was very contrary to us, by Seville, without any thought of going to reason of the course of our navigation Portugal, a messenger came to me with a being continually in contact with the equi- letter from the Eoyal Crown, in which I noctial line, where, in the month of June, 134 AMEBICUS VESPUCITJS it is winter. We found that the day and the night were equal, and that the shadow was always towards the south. It pleased God to show us a new land on the 17th of August, and we anchored at a distance of half a league, and got our boats out. We then went to see the land, whether it was inhabited, and what it was like. We found that it was inhab- ited by people who were worse than ani- mals. But your Magnificence must under- stand that we did not see them at first, though we were convinced that the coun- try was inhabited, by many signs observed by. us. We took possession for that Most Serene King, and found the land to be very pleasant and fertile, and of good appear- ance. It was 5° to the south of the equi- noctial line. We went back to the ships; and, as we were in great want of Avood and water, we determined, next day, to return to the shore, with the object of obtaining what we wanted. Being on shore, we saw some people at the top of a hill, who were looking at us, but without showing any in- tention of coming down. They were naked, and of the same color and form as the others we had seen. We tried to induce them to come and speak with us, but did not succeed, as they would not trust us. Seeing their obstinacy, and it being late, we returned on board, leaving many bells and mirrors on shore, and other things in their sight. As soon as we were at some distance on the sea, they came down from the hill, and showed themselves to be much astonished at the things. On that day we were only able to obtain water. Next morning we saw from the ship that the people on shore had made a great smoke; and, thinking it was the signal to us, we went on shore, where we found that many people had come, but they still kept at a distance from us. They made signs to us that we should come inland with them. Two of our Christians were, there- fore, sent to ask their captain for leave to go with them a short distance inland, to see what kind of people they were, and if they had any riches, spices, or drugs. The captain was contented, so they got together many things for barter, and part- ed from us, with instructions that they should not be more than five days absent as we would wait that time for them. So they set out on their road inland, and we returned to the ships to wait for them. Nearly every day people came to the beach, but they would not speak with us. On the seventh day we went on shore, and found that they had arranged with their women ; for, as we jumped on shore, the men of the land sent many of their women to speak with us. Seeing that they were not re- assured, we arranged to send to them one of our people, who was a very agile and valiant youth. To give them more confi- dence, the rest of us went back into the boats. He went among the women, and they all began to touch and feel him, won- dering at him exceedingly. Things being so, we saw a woman come from the hill, carrying a great stick in her hand. When she came to where our Christian stood, she raised it, and gave him such a blow that he was felled to the ground. The other women immediately took him by the feet, and dragged him towards the hill. The men rushed down to the beach, and shot at us with their bows and arrows. Our peo- ple, in great fear, hauled the boats towards their anchors, which were on shore; but, owing to the quantites of arrows that came into the boats, no one thought of taking up their arms. At last four rounds from the bombard were fired at them ; and they no sooner heard the report than they all ran away towards the hill, where the women were still tearing the Christian to pieces. At a great fire they had made they roasted him before our eyes, showing us many pieces, and then eating them. The men made signs how they had killed the other two Christians and eaten them. What shocked us much was seeing with our eyes the cruelty with which they treated the dead, which was an intolerable insult to all of us. Having arranged that more than forty of us should land and avenge such cruel murder and so bestial and inhuman an act, the principal captain would not give his consent. We departed from them un- willingly, and with much shame caused by the decision of our captain. We left this place, and commenced our navigation by shaping a course be- tween east and south. Thus we sailed along the land, making many landings, seeing natives, but having no intercourse with them. We sailed on until we found that the coast made a turn to the west 135 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS when we had doubled a cape, to which we the voyage, and having seen that there gave the name of the Cape of St. Angus- was no mining wealth whatever in that tine. We then began to shape a course land, we decided upon taking leave of it, to the south-west. The cape is distant and upon sailing across the sea for some from the place where the Christians were other part. Having held a consultation, murdered 150 leagues towards the east, it was decided that the course should be and this cape is 8° from the equinoctial taken which seemed good to me; and the line to the south. In navigating, we saw command of the fleet was intrusted to me. one day a great multitude of people on I gave orders that the fleet should be sup- the beach, gazing at the wonderful sight plied with wood and water for six months, of our ships. As we sailed, we turned such being the decision of the officers of the ship towards them, anchored in a good the ships. Having made our departure place, and went on shore with the boats, from this land, we began our navigation We found the people to be better condi- with a southerly course on the 15th of tioned than those we had met with be- February, when already the sun moved fore; and, responding to our overtures, towards the equinoctial, and turned tow- they soon made friends, and treated with ards our Hemisphere of the North. We us. We were five days in this place, and sailed so far on this course that we found found canna fistola very thick and green, ourselves where the South Pole had a and dry on the tops of the trees. We de- height above our horizon of 52°, and we termined to take a pair of men from this could no longer see the stars of Ursa place, that they might teach us their 2Iinor or of Ursa Major. We were then language, and three of them came volun- 500 leagues to the south of the port tarily to go to Portugal. whence we had departed, and this was on Lest your Magnificence should be tired the .3rd of April. On this day such a tem- of so much writing, you must know that, pest arose on the sea that all our sails on leaving this port, we sailed along on a were blown away, and we ran under bare westerly course, always in sight of land, poles, with a heavy southerly gale and a continually making many landings, and tremendous sea, the air being very tem- speaking with an infinite number of peo- pestuous. The gale was such that all the pie. We were so far south that we were people in the fleet were much alarmed, outside the Tropic of Capricorn, where the The nights were very long, for the night South Pole rises above the horizon 32°. we had on the 7th of April lasted fifteen We had lost sight altogether of Ursa Mi- hours, the sun being at the end of Aries, nor and Ursa Major, which were far below and in that region it was winter, as your and scarcely seen on the horizon. We Magnificence will be well aware. Sailing guided ourselves by the stars of the South in this storm, on the 7th of April we came Pole, which are numerous and much larger in sight of new land, along which we ran and brighter than those of our Pole. I for nearly 20 leagues, and found it all a traced the figure of the greater part of rocky coast, without any port or inhabi- those of the first magnitude, with a dec- tants. I believe this was because the cold laration of their orbits round the South was so great that no one in the fleet could Pole, and of their diameters and semi- endure it. Finding ourselves in such per- diameters, as may be seen in my Four il, and in such a storm that we could Voyages. We sailed along that coast for scarcely see one ship from another, owing 750 leagues, 150 from the cape called 8t. to the greatness of the waves and the Augustine to the west, and 600 to the blinding mist, it was agreed with the prin- south. cipal captain that a signal should be made Desiring to recount the things I saw on to the ships that they should make for that coast, and Avhat happened to us, as land, and then shape a course for Por- many more leaves would not suffice me. tugal. This was very good counsel, for it On the coast we saw an infinite number is certain that, if we had delayed another of trees, brazil wood and cassia, and those night, all would have been lost; for, as we trees which yield myrrh, as well as other wore round on the next day, we were met marvels of nature which I am unable to by such a storm that we expected to be recount. Having now been ten months on swamped. We had to undertake pilgrim- 136 AMERICUS VESPIICIUS ages and perform other ceremonies, as is the custom of sailors at such times. We ran for five days, always coming towards the equinoctial line, Avhere the air and sea became more temperate. It pleased God to deliver us from such peril. Our course was now between the north and north-east, for our intention was to reach the coast of Ethiopia, our distance from it being 300 leagues, in the Gulf of the Atlantic Sea. By the grace of God, on the 10th day of May, we came in sight of land, where we were able to refresh ourselves, the land being called La Serra Liona. We were there fifteen days, and thence shaped a course to the islands of the Azores, which are distant nearly 750 leagues from that Serra. We reached the islands in the end of July, where we remained fifteen days, taking some recreation. Thence we departed for Lisbon, distant 300 leagues to the west, and arrived at that port of Lisbon on the 7th of September, 1502, may God be thanked for our salvation, with only two ships. We burnt the other at Serra Liona, because she was no longer seaworthy. We were employed on this voyage nearly fifteen months ; and for eleven days we navigated without seeing the North Star, nor the Great or Little Bears, which they call el coma, and we were guided by the stars of the other Pole. This is what I saw on this voyage. 2. March {or April), 1503. Alberico Vesputio to Lorenzo Pietro de' Medici, salutation. In past days I wrote very fully to you of my return from the new countries, which have been found and explored with the ships, at the cost, and by the command, of this Most Serene King of Portugal; and it is lawful to call it a new world, because none of these countries were known to our ancestors, and to all who hear about them they will be entirely new. For the opinion of the ancients was that the greater part of the world beyond the equinoctial line to the south was not land, but only sea, which they have called the Atlantic; and, if they have affirmed that any continent is there, they have given many reasons for denying that it is inhabited. But this their opinion is false, and entirely opposed to the truth. My last voyage has proved it, for I have found a continent in that southern part, more populous and more full of animals than our Europe or Asia or Africa, and even more temperate and pleasant than any other region known to us, as will be ex- plained further on. I shall write succinct- ly of the principal things only, and the things most worthy of notice and of being remembered, which I either saw or heard of in this new world, as presently will be- come manifest. We set out, on a prosperous voyage, on the 14th of May, 1501, sailing from Lisbon, by order of the aforesaid King, with three ships, to discover new countries towards the west; and we sailed towards the south continuously for twenty months. Of this navigation the order is as follows: Our course was for the Fortunate Islands, so called formerly, but now we called them the Grand Canary Islands, which are in the third climate, and on the confines of the inhabited west. Thence we sailed rapidly over the ocean along the coast of Africa and part of Ethiopia to the Ethi- opic Promontory, so called by Ptolemy, which is now called Cape Verde, and by the Ethiopians Biseghier, and that coun- try Mandraga, 13° within the Torrid Zone, on the north side of the equinoctial line. The country is inhabited by a black race. Having taken on board what we required, we weighed our anchors and made sail, taking our way across the vast ocean tow- ards the Antarctic Pole, with some west- ing. From the day when we left the be- fore-mentioned promontory, we sailed for the space of two months and three days. Hitherto no land had appeared to us in that vast sea. In truth, how much we had suffered, what dangers of shipwreck, I leave to the judgment of those to whom the experience of such things is very well known. What a thing it is to seek un- known lands, and how difficult, being ig- norant, to narrate briefly what happened! It should be known that, of the sixty- seven days of our voyage, we were navi- gating continuously forty-four. We had co- pious thunderstorms and perturbations, and it was so dark that we never could see either the sun in the day or the moon at night. This caused us great fear, so that we lost all hope of life. In these most terrible dangers of the sea it pleased the Most High to show us the continent 137 AMERICTJS VESPTJCIUS and the new countries, being another un- known world. These things being in sight, we were as much rejoiced as any one may imagine who, after calamity and ill- fortune, has obtained safety. ■ It was on the 7th of August, 1501, that we reached those countries, thanking our Lord God with solemn prayers, and celebrating a choral Mass. We knew that land to be a continent, and not an island, from its long beaches extending without trending round, the infinite number of in- habitants, the numerous tribes and peo- ples, the numerous kinds of wild animals unknown in our country, and many others never seen before by us, touching which it would take long to make reference. The clemency of God was shown forth to us by being brought to these regions; for the ships were in a leaking state, and in a few days our lives might have been lost in the sea. To Him be the honor and glory, and the grace of the action. We took counsel, and resolved to navi- gate along the coast of this continent tow- ards the east, and never to lose sight of the land. We sailed along until we came to a point where the coast turned to the south. The distance from the landfall to this point was nearly 300 leagues. In this stretch of coast we often landed, and had friendly relations with the natives, as I shall presently relate. I had forgotten to tell you that from Cape Verde to the first land of this continent the distance is near- ly 700 leagues; although I estimate that we went over more than 1.800, partly owing to ignorance of the route, and part- ly owing to the tempests and foul winds which drove us off our course, and sent us in various directions. If my companions had not trusted in me, to whom cosmog- raphy was known, no one, not the leader of our navigation, would have known where we were after running .500 leagues. We were wandering and full of errors, and only the instruments for taking the alti- tudes of heavenly bodies showed us our position. These were the quadrant and astrolabe, as known to all. These have been m\ich used by me with much honor ; for I showed them that a knowledge of the marine chart, and the rules taught by it, are more worth than all the pilots in the world. For these pilots have no knowledge beyond those places to which they have often sailed. Where the said point of land showed us the trend of the coast to the south, we agreed to continue our voyage, and to ascertain what there might be in those regions. We sailed along the coast for nearly 500 leagues, often going on shore and having inter- course with the natives, who received us in a brotherly manner. We sometimes stay- ed with them for fifteen or twenty days continuously, as friends and guests, as I shall relate presently. Part of this conti- nent is in the Torrid Zone, beyond the equinoctial line towards the South Pole. But it begins at 8° beyond the equinoctial. We sailed along the coast so far that we crossed the Tropic of Capricorn, and found ourselves where the Antarctic Pole was 50° above our horizon. We went towards the Antarctic Circle until we were 17° 30' from it, all of which I have seen, and I have known the nature of those people, their customs, the resources and fertility of the land, the salubrity of the air, the positions of the celestial bodies in the heavens, and, above all, the fixed stars, over an eighth of the sphere, never seen by our ancestors, as I shall explain below. As regards the people: we have found such a multitude in those countries that no one could enumerate them, as we read in the Apocalypse. They are people gen- tle and tractable, and all of both sexes go naked, not covering any part of their bodies, . . . and so they go until their deaths. They have large, square-built bodies,- and well proportioned. Their col- or reddish, which, I think, is caused by their going naked and exposed to the sun. Their hair is plentiful and black. They are agile in walking, and of quick sight. They are of a free and good-looking ex- pression of countenance, which they them- selves destroy by boring the nostrils and lips, the nose and ears; nor mvist you be- lieve that the borings are small, nor that they only have one, for I have seen those who had no less than seven borings in the face, each one the size of a plum. They stop up these perforations with blue stones, bits of marble, of crystal, or very fine alabaster, also with very white bones and other things artificially prepared ac- cording to their customs, which, if you could see, it would appear a strange and monstrous thing. One had in the nostrils 138 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS and lips alone seven stones, of which some were half a palm in length. It will as- tonish you to hear that I considered that the weight of seven such stones was as much as sixteen ounces. In each ear they had three perforations bored, whence they had other stones and rings suspended. This custom is only for the men, as the women do not perforate their faces, but only their ears. . . . They have no cloth, either of wool, flax, or cotton, because they have no need of it; nor have they any private prop- erty, everything being in common. They live amongst themselves without a king or ruler, each man being his own master, and having as many wives as they please. . . . They have no temples and no laws, nor are they idolaters. What more can I say? They live according to nature, and are more inclined to be Epicurean than Stoic. They have no commerce among each other, and they wage war without art or order. The old men make the youths do what they please, and incite them to fights, in which they mutually kill with great cruel- ty. They slaughter those who are capt- ured, and the victors eat the vanquished; for human flesh is an ordinary article of food among them. You may be the more certain of this, because I have seen a man eat his children and wife; and I knew a man who was popularly credited to have eaten 300 human bodies. I was once in a certain city for twenty-seven days, where human flesh was hung up near the houses, in the same way as we expose butcher's meat. I say further that they were surprised that we did not eat our enemies, and use their flesh as food; for they say it is excellent. Their arms are bows and arrows; and, when they go to war, they cover no part of their bodies, being in this like beasts. We did all we could to persuade them to desist from their evil habits, and they promised us to leave off. . . . They live for 150 years, and are rarely sick. If they are attacked by a disease, they cure themselves with the roots of some herbs. These are the most note- worthy things I know about them. The air in this country is temperate and good, as we were able to learn from their accounts that there are never any pestilences or epidemics caused by bad air. Unless they meet with violent deaths, their lives are long. I believe this is be- cause a southerly wind is always blowing, a south wind to them being what a north wind is to us. They are expert fisher- men, and the sea is full of all kinds of fish. They are not hunters. I think because here there are many kinds of wild animals, principally lions and bears, innumerable serpents, and other horrible creatures and deformed beasts, also because there are vast forests and trees of immense size. They have not the courage to face such dangers naked and without any defence. The land is very fertile, abounding in many hills and valleys and in large rivers, and is irrigated by very refreshing springs. It is covered with extensive and dense forests, which are almost impenetrable, and full of every kind of wild beast. Great trees grow without cultivation, of which many yield fruits pleasant to the taste and nourishing to the human body; and a great many have an opposite effect. The fruits are unlike those in our coun- try; and there are innumerable different kinds of fruits and herbs, of which they make bread and excellent food. They also have many seeds unlike ours. No kind of metal has been found except gold, in which the country abounds, though we have brought none back in this our first navigation. The natives, however, assur- ed us that there was an immense quantity of gold underground, and nothing was to be had from them for a price. Pearls abound, as I wrote to you. If I was to attempt to write of all the species of animals, it would be a long and tedious task. I believe certainly that our Pliny did not touch upon a thousandth part of the animals and birds that exist in this region ; nor could an artist such as Policletus succeed in painting them. All the trees are odoriferous, and some of them emit gums, oils, or other liquors. If they were our property, I do not doubt but that they would be useful to man. If the terrestrial paradise is in some part of this land, it cannot be very far from the coast we visited. It is, as I have told you, in a climate where the air is tem- perate at noon, being neither cold in win- ter nor hot in summer. The sky and air are serene during a great part of the year. Thick vapors, 139 AMEBICUS VESPUCIUS with fine rain falling, last for three or four hours, and then disappear like smoke. The sky is adorned with most beautiful signs and figures, in which I have noted as many as twenty stars as bright as we sometimes see Venus and Jupiter. I have considered the orbits and motions of these stars: and I have measured the circum- ference and diameters of the stars by a geometrical method, ascertaining which were the largest. I saw in the heaven three Canopi, two certainly bright and the other obscure. The Antarctic Pole is not figured with a Great Bear and a Little Bear, like our Arctic Pole, nor is any bright star seen near it, and of those which go round in the shortest circuit there are three which have the figure of the orthog- onous tri.angle, of which the smallest has a diameter of 9 half-degrees. To the east of these is seen a Canopus of great size, and white, which, when in mid-heaven, has this figure: — s s s s s s s s s s s s s s canopus * -»■ After these come two others, of which the half-circumference, the diameter, has 12 half-degrees; and with them is seen another Canopus. To these succeed six other most beautiful and very bright stars, beyond all the others of the eighth sphere, which, in the superficies of the heaven, have half the circumference, the diameter 32°, and with them is one black Canopus of immense size, seen in the Milky Way, and they have this shape when they are on the meridian: — s s s s s s s s s s s s s s s * I have known many other very beautiful stars, which I have diligently noted down, and have described very well in a certain little book describing this my navigation, which at present is in the possession of that Most Serene King; and I hope he will restore it to me. In that hemisphere I have seen things not compatible with the opinions of philosophers. Twice I have seen a white rainbow towards the middle of the night, which was not only observed by me, but also by all the sailors. Like- wise we often saw the new moon on the day on which it is in conjunction with the sun. Every night, in that part of the heavens of which we speak, there were in- numerable vapors and burning meteors. I have told you, a little way back, that, in the hemisphere of which we are speak- ing, it is not a complete hemisphere in re- spect to ours, because it does not take that form so that it may be properly call- ed so. Therefore, as I have said, from Lisbon, whence we started, the distance from the equinoctial line is 39° ; and we navigated beyond the equinoctial line to 50°, which together make 90°, which is one quarter of a great circle, according to the true measurement handed down to us by the an- cients, so that it is manifest that we must have navigated over a fourth part of the earth. By this reasoning, we who inhabit Lisbon, at a distance of 39° from the equi- noctial line in north latitude, are to those who live under 50° beyond the same line, in meridional length, angularly 5° on a transverse line. I will explain this more clearly: a perpendicular line, while we stand upright, if suspended from a point of the heavens exactly vertical, hangs over our heads; but it hangs over them side- ways. Thus, while we are on a right line, they are on a transverse line. An or- thogonal triangle is thus formed, of which we have the right line; but the base and hypothenuse to them seems the vertical line, as in this figure it will appear. This will suffice as regards cosmography. These are the most notable things that T have seen in this my last navigation, or. 140 AMES as I call it, the third voyage. For the other two voyages were made by order of the Most Serene King of Spain to the west, in which I noted many wonderful works of God, our Creator; and, if I should have time, I intend to collect all these singular and wonderful things into a geographical or cosmographical book, that my record may live with future gen- erations ; and the immense work of the omnipotent God will be known, in parts still unknown, but known to us. I also pray that the most merciful God will prolong my life that, with His good grace, I may be able to make the best dis- position of this my wish. I keep the other two journeys in my sanctuary; and, the Most Serene King restoring to me the third journey, I intend to return to peace and my country. There, in consultation with learned persons, and comforted and aided by friends, I shall be able to com- plete my work. I ask your pardon for not having sooner been able to send you this my last navigation, as I had promised in my for- mer letters. I believe that you will under- stand the cause, which was that I could not get the books from this Most Serene King. I think of undertaking a fourth voyage in the same direction, and promise is already made of two ships with their armaments, in which I may seek new re- gions of the East on a coast called Africus. In which journey I hope much to do God honor, to be of service to this kingdom, to secure repute for my old age; and I ex- pect no other result with the" permission of this Most Serene King. May God permit Avhat is for the best, and you shall be in- formed of what happens. This letter was translated from the Italian into the Latin language by Jo- cundus, interpreter, as every one under- stands Latin who desires to learn about these voyages, and to search into the things of heaven, and to know all that is proper to be known; for, from the time the world began, so much has not been discovered touching the greatness of the earth and what is contained in it. Ames, Adelrert, military officer; born in Rockland, Me., Oct. 31, 1835; was grad- uated at West Point in 1861 ; and for his gallant conduct in the Battle of Bull Run (1861) was brevetted major. He served in the campaigns on the Peninsula in 1862. At Chancellorsville he led a brigade, also at Gettysburg, in 1863, and before Petersburg, in 1864, he command- ed a division. In the expedition against Fort Fisher, near the close of that year, he commanded a division of colored troops, and afterwards led the same in North Carolina. In the spring of 1865 he was brevetted major-general of volunteers and brigadier-general, U. S. A. In 1871 he was a representative of Mississippi in the United States Senate; was governor in 1874; and was appointed a brigadier-gen- eral of volunteers June 20, 1898, serving through the war with Spain. Ames, Fisher, orator and statesman; born in Dedham, Mass., April 9, 1758; was graduated at Harvard College in 1774; taught school until 1781; then began the practice of law; and soon displayed rare oratorical" powers. He wrote political essays for Boston newspapers, over the signatures of " Brutus " and " Camillus." In Congress from 1789 until 1797 he was always distinguished for his great business talent, exalted patriotism, and brilliant oratory. Ardently devoted to Washing- ton, personally and politically, he was chosen by his colleagues to write the ad- dress to the first President on his retiring FISHER AMKS. from office in 1797. After leaving Congress he devoted himself to the practice of his profession ; but finally, on account of de- clining health, gave it up to engage exclu- sively in agricultural pursuits. In 1804 he was chosen president of Harvard Col- 141 AMES lege, but declined tlie honor. He received the degree of LL.D. from that institution. His orations, essays, and letters were col- lected and published in 1 volume, v^^ith a biographical sketch by Rev. Dr. Kirk- land, in 1809. So powerful was his great speech in Congress in favor of Jay's Treaty, on April 28, 1795, that an oppo- sition member moved to postpone the deci- sion of the question that they might not " vote under the influence of a sensibility which their calm judgment might con- demn." He died in Dedham, July 4, 1808. Speech on Jay's Treaty. — The following are extracts from his speech made on April 28, 1796: The treaty is bad, fatally bad, is the cry. It sacrifices the interest, the honor, the independence of the United States, and the faith of our engagements to France. If we listen to the clamor of party intem- perance, the evils are of a number not to be counted, and of a nature not to be borne, even in idea. The language of passion and exaggeration may silence that of sober reason in other places; it has not done it here. The question here is whether the treaty be really so very fatal as to oblige the nation to break its faith. I ad- mit that svich a treaty ought not to be executed. I admit that self-preservation is the first law of society, as well as of individuals. It would, perhaps, be deemed an abuse of terms to call that a treaty which violates such a principle. I waive, also, for the present, any inquiry, what departments shall represent the nation, and annul the stipulations of a treaty. I content myself with pursuing the inquiry, whether the nature of this compact be such as to justify our refusal to carry it into eflfect. A treaty is the promise of a na- tion. Now, promises do not always bind him that makes them. But I lay down two rules, which ought to guide us in this case. The treaty must appear to be bad, not merely in the petty details, but in its character, principle, and mass. And in the next place, this ought to be ascertain- ed by the decided and general concurrence of the enlightened public. I confess there seems to be something very like ridicule thrown over the debate by the discussion of the articles in detail. The undecided point is, shall we break our faith? And while our country and en- lightened Europe await the issue with more than curiosity, we are employed to gather piecemeal, and article by article, from the instrument a justification for the deed by trivial calculations of com- mercial profit and loss. This is little worthy of the subject, of this body, or of the nation. If the treaty is bad, it will appear to be so in its mass. Evil, to a fatal extreme, if that be its tendency, re- quires no proof; it brings it. Extremes speak for themselves and make their own law. What if the direct voyage of Amer- ican ships to Jamaica, with horses or lum- ber, might net 1 or 2 per centum more than the present trade to Surinam — would the proof of the fact avail anything in so grave a question as the violation of the public engagements? . . . Why do they complain that the West Indies are not laid open? Why do they lament that any restriction is stipulated on the commerce of the East Indies? Why do they pretend that, if they reject this and insist upon more, more will be accomplished? Let us be explicit — • more would not satisfy. If all was grant- ed, would not a treaty of amity with Great Britain still be obnoxious? Have we not this instant heard it urged against our envoy that he was not ardent enough in his hati'ed of Great Britain? A treaty of amity is condemned because it was not made by a foe and in the spirit of one. The same gentleman, at the same instant, repeats a very prevailing objection, that no treaty should be made with the enemy of France. No treaty, exclaim others, should be made with a monarch or a des- pot; there will be no naval security while those sea-robbers domineer on the ocean; their den must be destroyed; that nation must be extirpated. I like this, sir, because it is sincerity. With feelings such as these we do not pant for treaties. Such jjassions seek nothing, and will be content with nothing, but the destruction of their object. If a treaty left King George his island, it would not answer; not if he stipulated to pay rent for it. It has been said the world ought to rejoice if Britain was sunk in the sea; if where there are now men and wealth and laws and liberty, there was no 142 AMES more than a sand-bank for sea monsters to fatten on, a space for the storms of the ocean to mingle in conflict. . . . What is patriotism? Is it a narrow affection for the spot where a man was born? Are the very clods where we tread entitled to this ardent preference because they are greener? No, sir, this is not the character of the virtue, and it soars higher for its object. It is an extended self-love, mingled with all the enjoyments of life, and twisting itself with the mi- nutest filaments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of society, because they are the laws of virtue. In their authority we see not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as sacred. He is will- ing to risk his life in its defence, and is conscious that he gains protection while he gives it. For, what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable when a state renounces the principles that constitute their security? Or if his life should not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be in a country odious in the eyes of strangers and dishonored in his own? Could he look with affection and venera- tion to such a country as his parent? The sense of having one would die within him ; he would blush for his patriotism, if he retained any, and justly, for it would be a vice. He would be a banished man in his native land. I see no exception to the respect that is paid among nations to the laws of good faith. If there are cases in this enlightened period when it is vio- lated, there are none when it is decried. It is the philosophy of politics, the re- ligion of governments. It is observed by barbarians — a whiflf of tobacco smoke or a string of beads gives not merely a bind- ing force but sanctity to treaties. Even in Algiers a truce may be bought for money, but, when ratified, even Algiers is too wise or too just to disown and an- nul its obligation. Thus we see neither the ignorance of savages nor the principles of an association for piracy and rapine permit a nation to despise its engage- ments. If, sir, there could be a resur- rection from the foot of the gallows, if the victims of justice could live again, collect together and form a society, they would, however loath, soon find themselves obliged to make justice, that justice under which they fell, the fundamental law of their state. They would perceive it was their interest to make others respect — and they would, therefore, soon pay some respect themselves to — the obligations of good faith. It is painful — I hope it is superfluous — to make even the supposition that America should furnish the occasion of this opprobrium. No, let me not even imagine that a republican government, sprung, as our own is, from a people en- lightened and uncorrupted, a government whose origin is right, and whose daily discipline is duty, can, upon solemn de- bate, make its option to be faithless — • can dare to act what despots dare not avow, what our own example evinces, the states of Barbary are unsuspected of. No, let me rather make the supposition that Great Britain refuses to execute the treaty after we have done everything to carry it into effect. Is there any lan- guage of reproach pungent enough to ex- press your commentary on the fact? What would you say, or, rather, what would you not say? Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman might travel, shame would stick to him — he would dis- own his country? You would exclaim: " England, proud of your wealth and ar- rogant in the possession of power, blush for these distinctions, which become the vehicles of your dishonor." Such a na- tion might truly say to corruption, " Thou art my father"; and to the worm, "Thou art my mother and my sister." We should say of such a race of men, their name is a heavier burden than their debt. . . . Ames, Herman Vandenburg, his- torian; born in Lancaster, Mass., Aug. 7, 1865; was graduated at Amherst Col- lege in 1888 and later studied in Ger- many. In 1891-94 he was an instructor in History at the University of Michigan; in 1896-97 occupied a similar post in Ohio State University; and in the latter year accepted the chair of American Con- stitutional History in the University of Pennsylvania. He is author of The Pro- posed Amendments to the Constitution of the United States, for which he was awarded the prize of the American His- torical Association in 1897. 143 AMES— AMIDAS Ames, Oakes, manuf acturev ; born in Easton, Mass., Jan. 10, 1804; received a public school education; became thor- oughly familiar with the manufacture of shovels, etc. Subsequently he became a member of the firm of Oliver Ames & Sons. When the Union Pacific Railroad was being built the firm held large con- tracts which afterwards were transferred to a corporation known as the Credit Mobil ier of America, of which Oakes Ames became one of the largest stockhold- ers. In 1862-73 he was a member of Con- gress from Massachusetts. His connection with the Credit Mobilier, including an al- legation of having improperly given stock to several members of Congress, was in- vestigated by a committee of the House of Representatives and he was censured by that body. He died in North Easton, Mass., May" 8, 1873. See Credit Mo- BIIJER. statesman ; born in 4, 1831: educated at member of the State lieutenant - governor, in North Easton, Ames, Oliver, Easton, Mass., Feb. Brown Universitj^ : Senate, 1880-81; 1882-84. He died Mass., Oct. 22, 1895. Am.lierst, Sir Jeffrey, military offi- cer; born in Kent, England, Jan. 29, 1717 J became an ensign in the army in 1731, and was aide to Lord Ligonier and the Duke of Cumberland. In 1756 he was promoted to major - gener- al and given the command of the expedi- tion against Louisburg in 1758, which re- sulted in its capture, with other French strongholds, in that vicinity. In Septem- ber, that year, he was appointed command- er-in-chief in America, and led the troops SIR JEFFREY AMHERST. in person, in 1759, that drove the French from Like Champlain. The next year he captured Montreal and completed the conquest of Canada. For these acts he was rewarded with the thanks of Parliament and the Order of the Bath. In 1763 he was appointed governor of Vir- ginia. The atrocities of the Indians in May and June of that year aroused the anger and the energies of Sir Jeffrey, and he contemplated hurling swift destruction upon the barbarians. He denounced Pon- tiac as the " chief ringleader of mis- chief"; and, in a proclamation, said, " Whoever kills Pontiac shall receive from me a reward of £100" ($500). He bade the commander at Detroit to make public proclamation for an assassin to pursue him. He regarded the Indians as " the vilest race of creatures on the face of the earth; and whose riddance from it must be esteemed a meritorious act, for the good of mankind." He instructed his officers engaged in war against them to " take no prisoners, but to put to death all that should fall into their hands." Sir Jeffrey was made governor of the island of Guernsey in 1771; created a baron in 1776; was commander-in-chief of the forces from 1778 to 1795; and became field-marshal in July, 1796. He died Aug. 3, 1797. Amherst College, an educational insti- tution in Amherst, Mass., founded in J821; incorporated in 1825. The funds for the construction of its buildings and for its endowments have been furnished by gifts of individuals, with the exception of $50,000 given by the State. The Chris- tian men and women of Massachusetts have built it up and chiefly sustain it. The declared object of its founders was ■' the education of young men for minis- terial and missionary labor." In 1899 it liad thirty-six professors and instructors, 380 students, buildings that cost over .f400,000, and valuable art and scientific collections. The Rev. George Harris D.D., was elected its president in that year. AMIDAS, PHILIP Amidas, Philip, navigator; was of a sent two ships to America in 1584, the Breton family in France, but was born chief command was given to Arthur Bar- in Hull, England, in 1550. When Raleigh low, who commanded one of the vessels, 144 AMlDAS, PHILI]? and Philip Amidas the other. They were directed to explore the coasts within the parallels of lat. 32" and 38° N. They touched at the Canary Islands, the West Indies, and Florida, and made their way northward along the coast. On July 13, 1584, they entered Ocrakoke Inlet, and landed on Wocoken Island. There Bar- low set up a small column with the Brit- ish arms rudely carved upon it, and took formal possession of the whole region in the name of Queen Elizabeth, as he waved the English banner over it in the presence of the wondering natives. They spent scA'eral weeks in exploring Roanoke Island and Pamlico and Albemarle sounds. On Koanoke Island the Englishmen were en- tertained by the mother of King Wingini, who was absent, and were hospitably re- ceived everywhere. After getting what in- formation they could about the neighbor- ing main, and inspired by the beauties of nature around them, the navigators re- turned to England, attended by Manteo and Wanchese, two Indian chiefs. The former was afterwards created " Lord of Eoanoke," and was the first and last American peer of England created. The glowing accounts given by Amidas and Barlow of the country they had discov- ered captivated the Queen, and she named the region, as some say, in allusion to her unmarried state, Virginia; others say it was in allusion to the virgin country. Amidas was in the maritime service of England long afterwards; and a few years after his voyage to Vir- ginia he commanded an expedition to Newfoundland. He died in England in 1618. First Voyage to Roanoke. — The follow- ing is the narrative of the first voyage to Roanoke by Amidas (or Amadas) and Barlow, written by the latter: The 27 day of Aprill, in the yeere of our redemption, 1584, we departed the West of England, with two barkes well furnished with men and victuals, having received our last and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former in- structions, .and commandments delivered by your selfe at our leaving the river of Thames. And I think it is a matter both unnecessary, for the manifest discoverie of the Countrev, as also for tediousnesse sake, remember unto you the diurnall oi our course, sayling thither and return- ing; onely I have presumed to present unto you this briefe discourse, by which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to succeede, as well to your selfe, by whose direction and charge, and by whose servantes this our discoverie hath beene performed, as also to her Highnesse, and the Commonwealth, in which we hope your wisdome wilbe satisfied, considering that as much by us hath bene brought to light, as by those smal meanes, and number of men we had, could any way have bene ex- pected, or hoped for. The tenth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the tenth of June in this present yeere, we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies, keeping a more Southeasterly course then was needefuU, because wee doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexico, disbogging betweene the Cape of Florida and Havana, had bene of greater force than afterwards we found it to bee. At which Islands we found the ayre very unwholesome, and our men grew for the most part ill disposed: so that having refreshed our selves with sweet v/ater, & fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth day of our arrivall there. These islands, with the rest adjoining, are so well knowen to your selfe, and to many others, as I will not trouble you with the rememberance of them. The second of July we found shole water, wher we smelt so sweet, and so strong a smel, as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could not be farre distant: and keeping good watch, and bearing but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and firme lande, and we sayled along the same a hundred and twentie English miles before we could finde any entrance, or river issuing into the Sea. The first that appeared unto us. we entred, though not without some difficultie, & cast anker about three harquebuz-shot within the havens mouth on the left hand of the same; and after thanks given to God for our safe arrivall thither, we man- ned our boats, and went to view the land next adjoyning, and to take possession of I. — K. 145 AMtDAS, PillLii* the same, in the right of the Queenes most excellent Majestie, and i-ightfull Queene, and Princess of the same, and after de- livered the same over to your use, accord- ing to her Majesties grant, and letters patents, under her Highnesse great seale. Which being performed, according to the ceremonies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, being, whereas we first landed, very sandie and low tow- ards the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating and surge of the Sea overflowed them, of which we found such plentie, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand and on the greene soile on the liils, as in the plaines, as well on every little shrubbe, as also climing towardes the tope of high Cedars, that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found; and my selfe having scene those parts of Eui'ope that most abound, find such difference as were in- credible to be written. We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles next adjoyning, being but of meane higth, and from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North, and to the South, finding no ende any of both wayes. This lande laye stretching it selfe to the West, which after wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long, and not above sixe miles broade. Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode, we behelde the valleys replenish- ed with goodly Cedar trees, and having dis- charged our harquebuz-shot, such a flocke of Cranes (the most part white), arose under us, with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes, as if an armie of men had showted all together. This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle, even in the middest of Summer in incredi- ble abundance. The woodes are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscouia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitless, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, farre bettering the Cedars of the Agores, of the Indies, or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres, Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Masticke. the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sinamon, of which Mas- ter Winter brought from the streights of Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. We remained by the side of this Island two whole dayes before 1 we saw any people of the Countrey: the third day we espied one small boate row- ing towardes us having in it three per- sons: this boat came to the Island side, foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes, and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the shoreside towards us, and wee being then all within boord, he walked up and downe upon the point of the land next unto us: then the Master and the Pilot of the Admirall, Simon Fer- dinando, and the Captaine Philip Amadas, my selfe, and others rowed to the land, whose comming this fellow attended, never making any shewe of fear or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him with his owne good liking, aboord the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat & some other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very wel: and after having viewed both barks, he departed, and went to his owne boat againe, which hee had left in a little Cove or Creeke adjoyning: assoone as hee was two bow shoot into the water, hee fell to fishiiig, and in lesse than halfe an houre, he had laden his boate as deepe as it could swimme, with which hee came againe to the point of the lande, and there he divided his fish into two parts, point- ing one part to the ship, and the other to the pinnesse: which, after he had, as much as he might, requited the former benefites received, departed out of our sight. The next day there came unto us di- vers boates, and in one of them the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their behaviour as mannerly and civill as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Win- gina, the countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Majestie Virginia. The manner of his comming was in this sort: hee left his boates altogether as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore, and came along to the place over against the shipes, followed with fortie men. When he came to the place, his servants spread a long matte upon the ground, on which he sate downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood round nbout him, somewhat a farre off: when we It) AMIDAS, PHILIP came to the shore to him ivith our weap- ons, hee never mooved from his place, nor any of the other foure, nor never mis- trusted any harme to be offered from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed: and being set hee made all signes of joy and welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours to shew wee were all one, smiling and making shewe the best he could of al love, and familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech unto us, wee presented him with divers things, which hee received very joy- fully, and thankefully. None of the com- pany, durst speake one worde all the time : only the foure which were at the other ende, spake one in the others eare very softly. The King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reverenced: the King himself in person was at our being there, sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey, called Wingina, and was shot in two places through the body, and once cleane through the thigh, but yet he recovered: by reason whereof and for that hee lay at the chief towne of the countrey, being sixe dayes journey off, we saw him not at all. After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked, wee likewise gave somewhat to the other that sat with him on the matte: but pres- ently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket, making signes and tokens, that all things ought to bee delivered unto him, and the rest were but his servants, and followers. A day or two after this, we fell to trading with them, exchanging some things that we had, for Chamoys, Buffe, and Deere skinnes: when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all things that he sawe, a bright tinne dish most pleased him, which hee presently tooke up and clapt it before his breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof and hung it about his necke, making signes that it would defende him against his enemies arrowes: for those people maintaine a deadly and terrible warre, with the people and King adjoyning. We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes, woorth twentie Crowneg, or twentie Nobles: and a copper kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty CroAvnes. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for knives, and would have given any thing for swordes: but wee would not depart with any. After two or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes, and dranke wine, and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof: and after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter and two or three children: his wife was very well favoured, of meane stature, and very bashfull : shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather, with the furre side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same: about her fore- head she had a bande of white Corall, and so had her husband many times: in her eares shee had bracelets of pearles hanging do\vii to her middle, whereof wee delivered your worship a little bracelet, and those were of the bignes of good pease. The rest of her women of the better sort had pen- dants of copper hanging in either eare, and some of the children of the Kings brother and other noble men, have five or sixe in either eare: he himselfe had upon his head a broad plate of golde, or copper, for being unpolished we knew not what mettal it should be, neither would he by any means suffer us to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bow very easily. His apparell was as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yel- lowish, and their haire black for the most part, and yet we saw children that had very fine auburne and chestnut coloured haire. After that these women had bene there, tliere came downe from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, corall, divers kindes of dies, very excellent, and exchanged with us: but when Granganimeo the kings brother was present, none durst trade but himselfe: ex- cept such as weare red pieces of copper on their heads like himselfe: for that is the difference betweene the noble men, and the gouvernours of countreys, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you have understood since by these men, which we brought home, that no people in the worlde cary more respect to their King, Nobilitie, and Governours, 147 AMIDAS, PHILIP than these do. The Kings brothers wife, when she came to us, as she did many times, was followed with forty or fifty women alwayes: and when she came into the shippe, she left them all on land, sav- the day and performed his promise. He sent us every day a brase or two of fat Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish and best of the world. He sent us divers kindes of fruites, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, ing her two daughters, her nurse and one Pease, and divers rootes, and fruites very or two more. The kings brother alwayes excellent good, and of their Countrey kept this order, as many boates as he corne, which is very white, faire and well would come withall to the shippes, so tasted, and groweth three times in five many fires would he make on the shore moneths: in May they sow, in July they a farre off, to the end we might understand reape : in June they sow, in August they with what strength and company he ap- proached. Their boates are made of one tree, either of Pine or of Pitch trees: a wood not commonly knowen to our people. reape; in July they sow, in September they reape: onely they caste the corne into the ground, breaking a little of the soft turfe with a Avodden mattock, or pick- nor found growing in England. They have axe; our selves prooved the soile, and put no edge-tooles to make them withall: if some of our Pease in the ground, and in they have any they are very fewe, and tenne dayes they were of fourteene ynches those it seemes they had twentie yeres high: they have also Beanes very faire of since, which, as those two men declared, divers colours and wonderfull plentie: Avas out of a wrake which happened upon some growing naturally, and some in their their coast of some Christian ship, being g;ardens, and so have they both wheat and beaten that way by some storme and out- oates. ragious weather, whereof none of the The soile is the most plentifull, sweete, people were saved, but only the ship, fruitfull and wholesome of all the worlde: or some part of her being cast upon the there are above fourteene severall sweete sand, out of whose sides they drew the smelling timber trees, and the most part nayles and the spikes, and with those of their underwoods are Bayes and such thev made their best instruments. The like: they have those Okes that we have, manner of making their boates is thus: but farre greater and better. After they they burne down some great tree, or take had bene divers times aboord our shippes, such as are winde fallen, and putting my selfe, and seven more went twentie gumme and rosen upon one side thereof, mile into the River, that runneth towarde they set fire into it, and when it hath the Citie of Skicoak, which Eiver they call burnt it hollow, they cut out the coale Occam: and the evening following wee with their shels, and ever where they came to an Island which they call Roa- would burne it deeper or wider they lay noak, distant from the harbour by which we on gummes, which burne away the timber, entred, seven leagues: and at the North and by this means they fashion very fine end thereof was a village of nine houses, boates and such as will transport twentie built of Cedar, and fortified round about men. Their oares are like scoopes, and with sharpe trees, to keepe out their ene- many times they set with long poles, as the depth serveth. The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, and divers other mies, and the enti'ance into it made like a turnepike very artificially; when wee came towardes it, standing neere unto the waters side, the wife of Granganimo th*^ thino-s which we had: and offered to lay a Kings brother came running out to meete great boxe of pearls in gage for them: but us very cheerfully and friendly, her hus- we refused it for this time, because we band was not then in the village; some of would not make them knowe, that we es- her people shee commanded to drawe our teemed thereof, untill we had understoode boate on shore for the beating of the in what places of the countrey the pearle billoe: others she appointed to carry us on grew: which now your Worshippe doeth their backes to the dry ground, and others very Avell understand. to bring our oares into the house for feare He was very just of his promise: for of stealing. When we were come into the many times we delivered him merchandize utter roome, having five roomes in her upon his worde, but ever he came within house, she caused us to sit downe by a 148 AMidAs, PHiLi:^ great fire, and after tooke off our clothes and washed them, and dryed them againe: some of the women plucked off our stock- ings and washed them, some washed our feete in warme water, and she herselfe tooke great paines to see all things ordered in the best maner shee could, making great haste to dresse some meate for us to eate. After we had thus dryed ourselves, she brought us into the inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along the house, some wheate like furmentie, sodden Venison, and roasted, fish sodden, boyled and roasted, Melons rawe, and sodden, rootes of divers kindes and divers fruites: their drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water, but it is sodden with Ginger in it and blacke Sinamon, and sometimes Sassaphras, and divers other wholesome, and medicinable hearbes and trees. We were entertained with all love and kindnesse, and with much bountie, after their maner, as they could possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden age. The people onely care howe to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soile aft'oordeth: there meat is very well sodden and they make broth very sweet and sa- vorie: their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white and sweete, their dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber : within the place where they feede was their lodging, and within that their Idoll, which they worship, of whome they speake in- credible things. While we were at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom when wee espied, we be- ganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to reach our weapons: but as soone as shee espied our mistrust, shee was very much mooved, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake them, and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe. When we departed in the evening and would not tary all night she was very sorry, and gave us into our boate our supper halfe dressed, pottes and all, and brought us to our boate side, in which wee lay all night, remooving the same a prettie distance from the shoare: shee perceiving our jealousie, was much grieved, and sent divers men and thirtie women, to sit all night on the banke side hy us, and sent us into our boates five mattes to cover us from the raine, using very many wordes, to entreate us to rest in their houses: but because wee were fewe men, and if wee had miscarried, the voyage had bene in very great danger, wee durst not adventure any thing, although there was no cause of doubt: for a more kinde and loving people there can not be found in the worlde, as farre as we have hitherto had triall. Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and over against this Island falleth into this spacious water the great river called Occam by the inhabitants, on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock, & sixe days journey from the same is situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak, which this people aflirme to be very great: but the Savages were never at it, only they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have heard aflirme it to bee above one houres journey about. Into this river falleth another great river, called Cipo, in which there is found great store of Huskies in which there are pearles: likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another river, called Nomo- pana, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that to\^'ne and countrey is called Pooneno: this Pooneno is not subject to the King of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord: beyond this country is there another king, whom they cal Menatonon, and these three kings are in league with each other. Towards the Southwest, foure dayes journey is situate a towme called Sequotan, which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saved, and those Avere white people whom the countrey people preserved. And after ten days remaining in an out Island unhabited, called Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwell- ers of Sequotan fastened two boates of the countrey together & made mastes unto 149 AMIDAS, PHILIP them and sailes of their shiites, and hav- ing taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded, they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weekes: but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates were found upon the coast cast a land in another Island adjoyning: other than these, there was never any people apparelled, or white of colour, either seene or heard of amongst these people, and these aforesaid were seene onely of the inhabitantes of Secotan, which appeared to be very true, for they wondred marvelously when we were amongst them at the whitenes of our skins, ever coveting to touch our breasts, and to view the same. Besides they had our ships in marvelous admiration, & all things els were so strange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had ever seene the like. When we discharged anj^ piece, were it but an hargubuz, they would trem- ble thereat for very feare and for the strangenesso of the same: for the weapons Avliich themselves use are bowes and ar- rowes : the arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a sharpe shell or tooth of a fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked man. Their swordes be of wood hardened: like- wise they use wooden breastplates for their defence. They have beside a kinde of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharpe horns of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they cary about with them their idol, of whom they aske counsel, as the Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towardes the battell in stead of drummes and trumpets: their warres are very cruell and bloody, by rea- feon whereof, and of their civill dissen- tions which have happened of late yeeres ' amongst them, the people are marvelously wasted, and in some places the countrey left desolate. AdjojTiing to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan beginneth a countrey called Pomouik, belonging to another king whom they call Piamacum, and this king is in league with the next king adjoyning towards the setting of the Sunne, and the countrey Newsiok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus: these kings have mor- tall warre with Wingina. king of Wingan- dacoa: but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the King Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we have brought with us to England, have given us to understand: but there remaineth a mortall malice in the Secotanes, for many injuries & slaugh- ters done upon them by this Piema- cum. They invited divers men, and thirtie women of the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast: and when they were al- together merry, & praying before their Idoll, which is nothing els but a meer il- lusion of the devill, the captaine or Lord of the town came suddenly upon the, and slewe them every one, reserving the women and children: and these two have often- times since perswaded us to surprise Pie- macum in his towne, having promised and assured us, that there will be found in it great store of commodities. But whether their perswasion be to the ende they may be revenged of their enemies, or for the love they beare to us, we leave that to the tryall hereafter. Beyond this Island called Roanoak, are maine Islands, very plentifuU of fruits and other naturall increases, together with many townes, and villages, along the side of the continent, some bounding upon the Islands, and some stretching up further into the land. When we first had sight of this coun- trey, some thought the first land we saw to bee the continent: but after we entred into the Haven, we saw before us another mighty long Sea: for there lyeth along the coast a tracte of Islands, two hundreth miles in length, adjoyning to the Ocean sea, and betweene the Islands, two or three entrances: when you are entred be- tweene them, these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in few more, then there appeai-eth another great sea, containing in bredth in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent: and in this inclosed Sea there are above an hundreth Islands of divers bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which we were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground; replen- ished with goodly Cedars, and divers oth- er sweete woods, full of Corrants, of flaxe, and many other notable commodities,which we at that time had no leasure to view Besides this island there are many, as I 150 AMISTAD— AMMIDOWN have sayd, some of two, or three, or foure, of S. S. Jocelyn, Joshua Leavitt, and of five miles, some more, some lesse, most Lewis Tappan, was appointed in New York beautiful! and pleasant to behold, replen- to solicit funds and employ counsel to ished with Deere, Conies, Hares and divers protect the rights of the negroes. After a beasts, and about them the goodliest and great struggle the court, through Justice best fish in the world, and in greatest Story, pronounced them free. Their re- abundance, turn to Africa founded the Mendi mis- Thus, Sir, we have acquainted you sion. with the particulars of our discovery made Ammen, Daniel, naval officer; born this present voyage, as farre foorth as the in Brown county, 0., May 15, 1820; en- shorthesse of the time we there continued tered the navy as a midshipman in 1836. would affoord us to take viewe of: and so In 1861-62 he commanded the gunboat contenting our selves with this service at Seneca in the South Atlantic blockading this time, which wee hope here after to fleet. His bravery was conspicuous in the inlarge, as occasion and assistance shalbe battle of Port Royal, Nov. 7, 1861. Later, given, we resolved to leave the countrey, under Dupont's command, he took part in and to apply ourselves to returne for Eng- all the operations on the coasts of Georgia land, which we did accordingly, and ar- and Florida. In the engagements with rived safely in the West of England about Fort McAllister, March 3, 1863, and with the middest of September. Fort Sumter, April 7, 1863, he commanded And whereas wee have above certified the monitor Patapsco. In the attacks on you of the countrey taken in possession Fort Fisher, in December, 1864, and Janu- by us to her Majesties use, and so to yours ary, 1865, he commanded the Mohican. by her Majesties grant, wee thought good He was pi-omoted to rear-admiral in 1877, for the better assurance thereof to record and was retired June 4, 1878. Afterwards some of the particular Gentlemen & men he was a member of the board to locate of accompt, who then were present, as wit- the new Naval Observatory, and a repre- nesses of the same, that thereby all occa- sentative of the United States at the Inter- sion of cavill to the title of the countrey, oceanic Ship Canal Congress in Paris, in her Majesties behalfe may be prevented. He designed a cask balsa to facilitate which otherwise, such as like not the ac- the landing of troops and field artil- tion may use and pretend, whose names lery; a life-raft for steamers; and the are: steel ram Katahdin. His publications in- Master Philip Amadas,) . elude The Atlantic Coast in The Navy in Master Arthur Barlow, j ^^^^^"^'^^*- the Civil War Series; Recollections of William Greenvile, John Wood, James Grant; and The Old Navy and the NeiD. Browewich, Henry Greene, Benjamin He died in Washington, D. C, July 11, Wood, Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Pet- 1898. man, John Hewes, of the companie. Ammidown, Edward Holmes, mer- We brought home also two of the Sav- chant; born in Southbridge, Mass., Oct. ages, being lustie men, whose names were 28, 1820; was graduated at Harvard Col- Wanchese and Manteo. lege in 1853. After travelling for several Amistad, Case of the. A Portuguese years in the United States and Europe he slaver landed a cargo of kidnapped Afri- engaged in mercantile business in New cans near Havana; a few days afterwards York City in 1860; later became a direc- they were placed on board the Amistad tor in several banks, insurance companies, to be taken to Principe. On the voyage etc. In 1881 he was elected president of the negroes, led by Cinque, captured the the American Protective Tariff League: vessel, but killed only the captain and and in 1882 chairman of the Metropolitan the cook. They then ordered the white Industrial League. In 1890 President crew to take the ship to Africa ; but the Harrison appointed him a commissioner sailors brought her into American waters, for the World's Columbian Exposition, but where she was seized by Lieutenant Ged- he declined the post. He is the author of ing, of the United States brig Washington, numerous political articles, including and brought into New London, Conn., National Illiteracy ; Capital and Labor; Aug. 29, 1839. A committee, consisting etc. AMNESTY PROCLAMATIONS Amnesty Proclamations. As a conse- quence of the secession of the Southern States and the war that ensued, four very important amnesty proclamations were is- sued by Presidents of the United States. The first one was by President Lincoln, Dee. 8, 1863. The text of the proclama- tion is as follows: President Lincoln in 1863. — Whereas, in and by the Constitution of the United States, it is provided that the President '' shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment"; and whereas a rebellion now exists where- by the loyal State governments of several States have for a long time been subvert- ed, and many persons have committed and are now guilty of treason against the United States; and whereas, with refer- ence to said rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by Congress declaring forfeitures and confiscation of property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms and conditions therein stated ; and also declaring that the President was thereby authorized at any time thereafter, by proc- lamation, to extend to persons who may have participated in the existing rebellion, in any State or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions and at such times and on such conditions as he may deem expedient for the public welfare; and whereas the congressional declaration for limited and conditional pardon accords with well-established judicial exposition of the pardoning power; and whereas, with reference to said rebellion, the President of the United States has issued several proclamations with provisions in regard to the liberation of slaves ; and whereas it is now desired by some persons heretofore engaged in said rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United States, and to re- inaugurate loyal State governments with- in and for their respective States. There- fore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons who have, di- rectly or by implication, participated in the existing rebellion, except as herein- after excepted, that a full pardon is here- by granted to them, and each of them, with restoration of all rights of property, 1 excepting as to slaves, and in property cases where rights of third parties shall have intervened, and upon the condition that every such person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain such oath inviolate; and which oath shall be registered for permanent preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit: I, do solemnly swear, in pres- ence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and the union of the States thereunder ; and that I will in like manner abide by and faithfully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not repealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by de- cision of the Supreme Court ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully sup- port all proclamations of the President made during the existing rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void by decision of the Supreme Court. So help me God." The persons excepted from the benefits of the foregoing provisions are: all who are, or shall have been, civil or diplomatic officers or agents of the so-called Confed- erate government; all who have left ju- dicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion; all who are, or shall have been, military or naval officers of said so-called Confederate government, above the rank of colonel in the army, or of lieutenant in the na^'y ; all who left seats in the United States Congress to aid the rebellion; all who resigned commis- sions in the army or navy of the United States, and afterwards aided the rebel- lion; and all who have engaged in any way in treating colored persons, or white persons in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully as prisoners of war, and which persons may have been found in the United States service as soldiers, seamen, or in any other capacity. And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that whenever, in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Carolina, and Xorth Caro- lina, a number of persons, not less than one-tenth in number of the votes cast in such State at the Presidential election of the year of our Lord 1860, each having taken the oath aforesaid, and not having since violated it, and being a qualified 52 AMNESTY PROCLAMATIONS voter by the election law of the State ex- isting immediately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall re-establish a State government which shall be republican, and in nowise contravening said oath, such shall be rec- ognized as the true government of the State, and the State shall receive there- under the benefits of the constitutional provision which declares that the " United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of govern- ment, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence." And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that any provision which may be adopted by such State government in relation to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize and declare their permanent freedmen, provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent, as a temporary arrangement, with their present condition as a labor- ing, landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to by the national executive. And it is suggested as not improper that, in constructing a loyal State government in any State, the name of the State, the boundary, the subdivisions, the constitu- tion, and the general code of laws, as be- fore the rebellion, be maintained, subject only to the modifications made necessary by the conditions hereinbefore stated, and such others, if any, not contravening said conditions, and which may be deemed ex- pedient by those framing the new State government. To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say that this proclamation, so far as it relates to State governments, has no reference to States wherein loyal State governments have all the while been maintained. And for the same reason, it may be proper to further say that whether members sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted to seats, con- stitutionally rests exclusive with the respective Houses, and not to any extent with the executive. And still further, that this proclamation is intended to present to the people of the States wherein the national authority has been suspended, and loyal State governments have been 15 subverted, a mode in and by which the national authority and loyal State gov- ernments may be re-established within said States, or in any of them; and, while the mode presented is the best the execu- tive can suggest, with his present impres- sions, it must not be understood that no other possible mode would be acceptable. Given under my hand, at the city of Washington, the 8th day of December, a.d. 1863, and of the independence of the United States of America the eighty- eighth. Abraham Lincoln. President Johnson in 1865. — The second one was issued by President Johnson, under date of May 29, 1865, and was the begin- ning of the reconstruction measures. The following is the text: Whereas, the President of the United States, on the 8th day of December, 1863, did, with the object of suppressing the ex- isting rebellion, to induce all persons to lay down their arms, to return to their loyaltj^ and to restore the authority of the United States, issue proclamations of- fering amnesty and pardon to certain per- sons who had directly or by implication, engaged in said rebellion ; and Whereas, many persons who had so engaged in the late rebellion have, since the issuance of said proclamation, failed or neglected to take the benefits offered thereby ; and Whereas, many persons who have been justly deprived of all claims to amnesty and pardon thereunder, by reason of their participation directly or by implication in said rebellion, and continued in hos- tility to the government of the United States since the date of said proclamation, noAT desire to apply for and obtain am- nesty and pardon : To the end, therefore, that the author- ity of the government of the United States may be restored, and that peace, and order, and freedom may be estab- lished, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do proclaim and de- clare, that I hereby grant to all persons who have directly or indirectly partici- pated in the existing rebellion, except as hereafter excepted, amnesty and pardon, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves, except in cases where legal proceedings under the laws of the AMNESTY PROCLAMATIONS United States, providing for the confisca- tion of property of persons engaged in rebellion, have been instituted, but on the condition, nevertheless, that every such person shall take and subscribe to the following oath, which shall be registered, for permanent preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit: I, -, do solemnly swear or affirm, in presence of Almighty God, that I will hence- forth support, protect, and faithfully defend the Constitution of the United States, and will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all laws and proclamations which have been made during the existing re- bellion with reference to the emancipation of slaves. So help me God." The following classes of persons are excepted from the benefits of this procla- mation : 1. All who are or have been pretended diplomatic officers, or otherwise domestic or foreign agents of the pretended Con- federate States. 2. All who left judicial stations under the United States to aid in the .rebellion. 3. All who have been military or naval officers of the pretended Confederate gov- ernment above the rank of colonel in the army, and lieutenant in the navy. 4. All who have left their seats in the Congress of the United States to aid in' the rebellion. 5. All who have resigned or tendered the resignation of their commissions in the army and navy of the United States to evade their duty in resisting the rebel- lion. 6. All who have engaged in any way in treating otherwise than lawfully as pris- oners of war persons found in the United States service as officers, soldiers, sea- men, or in other capacities. 7. All persons who have been or are absentees from the United States for the purpose of aiding the rebellion. 8. All military or naval officers in the rebel service Avho were educated by the government in the Military Academy at West Point, or at the United States Naval Academy. 9. All persons who held the pretended offices of governors of the States in in- surrection against the United States. 10. All persons Avho left their homes within the jurisdiction and protection of tjie United States, and passed beyond the Federal military lines into the so-called Confederate States for the purpose of aiding the rebellion. 11. All persons who have engaged in the destruction of the commerce of the United States upon the high seas, and all persons who have made raids into the United States from Canada, or been en- gaged in destroying the commerce of the United States on the lakes and rivers that separate the British provinces from the United States. 12. All persons who, at a time when they seek to obtain the benefits hereof by taking the oath herein prescribed, are in military, naval, or civil confinement or custody, or under bond of the military or naval authorities or agents of the United States as prisoners of any kind, either be- fore or after their conviction. 13. All persons who have voluntarily participated in said rebellion, the esti- mated value of whose taxable property is over $20,000. 14. All persons who have taken the oath of amnesty as prescribed in the Presi- dent's proclamation of Dec. 8, 1863, or the oath of allegiance to the United States since the date of said proclamation, and who have not thenceforward kept the same inviolate; provided, that special ap- plication may be made to the President for pardon by any person belonging to the excepted classes, and such clemency will be extended as may be consistent with the facts of the case and the peace and dignity of the United States. The Sec- retary of State will establish rules and regulations for administering and record- ing the said amnesty oath, so as to insure its benefits to the people, and guard the government against fraud. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this the 29th day of May, 1865, and of the in- dependence of America the 89th. Andrew Johnson. President Johnson in 1868. ■ — In this 3'ear President Johnson issued two such proclamations. The first dated July 4. pardoning all persons engaged in the Civil War except those under presentment oi indictment in any court of the United 154 Amnesty piiocLAMATioisrs States having competent jurisdiction, was as follows: Whereas, in the month of July, a.d. 1861, in accepting the conditions of civil war, which was brought about by insur- rection and rebellion in several of the States which constitute the United States, the two Houses of Congress did solemnly declare that the war was not waged on the part of the government in any spirit of op- pression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor for any purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the States, but only to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution of the United States, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired; and that, so soon as these objects should be accomplished, the war on the part of the government should cease; And whereas, the President of the United States has heretofore, in the spirit of that declaration, and with the view of securing for its ultimate and complete eflfect, set forth several proclamations, offering amnesty and pardon to persons who had been or were concerned in the aforesaid rebellion, which proclamations, however, were attended with prudential reservations and exceptions then deemed necessary and proper, and which proclama- tions were respectively issued on the 8th day of December, 1863, on the 26th day of March, 1864, on the 29th day of May, 1865, and on the 7th day of September, 1867; And whereas, the said lamentable Civil War has long since altogether ceased, with an acknowledged guarantee to all the States of the supremacy of the federal Constitution and the government there- under ; and there no longer exists any reasonable ground to apprehend a re- newal of the said Civil War, or any foreigTi interference, or any unlawful re- sistance by any portion of the people of Bnj of the States to the Constitution and laws of the United States ; And whereas, it is desirable to reduce the standing army, and to bring to a speedy termination military occupation, martial law, militaiy tribunals, abridg- ment of freedom of speech and of the press, and suspension of the privilege of haheas corpus, and the right of trial by jury — such encroa.chments upon our free institu- tions in time of peace being dangerous to 2)ublic liberty, incompatible with the indi- vidual rights of the citizens, contrary to the genius and spirits of our republican form of go^''ernnlent, and exhaustive of the national resources; And Avhereas, it is believed that am- nesty and pardon will tend to secure a complete and universal establishment and prevalence of municipal law and order, in conformity with the Constitution of the United States, and to remove all appear- ances or presumptions of a retaliatory or vindictive policy on the part of the government, attended by unnecessary dis- qualifications, pains, penalties, confisca- tions, and disfranchisements ; and on the contrary, to promote and procure complete fraternal reconciliation among the whole people, with due submission to the Con- stitution and laws; Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do, by virtue of the Constitution and in the name of the people of the United States, hereby proclaim and de- clare, unconditionally and without reser- vation, to all and to every person who di- rectly or indirectly participated in the late insurrection or rebellion, excepting such person or persons as may be under presentment or indictment in any court of the United States having competent juris- diction, upon a charge of treason or other felony, a full pardon and amnesty for the ofi'ence of treason against the United States, or of adhering to their enemies during the late Civil War, with restora- tion of all rights of property, except as to slaves, and except also as to any property of which any person may have been legal- ly divested under the laws of the United States. In testimony Avhereof I have signed these presents with my hand, and have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto fixed. Done at the city of Washington, the fourth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and six- ty-eight, and of the Independence of the Ignited States of America the ninety- third. Andrew Johnson. The second, issued Dec. 25, proclaimed 55 AMSflfiST'S' JP&ddiLAMAtlONfe— ANARCiHIg^g unconditionally a full pardon and am- nesty. It was as follows: Whereas, the President of the United States has heretofore set forth several proclamations oflfering amnesty and par- don to persons who had been or were con- cerned in the late rebellion against the lawful authority of the government of the United States, which proclamations were severally issued on the 8th day of De- cember, 1863, on the 6th day of March, 1864, on the 29th day of May, 1865, on the 7th day of September, 1867, and on the 4th day of July in the present year; and. Whereas, the authority of the fed- eral government having been re-established in all the States and Territories within the jurisdiction of the United States, it is believed that such prudential reservations and exceptions, as at the dates of said several proclamations were deemed neces- sary and proper, may now be wisely and justly relinquished, and that a universal amnesty and pardon, for participation in said rebellion, extended to all who have borne any part therein, will tend to secure permanent peace, order, and prosperity throughout the land, and to renew and fully restore confidence and fraternal feel- ing among the whole people, and their respect for and attachment to the national government, designed . by its patriotic founders for the general good: Now, therefore, be it known that I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by virtue of the power and author- ity in me vested by the Constitution, and in the name of the sovereign people of the United States, do hereby proclaim and de- clare unconditionally and without reser- vation, to all and to every person who di- rectly or indirectly participated in the late insurrection or rebellion, a full par- don and amnesty for the offences of trea- son against the United States, or of ad- hering to their enemies during the late Civil War, with restoration of all rights, privileges, and immunities imder the Con- stitution and the laws which have been made in pursuance thereof. In testimony whereof T have signed these presents with my hand, and have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Done at the city of Washington, the twenty-fifth day of December, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight, and of the Independence of the United States of America the nine- ty-third. Andrew Johnson. Anaesthesia. See Morton, William Thomas Green. Anarchists. The battle on the part of society against the anarchists in the United States may be said to have been fought and won. From the close of the Civil War up to 1886, the number of anar- chists in the country constantly increased. The organization is supposed to have had its origin in Russia, the object of its exist- ence being apparently to secure greater freedom for the people through the as- sassination of those government officers, most notably the Czar, who to the popular notion embodied tyranny. The members of anarchist bands knew but five of their fellows, though the society at one time is said to have had over 40,000 members. The members were divided into groups of six, one member of each group communicating with one of another, thus forming a great chain, but diminish- ing the fear of traitors. The oaths of the members are said to be of a most terrible character. From its original inception anarchism soon changed until the members of the society in all lands Avere regarded as standing solely for the overthrow of existing institutions. The growth of the society in this country began to alarm police officials. The agitators kept busy among the unemployed masses in all the large cities. Dire predictions were made when on May 4, 1886, an anarchistic meet- ing in Chicago resulted in such a disturb- ance that the people became aroused and anarchy received a death-blow. On the night of May 4, a great number of an- archists held a meeting in Haymarket Square, Chicago. The city was in a rest- less state at the time because of frequent labor troubles. One of the speakers waved a red flag and shouted to the people to get dynamite and blow up the houses of the rich. At these words a small body of police charged the anarchists. Suddenly a dy- namite bomb was thrown at the officers, and five officers and four civilians in the crowd were killed. Seven of the leading anarchists were arrested, and after a trial 156 ANDERSON Ttere condemned to death. The sentences graduated at Wabash College in 1883; of two of them were afterwards commuted to life imprisonment, but in 1894 they were pardoned by Governor Altgeld. One of the anarchists committed suicide while in prison and four were hanged. On July 30, 1900, Angelo Bresei, an anarchist, for- merly residing in Paterson, N. J., assassi- nated King Humbert I., at Mozana, Italy. See Altgeld, JoHJsr Peter; Socialism. Anderson, Alexander, the first en- graver on wood in America; born in New York, April 21, 1775. His father was a Scotchman, who printed a Whig newspaper in New York, called The Constitutional Gazette, until he was driven from the city ALEXANDER AXDERSON. by the British in 1776. After the yellow fever in 1798, he abandoned the practice of medicine and made engraving his life profession. Having seen an edition of Bewick's History of Quadrupeds, illus- trated with wood-engravings by that mas- ter, Anderson first learned that wood was used for such a purpose. From that time he used it almost continuously until a few months before his death, in Jersey City, N. J., Jan. 17, 1870. A vast number of American books illustrated by Anderson at- test the skill and industry of this pioneer of the art of wood-engraving in America. Anderson, Edwin Hatfield, librarian; born in Zionsville, Ind., Sept. 27, 1861; appointed librarian-in-chief of the Car- negie Library, Pittsburg, Pa., in 1895. Anderson, Fort, North Carolina. At- tacked simultaneously on Feb. 18, 1865, by Admiral Porter with fifteen vessels and by the army under Schofield and Terry. The garrison of 6,000 Confederates under Hoke fled late in the day. Anderson, Larz, diplomatist; born in Paris, France, Aug. 15, 1866; gradu- ated at Harvard College in 1888; spent two years in foreign travel ; was appoint- ed second secretary of the United States legation and embassy in London in 1891- 93, and first secretary of the embassy in Rome in 1893-97. During the war with Spain he served as a captain and adjutant - general of United States vol- unteers. Anderson, Martin Brewer, educator; born in Brunswick. Me., Feb. 12, 1815; was of Scotch descent on his father's side; was graduated at Waterville (now Colby) College in 1840; and in 1850 became editor and part proprietor of the New York Re- corder, a Baptist publication. A univer- sity having been established at Rochester by the Baptists, he was called to the presi- dency of it in 1853, and held the office till 1889. In 1868 he was offered the presi- dency of Brown University, but declined it. He was one of the most efficient incor- porators and earlier trustees of Vassar College. He died Feb. 26, 1890. Anderson, Rasmus Bjorn, author and diplomatist; born in Albion, Wis., of Nor- wegian parentage, Jan. 12, 1846; was graduated at the Norwegian Lutheran Col- lege in Decorah, la., in 1866; was Profes- sor of Scandinavian Languages and Litera- ture at the University of Wisconsin in 1875-84. and United States minister to Denmark in 1885-89. He is author of Norse Mythology; Viking Tales of the North; America Not Discovered by Coluin- l)us; The Younger Edda; First Chapter of Norioegian Immigration ; several Avorks in Norwegian : and also many translations of Norse writings. Anderson, Richard Herron, military officer; born in South Carolina, Oct. 7, 1S21 ; was graduated at West Point in 1842. He served in the war with Mexico; and in March, 1861, he left the army and became a brigadier-general in the Confed- 157 ANDERSON erate service. He was wounded at Antie- tamj commanded a division at Gettys- burg; and was made lieutenant-general in 1864. He died in Beaufort, S. C, June 26, 1879. Anderson, Robert, defender of Fort Sumter in 1861; born near Louisville, Ky., June 14, 1805. He was a graduate of West Point Military Academy, and entered the artillery. He was instructor for a while at West Point. He served in the Black Hawk War {q. v.), and in Flori- da. In May, 1838, he became assistant ad- jutant-general on the staff of General Scott, and accompanied that officer in his campaign in Mexico, where he was severely wounded in the battle of El Molino del Rey (q. v.). In 1857 he was commission- ed major of artillery. In October, 1860, Secretary Floyd removed Colonel Gardiner from the command of the defences of Charleston Harbor, because he attempted to increase his supply of ammunition, and Major Anderson was appointed to succeed him. He arrived there on the 20th, and was satisfied, by the tone of conversation and feeling in Charleston, and by the military drills going on, that a revolution was to be inaugurated there. He commu- nicated his suspicions to Adjutant-Gen- eral Cooper. In that letter Anderson an- ROBERT ANDERSON. nounced to the government the weakness of the forts in Charleston Harbor, and urged the necessity of immediately strengthening them. He told the Secre- tary of War that Fort Moultrie, his head- quarters, was so weak as to invite attack. " Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney," he said, " must be garrisoned immediately, if the government determines to keep com- mand of this harbor." Fort Sumter, he said, had 40,000 lb. of cannon powder and other ammunition, but was lying com- pletely at the mercy of an enemy. He in- formed the Secretary of evident prepara- tions for a speedy seizure of the defences of the harbor by South Carolinians. Gen- eral Scott, aware of the weakness of the Southern forts, urged the government, from October until the close of December, to reinforce those on the coasts of the slave States. But nothing was done, and Anderson, left to his own resources, was compelled to assume grave responsibilities. He began to strengthen Castle Pinck- ney, near the city, and Fort Moultrie. When the South Carolina ordinance of secession had passed, menaces became more frequent and alarming. He knew that the convention had appointed commissioners to repair to Washington and demand the surrender of the forts in Charleston Har- bor, and he was conscious that the latter were liable to be attacked at any moment. He knew, too, that if he should remain in Fort Moultrie, their efforts would be successful. Watch-boats were out contin- ually spying his movements. He had ap- plied to the government for instructions, but received none, and he determined to leave Fort Moiiltrie with his garrison and take post in stronger Fort Sumter. This he did on the evening of Dec. 26. The vigilance of the Confederates had been eluded. They, amazed, telegraphed to Floyd. The latter, by telegraph, ordered Anderson to explain his conduct in acting without orders. Anderson calmly replied that it was done to save the government works. In Sumter, he was a thorn in the flesh of the Confederates. Finally they attacked him, and after a siege and furi- ous bombardment, the fort was evacuated in April, 1861. In May, 1861, he was ap- pointed a brigadier-general in the regu- lar army, and commander of the Depart- ment of the Cumberland, but failing health caused him to retire from the service in 1863, when he was brevetted a major-gen- eral. In 1868 he went to Europe for the benefit of his health, and died in Nice, France, Oct. 27, 1871. See Pickens, Fort; Sumter, Fort. Anderson, Thomas McArthub, ?gl« 158 ANDEPvSONVlLLE— ANDRf: dier; born in Chillicothe, 0., Jan. 22, 1S36; entered the army as a private during the Civil War, and rose to be brigadier-gen- eral, March, 1899. He commanded the 1st division, 8th army corps, in the first expedition to the Philippines. Andersonville. See Confederate Prisons. Andrade, Jose, diplomatist; born in Merida, Venezuela, in 1838; studied law in Columbia College; was successively treasurer, secretary, and governor of the state of Zulia in 1880-84; representative for the same state in the National House of Representatives in 1884-88; and was appointed plenipotentiary to settle the claims of France against Venezuela in 1888. In 1889-90 he represented Venez- uela in Washington, D. C, as a mem- ber of the Venezuelan and Marine Com- missions; was also a delegate to the In- ternational Maritime Conference, and to the Pan-American Congress; in 1893 served in the National Assembly which framed the new constitution of Venez- uela; and in the same year was appoint- ed minister to the United States. In 1895 he was a member of the United States and Venezuela Claims Commission in Wash- ington. On Feb. 2, 1897, he signed the treaty of arbitration between Venezuela and England to arrange the boundary dis- jjute; the same year was a delegate to the Universal Postal Congress in Wash- ington; and in 1899 was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotenti- ary to Great Britain. Andre, John, British military oflBcer; born in London in 1751 ; was the son of a Genevan, who was a merchant in London. After receiving an education at Geneva, young Andre returned, and entered a mer- cantile house in London when he was eighteen years of age. He was a youth of great genius — painted well and wrote poetry with fluency. His literary tastes brought to him the acquaintance of lit- erary people. Among these was the poet- ess, Anna Seward, of Lichfield, to whose cousin, Honora Sneyd, Andre became warmly attached. They were betrothed, but their youth caused a postponement of their nuptials, and Andre entered the army and came to America, in 1774, as lieutenant of the Royal Fusileers. With them, in Canada, he was taken prisoner 15 by Montgomery, at St. Johns (Nov. 2, 1775), and was sent to Lancaster, Pa. In December, 1776, he was exchanged, and promoted to captain in the British army. He was appointed aide to General Grey in the summer of 1777, and on the depart- ure of that officer he was placed on the staff of Sir Henry Clinton, by whom he was promoted (1780) to the rank of ma- jor, and appointed adjutant-general of the British forces in America. His talents were appreciated, and wherever taste was to be displayed in any arrangements, the matter was left to Andre. He was the chief actor in promoting and arranging the Mischianza, and took a principal part in all private theatrical performances. Sir Henry employed him to carry on the correspondence with Arnold respecting the JOHN ANDKE. betrayal of his country. Having held a personal interview with the traitor, he was returning to New York on horseback, when he was arrested, near Tarry town, conveyed to Tappan, in Rockland county, nearly opposite, tried as a spy, and was condemned and executed, Oct. 2, 1780. In March, 1901, Lord Grey, in examin- ing a lot of family papers that had not been disturbed since the close of the Revo- lutionary War, discovered what was be- lieved to be the original diary of Major Andre, in which is given a narrative of the campaign of 1777-78 day by day. The story of Major Andre's career, in connection with the complot of Sir Henry Clinton and Gen. Benedict Arnold 9 ANDR:^, JOHN WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS AT TAPPAN. (qq. v.), occupies a conspicuous place in with us, and afterwards joined the enemy, our history, and sympathy for the offend- shall be immediately hanged." This in- er, not unmixed with denunciations of the eluded all officers and men, even those, court of inquiry that condemned him, have as in South Carolina, where this subal- tieen abundant, and not always wise or tern was serving, who had been forced into the royal service. This order Clinton approved, and sent it to Secretary Germain. That sec- retary answered Clinton's letter, saying, " The most disaffected will now be convinced that we are not afraid to punish." The order was rigorously executed. Men of great worth and purity were hanged, without the forms of a trial, for bearing arms in defence of their liberty; Andre was hanged, after an impartial trial, for the crime of plotting and abetting a scheme for the enslavement of 3,000,000 people. He deserved his fate according to the laws of war. It was just towards him and merciful to a nation. Cicero justly said, in just. The court that condemned him saw regard to Catiline, " Mercy towards a clearly, by his own confession, that he de- traitor is an injury to the state." Andre served the fate of a spy; and if they had was treated with great consideration by been swayed by other motives than those Washington, whose headquarters at Tap- of justice and the promotion of the public pan were near the place of his trial. The good, they had full justification in the commander-in-chief supplied the former course of the British officers in pursuit of the British policy tow- ards the Americans. Scores of good men, not guilty of any offence but love of country and defence of their rights, had been hanged by the positive orders of Corn- "wallis in the South ; and Sir Henry Clinton himself, who ungener- ously attributed the act of the board of inquiry in condemning Andre, and of Washington in approving the sentence, to " personal rancor," for which no cause ex- isted, had approved of ten-fold more " in- humanity " in the acts of his suborni- nates. One of them wrote to Clinton, " I THE CAPTORS' MEDAL. w^ith all needed refreshments for his table. Washington did not have a personal in- terview with Andre, but treated him as have ordered, in the most positive manner, leniently as the rules of war would allow. that every militiaman who has borne arms The captors of Major Andre were John 160 ANDRE— ANDREWS Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wart. Washington recommended Con- gress to reward them for their fidelity. They were each jiresented with a silver medal, and they were voted a pension of $200 a year each in silver or its equiva- lent. Monuments have been erected to the memory of the captors — to Paulding, in St. Peter's church-yard, near Peekskill ; to Van Wart, by the citizens of Westchester county, in 1829, in the Presbyterian church-yard at Greenburg, of which church the captor was an active officer and chor- ister for many years ; and to Williams, in Schoharie county, N. Y. The King caused a monument to be placed in Westminster Abbey to the mem- ory of Andr$. It seems to be quite out of place among the " worthies " of England, for he was hanged as a spy, and was a plotter for the ruin of a people struggling for justice. But his monarch honored him for an attempted state service, knighted his brother, and pensioned his family. His Andrew, John Albiox, war governor of Massachusetts; was born in Windham, ANDRE'S MONUMENT IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. remains were at first interred at the place of his execution, and in 1821 were ex- humed and conveyed to England. A mon- ument was erected at the place of his exe- cution to commemorate the event by the late Cyrus W. Field, but it was soon after- wards blown up by unknown persons. JOHN A. ANDREW. Me., May 31, 1818; was graduated at Bow- doin College in 1837, and became conspic- uous as an anti-slavery advocate. He was chosen governor of Massachusetts, in 1860, by the largest popular vote ever cast for any candidate for that office. Foreseeing a conflict with the Confederates, he took means to make the State militia efficient; and, within a week after the President's call for troops, he sent five regiments of infantry, a battalion of riflemen, and a battery of artillery to the assistance of the government. He was active in raising troops during the war and providing for their comfort. An eloquent orator, his voice was very efficacious. He was re- elected in 1862, and declined to be a can- didate in 1864. He died in Boston, Mass., Oct. 30, 1867. Andrews, Charles McLean, historian ; born at Wethersfield, Conn., Feb. 22, 1863; was graduated at Trinity College, Hart- ford, in 1884; and was called to the Chair of History in Bryn Mawr College in 1889. His publications include The River Toions of Connecticut ; The Old English Manor; The Historical Development of Modern Europe; and articles in reviews and his- torical periodicals. Andrews, Christopher Columbus, law- yer and diplomatist; born in Hillsboro, N. H., Oct. 27, 1829; was educated at the Harvard Law School; admitted to the Massachusetts bar in 1850, and later set- 161 AiSTDHEWS— ANDHOg tied in St. Cloud, Minn. In the Civil War Andrews, Lorrin, missionary; born in he rose from the ranks to brevet major- East Windsor, Conn., April 29, 1795; was general in the Union army. In 1869-77 educated at Jefferson College and Prince- he was United States minister to Norway ton Theological Seminary. In 1827 he and Sweden, and in 1882-85 consul-gen- went to the Hawaiian Islands as a mis- eral to Rio de Janeiro. He has published sionary, and founded there, in 1831, the a History of the Campaign of Mobile; Lahainaluna Seminary, which subsequent- Brasil, Its Conditions and Prospects ; Ad- ly became the Hawaii University, where ministrative Reform, etc. he passed ten years as a professor. In Andrews, Elisha Benjamin, educa- 1845 he was appointed a judge and secre- tor; born in Hinsdale, N. H., Jan. 10, tary of the privy council. His writings 1844; graduated at Brown University in include a translation of a portion of the 1870, and at Newton Theological Institute Bible into the Hawaiian language; several in 1874; was president of Brown Univer- works on the literature and antiquities of sityin 1889-98; superintendent of the Chi- Hawaii, and a Hawaiian dictionary. He cago Public Schools in 1898-1900; and in died Sept. 29, 1868. the last year became chancellor of the Andrews, Stephen Pearl, author; University of Nebraska. He is author of born in Templeton, Mass., March 22, 1812. History of the United States; An Honest After practising law in the South, he Dollar, a Plea for Bimetallism, etc. settled in New York in 1847, and be- Andrews, Ethan Allen, educator; came a prominent abolitionist. He gave born in New Britain, Conn., April 7, 1787; was Professor of Ancient Languages at the University of North Carolina in 1822-28; and editor (with Jacob Abbott) of the Re- much attention to phonographic reporting, and to the development of a universal philosophy which he named " Integi-alism," and to a universal language named " Al- ligious Magazine, but was chiefly engaged wato." He was aiithor of numerous works in compiling classical text-books. In 1850 relating to these subjects, besides Compari- he edited the well-known Latin-English son of the Common Laio with the Roman, Lexicon, based on Freund ; and Andrews' French, or Spanish Civil Laio on Entails, and Stoddard's Latin Grammar. He died etc.; Love, Marriage and Divorce; The March 4, 1858. Labor Dollar; Transactions of the Collo- Andrews, George Leonard, military quiu^n (an organization established by officer ; born in Bridgewater, Mass., Aug. himself and friends for philosophical dis- lil, 1828; was graduated at West Point in cussion), etc. He died in New York, May 1S51, entering the engineer corps. He re- 21, 1886. signed in 1855. In 1861 he became first Andres, Sir Edmund, born in London, lieutenant-colonel and then colonel of the Dec. 6, 1637. In 1674 he succeeded his 2d Massachusetts Regiment. He was made father as bailiff of Guernsey Island. In brigadier - general in 1862, and led a bri- the same year he was appointed govern- gade in Banks's expedition in Louisiana or of the province of New York. He and against Port Hudson in 1863. He administered public affairs wholly in the assisted in the capture of Mobile, and interest of his master, the Duke of York, was appointed Professor of French at His private life was unblemished; but West Point Feb. 27, 1871; was retired such was his public career that he ac- Aug. 31, 1892; and died April 4, 1899. quired the title of "tyrant." Andros Andrews, John New^man, military became involved in serious disputes with officer; born in Wilmington, Del., Sept. the colonists. In 1680 he deposed Philip 16, 1838; was graduated at the United States Military Academy in 1860; pro- moted first lieutenant in 1861; colonel, in 1895; and was retired April 1, 1899. Carteret, and seized the government of East Jersey. The next year he was re- called, and retired to Guernsey, after having cleared himself of several chai'ges From June 3, 1898, to Feb. 24, 1899, he that had been preferred against him. The was a brigadier - general of volunteers. New England governments were consoli- After the Civil War he served in a num- dated in 1686, and Andros was appointed ber of Indian campaigns, and in 1898 governor - general. Under instructions, through the war with Spain. he forbade all printing in those colonies. 162 ANDROS— ANGLICAN CHURCH He was aiithorized to appoint and remove sent from the Rose to take off the gov- his own council, and with their consent ernor and his council was intercepted and to enact laws, levy taxes, and control the captured. Andros yielded, and, with the militia. These privileges were exercised royal ex-President Dudley, Randolph, and in a despotic manner, and his government his other chief partisans, was imprisoned became odious. He attempted to seize the (April 18, 1689). Andros, by the conniv- charter of Connecticut, but failed. New ance of a sentinel, escaped to Rhode Isl- York and New Jersey were added to his and, but was brought back. In July fol- jurisdiction in 1688. lowing he was sent to England, by royal In the former he succeeded the clear- order, with a committee of his accusers, headed and right-minded Governor Don- but was acquitted without a formal trial, gan. He entered New York City early in Andros was appointed governor of Vir- August, with a viceregal commission to ginia in 1692, where he became popular; rule that province in connection with all but, through the influence of Commissary New England. He had journeyed from Blair, he was removed in 1698. In 1704-6 Boston, and was received by Colonel Bay- he was governor of Guernsey. He died in ard's regiment of foot and horse. He was London, Feb. 24, 1714. entertained by the loyal aristocracy. In Angell, James Burrill, educator and the midst of the rejoicings, news came diplomatist; born in Scituate, R. I., Jan. that the Queen, the second wife of James 7, 1829; was graduated at Brown Univer- II., had given birth to a son, who became sity in 1849; Professor of Modern Lan- heir to the throne. The event was cele- guages and Literature at Brown Univer- brated, on the evening of the day of the sity in 1853-60; president of the Univer- arrival of the intelligence, by bonfires in sity of Vermont in 1866-71; and since the streets and a feast at the City Hall. 1871 president of the University of Michi- At the latter. Mayor Van Cortlandt be- gan. In 1880-81 he was United States came so hilarious that he made a notable minister to China; in 1887 a member of display of his loyalty to the Stuarts by the Anglo-American Commission on Cana- setting fire to his hat and periwig, and dian Fisheries; in 1896 chairman of the waving the burning coverings of his head Canadian-American Commission on Deep over the banquet on the point of his Waterways from the Great Lakes to the straight-sword. When news came to Bos- Sea; and in 1897-98 United States min- ton of the revolution in England, Gov- ernor Andros affected to disbelieve it, and imprisoned those who brought it. With ister to Turkey. He is author of numer- ous addresses and magazine articles. Ang'lican Church. The earliest Angli- the people the " wish was father to the can congregation in New England was or- thought," and they gave credence to the ganized in 1630, when about 1,000 emi- rumor and arranged a popular insurrec- grants arrived in Massachusetts from tion. A mob gathered in the streets of England, under the leadership of John Boston. The sheriff who attempted to dis- Winthrop, who had been appointed gov- perse them was made a prisoner; so also ernor under the royal charter. Winthrop was the commander of the frigate Rose brought the charter with him. On the day as he landed from his boat. The militia before they sailed from the Isle of Wight assembled in arms at ' the town-house the leaders sent an address to " the rest under their old officers. Andros and his of the brethren in and of the Church of council withdrew in alarm to a fort which England," and spoke of that Church with crowned an eminence still known as Fort affection as their "dear mother." This Hill. Simon Bradstreet, a former govern- was to correct a " misreport " that the or, then eighty-seven years of age, was emigrants intended to separate from the seen in the crowd by the militia, and im- Church. Notwithstanding this dutiful ad- mediately proclaimed the chief magistrate dress, when they set foot on American of the redeemed colony. The magistrates soil a sense of freedom overcame their al- and other citizens formed themselves into legiance, and, following the example a council of safety. The ready pen of Cot- of the " Plymouthians " and Endicott, they ton Mather wrote a proclamation, and An- established separate churches and chose dros was summoned to surrender. A barge their own officers. Without any express 163 ANGLO-AMERICAN COMMISSION— ANNAPOLIS renunciation of the authority of the Church of England, the Plymouth people had laid aside its liturgy and rituals. En- dicott followed this example at Salem, and had the sympathy of three " godly min- isters " there — Higginson, Skelton, and Bright; also of Smith, a sort of interloper. A church was organized there — the first in New England, for that at Plymouth Avas really in a formative state yet. All of the congregation were not prepared to lay aside the liturgy of the Church of England, and two of them (John and Samuel Browne) protested, and set up a separate worship. The energetic Endicott promptly arrested the " malcon- tents " and sent them to England. Fol- lowing up the system adopted at Salem, the emigrants, under the charter of 1630, established Nonconformist churches wher- ever settlements were planted — Charles- town, Watertown, Boston, Dorchester, etc. At Salem the choice of minister and teach- er was made as follows : " Every fit mem- ber wrote in a note the name whom the Lord moved him to think was fit for pas- tor," and so likewise for teacher. Skelton was chosen for the first office, Higginson for the second. When they accepted, three or four of the gravest members of the church laid their hands upon Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higginson, using prayer therewith. Such was the first New England ordina- tion. See Protestant Episcopal Church; Reformed Episcopal Church. Anglo-American Commission, a joint commission appointed by the United States and the British governments in 1898 for the purpose of preparing a plan by which the controversial qixestions pending be- tween the United States and Canada might be definitely settled. As originally constituted the American members were: United States Senators Fairbanks and Gray, Congressman Dingley, ex-Secretary of State Foster, and Eeciprocity Commis- sioner Kasson: and the British members: Lord Herschell, Sir Wilfred Laurier, Sir Richard Cartwright, Sir Louis H. Davies, and Mr. J. Charlton, a member of the Dominion Parliament. Of these commis- sioners. Congressman Dingley died Jan. 13, 1899, and Lord Herschell, March 1, 1899. The questions assigned to the com- mission for consideration were as follows: Seal-fisheries of Bering Sea ; fisheries off Atlantic and Pacific coasts; Alaska- Canadian boundary; transportation of merchandise by land and water between the countries ; transit of merchandise from one country to be delivered in the other beyond the frontier ; alien labor laws ; mining rights of citizens or subjects of each country within the territory of the other; readjustment and concession of cus- toms duties; revision of agreement of 1817 respecting naval vessels on the lakes; definition and marking of frontier; con- veyance of prisoners through each other's territory; reciprocity in wrecking and salvage rights. Several sessions were held in Canada and in Washington without practical results. Anglo-American League, The, a soci- ety founded at Stafford House, London, England, July 13, 1898, for purposes in- dicated in the following resolution : " Con- sidering that the peoples of the British Empire and of the United States of Amer- ica are closely allied in blood, inherit the same literature and laws, hold the same principles of self-government, recognize the same ideas of freedom and humanity in the guidance of their national policy, and are drawn together by strong common in- terests in many parts of the world, this meeting is of opinion that every effort should be made, in the interest of civiliza- tion and peace, to secure the most cordial and constant co-operation between the two nations." British subjects and citizens of the United States are eligible to member- ship. A representative committee was ap- pointed with the Right Hon. James Bryce, M. P., as chairman. Anglo-American Understanding, Ba- sis OF AN. See Abbott, Lyman. Annapolis, city, county seat of Anne Arundel county, and capital of the State of Maryland; on the Severn River, 20 miles south by east of Baltimore; is the seat of the United States Naval Academy and of St. John's College ; population in 1890, 7,604; 1900, 8,402. Puritan refugees from Massachusetts, led by Durand, a ruling elder, settled on the site of Annap- olis in 1649, and, in imitation of Roger Williams, called the place Providence. The next year a commissioner of Lord Baltimore organized there the county of Anne Arundel, so named in compliment to Lady Baltimore, and Providence was call- 164 ANNAPOLIS ed Anne Arundel Town. A few years later it again bore the name of Providence, and became the seat of Protestant influence and of a Protestant government, disputing the legislative authority with the Roman Catholic government at the ancient capital, St. Mary's. In 1094 the latter was aban- doned as the capital of the province, and the seat of government was established on the Severn. The village was finally incorporated a city, and named Annapolis, in honor of Queen Anne. It has remained the permanent political capital of Mary- land. It was distinguished for the re- finement and wealth of its inhabitants and extensive commerce, being a port of entry long before the foundations of Baltimore were laid. On the morning of Oct. 15, 1774, a vessel o^vned by Anthony Stewart, of Annapolis, entered the port with seventeen packages of tea among her cargo, assigned to Stew- art. When this became known, and that Stewart had paid the duty on the tea, the people gathered, and resolved that the plant should not be landed. Another meeting was appointed, and the people declared that ship and her cargo should be burned. Stewart disclaimed all inten- tion to violate non-importation agree- ments, but the people were inexorable. They had gathered in large numbers from the surrounding country. Charles Carroll and others, fearing mob violence, advised Stewart to burn the vessel and cargo with his own hands, which he did. The vessel was run ashore and destroyed, when the people cheered and dispersed. This was the last attempt at importation of tea into the English-American colonies. On April 14, 1755, General Braddock and Commodore Keppel, with Governors Shirley, of Massachusetts; De Lancey, of New York ; Morris, of Pennsylvania ; Sharpe. of Maryland, and DinAviddie. of Vir- ginia, held a congress at Annapolis. Brad- dock had lately arrived as commander-in- chief of the British forces in America. Un- der his instructions, he first of all directed the attention of the government to the ne- cessity of raising a revenue in America. He expressed astonishment that no such fund was already established. The gov- ernors told him of their strifes with their respective assemblies, and assured Brad- dock that no such fund could ever be es- tablished in the colonies without the aid of Parliament. The Congress then ._re- solved unanimously that it was the opin- ion of its members that it should be pro- posed to his Majesty's ministers to " find out some method of compelling " the colo- nists to establish such a public fund, and for assessing the several governments in proportion to their respective abilities. At once all the crown officers in America sent voluminous letters to England, urging such a measure upon the government. On July 20, 1775, a convention assem- bled at Annapolis, and formed a tempo- rary government, which, recognizing the Continental Congress as invested with a general supervision of public aff"airs, man- aged its own internal affairs through a provincial Committee of Safety and sub- ordinate executive committees, appointed in every county, parish, or hundred. It directed the enrolment of forty companies of minute-men, authorized the emission of over $500,000 in bills of credit, and ex- tended the franchise to all freemen having a visible estate of £210, without any dis- tinction as to religious belief. The con- vention fully resolved to sustain Massa- chusetts, and meet force by force if neces- sary. Gen. B. F. Butler was in Philadelphia on April 19, 1801, when he first heard of the assault on Massachusetts troops in Baltimore. He had orders to go to Wash- ington through Baltimore. It was evident that he could not do so without trouble, and he took counsel with Gen. Robert Patterson, the commandei" of the Depart- ment of Washington. He also consulted Commodore Dupont, commander of the naw-yard there, and it was agreed that the troops under General Butler should go from Perrwville, on the Susquehanna, to Annapolis, by water, and thence across Maryland, seizing and holding Annapolis Junction by the way. Butler laid before his officers a plan which contemplated seizing and holding Annapolis as a means of communication, and to make a forced march with a part of his troops from that port to Washington. He wrote to the governor of Massachusetts to send the Boston Light Artillery to Annapolis, and the next morning he proceeded with his troops to Perryville, embarked in the powerful steam ferry-boat Maryland, and 165 ANNAPOLIS— ANNE at a little past midnight reached Annap- olis. The town and Naval Academy were in the hands of the Confederates, and were all lighted up in expectation of the arrival of a body of Confederates, by water, from Baltimore, to assist them in seizing the venerable and venerated frigate Constitu- tion, lying there, and adding her to the Confederate navy. The arrival of these troops was just in time to save her. Many of Butler's troops were seamen at home, and these assisted in getting the Constitution to a place of safety beyond the bar. Governor Hicks was at Annapo- lis, and advised Butler not to land North- ern troops. ■ " They are not Northern troops," said Butler. " They are a part of the whole militia of the United States, obeying the call of the President." This was the root of the matter — the idea of nationality as opposed to State supremacy. He called oh the governor and the mayor of Annapolis. To their remonstrances against his landing and marching through Maryland, Butler replied that the orders and demands of his government were im- perative, and that he should land and march on the capital as speedily as possi- ble. He assured them that peaceElble citi- zens should be unmolested and the laws of Maryland be respected. On the 22d the New York 7th Begi- ment. Colonel Leflferts, arrived at Annapo- lis on a steamer. All the troops were landed and quartered at the Naval Acad- emy. The Confederates, meanwhile, had torn up the railway, taken the locomotives to pieces, and hidden them. Terrible stories reached Butler of a great force of Confederates at Annapolis Junction. He did not believe them, and moved on, after taking formal military possession of An- napolis and the railway to Annapolis Junction. Two Massachusetts companies seized the railway station, in which they found a disabled locomotive concealed. " Does any one know anything about this machine ?" inquired Butler. " Our shop made that engine, general," said Charles Homans, of the Beverly Light Guard. " I guess I can put her in order and run her." '' Do it," said the general ; and it was soon done, for that regiment was full of engineers and mechanics. It was a re- markable regiment. Theodore Winthrop said that if the words were given, " Poets, to the front!" or, "Painters, present arms!" or, "Sculptors, charge bayonets!" there would be ample responses. The hidden rails were hunted up and found in thickets, ravines, and bottoms of streams, and the road was soon in such a condition that the troops moved on, on the morning of the 24th, at the fate of about one mile an hour, laying the track anew and building bridges. Skirmishers went ahead and scouts on the flanks. The distance to the Junction from Annapolis was 20 miles. They saw none of the terrible Marylanders they had been warned against. The troops reached Annapolis Junction on the morning of the 25th, when the 7th Begiment went on to Wash- ington and the Massachusetts regiment remained to hold the railroads. Other troops arrived at Annapolis, and General Scott ordered Butler to remain there, hold the town and road, and superintend the forwarding of troops to Washington. The " Department of Annapolis " was created, which embraced the country 20 miles on each side of the railway to within 4 miles of the capital. See Baltimore. Annapolis Convention, 1786. See Alexaxdria; Coxstitutiox of the Unit- ed States. Anne, Queen, second daughter of James II. of England; born at Twicken- ham, near London, Feb. 6, 1664. Her parents became Roman Catholics ; but she, educated in the principles of the Church of England, remained a Protestant. In 1683 she was married to Prince George of Den- mark. She took the side of her sister Mary and her husband in the revolution that drove her father from the throne. She had intended to accompany her father in his exile to France, but was dissuaded by Sarah Churchill, chief lady of the bed- chamber (afterwards the imperious Duch- ess of Marlborough ) , for Avhom she always had a romantic attachment. By the act of settlement at the accession of William and Mary, the crown was guaranteed to her in default of issue to these sovereigns. This exigency happening, Anne was pro- claimed queen (March 8, 1702) on the death of William. Of her seventeen chil- dren, only one lived beyond infancy — Duke of Gloucester — Avho died at the age of eleven years. Feeble in character, but very amiable, Anne's reign became a con- 166 ANNE spicuous one in English history, for she was governed by some able ministers, and she was surrounded by eminent literary men. Her reign has been called the " Au- gustan Age of English Literature." The Duke of Marlborough, the husband of her bosom friend, was one of her greatest QUBKN ANNB. military leaders. A greater part of her reign was occupied in the prosecution of the War of the Spanish Succession, known in America as " Queen Anne's War." She died Aug. 1, 1714. The treaty of Ryswick produced only a lull in the inter-colonial war in America. It was very brief. James II. died in France in September, 1701, and Louis XIV., who had sheltered him, acknowl- edged his son. Prince James (commonly known as The Pretender) , to be the lawful heir to the English throne. This natural- ly offended the English, for Louis had ac- knowledged William as king in the Rys- wick treaty. The British Parliament had -also settled the crown on Anne, so as to secure a Protestant succession. The Eng- lish were also offended because Louis had placed his grandson, Philip of Aragon, on the Spanish throne, and thus extended the influence of France among the dynas- ties of Europe. On the death of William III. (March 8, 1702) Anne ascended the throne, and on the same day the triple alliance between England, Holland, and the German Empire against France was renewed. Soon afterwards, chiefly because of the movements of Louis above mention- ed, England declared war against France, and their respective colonies in America took up arms against each other. The war lasted eleven years. Fortunately, the Five Nations had made a treaty of neu- trality (Aug. 4, 1701) with the French in Canada, and thus became an impassable barrier against the savages from the St. Lawrence. The tribes from the Merrimac to the Penobscot had made a treaty of peace with New England (July, 1703) ; but the French induced them to violate it; and before the close of that summer a furi- ous Indian raid occurred along the whole frontier from Casco to Wells. So indis- criminate was the slaughter that even Quakers were massacred. The immediate cause of this outbreak seems to have been an attack upon and plunder of the trading-post of the young Baron de Castine, at the mouth of the Penobscot. In March, 1704, a party of French and Indians attacked Deerfield, on the Connecticut River, killed forty of the inhabitants, burned the village, and car- ried away 112 captives. Similar scenes occurred elsewhere. Remote settlements were abandoned, and fields were cultivated only by armed parties united for common defence. This state of things became in- supportable, and in the spring of 1707 Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire prepared to chastise the Ind- ians in the east. Rhode Island had not suffered, for Massachusetts sheltered that colony, but the inhabitants humanely helped their afflicted neighbors. Connec- ticut, though threatened from the north, refused to join in the enterprise. Early in June (1707), 1,000 men under Colonel Marsh sailed from Nantucket for Port_ Royal, Acadia, convoyed by an English man-of-war. The French were prepared for them, and only the destruction of prop- erty outside the fort there was accomplish- ed. The war continued, with occasional distressing episodes. In September, 1710, an armament of ships and troops left Bos- ton and sailed for Port Royal, in connec- tion with a fleet from England with troops under Colonel Nicholson. They captured Port Royal and altered the name to An- napolis, in compliment to the Queen. 167 AKTHE— ANNEXED TERRITOSY Acadia (q. v.) was annexed to England, under the old title of Nova Scotia, or New Scotland. Tlie following year an expedition moved against Quebec. Sir Hovenden Walker ar- rived at Boston (June 25, 1711) with an English fleet and army, which were joined by New England forces; and on Aug. 15 fifteen men-of-war and forty transports, bearing about 7,000 men, departed for the St. Lawrence. Meanwhile, Nicholson had proceeded to Albany, where a force of about 4,000 men were gathered, a por- tion of them Iroquois Indians. These forces commenced their march towards Canada Aug. 28. Walker, like Braddock nearly fifty years later, haughtily refused to listen to experienced subordinates, and lost eight ships and about 1,000 men on the rocks at the mouth of the St. Law- rence on the night of Sept. 2. Disheart- ened by this calamity, Walker returned to England with the remainder of the fleet, and the colonial troops went back to Boston. On hearing of this failure, the land force marching to attack Montreal retraced their steps. Hostilities were now suspended, and peace was concluded by the treaty of Utrecht, April 11, 1713. The eastern Indians sued for peace, and at Portsmouth the governors of Massachu- setts and New Hampshire made a cove- nant of peace (July 24) with the chiefs of the hostile tribes. A peace of thirty years ensued. Anne, Fort, a military post in New York in the Revolutionary War. When the British took possession of Ticonderoga (July 6, 1777), Burgoyne ordered gun- boats to pursue the bateaux laden with stores, etc., from the fort. The boom- bridge barrier across the lake there was soon broken, and the pursuing vessels overtook the fugitive boats near Skenes- borough, and destroyed them and their contents. Colonel Long, in command of the men in them, escaped with his people and the invalids, and, after setting fire to everything combustible at Skenesborough (now Whitehall), they hastened to Fort Anne, a few miles in the interior, followed by a British regiment. When near the fort, Ijong turned on his pursuers and routed them ; but the latter being reinforced. Long was driven back. He burned Fort Anne, and fled to Fort Edward, on the Hudson. Annexations. See Acquisition of Territory. ANNEXED TERRITORY Annexed. Territory, Status of. The were further, by their situation, climate, following is a consideration of the rela- and soil, adapted to the use of an increas- tions to the United States of the several ing American population. We have now Territories that were annexed to it, writ- acquired insular regions, situated in the ten by ex-President Benjamin Harrison: tropics and in another hemisphere, and hence unsuitable for' American settlers, A legal argument upon this subject is even if they were not, as they are, already quite outside of my purpose, which is to populated and their lands already largely consider in a popular rather than a pro- taken up. fessional way some of the questions that We have taken over peoples rather arise, some of the answers that have been than lands, and these chiefly of other race proposed, and some of the objections to stocks — for there are " diversities of these answers. tongues." The native labor is cheap and We have done something out of line Avith threatens competition, and there is a total American history, not in the matter of ter- absence of American ideas and methods of ritorial expansion, but in the character life and government among the eight or of it. Heretofore the regions Ave have more millions of inhabitants in the Philip- taken over have been contiguous to us, pines. We have said that the Chinese will save in the case of Alaska — and, indeed, not " homologate " ; and the Filipinos will Alaska is contiguous, in the sense of being certainly be slow. Out of the too-late near. These annexed regions were also, at contemplation of these very real and se- the time of annexation, either unpeopled or rious problems has arisen the proposition very sparsely peopled by civilized men, and to solve them, as many think, by wresting 168 ANNEXED TEBRITORY our government from its constitutional basis; or at least, as all must agree, by the introduction of wholly new views of the status of the people of the Territories, and of some startlingly new methods of deal- ing witli them. It is not open to question, I think, that, if we had taken over only the Sandwich Islands and Porto Rico, these new views of the status of the people of our Territories, and these new methods of dealing with them, would never have been suggested or used. The question of the constitutional right of the United States to acquire territory, as these new regions have been acquired, must, I suppose, be taken by every one to have been finally adjudged in favor of that right. The Supreme Court is not likely to review the decision announced by Chief- Justice Marshall. It is important to note, however, that the great chief-justice derives the power to acquire territory by treaty and con- quest, from the Constitution itself. He " The Constitution confers absolutely on the government of the Union the powers of making war and of making treaties; consequently that government possesses the power of acquiring territory either by conquest or by treaty." While this decision stands, there is no room for the suggestion that the power of the United States to acquire territory, either by a conquest confirmed by treaty, or by a treaty of purchase from a nation with which we are at peace, is doubtful, and as little for the suggestion that this power is an extra-constitutional power. The people, then, have delegated to the President and Congress the power to ac- quire territory by the methods we have used in the cases of Porto Rico and the Hawaiian and Philippine Islands. But some have suggested that this poAver to ac- quire new territory is limited to certain ends : that it can only be used to acquire territory that is to be, or is capable of being, erected into States of the Union. If this view were allowed, the attitude of the courts to the question would not be much changed ; for they could not inquire as to the purpose of Congress, nor, I sup- pose, overrule the judgment of Congress as to the adaptability of territory for the creation of States. The appeal would be to Congress to limit the use of the power. The islands of Haw^aii, of Porto Rico, and of the Philippine Archipelago have been taken over, not for a temporary pur- pose, as in the case of Cuba, but to have and to hold forever as a part of the region over which the sovereignty of the United States extends. We have not put our- selves under any pledge as to them — at least, not of a written sort. Indeed, we have not, it is said, made up our minds as to anything affecting the Philippines, save this — that they are a part of our national domain, and that the inhabitants must yield obedience to the sovereignty of the United States so long as we choose to hold them. Our title to the Philippines has been impeached by some upon the ground that Spain was not in possession when she con- veyed them to us. It is a principle of private law that a deed of property ad- versely held is not good. If I have been ejected from a farm to which I claim title, and another is in possession under a claim of title, I must recover the posses- sion before I can make a good convey- ance; otherwise I sell a lawsuit and not a farm, and that the law counts to be immoral. It has not been shown, how- ever, that this principle has been incor- porated into international law; and, if that could be shown, there would still be need to show that Spain has been ef- fectively ousted. It is very certain, I suppose, that if Great Britain had, during our Revolution- ary struggle, concluded a treaty of cession of the colonies to France, we would have treated the cession as a nullity, and con- tinued to fight for liberty against the French. No promises of liberal treatment by France would have appeased us. But what has that to do with the Philip- pine situation? There are so many points of difference. We were Anglo-Saxons ! We were capable of self-government. And, after all, what we would have done under the conditions supposed has no bearing upon the law of the case. It is not to be doubted that any international tribunal would affirm the completeness of our legal title to the Philippines. The questions that perplex us relate to the status of these new possessions, and 169 ANNEXED TERRITORY to the rights of their civilized inhabitants who have elected to renounce their alle- giance to the Spanish crown, and either by choice or operation of law have become American — somethings. What? Subjects or citizens? There is no other status, since they are not aliens any longer, unless a newspaper heading that recently attract- ed my attention offers another. It ran thus : " Porto Ricans not citizens of the United States proper." Are they citizens of the United States improper, or improp- er citizens of the United States ? It seems clear that there is something improper. To call them " citizens of Porto Eico " is to leave their relations to the United States wholly undefined. Now, in studying the questions whether the new possessions are part of the United States, and their free civilized inhabitants citizens of the United States, the Consti- tution should, naturally, be examined first. Whatever is said there is final — an/ treaty or act of Congress to the contrary notwithstanding. The fact that a treaty must be constitutional, as well as an act of Congress, seems to have been overlooked by those who refer to the treaty of cession as giving to Congress the right to gov- ern the people of Porto Rico, who do not retain their Spanish allegiance, according to its pleasure. Has the Queen Re- gent, with the island, decorated Congress with one of the jewels from the Spanish crown ? In Pollard vs. Hogan, 3 Howard, the court says: " It cannot be admitted that the King if Spain could hy treaty, or otherwise, impart to the United States any of his royal prerogatives ; and much less can it be admitted that they have capacity to re- ceive or power to exercise them." A treaty is a part of the supreme law of the land in the same sense that an act of Congress is, not in the same sense that the Constitution is. The Constitution of the United States cannot be abrogated or impaired by a treaty. Acts of Congress and treaties are only a part of the " su- preme law of the land " when they pur- sue the Constitution. The Supreme Court has decided that a treaty may be abro- gated by a later statute, on the ground that the statute is the later expression of the sovereign's will. Whether a statute 17 may be abrogated by a later treaty, we do not know; but we do know that neither a statute nor a treaty can abrogate the Constitution. If the Constitution leaves the question open whether the inhabitants of Porto Rico shall or shall not upon annexation become citizens, then the President and the Senate may exercise that discretion by a treaty stipulation that they shall or shall not be admitted as citizens; but if, on the other hand, the Constitution gives no such discretion, but itself con- fers citizenship, any treaty stipulation to the contrary is void. To refer to the treaty in this connection is to beg the question. If we seek to justify the holding of slaves in a territory acquired by treaty, or the holding of its civilized inhabitants 'in a condition less favored than that of citizenship, by virtue of the provisions 'of a treaty, it would seem to be necessary to show that the Constitution, in the one case, allows slavery, and, in the other, a relation of civilized people to the govern- ment that is not citizenship. Now the Constitution declares (Four- teenth Amendment) that " all persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States." This dis- poses of the question, unless it can be maintained that Porto Rico is not a part of the United States. But the theory that any part of the Constitution, of itself, embraces the Terri- tories and their people is contested by many. Congress seems to have assumed the negative, though among the members there was not entire harmony as to the argument by which the conclusion was reached. It is contended, by most of those who defend the Porto-Rican bill, that the Constitution expends itself wholly upon that part of the national domain that has been organized into States, and has no ref- erence to, or authority in, the Territories, save as it has constituted a government to rule over them. No one contends that every provision of the Constitution applies to the Terri- tories. Some of them explicitly relate to the States only. The contention of those who opposed the Porto-Rican legislation is that all of those general provisions of AHNEXED TERBITOItY the Constitution which impose limitation upon the powers of the legislative, execu- tive, and judicial departments must ap- ply to all regions and people where or upon whom those powers are exercised. And, on the other hand, those who deny most broadly that the Constitution applies to the Territories seem practically to al- low that much of it does. The power of appointment and pardon in the Terri- tories, the confirmation of Territorial of- ficers, the methods of passing laws to gov- ern the Territories, the keeping and dis- bursement of Federal taxes derived from the Territories, the veto power, and many other things, are pursued as if the Con- stitution applied to the cases. But, in theory, it is claimed by these that no part of the Constitution a2)plies except the Thirteenth Amendment, which prohibits slavery, and that only because the prohibition expressly includes " any place subject to their jurisdiction." This amendment was proposed by Congress on Feb. 1, 1865 — the day on which Sherman's army left Savannah on its northern march ; and the words " any place sub- ject to their jurisdiction " were probably added because of the uncertainty as to the legal status of the States in rebellion, and not because of any doubt as to whether Nebraska, then a Territory, was a part of the United States. The view that some other general limita- tions of the Constitution upon the powers of Congress must relate to all regions and all persons was, however, adopted by some members of the Senate Committee in the report upon the Porto-Rican bill, where it is said: " Yet, as to all prohibitions of the Con- stitution laid upon Congress while legis- lating, they operate for the benefit of all for whom Congress may legislate, no mat- ter where they may be situated, and with- out regard to whether or not the provisions of the Constitution have been extended to them; but this is so because the Congress, in all that it does, is subject to and gov- erned by those restraints and prohibitions. As, for instance, Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of relig- ion, or prohibiting the free exercise there- of; no title of nobility shall be granted; no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed ; neither shall the validity 17 of contracts be impaired, nor shall prop- erty be taken without due process of law; nor shall the freedom of speech or of the press be abridged; nor shall slavery exist in any place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States. These limitations are placed upon the exercise of the legis- lative power without regard to the place or the people for whom the legislation in a given case may be intended." That is to say, every general constitu- tional limitation of the powers of Congress applies to the Territories. The brief schedule of these limitations given by the committee are all put in the negative form, "Congress shall not"; but surely it was not meant that there may not be quite as effective a limitation by the use of the affirmative form. If a power is given to be used in one way only, all other uses of it are negatived by necessary implication. When it is said, " All duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States," is not that the equivalent of " No duty or excise that is not uniform shall be levied in the Ignited States"? And is not the first form quite as effective a limitation of the legis- lative power over the subject of indirect taxation as that contained in the fourth clause of the section is upon the power to lay direct taxes? In the latter the negative form is used, thus : " No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census of enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken." This discrimination between express and implied limitations, benevolently attempt- ed to save for the people of the Terri- tories the bill of rights provision of the Constitution, will not, I think, endure discussion. There are only three views that may be offered, with some show of consistency in themselves. First. That Congress, the executive, and the judiciary are all created by the Con- stitution as governing agencies of the nation called the United States ; that their powers are defined by the Constitution and run throughout the nation; that all the limitations of their powers attach to every region and to all civilized people under the sovereignty of the United States, 1 ANNEXED TERRITORY unless their inapplicability appears from the Constitution itself; that every guaran- tee of liberty, including that most essen- tial one, uniform taxation, is to be allowed to every free civilized man and woman who owes allegiance to the United States; that the use of the term " throughout the United States " does not limit the scope of any constitutional provision of the States that would otherwise be applicable to the Territories as well; but that these words include the widest sweep of the na- tion's sovereignty, and so the widest limit of congressional action. Secondly. That the term "The United States " defines an inner circle of the na- tional sovereignty composed of the States alone; that, whenever these words are used in the Constitution, they must be taken to have reference only to the region and to the people within this inner circle; but that, when these words of limitation are omitted, the constitutional provision must, unless otherwise limited, be taken to in- clude all lands and people in the outer circle of the national sovereignty. Thirdly. That the Constitution has rela- tion only to the States and their people; that all constitutional limitations of the powers of Congress and the executive are to be taken to apply only to the States and their citizens; that the power to acquire territory is neither derived from the Con- stitution nor limited by it, but is an in- herent power of national life ; that the government we exercise in the Territories is not a constitutional government, but an absolute government, and that all or any of the things prohibited by the Constitu- tion as to the States, in the interest of liberty, justice, and equality, may be done in the Territories; that, as to the Terri- tories, we are under no restraints save such as our own interests or our benevo- lence may impose. I say " benevolence " ; but must not that quality be submerged before this view of the Constitution is promulgated? It seems to have had its origin in a supposed com- mercial necessity, and we may fairly con- clude that other recurring necessities Avill guide its exercise. Is it too much to say that this view of the Constitution is shocking ? Within the States, it is agreed that the powers of the several departments of 17 the national government are severely re- strained. We read that Congress shall have power, and again that Congress shall not have power. But neither these grants nor these inhibitions have, it is said, any rela- tion to the Territories. Against the laws enacted by the Congress, or the acts done by the executive, there is no appeal, on be- half of the people of the Territories, to any written constitution, or bill of rights, or charter of liberty. We offer them only this highly consolatory thought: a nation of free Americans can be trusted to deal benevolently with you. How obstinately wrong we were in our old answer to the Southern slave-holder ! It is not a question of kind or unkind treatment, but of human rights ; not of the good or bad use of power, but of the power, we said. And so our fathers said, in answer to the claim of absolute power made on behalf of the British Parliament. As to the States, the legislative power of Congress is "all legislative powers herein granted." (Art. 1, sec. 1.) As to the Territories, it is said to be all legislative I^ower — all that any parliament ever had or ever claimed to have, and as much more as Ave may claim — for there can be no excess of pretension where power is ab- solute. No law relating to the Territories, passed by Congress, can, it is said, be de- clared by the Supreme Court to be in- operative, though every section of it should contravene a provision of the Con- stitution. An outline of a possible law may aid us to see more clearly what is involved: Sec. 1. Suspends permanently the writ of habeas corpus in Porto Rico. Sec. 2. Declares an attainder against all Porto Eicans who have displayed the Spanish flag since the treaty of peace. Sec. 3. Grants to the native mayors of Ponce and San Juan the titles of Lord Dukes of Porto Rico, with appropriate crests. Sec. 4. Any Porto Rican who shall speak disrespectfully of the Congress shall be deemed guilty of treason. One witness shall be siifficient to prove the offence, and on conviction the offender shall have his tongue cut out; and the conviction shall work corruption of blood. Sec. 5. The Presbyterian Church shall be the established Church of the island, and ANNEXED TERRITORY no one shall be permitted to worship God after any other form. Sec. 6. All proposed publications shall be submitted to a censor, and shall be printed only after he has ap^jroved the same. Public meetings for the discussion of public affairs are prohibited, and no petitions shall be presented to the govern- ment. Sec. 7. No inhabitant of Porto Eico shall keep or bear arms. See. 8. The soldiers of the island garri- son shall be quartered in the houses of the people. Sec. 9. The commanding officer of the United States forces in the island shall have the right, without any warrant, to search the person, house, papers, and ef- fects of any one suspected by him. Sec. 10. Any person in Porto Rico, in civil life, may be put iipon trial for capital or other infamous crimes uj^on the infor- mation of the public prosecutor, without the presentment or indictment of a grand jury; may be twice put in jeopardy for the same offence; may be compelled to be a witness against himself, and may be deprived of Mfe, liberty, or property with- out due process of law, and his property may be taken for public uses without com- pensation. Sec. II. Criminal trials may, in the dis- cretion of the presiding judge, be held in seci'et, without a jury, in a district pre- scribed by law after the commission of the offence, and the accused shall, or not, be advised before arraignment of the nat- ure or cause of the accusation, and shall, or not, be confronted with the witnesses against him, and have compulsory process to secure his own witnesses, as the presid- ing judge may in his discretion order. Sec. 12. There shall be no right in any suit at common law to demand a jury. Sec. 13. A direct tax is imposed upon Porto Rico for Federal uses without regard to its relative population ; the tariff rates at San Juan are fixed at 50 per cent., and those at Ponce at 15 per cent, of those levied at New York. New Mexico, or Arizona, or Oklahoma might be substituted for Porto Rico in the bill ; for, I think, those who affirm that the Constitution has no relation to Porto Rico do so upon grounds that equally apply to all other Territories. 1 Now, no one supposes that Congress will ever assemble in a law such shocking pro- visions. But, for themselves, our fathers were not content with an assurance of these great rights that rested wholly upon the sense of justice and benevolence of the Congress. The man whose protection from wrong rests wholly upon the benevo- lence of another man or of a congress, is a slave — a man without rights. Our fathers took security of the governing departments they organized ; and that, notwithstanding the fact that the choice of all public officers rested with the people. When a man strictly limits the powers of an agent of his own choice, and exacts a bond from him, to secure his faithfulness, he does not occupy strong ground when he insists that another person, who had no part in the selection, shall give the agent full powers without a bond. If there is anything that is character- istic in American constitutions. State and national, it is the plan of limiting the powers of all public officers and agencies. "You shall do this; you may do this; you shall not do this " — is the form that the schedule of powers always takes. This grew out of our experience as English colonies. A government of unlimited legislative or executive powers is an un- American government. And, for one, I do not like to believe that the framers of the national Constitution and of our first State constitutions were careful only for their own liberties. This is the more improbable when we remember that the territory then most likely to be acquired would naturally be peopled by their sons. They cherished very broad views as to the rights of men. Their philosophy of liberty derived it from God. Liberty was a Divine gift to be claimed for ourselves only upon the condi- tion of allowing it to " all men." They would write the law of liberty truly, and suffer for a time the just reproach of a de- parture from its precepts that could not be presently amended. It is a brave thing to proclaim a law that condemns your own practices. You assume the fault and strive to attain. The fathers left to a baser generation the attempt to limit God's law of liberty to white men. It is not a right use of the fault of slavery to say that, because of it, 73 ANNEXED TERRITORY our fathers did not mean " all men." It was one thing to tolerate an existing con- dition that the law of liberty condemned, in order to accomplish the union of the States, and it is quite another thing to create a condition contrary to liberty for a. commercial profit. In a recent discussion of these questions, sent me by the author, I find these con- solatory reflections: "And yet the inalien- able rights of the Filipinos, even if not guaranteed by the Constitution, are amply secured by the fundamental, imioritten laws of our civilization." Does this mean that the specific guarantees of individual liberty found in our Constitution have be- come a part of " our civilization," and that they apply in Porto Rico and the Philippines in such a sense that, if there is any denial of them by Congress or the executive, the courts can enforce them and nullify the law that infringes them? If that is meant, then as to all such rights this discussion is tweedledum and tweedle- dee — the Constitution does not apply, but all these provisions of it are in full force, notwithstanding. Perhaps, however, it should be asked further, whether the rule of the uniform- ity of taxation is a part of the " law of our civilization " ; for, without it, all property rights are unprotected. The man whose property may be taxed arbitrarily, without regard to uniformity within the tax district, and without any limitation as to the purposes for which taxes may be levied, does not own anything; he is a tenant at will. But if these supposed " laws of our civ- ilization " are not enforcible by the courts, and rest wholly for their sanction upon the consciences of presidents and congresses, then there is a very wide difference. The one is ownership, the other is charity. The one is freedom, the other slavery^however just and kind the master may be. The instructions of the President to the Taft Philippine Commission seem to allow that any civil government under the au- thority of the United States that does not offer to the people affected by it the guarantees of liberty contained in the Bill of Rights sections of the Constitution is abhorrent. Speaking of these, he said: " Until Congress shall take action, I di- rected that, upon every division and 17 branch of the government of the Philip- pines, must be imposed these inviolable rules : " ' That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due proc- ess of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation ; that in all criminal prose- cutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be in- formed of the nature and cause of the accu- sation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence ; that excessive bail shall not be re- quired, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted ; that no person shall be put twice in jeop- ardy for the same offence, or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be se- cure against unreasonable searches and seizur,es shall not be violated ; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of attainder, or ex post facto law shall be passed; that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and petition the government for a redress of griev- ances; that no law shall be made respect- ing the establishment of religion, or pro- hibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free exercise and enjoyment of relig- ious profession and worship without dis- crimination or preference shall forever be allowed.' " The benevolent disposition of the Presi- dent is well illustrated in these instruc- tions. He conferred freely — " until Con- gress shall take action " — upon the Fili- pinos, who accepted the sovereignty of the United States and submitted themselves to the government established by the Com- mission, privileges that our fathers only secured after eight years of desperate war. There is this, however, to be noted, that our fathers were not content to hold these priceless gifts under a revocable license. They accounted that to hold these things upon the tenure of another man's benevo- lence was not to hold them at all. Their battle was for rights, not privileges — for a Constitution, not a letter of instructions. ANNEXED TERRITORY The President's instructions apparently proceed upon the theory that the Filipinos, after civil government has superseded the military control, are not endowed under our Constitution, or otherwise, with any of the rights scheduled by him; that, if he does nothing, is silent, some or all of the things prohibited in his schedule may be lawfully done upon, and all the things allowed may be denied to, a people who owe allegiance to that free constitutional government we call the United States of America. It is clear that those Porto Ricans who have not, under the treaty, declared a purpose to remain Spanish subjects, have become American citizens or American subjects. Have you ever read one of our commercial treaties with Great Britain or Germany, or any other of the kingdoms of the world? These treaties provide for trade intercourse, and define and guaran- tee the rights of the people of the respec- tive nations when domiciled in the terri- tory of the other. The descriptive terms run like this: "The subjects of her Britannic Majesty " on the one part, and " the citi- zens of the United States " on the other. Now, if the commercial privileges guaran- teed by these treaties do not, in their present form, include the Porto Ricans who strewed flowers before our troops when they entered the island, we ought at once to propose to our " Great and Good Friends," the kings and queens of the earth, a modification of our conven- tions in their behalf. Who will claim the distinction of pro- posing that the words " and subjects " be introduced after the word " citizens " ? There will be no objection on the part of the king, you may be sure; the modifica- tion will be allowed smilingly. We have never before found it necessary to treat the free civilized inhabitants of the Territories otherwise than as citizens of the United States. It is true, as Mr. Justice Miller said, that the exclusive sovereignty over the Territories is in the national government; but it does not follow that the nation pos- sesses the power to govern the Territories independently of the Constitution. The Constitution gives to Congress the right to exercise " exclusive legislation " in the District of Columbia ; but " exclusive " is 17 not a synonyme of " absolute." When the Constitution says that " treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort," there is a limitation of the legislative power; and it necessarily ex- tends to every venue where the crime of treason against the United States may be laid, and to every person upon whom its penalties may be imposed. This constitutional provision defining the crime of treason and prescribing the necessary proofs is a Bill of Rights pro- vision. In England, under Edward II., " there was," it was said, " no man who knew how to behave himself, to do, speak or say, for doubt of the pains of such treasons." The famous statute of Edward III., defining treasons, James Wilson de- clares, " may well be styled the legal Gib- raltar of England." (Wilson's Works [Andrews] vol. ii., p. 413.) Mr. Madison, speaking of this section of the Constitution, says in the Federalist: " But as new-fangled and artificial trea- sons have been the great engines by which violent factions, the natural offspring of free government, have usually wreaked their malignity on each other, the conven- tion have with great judgment opposed a barrier to this peculiar danger, by insert- ing a constitutional definition of the crime," etc. Mr. Madison believed that there was a real danger that statutes of treason might be oppressively used by Congress. What have we been doing, or what have we a purpose to do, that Ave find it necessary to limit the safeguards of liberty found in our Constitution, to the people of the States? Is it that we now propose to acquire territory for colonization, and not, as heretofore, for full incorporation? Is it that we propose to have crown colonies, and must have crown law? Is it that we mean to be a world power, and must be free from the restraints of a Bill of Rights? We shall owe deliverance a sec- ond time to these principles of human liberty, if they are now the means of delivering us from un - American proj- ects. The particular provision of the Consti- tution upon which Congress seems to have balked, in the Porto Rican legislation, was ANNEXED TERRITORY a revenue clause — viz., the first paragraph of sec. 8 of art. 1, which reads: " The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and ex- cises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." There was only one door of escape from allowing the application of this clause to Porto Rico. It was to deny that the Territories are part of the United States. It will be noticed that the descriptive term " The United States " is twice used in the one sentence — once in the clause defining the purposes for which only du- ties and imposts may be levied, and once in the clause requiring uniformity in the use of the power. Is there any canon of construction that authorizes us to give to the words " The United States " one meaning in the first use of them and an- other in the second? If in the second use the Territories are excluded, must they not also be excluded in the first? If the rule of uniformity does not apply to the Ter- ritories, how can the power to tax be used in the United States, to pay the debts and provide for the defence and general wel- fare of the Territories? Can duties be levied in New York and other ports of the States, to be expended for local purposes in Porto Rico, if the island is not a part of the United States? Are the debts that may be contracted by what the law calls the body politic of " The People of Porto Rico " for local pur- poses, part of the debt of the United States — notwithstanding that the island is no part of the United States and the people are not citizens of the United States? But some one will say that the island is one of our outlying defences, and that fortifications and naval stations and public highways there are necessary to the " common defence." Well, is it also true that education and poor relief, and fire and police and health protection, and all other agencies of local order and better- ment in Porto Rico, are included in the words " the general welfare of the United States"? It would seem that a region of which it can be said that its general welfare is the general welfare of the United States, must be a part of the United States, and its people citizens of the United States. For the first time Congress has laid tariff duties upon goods passing from a Territory into the States. The necessity for this radical departure from the estab- lished practice of the government seems to have been to find a safe basis for the holding and governing of regions, the free introduction of whose products might af- fect the home industries unfavorably, and the admission of whose people to citizen- ship might imply future Statehood — or at least the right of migration and settlement in the States of an undesirable population. That the diversity of tongues in the Phil- ippines, and the utter lack of the Ameri- can likeness in everything there, presented strong reasons against the acquisition of the islands, I freely admit. It must also be conceded that when, as we are told. Providence laid upon us the heavy duty of taking over and govern- ing these islands, it was very natural that we should seek to find a way of governing them that would save us from some of the unpleasant consequences which a discharge of the duty in the old way involved. But do we not incur a greater loss and peril from that new doctrine, that our Congress and executive have powers not derived from the Constitution, and are subject to no restraint or limitations in the Ter- ritories, save such as they may impose upon themselves? Are the civil rights of the dwellers on the mainland well secured against the in- sidious under-wear of greed and ambition, while we deny to the island dwellers, who are held to a strict allegiance, the only sure defence that civil rights can have — ■ the guarantees of constitutional law? Burke saAV in the absolute powers claimed for Parliament, in the American colonies, danger to the liberties of Parliament it- self. As so often quoted, he said: " For Ave are convinced, beyond a doubt, that a system of dependence which leaves no security to the people for any part of their freedom in their own hands, cannot be established in any inferior member of the British Empire Avithout consequently destroying the freedom of that very body in faA^or of whose boundless pretensions such a scheme is adopted. We know and feel that arbitrary power over distant re- 176 AlSTNEXED TERmTOEY glons is not within the competence, nor to be exercised agreeably to the forms or consistently with the spirit, of great popu- lar assemblies." Are we, in this day of commercial car- nival, incapable of being touched by such considerations, either in our fears or in our sense of justice? Is it not likely to be true that the moral tone of the repub- lic — our estimation of constitutional lib- erty — will be lessened by the creation of a body of civilized people over whom our flag waves as an emblem of power only? The flag cannot stand for the benevolent policies of an administration. It stands for more permanent things — for things that changing administrations have no power to change. Is it not in the nature of a mockery to raise the flag in Porto Rico and bid its hopeful people hail it as an emblem of emancipation, while the governor we have sent them reads a proc- lamation, from the foot of the staff, an- nouncing the absolute power of Congress over them? How would the pioneers of the West have regarded a declaration that they were not citizens of the United States, or a duty laid upon the furs then sent to the States, or upon the salt and gunpowder sent from the States in exchange, even if a preference of eighty-five per cent, had been given them over the people of Canada? It is safe to say that no such interpre- tation of the Constitution, or of the rights of the people of a Territory, will ever be ofl'ered to men of American descent. If the Constitution, so far as it is ap- plicable, attaches itself, whether Congress will or no, to all territory taken over as a part of the permanent territory of the United States, it is there to stay as funda- mental law. But if it is not so, an act of Congress declaring that the Constitution is " extended " is not fundamental law, but statute law, and may be repealed; and is repealed by implication, ?3?-o ian/o, when- ever Congress passes a law in conflict with the provisions of the " extended " Consti- tution. If the Constitution as such, as fundamental law, is extended over new ter- ritory, it must be the result of an act done — an act the efl'ect of which is in it- self, not in any accompanying declara- tion. If the act of annexation does not carry the Constitution into a Territory, I can think of nothing that will, save the act of admitting the Territory as a State. The situation of the Porto Rican peo- ple is scarcely less mortifying to us than to them; they owe allegiance but have no citizenship. Have we not spoiled our career as a delivering nation? And for what? A gentleman connected with the beet-sugar industry, seeing my objections to the constitutionality of the law, and having a friendly purpose to help me over them, wrote to say that the duty was ab- solutely needed to protect the beet-sugar industry. While appreciating his friendli- ness, I felt compelled to say to him that there was a time for considering the ad- vantages and disadvantages of a commer- cial sort involved in taking over Porto Rico, but that that time had passed, and to intimate to him that the needs of the beet-sugar industry seemed to me to be ir- relevant in a constitutional discussion. The wise man did not say there was a future time for everything; he al- lowed that the time for dancing might be altogether behind us, and a less pleasant exercise before us. We are hardly likely to acquire any territory that will not come at some cost. That we give back to Porto Rico all of the revenue derived from the customs we levy does not seem to me to soften our dealings with her people. Our fathers were not mollifled by the suggestion that the tea and stamp taxes would be ex- pended wholly for the beneflt of the colo- nies. It is to say: "We do not need this money; it is only levied to show that your country is no part of the United States, and that you are not citizens of the United States, save at our pleasure." When trib- ute is levied and immediately returned as a benefaction, its only purpose is to de- clare and maintain a state of vassalage. But I am not sure that the beet-sugar objection is not more tenable than another, and probably more controlling considera- tion, which ran in this wise: "We see no serious commercial disadvantages, and no threat of disorder, in accepting Porto Rico to be a part of the United States — in that ease it seems to be our duty: but we have acquired other islands in the Orient, of large area, populated by a turbulent and rebellious people; and, if we do by the 177 ANNEXED TERRITORY Porto Ricans what our sense of justice and of their friendliness prompts us to do, some illogical person will say that we must deal in the same way with the Phil- ippines. And some other person will say that the free intercourse was not given by the law but by the Constitution." I will not give a license to a friend to cut a tree upon my land to feed his winter fire, because my enemy may find in the license a support for his claim that the wood is a common! If we have confidence that the Constitu- tion does not apply to the Territories, surely we ought to use our absolute power there with a view to the circumstances at- tending each call for its exercise. Not to do this shows a misgiving as to the power. The questions raised by the Porto Rican legislation have been discussed chiefly from the stand - point of the people of the Territories; but there is another view. If, in its tariff legislation relative to merchandise imported into the Terri- tories and to merchandise passed from the Territories into the States, Congress is not subject to the law of uniformity pre- scribed by the Constitution, it would seem to follow that it is within the power of Congress to allow the admission to Porto Rico of all raw materials coming from other countries free of duty, and to admit to all ports of the " United States proper," free of duty, the products manufactured from these raw materials. As the people of the " United States proper " choose the Congressmen, there may be no great alarm felt over this possibility; but it is worth while to note that a construction of the Constitution adopted to save us from a competition with the Territories on equal grounds is capable of being turned against us and to their advantage. The courts may not refuse to give to the ■ explicit words of a law their natural meaning, by reason of the ill consequences that may follow; but they may well take account of consequences in construing doubtful phrases, and resolve the doubts so as to save the purpose of the law- makers, where, as in the case of the consti- tutional provision we are considering, that purpose is well known. They will not construe a doubtful phrase so as to allow the very thing that the law was intended to prevent. These constitutional questions will soon be decided by the Supreme Court. If the absolute power of Congress is affirmed, we shall probably use the power with dis- crimination by " extending " the Consti- tution to Porto Rico, and by giving to its people a full territorial form of govern- ment, and such protection in their civil rights as an act of Congress can give. If the court shall hold that the Constitution, in the parts not in themselves inapplicable, covers all territory made a permanent part of our domain, from the moment of annex- ation and as a necessary part of the United States, then we will conform our legislation, with deep regret that we as- sumed a construction contrary to liberty, and with some serious embarrassments that might have been avoided. There has been with many a mistaken apprehension that, if the Constitution, of its own force, extends to Porto Rico and the Philippines, and gives American citi- zenship to their free civilized people, they become endowed with full political rights ; that their consent is necessary to the va- lidity and rightfulness of all civil adminis- trations. But no such deduction follows. The power of Congress to legislate for the Territories is full. That is, there is no legislative power elsewhere than in Con- gress, but it is not absolute. The conten- tion is that all the powers of Congress are derived from the Constitution — including the power to legislate for the Territories — and that such legislation must necessarily, always and everywhere, be subject to the limitations of the Constitution. When this rule is observed, the consent of the people of the Territories is not nec- essary to the validity of the legislation. The new Territory having become a part of the national domain, the people dwell- ing therein have no reserved legal right to sever that relation, or to set up therein a hostile government. The question whether the United States can take over or continue to hold and govern a Territory whose people are hostile, is not a question of constitutional or international law, but of conscience and historical consistency. Some one must determine when and how far the people of a Territory, part of our national domain, can be entrusted with governing powers of a local nature, and when the broader powers of statehood 178 ANNEXED TERRITORY shall be conferred. We have no right to judge the capacity for self-government of the people of another nation, or to make an alleged lack of that faculty an excuse for aggression; but we must judge of this matter for our Territories. The interests to be affected by the decision are not all local; many of them are national. These questions are to be judged liberal- ly and with strong leanings to the side of popular liberty, but we cannot give over the decision to the people who may at any particular time be settled in a Territory. We have, for the most part, in our history given promptly to the people of the Terri- tories a large measure of local government, and have, when the admission of a State was proposed, thought only of boundaries and population. But this was because our Territories have been contiguous and chiefly populated from the States. We are not only at liberty, however, but under a duty, to take account also of the quality and disposition of the people, and we have in one or two instances done so. The written Constitution prescribes no rule for these cases. The question whether the United States shall hold conquered territory, or territory acquired by cession, without the consent of the people to be affected, is quite apart from the question whether, having acquired and incorporated such territory, we can govern it otherwise than under the limitations of the Consti- tution. The Constitution may be aided in things doubtful by the Declaration of Indepen- dence. It may be assumed that the frame of civil government adopted was intend- ed to harmonize with the Declaration. It is the preamble of the Constitution. It goes before the enacting clause and de- clares the purpose of the law; but the pur- pose so expressed is not the law unless it finds renewed expression after the enacting clause. We shall be plainly recreant to the spirit and purpose of the Constitu- tion if we arbitrarily deny to the people of a Territory as large a measure of popu- lar government as their good disposition and intelligence will warrant. Neces- sarily, the judgment of this question, how- ever, is with Congress. The Constitution prescribes no rule — could not do so — and the courts cannot review the discretion of Congress. 17 But we are now having it dinned into our ears that expansion is the law of life, and that expansion is not practicable if the Constitution is to go with the flag. Lord Salisbury, some years ago, stated this supposed law of national life. In a recent address, Mr. James Bryee says, by way of comment: " He thinks it like a bicycle, which must fall when it comes to a stand-still. It is an awkward result of this doctrine that when there is no more room for expan- sion — and a time must come, perhaps soon, when there will be no more room^ the Empire will begin to decline." If Great Britain, with her accepted methods of territorial growth, finds the problem of growth by expansion increas- ingly hard, it will be harder for us, for we are fettered by our traditions as to popu- lar rights, at least — if not by our Consti- tution. But expansion is not necessarily of a healthy sort; it may be dropsical. If judgment is passed now, the attempted conquest of the Boer republics has not strengthened Great Britain. She has not gained esteem. She has not increased her loyal population. She has created a need for more outlying garrisons — already too numerous. She has strained her military and financial resources, and has had a revelation of the need of larger armies and stronger coast defences at home. The re- cent appeal of Lord Salisbury at the Lord Mayor's banquet for more complete island defences is most significant. Did the South African w^ar furnish a truer measure of the Empire's land strength than the famil- iar campaigning against half-savage peo- ples had done? The old coach, with its power to stand as well as to move, may, after all, be a safer carriage, for the hopes and interests of a great people, than the bicycle. Some one will say, increasing years and retirement and introspection have broken your touch with practical affairs and left you out of sympathy with the glowing prospects of territorial expansion that now opens before us; that it has always been so; the Louisiana and the Alaskan pur- chases were opposed by some fearful souls. But I have been making no argument against expansion. The recent acquisi- tions from Spain must present widely dif- 9 ANTHON— ANTIETAM ferent conditions fi-om all previous acqui- duced about fifty volumes, consisting chief- sitions of territory, since it seems to be ly «of the Latin classics and aids to clas- admitted that they cannot be allowed to sical study. All of his works were repub- become a part of the United States without lished in England. His larger works are a loss that overbalances the gain ; that we a Classical Dictionary and a Dictionary of can only safely acquire them upon the con- Greek and Roman Antiquities. When he dition that we can govern them without was made rector of the grammar-school any constitutional restraint. he conferred on the public schools of his One who has retired from the service, native city six free scholarships. He died but not from the love of his country, must in New York, July 29, 1867. be pardoned if he finds himself unable to Anthony, Henry Bowen, statesman; rejoice in the acquisition of lands and born in Coventry, R. I., April 1, 1815; forests and mines anA commerce, at the graduated at Brown University in 1833; cost of the abandonment of the old Ameri- editor of the Providence Journal, 1838- can idea that a government of absolute 63; elected governor of Rhode Island powers is an intolerable thing, and, under in 1849 and in 1850; United States Sen- the Constitution of the United States, an ator from Rhode Island, 1859-84; thrice impossible thing. The view of the Con- elected president pro tern, of the Senate, stitution I have suggested will not limit He died in Providence, R. I., Sept. 2, 1884. the power of territorial expansion; but it Anthony, Susan Brownell, American will lead us to limit the use of that reformer ; born in South Adams, Mass., power to regions that may safely become Feb. 15, 1820. She was of Quaker parent- a part of the United States, and to peoples age, and received her education at a whose American citizenship may be allow- Friends' school in Philadelphia. From 1835 ed. It has been said that the flash of to 1850 she taught school in New York. Dewey's guns in Manila Bay revealed to In 1847 she began her efforts in behalf the American people a new mission. 1 of the temperance movement; in 1852 like rather to think of them as revealing she assisted in organizing the Woman's the same old mission that we read in the New York State Temperance Society. In flash of Washington's guns at York- 1854-55 she held meetings in behalf of town. female suffrage. She was a leader in the God forbid that the day should ever anti - shxvery movement, and an early come when, in the American mind, the advocate of the coeducation of women, thought of man as a " consumer " shall Greatly through her influence, the New submerge the old American thought of York legislature, in 1860, passed the act man as a creature of God, endowed with giving married women the possession of " inalienable rights." their earnings and the guardianship of Anthon, Charles, scholar and edu- their children. In 1868, with Mrs. E. C. cator; born in New York, Nov. 19, 1797. Stanton and Parker Pillsbury, she began His father, a surgeon-general in the Brit- tlie publication of the Revolutionist, a ish army, settled in New York soon after paper devoted to the emancipation of wom- the Revolution. Charles graduated at Co- en. In 1872 she cast test ballots at the lumbia College in 1815, was admitted to State and congressional elections in Roch- the bar, and in 1820 was made professor ester, N. Y., and was indicted and fined of languages in his alma mater. Pro- for illegal voting, but the fine w^as never fessor Anthon was the author of many exacted. books connected with classical studies. Antietam, Battle of. After the sur- He was made the head of the classical de- render of Harper's Ferry, Sept. 15, 1862, partment of the college as successor of Lee felt himself in a perilous position, for Professor Moore in 1835, having served as General Franklin had entered Pleasant rector of the grammar-school of the college Valley that very morning and threatened for five years. Professor Anthon was the severance of his army. Lee at once very methodical in his habits. He retired took measures to concentrate his forces, at ten o'clock and rose at four, and per- He withdrew his troops from South Moun- formed much of his appointed day's work tain and took position in the Antietam before breakfast. By industry he pro- valley, near Sharpsburg, Md. Jackson, by 180 ANTIETAM swift marches, had recrossed the Potomac and joined Lee on Antietam Creek. When the Confederates left South Mountain, Mc- Clellan's troops followed them. Lee's plans were thwarted, and he found himself compelled to fight. MeClellan Avas very cautious, for he believed the Confederates were on his front in overwhelming num- bers. It was ascertained that Lee's army did not number moi'e than 60,000. McClel- lan's effective force was 87,000. McClel- lan's army was well in hand ( Sept. 10), and Lee's was well posted on the heights near Sharpsburg, on the west- ern side of Antietam Creek, a sluggish stream with few fords, spanned by four stone bridges. On the right of the National line were the corps of Hook- er and Sumner. In the advance, and near the Antietam, General Richardson's division of Sumner's corps was posted. On a line with this was Sykes's (reg- ular) division of Porter's corps. Farther down the stream was Burnside's corps. In front of Sumner and Hooker were bat- teries of 24-pounder Parrott guns. Frank- lin's' corps and Couch's division were far- ther down the valley, and the divisions of Morrell and Humphrey, of Porter's corps, were approaching from Frederick. A de- tachment of the signal corps", under Major Myer, was on a spur of South ]\Ioimtain. As MeClellan prudently hesitated to at- tack, the Confederates put him on the de- fensive by opening an artillery fire upon the Nationals at daA\Ti (Sept. 16, 1862). He was ready for response in the course of the afternoon, when Hooker crossed the Antietam with a part of his corps, com- manded by Generals Ricketts, Meade, and Doubleday. Hooker at once attacked the Confederate left, commanded by " Stone- wall Jackson," who was soon reinforced by General Hood. Sumner was directed to send over Mansfield's corps during the night, and to hold his own in readiness to pass over the next morning. Hooker's first movement was successful. He drove back the Confederates, and his army rest- ed on their arms that night on the ground they had won. Mansfield's corps crossed in the evening, and at daA\Ti (Sept. 17) the contest was renewed by Hooker. It was obstinate and severe. The National bat- teries on the east side of the creek greatly assisted in driving the Confederates aAvay, with heavy loss, beyond a line of woods. It was at this time, when Hooker ad- vanced, that Jackson was reinforced. The Confederates swarnjed out of the works and fell heavily upon Meade, when Hooker called upon Doubleday for help. A bri- gade under General Hartsuff pressed for- ward against a heavy storm of missiles, and its leader was severely wounded. Meanwhile Mansfield's corps had been or- dered up, and before it became engaged the veteran leader was mortally wounded. The command then devolved on General Williams, who left his division in the care of General Crawford, and the latter seized a piece of woods near by. Hooker had lost heavily; Doubleday's guns had si- lenced a Confederate battery; Ricketts was struggling against constantly increasing numbers on his front; and the National line began to waver, when Hooker, in the van, was Avounded and taken from the field. Sumner sent Sedgwick to the sup- port of Crawford, and Gordon and Rich- ardson and French bore down upon the Confederates more to the left. The Nationals now held position at the Dunker Church, and seemed about to grasp the palm of victory (for Jackson and Hood were falling back), Avhen fresh Confeder- ate troops, under McLaws and Walker, supported by Early, came up. They pene-' trated the National line and drove it back, when the imflinching Doubleday gaA'e them such a storm of artillery that they, in turn, fell back to their original position. SedgAvick, twice AA'ounded, Avas carried from the field, and the command of his diA'ision deA'oh^ed on Gen. 0. 0. HoAvard. Generals CraAvford and Dana Avere also AA'ounded. Franklin Avas sent oA^er to as- sist the hard-pressed Nationals. Forming on HoAvard's left, he sent Slocum Avith his division toAvards the centre. At the same time General Smith Avas ordered to retake the ground on which there had been so much fighting, and it was done within fifteen minutes. The Confederates Avere driA'en far back. MeanAvhile the divisions of French and Richardson had been busy. The former received orders from Sumner to press on and make a diversion in favor of the right. Eichardson's division, com- posed of the brigades of Meagher, Cald- Avell, and Brooks (who had crossed the Antietam at ten o'clock), gained a good 181 ANTIETAM— ANTI-EXPANSIONISTS position. The Confederates, reinforced bj' fresh troops, fought desperately. Finally, Richardson was mortally wounded, and Gen. W. S. Hancock succeeded him in command, when a charge was made that drove the Confederates in great confusion. Night soon closed the action on the Na- tional right and centre. General Meagher had been wounded and carried from the field, when the command of his troops de- volved on Colonel Burke. During the fierce strifes of the day Porter's corps, with artil- lery and Pleasonton's cav- alry, had remained on the east side of the stream, as a reserve, until late in the afternoon, when McClellan sent over some brigades. On the morning of the 17th the left, under Burn- side, engaged in a desper- ate struggle for the pos- session of a bridge just be- low Sharpsburg. That commander had been, or- dered to cross it and at- tack the Confederates. It was a difficult task, and Burnside, exposed to a _^^ _ raking fire from the Con- "^ — ^ federate batteries and an enfilading fire from sharp- shooters, was several times repulsed. Finally, at a little past noon, two regiments charged across the bridge and drove its defenders away. The divi- sions of Sturgis, Wilcox, and Rodman, and Scammon's brigade, with four batteries, passed the bridge and drove the Confeder- ates almost to Sharpsburg. A. P. Hill, with fresh troops, fell upon Burnside's left, mortally wounding General Rodman, and driving the Nationals nearly back to the bridge. Gen. O'B. Branch, of North Carolina, was also killed in this encounter. The Confederates were checked by Nation- al artillery on the eastern side of the stream, and, reserves advancing under Sturgis, there was no further attempt to retake " the Burnside Bridge," as it was called. Hill came up just in time to save Lee's army from destruction. Darkness ended the memorable struggle known as the Battle of Antietam. The losses were very severe. McClellan report- ed his losses at 12,460 men, of whom 2,010 were killed. He estimated Lee's loss as much greater. The losses fell heavily upon certain brigades. That of Duryee retired from the field with not more than twenty men and four colors. Of the bri- gades of Lawton and Hays, on the Con- federate side, more than one-half were lost. On the morning of the 18th both parties seemed more willing to rest than to fight; and that night Lee and his ^BIJ NMlIt BIIDGI," ANTII TAM CKEKK. shattered army stole away in the darkness, recrossed the Potomac at Williamsport, and planted eight batteries on the high Virginia bank that menaced pursuers. There had been a very tardy pursuit. At dark on the evening of the 19th, Porter, who was on the left bank of the river, ordered Griffin to cross the stream with tAvo brigades and carry Lee's batteries. He captured four of the guns. On the next morning (Sept. 20) a part of Por- ter's division made a reconnoissance in force on the Virginia side, and were as- sailed by Hill in ambush, who drove them across the Potomac and captured 200 of the Nationals. I\Iaryland Heights and Harper's Ferry were retaken by the Union troops. Anti-Expansionists, an old phrase in American political history which was res- urrected during the Presidential cam- paign of 1900, and applied to those who 182 ANTI-EXPANSIONISTS were opposed to the extension of American territory which had been brought about during the first administration of Presi- dent McKinley, principally as a result of the war with Spain in 1898. The adminis- tration was charged not only by its Demo- cratic opponents, but by many able men in the Republican party, with expansionist or imperialist tendencies considered for- eign to the national policy of the country. While those who opposed the territorial expansion which had been accomplished, and also was pending, in the matter of the future of the Philippine Islands, were not sufficiently strong to organize an indepen- dent political party, the large number of them within and without the Republican party created a sharp complication in the Presidential campaign. The position of the two great parties on this issue is shown in the following extracts from the platforms adopted at their respective na- tional conventions. In the Republican platform the Philip- pine problem was treated as follows: " In accepting by the treaty of Paris the just responsibility of our victories in the Spanish War, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sover- eignty throughout the Western Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world, and with the unorganized popula- tion whom our intervention had freed from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment of good government and for the perform- ance of international obligations. Our au- thority could not be less than our responsi- bility, and wherever sovereign rights were extended, it became the high duty of the government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection, and to con- fer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by law." The Democratic platform contained two declarations on the subject, the first favor- ing a qualified expansion as follows : " We are not opposed to territorial ex- . pansion when it takes in desirable terri- tory which can be erected into States in the Union, and whose people are willing and fit to become American citizens. We favor expansion by every peaceful and le- gitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands, to be governed outside the Constitution, and whose people can never become citizens. We are in favor of ex- tending the Republic's influence among the nations, but believe that influence should be extended, not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a high and honorable example. The importance of other questions now pending before the American people is in nowise diminished, and the Democratic party takes no back- ward step from its position on them, but the burning issue of imperialism growing out of the Spanish War involves the very existence of the republic, and the destruc- tion of our free institutions. We regard it as the paramount issue of the cam- paign." In the matter of the Philippine problem, the i^latform made the following declara- tion: " We condemn and denounce the Philip- pine policy of the present administration. It has involved the republic in unneces- sary war, sacrificed the lives of many of our noblest sons, and placed the United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crushing with military force the eff'orts of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-government. The Filipi- nos cannot be citizens without endangering our civilization; they cannot be subjects without imperilling our form of govern- ment, and as we are not willing to sur- render our civilization or to convert the republic into an empire, we favor an im- mediate declaration of the nation's pur- pose to give to the Filipinos, first, a stable form of government; secondly, indepen- dence; and third, protection from outside interference, such as has been given for nearly a century to the republics of Cen- tral and South America. The greedy com- mercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the Republican administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pay, but even this sordid and un- worthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of criminal aggres- 183 ANTI-FEDERAL PARTY— ANTI-MASONIC PARTY sion against the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense of many millions, has al- ready cost more than any possible jn'ofit that could accrue from the entire Philip- pine trade for years to come. Further- more, when trade is extended at the ex- pense of liberty, the price is always too high." See also Acquisition of Terri- tory; Anjs^exed Territory, Status of; Atkinson, Edward; Bryan, William Jennings ; Imperialism. Anti-Federal Party. At the close of the war for independence the mass of the population was agricultural and demo- cratic, and devoted to the advancement of their separate commonwealths, the legislat- ures of which, under the Articles of Con- federation (see Confederation, Articles of), had seized upon the powers which the King had abandoned, and which the na- tional popular will was not yet sufficiently educated to assume. In the years from 1780 to 1787, in spite of lawlessness and bad government, great development had taken place in the United States. The commercial and creditor classes, and the Southern property owners, who had learn- ed their weaknesses and their needs, united for the control of the convention, in 1787, under the leadership of Hamilton, and a few other of the advanced thinkers, and formed the nucleus of what was soon to be called the Federal party. As the old gov- ernment had been strictly federal, or league, in its nature, it would seem nat- ural that its supporters should be called federalist, and Gerry, of Massachusetts, and a few others made some effort to secure this party title, and give their opponents that of anti-federalists or nationalists. But the object of the Constitution was to secure a strong federal government; and all who were opposed to this new feature of American polities at once accepted the name of Anti-Federalists, and opposed the ratification of the Constitution, inside and outside of the conventions. In Rhode Island and North Carolina this opposition was for a time successful, but in all the other States it was overcome, though in Pennsylvania there were strong protests of unfair treatment on the part of the Federalists. Many prominent men, such as Edmund Randolph, Robert R. Living- ston, Madison, and Jefferson, while opposed h^ nature to a strong federal government. saw in the adoption of the Constitution the only salvation for the young Repub- lic, and voted with the Federalists in this contest ; but, after the Constitution had been adopted, it was natural that these men should aim at a construction of its terms which should not give the new gov- ernment extensive power. These tempo- rary Federalists, in about 1791-93, united with the old Anti-Federalists, and the party that had absolutely opposed the Constitution, through fear of a strong central government, now became, through the same fear, the champions of the exact and literal language of the Constitution, and the opponents of every attemjjt to ex- tend its meaning by ingenious interpre- tations of its terms. The former party name was no longer applicable, and in 1792, through the influence of Jefferson, it began to be called a " Republican " party, in opposition to the " Monarchical " Federalists. It soon adopted this name, in 1793, which was afterwards lengthened into the Democrat, c - Republican j^arty. See Democratic Party. Anti-Masonic Party. In 1826 William Morgan, a citizen of western New York, announced his intention to publish a book in which the secrets of freemasonry were to be disclosed. It was printed at Bata- via, N. Y. On Sept. 11 Morgan was seized at Batavia, upon a criminal charge, by a company of men who came from Canandaigua. He was taken to that place, tried and acquitted on the criminal charge, but was immediately arrested on a civil process for a trifling debt. Fle was cast into jail there, and the next night was dis- charged by those who procured his arrest, taken from prison at nine o'clock at night, and at the door was seized and thrust into a carriage in waiting, which was driven rapidly towards Rochester. He was taken by relays of horses, by the agency of several individuals, to Fort Niagara, at the mouth of the Niagara River, and deposited in the powder magazine there. It was kno\^Ti that the freemasons had made violent at- tempts to suppress Morgan's announced book, and this outrage was charged upon the fraternity. A committee was appoint- ed, at a public meeting held at Batavia, to endeavor to ferret out the perpetrators of the outrage. They found evidences of the existence of what they believed to be 184 ANTI-MISSION BAPTISTS— ANTIQUITIES STONE IDOL AT COPAN, 13 FEKT IN HEIGHT. an extended conspiracy, with many agents and powerful motives. Similar meetings Avere held elsewhere. Public excitement became very great and wide-spread; and a strong feeling soon pervaded the public mind that the masonic institution was re- sponsible for the crime. The profound mystery in which the affair was involved gave wings to a thousand absurd rumors. Mutual criminations and recriminations became very violent, and entered into all the religious, social, and political rela- tions. A very strong anti-masonic party was soon created, at first only social in its character, but soon it became political. This feature of the party first appeared at town-meetings in the spring of 1827, where it was resolved that no mason was worthy to receive the votes of freemen. A polit- ical party for the exclusion of masons from public offices was soon spread over the State of New York and into several other States, and ran its course for several years. In 1832 a National Anti-Masonic Convention was held at Philadelphia, in which several States were represented, and William Wirt, of Virginia, was nominated for the office of President of the United States. Although the party polled a con- siderable vote, it soon afterwards disap- peared. The fate of Morgan after he reached the magazine at Fort Niagara was never positively revealed. Anti - Mission Baptists, variously known as Primitive. Old School, and Reg- ular Baptists; called Anti-Mission Bap- tists because of their opposition, begun about 1840, to the establishment of Sun- day-schools, missions, colleges, or theolog- ical schools. They hold that these institu- tions make the salvation of men dependent upon human effort rather than upon Divine grace. In 1899 they reported 2,130 ministers, 3,530 churches, and 126,000 members. Anti-Poverty Society. See Geokge, Henry; Single Tax. Antii^uities, American. A greater portion of objects which constitute Ameri- can antiquities consist of the architectural and other remains of the handiwork of the aborigines who inhabited the continent be- fore any of the present races appeared here and subjugated or displaced them; also the ruins occasioned by the Spanish 185 ANTI-REJSTT PARTY— APACHE INDIANS conquest. These are chiefly, in Central and South America, ruined temples, and, in North America, rude eartliworks, now overgrown with venerable forest trees which attest their antiquity. In connec- tion with those in the more southern re- gions, there are remains of elaborate carv- ings and ornamental potteiy. There are many features in common between the temples and other works of art in Mexico, Central America, and Peru. The explora- tions of Stephens and Catherwood ( 1840- 43) revealed to the world vast remains of cities in Central America, which were doubtless inhabited at the period of the conquest, 350 years ago. There they found carved monoliths and the remains of high- ly ornamented temples. The monoliths at Copan some antiquaries are disposed to rank, as to use, with those ruder ones at Stonehenge, in England, and older ones in Arabia. The remains of Aztec art in Mexico attest the existence of a high de- gree of civilization there at the period of their structure. So, also, the ruins of the Temple of the Sun, at Cuzco, in Peru, tell of great advancement in the arts under the empire of the Incas. These remains occupy a living place on the borders of the historic period, but the mounds in North America, showing much mathematical skill in their construction and ingenuity in their contents, have hitherto eluded the keen skill of antiquaries, who have sought in vain among prehistoric mysteries for a clew to the origin of the people who made them. See Hui Shen ; Mound-Builders. Anti-Rent Party. The greater part of Columbia, Rensselaer, Greene, Delaware, and Albany counties in the State of New York belonged to manors, the grants of which had been made to " patroons " by the Dutch West India Company, and re- newed by James II., the principal ones being E,ensselaers^vyck and Livingston. Manor. The tenants had deeds for their farms, but paid an annual rental instead of a principal sum. Dissatisfaction with this state of affairs had begun to show it- self as early as 1790, and when, in 1839, Stephen Van Rensselaer, who had allowed much of his rent to remain in arrears, died, the tenants refused to pay rents to his successor, disguised themselves as ■' Injuns," and for ten years carried on a reign of terror that practically suspended the ojjeration of law and the payment of rent in the entire district. The attempt to serve process by military aid, the so- called Heldevberg War, was unsuccessful. In 1847 and 1849 the anti-renters showed a voting strength of 5,000, adopting a part of each party ticket. In 1850 the legislature directed the attorney-general to bring suit against Harmon Livingston to try title. The suit was decided in Liv- ingston's favor, November, 1850, but a comproinise was effected, the owners sell- ing the farms at fair rates, and the ten- ants paying for them. Most of Rensse- laerswyck was sold, and of Livingston Manor, which at one time contained 162,000 acres of choice farms, only a small portion now remains in the possession of the family. Anti-Slavery Party. See Free-soil Party; Republican Party. Anti-Slavery Society, American, an organization founded in Philadelphia, Pa., in 1833, by delegates from several State and city societies in the Northern and Eastern States, the first local one hav- ing been established in Boston, Jan. 16, 1832, under the leadership of William Lloyd Garrison. The presidents of the national societj^ were Arthur Tappan, Lindley Coates, William Lloyd Garri- son, and Wendell Phillips, and in its membership were the leading abolitionists of the day. The members, individually, were subjected for many years to mob violence, and the feeling in the South against the society was exceedingly bitter. The members heroically kept together, in spite of persecution and personal as- sault, till April 9, 1870, when, on the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment to the national Constitution, the main so- ciety was disbanded. See Colonization Society, American; Liberia. Apache Indians, a branch of the Athabascan stock. They are mostly wan- derers, and have roamed as marauders over portions of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, in the United States, and several of the northern provinces of ]\Iexico. Wanderers, they do not cultivate the soil, and have only temporary chiefs to lead them. Civil government they have none. Divided into many roving bands, they re- sisted all attempts by the Spanish to civ- ilize and Christianize them, but constant- ISO APALACHE— Appomattox couRT-Housfi ly attacked these Europeans. So early as United States ships Trenton (flag-ship) 1762, it was estimated that the Apaches and Vandalia, and the German men- had desolated and depopulated 174 min- of-war Ebe7; Adler, and Olgo,, and drove ing towns, stations, and missions in the ashore the United States steamer Nipsic. province of Sonora alone. For fifty years The Calliope (British) was the only man- a bold chief — -Mangas Colorado — led pow- of-war in the harbor that succeeded in erful bands to war ; and since the annexa- escaping to sea. The town and its vicinity tion of their territory to the United were the scene, in 1899, of a series of fatal States, they have given its government riots, growing out of the claims of Ma- more trouble than any of the Western taafa and Malietoa. Tanus to the king- Indians. Colorado was killed in 1863. ship. Several American and British naval Though fierce in war, they never scalp or officers were killed or wounded, April 1, torture their enemies. A Great Spirit in subduing the native mob. is the central figure in their simple sys- Appleton, Nathan and Samuel, mer- tem of theology, and they reverence as chants and philanthropists; brothers; sacred certain animals, especially a pure horn in New Ipswich, N. H., in 1779 and white bird. In 1900 the members of the 1766 respectively; engaged in the cotton tribe in the United States were classified manufacturing business, as partners; were as Coyotera, Jicarilla, Mescalero, San Car- founders of the city of Lowell, Mass., los, Tonto, and White Mountain Apaches, which grew up around their many mills, and were located in Arizona, New Mexico, Both were widely known for their benevo- and Oklahoma. They numbered 6,113. lence. Nathan set up the first power loom Apalache, Apalacha, Apalachi, or in the United States, in his Waltham mill. Appalachee, various forms of the name Nathan died in 1861 ; Samuel, in 1853. of a tribe of North American Indians who Appomattox Court - House, the seat dwelt in the vicinity of St. Mark's River, of government of Appomattox county, Va., Florida, with branches extending north- about 25 miles east of Lynchburg; famous ward to the Appalachian range. They as the scene of the surrender of General were known, his- torically, as far back as 1526. The settlements of the tribe were men- tioned in a peti- tion to King Charles II., of Spain, in 1688, and it is believed that the tribe became broken up and scattered about 1702, the members becoming absorbed in other tribes. Apia, the prin- cipal town and commercial port of the Samoan Isl- ands, in the South Pacific Ocean, situ- ated on the north ji'lban's house, the place op lee's surrender. coast of the island of Upolu. The harbor is small, but, Lee to General Grant. The Army of ordinarily, a safe one. In March, 1889, Northern Virginia was reduced by famine, the island and harbor were swept by disease, death, wounds, and capture to a a terrific hurricane, which wrecked the feeble few. These struggled against 1S7 APPOMATTOX COURT-HOUSE— APPROPRIATIONS BY CONGRESS enormous odds with almost unexampled fortitude, but were compelled to yield to overwhelming numbers and strength. On April 8, a portion of Sheridan's cavalry, under General Custer, supported by De- vine, captured four Confederate supply- trains at Appomattox Station, on the Lynchburg Railroad. Lee's vanguard ap- proaching, were pushed back to Appomat- tox Court-House, 5 miles northward — near which was Lee's main army — losing twen- ty-five guns and many wagons and prison- ers. Sheridan hurried forward the remain- der of his command, and on that evening he stood directly across Lee's pathway of retreat. Lee's last avenue of escape was closed, and on the following day he met General Grant at the residence of Wilmer McLean, at Appomattox Court-House, to consummate an act of surrender. The two commanders met, with courteous recogni- tion, at 2 P.M., on Palm Sunday (April 9 ) . Grant was accompanied by his chief of staff, Colonel Parker ; Lee was attend- ed by Colonel Marshall, his adjutant-gen- eral. The terms of surrender were discussed and settled, in the form of a written proposition by Grant, and a written ac- ceptance by Lee, and at 3.30 p.m. they were signed. The terms prescribed by the suggestion of Lee, agreed to allow such cavalrymen of the Confederate army as owned their own horses to retain them, as they would, he said, need them for tilling their farms. Lee now returned to llichmond, where his family resided. He had started on that campaign with 6.5,000 men, and he returned alone; and for a month afterwards he and his family were kindly furnished with daily rations from the national commissariat at Richmond. Lee had lost, during the movements of his army from March 20, to April 9, about 14,000 men killed and wounded, and 25,- 000 made prisoners. The number of men paroled was about 26,000, of whom not more than 9,000 had arms in their hands. About 16,000 small-arms were surrendered, 150 cannon, 71 colors, about 1,100 wagons and caissons, and 4,000 horses and mules. iSee IjEe, Robert Edward. Apportionment, Congressional, the popular name of a bill enacted by Congress after every enumeration of the inhabitants of the republic or the decennial census, determining the total number of members to be sent to the House of Representa- tives from each State of the Union. The ratio of representation, since the founda- tion of the government, has been as fol- lows: From 1789 to 1793 as provided bv the United States Constitution 30,000 " 1793 " 1803 based on the' United States Census of 1790 33,000 " 1803 " 1813 " " •' '; 1800 33.000 " 1813 " 1823 " " " '' 1810 3.5,000 " 1823 " 1833 " " " " 1820 40,000 " 1833 " 1843 " " " " 1830 47,700 " 1843 " 18.53 " " " " 1840 70,680 " 1853 " 1863 " " " " 1850 93,420 " 1863 " 1873 " " " " 1860 127,381 " 1873 "1883 " " " " 1870 131,425 " 1883 '.' 1893 " -" " " 1880 151,912 " 1893 •• 1UU3 " ■' " " 1890 173,901 " 1903 " 1913 " " " " 1900 193,175 Grant were extraordinary, under the cir- Appropriations by Congress. The cumstances, in their leniency and mag- Congress of the United States makes ap- nanimity, and Lee w^as much touched propriations for the expenses of the gov- by them. They simply required Lee and ernment for each fiscal year ending June his men to give their parole of honor 30. The following is a list of the different that they would not take up arms objects for which the appropriations are against the government of the United made: States until regularly exchanged; gave to the officers their side-arms, baggage, and private horses; and pledged the faith of the government that they should not be punished for their treason and re- bellion so long as they should respect that parole and be obedient to law. Grant, at Deficiencies. Lerrislative, executive, and judicial. Sundry civil. Army. Navy. Indian. River and harbor. Forts and fortiflcations. Military Academy. Post-office Department. Pensions. Consular and Diplomatic. Agricultural Department. District ol Columbia. Miscellaneous. 188 ^y<}. ^rv^ AQUEDUCTS— AQXJIA CREEK The accompanying table will show that called out the militia of that State, ap- the total amount of appropriation in- pointing no fewer than twenty places as creases with each Congress. points of rendezvous, one-fourth of which APPROPRIATIOxMS BY CONGRESS, 1894 -1901. 1894. 1895. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1899. 1900. 1901. Deficiende8 Legislative, Executive, $•21,220,495 2I,866,.303 27,550,158 24,225,640 22,104,061 1,884,240 14,166,163 2,210,055 432,556 Indefinite. 166,531,350 1,557,445 3,323,500 5,413,224 520,666 $9,450,820 21,343,977 25,856,432 23,592,885 25,366,827 10,754,733 20,043,180 2,427,004 406,535 Indefinite. 151,681,570 1,669,787 3,226,915 6,544,297 623,858 $3,519,981 21,886,818 35,096,045 23,252,608 29,416,077 8,762,751 11,452,115 1,904,558 464,262 Indefinite. 141,381,570 1,574,459 3,303,760 5,745,443 297,668 $13,900,106 21,519,751 29,812,113 23,278,403 30,662,661 7,390,497 16,944,147 7,377,888 449,562 Indefinite. 141,328,580 1,643,569 3,256,632 5,900,319 423,304 $8,594,447.64 21,690,766.90 34,344,970.47 23,129,344.30 33,003,234.19 7,674,120.89 19,266,412.91 9,517,141.00 479,572.83 Indefinite. 141,263,880.00 1,695,308.76 3,182,902.06 6,186,991.06 1,160,464.69 $347,165,001.82 21,625,846.65 33,997,762.70 23,193,392.00 56,098,783.68 7,673,864.90 14,492,459.56 9,377,494.00 458,689.23 Indefinite. 141,233,830.00 1,752,208.76 3,509,202.00 6,426,880.07 6,044,898.26 $46,882,724.75 23,394,051.86 39,.381,733.86 80,430,204.06 48,099,969.58 7,504,775.81 25,100,038.94 4,909,902.00 676,774.47 Indefinite. 145,233,830.00 1,714,533.76 3,726,022.00 6,834,635.77 28,721,663.41 $13,767,008.76 24,176,652.53 49,594,309.70 114,220,095.55 61,140,916.67 8,197,989.24 16,176,605.75 7,383,628.00 674,306.67 Indefinite. 146,245,230.00 1,771,168.76 4,023,500.00 7,677,369.31 3,205,362.05 Support of the Army... >'aval Service Rivers and Harbors Forts and Fortifications. Military Academy PoBt-OtJice Department Consular and Diplom... Agricultural Department District of Columbia Miscellaneous $301,788,820 $293,057,105 $302,786,386 $311,179,557.54 $673,050,293.63 $462,609,750.27 $457,152,142.93 Aqueducts. Artificial channels or con- duits for conveying water, especially for supplying large cities. The Greeks and Romans constructed enormous works of this kind, some of which are still in ex- istence after continuous use of over 2,000 years. The best preserved Greek aqueduct is the one still in use at Syracuse. The most famous Roman aqueducts were the Aqua Apia, 10 miles in length; the Aqua Martia, 60 miles; the Aqua Julia, 15 miles, and the Aqua Claudia, 4G miles. With the exception of the Claudia, all these were constructed before the birth of Christ. Among the most important aque- ducts in the United States are the fol- lowing: The old Croton, New York City, tuilt 1837-42, length, 8814 miles, capacity, 100 million gallons daily. The new Cro- ton, built 1884-90, length SOy, miles, ca- pacity, 250 million gallons daily. Wash- ington Aqueduct, built 1852-59, two 4- foot pipes. Boston, from Sudbury River, built 1875-78, length, 16 miles. Balti- more, from Gunpowder River, built 1875- 81, length, 7 miles. The Sutro tunnel, 4 miles long, constructed to drain the Com- stock Lode, Nevada, at a depth of 1,600 feet. It was chartered February 4, 1865, and completed June 30, 1879. Many im- portant works for the purpose of irriga- tion are now under construction in the Western States of the Union. Aquia Creek, Engagement at. Alarm- ed by the gathering of troops at Wash- ington, Governor Letcher, of Virginia, by command of the Confederate government. were west of the mountains, for the Con- federates were threatened by Ohio and Indi- ana volunteers. His proclamation was is- sued May 3, 1861. Batteries were erected on the Virginia branch of the Potomac, be- low Washington, for the purpose of ob- structing the navigation of that stream and preventing supplies reaching Wash- ington that way. At the middle of May, Capt. J. H. Ward, a veteran officer of the navy, was placed in command of a flotilla on the Potomac, which he had organized, composed of four armed pro- pellers. On his way to Washington from Hampton Roads, he had captured two schooners filled with armed Confed- erates. He then patrolled that river, reconnoitring the banks in search of bat- teries which the Virginians had con- structed. On the heights at Aquia Creek (the terminus of a railway from Rich- mond), 55 miles below Washington, he found formidable works, and attacked them. May 31, with his flag-ship, Thomas Freehorn, and the gunboats Anacosta and Resolute. For two hours a sharp conflict was kept up, and the batteries were si- lenced. Ward's ammunition for long range was exhausted, and on the slacking of his fire the batteries opened again. Unable to reply at that distance, Ward withdrew, but resumed the conflict the fol- lowing day, in company with the Paionee, Capt. S. C. Rowan. The struggle last- ed more than five hours. Twice the bat- teries on shore were silenced, but their fire was renewed each time. The Paionee 189 AQUIDAY— ARBITBATION was badly bruised, but no person on board the Arkansas and Platte rivers. They of her nor on Ward's flotilla was killed. were great hunters, and fifty years ago Aquiday, or Aquetnet. The native numbered 10,000 souls. With the disap- name of Rhode Island. pearance of tl^e buffalo they have rapid- Arapahoe Indians, one of the five ly decreased. In 1900 one branch, num- tribes constituting the Blackfeet confed- bering 1,011, was located in Oklahoma, eracy, residing near the headwaters of and a second, numbering 829, in Wyoming. ARBITRATION Arbitration, International. In 1897 land or the United States could demand the friends of arbitration the Avorld over a review of the award. In that case a were exceedingly depressed over a defeat tribunal of five members was to be formed which the principle sustained at the hands in the same manner as the smaller one, of the United States Senate. By a close and King Oscar was still to be referee, vote on April 13, the Senate rejected in Boundary qiiestions were to be submitted toto a measure providing for the arbitra- to a tribunal of six members, and the tion of all disputes that may arise be- award must be unanimous. In case this tween the United States and Great Brit- could not be secured, the countries were ain. This general arbitration measure to agree to adopt no hostile measures un- arose from the Venezuela trouble. On til the mediation of two or more friendly March 5, 1896, Lord Salisbury submitted powers had been invoked. The treaty was to Secretary Olney a suggested treaty in to remain in force five years. The failure regard to the Venezuelan matter. On of the treaty does not mean that the April 11, Secretary Olney proposed a few United States is averse to arbitration as amendments to the treaty, and also sug- a means of settling national difficulties, gested that a general treaty for the arbi- This country has always been foremost tration of all difficulties might be con- in that line. But circumstances were eluded along the same lines. The draft of against the measure at that time. At the this general treaty was made public Jan. very moment Great Britain was negotiat- 13, 1897, and at once the project became ing the treaty with the United States, her the subject of debate here and abroad. In war-ships were firing upon the patriots of England the proposed treaty was cordially Crete. One of the great forces in the received and promptly ratified and sent United States in favor of arbitration is to this country. In the United States there the International Peace Society, originally was a great conflict of ideas concern- formed in England. Its first great con- ing the measure. The treaty provided vention was held in London in 18.51. The for the arbitration of all matters in dif- submission of the Venezuelan question to ference between the countries which could arbitration marked the eighteenth question not be adjusted by diplomatic correspond- that had thus been disposed of by the ence. Matters involving pecuniary claims United States and the twenty-sixth that to the maximum extent of $500,000 were England had thus submitted. See Bering to be settled by a board of three arbi- Sea Arbitration ; Arbitration, Tribunal trators, composed of a juror of repute se- of, for "Alabama Claims"; "Vene- lected one by each country, these two to zuela " and " Cle\'eland, Grovee" for agree upon a third. If the two arbitrators Venezuela Arbitration, etc. failed to agree upon a third, he was to Arbitration, International Court of, be selected by King Oscar of Sweden. In a court for the arbitration of disputes respect to matters involving a larger sum, between nations, provided by the Uni- or in respect to territorial claims, the versal Peace Conference at The Hague in m.atter was first to go before a board con- 1899, and made operative by the adhe- stituted as above described, and if the sion of the signatory nations and the three arbitrators came to a unanimous appointment by them of members of the decision their report was to be final. But court. if they were not unanimous, either Eng- The Arbitration Treaty consists of six- 190 AUBITRATION ty-one articles, divided into four titles: First, On the Maintenance of General Peace, consisting of one declaratory arti- cle; secondly. On Good Offices and Media- tion; thirdly. On International Commis- sions of Inquiry; fourthly. On Inter- national Arbitration. The following is a summary of the treaty : Article 1. With the object of preventing, as far as possible, recourse to force in inter- national relations, the signatory powers agree to use all endeavors to effect by pacific means a settlement of the differences which may arise among them. Article 2. The signatory powers decide that in cases of serious differences or conflict they will, before appealing to arms, have recourse, so far as circumstances permit, to the good offices or mediation of one or several friendly powers. Article 3. Independently of this, the sig- natory powers deem it useful that several of the powers not committed to the arbitra- tion scheme shall, on their own initiative, offer, as far as circumstances permit, their good offices or mediation to the contending states. The right of offering their good offices belongs to powers not connected with the conflict, even during the course of hos- tilities, which act can never be regarded as an unfriendly act. Article 4. The part of mediator consists in reconciling conflicting claims and appeas- ing resentment which may have arisen be- tween contending states. Article 5. The functions of mediator cease from the moment it may be stated by one of the contending parties, or by the mediator himself, that the compromise or basis of an amicable understanding proposed by him has not been accepted. Article 6. Good offices and mediation have the exclusive character of counsel, and are devoid of obligatory force. Article 7. The acceptance of mediation unless otherwise stipulated, may have the effect of interrupting the obligation of pre- paring for war. If the acceptance super- venes after the opening of hostilities it shall not interrupt, unless by a convention of a con- trary tenor, military operations that may be proceeding. Article 8. The signatory powers agree in commending the application of special media- tion in the event of threatened interruption of peace between members. Contending states may each choose a power to which they will intrust the mission of entering into a negoti- ation with a power chosen by the other side with the object of preventing a rupture of pa- cific relations, or, in the event of hostilities, of restoring peace. Articles 9 to 14 provide for the institu- tion of a'n international commission of inquiry for the verification of facts in cases of minor disputes not affecting the vital interest or honor of states, but im- possible of settlement by ordinary diplo- macy. The report of an inquiry commis- sion will not force an arbitral judgment, leaving the contending parties full liberty to either conclude an amicable arrange- ment on the basis of the report or have recourse ulteriorly to mediation or arbi- tration. Articles 15 to 19 set forth the general object of and benefits it is hoped to derive from the arbitration court, and declare that signing the convention implies an un- dertaking to submit in good faith to ar- bitral judgment. The summary of the proposed treaty continues: Article 20. With the object of facilitating an immediate recourse to arbitration for in- ternational diffei-ences not regulated by dip- lomatic means the signatory powers undertake to organize in the following manner a per- manent court of arbitration, accessible at all times and exercising its functions, unless oth- erwise stipulated, between the contending parties in conformity with the rules of pro- cedure inserted in the present convention. Article 21. This court is to have compe- tency in all arbitration cases, unless the con- tending parties come to an understanding for the establishment of special arbitration jurisdiction. Article 22. An international bureau estab- lished at The Hague and placed under the di- rection of a permanent secretary-general will serve as the office of the court. It will be the intermediary for communications concern- ing meetings. The court is to have the cus- tody of archives and the management of all administrative affairs. Article 23. Each of the signatory powers shall appoint within three months of the ratification of the present article not more than four persons of recognized competence in questions of international law, enjoying the highest moral consideration, and prepared to accept the functions of arbitrator. The per- sons thus nominated will be entered as mem- bers of the court on a list, which will be com- municated by the bureau to all the signatory powers. Any modification of the list will be brought by the bureau to the knowledge of the signatory powers. Two or more powers may agree together regarding the nomination of one or more members, and the same person may be chosen by different powers. Members of the court are to be appointed for the term of six years. The appointments are renew- able. In case of the death or resignation of a member of the court, the vacancy is to be filled in accordance with the regulations made for the original nomination. Article 24. The signatory powers who de- sire to apply to the court for a settlement of differences shall select from the general list a number of arbitrators, to be fixed by agree- ment. They will notify the bureau of their intention of applying to the court, and give 191 ARBITRATION the names of the arbitrators they may have selected. In the absence of a conven- tion to the contrary an arbitral tribunal is to be constituted in accordance with the rules of Article 1. Arbitrators thus nominated to form an arbitral tribunal for a matter or question Vi'ill meet on the date fixed by the contending parties. Article 25. The tribunal will usually sit at The Hague, but may sit elsewhere by con- sent of the contending parties. Article 26. The powers not signing the convention may apply to the court under the conditions prescribed by the present conven- tion. Article 27. The signatory powers may consider it their duty to call attention to the existence of the permanent court to any of their friends between whom a conflict is threatening, which must always be regarded as a tender of good offices. The United States delegates attaclied to their acceptance of Article 27 the follow- ing declaration : " Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to require the United States of America to depart from its traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or en- tangling itself in the political questions or internal administration of any foreign state; nor shall anything contained in said convention be so construed as to re- quire the relinquishment by the United States of America of its traditional atti- tude towards purely American questions." Article 28. A permanent council, composed of the diplomatic representatives of the sig- natory powers residing at The Hague and the Netherlands Foreign Minister, who will ex- ercise the functions of president, will be con- stituted at The Hague as soon as possible after the ratification of the present act. The council will be charged to establish and or- ganize an international bureau, which will remain under its direction and control. The council will notify the powers of the consti- tution of the court and arrange its installa- tion, draw up the standing orders and other necessary regulations, will decide questions likely to arise in regard to the working of the tribunal, have absolute powers concern- ing the appointment, suspension, or dismissal of functionaries or employees, will fix the emoluments and salaries, and control the gen- eral expenditure. The presence of five mem- bers at duly convened meetings will consti- tute a quorum. Decisions are to be taken by a majority of the votes. The council will ad- dress annually to the signatory powers a re- port of the labors of the court, the working of its administrative services, and of its expendi- ture. Article 29. The expenses of the bureau are to be borne by the signatory powers in the proportion fixed for the International Bureau of the Universal Postal Union. Article 30. The powers who accept arbi- 19 tration will sign a special act, clearly defining the object of the dispute, as well as the scope of the arbitrators. The powers' act confirms the undertaking of the parties to submit in good faith to the arbitration judgment. Article 31. Arbitration functions may be conferred upon a single arbitrator, or on sev- eral arbitrators designated by the parties at their discretion, or chosen from among the members of the permanent court established by the present act. Unless otherwise decided, the formation of the arbitration tribunal is to be effected as follows : Each party will ap- point two arbitrators, who will choose a chief arbitrator. In case of a division, the selection is to be intrusted to a third power, whom the parties will designate. If an agreement is not effected in this manner, each party is to designate a different power, and the choice of a chief arbitrator is to devolve upon them. Article 32. When an arbitrator is a sover- eign, or head of a state, the arbitral proce- dure depends exclusively on his august deci- sion. Article 33. Tlie chief arbitrator is presi- dent de jure. When the tribunal does not contain a chief of arbitration, the tribunal may appoint its own president. He may be designated by the contending parties, or, falling this, by the arbitration tribunal. Articles 34 to 50 provide for the ap- pointment of councillors, the selection of the languages to be employed, and the rules of procedure in the court, whose sittings are to be behind closed doors. Article 51 provides that a judgment agreed to by a majority vote is to be set forth in writing, giving the full rea- sons, and is to be signed by each member, the minority recording its dissent and signing it. Articles 52 and 53 direct that the decision of the court shall be read at a public sitting in the presence of the agents or counsel of the contending par- ties, who shall finally decide the matter at issue and close the arbitration proceed- ings. The concluding clauses relate to the re- vision of proceedings in the case of the discovery of a new fact, and provide that each power shall bear its own expenses and agreed share of the cost of the tri- bunal without reference to the penalties imposed. See Peace Conference. The Senate of the United States having ratified the arbitration treaty, President McKinley appointed the American mem- bers of the court in 1900 (see below). On Feb. 1, 1901, fifteen nations, em- bracing all the maritime powers, had ap- pointed their members. The official roster then was as follows: 2 ARBITIIATI0I3" AtJSTEIA-flUNGAET. His Excellency Count Frederic Schonborn, LL.D., president of the Imperial Royal Court of Administrative Justice, former Austrian Minister of Justice, member of the House of Lords of the Austrian Par- liament, etc. His Excellency Mr. D. de Szilagyi. ex-Min- ister of Justice, member of the House of Deputies of the Hungarian Parliament. Count Albert Apponyi, member of the Cham- ber of Magnates and of the Chamber of Deputies of the Hungarian Parliament, etc. Mr. Henri Lammasch, LL.D., member of the House of Lords of the Austrian Parliament, etc. BELGIUM. His Excellency Mr. Beernaert, Minister of State, member of the Chamber of Represen- tatives, etc. His Excellency Baron Lambermont, Minister of State, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- ister Plenipotentiary, Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Chevalier Descamps, Senator. Mr. Rolin Jacquemyus, ex-Minister of the In- terior. DENMABK. Prof. 11. Matzen. LL.D., Professor of the Copenhagen University, Counsellor Extraor- dinary of the Supreme Court, President of the Landsthing. FEANCE. M. Leon Bourgeois, Deputy, ex-President of the Cabinet Council, ex-Minister for For- eign Affairs. M. de Laboulaye. ex-Ambassador. Baron Destournelles de Constant, Minister Plenipotentiary, Deputy. M. Louis Renault, Minister Plenipotentiary, Professor in the Faculty of Law at Paris, Law Office of the Department of Foreign Affairs. GEEMANY. His Excellency Mr. Bingner, LL.D., Privy Councillor, Senate President of the Impe- rial High Court at Leipsic. Mr. von Frantzius, Privy Councillor, Solicitor of the Department of Foreign Affairs at Berlin. Mr. von Martitz, LL.D., Associate Justice of the Superior Court of Administrative Jus- tice in Prussia, Professor of Law at the Berlin University. Mr. von Bar, LL.D., Judicial Privy Coun- cillor, Professor of Law at the Gottingen University. GREAT BEITAIN. His Excellency the Right Honorable Lord Pauncefote of Preston, G.C.B., G.C.M.G., Privy Councillor, Ambassador at Washing- ton. The Right Honorable Sir Edward Baldwin Malet, ex-Ambassador. The Right Honorable Sir Edward Fry, mem- ber of the Privy Council, Q.C. Professor John Westlake, LL.D., Q.C. ITALt. His Excellency Count Constantin Nigra, Sen- ator of the Kingdom, Ambassador at Vi- enna. His Excellency Commander Jean Baptiste Pa- gano Guarnaschelli, Senator of the King- dom, First I'resident of the Court of Cassa- tion at Rome. His Excellency Count Tornielli Brusati di Vergano, Senator of the Kingdom, Ambas- sador to Paris. Commander Joseph Zanardelli, Attorney at Law, Deputy to the National Parliament. Mr. I. Motono, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- ister Plenipotentiary at Brussels. Mr. H. Willard Denison, Law Officer of the Minister for Foreign Affairs at Tokio. NETHEELANDS. Mr. T. M. C. Asser, LL.D., member of the Council of State, ex-Professor of the Uni- versity of Amsterdam. Mr. F. B. Coninck Liefsting, LL.D., President of the Court of Cassation. Jonkheer A. F. de Savornin Lohman, LL.D., ex-Minister of the Interior, ex-Professor of the Free University of Amsterdam, member of the Lower House of the States-Gen- eral. Jonkheer G. L. M. H. Ruis de Beerenbrouck, ex-Minister of Justice, Commissioner of the Queen in the Province of Limbourg. POETUGAL. Count de Macedo, Peer of the Realm, ex- Minister of Marine and Colonies, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at Madrid. RUIIANIA. Mr. Theodore Rosetti, Senator, ex-President of the High Court of Cassation and Jus- tice. Mr. Jean Kalindero, Administrator of the Crown Domain, ex-Judge of the High Court of Cassation and Justice. Mr. Eugene Statsco, ex-President of the Sen- ate, ex-Minister of Justice and Foreign Af- fairs. Mr. Jean N. Lahovari, Deputy, ex-Envoy Ex- traordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mr. N. v. Mouravieff, Minister of Justice, Ac- tive Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of His Majesty the Emperor. Mr. C. P. Pobedonostzeff, Attorney-General of the Most Holy Synod, Active Privy Coun- cillor. Secretary of State of His Majesty the Emperor. Mr. E.V. Frisch, President of the Department of Legislation of the Imperial Council, Ac- tive Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of His Majesty the Emperor. Mr. de Martens, Privy Councillor, permanent member of the Council of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I. — N 193 ARBITBATION— ARBUTHNOT AND AMBRISTEE, dent of the Swiss Confederation each to appoint an arbiti-ator. The Emperor ap- pointed Baron d'ltazuba, the King chose Count Frederick Sclopis, and the President of the Swiss Confederation appointed James Staempfli. J. C. Bancroft Davis was appointed agent of the United States, and Lord Tenterden that of Great Britain. These several gentlemen formed the " Tri- bunal of Arbitration." They assembled at Geneva, Switzerland, Dec. 15, 1871, when Count Sclopis was chosen to preside. After two meetings they adjourned to the mid- die of January, 1872. A final meeting was held in September the same year, and on the 14th of that month they announced their decision on the Alabama claims. That decision was a decree that the gov- ernment of Great Britain should pay to the government of the United States the sum of $15,500,000 in gold, to be given to citizens of the United States in payment s, Attorney-General of the of losses incurred by the depredations of the Alabama and other Anglo-Confederate cruisers. That amount was paid into the treasury of the United States a year af- terwards. The question of boundary on the Pacific coast was referred to the Em- peror of Germany, who decided in favor of the claims of the United States to the possession of the island of San Juan. Arbor Day, a day set apart to encour- age the voluntary planting of trees by the people; inaugurated by jSTebraska State Board of Agriculture, in 1874, who so designated the second Wednesday in April, and recommended that all public school children should be urged to observe it by setting out young trees; and now ob- served as either a legal holiday or a school holiday by nearly every State and Ter- ritory in the country. Arbuthnot and Ambrister, Case of. Alexander Arbuthnot, a Scotchman, then nearly seventy years of age, went to Flori- da from New Providence in his ovm schooner in 1817, to trade with the Ind- SPAIN. His Excellency the Duke of Tetuan, ex-Min- ister of Foreign Affairs, Senator of the Kingdom, Grandee of Spain. Mr. Bienvenido Oliver, Director-General of the Ministry of Justice, ex-Delegate of Spain to the Conference on Private Inter- national Law at The Hague. Dr. Manuel Torres Campos, Professor of In- ternational Law at the University of Grenada, associate member of the Institute of International Law. SWEDEN AND NORWAY. Mr. S. R. D. K. d'Olivecrona, member of the International Law Institute, ex-Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the King- dom of Sweden, Doctor of Laws and Let- ters at Stockholm. Mr. G. Gram, es-Minister of State of Norway, Governor of the Province of Hamar, Nor- way. UNITED STATES. Mr. Benjamin Harrison, ex-President of the United States. Mr. Melville W. Fuller, Chief-Justice of the United States. Mr. John W. Gri United States. Mr. George Gray, United States Circuit Judge. First Secretary of the Court- sen. Second Secretary of the Court Roell. ■J. J. Rochus- — Jonkheer W. THE ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL. The Administrative Council consists of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands and the diplomatic represen- tatives at The Hague of the ratifying powers. Secretary-General— Mr. R. Melvil, Baron van Leyden, Judge of the District Court of Utrecht and a member of the First Cham- ber of the States-General. Arbitration. See American National Arbitration Board. Arbitration, Tribunal of, in the his- tory of the United States and Great Brit- ain, the name of that body of arbitrators appointed under the treaty negotiated by the Joint High Commission (g. v.) prin- cipally to settle the claims of the United ians. Ambrister, born in London in 1785, States against Great Britain, growing out was a lieutenant in the English marine of the depredations of the Confederate man-of-war Alabama (see Alabama, The). For arbitrators, the United States ap- pointed Charles Francis Adams, and Great Britain Sir Alexander Cockburn. The two governments jointly invited the Emperor of Brazil, the King of Italy, and the Presi- service, and was present at the battle of Waterloo. For fighting a duel with a brother officer he was suspended for one year. While with his uncle, the governor of New Providence, he met Arbuthnot, with whom he visited Florida. Here it was alleged they became implicated in 194 AEBUTHNOT— ARCTIC EXPLORATION Indian difficulties that General Jackson was sent to quell in 1818. By order of General Jackson, Arbuthnot and Ambris- ter were seized and tried by a military court, convened April 26, 1818, at Fort St. Marks, Fla., Gen. Ed. P. Gaines, presi- dent, for inciting the Creek Indians to war against the United States. Ambrister made no defence, but threw himself on the mercy of the court. Arbuthnot was sen- tenced to be hanged. Ambrister was first sentenced to be shot, but his sentence was commuted to fifty stripes on the bare back, and confinement at hard labor, with ball and chain, for one year. General Jack- son disapproved the commutation, and ordered the original sentence in both cases to be carried out, which was done April 30, 1818. This arbitrary act of Jackson created great excitement at the time, and the attention of Congress was called to it. See Jackson, Andrew. Arbuthnot, Marriott, British naval ofiicer; born about 1711; became a post- captain in 1747. From 1775 to 1778 he was naval commissioner resident at Hali- MARRIOTT ARBUTHNOT. fax, Nova Scotia. Having been raised to the rank of vice-admiral in 1779, he ob- tained the chief command on the American station, and was blockaded by the Count d'Estaing in the harbor of New York. In the spring of 1780 he co-operated with Sir Henry Clinton in the siege of Charles- ton, S. C. In February, 1793, he became admiral of the blue. He died in London, Jan. 31, 1794. Archdale, John, English colonial gov- ernor; born in Buckinghamshire of Quaker parents. He had taken great interest in colonial schemes, and was one of the Caro- lina proprietors. In their scheme he had been a great helper. His eldest sister, Mary, had married Ferdinando Gorges, grandson of Sir Ferdinando, who was gov- ernor of Maine, and in 1659 published Ame7-ica Painted from Life. Archdale had been in Maine as Gorges's agent in 1664, was in North Carolina in 1686, and was commissioner for Gorges in Maine in 1687-88. On his arrival in South Carolina as governor, in 1694, Archdale formed a commission of sensible and moderate men, to whom he said, at their first meeting. " I believe I may appeal to your serious and rational observations whether I have not already so allayed your heats as that the distinguishing titles thereof are so much withered away; and I hope this meeting with you will wholly extinguish them, so that a solid settlement of this hopeful colony may ensue ; and by so do- ing, your posterity will bless God for so happy a conjunction." He told them why he had been sent, and said, " And now you have heard of the proprietors' inten- tions of sending me hither, I doubt not but the proprietors' intentions of choosing you were much of the same nature; I ad- vise you, therefore, to proceed soberly and mildly in this weighty concern; and I question not but we shall answer you in all things that are reasonable and honor- able for us to do. And now, friends, I have given you the reasons of my calling you so soon, which was the consideration of my own mortality [he was then nearly seventy years of age], and that such a considerable trust might not expire use- less to you; and I hope the God of peace will prosper your counsels herein." Arch- dale was one of the proprietors of North Carolina, and, arriving there in the sum- mer of 1695, had a very successful though brief administration. Elected to Parlia- ment in 1698, he would only affirm, in- stead of taking the required oath, and was not allowed to take his seat in con- sequence. Arctic Exploration. During almost four hundred years efforts have been made by European navigators to discover a passage for vessels through the Arctic seas to India, The stories of Marco Polo 195 ARCTIC EXPLORATION of the magnificent countries in Eastern Asia and adjacent islands — Cathay and Zipangi, China and Japan — stimulated desires to accomplish such a passage. The Cabots (g. V.) went in the direction of the pole, northwestward, at or near the close of the fifteenth century, and pene- was instructed to attempt to penetrate the polar sea by Bering Strait. He went only as far as 70° 45'. In 1817 Captain Ross and Lieutenant Parry sailed for the polar sea from England ; and the same year Captain Buchan and Lieutenant ( Sir John) Franklin went in an easterly direc- trated as far north as 67° 30', or half-way tion on a similar errand, namely, to reach up to (present) Davis Strait. The next the north pole. At this time the chief ob- explorers were the brothers Cortereal, who ject of these explorations was scientific, made three voyages in that direction, and not commercial. Buchan and Frank- 1500-02. In 1553 Sir Hugh Willoughby lin went by way of Spitzbergen; but they set out to find a northwest passage to In- only penetrated to 80° 34'. Ross and dia, but was driven back from Nova Zem- bla, and perished on the shore of Lapland. In 1576-78 Martin Frobisher made three voyages to find a northwest passage into Parry entered Lancaster Sound, explored its coasts, and Ross returned with the impression that it was a bay. Parry did not agree with him in this opinion, and the Pacific Ocean, and discovered the en- he sailed on a further exploration in 1819. trance to Hudson Bay. Between 1585 and He advanced farther in that direction than 1587 John Davis discovered the strait that any mariner before him, and approached bears his name. The Dutch made strenu- the magnetic pole, finding the compass of ous efforts to discover a northeast pas- little use. On Sept. 4, 1819, Parry an- sage. William Barentz (g. v.) made three voyages in that direction in 1594- 96, and perished on his third voyage. Henry Hudson tried to round the north nounced to his crew that they were en- titled to $20,000 offered by Parliament for reaching so westerly a point in that region, for they had passed the 110th of Europe and Asia in 1607-08, but failed, meridian. There they were frozen in for and, pushing for the lower latitudes of the about a year. Parry sailed again in American coast, discovered the river that 1821. bears his name. While on an expedition Meanwhile an overland expedition, led to discover a northwest passage, he found by Franklin, had gone to co-operate with Hudson Bay, and perished (1610) on its Parry. They were absent from home about bosom. In 1616 Balfin explored the bay three years, travelled over 5,000 miles, and called by his name, and entered the mouth accomplished nothing. They had endured of Lancaster Sound. After that, for fifty years, no navigator went so far north in that direction. In 1720 the Hudson Bay Company sent great suffering. Parry, also, accomplished nothing, and returned in October, 1823. Other English expeditions followed in the same direction, by land and water. Sir Captains Knight and Barlow to search for John Franklin and others went overland, and Parry by sea, on a joint expedition, r.nd Captain Beechey was sent around Cape Horn to enter Bering Strait and push eastward to meet Parry. Franklin explored the North American coast, but nothing else was accomplished by these expeditions. Mr. Scoresby, a whaleman, and his son, had penetrated to 81° N. lat. in 1806. His experience led him to advise an expedition with boats fixed on sledges, to be easily dragged on the ice. With an expedition so fitted out. Cap- tain Parry sailed for the polar waters in a northwest passage to India. They sailed with a ship and sloop, and were never heard of afterwards. In 1741 Vitus Be- ring discovered the strait that bears his name, having set sail from a port in Kam- tehatka. In that region Bering perished. Russian navigators tried in vain to solve the problem. Between 1769 and 1772 Samuel Hearne made three overland jour- neys in America to the Arctic Ocean. The British government having, in 1743, of- fered $100,000 to the crew who should ac- complish a northwest passage, stimulated efforts in that direction. Captain Phipps 1827. This expedition was a failure. Cap- (Lord Mulgrave) attempted to reach the tain Ross was in the polar waters again north pole in 1773; and before setting out from May, 1829, until the midsummer of on his last vovage (1776), Captain Cook 1833. The party had been given up ag 196 ' ' ARCTIC EXPLORATION lost. Another party had started in search of Ross, explored the north coast of Amer- ica, and discovered Victoria Land. Other land expeditions followed; and one, under Dr. John Rae, completed a survey of the north coast of the American continent in the spring of 1847. Sir John Franklin yet believed a north- west passage possible. With two vessels — the Erehus and Terror — each fitted with a small steam-engine and screw-pro- peller, he sailed from England May 19, 1845. They were seen by a whale-ship, in July, about to enter Lancaster Sound, and were never heard of afterwards. The Brit- ish government despatched three expedi- tions in search of them in 1848. One of them was an overland expedition under Sir John Richardson, who traversed the northern coast of America 800 miles, in 1848, without finding Franklin. The sea expedition was equally unfortunate. Dr. Rae failed in an overland search in 1850. Three more expeditions were sent out by the British government in search in 1850; and from Great Britain five others were fitted out by private means. One was also sent by the United States government, chiefly at the cost of Henry Grinnell, a New York merchant. It was commanded by Lieutenant De Haven, of the navy. There were two ships, the Advance and Rescue. Dr. E. K. Kane was surgeon and naturalist of the expedition. It was unsuccessful, and returned in 1851. Lady Franklin, meanwhile, had been sending out expeditions in search of her husbaiid, and the British government and British navigators made imtiring efforts to find the lost explorers, but in vain. Another American expedition, under Dr. Kane, made an unsuccessful search. In a scientific point of view, Dr. Kane's expedition obtained the most important results. It is believed that he saw an open polar sea : and to find that sea other American expeditions sailed under Dr. I. I. Hayes, a member of Kane's expedition, and Capt. Chas. F. Hall. The latter re- turned to the United States in 1860, and Dr. Hayes in 1861. Hall sailed again in 1864, and returned in 1869. The Germans and Swedes now sent expeditions in that direction. In 1869 Dr. Hayes again vis- ited the polar waters. The same year, and for some time afterwards, several expedi- 1 tions were sent out from the continent of Europe. Finally, by the help of Congress, Captain Hall was enabled to sail, with a well-furnished company, in the ship Polaris, for the polar seas, in June, 1871. In October Hall left the vessel, and start- ed northward on a sledge expedition. On his return he suddenly sickened and died, and the Polaris returned without accom- plishing much. The passage from the coast of western Europe, around the north of that continent and of Asia, into the Pacific Ocean, was first accomplished in the summer of 1879, by Professor Nor- denskjold, an accomplished Swedish ex- ])lorer, in the steamship Vega. She passed through Bering Strait into the Pacific Ocean, and reached Japan in the first week in September. Thus the great prob- lem has been solved. The Jeannette, Lieutenant De Long, an American explor- ing vessel, was lost on the coast of Si- beria, in 1881. The most important of the recent expe- ditions into Arctic regions by Americans are those of Lieut. ( now Brig. - Gen. ) Adolphus W. Greely and of Lieut. Rob- ert E. Peary (qq. v.), who has made sev- eral voyages into northern waters, and in 1900 was still there. Lieutenant Greely was sent from the United States in 1881, by the government, charged with estab- lishing a series of stations about the pole for the purpose of observation. Lieuten- ants Lockwood and Brainard, of his force, succeeded in establishing a station on a small island in 83° 24' N., and until 1896 this was the most northern point ever reached by an explorer. Greely 's vessel became icebound, and for two years the members of the expedition passed a miser- able existence. Many died. The survivors Avere rescued just as the last six of the expedition were dying of hunger, by Lieu- tenant Peary, in charge of two government vessels, sent by the United States to the relief of Greely in 1882. Lieutenant I'eary made other voyages to the Arctic watei-s in 1895 and 1897. Dr. Fridtjof ISTansen, of Norway, in 1896, succeeded in getting within 200 miles of the north pole, and returned in safety with all of his companions. He sailed from Christiania in 1893, and his plan difl'ered much from that of others. He thought that if he could get his vessel caught in the ice the 97 ARECIBO— ARGUS Current would carry him to the pole. He reached lat. 86° 15' N. In 1896 a Swed- ish explorer, Major Andree, planned to reach the pole in a balloon, but after making elaborate plans gave up the vent- ure. On July 12, 1897, however, he em- barked again on his enterprise, all con- ditions being favorable for his success; but up to the end of 1900 nothing reli- able had been heard of the expedition, and it Avas generally believed that the bold voyager had been lost. In 1899- 1900 the Duke of Abruzzi reached lat. 86° 33' N. Arecibo, the name of a district and of its port, in the north of ' the island of Forto Rico. The district is bounded on the north by the Atlantic Ocean; on the east by the District of Bayamon; on the south by those of Mayaguez and Ponce; and on the west by that of Aguadilla. The town is about 50 miles west of San Juan; has a population of between 6,000 and 7,000; and its harbor is so full of dangerous reefs that goods are transferred from shore to shipping by means of flat- boats and lighters. The town has a plaza, surrounded by a church and various pub- lic buildings, in the centre, and streets running from it in right angles, forming regular squares. The buildings are con- structed of wood and brick. Argall, Sir Samtiel, English advent- urer; born in Bristol, England, in 1572. He was in Virginia at a time when Pow- hatan was particularly hostile to the English settlers. He and his nearest neighbors would not allow the people to carry food to the English at Jamestown, and provisions became very scarce. Argall Avas sent with a vessel on a foraging ex- pedition up the York River. Being near the dwelling of Powhatan, he bribed a. savage by a gift of a copper kettle to en- tice Pocahontas on board his vessel, where ho detained her a prisoner, hoping to get a large quantity of corn from her father as a ransom, and to recover some arms and implements of labor Avhich the Ind- ians had stolen. Powhatan rejected Ar- gall's proposal for a ransom with scorn, and Avould not hold intercourse Avith the pirate; but he sent Avord to the authori- ties at Jamestown that, if his daughter should be released, he Avould forget the in- jury and be the friend of the English. They would not trust him, and the maid- en was taken to Jamestown and detained several months, always treated with great respect as a princess. There she became the object of a young Englishman's affec- tions; and the crime of Argall led to peace and happiness. The next year (1613) Argall went, with the sanction of the governor of Virginia, to expel the French from Acadia as intrviders upon the domain of the North and South Virginia Company. He stojjped on his way at Mount Desert Island, and broke up the Jesuit settlement there. The priests, it is said, feeling an enmity toAvards the au- thorities at Port Royal, in Acadia, Avill- ingly accompanied Argall as pilots thither in order to be revenged. Argall plundered the settlement, and laid the village in ashes, driving the people to the woods, and breaking up the colony. In 1617 Argall became deputy governor of Virginia. On going to Jamestown he found it fallen into decay, the storehouse used as a church; the market-place, streets, and other spots in the toAAOi planted with to- bacco; the people dispersed according to every man's convenience for planting; and the number of the settlers there reduced. Argall's rxile AA'as so despotic that, in 1619, he was recalled, and Sir George Yeardly was put in his place. He returned to Eng- land with much wealth. After the death of Lord Delaware, Captain Argall took charge of his estate, and Lady DelaAvare charged him with gross fraud and pecula- tion. He died in 1626. Argus, Capture of the. The American brig Argus, Capt. W. H. Allen, bore to France William H. Crawford, United States minister to that government. She afterAvards cruised in British waters, and by the celerity of her movements and de- structive energy she spread consternation throughout commercial England. She car- ried 32-pound carronades and two bow- guns ; and her commander, who had served under Decatur, was one of the most gallant men of the naA^y. He roamed the " chops of the Channel " successfully ; and, sailing around Land's End, in the space of thirty days he captured no less than twenty valuable British merchantmen, Avith cargoes valued at $2,000,000. Too far aAvay from friendly ports into which he might send his prizes, he burned all the 198 ARID REGIONS— ARIZONA vessels. Every non-combatant captive he allowed to remove his private property, and for this generosity he was thanked by them. The British government, alarmed by the exploits of the Argus, sent out sev- eral cruisers after her. Just before the dawn of Aug. 14, 1813, the British brig Pelican, 18, Capt. J. F. Maples, appeared; and at six o'clock the Argus wore round and delivered a broadside upon her at grape- shot distance. The fire was immediately returned, and a round shot carried away Allen's leg. He refused to be taken from the deck; but soon becoming unconscious from loss of blood, he was taken to the cockpit, and died the next day. The men of the Argus, weakened by too free use of captured wine the night before, did not fight with their usual vigor, yet they handled the vessel admirably. Lieut. W. Howard Allen was left in chief command. Very soon the Argus became so badly in- jured that she began to reel. All her braces were shot away, and she could not be kept in position. The Pelican at length crossed her stern, and raked her dreadfully; and at the end of twenty-five minutes from the beginning of the action the Argus became unmanageable. Yet she fought on feebly twenty minutes longer, when she was compelled to sur- render, the Sea-Horse, the Pelican's con- sort, having hove in sight. The Argus lost, in killed and wounded, twenty-three men; the Pelican lost seven men. Arid Regions. See Irrigation. Arista, Mariano, a Mexican military officer; born at San Luis Potosi, July 26, 1802. Eeceiving a military education, he served in the Spanish army until June, 1821, when he joined the Mexican revolu- tionists. He rose rapidly to the rank of brigadier-general; and in June, 1833, he was made, by Santa Ana {q. v.), second in command of the Mexican army. Join- ing another leader in an unsuccessful re- volt, he was expelled from Mexico, and came to the United States. In 1835 he returned, and was restored to his rank in the army, and made Judge of the Supreme Tribunal of War. He was taken prisoner by the French at Vera Cruz (Dec. 5, 1838), but was soon released on parole. In 1839 he became general-in-chief of the northern division of the army, and re- ceived the " Cross of Honor " for defeating insurgents. Though only a military com- mander, he was for some time the real ruler of Mexico Avhen Herrera was Presi- dent in 1844. Commanding at the battles of Palo Axto and Resaca de la Palma (q. V.) in May, 1848, he was appointed Minister of War a month later. Within two years he suppressed seventeen revolts in Mexico; and in 1850 he was elected President of his native country. He re- signed the government in July, 1853. Banished from his country by his enemies, he made a voyage to Europe; and died there on the day when Santa Ana, who had usurped his seat, was compelled to fly from the city of Mexico, Aug. 7, 1855. Aristocracy, in a political sense, a gov- ernment exercised by the best citizens in the community, which in olden times meant the nobles. The word in time cam^e to be applied to those people in a country who were superior to the rest of the com- munity in any marked respect; hence, there were the aristocracies of rank, of intellect, of knowledge, and of high moral feeling. An aristocrat was a member of such a governing class in a nation, or one of especially high rank who was not con- nected with actual administration. In the United States there is no recognition of an aristocracy of birth; yet in the early days of the country the social and official lines were naturally very closely drawn, and for a time the public men of the day were divided into the classes of aristocracy and democracy, using the lat- ter word in the sense of representing all the people. The word oligarchy was also applied to the aristocracy, and originally meant both a form of government in which the supreme power was vested in the hands of a small exclusive class, and also the members of such a class. In lat- ter years the word oligarchy came to be applied to a body of people outside of political life who aspired to or had con- trol of the management of a large inter- est, such, for instance, as certain leaders in the Congregational Church in the early history of Connecticut. Arizona, a Territory in the extreme southwestern portion of the republic, lying on the border of Mexico. The region was early kno^vn to Spanish explorers. As early as 1526, Don Jose de Vasconcellos, a follower of Cortez, crossed the centre of 199 ARIZONA— ARKANSAS this Territory towards the Great Canon, the only pure, original stock. See United and the region was afterwards visited by States — Arizona, in vol. ix. other Spanish explorers. They then, as „„,.„ „ „ , ^ . n ,, . , , . GOVERNORS OF THE TERRITORY. we do now, lound on the river-banks ruins _, ,^„ Term of Office. of Cities which seemed to have existed R. c. McCormick 1867-69 for centuries. These, with regular fortifi- A. P. K. Safford 1870-77 cations, reservoirs, and canals, show that "I^f^° z,' Hoyt. 1878 ,, ' ' ■ 1 , -^ , , Jobn C. Fremont 1879-82 the country was once inhabited by an en- Frederick Tuttle. . . 188'^-8.5 terprising and cultivated people. There C. Meyer Zulick 1885-89 are found walls of solid masonry, usually Lewis Wolfley 1889-91 two stories in height. It is estimated that Na'tLn'o^Tlm-phy'.'.V.'.".'.': ! ! ! .' ! ! .' ! :l892-94 fully 100,000 people must have inhabited Lewis C. Hughes 1894-96 the valley of the Gila alone. Arizona was Benj. J. Franklin 1896-97 settled by Spanish missionaries from Mex- l^^^""^ ^j: McCord 1897-99 1 icoT rpi • • Nathan O. Murphy 1899 — ICO as early as 1687. ihese missions were principally seated on the Lower Colorado Arkansas, one of the Southwestern and Gila rivers. The Territory formed States; discovered by De Soto in 1541, who a part of Mexico until its purchase by the crossed the Mississippi near the site of United States in 1850. It was organized Helena. It was next visited by Father into a Territory by act of Congress, Feb. Marquette {q. v.) in 1073. It was origi- 24, 1863, with its area described as com- nally a part of Louisiana, purchased from prising all the " United States lands west the French in 1803, and so remained un- of longitude 109° to the California line." til 1812, when it formed a part of Mis- Since then the northwest corner has been souri Territory. It was erected into a ceded to Nevada. It is a mountainous Territory in 1819, with its present name, region, and some of the northern portion and remained under a territorial govern- remains unexplored. Population in 1890, ment until 1836, Avhen a convention at 59,691; in 1900, 122,212. Little Rock, its present capital, formed To one of the pioneer explorers of the a State constitution. Its first territorial Arizona region the Zuni Indians gave the legislature met at Arkansas Post in 1820. following account of their origin as pre- On June 15, 1836, Arkansas was admitted served in their traditions. Their legend into the Union as a State, relates that in the beginning a race of In 1861 the people of Arkansas were at- men sprang up out of the earth, as plants tached to the Union, but, unfortunately, arise and come forth in the spring. This the governor and most of the leading poli- race increased until they spread over the ticians of the State were disloyal, and no whole earth, and, after continuing through effort Avas spared by them to obtain the countless ages, passed away. The earth passage of an ordinance of secession. For then remained without people a great this purpose a State convention of dele- length of time, until at length the sun gates assembled at the capital (Little had compassion on the earth, and sent a Rock) on March 4, 1861. It was composed celestial maiden to repeople the globe, of seventy-five members, of whom forty This young goddess was called Arizonia, were such stanch Unionists that it was the name signifying " Maiden Queen." evident that no ordinance of secession This Arizonia dwelt upon the earth a great could be passed. The friends of seces- length of time in lonely solitude, until at sion then proposed a plan that seemed a certain time, while basking in the sun- fair. A self-constituted committee re- beams, a drop of dew from heaven rested ported to the convention an ordinance pro- upon Arizonia, who in due time blessed the viding for an election to be held on the world with twins, a son and a daughter, first Monday in August, at which the and these became the father and mother legal voters of the State should decide, by of the Zuni Indians, and from this tribe ballot, for " secession " or " co-operation." arose all other races of men, the black. If a majority should appear for " seces- white, olive, and all other clay-colored sion," that fact would be considered in the men being merely apostate offshoots from light of instructions to the convention to this original tribe, and the Zunis being pass an ordinance to that effect; if for 200 ARKANSAS "co-operation," then measures were to be on its soil (see Pea Ridge). On Oct. used, in conjunction with the border ?>0, 1863, a meeting of loyal citizens, rep- slave States " yet in the Union," for the resenting about settlement of existing difficulties. The twenty coun- ..^s'^^^^A^^^^Nv next session of the convention was fixed ties, was held j^^^^f^T"^"^^©^ for Aug. 17. The proposition seemed so at Fort Smith, //isPg^i^^ ernor (Rector) and his disloyal associ- posed of repre- ates adopted measures for arraying Ar- sentatives o f state seal of Arkansas. kansas among the " seceded States." In forty-two coun- violation of the pledge of the convention ties, assembled at Little Rock, and framed that the whole matter should be deter- a loyal constitution, which was ratified mined by the people in August, the gov- by the people in March, 1864. In ernor induced the president of the conven- April a State government was organized, tion to call that body together on May 6. Tn 1867 military rule was established in It met on that day. Seventy delegates Arkansas, which, with Mississippi, con- were present. An ordinance of secession, stituted a military district. A new con- I)reviously prepared, was presented to it stitution was framed by a convention at at three o'clock in the afternoon, when the Little Rock, Jan. 7, 1868, and was rati- hall in which the delegates met was ^ed by a small majority in March. On crowded by an excited multitude. It was June 22 Congress declared Arkansas en- moved that the " yeas " and " nays " on titled to representation in that body, and the question should be taken Avithout de- the administration of the government was bate. Though the motion was rejected by transferred to the civil authority. Popula- a considerable majority, the president de- tion in 1890, 1,12.5,385; in 1900, 1,311,564. clared it carried. Then a vote on the or- See United States — Arkansas, in vol. ix. dinance was taken. There seemed to be territorial governors of Arkansas. a majority against it; but the president Term of office. arose and earnestly exhorted the Union- James Miller 1819 to 1825 ists to change their votes, which they did, George Izard 1825 " 1829 „„ J.V, „ -J J J- -A- ,1 Jobn Pope 1829 1835 as they perceived a determination on the william S. Fulton 1835 " 1836 part of the crowd of spectators to compel them to do so. The place (the hall of ^^^^^ governors of Arkansas. the House of Representatives) was dense- i^°?^.l f^" ^^^J^^^^ .^ff^ *? |^!^ 1 1 J -.1 1 , ■ . , Archibald Yell 1840 1844 ]y packed with human beings. As each Samuel Adams 1844 vote was given there was. a solemn still- Thomas S. Drew 1844 " 1848 ness, and one Union man after another ^'^^^ ^- Roane 1848 " 1852 prefaced his vote by some stirring senti- l'X\%Z7r: ! ! i ! ! ! ! ! ! i ! V^ " ^86? ment m favor of the South. When the Harris Flanagin 1862 " 1864 result was announced — 69 for the ordi- Isaac Murphy 1864 " 1868 nance, to 1 against it— there was tremen- ^""^^^ ^'J^^^T !^^? \\ IT^l ^„„ „u • mi. J- , Orzo H. Hadley 1871 1872 dous cheering. The negative vote was Elisha Baxter 1872 " 1874 given by Isaac Murphy, Avho was the Augustus H. Garland 1874 " 1876 Union governor of Arkansas in 1864. Wm. R. Miller 1877 " 1881 Meanwhile the State authorities had L's°^ h'" B^erJ^"' ! ! ! ! ! ! 1 ! ! ! ! ! I'ss ^^85 seized the national property in the State, simon P. Hughes 1885 " 1889 During almost the whole period of the James P. Eagle 1889 " 1893 war. National or Confederate troops occu- ^''°- ^^- Fishback 1893 " 1895 TM'ori +1,.^ C!+.,4-„ J J! j^i J 1 ,1 James P. Clarke 1895 " 1897 pied the State; and one of the most hotly Daniel W. Jones 1897 " 1901 contested battles of the war was fought Jefferson Davis 1901 " 201 ARKANSAS POST— ARMISTEAD ARKANSAS. Name No. of Congress. UNITED STATES SENATORS PROM THE STATE OF nevvous system that he sank under it and died, Jan." 30, 1793. Date. Armenians, a Christian people occu- 1836 to 1841 Pyi^g the high plains and valleys of a country east of Asia Minor and northeast of Syria, estimated as numbering from ■William S. Fulton... Ambrose H. ISevier.. Chester Ashley Soloa Borland Will. K. Sebastian... Robert W. Johnston. 24th to 28th 24th " 30th 28th " 30th 30th " 33a 30th " 30th 33(1 " 36lh 1848 1848 1853 Alexander McDonald. . . Beuj F. Rice Powell Claylon Stephen W. Dorsey Augustus H. Garljind.. James I). Walker James K.Jones James H. Herry 40th to 42d 40ih " 43d 42d " 45th 44th " 46th 45 th " 49 th 4(ith " 49th 49th " 49lh " Arkansas Post. 1836 1844 1848 1848 " 1861 3,000,000 to 5,000,000 people. In the 1853 " 1861 spring of 1894 the Turks claimed that 37th, 38th, and 39th Congresses vacant. the Armenians were preparing to revolt 1868 ^° 1873 ''^Sainst the Kurds, and, in fact, several 1871 " 1877 conflicts did take place between these 1877 "' 1883 P*^°P^^- Turkish troops w^ere sent to aid 18T9 " 1885 the Kurds and suppress the Armenians, 1885 II — ■ and then began a long list of massacres v/hich aroused the whole world. On Feb. See HiNDMAN, Fort. 20, 1896, Clara Barton {q. v.), of the Arkansas, The, a Confederate " ram," Red Cross Society, sailed from New employed chiefly on the Yazoo River, above York for Armenia, and took charge of the Vicksburg. Farragut sent three armored relief work of this country. While the vessels about the middle of July, 1862, governments seemed powerless to aid the to attack her. Six miles up the stream Armenians, the citizens of this country they found and assailed her; but she re- made generous subscriptions for the suf- pulsed the attack, and took shelter under ferers. Three ship - loads of goods were tlie batteries at Vicksburg. Another at- sent from this country and over $600,- tempt to capture her was made on July 000 in money. The inaction of the 22 by the Essex (Captain Porter) and the European powers during these outrages Queen of the West. Again the attempt must ahvays be regarded wnth amaze- was unsuccessful. After the repulse of ment. As to the total number of Ar- the Confederates at Baton Rouge, early menians butchered, only a conjecture in August, Porter, with the Essex and two can be formed. Not until the beginning of other gunboats, went in search of the 1807 did the massacre cease. The total Arkansas, and found her 5 miles above number of victims is generally conceded that city. A sharp engagement ensued, to have been over 50,000. Out of 3,300 The Arkansas became unmanageable, when Armenian villages, it is estimated that her crew ran her against the river-bank, 2,500 were destroyed. Besides the people set her on fire, and she was blown up. killed in massacres, it is estimated that Armand, Charles Teffin, Marquis de the ravages committed by the Turks LA RouAEiE, French military officer; born caused 75,000 Armenians to die of star- near Rennes, in 1756; came to America vation. Jan. 27, 1896, Congress passed in 1777, and entered the Continental army concurrent resolutions calling upon the as a volunteer. He received the commis- European powers to stop the massacres, sion of colonel, and commanded a small and to secure the Christians the rights corps, to which was attached a company to which they were entitled. The Sultan of cavalry who acted as the police of of Turkey, under great pressure, promised camps. He was an exceedingly active offi- reforms. A vast amount of mission prop- eer, and was highly esteemed by Wash- erty Avas destroyed, and claims for in- ington. In February, 1780, his corps was demnity were presented by all the powers, incorporated with that of Pulaski, who few of which have been paid. That of the was killed at Savannah a few months be- United States, after uncompromising press- fore. In March, 1783, his services through- ure on the part of its ambassadors, was out the war from 1777 were recognized, settled in December, 1900, by the placing and he was created a brigadier-general, of the order for a war-sliip in this country, Returning to France, he took part in the and including the amount of the indemnity Revolution there, and was for a time a in the contract price. prisoner in the Bastile. The execution Armistead, George, military officer; of Louis XVI. gave such a shock to his born in New Market, Caroline co., Va., 202 ABMISTEAD— ARMSTRONG Api'il 10, 1780; entered the army as second Maximilian Godefroy, in memory of all lieutenant in 1799. In 1813 he held the the defenders of Baltimore, rank of major in the 3d Artillery, and was distinguished at the capture of Fort George. His gallant defence of Fort McHenry in Sep- tember, 1814, won for him immortal honors. He had five brothers in the military service in the second war for in- dependence — three in the regular army and two in the militia ser- vice. Because of his bravery in defending Baltimore, he was bre- I vetted a lieutenant- colonel; and the citi- zens presented him with an elegant silver service in the form of a vase fashioned like a bombshell, with gob- lets and salver. After his death at Baltimore, April 25, 1818, a fine marble monument was erected there to his GEOEGE ARMISTEAD. memory, and the grateful citizens also erected a large monument, designed by THE ARMISTEAD VASE. Armistead, Lewis Addison, military officer ; born in Newbern, N. C, Feb. 18, 1817; entered the United States army as lieutenant in 1839 ; served throughout the Mexican War; resigned in 1861 to join the Confederate army. He was mortally wounded while leading his brigade in Pickett's charge at Antietam, and died in the Federal hospital, July 3, 1863. Armour, Philip Danforth, philan- thropist; born in Stockbridge, N. Y., May 16, 1832; received a public school educa- tion. In 1852-56 he was a miner in Cali- fornia; in 1856-63 engaged in the commis- sion business in Milwaukee, Wis. In 1892 he built the Armour Institute of Technol- ogy in Chicago at a cost of $1,500,000, and in the same year endowed it with $1,400,- 000; in 1898 he increased this endowment by $500,000; and in 1899 made another addition of $750,000. He died in Chicago, Jan. 6, 1901. Armstrong, John, military officer; born in Carlisle, Pa., Nov. 25, 1758. While a student at Princeton, in 1775, he became a volunteer in Potter's Pennsylvania regi- ment, and was soon afterwards made an aide-de-camp to General Mercer. He was afterwards placed on the staff of General GateSi and remained so from the beo'in- 203 ARMSTRONG— ARMY ning of that officer's campaign against Burgoyne until the end of the war, hav- ing the rank of major. Holding a facile pen, he was employed to write the famous JOHN ARMSTRONG. Newhurgh Addresses. They were power- fully and eloquently written. After the war he was successively Secretary of State and Adjutant-General of Pennsylvania; and in 1784 he conducted operations against the settlers in the Wyoming Val- ley. The Continental Congress in 1787 appointed him one of the judges for the Korthwestern Territory, but he declined.. Two years later he married a sister of Chancellor Livingston, removed to New "iork, purchased a farm within the pre- cincts of the old Livingston Manor on the Hudson, and devoted himself to agricult- ure. He was a member of the national Senate from 1800 to 1804, and became United States minister at the French Court in the latter year, succeeding his brother- in-law. Chancellor Livingston. He was commissioned a brigadier-general in July, 1812, and in January, 181.3, became Secre- tary of War in the cabinet of President Madison. His lack of success in the opera- tions against Canada, and at the attack upon and capture of Washington in 1814, made him so unpopular that he resigned and retired to private life. He died at Eed Hook, N. Y., April 1, 1843. General Armstrong wrote Notes on the War of 1812, and Lives of Generals Montgomery and Wayne for Sparks's American Biog- raphy; also a Review of Wilkinson's Memoirs, and treatises on agriculture and gardening. Armstrong, Samuel Chapman, founder of the Hampton Normal and Industrial In- stitute; born in Wailuku, Hawaii, in 1839. He was educated in Oahu College, Hono- lulu, and Williams College (U. S.), where he was graduated in 1862; fought with dis- tinction in the Civil War, and afterwards became interested in the education of poor colored people ; and founded Hampton Institute in 1868. After ten years of successful administration, the government arranged to have Indian children admitted in 1878, and since that time the school has successfully tauarht members of both races. He died in 1893. ARMY Army. The military system of the United States is based upon volunteer armies, raised as occasion may require. A small standing army is kept up for the support of good order and for safety against incursions of barbarians on the borders of expanding settlements; and a well-regulated militia, under the control of the respective States, forms an ample body of citizen soldiery. The first act for the enrolment in the militia of all able- bodied white men of eighteen and under forty - five years of age was passed by Congress in 1792. This act provided that in the organization there should be infantry, cavalry, and artillery. An act was passed early in 1795 which empow- ered the President, in case of invasion, or imminent danger thereof, to call forth the militia of the State or States most convenient to the place of danger. He A^as also empowered, in case of insurrec- tion, or when the laws of the United States should be opposed by a combina- tion too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, to call out the militia. The Civil War gave full examples of the working of our military system. Wlien combinations in the slave States became too powerful for 04 ARMY the civil authorities to oppose, the Presi- dent of the United States called for 75,000 militia (designating the number required from each State) to suppress them. As soon as the various regiments from the States vrere mustered into the service of the United States they were no longer under the control of their respective State governments, but of that of the national government, and were assigned to brigades, divisions, corps, and armies, according to the requirements of the service. They were then entirely supported by the na- tional government. All their general and staff officers were commissioned by the President, and no officers, after having been mustered into the service of the Unit- ed States, could be dismissed by the State authorities. During the Civil War, from first to last, 2,690,401 men. including re- inforcements, were enrolled, equipped, and organized into armies. The regular army during that war was raised to some- thing over 50,000 men, but was reduced, at its close, to 30,000 men. The standing army in 1890 numbered 25,220 men, and was mainly used in garrisoning the permanent fortifications, protecting the routes of commerce across the conti- nent, and preserving order among the Indian tribes west of the Mississippi River. The Army in 1901. — The organization of the regular army on the permanent peace basis of one soldier to each 1,000 of population, under the act of Congress of Feb. 2, 1901, was announced in the general order of May 13, 1901: Cavalry, 15 regiments (12 troops of 85 men), with band, etc.; total, 15,840. Artillery, 126 companies of 109 men each; 30 batteries of 160 men each; with bands, etc.; total, 18,862. Infantry, 30 regiments (12 companies of 104 men), with bands, etc.; total, 38,- 520. Engineers, 3 battalions (4 companies of 104 men), with bands, etc.: total, 1,282. Staff department, signal corps, etc., 2,783. Total number of enlisted men, 77,287. Under the act of March 4, 1899, mili- tary divisions and departments were re- organized as follows: Headquarters of the Army. — Commanrjpr, Lieut. -Gen. Nelson A. Miles, Washington, D. C. Division of the Philippines. — Consisting of tlie Departments of Northern Luzon, Southern Luzon, Visayas, Mindanao, and Jolo, comprising all the islands ceded to the United States by Spain ; headquarters, Manila, P. I. Commander, Maj.-Gen. Arthur MacArthur. Department of Northern Luzon. — In- cludes all that part of the Island of Luzon north of Laguna de Bay and the province of Laguna, the same being the provinces of Abra, Bontoc, Benguet, Bataan, Bulacan, Ca- gayan, Ilocos, Infanta, Morong, Norte, Ilocos Sur, La Isabela de lAizon, Lepanto, La Union, Nueva Vizcaya, Nueva Ecija, all that portion of Manila north of the Pasig River, Principe, Pangasinan, Pampanga, Tarlac, and Zam- bales, and all the islands in the Philippine Archipelago north of Manila Bay and the provinces above named : headquarters, Manila, I'. I. Commander, Maj.-Gen. Lloyd Wheaton. Department of Southern Luzon.— In- cludes the Island of Samar and all the re- maining part of the Island of Luzon, the same including the following provinces : Albay, Ba- tangas, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, Ca- vity, La Laguna, Manila south of the Pasig, and Tayabas, and all islands of the Philip- pine Archipelago which lie south of the south line of tlie Department of Northern Luzon, as above described, including the Island of Polillo, and north of a line passing southeast- wardly through the West Pass of Apo to the twelfth parallel of north latitude ; thence easterly along said parallel to 124° 10' east of Greenwich, but including the entire Island of Masbate : thence northerly through San Ber- nardino Straits : headquarters, Manila, P. I. Commander, Maj.-Gen. John C. Bates. Department op the Visatas. — -Includes all islands (except Island of Samar) south of the southern line of the Department of South- ern Luzon and east of long. 121° 45' east of Greenwich and north of the ninth parallel of latitude, excepting the Island of Mindanao and all islands east of the Straits of Surigao ; headquarters, Iloilo, P. I. Commander, Brig.- Gen. Robert P. Hughes. Department of Mindanao and Jolo. — In- cludes all the remaining islands of the Philip- pine Archipelago ; headquarters, Zamboanga, P. I. Commander, Brig.-Gen. William A. Kobbe. Department of Alaska. — Territory of Alaska : headquarters. Fort St. Michael, Alas- ka. Commander, Brig.-Gen. George M. Ran- dall Department of California. — States of California and Nevada, the Hawaiian Islands and their dependencies ; headquarters, San Francisco, Cal. Commander, Maj.-Gen. Will- iam R. Shaffer. Department of the Colorado. — States of Wyoming (except so much thereof as is em- braced in the Yellowstone National Park), Colorado, and Utah, and the Territories of Arizona and New Mexico ; headquarters, Den- ver, Col. Commander, Brig.-Gen. Henry C. Merriam. Department op the Columbia. — States of Washington, Oregon, Idaho (except so much of the latter as is embraced in the Yellow- stone National Park) ; headquarters, Van- couver Barracks, Wash, Commander, — , 205 ARMY Department of Cuba. — Consisting of the Col. Adna R. Chaffee, 8th Cavalry, U. S. A. provinces of the Island of Cuba ; headquar- ters, Havana, Cuba. Commander, Bri Leonard Wood. Department of Dakota. — States of Minne- sota, North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and so much of Wyoming and Idaho as is embraced in the Yellowstone National Park ; headquarters, St. Paul, Minn. Commander, Brig. -Gen. James F. Wade (Major-General, U. S. V.). Gen. Brig.-Gen. Arthur MacArthur, (Major-General, U. S. V.). U. A. TO BE BRIGADIER-GENERALS. Col. John C. Bates, 2d Infantry, U. S. (Major-General U. S. V.). Col. Lloyd Wheaton, 7th Infantry, U. S. (Major-General, U. S. V.). DEPARTMENT OF THE EAST.— New England Col. Gec^rge W. payis^_ 23d Infantry (Brig- States, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylva- nia, Delaware, Maryland, District of Co- lumbia, West Virginia, Virginia, North Caro- lina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Ala- bama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, and District Col. Samuel S. Sumner, 6th Cavalry, U. S. A. of Porto Rico, embracins Porto Rico and ad- Capt. Leonard Wood, Assistant Surgeon, adier-General, U. S. V.). Col. Theodore Schwan, Assistant Adjutant- General, U. S. A. ( Brigadier - General, U. S. v.). of Porto Rico, embracing Porto Rico and ad- jacent islands ; headquarters. Governor's Isl- and, N. Y. Commander, Maj.-Gen. John R. Brooke. Department of the Lakes. — States of Wisconsin, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee ; headquarters, Chicago, 111. Commander, Maj.-Gen. Elwell S. Otis. Department of the Missouri. — States of U. S. A. (Major-General, U. S. V.). Col. Robert H. Hall, 4th Infantry, U. S. A. (Brigadier-General, U. S. V.). Col. Robert P. Hughes, Inspector-General, U. S. A. (Brigadier-General, U. S. V.). Col. George M. Randall, 8th Infantry, U. S. A. (Brigadier-General, U. S. V.). Maj. William A. Kobbe, 3d Artillery, U. S. A. (Brigadier-General, U. S. V.). Iowa, Nebraska, Missouri, Kansas, and Ar- Brig.-Gen. Frederick D. Grant, U. S. V. kansas, the Indian Territory, and the Terri- Capt. J. Franklin Bell, few Canadians and Indians, but command." He at once repaired to New finding overwhelming numbers in front of Orleans with 1,500 men (July, 1845), him he fell back to his intrenched camp, where he embarked, and early in August Firing was now heard on the other side of arrived at the island of St. Josephs on the river. Purdy, who had neglected to the Texan coast, whence he sailed for post pickets, had been surprised, his Corpus Christi, near the mouth of the troops flying to the river. Several of his Kueces, where he established his head- officers and men swam across, and bore quarters. There he was soon afterwards alarming news of a heavy force approach- reinforced by seven companies of infan- ing. Instead of such a force approach- try under Major Brown and two volunteer ing, those who had attacked Purdy had companies under Major Gaily. With these fled at the first fire ; and so the belligerents forces he remained at Corpus Christi un- were in the ridiculous predicament of til the next spring, when the camp at that running away from each other. De Sala- place was broken up (March 8, 1846), and berry now tried a clever trick. He posted the Army of Occupation proceeded to buglers at some distance from each other. Point Isabel, nearer the Pio Grande, and when some concealed provincial mi- When approaching Point Isabel, Taylor litia. opened fire almost upon Hampton's was met by a deputation of citizens, flanks, the buglers sounded a charge, and presented with a protest, signed Hampton was alarmed, for the position by the Prefect of the Northern Dis- of the buglers indicated an extensive trict of the Department of Tamau- British line, and he supposed a heavy force lipas, against the presence of his army, was about to fall upon his front and flank. But he pressed forward to Point Isa- He immediately sounded a. retreat and bel, whence, with a larger portion of withdrew to his old quarters at Chateau- his army, he proceeded to the Rio Grande gay Four Corners, annoyed all the way by opposite Matamoras, arriving there on the fire of Canadian militia. There this March 29. There he began the erection inglorious campaign ended. The Ameri- of defensive works; and so the Army of cans lost in the affair fifteen killed and Occupation in Texas assumed a hostile twenty-three wounded. The British lost attitude towards the Mexicans. See in killed, wounded, and missing, twenty- Mexico, War with. five. " No officer," said a distinguished Army in the Civil War. — When Mr. general of the United States army, " who Lincoln entered upon the duties of Presi- had any regard for his reputation, would dent (March 4, 1861) the total regular voluntarily acknowledge himself as hav- force of the army was 16,000 men, and ing been engaged in it." Hampton re- these were principally in the Western 211 ARMY States and Territories, guarding the fron- tier settlers against the Indians. The forts and arsenals on the seaboard, espe- cially within the slave States, were so weakly manned, or not manned at all, that they became an easy prey to the Confederates. The consequence was that they were seized, and when the new ad- ministration came into power, of all the fortifications within the slave States only Fort Monroe, in Virginia, and Forts Jeffer- son, Taylor, and Pickens, on the Gulf coast, remained in possession of the government. The seized forts were sixteen in number. They had cost the government about $6,000,000, and had an aggregate of 1,226 guns. All the arsenals in the cotton-grow- ing States had been seized. Twiggs had surrendered a portion of the National army in Texas. The army had been put so far out of reach, and the forts and ar- senals in the North had been so stripped of defenders, by Floyd, Buchanan's Secre- tary of War, that the government was threatened with sudden paralysis. On the day after the battle of Bull Run {q. V.) , General McClellan, then in western Virginia, was summoned to Washington and placed in charge of the shattered army there. The Departments of Washington and of Northeastern Virginia were cre- ated and placed under the command of McClellan. The Department of the Shen- andoah was also created, and Gen. N. P. Banks was placed in command of it, re- lieving Major-General Patterson. Mc- Clellan turned over the command of the troops in western Virginia to General Eosecrans, and on July 27 he entered with zeal upon the duty of reorganizing the army in the vicinity of the national capi- tal. He brought to the service youth, a spotless moral character, robust health, untiring industry, a good theoretical military education, the prestige of recent success, and the unlimited confidence of the loyal people. Having laid a broad moral foundation for an efficient army or- ganization, he proceeded with skill and vigor to mould his material into perfect symmetry. So energetically was this done that at the end of fifty days an army of at least 100,000 men. well organized, officered, equipped, and disciplined, were in and around Washington. At that time the entire force in his department included 152,000 soldiers. By March 1, 1862, that number was so increased that when, at tiiat time, the forces were put in motion, having been thoroughly drilled and dis- ciplined, the grand total of the army was 222,000, of which number about 30,000 were sick or absent. It was called the " Grand Army of the Potomac." General McClellan left Washington for Fort Monroe, April 1, 1862, with the greater part of the Army of the Potomac, leaving for the defence of the capital and other service more remote 75,000. Very soon there were 120,000 men at Fort Mon- roe, exclusive of the forces of General Wool, the commander there. A large por- tion of these moved up the Peninsula in two columns, one, under Gen. S. P. Heint- zelman, marching near the York River; the other, under General Keyes, near the James River. A comparatively small Con- federate force, under Gen. J. B. Magruder, formed a fortified line across the Penin- sula in the pathway of the Nationals. The left of this line was at Yorktown, and the right on the Warwick River, that falls into the James. In front of this line McClellan's continually augmenting army remained a month, engaged in the tedious operations of a regular siege, under the direction of Gen. Fitz-John Porter, skir- mishing frequently, and, on one occasion, making a reconnoissance in force that was disastrous to the Nationals. On May 3, Magruder, who had resorted to all sorts of tricks to deceive and mislead the Na- tionals, wrote to Cooper, of the Confeder- ate War Department : " Thus, with 5.000 m.en, exclusive of the garrison, we stopped and held in check over 100.000 of the enemy." McClellan now began those ap- proaches towards Richmond which result- ed in the Seven Days' battles near that city. When the battle of Fredericksburg (q. V.) had ended, there was much feeling against General Burnside on the part of the officers of the Army of the Potomac who had participated in it. An order re- ceived by Burnside. just as he was pre- paring for other active operations, from the President (Dec. 30. 1862), directing him not to enter upon further operations without his (the President's) knowledge, satisfied him that enemies in his own army were at work against him. Burnside hast- 212 ARMY ened to Washington for an explanation, when he learned that general officers of his army had declared that such was the feeling among the troops against him that the safety of the army would be imperilled by a movement under his direction. He believed there was a secret conspiracy among the officers for his removal. He re- turned to the army, determined to do what he might to retrieve the disaster at Fredericksburg, but was soon induced to return to Washington, bearing a general order for the instant dismissal or relief from duty of several of the generals of the Army of the Potomac, whom he charged with " fomenting discontent in the army." Generals Hooker, Brooks, and Newton were designated for instant dis- missal; and Generals Franklin, W. F. Smith, Cochran, and Ferrero, and Lieut.- Col. J. H. Taylor were to be relieved from duty in that army. Generals Franklin and Smith had written a joint letter to the President (Dec. 21) expressing their opinion that Burnside's plan of opera- tions could not succeed, and substantially reinstated in command. Burnside was recommending that McClellan should be competent to issue the order for such dis- missal and relief on his o^vn responsibility, but he submitted it to the President. The latter was perplexed. He talked with Burnside as a friend and brother, and it was finally arranged that the general should be relieved of the command of the Army of the Potomac and await orders for further service. Maj.-Gen. Joseph Hooker was appointed Burnside's successor. In making this ap- pointment the President wrote a fatherly letter to Hooker, in which, after speaking of his many excellent qualities as a sol- dier, he referred to his (Hooker) having been, with others, to blame for too freely criticising the military conduct of Burn- side, and so doing a great wrong to him. He reminded Hooker that he would now be open to such criticism, but that he (Lincoln) would do what he might to suppress it, for little good could be got out of an army in which such a spirit pre- vailed. The army was then lying, weak and demoT-Rlized, at Falmouth, opposite Fredericksburg. From January until April (1863) Hooker was engaged in pre- paring for a vigorous summer campaign. His forces remained in comparative quiet for about three months, during which time they were reorganized and disciplined, and at the close of April his army numbered 100,000 efTective men. General Lee's army, on the other side of the river, had been divided, a large force, under General Long- street, having been required to watch the movements of the Nationals under Gen- eral Peck in the vicinity of Norfolk. Lee had in hand about 60,000 well-drilled troops, lying behind strong intrenchments extending 25 miles along the line of the Rappahannock River. Hooker had made important changes in the organiza- tion of the army, and in the various staff departments; and the cavalry, hitherto scattered among the three grand divisions into which the six corps of the army had been consolidated — two corps in each — and without organization as a corps, were now consolidated and soon placed in a state of greater efficiency. To improve them he had sent them out upon raids within the Confederate lines, and for several weeks the region between Bull Run and the Rapidan was the theatre of many daring cavalry exploits. To give more efficiency to the troops covering Washington in 1862, they were formed into an organization called the " Army of Virginia," and placed under the command of Maj.-Gen. John Pope. Gen- eral Halleck was then general-in-chief of all the armies, with his headquarters at Washington. The corps of the new army were commanded, respectively, by Generals McDowell, Banks, and Sigel. When Mc- Clellan had retreated to Harrison's Land- ing and the Confederate leaders were satis- fied that no further attempts would then be made to take Richmond, they ordered Lee to make a dash on Washington. Hear- ing of this. Halleck ordered Pope, in the middle of July, to meet the intended in- vaders at the outset of their raid. General Rufus King led a troop of cavalry that destroyed railroads and bridges to within 30 or 40 miles of Richmond. Pope's troops were posted along a line from Fredericksburg to Winchester and Har- per's Ferry, and were charged with the threefold duty of covering the national capital, guarding the valley entrance into Maryland in the rear of Washing- ton, and threatening Richmond from 13 AHMY the north as a diversion in favor of McClellan. When General Grant began his march against Richmond (May, 1864), Gen. Benjamin F. Butler was in command of the Army of the James, and was directed to co-operate with the Army of the Po- tomac. Butler prepared to make a vig- orous movement against Richmond from the south, while Grant moved from the north. Butler's eflfective force was about 40,000 men when he was ordered to ad- vance. It was composed chiefly of the ISth Army Corps, commanded by Gen. W. F. Smith, and the 10th Corps, under Gen. Q. A. Gillmore, who arrived at Fort Monroe May 3. Butler successfully de- ceived the Confederates as to his real in- tentions by making a demonstration tow- ards Richmond by way of the York River and the Peninsula, along McClellan's line of march. On the night of May 4, Butler's army was embarked on transports and conveyed around to Hampton Roads-; and at dawn the next morning 35,000 troops, accompanied by a squadron of war vessels under Admiral Lee, were rapidly ascend- ing the James towards City Point, at the mouth of the Appomattox. At the same time. Gen. A. V. Kautz, with 3,000 cav- alry, moving swiftly from Suffolk, south of the James, struck the Weldon Railway south of Petersburg, and burned a bridge over Stony Creek, while Col. R. M. West, with 1,800 cavalry (mostly colored men), moved from Williamsburg up the north bank of the James, keeping abreast of the grand flotilla. The bewildered Con- federates made no serious opposition to these movements. A division of National troops took quiet possession of City Point (May 5) and the war vessels took a posi- tion above the mouth of the Appomattox. At the same time a heavy force landed on a triangular piece of land between the James and Appomattox, called Bermuda Hundred, and there established an in- trenched camp. In the space of tAvent}^- four hours, Butler gained an important foothold within 15 miles of Richmond in a straight line, and only about 8 miles from Petersburg. The movement produced great consternation at Rich- mond; but before Petersburg could be se- riously threatened by Butler, Beauregard was there with troops from Charleston. TROOPS FURNISHED THE GOVERNMENT DURING THE CIVIL WAR FROM 1861 TO 1865. Under call of April 15, 1861, for 75,000 men for three months... 91,816 Under call of May 3, 1861, for 500,000 men for six months, one year, two years, three years. 700,680 Under call of July 2, 1862, for 300,- 000 men for three years 421,465 Under call of Aug. 4, 1862, for 300,- 000 men for nine months 87,588 Under proclamation, June 15, 1863, men for six months 16,361 Under call of Oct. 17, 1863 (in- cluding drafted men of 1863), and call of Feb. 1, 1S64, for 500,000 for three years 317,092 Under call of March 14, 1864, for 200,000 for three years 259,515 Militia for 100 days, mustered in between April 23 and July 18, 1864 83,612 Under call of July 18, 1864, for 500,000 (reduced by excess credits of previous calls) for one year, two years, three years, and four years 385,163 Under call of Dec. 19, 1864, for 300,000 men for one year, two years, three years, four years... 211,752 Other troops furnished by States and Territories which, after first call, had not been called upon for quotas when general call for troops was made 182,857 By special authority granted May and June, 1862, New York. Il- linois, and Indiana furnished for three months 15,007 Total 2,772,408 Number of men who paid commuta- tion 86,724 Grand total 2,859,132 Aggregate reduced to a three years' standard 2,320,272 ACTUAL STRENGTH OF THE ARMY BETWEEN JAN. 1, 1860, AND MAX 1, 1865. Date Roerulars. Volunteers. Total. Jan. 1860. ..16,435 16,435 Jan. 1861. ,.16,367 16,367 July 1861., , .16,422 170,329 186,751 Jan. 31,' 1862. . .22,425 553,492 613,818 575,917 March 1862. . .23,308 637,126 Jan. 1863. . . .25,463 892.728 918.191 Jan. 1864. . .24,636 836,101 860,737 Jan. 1865. , . .22,019 937,441 959,460 jSrarch 31, 1865. , ..21,669 958,417 980,086 May 1, 1865. . 1,000,516 Disbanding of the Union Armies. — The soldiers of the great armies that con- fronted Lee and Johnston in Virginia and North Carolina, and conquered them, were marched to the vicinity of the national capital, and during two memorable days 14 ARMY— ARNOLD (May 22 and 23, 1865), moved through nalia of war, transformed in the space of that city, with tens of thousands of moist- 150 days into a vast army of citizens, en- ened eyes gazing upon them, and passed gaged in the pursuits of peace. See Civil in review before the chief magistrate of War, The; Lee, Egbert Edward. the nation and his ministers. Then began Army War College. A department of the work of disbanding the armies by mus- the United States military educational tering out of service officers and men. On establishment, authorized by Congress in June 2 Lieutenant-General Grant, the gen- 1900, Brig.-Gen. William Ludlow being eral-in-chief of the National armies, issued the chief of the board that drafted the the following address to them: "Soldiers regulations. The object is to unify the of the Armies of the United States, — By systems of instruction at the four exist- your patriotic devotion to your country in ing service institutions; to develop these the hour of danger and alarm, your mag- systems; and to give opportunity for the nificent fighting, bravery, and endurance, most advanced professional study of mili- you have maintained the supremacy of tary problems. The officers of the college the Union and the Constitution, over- exercise supervision over the course of thrown all armed opposition to the en- study in each of the service schools, and forcement of the laws and of the procla- over all civil institutions to which the mation forever abolishing slavery — -the government details an officer for military cause and pretext of the rebellion — and instruction. The faculty of the college opened the way to the rightful authorities study the military organizations of the to restore order and inaugurate peace on United States, with regard to a complete a permanent and enduring basis on every understanding of its efficiency, and con- foot of American soil. Your marches, stitute an advisory board to which the sieges, and battles, in distance, duration, Secretary of War can turn at any time resolution, and brilliancy of results, dim for recommendations as to any point in the the lustre of the world's past military mechanism of the whole military service, achievements, and will be the patriot's Arnold, Abraham Kerns, military offi- precedent in defence of liberty and right cer; born in Bedford, Pa., March 24, 1837; in all time to come. In obedience to your graduated at the United States Mili- country's call, you left your homes and tary Academy and brevetted a second families, and volunteered in her defence, lieutenant in 1859; colonel of the 8th Cav- Victory has crowned your valor and se- airy in 1891. He served through the Civil cured the purpose of your patriotic hearts ; War with distinction, and was awarded a and with the gratitude of your countrymen congressional medal of honor for excep- and the highest honors a great and free tional bravery in the engagement at nation can accord, you will soon be per- Davenport Bridge, North Anna River, Va., mitted to return to your homes and fami- May 18, 1864. After the Civil War he lies, conscious of having discharged the served in the Indian country. On May 4, highest duty of American citizens. To 1898, he was commissioned a brigadier- achieve these glorious triumphs and se- general of volunteers, and served through cure to yourselves, your fellow-country- the American-Spanish War. He was dis- men and posterity the blessings of free charged from the volunteer service May institutions, tens of thousands of your 12, 1899. He died Nov. 23, 1901. gallant comrades have fallen, and Arnold, Benedict, pioneer; born in sealed the priceless legacy with their England, Dec. 21, 1615; emigrated to blood. The graves of these a grateful Providence, R. I., about 1635; president nation bedews with tears, honors their of the colony, 1657; assistant in 1660; memory, and will ever cherish and sup- again president in 1662. Under the royal port their stricken families." The dis- charter he was elected governor of Rhode banding of this army went steadily Island five times. He died June 20, 1678. on from June 1, and by the middle of Arnold, Benedict, military officer; autumn 786,000 officers and men were born in Norwich, Conn., Jan. 14, 1741. As mustered out of the service. The wonder- a boy he was bold, mischievous, and quar- ful spectacle was exhibited of vast armies relsome. Apprenticed to an apothecary, of men, surrounded by all the parapher- he ran away, enlisted as a soldier, but de- 215 ARNOLD, BENEDICT serted. For four years (1763-67) he was a bookseller and druggist in New Haven, Conn., and was afterwards master and supercargo of a vessel trading to the West BIRTHPLACE OF BENEDICT ARNOLD. Indies. Immediately after the affair at Lexington, he raised a company of volun- teers and marched to Cambridge. There he proposed to the Massachusetts Com- mittee of Safety an expedition against Fort Ticonderoga, and was commissioned a colonel. Finding a small force, under Colonels Easton, Brown, and Allen, on the same errand when he reached western Massachusetts, he joined them without command. Returning to Cambridge, he was placed at the head of an expedition for the capt- ure of Quebec. He left Cambridge with a little more than 1,000 men, composed of New England musketeers and riflemen from Virginia and Pennsylvania, the latter under Capt. Daniel Morgan. He sailed from Newburyport for the Kennebec in the middle of September, 1775. They rendez- voused at Fort Western, on the Kennebec River, opposite the site of the present city of Augusta, Me., and on the verge of a wilderness uninhabited except by a few Indian hunters. At Norridgewock Falls their severe labors began. Their bateaux were drawn by oxen, and their provisions were carried on their backs around the falls — a wearisome task often repeated as they pressed towards the head-waters of the Kennebec, often wading and pushing their bateaux against swift currents. At length they left that stream and traversed tangled ravines, craggy knolls, and deep morasses, until they reached the Dead River. The stream flowed placidly on the summit of the water-shed between the St. liawrence and the Atlantic, and they moved pleasantly over its bosom until they encamped at the foot of a high moun- tain capped with snow. Sickness and de- sertion now began to reduce the number of effective men. October was passing away. Keen blasts came from the north. A heavy rain fell, and the water, rushing from the hills, suddenly filled the Dead River to its brim and overflowed its banks. Some of the boats were over- turned and much provision was lost or spoiled. Food for only twelve days re- mained. A detachment was sent to get a supply, but did not return. The floods began to freeze and the morasses became almost impassable. Through ice-cold wa- ter they were frequently compelled to wade; even two women, wives of soldiers, endured this hardship. At length they reached' the Chaudiere River, that empties into the St. Lawrence. Starvation threat- ened. Seventy miles lay between them and Sertigan, the nearest French set- tlement. Leaving his troops on the banks of the upper Chaudiere, Arnold and fifty-five men started down the river for Sertigan to obtain food. Two or three boats had been wrecked just before their depart- ure, and much of their scanty supply of food was lost. Ar- nold and his party reached the settle- ment. Indians were sent back with pro- visions and as guides for the rest of the troops to the settlement. When the forces were join- ed they moved towards the St. Lawrence; and on Nov. 9, in a heavy snow - storm, they suddenly appeared at Point Levi, op- posite Quebec, only 750 in number. It ARNOLD'S ROUTE THROUGH THE WILDERNESS. 216 ARNOLD, BENEDICT was almost two months after they left Cambridge before they reached the St. Lawrence. Their sufferings from cold and hunger had been extreme. At one time they had attempted to make broth of boiled deer - skin moccasins to sustain life, and a dog belonging to Henry (afterwards General) Dearborn made savory food for them. In this expe- dition were men who afterwards became famous in American history — Aaron Burr, R. J. Meigs, Henry Dearborn, Daniel Mor- gan, and others. Arnold assisted Montgomery in the siege of Quebec, and was there severely wounded in the leg. Montgomery was killed, and Arnold was promoted to briga- dier-general (Jan. 10, 1776), and took command of the remnant of the Ameri- can troops in the vicinity of Quebec. Suc- ceeded by Wooster,he went up Lake Cham- plain to Ticonderoga, where he was placed in command of an armed flotilla on the lake. With these vessels he had disas- trous battles (Oct. 11 and 13, 1776) with British vessels built at St. Johns. Arnold was deeply offended by the appointment, by Congress, early in 1777, of five of his juniors to the rank of major-general. He received the same appointment soon after- wards (Feb. 7, 1777), but the affront left an irritating thorn in his bosom, and he was continually in trouble with his fellow- officers, for his temper was violent and he was not upright in pecuniary transac- tions. General Schuyler admired him for his bravery, and was his abiding friend until his treason. He successfully went to the relief of Fort Schuyler on the up- per Mohawk (August, 1777), with 800 volunteers; and in September and October following he was chiefly instrumental in the defeat of Burgoyne, in spite of Gen- eral Gates. There he was again severely wounded in the same leg, and was dis- abled several months. When the Brit- ish evacuated Philadelphia (June, 1778) Arnold was appointed commander at Phil- adelphia, where he married the daughter of a leading Tory (Edward Shippen), lived extravagantly, became involved in debt, was accused of dishonest official conduct, and plotted his treason against his coun- try. To meet the demands of importu- nate creditors, he engaged in fraudulent transactions, for which his official posi- tion gave him facilities, and charges of dishonesty and malpi-actice in office were preferred against him before the Continen- tal Congress. A tribunal before which he was tried convicted him, but sentenced him to a reprimand only by the commander-in- chief. Washington performed the duty with great delicacy, but the disgrace aroused in the bosom of Arnold a fierce spirit of revenge. He resolved to betray his country, and, making treasonable over- tures to Sir Henry Clinton, kept up a correspondence on the subject for a long time with Maj. John Andre ( g. v.) , the a.djutant-general of the British army. This correspondence was carried on mutvially imder assumed names, and on the part of Arnold in a disguised hand. Feigning great patriotism and a desire to serve his country better, he asked for, and, through the recommendation of General Schuyler and others, obtained the command of the important post of West Point and its de- pendencies in the Hudson Highlands. He arranged with Major Andre to surrender that post into the hands of a British force which Sir Henry might send up the Hud- son. For this service he was to receive the commission of a brigadier-general in the British army and nearly $.50,000 in gold. He made his headquarters at the house of Beverly Robinson, a Tory, op- posite West Point, and the time chosen for the consummation of the treason was when Washington should be absent at a conference with Rochambeau at Hartford. Arnold and Andre had negotiated in writing; the former wished a personal interview, and arrangements were made for it. Andre went up the Hudson in the British sloop - of - war Vulture to Teller's (afterwards Croton) Point, from which he was taken in the night in a small boat to a secluded spot near Haverstraw, on the west side of the river, where, in bushes, he met Arnold for the first time. Before they parted (Sept. 22. 1780) the whole matter was arranged: Clinton was to sail vip the river with a strong force, and, after a show of resistance, Arnold was to sur- render West Point and its dependencies into his hands. But all did not work well. The Vulture was driven from her anchor- age by some Americans with a cannon on Teller's Point, and when Andre, with Arnold, at Joshua H. Smith's house, above 17 ARNOLD, BENEDICT Haverstraw, looked for her in the early mander (Colonel Jameson) did not seem morning she had disappeared from sight, to comprehend the matter, and unwisely He had expected to return to the Vulture allowed Andre (who bore a pass from after the conference was over; now he was Arnold in which he was called "John compelled to cross the river at King's Anderson") to send a letter to Arnold Ferry and return to New York by land, telling him of his detention. Washington J Iwvs. UUl^>.| -VYV^ 'V^v. -V. i^^A^U FAC-SIMILE OF ARNOLD'S DISGUISED HANDWRITING. ..-^=^^^$5^^ ^^^^^^^ FAC-SIMILE OF A PORTION OF ONE OF ANDRE'S LETTERS. He left his uniform, and, disguised in citizen's dress, he crossed the river tow- ards evening with a single attendant, passed through the American works at Verplanck's Point without suspicion, spent the night not far from the Croton River, and the next morning journeyed over the Neutral Ground on horseback, with a full expectation of entering New York before night. Arnold had furnished him with papers revealing the condition of the high- land stronghold. At Tarrytown, 27 miles from the city, he was stopped (Sept. 23) and searched by three young militiamen, who, finding those papers concealed under the feet of Andre in his boot, took him to the nearest American post. The com- 2] returned from Hartford sooner than he expected. He rode over from Fishkill towards Arnold's quarters early in the morning. Two of his military family (Hamilton and Lafayette) went forward to breakfast with Arnold, while Washing- ton tarried to inspect a battery. While they were at breakfast Andre's letter was handed to Arnold. With perfect self-pos- session he asked to be excused, went to liis wife's room, bade her farewell, and, mounting the horse of one of his aides that stood saddled at the door, rode swift- ly to the river shore. There he entered his barge, and, promising the oarsmen a handsome reward if they would row the boat swiftly, escaped to the Yulture. ARNOLD, BENEDICT So^n after his flight to the British army, Arnold published an Address to the In- habitants of America, in which he at- tempted to gloss over his treason by abus- ing the Congress and the French alliance. He also published a Proclamation to the Officers and. Soldiers of the Continental Army, in which he contrasted the wretch- edness of their condition with the prompt pay and abundant supplies of the British service. To induce them to desert he of- bMlTH 6 HULbl fered $15 to every private soldier, and to the officers commissions in the British army according to their rank and the number of men they might bring with them. This effort by a traitor to corrupt those whom he had sought to betray pro- duced no result except to excite the con- tempt and scorn of the American soldiers. With great generosity Virginia had sent her best troops to assist the Ca-rolinians iu their attempt to throw off the yoke laid upon their necks by Cornwallis. To call these troops back from Greene's army, the British, at the close of 1780, sent Ar- nold into Virginia with a marauding party of British and Tories, about 1,600 in num- ber, with seven armed vessels, to plunder, distress, and alarm the people of that State. In no other way could Arnold be employed by his master, for respectable British officers refused to serve with him in the army. He arrived at Hampton Roads on Dec. 30, 1780. Anxious to dis- tinguish himself, he immediately pushed up the James River as far as Richmond. when, after destroying a large quantity of public and private stores there and in the vicinity (Jan. 5, 1781), he withdrew to Portsmouth, opposite Norfolk, and made that place his headquarters for a while. Earnest efforts were made to capt- ure the marauder, but in vain. Jeft'erson offered $25,000 for his arrest, and Wash- ington detached Lafayette, with 1,200 men, drawn from the New England and New Jersey levies, who marched to Virginia for that purpose and to protect the State. A portion of the French fleet went from Rhode Island (March 8) to shut Arnold up in the Elizabeth River and assist in capturing him. Steuben, who was recruit- ing for Greene's army in Virginia, also watched him. The effort failed, for Arnold was vigilant and extremely cautious. He knew what would be his fate if caught. " What would the Americans do with me, if they should catch me?" Arnold in- quired of a young prisoner. " They would cut off and bury with military honors your leg that was wounded at Saratoga, and hang the rest of you," replied the young American soldier. General Phil- lips joined Arnold (March 26) with more than 2,000 men, and took the chief com- mand. The traitor accompanied him on another expedition up the James River, in April, and then returned to New York, for Cornwallis, who came into Virginia from North Carolina, refused to serve with him. When Sir Henry Clinton found that the allied armies were actually going to Vir- ginia, he tried to alarm Washington by threats of marauding expeditions. He sent Arnold, with a band of regulars and Tories, to commit atrocities in Connecti- cut. Arnold crossed the Sound, from Long Island, and on Sept. 6, 1781, landed his troops on each side of the Thames, below New London. He plundered and burned that town, and a part of his force took Fort Griswold, opposite, by storm. It was gallantly defended by Colonel Led- yard and a garrison of 150 poorly armed militiamen. Only six of the garrison were killed in the conflict, but after the sur- render the British officer in command (Colonel Eyre) murdered Ledyard with his sword, and, refusing to give quarter to the garrison, seventy-three were massacred. 19 ARNOLD— ART Then the wounded were placed in a bag- gage-wagon and sent down the slope towards the river, with the intention of drowning them in the stream at its foot, but the vehicle was caught by an apple- tree. The cries of the sufferers could be heard above the crackling of the burning town by persons across the river. With this atrocious expedition the name of Benedict Arnold disappears from the records of our history. Arnold went to England at the close of the war, where he was despised and shunned by all honorable men. He was afterwards a resident of St. Johns, New Brunswick, engaged chiefly in trade and navigation, but was very unpopular. He was there hung in effigy. His son, James Robertson (an infant at the time of his father's treason ) , became a lieutenant- general in the British army. Arnold's second wife, whom he married when she was not quite eighteen years of age, sur- vived him just three years. Arnold died in obscurity, but in comfortable pecuniary circumstances, in Gloucester Place, Lon- don, June 14, 1801. Arnold, Franz. See Liebee, Francis. Arnold, Richard, military officer; born in Providence, R. I., April 12, 1828; was graduated at West Point in 1850. He served in Florida, California, at the bat- tle of Bull Run, on the Peninsula, and was made chief of artillery of Banks's expedition in November, 1862. At Port Hvidson and in the Red River campaign he rendered important service; also in the capture of Fort Fisher, and of Fort Mor- gan, near Mobile. He was brevetted ma- jor-general United States army in 1866. He died on Governor's Island, New York, Nov. 8, 1882. Arnold, Samuel Greene, legislator and author; born in Providence, R. I., April 12, 1821. He was graduated at Brown University in 1841. After exten- sive travel in Europe, the East, and South America, he became, in 1852, lieutenant- governor of Rhode Island. In 1861 he took the field in command of a battery of artillery. He was lieutenant-governor, 1861-62, and United States Senator in 1863. He was the author of a History of Rhode Island. He died in Providence, Feb. 12, 1880. Aroostook Disturbance. In 1837-39 the unsettled boundary between Maine and New Brunswick nearly led to active hos- tilities on the Aroostook River. Maine sent armed men to erect fortifications, and Congress authorized the President to re- sist the encroachments of the British. General Scott arranged a truce and joint occupation. The boundaries were finally adjusted by treaty, Aug. 9, 1842. See AsHBURTON, Lord; Maine; Webster, Daniel. Arroyo, a seaport in the district of Guayama, in the southeastern part of the island of Porto Rico. It is on a bay of the same name, and has a population of about 1,200. Its trade with the United States prior to the war with Spain was annually from 7,000 to 10,000 hogsheads of sugar, 2.000 to 5,000 casks of molasses, and 50 to 150 casks and barrels of bay-rum. Arsenals. In 1901, arsenals, armories, and ordnance depots were established at the following places: Arsenals — -Alle- gheny, Pa. ; Augusta, Ga. ; Benicia, Cal. ; Columbia, Tenn. ; Fort Monroe, Va. ; Frankford, Pa.; Indianapolis, Ind. ; Ken- nebec (Augusta), Me.; New York (Gov- ernor's Island), N. Y. ; Rock Island, 111.; San Antonio, Tex. ; Watertown, Mass. ; and Watervliet, N. Y. Armory — Spring- field, Mass. Poioder Depots — St. Louis, Mo., and Dover, N. J. Ordnance Proving (rround — Sandy Hook (Fort Hancock), N. J. Art, Metropolitan Museum of. New York City, founded by the action of a public meeting held at the Academy of Music in November, 1869. In April, 1870, a charter was obtained from the legislat- ure " for the purpose of establishing a museum and library of art ; of encourag- ing and developing the study of the fine arts; of the application of art to manu- facture and to practical life; of advancing the general knowledge of kindred subjects; and to that end of furnishing popular in- struction and recreation." Later the leg- islature authorized the Park Department to erect a two-story fire-proof building for its use in Central Park, the cost not to exceed .$500,000, and also to set apart a tract of eighteen and a half acres in the eastern part of the Park between Eightieth and Eighty-fifth streets. The Museum was formally opened by the President of the ITnited States, March 30, 1880. An addi- 20 ABTESIAN WELLS— ARTHUR tion on the south side and one on the north were made in 1894, increasing the total ground area from 233 by 104 feet to 233 by 344 feet. In 1897 a further ex- si on was authorized, for which an ap- propriation of $1,000,000 was made. Artesian Wells, wells formed by bor- ing through upper soil to strata contain- ing water which has percolated from a higher level, and which rises to that level through the boring-tube. The following are some of the deepest wells in the United States: Pdver, from 800 to 1,600 feet deep, afford- ing a bountiful supply of pure water. The water from great depths is always warmer than at the surface. One of the most remarkable attempts to sink an artesian well in the United States was made in Galveston, Tex. A depth of 3,070 feet and 9 inches was reached, without penetrating any rock or finding water. After the contractors had reached a depth of 3,000 feet, which was the limit stipulated in their contract, they were paid $76,000, and the work was Location. Depth. Bored. Remarks. St. Louis, Mo St. Louis, Mo 2,197 ft. 3,843 2,086 2,7751/2 " 1,250 1849-52 1866-70 1856-57 iS48 108,000 gallons daily. Salty. Does not rise to the surface. Salty. 330,000 gallons daily. Mineral. Water saline, 91° Fahr. : no force. 28,800 gallons daily. Saline. Columbus, O Charleston, S. C South Dakota, sometimes called the officially abandoned in 1892, the contrac- " Artesian State," has many powerful ar- tors carrying the work a few feet further tesian wells in the valley of the James as a matter of curiosity. See Irrigation. ARTHUR, CHESTER ALAN Arthur, Chester Alan, twenty-first President of the United States, from Sept. 19, 1881, to March 4, 1885; Republican; born in Fairfield, Vt., Oct. 5, 1830; was graduated at Union College in 1848; studied law, was admitted to the bar in 1854; and became a successful prac- titioner. He gained much celebrity in a suit which involved the freedom of some slaves, known as the " Lemmon case." He procured the admission of colored persons to the street-cars of New York City by gaining a suit against a railway company in 1856. Mr. Arthur did efficient service during the Civil War as quartermaster- general of the State of New York. In 1872 he was appointed collector of the port of New York, and was removed in 1878. In 1880, he was elected Vice-Presi- dent, and on the death of President Gar- field, Sept. 19, 1881, he became Presi- dent. He died in New York City, Nov. 18, 1886. Veto of Chinese Immigration Bill. — On April 4, 1882, President Arthur sent the following veto message to the Senate: To the Senate, — After a careful consid- eration of Senate Bill No. 71 1 entitled 2 " An act to execute certain treaty stipu- lations relating to Chinese," I herewith return it to the Senate, in which it origin- ated, with my objections to its passage. A nation is justified in repudiating its treaty obligations only when they are in conflict with great paramount inter- ests. Even then all possible reasonable means for modifying or changing these obligations by mutual agreement should be exhausted before resorting to the su- preme right of refusal to comply with them. These rules have governed the United States in their past intercourse with other powers, as one of the family of na- tions. I am persuaded that if Congress can feel that this act violates the faith of the nation as pledged to China, it will concur with me in rejecting this particu- lar mode of regulating Chinese immigra- tion, and will endeavor to find another v/hich shall meet the expectations of the people of the United States without coming in conflict with the rights of China. The present treaty relations between that power and the United States spring from an antagonism which arose between 21 ARTHTTR, CHESTER ALAN our paramount domestic interests and our previous relations. The treaty commonly known as the Burlingame treaty conferred upon Chinese subjects the right of volun- tary emigration to the United States for the purposes of curiosity or trade, or as permanent residents, and was in all re- spects reciprocal as to citizens of the United States in China. It gave to the voluntai-y emigrant coming to the United States the right to travel there or reside there, with all the privileges, immuni- ties, or exemptions enjoyed by the citi- zens or subjects of the most favored na- tion. Under the operation of this treaty it was found that the institutions of the United States and the character of its peo- ple and their means of obtaining a live- lihood might be seriously affected by the unrestricted introduction of Chinese labor. Congress attempted to alleviate this con- dition by legislation, but the act which it passed proved to be in violation of our treat}'' obligations, and, being returned by the President with his objections, failed to become a law. Diplomatic relief was then sought. A new treaty was concluded with China. Without abrogating the Burlingame treaty, it was agreed to modify it so far that the government of the United States might regulate, limit, or suspend the com- ing of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence therein, but that it should not absolutely prohibit them, and that the limitation or suspen- sion should be reasonable, and should apply only to Chinese who might go to the United States as laborers, other classes not being included in the limita- tions. This treaty is unilateral, not re- ciprocal. It is a concession from China to the United States in limitation of the rights which she was enjoying under the Burlingame treaty. It leaves us by our own act to determine when and how we will enforce those limitations. China may, therefore, fairly have a right to ex- pect that in enforcing them we will take good care not to overstep the grant, and to take more than has been conceded to us. It is but a year since this new treaty under the operation of the Constitution, became part of the supreme law of the land ; and the present act is the first at- tempt to exercise the more enlarged pow- ers which it relinquishes to the United States. In its first article, the United States is empowered to decide whether the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their residence therein, affects or threatens to affect our inter- ests, or to endanger good order, either within the whole country or in any part of it. The act recites that " in the opin- ion of the government of the United States the coming of Chinese laborers to this country endangers the good order of certain localities thereof." But the act itself is much broader than the recital. It acts upon residence as well as immigra- tion, and its provisions are effective throughout the United States. I think it may fairly be accepted as an expression of the opinion of Congress that the coming of such laborers to the United States, or their residence here, affects our interests and endangers good order through the country. On this point I should feel it my duty to accept the views of Congress. The first article further confers the power upon this government to regulate, limit, or suspend, but not actually to pro- hibit, the coming of such laborers to or their residence in the United States. The negotiators of the treaty have recorded with unusual fulness their understanding of the sense and meaning with which these words were used. As to the class of persons to be affected by the treaty, the Americans inserted in their draft a provision that the words " Chinese laborers " signify all immigra- tion other than that for " teaching, trade, travel, study, and curiosity." The Chi- nese objected to this that it operated to include artisans in the class of laborers whose immigration might be forbidden. The Americans replied that they could not consent that artisans shall be excluded from the class of Chinese laborers, for it is this very competition of skilled labor in the cities, where the Chinese labor immi- gration concentrates, which has caused the embarrassment and popular discon- tent. In the subsequent negotiations this definition dropped oiit, and does not ap- pear in the treaty. Article II. of the treaty confers the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which are accorded to citizens and subjects of the most favored 222 ARTHUR, CHESTER ALAN nation upon Chinese subjects proceeding cellencies to the end that a limitation to the United States as teachers, students, either in point of time or numbers may- merchants, or from curiosity. The Amer- be fixed upon the emigration of Chinese iean Commissioners report that the Chi- laborers to the United States." At a sub- uese government claimed that in this sequent interview they said that " by limi- article they did, by exclusion, provide that tations in number they meant, for example, nobody should be entitled to claim the tliat the United States, having, as they benefit of the general provisions of the supposed, a record of the number of im- Burlingame treaty but those who might migrants in each year, as well as the total go to the United States in those capaci- number of Chinese now there, that no more ties or for those purposes. I acecpt this should be allowed to go in any one year as the definition of the word " laborers " in future than either the greatest number as used in the treaty. which had gone in any year in the past, As to the power of legislating respect- or that the total number should never be ing this class of persons the new treaty allowed to exceed the number now there, provides that we " may not absolutely pro- As to limitation of time, they meant, for hibit " their coming or their residence, example, that Chinese should be allowed The Chinese commissioners gave notice in to go in alternate years, or eveiy third the outset that they would never agree to year, or for example, that they should a prohibition of voluntary emigration, not be allowed to go for two, three, or Notwithstanding this, the United States five years." At a subsequent conference commissioners submitted a draft in which the Americans said: "The Chinese com- it was provided that the United States missioners have in their project explicitly might " regulate, limit, suspend, or pro- recognized the right of the United States hibit " it. The Chinese refused to accept to use some discretion, and have proposed this. The Americans replied that they a limitation as to time and number. This were willing to consult the wishes of the is the right to regulate, limit, or suspend." Chinese government in preserving the In one of the conferences the Chinese principle of free intercourse between the asked the Americans whether they could people of the two countries as established give them any idea of the laws which by existing treaties, provided that the right would be passed to carry the powers into of the United States government to use execution. The Americans answered that its discretion in guarding against any this could hardly be done; that the possible evils of immigration of Chinese United States government might never laborers is distinctly recognized. There- deem it necessary to exercise this power, fore, if such concession removes all diffi- It would depend upon circumstances. If culty on the part of the Chinese com- Chinese immigration concentrated in cities, missioners (but only in that case), the where it threatened public order, or if it United States commissioners will agree confined itself to localities where it was to remove the word " prohibit " from their an injury to the interests of the American article and to use the words " regulate, people, the government of the United limit, or suspend." The Chinese reply to States would undoubtedly take steps to this can only be inferred from the fact that prevent such accumulations of Chinese, in the place of an agreement, as proposed If, on the contrary, there was no large by our commissioners, that we might pro- immigration, or if there were sections of hibit the coming or residence of Chinese the country where such immigration was laborers, there was inserted in the treaty clearly beneficial, then the legislation of an agreement that we might not do it. the United States under this power would The remaining words, " regulate, limit, be adapted to such circumstances. For and suspend," first appear in the Ameri- example, there might be a demand for can draft. When it was submitted to Chinese labor in the South and a surplus the Chinese they said : " We infer that of such labor in California, and Congress of the phrases regulate, limit, suspend, might legislate in accordance with these or prohibit, the first is a general expres- facts. In general, the legislation would sion referring to the others. . . . We are be in view of and depend upon circum- entirely ready to negotiate with your Ex- stances of the situation at the moment 223 ARTHUR, CHESTER ALAN such legislation became necessary. The return the act with this objection to its Chinese commissioners said this explana- passage. tion was satisfactory; but they had not Deeply convinced of the necessity of intended to ask for a draft of any special some legislation on this subject, and con- act, but for some general idea of how the curring fully with Congress in many of the power would be exercised. What had just objects which are sought to be accom- been said gave them the explanation which plished, I avail myself of the opportunity they wanted. to point out some other features of the With this entire accord as to the mean- present act which, in my opinion, can be ing of the words they were about to em- modified to advantage. ploy, and the object of the legislation The classes of Chinese who still enjoy which might be had in consequence, the the protection of the Burlingame treaty parties signed the treaty, in Article I. of are entitled to the privileges, immuni- which " the government of China agrees ties, and exemptions accorded to citizens that the government of the United States and subjects of the most favored nation, may regulate, limit, or suspend such com- We have treaties with many powers ing or residence, but may not absolutely which permit their citizens and subjects prohibit it. The limitation or suspension to reside within the United States and shall be reasonable, and shall apply only carry on business under the same laws to Chinese who may go to the United and regulations which are enforced States as laborers, other classes not being against citizens of the United States. I included in the limitations. Legislation think it may be doubted whether pro- taken in regard to Chinese laborers will visions requiring personal registration be of such a character only as is necessary and the taking out of passports which are to enforce the regulation, limitation, or not imposed upon natives can be required suspension of immigration." of Chinese. Without expressing an opin- The first section of the act provides that ion on that point, I may invite the atten- " from and after the expiration of sixty tion of Congress to the fact that the sys- days next after the passage of this act, tem of personal registration and passports and iintil the expiration of twenty years is undemocratic and hostile to the spirit next after the passage of this act, the of our institutions. I doubt the wisdom coming of Chinese laborers be, and the of putting an entering wedge of this same is hereby, suspended; and during kind into our laws. A nation like the such suspension it shall not be lawful United States, jealous of the liberties of for any Chinese laborer to come, or hav- its citizens, may well hesitate before it ing so come after the expiration of said incorporates into its polity a system sixty days, to remain within the United which is fast disappearing in Europe be- States." fore the progress of liberal institutions. The examination which I have made of A wide experience has shown how futile the treaty and of the declarations which such precautions are, and how easily pass- its negotiators have left on record of the ports may be borrowed, exchanged, or even meaning of its language leaves no doubt forged by persons interested to do so. in my mind that neither contracting party If it is, nevertheless, thought that a in concluding the treaty of 1880 contem- passport is the most convenient way for plated the passage of an act prohibiting identifying the Chinese entitled to the immigration for twenty years, which is protection of the Burlingame treaty, it nearly a generation, or thought that such may still be doubted whether they ought a period would be a reasonable suspension to be required to register. It is certain- or limitation, or intended to change the ly our duty, under the Burlingame provisions of the Burlingame treaty to treaty, to make their stay in the United that extent. States, in the operation of general I regard this provision of the act as a laws upon them, as nearly like that of breach of our national faith, and being our own citizens as we can consistently unable to bring myself in harmony with with our right to shut out the laborers, the views of Congress on this vital point. No good purpose is served in requiring the honor of the country constrains me to them to register. 224 ARTHUR, CHESTER ALAN My attention has been called by the Chinese minister to the fact that the bill as it stands makes no provision for the transit across the United States of Chinese subjects now residing in foreign countries. I think that this point may well claim the attention of Congress in legislating on this subject. I have said that good faith requires us to suspend the immigration of Chinese laborers for a less period than twenty years. T now add that good policy points in the same direction. Our intercourse with China is of recent date. Our first treaty with that power is not yet forty years old. It is only since we acquired California and estab- lished a great seat of commerce on the Pacific that we may be said to have broken down the barriers which fenced in that ancient monarchy. The Bur- lingame treaty naturally followed. Under the spirit which inspired it, many thou- sand Chinese laborers came to the Unit- ed States. No one can say that the coun- try has not profited by their work. They were largely instrumental in constructing the railroads which connect the Atlantic with the Pacific. The States of the Pa- cific slope are full of evidences of their industry. Enterprises profitable alike to the capitalist and the laborer of Cau- casian origin would have been dormant but for them. A time has now come when it is supposed they are not needed, and when it is thought by Congress, and by those most acquainted with the subject, that it is best to try to get along without them. There may, however, be other sec- tions of the country where this species of labor may be advantageously employed without interfering with the laborers of our own race. In making the proposed experiment it may be the part of wis- dom, as well as of good faith, to fix the length of the experimental period with reference to this fact. Experience has shown that the trade of the East is the key to national wealth and influence. The opening of China to the commerce of the whole world has bene- fited no section of it more than the States of our own Pacific slope. The State of California and its great mari- time ports especially have reaped enor- mous advantages from this source. I.— P 225 Blessed with an exceptional climate, en- joying an unrivalled harbor, with the riches of a great agricultural and mining State in its rear, and the wealth of the whole Union pouring into it over its lines of railroad, San Francisco has before it an incalculable future if our friendly and amicable relations with Asia remain un- disturbed. It needs no argument to s^iow that the policy which we now propose to adopt must have a direct tendency to re- pel Oriental nations from us, and to drive their trade and commerce into more friend- ly hands. It may be that the great and paramount interest of protecting our labor from Asiatic competition may jus- tify us in a permanent adoption of this policy; but it is wiser in the first place to make a shorter experiment with a view hereafter of maintaining permanently only such features as time and experience may commend. I transmit herewith copies of the papers relating to the recent treaty with China which accompanied the confidential mes- sage of President Hayes to the Senate of Jan. 10, 1881, and also a copy of the memorandum respecting the act herewith returned, which was handed to the Secre- tary of State by the Chinese minister in Washington. Chester A. Arthur. Executive Mansion, Washington, April Jf, 1882. THE MEMORANDUM. 1. The time fixed in the bill, namely, twenty years, is unreasonable. The lan- guage of Article I. that " laborers " shall not be absolutely prohibited from coming to the United States and that the " sus- pension shall be reasonable," as well as the negotiations, indicate that a brief period was intended. The total prohibition of the immigra- tion of Chinese laborers into the United States for twenty years would, in my opinion, be unreasonable, and a violation of the meaning and intent of the treaty. 2. The inclusion of " skilled labor " in the bill is an addition to the words and in- tent of the treaty. It will operate with harshness upon a class of Chinese mer- chants entitled to admission to the United States under the terms of the treaty. The shoe merchants and cigar merchants of China manufacture the goods they sell ARTHUH— ASGILL at their places of business, and to shut 30, 1775, and extended March 20, 1776; out the " skilled labor " they need would enacted again, with little alteration, April practically shut them out as well, since it 10, 180G. Some additions were made from would prevent them from carrying on 1861-65, and in 1874 they were codified as their business in this country. The laun- section 1,342 of the Revised Statutes of dryman, who keeps his shop and has a the United States. small capital with which to prosecute his Artillery. See Explosives for Large trade, cannot in any sense be included in Guns; Ordnance. the class of " laborers," and the merchant Arts. See Fine Arts ; Mechanic tailor comes in the same category. Arts; Technology, Institutes of. 3. The clauses of the bill relating to Asboth, Alexander Sandor, military registration and passports are a vexatious officer; born in Hungary, Dec. 18, 1811. discrimination against Chinese residents He had served in the Austrian army, and and immigrants, when Article II. provides at the outbreak of the revolution of 1848 explicitly that they shall be entitled to all he entered the insurqent army of Hungary, the privileges conceded to the subjects of He accompanied Kossuth in exile in Tur- the most favored nation. The execution key. In the autumn of 1851 he came to of these provisions of the bill will cause the United States in the frigate Missis- irritation, and in case of the loss of the sippi, and became a citizen. When the passport or certificate of registration, Chi- Civil War broke out in 1861 he offered his nese residents entitled to remain may be services to the government, and in July .forcibly expelled from the country. he went as chief of Fremont's staff to Mis- 4. If the bill becomes a law it will leave souri, where he was soon promoted to the impression in China that its govern- brigadier-general. He performed faith- ment strangely misunderstood the char- ful services until wounded in the face and acter of the treaty, or that the Congress one arm, in Florida, in a battle on Sept. has violated some of its provisions, and 27, 1864. For his services there he was this will tend to prejudice the intelligent Jbrevetted a major-general in the spring of classes against the United States govern- 1865, and in August following he resigned, ment and people, whom they now greatly and was appointed minister to the Ar- admire and respect. gentine Republic. The wound in his face 5. There is no provision in the bill for caused his death in Buenos Ayres, Jan. the transit across the United States of 21, 1868. Chinese subjects now residing in foreign Asbury, Francis, first bishop of the countries. Large numbers of Chinese live Methodist Episcopal Church in America; in Cuba, Peru, and other countries, who born at Handsworth, Staffordshire, Eng- cannot return home without crossing the land, Aug. 26, 1745. In his twenty- third territory of the United States or touching year he became an itinerant preacher un- at San Francisco. To deny this privi- der the guidance of John Wesley, and lege, it seems to me, is in violation of in- came to the United States in 1771. The ternational law and the comity of na- next year Wesley appointed him general tions, and if the bill becomes a law it will superintendent of the Methodist churches in this respect result in great hardship in America, and he held that office until to many thousands of innocent Chinese in the close of the Revolution, when the foreign countries. Methodists here organized as a body sepa- Arthur, Peter M., labor leader; born rate from the Church in England. Mr. As- in Scotland about 1831; emigrated as a bury was consecrated bishop by Dr. Coke boy to America; elected chief of the in 1784. After that, for thirty-two years, locomotive engineers in 1876. he travelled yearly through the United Articles of Confederation. See Con- States, ordaining not less than 3,000 min- federation. Articles of. isters, and preaching not less than 17,000 Articles of War. In the United States, sermons. He died in Spottsylvania, Va., Congress only can make articles of war. March 31, 1816. These have been based on the English Asgill, Sir Charles, British military articles and mutiny act. They were "first officer; born in England, April 7, 1762. adopted by the Continental Congress, Julv He was among the troops under Corn- '226 ASGILL— ASHBURTON wallis surrendered at Yorktown, where he held the position of captain. Late in 1781, Capt. Joseph Huddy, serving in the New Jersey line, was in charge of a block-house on Toms River, Monmouth co., N. J. There he and his little garrison were capt- ured in March, 1782, by a band of refu- gee loyalists sent by the " Board of As- sociated Loyalists " of New York, of which ex-Governor Franklin, of New Jer- sey, was president, and taken to that city. On April 8, these prisoners were put in charge of Capt. Richard Lippincott, a New Jersey loyalist, who took them in a sloop to the British guard-ship at Sandy Hook. There Huddy was falsely charged with be- ing concerned in the death of Philip CAPT. CHARLES ASGILL. White, a desperate Tory, who was killed while trying to escape from his guard. While a prisoner, Huddy Avas taken by Lippincott to a point at the foot of the Navesink Hills, near the present light- houses, and there hanged. Lippincott af- fixed a label to the breast of the murdered Huddy, on which retaliation was threat- ened, and ending with the words, " Up goes Huddy for Philip White!" This murder created intense excitement at Freehold, N. J., Avhere Huddy was buried, and the leading citizens petitioned Washington to retaliate. A council of his officers decided in favor of retaliation, and that Lippincott, the leader, ought to suf- fer. He was demanded of Sir Henry Clin- ton. Congress authorized retaliation, and from among several British officers, prisoners of war, Capt. Charles Asgill was chosen by lot, to be executed immediately. Washington postponed the execution until he should hear from Clinton about the surrender of Lippincott. Clinton at once condemned the action of Lippincott, and ordered (April 26) the Board of Asso- ciated Loyalists not to remove or ex- change any prisoners of war without the authority of the commander-in-chief. He caused the arrest of Lippincott for trial, who claimed that he acted under orders of the Board of Associated Loyalists. Franklin tried to get him to sign a paper that he had acted without their orders or approbation, but he stoutly refused, and was acquitted. Sir Guy Carleton succeed- ed Clinton, and he promised that further inquiry in the matter should be had. Meanwhile months elapsed and the execu- tion was postponed. Lady Asgill appealed to the king in behalf of her only son. She also wrote to the King and Queen of France asking them to intercede with AVashington. She also wrote a touching letter to Washington, who was disposed to save the young officer, if possible. The King and Queen of France did intercede, and on Nov. 5, 1782, Congress resolved, " That the commander-in-chief be, and hereby is, directed to set Captain Asgill at liberty." It was done. The case of young Asgill had created an intense in- terest in Europe, and, on the arrival of every ship from America at any European port, the first inquiry was about the fate of Asgill. In 1836, Congress granted to Martha Piatt, only surviving child of Captain Huddy, then seventy years of age, $1,200 in money and 600 acres of land, the " amount due Captain Huddy for seven years' service as captain of artillery." As- gill succeeded to the title and estate of his father, and rose to the rank of general in the British army. He died in London, July 2.3, 1823. Madame de Sevingg made the story of Captain Asgill the ground- work of a tragic drama. Ashburton, Alexander Baring, Lord, English diplomatist; born in England, Oct. 27, 1774; son of Sir Francis Baring, an eminent merchant; was employed, in bis youth, in mercantile affairs, in the 227 ASHBY— ASIA United States, and married an American pox, which he had contracted in prison, wife. In 1810 he became the head of his in Sampson county, N. C, Oct. 24, 1781. father's business house; in 1812-35 sat Ashmun, George, statesman; born in in Parliament, and in 1835 was raised to Blandford, Mass., Dec. 25, 1864; grad- the peerage under the title of Baron Ash- uated at Yale in 1823; elected member of burton. The unsettled condition of the the State legislature 1833 to 1841 ; member Northeastern boundary question led Sir of Congress 1845 to 1851 ; president of the Kobert Peel to send Baron Ashburton to Chicago convention which nominated Lin- the United States, as being widely ac- coin for President in 1860. He died in quainted with American affairs. Here he Springfield, Mass., July 17, 1870. concluded, Aug. 9, 1842, with Daniel Web- Ashmun, Jehudi, missionary; born in ster, the " Webster-Ashburton Treaty," Champlain, N. Y., in April, 1794; grad- which settled the northeastern boundary uated at Bowdoin College in 1816. He between the United States and the Brit- was sent with a reinforcement to Li- ish dominions. For this achievement he beria in 1822, where he acted as legislator, was accorded, in both Houses of Parlia- soldier, and engineer in constructing for- ment, a complimentary vote of thanks, tifications. He died in Boston, Mass., and an earldom was offered him, which Aug. 25, 1828. he declined. He was privy councillor, Asia, The, the name of the British a trustee of the British Museum, and re- man-of-war which brought Governor Try- oeived the D.C.L. degree from Oxford, on to New York (June, 1775) , and anchor- He died in Longleat, England, May 13, ed off the Battery, foot of Broadway. A 1848. See Webster, Daniel. party led by John Lamb, a captain of ar- Ashby, Turner, military officer; born tillery, proceeded, on the evening of Aug. in Rose Hill, Fauquier co., Va., in 1824. 23, to remove the cannons fi-om that bat- When the Civil War began he raised a tery and the fort (for war seemed inevi- regiment of Confederate cavalry, which table) and take them to a place of safety, soon became celebrated. He covered the There was, also, an independent corps, un- retreat of " Stonewall " Jackson from at- der Colonel Lasher, and a body of citizens, tacks by General Banks and General Fre- guided by Isaac Sears. The captain of niont, skirmishing with the vanguard of the Asia, informed of the intended move- each ; and he was made a brigadier-gen- ment, sent a barge filled with armed men eral in the Confederate army in 1862. to watch the patriots. The latter, in- He was killed in an encounter preced- discreetly, sent a musket-ball among the ing the battle of Cross Keys, June 6, men in the barge, killing and wounding 1862. several. It was answered by a volley. Ashe, John, military officer; born in The Asia hurled three round shot ashore Grovely, Brvmswick co., N. C, in 1720; in quick succession. Lamb ordered the was in the North Carolina legislature for drums to beat to arms; the church-bells several year.s, and was speaker in 1762- in the city were rung, and, while all was 65. He warmly opposed the Stamp Act; confusion and alarm, the war-ship fired assisted Governor Tryon in suppressing the a broadside. Others rapidly followed. Regulator movement in 1771, but soon af- Several houses were injured by the grape forwards became a zealous Whig. He was and round shot, and three of Sears's party an active patriot, and because he led 500 v/ere killed. Terror seized the inhabitants men to destroy Fort Johnson he was de- as the rimior spread that the city was to nounced as a rebel. Raising and equip- be sacked and burned. Hundreds of men, ping a regiment at his own expense, he women, and children were seen, at mid- was appointed brigadier-general of the night, hurrying from the town to places Wilmington District in April, 1776. He of safety. The exasperation of the citi- joined Lincoln in South Carolina in zens was intense; and Tryon, taking coun- 1778; and after he was defeated at Brier sel of his fears, took refuge on another Creek, in March, 1779, he returned home, vessel of war in the harbor, whence, like General Ashe suffered much at the hands Dunmore, he attempted to exercise au- of the British at Wilmington after the thority as governor. Among the citizens battle at Guilford, and died of small- led by Sears was Alexander Hamilton, 228 ASSAY OFFICES— ASTORIA then a student in King's College, eighteen years of age. The cannon were removed from the battery and fort, and did good service in the patriot cause afterwards. Assay Ofla.ces in the United States are government establishments where the precious metals are officially tested to determine their purity. In 1901 these offices were located in New York City; Boise City, Idaho; Helena, Mont.; Den- ver, Col.; Seattle, Wash.; San Francisco, Cal. ; Charlotte, N. C; and St. Louis, Mo. See Coinage. Assessment of Taxes. See George, Hexry; Single Tax. Assignment. See Bankruptcy Law. Assiniboine Indians, a branch of the Dakota family, inhabiting each side of the boundary-line between the United States and British America in Montana and Manitoba. In 1871 their number in the United States was estimated at 4,850, and in 1900 there were 1,316, nearly equally divided at the Fort Peck and Fort Bel- knap agencies in Montana. Assumption. In 1790 Hamilton pro- posed that the general government as- sume the debts of the thirteen colonies. Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, and South Carolina opposed the plan, while New Hampshire, Pennsyl- vania, Virginia, Maryland, Georgia, and North Carolina favored it. Southern support was secured by agreeing to fix the national capital on the Potomac. By the act passed Aug. 4, 1790 the State debts, amounting to $21,500,000, were as- sumed by the general government. Astor Family. John Jacob, the found- er, was born in Waldorf, Germany, July 17, 1763. He remained in London until he was twenty, when he began the fur business in New York. He built up a vast fur-trade with the Indians, extending his business to the mouth of Columbia River, on the Pacific coast, where he found- ed the trading station of Astoria in 1811. By this and other operations in trade, and by investments in real estate, he accumu- lated vast wealth. He bequeathed $400,- 000 for establishing a library in the city of New York, which for many years was known by his name, and now forms a part of the New York Public Library. He died in New York City, March 29, 1848. His son William Backhouse; born JUll.N JAC'JB ASTOU. Sept. 19, 1792; educated at the universities of Heidelberg and Gottingen. He added to the endowment of the Astor Library, and gave largely to public charities. He died Nov. 24, 1875. John Jacob, son of William B. ; born June 10, 1822; served on the staff of Gen- eral McClellan during the Civil War; promoted brigadier-general for meritorious services during the Peninsular campaign, 1865; declined the post of United States minister to England, 1876; added largely to the Astor Library and other public purposes. He died Feb. 22, 1890. William, son of William B. ; born July 12, 1830; bequeathed $50,000 to the Astor Library, and $150,000 to other public in- stitutions. He died April 25, 1892. William Waldorf, grandson of Will- iam B.; born March 31, 1848; United States minister to Italy, 1882-85; removed to England in 1891, and became a British subject. John Jacob, son of William; born July 13, 1864; served on the stalT of General Shaffer during the war with Spain. Astoria, a city in Oregon, at the mouth of the Columbia River, founded in 1810 by John Jacob Astok (q. v.). In 1900 the population was 8,381. See Oregon. 229 ASTOB, LIBBABY— ATLANTA Astor Library. See New York Public Library. Astor Place Riot. See Forrest, Edwin; Macready, William Charles. Asylums. See Soldiers' Homes. Athabasca Indians, a nation of North American Indians divided into two great families, one bordering on the Eskimos in the Northwest, and the other stretching along the Mexican frontier from Texas to the Gulf of California. The domain of the Northern family extends across the continent from Hudson Bay to the Pacific Ocean. There are some smaller bands of the same nation, scattered along the Pa- eilic coast from Cook's Inlet to Umpqua River, in Oregon. The Northern family is divided into a large number of tribes, none of them particularly distinguished. The population of the Northern family is esti- mated at 32,000, that of the scattered bands at 25,000, and the Southern family at 17,000. The latter inchides the Navajos and those fierce rovers, the Apaches, with which the government of the United States has had much to do. The Southern family also includes the Lipans on the borders of Texas. The Athabascans are distinguished for their heavy beards, short hands and feet, and square, massive heads. They de- rive their name from Lake Athabasca, in British North America, in lat. 59° N., and half - way between Hudson Bay and the Rocky Mountains. They claim to have come from the West, over a series of isl- ands, and from a land covered with snow. Some observers trace in their language and features a resemblance to the Tartar race. Atherton Gag, The, the name applied to a resolution introduced into the na- tional House of Representatives by Charles G. Atherton, of New Hampshire, provid- ing that all petitions and papers relating to the subject of slavery should be " laid on the table without being debated, print- ed, or referred." The resolution, which was designed to prevent discussion of the slavery question, was passed Dec. II, 1838, and was rescinded in 1845. Atkinson, Edward, economist; born in Erookline, Mass., Feb. 10, 1827; was edu- cated in private schools and at Dartmouth College; and is most widely known by his numerous publications on economic sub- jects, treating of banking, competition. cookery, mechanic arts, the tariff, insur- ance, etc. He invented an improved cook- ing - stove called the " Aladdin Cooker." Soon after Dewey's victory in Manila Bay, Mr. Atkinson became vice-president of the Anti-Imperialist League, and when it was evident that the United States would retain the Philippine Islands, the League jaroduced three tracts, entitled Criminal Aggression by Whom? The Hell of War and Its Penalties; and The Cost of the National Crime. Gen. Elwell S. Otis, commander of the United States troops in the Philippines, early in 1899 notified the War Department that several seditious tracts, mailed in the United States, had been received by many officers and men in his command. After investigation in- structions were given to the Postmaster- General to inform Mr. Atkinson and all postmasters in the United States that the mails would be closed to further trans- mission of the publications. In justifica- tion of his action, Mr. Atkinson declared that the tracts referred to were reprints from government publications and as such were rightfully entitled to circulation through the mails. Mr. Atkinson's pub- lications include The Distribution of Prod- ucts (1885); Industrial Progress of the Nation (1889) ; The Science of Nutrition (1892); Taxation and Work (1892); Every Boy His Oion Book (1893), etc. See Acquisition of Territory; Annex- ed Territory, Status of ; Anti - Expan- sion ; Imperialism. Atlanta, city, county - seat of Fulton county, and capital of the State of Georgia; 171 miles north by west of Au- gusta ; popularly known as " The Gate City " ; is noted for the historical events of which it was the centre, for its exten- sive commercial and manufacturing inter- ests, and for its educational institutions. In its suburbs is Fort McPherson, one of the most complete of the modern military posts in the country. Cotton expositions were held here in 1881 and 1895. The population in 1890 was 65,533; in 1900, 89,872. In the Civil War the main National and Confederate armies remained quiet in their camps after their arrival at the Chatta- hoochee until the middle of July, 1864. Sherman was 8 miles from the city. On the 17th he resumed offensive and active 230 ATLANTA operations, by throwing Thomas's army across the Chattahoochee, close to Scho- field's right, with directions to move for- ward. McPherson moved against the rail- way east of Decatur, and destroyed (July 18) 4 miles of the track. Schofield seized Decatur. At the same time Thomas crossed Peach-tree Creek, on the 19th, in the face of the Confederate intrenchments, skir- mishing heavily at every step. At this juncture, General Rousseau, who had swept through Alabama and northern Georgia, joined Sherman with 2,000 cavalry. On the 20th the National armies had all closed in, converging towards Atlanta, and at 4 P.M. the Confederates, under Hood, made a sor- tie, and struck Hooker's corps with great strength. The Confederates were re- pulsed and driven back to their intrenchments. The entire National loss in this conflict was 1,500 men; Sherman estimated that of the Confederates at not less than 5,000 men. Hood left on the field 500 dead, 1,000 severely wounded, and many prisoners. On the morning of the 21st the Confederates had abandoned their position on the south side of Peach- tree Creek, and Sherman believed they were evacu- ating Atlanta. He pressed on towards the to\\'Ti in a narrow semicircle, when, at the average distance of 2 miles from it, the Nationals were confronted by an inner line of intrench- ments much stronger than the one just abandoned. Behind these swarmed a Con- federate host. On the 22d, McPherson moved from Decatur to assail this strong line; Logan's corps formed his centre, Dodge's his right, and Blair's his left. The latter had driven the Confederates from a commanding eminence the evening be- fore, and the Nationals proceeded to plant a battery upon it. Hood had left a sufBcient number of troops in front of Sherman to hold them, and, by a night march to the ilank and rear of the Nationals, struck them a severe and unexpected blow. It fell with heavi- est force on the division of Gen. G. A. Smith, of Blair's corps. McPherson had ridden from Sherman to Dodge's moving column, and had entered a wood almost alone, for observation, in the rear of Smith's column. At that moment Hardee charged upon the Nationals, and his men THE FORTIFICATIONS A BOUND ATLA.N'TA: were pouring into a gap between Blair and Dodge. McPherson had just given an or- der from his place in the wood for a bri- gade to fill that gap, when the bullet of a sharp-shooter killed him. His body was re- covered during the heat of the battle that ensued. Logan immediately took command of the Army of the Tennessee. At that moment the battle was general all along the line, and raged fiercely for several hours. At 4 p.m. there was a brief lull in the contest. Then a charge of the Con- federates broke Logan's line, pushed back 31 ATLANTA— ATLANTIC TELEGRAPH a brigade in much disorder, and took pos- session of two important batteries. Sher- man ordered up reinforcements, and Lo- gan soon recovered the ground lost. Very soon the Confederates gave way and fell back to their defences. The losses on both sides were heavy. That of the Nationals was 3,722, of whom about 1,000 were prisoners. Generals Thomas and Schofield having well closed up, Hood was firmly held behind his inner line of intrenchments. Sherman concluded to make a flank movement, and sent Stone- man with about 5,000 cavalry, and Mc- Cook with another mounted force, includ- ing Rousseau's cavalry, to destroy the railways in Hood's rear. McCook per- formed his part well, but Stoneman, de- parting from Sherman's instructions, did not accomplish much. Simultaneously with these raids, Slocum began (July 27) a flanking movement from Atlanta. Hood had penetrated Sherman's design, knew of changes in his army, and acted prompt- ly. Under cover of an artillery fire, he moved out with the larger part of his army (July 28), with the expectation of finding Howard's forces in confusion. He was mistaken, and disastrous consequences followed. He threw heavy masses of his troops upon Logan's corps on Howard's right, and was met by a fire that made fearful havoc in their ranks. They re- coiled, but returned to the attack again and again. The battle raged fearfully from noon until about 4 p.m., when the Confederates retired to their intrench- ments, leaving several hundred of their dead on the field. Hood's entire loss in this struggle was about 5,000 men; that of the Nationals did not exceed 600. Lo- gan captured 2,000 muskets, and took 233 prisoners. Sherman extended his right along an intrenched line to the junction of two railways at East Point, over which came the supplies for Atlanta and Hood's army; and the latter, extending a parallel line of works, stood on the defensive. Sherman's long - range guns kindled de- structive fires in Atlanta. At length Hood, who had lost half his infantry in rash en- counters, in sheer desperation sent out Wheeler with his cavalry to break up Sherman's communications and capture supplies. Kilpatrick made a successful counter-movement. On the 25th all of Sherman's munitions of war, supplies, and sick and wounded men were sent to his intrenched position on the Chattahoochee, the siege of At- lanta was raised, and the Nationals began a grand flanking movement, which events had delayed, and which finally caused Hood to abandon the coveted post, cross the Chattahoochee, and make a formidable raid upon Sherman's communications. The Nationals entered Atlanta as victors on Sept. 2, 1864, and the national flag was unfurled over the court-house. Two days afterwards, Sherman issued an order for the inhabitants to leave the town within five days, that the place might be appi'opri- ated to military purposes. He deemed the measure humane, under the circum- stances, for he expected the Confeder- ates to attack him there. To a remon- strance by Hood, he replied, " God will judge me in good time, and He will pro- novmce whether it be more humane to fight with a town full of women and the families of a brave people at our backs, or to remove them in time to places of safety among their o^vn friends." In a few days Atlanta was thoroughly evacuated by the civilians. Atlantic Ocean. See Coast and Geo- detic Survey. Uxited States. Atlantic Telegraph. In 1843 (Aug. 10), Prof. Samuel F. B. Morse, who had endowed the electro-magnetic telegi'aph with intellectual power, in a letter to the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, remarked, after alluding to recent experiments, " The practical inference from this law is, that a telegraphic com- mvmication on my plan may, with cer- tainty, be established across the Atlantic. Startling as this may noiv seem, the time will come when this project will be real- ized." Almost eleven years afterwards an attempt was made to establish telegraphic communication between America and Eu- rope by means of an insulated metallic cable under the sea. Cyrus W. Field, a New York merchant, was applied to for aid in completing a land line of telegraph on the Morse plan, then in the course of construction across Newfoundland — about 400 miles. The question occurred to him, " Why not carry the line across the ocean?" and with his usual pluck and en- ergy he proceeded to the accomplishment 232 ATLANTIC TELEGBAPH of such an enterprise. On March 10, 1854, five gentlemen met at the house of Mr. Field, on Gramercy Park, New York, and signed an agreement for an association called " The New Yorlv, Newfoundland, and London Telegraph Company." They ob- tained from the legislature of Newfound- land a charter guaranteeing an exclusive right, for fifty years, to establish a tele- graph from the American continent to that island, and thence to Europe. These gen- tlemen Avere Peter Cooper, Moses Taylor, Marshall 0. Roberts, Chandler White, and Cyrus W. Field. Twenty-five years after- wards, all but one (Mr. White) were liv- ing, and again met in the same room, and around the same table whereon that asso- ciation was signed, with the same attor- ney of the association then engaged, David Dudley Field. Mr. Cooper was chosen president of the company. Mr. Field procured a cable in England to span the waters between Cape Ray and Cape Breton Island. It was sent out in 185.5, and was lost in an attempt to lay it. It was recovered, and was suc- cessfully laid in 1856. The same year Mr. Field organized in London the " Atlantic Telegraph Company " to carry the line across the ocean. Mr. Field subscribed for one-fourth of the stock of the com- pany. The American and British govern- ments gave them aid in ships, and during 1857 and 1858 expeditions were at sea, laying a cable across the ocean to Valentia on the western coast of Ire- land. Twice, in 1857, the attempt failed, but was successful the follow- ing year. Two vessels, with portions of the cable, met in mid-ocean, July 28, 1858. The portions were spliced, and they sailed for Ireland and Newfoundland respective- ly, and succeeded in laying a continuous line across the Atlantic. It was 1,950 miles in length, and traversed water two- thirds of the distance over 2 miles in depth. These wonderful facts were com- municated by Mr. Field, by telegram, from Trinity Bay, Newfoundland, on Aug. 5, 1858, and created intense interest all over the country. The first public messages across the At- lantic were transmitted, Aug. 16, 1858, by Queen Victoria to President Buchanan, and by him in an immediate reply, in which they congratulated each other on the success of the enterprise by which the two countries were connected by such a mysterious tie. The Queen hoped that it would " prove an additional link between the nations, whose friendship is founded upon their common interest and reciprocal esteem." To this the President cordially responded, and asked : " Will not all na- tions of Christendom spontaneously unite in the declaration that it shall be for- ever neutral, and that its communications shall be held sacred in passing to their places of destination even in the midst of hostilities?" Bonfires and illuminations throughout the Union followed these com- munications. The London Times said (Aug. 6, 1858), "Since the discovery of Columbus, nothing has been done in any degree comparable to the vast enlargement which has thus been 'given to the sphere of human activity." In a very short time the cable ceased to work, and it was pro- nounced a failure. It Avas even intimated that the reputed despatches were only part of a huge fraud. Mr. Field's faith never faltered, though discouragements that would have paralyzed the energies of most men were encountered. He crossed the At- lantic several times to resuscitate the com- pany. The cable had cost $1,256,250, and the expenses of the company up to Dec. 1, 1858, amounted to $1,834,500. The Civil War broke out in 1861, and it was not until 1865 that another expedition to lay a cable was fitted out. The Great Eastern then carried an improved cable. While laying it, a sudden lurch of the ship snapped the line, and it was lost. The company was discouraged. Mr. Field went to Thomas Brassey, a great and liberal English capitalist, and told him that the Atlantic Telegraph Company had suddenly come to a stand-still. " Mr. Held," said Mr. Brassey, " don't be dis- couraged ; go down to the company and tell them to go ahead, and, whatever the cost, I will bear one-tenth of the whole." That company and the " Telegraph Con- struction and Maintenance Company " joined in forming a new association known as the " Anglo-American Telegraph Com- pany," Avith a capital of $3,000,000. An- other cable Avas laid, and permanent elec- tric communication betAveen Europe and America AA^as established July 27, 1866. After tAvelve years of hard and anxious 233 AT LEE— AUCHMITTY labor, during which time Mr. Field crossed the ocean nearly fifty times, he saw the great work accomplished. He had been nobly aided by men in Europe and Amer- ica. Congress voted him the thanks of the nation and a gold medal, while the Prime Minister of England declared that it was only the fact that he was a citizen of an- other country that prevented his receiving high honors from the British government. The glory of his achievement transcends all that man could bestow. See Cables, Ocean ; Field, Cyrus W. At Lee, Samuel John, military offi- cer; born in Pennsylvania, in 1738. He commanded a company of Pennsylvanians in the French and Indian War. Entering the Continental army, Pennsylvania line, he commanded a battalion in the battle of Long Island, Aug. 27, 1776, where he was made prisoner and remained some time in the hands of the British. After- wards he was appointed a commissioner to treat with the Indians. He was a mem- ber of the Continental Congress from 1778 to 1782. He died in Philadelphia, Novem- ber, 1786. Atlixco, Battle at. General Lee marched from Puebla (Mexico) in Oc- tober, 1847, to attack the Mexican Gen- eral Rea, of Santa Ana's army, at Atlixco, 30 miles from that place. Lane's cavalry first encountered Pea's advanced guard, and skirmished until the arrival of his infantry, when the Mexicans fell back tow- aids A.tIixco, keeping up a running fight. Less than 2 miles from that place their main body was discovered (Oct. 18, 1847). Lane's cavalry dashed in among them and drove them into a thick chaparral, which the horses could not enter. The cavalry dismounted, entered the thicket, and there a long and fierce hand-to-hand encounter ensued. The rest of the Americans com- ing up, the Mexicans were forced into the town, when Lane's artillery, posted on a hill, cannonaded the place most severely by the light of the moon. The Mexicans were driven away Avith much loss. At Atlixco Santa Ana's troops finally deserted him, and he fled alone towards the coast. So ended the active hostilities of the Mexi- can War. Attainder, Acts of, in English law, punishing a person by declaring his " blood attainted," and involving forfeiture of 9 property, have been numerous. Two wit- nesses in cases of high treason were neces- sary where corruption of blood was in- curred, unless the party accused confess or stand mute. In the United States the Constitution explicitly says: "No bill of attainder shall be passed, and no attainder of treason, in consequence of a judicial sentence, shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted." Attakappa Indians, a tribe found on the borders of the Gulf of Mexico, west of the Mississippi River, in southern Lou- isiana and eastern Texas. The Choctaws named^ them Attakappas, or Man-eaters. The French were the first Europeans who discovered them ; and the Attakappas aid- ed the latter in a war with the Natchez and Chickasaws. When Louisiana, was ceded to the United States in 1803, there were only about 100 of this nation on their ancient domain, near Vermilion Bay- ou, and they had almost wholly disap- peared by 1825. What their real name was, or whence they came, may never be known. Their language was peculiar, com- posed of harsh monosyllables. Attiwandaronk Indians, members of the family of the Hurons and Iroquois, named by the French the Neutral Nation. In early times they inhabited both banks of the Niagara River, but were mostly in Canada. They were first visited in 1627 by the Recollet Father Daillon, and by Brebeuf and Chaumonot in 1642. The Iroquois attacked them in 1651-53, when a part of them submitted and joined the Senecas, and the remainder fled westward and joined the remnant of the fallen Hu- rons on the borders of Lake Superior. Attorney-General of the United States. See Cabinet, President's. Attn, one of the Aleutian Islands, the most westerly point of the United States. It lies 400 miles from Kamchatka. Call- ing Attu the western extremity of the United States, the city of San Francisco, Cal., is near the middle of its geographical extent east and west, the territories of the United States stretching through 120 de- grees of longitude. Auchmuty, Richard Tylden, philan- thropist; born in New York City, in 1831 ; became an architect, and for many years was associated in practice Avith James 34 AUDENRIED— AUGUSTA Renwick. He served in the Union army during the war, and after its close he re- fused several public offices, retired from business and applied himself to works of benevolence. In 1881 he and his wife established the New York Trade Schools, on a plan entirely original, at a cost of $250,000. J. Pierpont Morgan made the success of this institution permanent by giving it an endowment of $500,000 in 1892. He died in Lenox, Mass., July 18, 1893. Audenried, Joseph Grain, military officer ; born in Pottsville, Pa., Nov. 6, 1839; graduated at West Point in 1861; served throughout the Civil War ; lieuten- ant-colonel for gallant conduct in the At- lanta campaign, 1865; colonel of staff in 1869. He died in Washington, June 3, 1880. Auditor, under the United States gov- ernment, the title of an officer having charge of various branches of public ac- counts. Each of the departments has one such officer, with a deputy. See Cabinet, President's. Audubon, John James, ornithologist; born in New Orleans, May 4, 1780; was the son of a French admiral. Educated at Paris, he acquired much skill as an artist JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. under the instruction of the celebrated David. At the age of seventeen years he began to make a collection of drawings of the birds of America, and became a most devoted student of the feathered tribes of our country. So early as 1810 he went down the Ohio River with his wife and child in an open boat, to a con- genial spot for a forest home. He visited almost every region of the United States. In some of his Western excursions, Wil- son, the ornithologist, was his companion. In 1826 he went to Europe to secure sub- scriptions to his great work. The Birds of America. It was issued in numbers, each containing five plates, the subjects drawn and colored the size and tints of life. It was completed in 4 volumes, in 1838. Of the 170 subscribers to the work, at $1,000 each, nearly one-half came from England and France. He also prepared a work entitled Ornithological Biogra- phies, and had partly completed a work entitled Quadrupeds of America, when he died. His two sons, who inherited his tastes and much of his genius, finished this work, which was published in 1850. His residence, in the latter years of his life, was on the banks of the Hudson, not far from Washington Heights. He died in New York City, .Jan. 27, 1851. Auger, Christopher Colon, military officer; born in New York July 10, 1821; was graduated at West Point in 1843. He served as aide-de-camp to Generals Hopping and Gushing in the war with Mexico, and in 1861 was made a brigadier- general of volunteers, after serving under McDowell. He took command of a division under Banks, and was wounded at the battle of Cedar Mountain, Aug. 9, 1862; the same month he was made major-gen- eral of volunteers. In November, 1862, he reported to General Banks for ser- vice in a Southern expedition, and was very active in the siege and capture- of Port Hudson. From October, 1863, to Au- gust, 1866, he had command of the Depart- ment of Washington, and in 1867 he was assigned to the Department of the Platte. In 1869 he was made brigadier-general U. S. A., and in 1885 was retired. He died in Washington, D. C, Jan. 16, 1898. Augusta, city and county-seat of Rich- mond county, Ga. ; on the Savannah River at the head of steamboat navigation ; 120 miles northwest of Savannah. It is one of the largest and most progressive manu- facturing cities in the South. It was founded by English settlers under Ogle- thorpe, and received the name of an Eng- lish princess. In 1817 it was incorporated AUSTIN— AUTOMATIC GUN a city, and was for many years the most his ■ father was confirmed in February, important inland place in the State. The 1823. By it he was invested with almost population in 1890 was 33,300; in 1900, absolute power over the colonists, whom 39,441. he seated where the city of Austin now is, When Cornwallis proceeded to subju- the site selected by him for the capital gate South Carolina, he sent Lieutenant- of Texas. In March, 1833, a convention Colonel Brown, a Tory leader, to hold Au- formed a State constitution, which Aus- gusta. Over this garrison Pickens and tin took to the central government of Clarke had kept watch, and when, on May Mexico to obtain its ratification. There 20, 1781, they were joined by Lee and his were delays; and he recommended a union legion, they proceeded to invest the fort of all the municipalities, and the organ- there. They took Fort Galphin, 12 miles ization of a State under a Mexican law below, on the 21st, and then an officer was of 1824. He was arrested, taken back to sent to demand the surrender of Augusta. Mexico, and detained until September, Lieutenant-Colonel Brown was one of the 1835. On his return he found the country most cruel of the Tories in that region, in confusion, and he took part with the and the partisans were anxious to make revolutionary party. He attempted, with him a prisoner. He refused to surrender, a small force, to drive the Mexicans out A regular siege began May 23, and con- of Texas, but failed. In November, 1835, tinned until Juiie 4, when a general as- Gen. Sam. Houston was chosen to com- sault was agreed upon. Hearing of this, mand the little Texan army, and Austin Brown pi-oposed to surrender, and the was made commissioner to the United town was given up the next day. In this States. In July, 1836, he returned to siege the Americans lost fifty - one men Texas and was engaged in negotiations killed and wounded ; and the British lost to obtain the official recognition of inde- fifty-two killed, and 334, including the pendence, when death closed his career, wounded, were made prisoners. For sev- Dec. 27, 1836. eral years after the war it was the capital Australian Ballot. See Ballot Re- of Georgia. It was garrisoned by Con- form. federate troops during the Civil War, and Automatic Gun, a light mounted ■was twice threatened by Sherman in his breech-loading gun, so constructed that marches from Atlanta to the sea and the power in the recoil of each shot dis- through South Carolina. charges the empty cartridge case, reloads, Austin, Oscar Phelps, statistician ; and returns the gun to its firing position, born in Illinois; engaged from early life In the Maxim gun, invented by Hiram S. as a contributor, reporter, editor, and Maxim, the constant pressure upon the Washington correspondent for metropoli- trigger keeps it in firing action till all tan newspapers. In 1892 and 1896 he of its ammunition is discharged. A hun- edited the campaign documents for the dred or more cartridges, the number de- Eepublican National Committee, and in pending upon the size of the gun, are May, 1898, Avas appointed chief of the strung on a belt and are directly fed into Bureau of Statistics of the United States the ammunition box. There are two calibres Treasury Department. He is author of of the Maxim gun: the first being the Uncle Sam's Secrets; TJncle Sam's Sol- size of an ordinary rifle and easily held diers; Colonial Systems of the Wo7-ld; cut at arm's length; the second fires a Suhmarine Telegraphs of the World, etc. one-pound ball. Both of these guns can See Commerce, A Century of. fire several hundred shots a minute, the Austin, Stephen Fuller, colonist; first about 700. The Colt gun is also born about 1790; son of Moses Austin, fully automatic. It has but a single of Connecticut, who in 1820 received per- barrel, which, owing to its thickness, does mission from the Mexican commander at not heat quickly, and consequently does Monterey to colonize 300 families in the not need a water-jacket. The barrel is at- province. Moses died Jtme 10, 1821, and tached to a breech casing, and the belts Stephen successfully carried out the are either contained in boxes or may rest scheme. The latter went to the city of on the ground. When fastened to the Mexico in 1821, and the grant given to casing, the boxes move with it. 236 AUTTOSE— AVERELL Auttose, Battle of. Late in Novem- ber, 1813, the Creek country was invaded by troops from Georgia. A cry for help from the settlers among the Creeks had come to the ears of the Geor- gians, when Gen. John Floyd, at the head of 950 militia of that State and 450 friend- ly Indians, guided by Mordecai, a Jew trader, entered the region of the hostiles from the east. Crossing the Chattahoo- chee, he pushed on towards the Tallapoosa, where he was informed tliat a large num- ber of hostile Indians had gathered at the village of Auttose, on the " Holy Ground," on which the prophets had made the bar- barians believe no white man could set foot and live. It was on the left bank of the Tallapoosa, about 20 miles above its confluence with the Coosa. Floyd en- camped unobserved near the town on the evening of Nov. 28, and at dawn he ap- peared before the village with his troops arrayed for battle in three columns. He also had two or three field-pieces. There were two towns, one below the other. The towns were simultaneously attacked, and a general battle ensued. After a brief contest, the roar of artillery and a furious bayonet charge made the Indians fall back in terror to whatever shelter they could find. Their dwellings, about 400 in nimi- ber, were burned, and the smitten and dismayed barbarians were hunted and butchered with fiendish cruelty. It was estimated that fully 200 of the Indians were murdered. Floyd lost eleven men killed and fifty- four wounded. He had marched 120 miles, laid waste the town, and destroyed the inhabitants in the space of seven days. Averasboro, Battle of. On his march from Fayetteville to Goldsboro, Sherman's forces were menaced by the Confederates, and Kilpatrick had several skirmishes with Wheeler and Hampton. He had struck the rear of Hardee's column (March 8, 1865) in its retreat towards Fayetteville. He had fought Hampton, and was defeat- ed, losing many men (who were made prisoners) and guns. Kilpatrick barely escaped on foot in a swamp, where he rallied his men. They fell upon Hampton, who was plundering their camp, routed him, and retook the guns. Hampton had captured 10.3 Nationals and killed or wounded eighty. At Fayetteville, Sher- 237 man utterly destroyed the arsenal, with all the valuable public property of the Confederates there. Moving on, Sherman in accordance with his usual plan, made movements to distract his adversary. He sent Slocum with four divisions of the left wing, preceded by cavalry, towards Averasboro and the main road to Raleigh ; while two divisions of that wing, with the train, took the direct road to Goldsboro. Howard moved with four divisions on the right, ready to assist the left if necessary. It was a terrible march over quagmire roads, made so by incessant rain. They had to be corduroyed continually. Slocum found Hardee intrenched near Averasboro with about 20,000 men. General Williams, with the 20th Corps, took the lead in mak- ing an attack, and very soon he broke the Confederate left Aving into fragments and drove it back upon a second and stronger line. W^ard's division pushed the fugitives and captured three guns and 217 men.; nnd the Confederates left 108 of their dead on the field. Kilpatrick was just securing a footing on the road to Bentonville when he was furiously attacked by McLaw's division, and, after a hard fight, was pushed back. Then the whole of Slocum's line advanced, drove Hardee within his intrenchments, and pressed him so heavily that on the dark and stormy night of March 16, 1865, he retreated to Smithfield. Slocimi lost in the bat- tle seventy-seven killed and 477 wounded. Hardee's loss was estimated at about the same. Ward pursued the fugitives through Averasboro. but soon srave up the chase. Averell, William Woods, military offi- cer; born in Cameron, N. Y., Nov. 5, 1832; graduated at West Point in 1855. Entering the Mounted Rifles, he distin- guished himself in New Mexico by the surprise and capture of a body of Ind- ians. In that warfare he was severely wounded. Soon after the breaking out of the Civil War he was chosen colonel of*a regiment of Pennsylvania cavalry, and became brigadier-general of volunteers in September, 1862. He had taken an active part in the battles on the Peninsula and in Pope's campaign in July and August, 1862. He reinforced Pleasonton in the ad- vance after the battle of Antietam, and was afterwards very active in Virginia, espe- cially in the mountain regions, in 1863. AVERELL— AVERY There had been comparative quiet in of all arms, and moved southward, driving that region after the close of 1861 until Confederates under Gen. " Mudwall " (W. the summer and fall of 1863, when Gen- S.) Jackson to a post on the top of Droop eral Averell, with a cavalry force, made Mountain, in Greenbrier county ; stormed extensive raids in that mountainous coun- them (Nov. 6, 1803), and drove them into try. Before the close of that year he Monroe county, with a loss of over 300 had nearly purged western Virginia of men, three guns, and 700 small-arms, armed Confederates, and seriously inter- Averell's loss was about 100 men. rupted railway communication between the WILLIAM WOODS AVERELL. armies of Lee and Bragg. Col. John Tol- land had led a cavalry raid in these moun- tain regions in July, 1863. He made a descent upon Wytheville, on the Virginia West Virginia was now nearly free of armed Confederates, and Averell started, in December, with a strong force of Vir- ginia mounted infantry, Pennsylvania cav- alry, and Ewing's battery, to destroy rail- way communications between the armies of Lee in Virginia and Bragg in Tennessee. He crossed the mountains amid ice and snow, and first struck the Virginia and Tennessee Railway at Salem, on the head- waters of the Roanoke River, where he de- stroyed the station-house, rolling-stock, and Confederate supplies. Also, in the course of six hours his troops tore up the track, heated and ruined the rails, burned five bridges, and destroyed several cul- verts over the space of 15 miles. This raid aroused all the Confederates of the mountain region, and seven separate com- mands were arranged in a line extending from Staunton to Newport to intercept the raider. He dashed through this line at Covington in the face of some oppo- sition, destroyed the bridges behind him, and one of his regiments, which had been and Tennessee Railway, where his force cut off from the rest, swam the stream was roughly handled by Confederates, and joined the others, with the loss of Tolland was killed, and his command re- four men drowned. Averell captured turned to the Kanawha. In a ride of during the raid about 200 men. "My about 400 miles, during eight days, they command," he said in his report (Dec. had suffered much, and lost eighty-two 21, 1863), "has marched, climbed, slid, men and 300 horses. A little later General and swam 340 miles since the 8th inst." Averell started from Tygart's Valley ; pass- He reported a loss of six men drowned, ed through several counties southward; five wounded, and ninety missing, drove Confederates over Warm Spring He performed gallant service under Mountains; destroyed saltpetre - works ; Hunter, Sigel, and Sheridan in the Shen- menaced Staunton, and was confronted andoah Valley in 1864; and was brevetted by a large force of Gen. S. Jones's com- major-general of volunteers in March, mand near White Sulphur Springs, where 1865. The same year he resigned his com- a conflict for Rock Gap occurred, and last- mission of captain in the regular army, ed the greater part of Aug. 26 and 27. He was consul-general at Montreal in Averell was repulsed, and made his way 1866-69. In 1888, by special act of Con- back to Tygart's Valley, having lost 207 men and a Parrott gun, which burst dur- ing the fight. The Confederates lost 156 men. Much later in the year Averell made another agsrressive movement. He left gress, he was reappointed a captain in the army, and soon afterwards was retired. He died in Bath, N. Y., Feb. 3, 1900. Avery, Samitel Putnam, benefactor; Beverly early in November with 5,000 men born in New York City, March 17, 1822; 238 AVERY— AZTECS began his business career as a copper- active in civil affairs; and in 1779 was plate and wood engraver; in 1865 became colonel of the county militia, serving with an art publisher and dealer; and retired great zeal during the British invasion of in 1888. He was a founder of the Metro- North Carolina. He removed to Burke politan Museum of Art, and is a life county in 1781, which he represented in member of the American Geographical the State legislature many years. He Society, American Historical Society, was the first State attorney-general of American Zoological Society, and Ameri- North Carolina. He died in Burke county, can Museum of Natural History. He has N. C, March 15, 1821. also been president of the Grolier Club, Ayres, Eomeyn Beck, military officer; and of the Sculpture Society. In 1891 he born in East Creek, N. Y., Dec. 20, 1825; and his wife established the Avery Ar- was graduated at West Point in 1847. He chitectural Library in Columbia Univer- served in the artillery in the war with sity, in memory of their deceased son. Mexico, and commanded a battery in the In^l900 he gave to the New York Public battle of Bull Pvun. In October, "^1861, he Library {q. v.) a collection of photo- became chief of artillery of Gen. W. F. graphs, lithographs, and etchings, amount- Smith's division, and soon afterwards of ing in all to over 17,500 pieces, and, with the 6th Corps. He was in the campaign this magnificent collection, a large num- on the Peninsula, and the chief battles ber of art volumes. afterwards in Virginia and Maryland. He Avery, Waigiitstill, lawyer; born in served with distinction through the Rich- Groton, Conn., May 3, 1745; studied law mond campaign of 1864-65; was brevetted in Maryland, and began its practice in major-general of volunteers in March, Mecklenburg county, N. C, in 1769. He 1865; promoted to colonel of the 3d Ar- was prominent there among the opposers tillery, July 18, 1879; and died in Fort of the obnoxious measures of the British Hamilton, N. Y., Dec. 4, 1888. Parliament bearing on the colonies, and Aztecs. The most probable — that is, was one of the promoters and signers of the least unlikely — traditions represent the famous " Mecklenburg Declaration of that the Nahuatlecas, the great family of Independence." He was a delegate to which the Aztecs were a tribe or nation, the Provincial Congress at Hillsborough displaced a people of much higher culture, in 1775 which organized the military and of whose civilization that of the forces of the State; and in the sum- Aztecs was only a rude reflection. Tradi- mer of 1776 he joined the army, under lion represents the seven tribes of the General Rutherford, in the Cherokee coun- Nahuatlecas as emerging from seven cav- try. He was a commissioner in framing erns in the region called Aztlan, possibly the treaty of Holston, which effected peace Arizona and New Mexico. See Cortez; on the Western frontier. Mr. Avery was Montezuma; Velasquez. B. Babbitt, Isaac, inventor ; born in Taun- ton, Mass., July 26, 1799. About 1831 he made, in Taunton, the first Britannia-ware manufactured in the United States, and in 1839 he invented the anti-friction metal which bears his name. Congress gave him $20,000 for his invention; and he took out patents in England (1844) and Rus- sia (1847). He died in Somerville, Mass., May 26, 1862. Babcock, Kendric Charles, educator; born in South Brookfield, N. Y., Sept. 8, 1864; was graduated at the University of Minnesota in 1889; and became professor of history in the University of California in 1894. Babuyan Islands, a group of small islands in the Balintang Channel, between Formosa and the northern extremity of the island of Luzon in the Philippines. The principal one is Claro Babuyan. These islands are also known as Madjicosima Islands, and administratively were con- nected in the past with the Loo-Choo Isl- ands. The population in 1898 was sup- posed to be about 12,000. See Luzon; Phii.tppine Islands. Bacbe, Alexander Dallas, physicist; born in Philadelphia, Pa., July 19, 1806; was a great-grandson of Dr. Franklin, and was graduated at the United States Mili- tary Academy with high honor in 1825, receiving the appointment of lieutenant of engineers, and remaining in the acad- emy awhile as assistant professor. Two years he was under Colonel Totten in the construction of military works in New- port, where he married Miss Fowler, who, as his wife, was his great assistant in as- tronomical observations. He resigned from the army in 1827, and from that time until 1832 he was a professor in the Univer- sity of Pennsylvania. Ardently devoted to scientific pursuits, he made important dis- coveries. In 1836 he was chosen president of the board of trustees of Girard Col- lege, and he was veiy efficient in the or- ganization of that institution. He visited Eurojse to study various institutions of learning there; and in 1839 he published a Report on the European System of Edu- cation. In 1841 he became the first prin- cipal of the Philadelphia High School ; and in 1843 he was appointed superintend- ent of the United States Coast Survey. His services in this field were of the high- est importance. Various universities con- ALEXANDER DALLAS BACUE. ferred upon him the honorary degree of LL.D. He published several scientific es- says ; was a member of the Light-house Board; a regent of the Smithsonian Insti- tution, and active in various public la- bors. Dr. Bache bequeathed $42,000 to the Academy of Natural Science in Phila- delphia, for the promotion of researches in physical and natural science, by assist- ing experimenters and observers. He died 240 BACHE— BACON in Newport, R. I., Feb. 17, 1867. See Bachman, John, naturalist; born in Coast ajvd Geodetic Survey. Dutchess county, N. Y., Feb. 4, 1790. He Bache, Franklijv, chemist; born in was pastor of a Lutheran church at Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 25, 1792; became Charleston, S. C, in 1815-74; but is best Professor of Chemistry at the Philadel- known from his association with Audu- phia College of Pharmacy and at the Phil- bon in the preparation of his great work adelphia Medical College; published 8ys- on ornithology. He contributed the most tern of Chemistry for Students of Medi- of the text on the quadrupeds of North cine, and was associated with Professor America, which Audubon and his sons il- Wood in compiling Dispensatory of the lustrated. He died in Charleston, S. C, United States. He died in Philadelphia, Feb. 25, 1874. Pa., March" 19, 1864. Bacolor, a town in Luzon, Philippine Bache, George M., naval officer; born Islands, on the road from Manila to Tar- in the District of Columbia, Nov. 12, lac; about 30 miles northwest of the 1840; was graduated at the Naval Acad- former city. During the British invasion emy in 1860. He became lieutenant in of the Philippines, in 1762, it was for 1862; lieutenant-commmander in 1866; some time the capital of the group, the and commander in 1875; and was retired SpaniaiMs, under fear lest the city of April 5, 1S75. He commanded an iron- Manila should be bombarded, hastily re- clad gunboat on the Mississippi early in moving their seat of government. The the Civil War, and behaved with great town attracted considerable attention in bravery before Vicksburg. He was after- 1S99 because of the United States mili- wards in command of a little squadron of tary operations against the Filipino in- gunboats in a spirited action near Claren- surgents and the remarkable chase after don, Ark., in June, 1864. He died in Aguinaldo through that section of Luzon. Washington, D. C, Feb. 11, 1896. See Aguiiv^aldo, Emilio; Luzon. Bache, Hartman, engineer; born in Bacon, Delia, author; born in Tall- Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 3, 1798; was niadge, O., Feb. 2, 1811; a sister of Dr. graduated at West Point in 1818, and Leonard Bacon (g. v.). She published while in the army served continuously as in 1857 The Philosoj)hy of Shakespeare's a topographical engineer, on surveys for Plays, in which she put forth the hy- harbor and river improvements, coast de- pothesis that these plays were not writ- fence, roads, and canals. On March 3, ten by Shakespeare, but by Sir Francis 1865, he was promoted to brigadier-gen- Bacon. She died in Hartford, Conn., eral, the highest rank in the engineer Sept. 2, 1859. corps, and in 1867 was retired. His most Bacon, John Mosby, military officer; important engineering works were the born in Kentucky, April 17, 1844; en- construction of the Delaware breakwater listed as a private Sept. 22, 1862; was and the successful application of iron commissioned a brigadier-general of vol- screw-piles in the building of foundations imteers May 4. 1898: subdued the Chip- of light-houses upon coral-reefs and sandy pewas during the outbreak of 1898 ; and shoals. He died in Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. served in Cuba during the American- 8, 1872. . Spanish War. Bache, Sarah, philanthropist; born in Bacon, Leonard, clergyman: born in Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 11, 1744; daugh- Detroit, Mich., Feb. 19, 1802; gradu- ter of Benjamin Franklin and wife of ated at Yale in 1820, and at Andover Eichard IBache; was distinguished Theological Seminary in 1824, and con- throughout the Revolutionary War for nected with Yale Divinity School for her eiTorts to relieve the condition of many years, and lecturer on American the American troops, collecting money. Church History. He was one of the ed- purchasing medicines and other supplies, itors of the Independent for several years, and directing nearly 3,000 women in the and author of Select Practical Writings work of making clothing and other neces- of Richard Baxter; Thirteen Dicourses sities for the army. She also performed on the Ttoo Hundredth Anniversary of the valuable service in the hospitals as a First Church in Neiv Haven; Slavery Dis- nurse. She died Oct. 5, 1808. C4issed; Genesis of the New England I.— Q 241 BACON Churches, etc. He died in New Haven, Conn., Dec '?i. ISST. Bacon, Natpianiel, patriot; born in Suffolk, England, Jan. 2, 1642. He was educated at the Inns of Court, London: came to America with a considerable fort- une in 1670; settled in Gloucester county, "Va., and owned a large estate high up on the James River. A lawyer by jDrofession and eloquent in speech, he easily exercised great influence over the people. He became a member of the council in 1672. He was a republican in sentiment; and, strongly opposing the views and public conduct of Governor Berkeley, the stanch loyalist, he stirred up the people to rebellion. Berke- ley, who was very popular at first, had be- come tyrannical and oppressive as an un- compromising royalist and rigorous exec- utor of his royal master's will. At the same time republicanism had begun a vigorous growth among the jaeople of Vir- ginia; but it was repressed somewhat by a majority of royalists in the House of Bur- gesses; and the council were as pliant tools of Berkeley as any courtiers who paid homage to the King. The governor rigidly enforced navigation laws oppres- sive to colonial commerce ; and the mar- riage laws, and the elective and other franchises, were modified, abridged, or abolished. The Church of England was made supreme, and was an instrument of persecution in the hands of the dominant party, in attempts to drive Baptists, Quakers, and Puritans out of Virginia. Stimulated by these oppressions, repub- licanism grew vigorously in Virginia, and the toilers and righteous men of the aris- tocracy soon formed a powerful republican party that threatened ere long to fill the House of Burgesses with men of their creed. Berkeley, having a pliant majority of the cavalier class in the Assembly, sanc- tioned unjust and arbitrary decrees of the King, who gave to profligate court favor- ites, first large tracts of land, some of it cultivated, in Virginia ; and, finally, in 1673, he gave to two of them (Lord Cul- pepper and Earl of Arlington) "all the dominion of land and water called Vir- ginia " for thirty years. The best men in the colony of both parties, alarmed by this proceeding, sent a committee Avith a remonstrance to the King, but the mission was fruitless. The republicans were very indignant. Bebel- lious murmurs were heard everywhere in the colony ; and the toiling people were taught to regard the aristocracy as their enemies, and so the majority of them were. Having a majority in the legis- lature of the colony, they ruled without any regard for the happiness of the people. Everything for the public good was neg- lected. There were no roads or bridges in Virginia; and the people were com- pelled to travel along bridle-jiaths on land, and to ford or swim the streams. They journeyed on the water in canoes or boats, and endured many hardships. The Avorking-people lived in log-cabins with un- glazed windows. There were no villages. At the time, Jamestown, the capital, con- sisted of only a church, a State-house, and eighteen dwellings ; and, until lately, the Assembly had met in the hall of an ale- house. This was about seventy years after the founding of the colony, when it con- tained 50,000 inhabitants. The large land- owners — the aristocracy — meanwhile were living in luxury in fine mansions, in sight of some beautiful river, surrounded by negro slaves and other dependants, and enjoying a sort of patriarchal life. The governor was clamoring for an increase of his salary, while his stables and fields had seventy horses in them, and flocks of sheep were on his great plantation, called " Green Spring." The tendency of such a state of society was obvious to every re- fleeting mind. It was at this juncture that Bacon arrived in Virginia, and espoused the cause of the republicans. In the summer of 1675 the Indians, seeing their domain gradually absorbed by the encroaching white people, in their despair struck a heavy blow. As they swept from the North through Maryland, John Washing- ton, grandfather of the first President of the United States, opposed them with a force of Virginians, and a fierce border war ensued. Berkeley, who had the monopoly of the fur - trade with the barbarians treated the latter leniently. Six chiefs who had come to camp to treat for peace were treacherously slain by Englishmen The wrathful savages strcAved their path way, in the country between the Rappa hannock and James rivers, with the dead bodies of ten Englishmen for every chief 242 BACON that was treacherously murdered, and fore the insurgent chief, and baring his blackened its face with fire. The supine- bosom, exclaimed, "Shoot! shoot! it is a ness of the governor increased the sense fair mark!" Bacon said, respectfully, of insecurity among the people, and a " Not a hair of your head shall be hurt ; deputation headed by Bacon petitioned we have come for our commissions to him for leave to arm and protect them- save our lives from the Indians." The selves. Berkeley, having reason, as he governor, influenced by his judgment when thought, to suspect Bacon of ambitious his anger had cooled, or by his fears, not rather than patriotic motives (for he had only signed the commission, but joined been engaged in an insurrection before), his council in commending Bacon to the refused to grant this prayer. King as a zealous, loyal, and patriotic At this Bacon took fire. He knew the citizen. That was done on July 4, 1676, hidden cause of the refusal, and he at just 100 years before the famous Declara- once proclaimed that he was ready to lead tion of Independence, written by a Vir- the people against the approaching in- ginia " rebel," Thomas Jefferson {q. v.) , vaders Avithout permission, if another proclaimed the English- American colonies white person should be murdered by them. " free and independent States." Very soon news reached him that some on Bacon, so encouraged, immediately his own plantation, near (present) Rich- marched against the Indians. The faith- mond, had been slain. He summoned the less governor, relieved of his presence, people to a consultation. Mounting stump, he addressed them with impas- sioned eloquence, denounced the governor. crossed the York River, called a conven- tion of the inhabitants of Gloucester county, and proposed to proclaim Bacon and advised his hearers to take up arms a traitor. The convention refused to in their own defence. They were soon em- do so, when the haughty baronet issued bodied in military force, and chose Bacon such a proclamation on his own respon- as their general. He asked the governor sibility, in spite of their remonstrances. to give him a commission as siich, but The news of this perfidy reached Bacon was refused; and Bacon marched against at his camp on the Pamunky River. He the Indians without it. Before he had addressed his followers with much reached York River, the governor pro- warmth, saying, " It vexes me to the heart claimed him a rebel, and ordered his fol- that, while I am hunting the wolves and lowers to disperse. A greater portion of tigers that destroy our lands, I should them followed Bacon's standard, and the myself be pursued as a savage. Shall per- expedition pushed forward; while the sons wholly devoted to their King and lower settlements arose in insurrection, country — men who hazard their lives and demanded an immediate dissolution against the public enemy — deserve the ap- of the aristocratic Assembly. The Ind- pellation of 'rebels' and 'traitors'? The ians were driven back to the Rappahan- whole country is witness to our peaceable nock, a new Assembly was chosen, and behavior. But those in authority, how Bacon was elected to a seat in the House have they obtained their estates? Have of Burgesses from Henrico county. they not devoured the common treasury? The new House represented the popular What arts, what sciences, what learning will. They gave Bacon a commission as have they promoted? I appeal to the general, but Berkeley refused to sign it. King and Parliament, where the cause of Some of the Assembly supported the gov- the people will be heard impartially." ernor in the matter, when Bacon, fearing Under the circumstances. Bacon felt hira- treachery, retired to the " Middle Planta- self compelled to lead in a revolution. He tion" (now Williamsburg), where 500 invited the Virginians to meet in conven- followers proclaimed him commander- tion at the Middle Plantation. The best in-chief of the Virginia forces. With men in the colony were there. They de- these he appeared at Jamestown, and bated and deliberated on a warm August demanded his commission. Regarding day from noon until midnight. Bacon's the movement as revolutionary, the gov- eloquence and logic led them to take an ernor again refused to sign it. The sturdy oath to svipport their leader in subduing old cavalier went out in great anger be- the Indians and in preventing civil war; 243 BACON and again he went against the barbarians. The governor, alarmed by the proceedings at tlie Middle Plantation, fled, with his council, to the eastern shore of Chesa- peake Bay, where, by jDromises of booty, he tried to raise an army among the in- habitants and the seamen of English ves- sels there. William Drummond, who had Meanwhile Berkeley had gathered a motley host of followers incited by prom- ises of plunder; proclaimed the freedom of the slaves of "rebels"; was joined by some Indians from the eastern shore, and the English ships were placed at his ser- vice. With this army, commanded by Major Beverly, the governor sailed with five ships been the first governor of North Carolina, and ten sloops, and landed at Jamestown with his brave and patriotic wife, Sarah, early in September, 1676, where, after was then with Bacon. Mrs. Drummond piously ofl'ering thanksgiving in the did much to incite the Virginians to go church, he proclaimed Bacon a traitor, on in the path of revolution, and she was Bacon was surprised, for he had then few denounced as " a notorious, wicked rebel." followers in camp ; but his ranks swelled Her husband proposed to Bacon to pro- claim government in the colony abdicated by Berkeley on account of his act. It was suggested that a power would come from England that would ruin the republicans rapidly as the news went from plantation to plantation. At the head of a consider- able host of patriotic Virginians, he marched towards Jamestown, seizing by the way as hostages the wives of loyalists in the colony. Sarah snatched up a small who were with Berkeley. The republicans stick from the ground, and exclaimed, " I fear the power of England no more than a broken straw. The child that is unborn t appeared before the capital on a moonlit evening, and cast up intrenchments. In vain the governor urged his motley troops to attack them; they were not made of stuff for soldiers. Finally, the royalists stole away in the night, and com- jjelled the indignant governor to follow them, when Bacon entered Jamestown, and as- sumed the reins of civil power. Very soon he was startled by a rumor that the royalists of the upper counties were com- ing down upon him. In a council of war it was agreed to burn the capital. The torch Avas applied at the twilight of a soft September day, and the next morning nothing was left but the brick tower of the church and a few chimneys (see Jamestown). Then Bacon hastened to meet the approaching royalists, AA'ho, not disposed to fight, desert- ed their leader and joined the " rebels." At the same time the royalists of Glouces- ter yielded their allegiance to shall have cause to rejoice for the good Bacon, and he resolved to cross the that will come by the rising of the coun- Chesapeake and drive the royalists and try." The proclamation of abdication was Berkeley from Virginia. His plans were made, on the ground that the governor siiddenly frustrated by a foe deadlier was fomenting civil war; and writs were than the malignity of the royalists who issued for a representative convention. opposed him. The malaria from the 244 THE OLD CHURCH TOWER AT JAMESTOWN, IN 1850. BACON'S REBELLION— BAD LANDS marshes around Jamestown in Septem- ber had poisoned his blood, and on Oct. 11, 1676, he died of malignant fever. His followers made but feeble resistance there- after; and before November Berkeley re- turned to the Peninsula and resumed the functions of government at the Middle Plantation, which was made the capital of Virginia (see Williamsburg). Bacon had failed ; yet those " do not fail who die in a good cause." His name is embalmed in history as a rebel; had he succeeded, he would have been immortalized as a pa- triot. His principal followers Avere very harshly treated by the soured governor, and for a while terror reigiied in Virginia. The rebellion cost the colony $500,000. See Berkeley, Sir William. Bacon's Rebellion. See Bacon, Na- thaniel. Bad Axe, Battle at. See Black Hawk. Badeau, Adam, military officer; born in New York, Dec. 29, 1831 ; served on the staflf of General Sherman early in the Civil War; was severely wounded at Port Hudson ; became General Grant s mil- itary secretary in January, 1864; aide-de- camp to the general of the army in March, 1865; retired in 1869, holding the rank of brevet brigadier-general, U. S. V. He was consul-general in London in 1870-81, and was consul-general in Havana in 1882- 84. He published Military History of U. S. Grant; Grant in Peace, etc. He died in Ridgewood, N. J., March, 19, 1895. Badgar, Oscar Charles, naval officer; born in Windham, Conn., Aug. 12, 1823; served throughout the Mexican and Civil wars; retired as commodore in 1885; died June 20, 1899. Badger, George Edmund, statesman; born in Newbern, N. C, April 13, 1795; member of the State legislature, 1816-20; judge of the North Carolina Superior Court, 1820-25; appointed Secretary of the Navy by President Harrison, 1841; United States Senator, 1846-55; opposed secession of North Carolina in 1861. He died in Raleigh, N. C, May 11, 1866. Badger State, a name popularly given to the State of Wisconsin on account of the number of badgers found there by the early settlers. Bad Lands, The, " Mauvaises Terres," of the old French fur-traders' dialect, are an extensive tract in the Dakotas, Wyo- ming, and northwestern Nebraska, between the North Fork of the Platte and the South Fork of the Clieyenne rivers, west, south, and southeast of the Black Hills. It lies mostly between long. 103° and 105° N., with an area as yet not perfectly de- fined, but estimated to cover about 60,000 square miles. There are similar lands in the Green River region, of which Fort Bridger is the centre, and in southeastern Oregon. They belong to the Miocene period, geologically speaking. The surface materials are for the most part white and yellowish indurated clays, sands, marls, and occasional thin beds of lime and sand- stone. The locality is fitly described as one of the most wonderful regions of the globe. It is held by geologists that dur- ing the geological period named a vast fresh-water lake system covered this por- tion of our continent, when the compara- tively soft materials which compose the present surface were deposited. As these lakes drained off, after the subsidence of the plains farther east, resulting in the formation of the Missouri Valley, the orig- inal lake beds were worn into canyons that wind in every conceivable direction. Here and there abrupt, almost perpendicular portions of the ancient beds remain in all imaginable forms, some resembling the ruins of abandoned cities. " Towers, spires, cathedrals, obelisks, pyramids, and monu- ments " of various shapes appear on every side, as far as the eye can range. Dr. Hayden, the earliest explorer of this re- gion, said : " Not unfrequently the rising or setting sun will light up these grand old ruins with a wild, strange beauty, re- minding one of a city illuminated in the night, as seen from some high point. The harder layers project from the sides of the canyons with such regularity that they appear like seats of some vast weird amphitheatre." Through all this country rainfall is very light; the earth absorbs the most of what rain does fall, and water and grass are very scanty. The surface- rock is so soft that it disintegrates rap- idly, covering the lower groxmds in many places to a depth of several feet with a soft, powdery soil into which animals sink as in snow, while when wet it becomes a stiff mud of impassable depth. These lands are plainly imsuited for agriculture, 245 BAFFIN— BAILEY and with rare exceptions, here and there, are of little value for grazing purposes. They are, however, one of the most aston- ishing treasuries of fossil remains to be found anywhere. The soft clayey deposits are in some places literally filled with the bones of extinct species of the horse, rhi- noceros, elephant, hog, camel, a deer that strongly resembled a hog, sabre-toothed lions, and other marvellous creatures, which have rendered this section of the earth a study of the highest interest to geologists of all lands. Baffin, William, navigator; said to have been born in London about 1584. He made voyages to West Greenland in 1612- 15, and to Spitzbergen in 1614. In 161 (» he commanded a vessel which reached, it is said, lat. 81° 30' N., and is supposed to have ascertained the limits of the great bay that bears his name. He was the author of two books, in the first of which he gave a new method of discovering the longitude at sea by an observation of the stars. He was killed by the Portuguese at the siege of Ormuz, May 23, 1622. Bagley, Worth, naval officer; born in Ealeigh, N. C, April 6, 1874; was gradu- ated at the United States Naval Academy in 1895. After serving two years on the Montgomery, Texas, and the Maine, he was made ensign July 1, 1897. He was a short time on the Indiana, and then became the executive clerk of Capt. Charles D. Sigs- bee on the Maine. In November, 1897, he was appointed inspector of the new tor- pedo-boat Winsloiv, and when she went into commission on Dec. 28, he was made her executive officer, under Lieut. J. B. Bernadou. her commander. In April, 1898, the WinsloiD was with the fleet mobilized for operations in Cuban waters. On the morning of May II she prepared, with the Hudson and Wihnington, to force an entrance to the harbor of Cardenas. She was fired upon by one of several Spanish gunboats, and immediately there was a general engagement. The Winsloio was soon disabled, and was with difficulty hauled out of range of the Spanish guns. Just as the engagement ended, Ensign Bagley and four sailors were killed by a shell, he being the first American naval offi.cer to fall in the war with Spain. Bagot - Rush Treaty. See RusH- Bagot. Bahama Islands, The, were granted by Charles II. (1667) to the eight courtiers to whom he granted the Carolinas. They had sent William Sayle to bring them some account of the Carolina coast. His vessel was driven by a storm among the Bahama Islands. There he gained much knowledge of them, especially of New Providence, which had a good harbor. On his return to England, King Charles gave a patent for the Bahamas to the proprie- tors of Carolina. At that time these isl- ands were uninhabited, and the group was a favorite resort for buccaneers. In 1776 Commodore Hopkins captured New Providence, but soon abandoned it as un- tenable. During our Civil War the isl- ands were the headquarters of the block- ade-runners, which were chiefly British ships. See Blockade-Runners. Bailey, Guildford Dudley, military officer; born at Martinsburg, Lewis co., N. Y., June 4, 1834; was graduated at West Point in 1856, and entered, as lieutenant, the 2d Artillery, then sta- tioned at Fort Ontario, Oswego, N. Y., where, in 1858, he married a daughter of Col. G. W. Patten, U. S. A. He was afterwards stationed at Fort Leavenworth, Kan., and when the Civil War began he was acting adjutant of the post at Fort Brown, Texas, whose commander. Captain Stoneman, refused to surrender to the Confederates of Texas in obedience to the orders of General Twiggs. Captain Stone- man chartered a steamboat, and, after securing the most valuable public prop- erty there, evacuated the fort and sailed for New York, where he arrived March 15, 1861. Soon afterwards Lieutenant Bailey was sent with reinforcements for Fort Pickens. His mission was success- ful. Sickness finally compelled him to return to New York to recruit his strength. Soon afterwards he Avas re- quested by Governor Morgan to organize a State regiment of light artillery, of which he was made colonel. With these troops, which he had well disciplined at Elmira, he Avent to Washington, and in the spring of 1862 he joined the Army of the Potomac at Fort Monroe. At the battle of Fair Oaks, or Seven Pines (q. v.). Colonel Bailey Avas in General Casey's division. When the sudden and furious attack was made, the infantry 246 BAILEY— BAINBRIDGE TIIKODORUS BAILEY. fell back, leaving Colonel Bailey's battery specially commended Captain Bailey as exposed. Instead of retreating and leav- the leader in that attack. In 1862 he was ing his guns in the hands of the Confed- in command of the Eastern Gulf squad- erates, he determined to make their spoils run, and was successful in breaking up useless to them. Leaping from his horse, he was in the act of spiking one of the guns with his own hand, when the bullet' of a sharp-shooter penetrated his brain, and he fell dead, May 31, 1862. Bailey, Joseph, military officer; born in Salem, 0., April 28, 1827; entered the Union army as a private in 1861 ; acquired great fame by his skill in damming the Red River at Alexandria (May, 1864), by which the squadron of iron-clad gunboats, under Admiral Porter, was enabled to pass down the rapids there Avhen the water was low. He had been a lumberman in Wisconsin, and in that business had learned the practical part which he used in his engineering at Alexandria, where he was acting chief-engineer of the 19th Army Corps. Other engineers said his proposition to dam the river was absurd, but in eleven days the boats, by his method, passed safely down. For this blockade-running on the Florida coast. He achievement he was promoted to colonel, captured about 150 of those vessels in the brevetted brigadier-general, voted the space of a year and a half. In 1865-67 he thanks of Congress, and presented with "\^as in command of the navy-yard at a sword and $3,000 by the officers of the Portsmouth. He died in Washington, D. fleet. He settled in Missouri after the C., Feb. 10, 1877. war, where he was a formidable enemy of Bailey, William Henry, lawyer; born the "bushwhackers," and was shot by in Pasquatauk county, N. C, Jan. 22, them in Nevada, in that State, on March 1831; was elected and appointed to many 21, 1867. offices in his native State; removed to Bailey, Theodorus, naval officer; born Texas in 1891; is the author of The Ef- in Chateaugay, Franklin co., N. Y., April fc-ct of Civil War Upon the Rights of 12, 1805; entered the na\y as midship- Persons and Property; Conflict of Ju- man in January, 1818, and was captain in dicial Decisions, etc. 1855. In July, 1862, he was made com- Bainbridge, William, naval officer; modore, and in July, 1866, rear-admiral born in Princeton, N. J., May 7, 1774. At on the retired ' list. In 1861 Captain the age of sixteen years he went to sea, Bailey was in command of the Colorado, and at nineteen commanded a ship. On in the Western Gulf squadron, and was the reorganization of the navy in 1798 he second in command of the expedition under was appointed a lieutenant. He and his Butler and Farragut up the Mississippi vessel and crew were captured in the West to capture New Orleans, in the spring of Indies by a French cruiser in September 1862. His vessel was too large to pass of that year, but were released in Deceni- the bar. and taking what men and guns ber, when, returning home, he was pro- he could spare, he went up the river in his moted to the command of a brig. In May, boats as a vokmteer, and assumed the com- 1800, he was commissioned a captain, and mand of the first division. He led in the in the ship Washington he carried tribute desperate attack on Fort St. Philip, Fort from the United States to the Dey of Al- Jackson, and the Confederate flotilla. It giers, by whom he was treated with much was one of the most gallant naval opera- insolence. By threats of capture and a tions of the war; and Admiral Farragut declaration of war by the Algerine ruler, 247 BAINBRIDGE— BAIRD he was compelled to take an embassy to Constantinople for that petty despot. On his return, with power given him by the WJLLIAM BAI.VHKIDGE. Sultan, Bainbridge frightened the insolent Dey, compelling him to release all Chris- tian prisoners then in his possession. He returned to the United States in 1801, and command of the Philadelphia, one of Preble's squadron. On Oct. 11 the Phila- delphia struck on a rock near Tripoli, and was captured, with her commander and crew. At Tripoli Bainbridge and 315 of his men , remained prisoners about nine- teen months. On his return to the United States, he was received with great respect, and in the reorganization of the navy, in 180G, he became the seventh in the list of captains. Having obtained the rank of commodore, Bainbridge was appointed to the command of a squadron ( September, 1812) composed of the Constitution (flag- ship), Essex, and Hornet, and sailed from Boston in October. Otl' the coast of Brazil the Constitution captured the British frig- ate Java (Dec. 26) ; and for this exploit the commodore received the thanks of Con- gress and a gold medal. Other honors were bestowed upon him. In 1815 he was appointed to the command of a squadron of twenty sail, destined for Algiers {q. v.), but peace was concluded before it reached the Mediterranean. He settled disputes with the Barbary States; and he again commanded in the Mediterranean in 1819- 21. From that time he was almost con- stantly employed in service on shore, be- ing at one time president of the Board of Navy Commissioners. He died in Phila- BAINBRIDGE MEDAL. he was again sent to the Mediterranean delphia, Pa., July 28, 183.3, and in that with the frigate Essex. Upon tbe declara- city was buried in Christ church-yard, tion of war against the United States by Baird, Absalom, military officer: born Tripoli, in 1803, Bainbridge was put in in Washington, Pa., Aug. 20, 1824: was 348 BAIRD— BAKER graduated at West Point in 1849, having books upon the Huguenots in France and studied law before he entered the military in America. academy. He was ordered to Washington, Baircl, Spencer Fullerton, scientist; born in Reading, Pa., Feb. 3, 1823; was graduated at Dickinson College in 1840. In 1850 he was appoint- ed assistant secretary to the Smith- sonian Institution. He held that office until the death of Prof. Jo- seph Henry (g. v.) in 1878, when he succeeded to the office of secre- tary, which he held until his death, on Aug. 19, 1887. Professor Baird published several works on natural history. In 1871 he was placed at the head of the United States Fish Commission. He died in Wood's Holl, Mass., Aug. 19, 1887. Baker, Edward DicivINSON, mil- itary officer; born in London, Eng- land, Feb. 24, 1811. His family came to the United States when he was a young child, and settled first in Philadelphia and afterwards (1825) in Illinois. Young Baker chose the law for a vocation, and entered upon its practice in Green county, 111. In 1837, while residing in Springfield, he was elected to the legislatuie. He was a State Sena- tor in 1840-44, and then a member of Congress until the beginning of the war with iMexico. In that war (1840-47) he served as colonel of Illinois BAINBRIDGE S MONUMENT. D. C, in March, 1861, and in May was made assistant adjutant-general. He be- came aide to C4eneral Tyler in the battle of Bull Run, and in November Avas made assistant inspector-general, with the rank of major. In March, 1862, he became General Keys's chief of staff; and in April he was made brigadier-general of volunteers, and sent to Kentucky. He commanded a division under General Granger in April, 1863, and was after- wards active in northern Georgia and in the Atlanta campaign. In Sherman's inarch to the sea he commanded a division of the 14th Army Corps, and also in the advance through the Carolinas. He was brevetted major - general, U. S. A., in March, 1865 ; promoted brigadier-general and inspector-general in 1885 ; and re- tired in 1888. Baird, Henry Martyn, educator; born in Philadelphia, Pa., Jan. 17, 1832; be- came Professor of Greek in the New York volunteers, and was again elected to Con- University in 1859; wrote a number of gress in 1848. He settled in California in 249 EDWARD DICKINSON BAKER. BAKER— BALBOA 1852, where he became distinguished in his profession, and as an orator in the ranks of the Republican Party {q. v.). In 1859 he removed to Oregon, where he was elected United States Senator in 1860. He was in that service at the outbreak of the Civil War, when he laised a body of troops in New York and Philadelphia. Those of Pennsylvania v/ere called the " 1st California Regi- ment.." Declining to be appointed gen- eral, he went into the field as colonel at the head of his regiment. While fighting at Ball's Bluff, in Virginia, he was shot dead, Oct. 21, 18G1. See Ball's Bluff, Battle of. Baker, Lafayette C, detective; born in Stafford, jST. Y., Oct. 13, 1826; was a member of the vigilance committee in San Francisco in 1856; ofi'ered his ser- vices to the federal government in 1861; and was sent to Richmond, where he suc- ceeded in collecting much information, and returned to Washington within a month. While in Richmond he was ar- rested and imprisoned as a spy, and had several interviews with the President of the Confederacy. When the secret-service bureau was transferred to the War De- partment, he was appointed its chief, with the rank of colonel, and subsequent- ly was promoted brigadier-general. When President Lincoln was shot by Booth, General Baker organized pursuit, and was present at Booth's capture and death. He published History of the United States Secret Service. He died in Philadelphia, Pa., July 2, 1868. Baker, Marcus, cartographer; born in Kalamazoo, Mich., Sept. 23, 1849; was graduated at the University of Michigan in 1870. He became connected Avith the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey in 1873 ; and with the United States Geo- logical Survey in 1886. He has made ex- tended explorations in Alaska and on the Pacific coast, and was the cartographer of the Venezuelan Boundary Commission. In 1900 he was secretary of the United States Board on Geographic Names. He has published many geographical and mathematical monographs, and, with Prof. William H. Dall, brought out the Alaska Coast Pilot. Baker, Remejiber, a captain of " Green Mountain Boys " (q. v.) ; born in Woodbury, Conn., about 1740. He went to the New Hampshire Grants in 1764, before the Aliens took up their abode there. He was a soldier in the French and Indian War, and was in the fierce battle at Ticonderoga in 1758. He settled at Arlington, on " the Grants," and was very active with Ethan Allen in resisting the claims of New York to Ver- mont territory. Baker was arrested, and was cruelly treated while a prisoner, by the New - Yorkers. The government of that province had outlawed him and set a price upon his head. Captain Baker was with Allen when he took Ticonde- roga, in May, 1775. He was killed, while on a scout in the Continental service, by the Indians on the Sorel, the outlet of Lake Champlain, in August, 1775. Balance of Trade, a phrase employed in commerce to express the difference be- tween the value of a country's exports and its imports. When the exports of a country exceed its imports the balance of trade is popularly said to be in favor of that country. Leaving to others the dis- cussion of the controversial questions as to whether free-trade or protection is best for a country, and whether a decrease in importations indicates an increase in the prosperity of a country through larger local productions, attention is here called to the fact that in recent years the United States has exported much more than it imported. For the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900, the official statistics of the U^nited States Treasury Department showed for these two move- ments of merchandise the following: Ex- ports, domestic, $1,370,476,158; foreign, $23,710,213; a total of $1,394,186,371; total imports, $849,714,670; showing a balance in merchandise of $544,471,651. During the same period the trade in gold and silver coin and bullion was: Ex- ports, $106,978,504; imports, $78,066,154; showing a balance in this trade in favor of the United States of $28,912,350; mak- ing the balance of all trade, or the excess of exports over imports, during that fiscal year, $573,384,001. See Commerce; Free Trade; Protection. Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, discoverer of the Pacific Ocean ; born in Xeres de los Caballeros, Spain, in 1475; went to Santo Domingo in 1501 ; and thence to Q BALBOA— BALDWIN the Isthmus of Darien in 1510. Pope Alexander VI. {q. v.) gave to the Span- ish crown, as God's vicegerent on the earth, all lands that lay 300 leagues westward of the Azores — in fact, all of America. Ferdinand of Spain divided Central America, whose shores Colum- bus had discovered, into two provinces, over one of which he placed as governor Ojeda, the navigator, and over the other Diego de Nicuessa, with Bachelor Enciso as lieutenant. Nunez, deeply in debt in Santo Domingo, escaped from his cred- itors by being carried in a provision-cask on board Enciso's ship. When she had weighed anchor Nunez came from his cask. Enciso, angered by the deception, threatened him, but became reconciled. At Darien, where the seat of government was to be established, Nunez, taking ad- vantage of the discontent of the Span- iards, headed a revolt. When Nicuessa came, they defied him and sent him adrift in a crazy vessel : and Enciso, seeing no chance for subduing the insurgents, Avenfc back to Spain with loud complaints against Nunez, and the Spanish govern- ment sent out Davila, with a fleet and troops, as governor of Darien. Meanwhile Nuuez had become a great discoverer. The cacique, or Indian ruler, of a neighboring district, named Caveta, had treated two Spaniards with great kindness, who requited his hospitality by advising Nuiiez to attack and plunder him, for he had much gold. While the people of Caveta's village were slumbering, Nuiiez and his followers entered it and carried off the cacique and his whole family and others, and, with considerable booty, returned to Darien. Caveta and Nuiiez soon became friends. The former gave his young and beautiful daughter to the Spanish adventurer as his wife, and she acquired great influence over her hus- band. While visiting a powerful cacique, a friendly neighbor of Caveta, Nunez was told that beyond the mountains was a mighty sea that could be seen from their summits, and that the rivers that flowed down the slopes of the mountains on the other side abounded with gold; also that along the coast of that sea was a country where gold was as plentiful as iron. This story was confirmed by others, and finally Nuriez, with nearly 200 men and a number 25 of bloodhounds, set out for the tops of the mountains. On Nov. 26, 1513, Nuiiez and his men were near the bold rocky summit of a mountain. The leader ascended it alone, when he beheld a mighty sea. It Vv'as the Pacific Ocean. On that summit he and his followers set up a huge cross, and then descended to the shore of the sea. Wading into its waters, Nunez took formal possession of the great ocean in the name of his sovereign. After that he made voyages along its coast, and heard tidings of Peru, where the Incas, or rulers, drank out of golden vessels. After Davila came, Nuiiez Avas falsely accused of traitorous intentions by his jealous suc- cessor and rival, and he was beheaded at Ada, near Darien, in 1517. So perished the discoverer of the Pacific Ocean. Balcarres, Alexander Lindsay, Earl, British military officer; born in Scotland in 1752; served three years in America under Carleton and Burgoyne, and was captured with the latter at Saratoga. At the battle of Hubbardton, where he was wounded, thirteen balls passed through his clothes. He was made major-general in 1703; lieutenant-governor of Jamaica in 1794; general in 1803; and subsequent- ly one of the representative peers from Scotland. He died in London, March 27, 1S25. Balch, George Beall, naval officer; born in Tennessee, Jan. 3, 1821. He en- tered the navy in 1837 ; engaged in the war against Mexico, and was wounded in a naval engagement at Shanghai, China. He was engaged actively and successfully in the South Atlantic blockading squad- rons and in other naval operations. He became rear-admiral in 1878, and retired in 1883. Baldwin, Abraham, legislator; born in Guilford, Conn., Nov. 6, 1754; originated the L'niversity of Georgia, and was its president for several years; was a dele- gate to the Continental Congress in 1785- 88, and a member of the Constitutional Convention in 1787. In 1789-99 he was a Representative in Congress, and was then elected to the United States Senate, of which he was president pro tern, in 1801-02. He died in Washington, D. C, March 4, 1807. Baldwin, Charles H., naval officer; born in New York City, Sept. 3, 1822; en- 1 BALDWIlf— BALLOONS IN WAR teved the navy in 1839; served through the capture of New York in 1776, and was Mexican War on the frigate Congress; brevetted major in November following, commanded the steamer Clifton of the Served under Lord Cornwallis in Pennsyl- mortar flotilla at the passage of Forts vania and the Carolinas; and was in com- Jackson and St. Philip below New Orleans, mand at Charleston in 1781, when he re- and in the first attack on Vicksburg, both luctantly obeyed the command of Lord in 1862; was promoted rear-admiral in Rawdon to execute Isaac Hayne (g. v.). 1S83; and was the official representative He was then lieutenant-colonel. He was of the United States at the coronation of made colonel and aide - de - camp to his the Emperor of Eussia. He died in New king in 1782, a major-general in 1793. York City, Nov. 17, 1888. lieutenant-general in 1798, and general Baldwin, Henry, historian; born in in 1803. He died in Dunbog, Oct. 10, New York City, Feb. 1, 1832; was elected 1823. by the convention of Patriotic Organ- Ball, Thomas, sculptor; born in izations in Chicago in 1891 to verify "all Charlestown, Mass., June 3, 1819; edu- the facts of American history " and to cated at Mayhew School, Boston. In collect a Library Americana to be de- 1840-52 he applied himself to painting, posited at Washington. He has devoted but in 1851 undertook sculpture. He de- his entire time to this work. signed and executed the equestrian statue Baldwin, Theodore A., military officer ; of Washington in Boston, the statue of born in New Jersey, Dec. 31, 1839; en- Daniel Webster in Central Park, New tered the army in 1862; served through York, and other similar works. In 1891- the Civil War; became lieutenant-colonel, 98 he was engaged on a monument of loth United States Cavalry, in 1896; was Washington for Methuen, Mass. He be- a brigadier-general of volunteers in the came an honorary fellow of the National American-Spanish War; and was pro- Sculptors' Society in 1896. He is the moted to colonel of the 7th LTnited States author of My Three-Score Years and Ten: Cavalry, May 6, 1899. an Autobiography, which attracted much Baler, a town in the eastern part of attention. Luzon, Philippine Islands, nearly midway Balloons in War. At the beginning between Balintang Channel and Bernar- of the Civil War the telegraphic oper- dino Strait, and directly north of a notable ations of the army were intrusted to ■ mountain of the same name. In 1898-99 Maj. Thomas T. Eekert. In this connec- the Filipino insurgents besieged a Span- tion T. S. C. Lowe, a distinguished aero- ish garrison here for nearly a year, the naut, was employed, and for some time Spanish commander declining to surrender balloons were used with great efficiency the place even when directed to do so by in reconnoitring, but later in the progress orders from Madrid. The garrison took of the war they fell into disuse. At the possession of the native church, fortified height of 500 feet above Arlington House, it, and held possession till their supplies opposite Washington, D. C, Mr. Lowe gave out, when they surreiidered, and, in telegraphed to President Lincoln as fol- recognition of their " exceptional heroism, lows, in June, 1861 : " Sir, from this point were allowed to march out of the place of observation we command an extent of with all the honors of war, July 2, 1899. country nearly 50 miles in diameter. I The town was occupied and garrison- have pleasure in sending you the first ed by United States troops in March, telegram ever despatched from an aerial 1900. station, and acknowledging indebtedness Balfour, Nisbet, British military offi- to your encouragement for the opporiu- cer; born in Dunbog, Scotland, in 1743. He nity of demonstrating the availability of was a son of an auctioneer and bookseller the science of aeronautics in the service in Edinburgh; entered the British army of the country." After sending the above as an ensign in 1761 ; commanded a com- despatch, Mr. Lowe was invited to the pany in 1770; was wounded at the battle Executive Mansion and introduced to Gen- of Bunker Hill in June, 1775, and again eral Scott; and he was soon afterwards in the battle of Long Island. He was employed in the military service. When sent home with despatches after the in use, the balloon was kept under control BALLOT REFORM— BALL'S BLUFF by strong cords in the hands of men on the ground, who, when the reconnoissance was ended, drew it down to the place of departure. During the Franco-Prus- sian War (1870-71) bal- loons were freely used by both parties, Gambetta and other French authorities passed successfully over the investing lines of Germans; and captive or observa- tion as well as floating balloons were frequent targets for ambitious sharp-shooters. In the Santiago campaign in Cuba, in 1898, much was expected of an observation balloon, put togethei and opeiated by men of the United States WAK BALI.nON Signal Service. Several successful ascen- sions were made, and messages describing the situation of the Spaniards were trans- mitted to General Shafter's headquarters. It was found that there were large possi- bilities in the use of balloons for military purposes, but that there were ever-present elements of danger. The Santiago balloon rendered good service at a critical time, but Avas destroyed by a Spanish shot. Ballot Reform. The agitation in favor of a system of election laws which should prevent corruption, bribery, and intimidation at the polls began in the United States in 1887. Four years there- after twenty-eight out of the forty-eight State and Territorial legislatures had enacted laws providing for ballot reform. The method of voting prescribed by most of these enactments was essentially that known as the Australian' system, from the fact of its having originated in South Australia some thirty-five years previous- ly. It was adopted in England in 1872. Its primary object is to secure absolute se- crecy in voting. Its peculiar and essential features are, first, an official ballot, and, second, privacy in voting. By an official ballot is meant a ticket which has been printed and furnished by State or local authorities, and is given to the voter by a special official. Privacy in voting is secured by different means, such as vot- ing booths, enclosed stalls, and other de- vices for concealing the voter from view. The good effects of this system were im- mediately apparent in the States where it was adopted, promoting good order and decency at the polls, and greatly dimin- ishing the opportunities for fraud and in- timidation. In the system in vogue in most States the names of all candidates are on a single ticket, and the voter in- dicates his choice by a cross (X). This system in the Presidential election of 189G was used in thirty-six States, and seems likely to be universally adopted. Various voting machines have been tried since 1890, but none have as yet proven sufficiently satisfactory to warrant their general use. Ballou, Matubin Murray, journalist; born in Boston, Mass., April 14, 1820; was educated in the Boston High School. In 1838 he entered journalism on the Olive Branch, a weekly. Later he became pro- prietor and editor of Ballou's Monthly and Gleason's Pictorial. He became one of the founders of the Boston Daily Globe in 1872. and for many years was its chief editor. He also had a part or whole interest in Ballou's Pictorial; The Flag of Our Union, and the Bos- ton Sunday Budget. His works include Due West; Due South; Due North; Under the Southern Cross; The New El Dorado; Aztec Land; The Story of Malta; Equatorial America; Biography of the Rev. Hosea Ballou. He died in Caii'o, Egypt. March 27. 189.5. Ball's Bluff, Battle at. In October, 1861, a National force, commanded by Gen. Charles P. Stone, was encamped be- tween Edward's and Conrad's ferries, on 253 BALL'S BLUFF the Maryland side of the upper Potomac, while the left wing of the Confederate army, under General Evans, lay at Lees- burg, in Virginia. Misinformation had caused a belief that the Confederates had left Leesburg at a little past the middle of October, when General McClellan or- dered General McCall, who commanded the advance of the right of the National forces in Virginia, to move forward and occupy Drainesville. At the same time he ordered General Stone to co-operate with General McCall, which he did by pi'-' ^,15 MASS ^ |l7 MISS. '/^(in, fe \I3 MISS^' (-■vr t"^ ('4, <'5.5- MAP OP ball's bluff. making a feint of crossing the river at the two ferries above named on the afternoon of Sunday, Oct. 20. At the same time part of a Massachusetts regiment, under Colo- nel Devens (see Devens, Charles), was ordered to take post upon Harrison's Isl- and, in the Potomac, abreast of Ball's Bluff. Devens went to the island with four companies in flat-boats taken from the Chesapeake and Ohio canal. About 3,000 men, under Col. Edwaed D. Baker (q. V.) , of the national Senate, acting as brigadier-general, were held in readiness as a reserve in case of a battle. With that reserve was a fine body of Pennsyl- vanians known as the " 1st California Eegiment." These movements of the Na- tionals caused an opposing one on the part of the Confederates, who had watched their antagonists with keen vigilance at a point of concealment not far off Misin- formed as to the position of the Confeder- ates and supposing McCall to be near enough to give aid if necessary. Stone, on the morning of the 21st, ordered some Massachusetts troops under Colonels Lee and Devens to cross to the Virginia shore from Harrison's Island to reconnoitre. They did not find the foe in the neighbor- hood. General Evans, unperceived, lay not far off; and riflemen and cavalry were hover- ing near and waiting a favorable oppor- tunity to strike Devens, who, leaving a part of Lee's command near the Bluff, had advanced to near Leesburg. After a skir- mish, in which he lost one man killed and nine wounded, he fell back towards the Bluff. While halting in an open fleld, he received orders from Stone to remain there until support could be sent him. His en- tire force consisted of only 600 men. They were very soon attacked by the Confeder- ates. It was a little past noon. Pressed by overwhelming numbers. Devens fell back to avoid being flanked. Meanwhile Colonel Baker had been pressing forward from Conrad's Ferry to the relief, of the assailed troops. Ranking Devens, he had been ordered to Harrison's Island, with discretionary powers to reinforce the party on the Virginia main or to withdraw all the troops to the Maryland side of the river. He concluded to go forward, sup- posing the forces of McCall and others to be near. He was ignorant of the fa^ct that General McClellan had ordered Mc- Call to fall back from Drainesville. On reaching the field of conflict. Baker took the chief command of all the forces on the BlufT, about 1,700 strong. Very soon afterwards, while he was in the thick- est of the fight encouraging his men, a bullet pierced his brain and he fell dead. The battle had lasted two hours. His troops, unsupported by others, were crushed by superior numbers. Pressed back to the verge of the Bluff, which there rises more than 100 feet above the river, they fought desperately for a while at twi- light, for they had no means for crossing the swollen flood. They were soon over- powered. Some had been pushed down the declivity. Many were made prisoners, and many perished in trying to escape by swimming in the dark. Some were shot in the water, and others were drowned. A flat-boat laden with the wounded was riddled with bullets and sank. In this aff'air the Nationals lost, in killed, wound- ed, and prisoners, fully 1.000 men. The Confederates lost 153 killed. The num- ber of their wounded is unknown. 254 BALTIMORE Baltimore, city, port of entry, commer- cial metropolis of Maryland, and sixth city in the United States in population ac- cording to the census of 1900; on the Patapsco River ; 38 miles northeast of Washington, D. C. The city covers an area of 28 square miles; has an admirable har- bor, defended by Forts McHenry, Armis- tead, Howard, Smallwood, and Carroll, and is popularly known as " The Monu- mental City." Its history dates back to 16fi2, when its site was included in a pat- ent for a tract of land granted to Charles Gorsuch. David Jones, the first settler ots. The Continental Congress, of the courage and patriotism of which there was a growing distrust, were uneasy. Leading republicans hesitated to go further, and only Washington and a few other choice spirits were hopeful. When the com- mander-in-chief was asked what he would do if Philadelphia should be taken, he re- plied, " We will retreat beyond the Sus- quehanna Eiver, and thence, if necessary, to the Alleghany Mountains." The great body of Quakers, numerous and inflTien- tial in Pennsylvania, were opposed to the war, and loyalists abounded everywhere. C'^ ^ A VIEW OF BALTIMORE TO-DAT. on the site of Baltimore, in 1682, gave his name to a small stream that runs through the city. In January, 1730, a town was laid out on the west .of this stream, con- tained in a plot of sixty acres, and was called Baltimore, in honor of Cecil, Lord Baltimore. In the same year William Fell, a ship-carpenter, purchased a tract east of the stream and called it Fell's Point. Fort Mcl^enry stands opposite, on Locust Point. In 1732 a new town of ten acres was laid out on the east side of the stream, and called Jonestown. It was united to Baltimore in 1745, dropping its own name. In 1767 Baltimore became the county town. The population in 1890 was 434,439; in 1900, 508,9.57. When the British army approached the Delaware River (December, 1776), and it was feared that they would cross into Pennsylvania and march on Philadelphia, there was much anxiety among the patri- MifHin, who was a disowned member of the Society of Friends, and had witnessed the sudden growing lukewarmness of the Congress, fearing the effect of Howe's proclamation upon both, strongly recom- mended the removal of that body from Philadelphia. General Putnam, who had been sent to that city to fortify it, earn- estly seconded Mifflin's proposition; and the Congress, trembling for their personal safety, gladly complied, and adjourned (Dec. 12), to meet at Baltimore, Dec. 20. Putnam was invested with almost absolute control of military affairs in Philadelphia, and the Congress dele- gated its executive powers to a resident committee composed of Robert Morris, George Clymer, and George Walton, to act in their behalf during their absence. In Baltimore, the Congress reassembled (Dec. 20, 1776) in a spacious brick build- ing that stood until within a few years. 255 BALTIMORE with fronts on Baltimore, Sharpe, and Liberty streets, and where, on the 23d, Rev. Patrick Allison, first minister of the Presbyterian Church in Baltimore, and Rev. William White, of the Ejjiscopal Church in Philadelphia, were appointed chaplains. On June 18, ISGO, the adjourned con- vention of Democratic delegates who had assembled in Charleston met at Baltimore, with Mr. Cushing in the chair. The MEETING-PLACE OP CONGRESS IN BALTIMORE IN 1776, expression of opinion, and the reopening of the slave trade was advocated. Finally, on Friday, the 22d, the majority report was adopted, and the places of most of the seceders, who were unseated, were filled by Douglas men. Then there was another secession of delegates from the slave-labor States, and on the following morning Mr. Gushing and a majority of the Massachu- setts delegation also withdrew. " We put our withdrawal before you," said Mr. But- ler (Benjamin F. ) of that delegation, " upon the simple ground, among others, that there has been a with- drawal, in part, of a majority of the States, and, further (and that, perhaps, more personal , to myself), upon the ground that I will not sit in a convention where the African slave trade — which is piracy by the laws of my coun- try — is approvingly advocated." Gov. David Tod, of Ohio, was then called to the chair in place of Gushing, re- tired, and the conven- ^&^j seceders from the Charleston Convention, who had been in session at Richmond, had adjourned to Baltimore, and claimed the right to sit in the convention from which they had withdraAvn. Mr. Gushing dcr clined to decide the delicate question which arose, and referred the whole matter to the convention. It was debated for some time, when it was jaroposed that no delegate should be admitted unless he would pledge himself to abide hj the ac- tion of a majority of the convention and support its nominees. The debates were hot and acrimonious, and at evening there were two mass-meetings of the De- mocracy in Baltimore, attended by tens of thousands of citizens and strangers. On the morning of June 19 the subject of con- testing delegates was referred to the com- mittee on credentials, and on the 21st, the committee not agreeing, two reports Avere submitted. Then a very Avarm debate Avas had, in AA'hich free rein Avas given to the 25 tion proceeded to bal- lot for a Presidential candidate. Some of the Southern members remained in the couA'ention; and the speech of a delegate from Arkansas (Mr. Flour- noy), a slave-holder and friend of the system, Avas so liberal that it had a poAverful effect upon delegates from the free-labor States in favor of Mr. Douglas. Of 194 votes cast on the second ballot, Mr. Douglas received 181, and he AA^as declared duly nominated. Mr. Fitzpatrick, of Ala- bama, nominated for Vice-President, de- clined tAvo days afterAvards, and Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, Avas substituted. The conA^ention adjourned June 23, 1860. Early in January, 1861, Gov. John A. Andrew^ (g. v.), of Massachusetts, ten- dered troops to the government for its protection. Fort Sumter Avas attacked, and on the day Avhen the President's call for troops Avas issued, _ Senator Wilson telegraphed to Governor Andrew to de- spatch tAventy companies to Washington lALflMORU immediately. The formal requisition of the Secretary of War arrived an hour later, calling for two regiments from Massachusetts, and before sunset the same day an order went out for four regiments to muster forthwith on Boston Common. Benjamin F. Butler was commissioned brigadier-general, and these regiments formed his brigade. On the 16th Senator Wilson telegraphed for four regiments. They were ready, and the 6th Regiment, Colonel Jones, was sent forward immedi- ately, to go by way of New York, Phila- delphia, and Baltimore. The regiment consisted of eleven companies, and to these were added two more. News had reached Baltimore of the approach of these troops, and there was much excite- ment there on the morning of April 19, for they had heard of the destruction of the armory and arsenal at Harper's Ferry the night before. At near noon the Massa- chusetts troops arrived, and the excitement was intensified. When the train reached the President Street station, between which and Camden Street station the cars were drawn by horses, a mob of about 500 men were waiting to receive them. The number rapidly increased, until, when the cars started, at least 2,000 men followed them, with yells, to the Camden Street sta- tion, where another mob, which had been gathering all the morning, met them. A mob in Pratt Street became more and more unruly, shouting lustily for " Jeflf Davis and the Southern Confederacy," and at near the corner of Gay Street, where lay a heap of stones, they broke loose from all restraint, and hurled these missiles ujjon the cars loaded with soldiers as they were passing. Every window was de- molished, and several soldiers were hurt. Then the cry was raised, " Tear up the track!" That could not easily be done, and the mob barricaded the street by drag- ging anchors upon it from a store near by. The troops back of the barricade alighted for the purpose of marching to the station. They consisted of four com- panies. As they began a march in close order, the mob fell upon them. The rioters were led by a man with a Confederate flag on a pole, who told the troops they should never go through the city — that " every nigger of 'em " would be killed before they could reach the other station. The word I.— K 11 March! was given to the troops, when the mob began hurling bricks and stones. The missiles filled the air like hail, while the troops advanced at a " double-quick." Very soon the attack became more furious, and several of the soldiers were knocked down by stones and their muskets taken from them. Presently some shots were fired by the infuriated populace. Up to this time the troops had made no resist- ance. Now, finding the mob intent upon murder, the troops were ordered to cap their muskets (already loaded) and de- fend themselves. They had now reached Gay Street, and the mob was full 10,000 strong, hurling stones and bricks. Heavy pieces of iron were thrown upon them from windows. One of them crushed a man to the earth. Now the troops turned and fired at random at the mob. Shouts, stones, musketry, shrieks of women, and the carrying of wounded men into stores made an appalling tragedy. The severest of the fight was in Pratt Street, between Gay and Bowley's wharf, near Calvert Street. The mayor of Baltimore tried to quell the storm of passion, but in vain, and the New - Englanders were left to fight their way through to the Camden Street station. They were furiously as- sailed at Howard Street, where about twenty shots Avere fired. At a little past r.oon the troops entered the ears for Washington. Three of their number had been killed outright, one mortally wound- ed, and eight were seriously hurt and sev- eral slightly. Nine citizens of Baltimore were killed and many — how many is not known — were wounded. The mob followed the cars as they went oflF for Washington, more than a mile, impeding the progress of the train with stones, logs, and tele- graph-poles, which the accompanying po- lice removed. The train was fired into from the hills on the way. The troops reached the Capitol that evening, and were quartered in the Senate Chamber. On the night of this fearful riot Mar- shal Kane and ex-Governor Lowe went to the mayor and Governor Hicks for au- thority to destroy railroad bridges. Kane said he had information that other Union troops were on the way by railroad from Harrisburg and Philadelphia, and he want- ed authority to destroy the bridges on those roads. The mayor cheerfully gave 7 BALTIMORE them power so far as his authority ex- tended, but the governor refused. So, without his sanction, Kane and the mayor went to the office of Charles Howard, pres- ident of the board of police, and received orders for the destruction of bridges on roads entering Baltimore. A gang of men was sent out who destroyed the Can- ton bridge, a short distance from the city. When a train from the north approached, it was stopped, the passengers were turned out, the cars were filled by the mob, and the engineer was compelled to run his train back to the long bridges over the Gunpowder and Bush creeks, arms of Chesapeake Bay. These bridges were fired and a large portion of them con- sumed. Another party went up the North- ern Central Railway from Baltimore to Cockeysville, 15 miles north, and destroy- ed two wooden bridges there, and smaller structures on the road. The telegraph- wires on all the leading lines out of Bal- timoi-e, excepting the one that kept up a communication with the Confederates at Harper's Ferry, were destroyed, and thus all communication by telegraph and rail- way between Washington and the loyal States was cut ofi". Governor Hicks passed the night of April 19 at the house of Mayor Brown in Bal- timore. It was the night after the attack on the Massachusetts troops there. At eleven o'clock the mayor, with the con- currence of the governor, sent a commit- tee of three persons to President Lincoln with a letter in which he assured the chief magistrate that the people of Baltimore were exasperated to the highest degree by the passage of troops through that city, and that the citizens were " universally decided in the opinion that no more should be ordered to come." He gave notice of the fearful riot the day before, and he requested the President not to order or permit any more troops to pass through the city, adding, " If they should attempt it the responsibility for the bloodshed will not rest on me." The committee saw the President early in the morning (April 20). The President told them that no more should come through the city if they could pass peaceably around it. This an- swer did not satisfy the Confederates, and they pushed forward military prepara- tions, making the capital more isolated 2,5 from the loyal people every hour. The excitement in Washington was now be- coming fearful, and at three o'clock on Sunday morning (April 21) the Presi- dent sent for Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown. The former, with two others, hastened to Washington. At an inter- view with the President and General Scott, the latter proposed to bring troops by water to Annapolis, and march them across Maryland to the capital, a distance of about 40 miles. The Baltimore Confed- erates were not satisfied. The " soil of Maryland must not be polluted by the feet of National troops anywhere." On the 22d, Governor Hicks was induced to send a message to the President, advising him not to order any more troops across the soil of Maryland, and to send away some who were already at Annapolis. The President replied kindly but firmly. He reminded his Excellency that the route of the troops across that State chosen by the general-in-chief was farthest re- moved from populous towns, and said: " The President cannot but remember that there has been a time in the history of our country [1814] when a general [Winder, of Maryland] of the American Union, with forces designed for the defence of the cap- ital, was not unwelcome anywhere in the State of Maryland, and certainly not at Annapolis, then, as now, the capital of that patriotic State; and then, also, one of the capitals of the Union." Governor Hicks had also unwisely recommended the President to refer the matter in dispute between the national government and Maryland to Lord Lyons, the British min- ister at Washington. To this proposition Mr. Lincoln replied: "If eighty years could have obliterated all other noble sen- timents of that age from Maryland, the President would be hopeful, nevertheless, that there is one that would ever remain there, as elsewhere. That sentiment is, that no domestic contention whatever that may arise among the parties of this re- public ought, in any case, to be referred to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the arbitrament of a European mon- archy." This rebuke was keenly felt. Yet still another embassy in the interest of the Baltimore Confederates visited the President. Five members of the _ Young Men's Christian Association of Baltimore, BALTIMORE with Rev. Dr. Fulton, of the Baptist 12,000 men would be needed for the enter- Church, at their head, waited on the Pres- prise. They were not at hand, for 10,000 ident, and assured him that if he would troops were yet needed at the capital for let the country know that he was disposed its perfect security. The time for the '■' to recognize the independence of the execution of the plan seemed somewhat Southern States, that they had formed remote. Gen. B. F. Butler conceived a a government of their own, and that they more expeditious and less cumbersome would never again unite with the North," plan. He was satisfied that the Confed- he could produce peace. When Dr. Ful- erates in Baltimore were numerically ton expressed a hope that no more troops weak, and that the Unionists, with a would be allowed to cross Maryland, the little help, could easily reverse the order President replied, substantially: "I must of things there. He hastened to Wash- have troops for the defence of the capital, ington to consult with General Scott, and The Carolinians are now marching across simply asked permission to take a regi- Virginia to seize the capital and hang ment or two from Annapolis, march them me. What am I to do? I must have to the relay house on the Baltimore and troops, I say; and, as they can neither Ohio Railway (9 miles from Baltimore) crawl imder Maryland nor fly over it, they and hold it, so as to cut the Confederates must come across it." With this signifi- off from facile communication with Har- cant intimation of the President that he per's Ferry. The permission was grant- should take measures to defend the re- ed. " What are the powers of a general public without asking the consent of the commanding a department?" asked But- authorities or inhabitants of any State, ler. " Absolute," responded Scott. But- the deputation retired, and none other ler ascertained that Baltimore was in his was afterwards sent by the enemies of " department," and he went back to An- the Union in Baltimore. napolis to execute a bold plan which he The authorities of Baltimore, civil and had conceived. At the close of April, military, took measures, however, to pre- 1861, he had fully 10,000 men under his vent any more National troops from pass- command, and an equal . number were ing through the city. Armed men flocked guarding the seat of government. The into the town from the country with all Unionists of Maryland were already as- sorts of weapons. Cannons were exercised serting their rights openly. Governor openly in the streets. Marshal Kane, un- Hicks had just cast a damper on the der the direction of the city authorities. Confederates by recommending, in a mes- forbade the display of the national flag sage to the legislature, a neutral policy for thirty days, that it might not " dis- for Maryland. On the evening of May 4 turb the public peace." The exasperated an immense Union meeting was held in people of the free-labor States could hard- Baltimore. These proofs of the latent ly be restrained from marching on Balti- force of the Unionists of Maryland gave more and laying it in ashes. Measures Butler every encouragement. He had pro- were soon used to subdue that city by posed to do himself, with a few men, at force. Steps were taken to repair the once, what Scott proposed to do with 12,- burned railway bridges, and a singular 000 men in an indefinite time. On the railway battery was constructed in Phila- afternoon of May 4 he issued orders for delphia for the protection of the men the 8th New York and 6th Massachusetts engaged in the work — a car made of boiler- regiments, with a battery of the Boston iron, musket-proof, with a 24-pound can- Light Artillery, to proceed from Washing- non mounted at one end to fire grape ton, D. Ch, to the relay house on the and chain shot. General Scott planned a morning of the 5th. They did so, in thirty grand campaign against Baltimore. He cars. They seized the railway station at proposed to move simultaneously upon the the relay house. Butler accompanied them, city four columns of troops of 3,000 men and remained there a little more than a each — one from Washington, a second week. From Unionists of Baltimore he from New York, a third from Perrysville, obtained all desired information. Through or Elkton, by land or water, or both, and Col. Schuyler Hamilton, on Scott's staff, a fourth from Annapolis. It was thought he received permission to arrest Confed- 259 BALTIMOBE erates in and out of Baltimore, to prevent armed bodies from joining those at Har- per's Ferry, and to look after a quantity of gvmpovvder said to be stored in a church in Baltimore. Towards the evening of the 13th the entire 6th Massachusetts Regi- ment, a part of the New York 8th, with the Boston Light Artillery with two can- nons — about 1,000 men in all — were put on cars headed towards Harper's Ferry. The train moved up the Patapsco Valley about 2 miles, and then backed slowly to the relay house and past it. At dark it was in the Camden Street station in Baltimore. A heavy thunder-storm was about to burst upon the city, and, few per- sons being about, little was known of this portentous arrival. Butler marched his troops from the station to Federal Hill in a drenching shower. He sat down in his wet garments at past midnight and wrote a proclamation, dated " Federal Hill, Baltimore, May 14, 1861," in which it was announced that troops under his command occupied the city for the pur- pose of enforcing respect and obedience to the laws, as well of the State as of the United States, which were being " violated within its limits by some malignant and traitorous men." This proclamation, pub- lished in the Baltimore Clipper in the morning, was the first intimation to the citizens that National troops were in pos- session of their town. The conquest was complete, and the hold thus taken on Bal- timore was never relinquished. General Scott was offended because of Butler's unauthorized act, and requested President Lincoln to remove him from the depart- ment. The President did so, but gave Butler the commission of a major-general and the command of a much more extend- ed military district — the Department of Virginia, which included Fort Monroe. The chief of police in Baltimore at this exciting period was George P. Kane, with the title of " marshal." He was a lead- ing Confederate in that city and an active opposer of the government in Maryland. In Baltimore he was the head of the Con- federate movements in Maryland ; and early in June, 1861, the national government was satisfied that a powerful combination was forming there, whose purpose was to assist the army of Confederates at Ma- nassas, under Beauregard, to seize the na- tional capital, by preventing loyal sol- diers passing through that State, and aid- ing Marylanders to cross into Virginia and swell the ranks of the Confederate forces. The government took energetic steps to avert this threatened danger. N. P. Banks (g. v.), ex-governor of Massa- chusetts, lately commissioned major-gen- eral of volunteers, was assigned to the command of the Department of Annapolis, as Butler's successor, with his headquar- ters at Baltimore. It was evident to Banks that the board of police and Marshal Kane were in active sympathy, if not in actual league, with the leading Confederates of Maryland. After satisfying himself of the complicity of certain officials in the movement, he ordered a large body of sol- diers, armed and equipped with ball car- tridges, to march into Baltimore from Fort McHenry before daybreak on June 2, and to arrest Marshal Kane and place him a prisoner in that fort. At the same time Banks issued a proclamation, giving his reasons for the act. He did not in- tend to interfere with the lawful acts of the civil authority, he said, but as it was well known that a disloyal combination ex- isted in his department, and that the chief of police, " in contravention of his duty and in violation of law," was "by direc- tion or indirection both witness and pro- tector in the transactions of armed par- ties engaged therein," the government could not " regard him otherwise than as the head of an armed force hostile to its authority, and acting in concert with its avowed enemies." He appointed Brig.- Gen. John R. Kenly, a citizen of Balti- more, provost-marshal in and for that city, to " superintend and cavise to be exe- cuted the police laws " of Baltimore, " with the aid and assistance of the subordinate officers of the police department," assuring the citizens that when a loyal man should be appointed chief of police the military would at once yield to the civil authority. The police commissioners met and protest- ed against this act as illegal, and dis- banded the police. Banks soon regulated the matter so as to quiet the citizens, and Kenly, organizing a police force of loyal men, whom he could trust, 250 strong, took possession of the quarters of the late marshal and police commissioners. There he found ample evidence of treacherous 260 BALl'IMORE designs. Concealed beneath the floors in several rooms he found a large number of small-arms, of every description ; and in a wood-yard in the rear, in a position to command an alley, were four iron can- non with suitable cartridges and balls. The old police commissioners continuing to hold meetings, they were arrested and sent to Fort Warren, in Boston Harbor. At the suggestion of many Union citizens of Baltimore, George R. Dodge, a civilian and citizen, was appointed chief of police, and Colonel Kenly joined his regiment — the 1st Maryland Volunteers. See North Point, Battle of. Baltimore, Lords. I. George Calvert, born about 1580, at Kipling, Yorkshire, Eng. ; was graduated at Oxford ; travelled on the Continent; became secretary of Robert Cecil ; married Anne Minne in 1604; was a clerk of the i^rivy council; was knighted in 1617; became a secretary of state soon afterwards, and in 1620 was granted a pension of $5,000 a year. When, in 1624, he publicly avowed himself a Roman Catholic, he resigned his office, but King James retained him in the privy council; and a few days before that mon- arch's death he was created Baron of Bal- timore in the Irish peerage. Calvert had already entered upon a colonizing scheme. In 1620 he purchased a part of Newfound- land, and was invested with the privileges and honors of a count - palatine. He called his new domain Avalon, and, after spending about $100,000 in building ware- houses there, and a mansion for himself, he went thither in 1627. He returned to England the following spring. In the spring of 1629 he went again to Avalon, taking with him his wife and unmarried children. The following winter was a severe one, and he began to contemplate a desertion of the domain on account of the rigorous climate. He sent his children home. In the autumn he actually aban- doned Newfoundland, and with his wife and retainers sailed to Virginia, where, because he refused to take the oath of al- legiance, he was ordered away by Governor Harvey. His wife and retainers remained there during the winter. Going from there in the spring, it is supposed he ex- plored the shores of Chesapeake Bay, and chose that region for a settlement. In 1632, Lord Baltimore obtained a charter from Charles I. of the territory on the Chesapeake now forming the State of Maryland. " What will you call the coun- try?" asked tlie King. Baltimore referred the matter to his Majesty. " Then let us name it after the Queen" (Henrietta Maria), said Charles, "and call it Mari- ana." The expert courtier dissented, be- cause that was the name of a Spanish his- torian who taught that " the will of the people is higher than the law of tyrants." Still disposed to compliment the Queen, the King said, " Let it be Terra Marice — Mary's Land." And it was named Mary- land. Before the great seal of England was affixed to the charter. Lord Baltimore died, April 15, 1632, and was succeeded by his son Cecil. II. Cecilius or Cecil Calvert, second Lord Baltimore, was born about 1605. Very little is known of his early life. When he was about twenty years of age CECIL CALVERT, LORD BALTIMORE. he married Anne, the beautiful daughter of the Earl of Arundel, who was one of the most influential Roman Catholics in the realm. On the death of his father, the charter for Maryland was issued to Ce- cilius, his eldest son and heir, June, 1632: and he immediately prepared to sail for the Chesapeake with- a colony. When he was about ready to depart, he changed his mind, and sent his brother Leonard, as 261 BALTIMOBE governor, with his brother George, and two assistants and counsellors, Jeremy Hawley and Thomas Cornwallis, both Protestants. The whole company, who sailed in two vessels — the Ark and Dove — numbered over 300, according to Lord Baltimore, who wrote to his friend Went- worth (afterwards the unfortunate Earl of StraiTord: "By the help of some of your lordship's good friends and mine, I have sent a hopeful colony into Maryland, with a fair and favorable expectation of good success, without any great prejudice to my- self, in respect that many others are joined with me in the adventure. There are two of my brothers, with very near twenty other gentlemen of very good fashion, and 300 laboring men." As most of the latter took the oath of allegiance before sailing, they were probably Protestants. Father Andrew White, a Jesuit priest, accom- panied the expedition. They sailed from the Isle of Wight, and took the tedious southern route by way of the Canaries. The vessels were separated by a furious gale, but met at Bermuda, whence the emigrants went to the Chesapeake, found- ed a settlement, and established a govern- ment under the charter, which was near- ly the same in form as all charters then granted (see Maryland). It conferred on the proprietor absolute ownership of the territory, and also the civil and ec- clesiastical power of a feudal nature. En- tire exemption from taxation was con- ceded to the colonists. As an acknowledg- ment that the original title to the land was still in the possession of the crown, the proprietor was required to pay to the King the tribute of two Indian arrows. Cecil was a member of Parliament in 1634, but mingled very little in public affairs afterwards. He never came to America, but managed his province by deputies forty-three years. His course towards the colonists was generally wise and concilia- tory, because it was profitable to be so. In religion and politics he was very flexible, being quite indifferent to either, and he did very little for the religious and intel- lectual cultivation of the colonists. Nega.- tively good, he was regarded with great re- spect by all parties, even by the Indians. He died in London, Nov. 30, 1675. III. Charles Calvert, third Lord Bal- timore, succeeded his father as lord pro- 2G prietor of Maryland in 1675. He was born in London in 1629; appointed governor of Maryland in 1661 ; and married the daughter of Hon. Henry Sewall, whose seat was on the Patuxent river. After the death of his father he visited England, but soon returned. In 1684 he again went to England, and never came back. He was suspected of favoring King James II. after the Eevolution, and was outlawed for treason in Ireland, although he was never in that country. The outlawry was re- versed by William and Mary in 1691. Charles Lord Baltimore was thrice mar- ried, and died in London, Feb. 24, 1714. IV. Benedict Leonard Calvert, fourth Lord Baltimore, succeeded his fathei, Charles, in 1714. In 1698 he married Lady Charlotte Lee, daughter of the Earl of Lichfield (granddaughter of the notori- ous Duchess of Cleveland, the favorite mistress of Charles II.), from whom he was divorced in 1705. Benedict publicly abjured the Roman Catholic faith in 1713, and died in 1715, only thirteen months after the death of his father. V. Charles Calvert II., son of Bene- dict, and the fifth Lord Baltimore, was born Sept. 29, 1699, and was an infant in law when he succeeded to his father's title. In July, 1730, he married the widow Mary Janssen, youngest daughter of Gen. Theodore Janssen. His life was spent chiefly in England. In 1731 he was ap- pointed gentleman of the bedchamber to the Prince of Wales, and soon afterwards was elected Fellow of the Royal Society. He was in Parliament in 1734, and in 1741 was appointed Junior Lord of the Admiralty. In the spring of 1741 he was appointed cofferer to the Prince of Wales and surveyor-general of the Duchy lands in Cornwall. After having ruled Mary- land in person and by deputy more than thirty years, he died April 24, 1751, at his home in London. VI. Frederick Calvert, sixth and last Lord Baltimore, was born in 1731, and succeeded to the title of his father, Charles Calvert II.. in 1751. He married Lady Di- iana Egerton, youngest daughter of the Duke of Bridgewater, in 1753. He led a disreputable life, and died at the age of forty, at Naples, Sept. 14, 1771. Yet he was a patron of literature and a friend pnd companion of the Earl of Chatham BANCROFT (Pitt). In 1767 he published an account of his Tour in the East. He was a pre- tentious author of several other works, mostly of a weak character. Lord Fred- erick bequeathed the province of Mary- land, in tail male, to Henry Harford, then a child, and the remainder, in fee, to his sister, the Hon. Mrs. Norton. He left an estate valued at $5,000. The last representative of the Baltimore family was found in a debtors' prison in England, in 1860, by Col. Angus McDon- ald, of Virginia, where he had been con- fined for twenty years. Henry Harford was the last proprietor of Maryland. See Calvi;rt, Leonard. Bancroft, Edward, naturalist; born in Westfield, Mass., Jan. 9, 1744; was a pupil of Silas Deane (g. v.) when the latter was a school-master. His early education was not extensive. Apprenticed to a me- chanic, he ran away, in debt to his master, and went to sea; but returning with means, he compensated his employer. Again he went to sea; settled in Guiana, South America, as a physician, in 1763, and afterwards made his residence in Lon- don, where, in 1769, he published a Nat- ural History of Guiana. He became a Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, and Fellow of the Eoyal Society. While Franklin was in England on a diplomatic mission, Dr. Bancroft became intimate Avith him; and through the influence of the philosopher became a contributor to the Monthly Review. He was suspected by the British government of participa- tion in the attempt to burn the Ports- mouth dock-yards, and he fled to Passy, France. Soon afterwards he met Silas Deane, his old teacher, in Paris, and of- fered to assist him in his labors as agent of the Continental Congress. His ways were sometimes devious, and Mr. Bancroft, the historian, accuses him of being a spy in the pay of the British government, and of making a dupe of Deane. After the peace. Dr. Bancroft obtained, in France, a patent for the exclusive importation of the bark of the yellow oak, for the dyers, and afterwards he obtained a similar pat- ent in England. Dr. Bancroft never re- turned to America. He died in England, Sept. 8, 1820. Bancroft, Frederic, historian; born in Galesburg, 111., Oct. 30, 1860; was gradu- ated at Amherst College in 1882; ap- pointed chief of the Bureau of Rolls and Library, Department of State, Washing- ton, D. C, in 1888; has lectured on histor- ical and diplomatic subjects; contributed many articles to the press ; and published Life of William H. Seward; The Negro in Politics, etc. BANCROFT, GEORGE Bancroft, George, historian; born in avidity whatever was taught in them, but Worcester, Mass., Oct. 3, 1800; son of made history a specialty. His chief Rev. Aaron Bancroft, a distinguished Uni- tutors there were Heeren, Eichhorn, and tarian clergyman and pioneer in "liberal Blumenbach. At Berlin he became inti- Christianity." He graduated at Harvard mate with Wilhelm von Humboldt and in 1817; studied at the German univer- other eminent scholars and philosophers, sities, and received, at Gottingen, the At Heidelberg he spent some time in the honorary degree of Doctor of Philosophy study of history with Schlosser; and in when he was only twenty years of age." He Paris he made the acquaintance of Alex- resided some time in Berlin in the society ander von Humboldt, Cousin, and others, of distinguished scholars, and on his re- At Rome he formed a friendship with turn home, in 1822, he became a tutor of Chevalier Bilnsen; he also knew Niebuhr. Greek in Harvard University. He pub- While engaged in the Round Hill School, lished a volume of poems in 1823, and in Mr. Bancroft completed the first volume 1824 a translation of Heeren's Politics of of his History of the United States, which Ancient Greece. In 1823, in conjunction M^as published in 1834. Ten volumes of with J. G. Cogswell, he established the this great work were completed and pub- celebrated " Round Hill School," at North- lished in 1874, or forty years from the ompton, Mass. While in the German uni- commencement of the work. The tenth versities, Mr. Bancroft studied with volume brings the narrative down to the 203 BANCROFT, GEORGE conclusion of the preliminary treaty of peace in 1782. In 1838 President Van Buren appointed Mr. Bancroft collector of the port of Boston. He was then en- gaged in delivering frequent political ad- dresses, and took a deep interest in the philosophical movement now known as " transcendentalism." He was a Demo- crat in politics, and in 1840 received the nomination for governor of Massachusetts, but was not elected. In 1845 President Polk called Mr. Bancroft to his cabinet as Secretary of the Navy, and he sig- GEORGE BANCROFT, LL.D. nalized his administration by the estab- lishment of the Naval Academy at An- napolis. While Secretary of the Navy he gave the order to take possession of Cali- fornia, which was done by the navy; and while acting temporarily as Secretary of War he gave the order for General Tay- lor to cross the Rio Grande and invade the territory of Mexico. In 1846 Mr. Bancroft was sent as United States min- ister plenipotentiary to England, and in 1849 the University of Oxford conferred upon him the honorary degree of Doctor of Civil Law. During this residence in Europe he perfected his collection of ma- teria,ls for his history, visiting the public archives and libraries at Paris. Return- 2 ing to the United States in 1849, he made his residence in New York City, where he prosecuted his historical labors. He was engaged in this work until 1867, when he was appointed, by President Johnson (May 14), minister to Prussia, and ac- cepted the office. In 1868 he was accred- ited to the North German Confederation, and in 1871 to the German Empire. In August, 1868, Mr. Bancroft received from the University of Bonn the honorary de- gree of "Doctor Juris"; and in 1870 he celebrated the fiftieth anniversary of the reception of his first degree at Got- tingen. Mr. Bancroft was a contributor of numerous essays to the 'North Amer- ican Review. In 1889 he published Mar- tin Van Buren to the End of his Public Career, which he had written many years before. His History of the United States has been translated into several lan- guages. In 1882 he published a History of the Formation of the Constitution in 2 volumes. This completed his great work, in accordance with his original plan. He died Jan. 17, 1891. The Death of Lincoln. — On April 25, 1865, Mr. Bancroft delivered the following oration on the death of President Lincoln, in New York City, at a great gathering in Union Square, after the remains of the ravirdered President had started for Chi- cago: Ovir grief and horror at the crime which has clothed the continent in mourn- ing find no adequate expression in words, and no relief in tears. The President of the United States of America has fallen by the hands of an assassin. Neither the office with which he was invested by the approved choice of a mighty people, nor the most simple-hearted kindliness of nat- ure, could save him from the fiendish passions of relentless fanaticism. The wailings of the millions attend his remains as they are borne in solemn procession over our great rivers, along the seaside, beyond the mountains, across the prairie, to their resting-place in the valley of the Mississippi. His funeral knell vibrates through the world, and the friends of free- dom of every tongue and in every clime are his mourners. Too few days have passed away since Abraham Lincoln stood in the fiush of vigorous manhood to permit any attempt 64 BANCROFT, GEORGE at an analysis of his character or an exposition of his career. We find it hard to believe that his large eyes, which in their softness and beauty expressed noth- ing but benevolence and gentleness, are closed in death; we almost look for the pleasant smile that brought out more vividly the earnest cast of his features, which were serious even to sadness. A few years ago he was a village attorney, engaged in the support of a rising family, unknown to fame, scarcely named beyond his neighborhood; his administration made him the most conspicuous man in his country, and drew on him first the astonished gaze, and then the respect and admiration of the world. Those who come after us will decide how much of the wonderful results of his public career is due to his own good com- mon-sense, his shrewd sagacity, readiness of wit, quick interpretation of the public mind, his rare combination of fixedness and pliancy, his steady tendency of pur- pose; how much to the American people, who, as he walked with them side by side, inspired him with their own wisdom and energy; and how much to the overruling laws of the moral world, by which the self- ishness of evil is made to defeat itself. But after every allowance, it will remain that members of the government which preceded his administration opened the gates to treason, and he closed them; that when he went to Washington the ground on which he trod shook under his feet, and he left the republic on a solid foundation; that traitors had seized public forts and arsenals, and he recovered them for the United States, to whom they belonged; that the capital, which he found the abode of slaves, is now the home only of the free; that the boundless public do- main which was grasped at, and, in a great measure, held, for the diffusion of slavery, is now irrevocably devoted to free- dom ; that then men talked a jargon of a balance of power in a republic between slave States and free States, and now the foolish words are blown away forever by the breath of Maryland, Missouri, and Tennessee; that a terrible cloud of politi- cal heresy rose from the abyss, threaten- ing to hide the light of the sun, and under its darkness a rebellion was growing into indefinable proportions ; now the atmos- phere is purer than ever before, and the insurrection is vanishing away; the coun- try is cast into another mould, and the gigantic system of wrong, which has been the work of more than two centuries, is dashed down, we hope, forever. And as to himself personally, he was then scoifed at by the proud as unfit for his station, and now against usage of later years, and in spite of numerous competitors, he was the unbiased and undoubted choice of the American people for a second term of service. Through all the mad business of treason he retained the sweetness of a most placable disposition; and the slaugh- ter of myriads of the best on the battle- field, and the more terrible destruction of our men in captivity by the slow torture of exposure and starvation, had never been able to provolve him into harboring one vengeful feeling or one purpose of cruelty. How shall the nation most completely show its sorrow at Mr. Lincoln's death? How shall it best honor his memory? There can be but one answer. He was struck down when he was highest in its service, and in strict conformity with duty was engaged in carrying out principles af- fecting its life, its good name, and its re- lations to the cause of freedom and the progress of mankind. Grief must take the character of action, and breathe itself forth in the assertion of the policy to which he fell a victim. The standard which he held in his hand must be uplift- ed again higher and more firmly than be- fore; and must be carried on to triumph. Above everything else, his proclamation of the first day of January, 1863, declar- ing, throughout the parts of the country in rebellion, the freedom of all persons who had been held as slaves, must be affirmed and maintained. Events, as they rolled onward, have re- moved every doubt of the legality and binding force of that proclamation. The country and the rebel government have each laid claim to the public service of the slave, and yet but one of the two can have a rightful claim to such service. That rightful claim belongs to the United States, because every one born on their soil, with the few exceptions of the chil- dren of travellers and transient residents, owes them a primary allegiance. Every one so born has been counted among those 265 BANCROFT, GEORGE represented in Congress; every slave has ever been represented in Congress; im- perfectly and wrongly it may be — but still has been counted and represented. The slave born on our soil always owed al- legiance to the general government. It may in time past have been a qualified allegiance, manifested through his master, as the allegiance of a ward through his guardian, or of an infant through its parent. But when the master became false to his allegiance, the slave stood face to face with his country; and his allegi- ance, which may before have been a quali- fied one, became direct and immediate. His chains fell off, and he rose at once in the presence of the nation, bound, like the rest of us, to its defence. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation did but take notice of the already existing right of the bondman to freedom. The treason of the master made it a public crime for the slave to continue his obedience ; . the treason of a State set free the collective bondmen of that State. This doctrine is supported by the analogy of precedents. In the times of feudalism the treason of the lord of the manor deprived him of his serfs; the spurious feudalism that existed among us differs in many respects from the feudal- ism of the Middle Ages, but so far the precedent runs parallel with the present case; for treason the master then, for treason the master now, loses his slaves. In the Middle Ages the sovereign ap- pointed another lord over the serfs and the land which they cultivated ; in our day the sovereign makes them masters of their own persons, lords over themselves. It has been said that we are at war, and that emancipation is not a belligerent right. The objection disappears before analysis. In a war between independent powers the invading foreigner invites to his standard all who will give him aid, whether bond or free, and he rewards them according to his ability and his pleasure, with gifts or freedom ; but when, at peace, he withdraws from the invaded country, he must take his aiders and com- forters with him ; or if he leaves them behind, where he has no court to enforce his decrees, he can give them no security, unless it be the stipulations of a treaty. In a civil war it is altogether differ- ent. There, when rebellion is crushed, the old government is restored, and its courts resume their jurisdiction. So it is with us; the United States have courts of their own, that must punish the guilt of trea- son and vindicate the freedom of persons v/hom the fact of rebellion has set free. Nor may it be said that, because sla- very existed in most of the States when the Union was formed, it cannot rightfully be interfered with now. A change has taken place, such as Madison foresaw, and for which he pointed out the remedy. The constitutions of States had been trans- formed before the plotters of treason car- ried them away into rebellion. When the federal Constitution was framed, general emancipation was thought to be near; and everywhere the respective legislatures had authority, in the exercise of their or- dinary functions, to do away with slavery. Since that time the attempt has been made, in what are called slave States, to render the condition of slavery perpetual; and events have proved, with the clear- ness of demonstration, that a constitution which seeks to continue a caste of heredi- tary bondmen through endless generations is inconsistent with the existence of re- publican institutions. So, then, the new President and the people of the United States must insist that the proclamation of freedom shall stand as a reality. And, moreover, the people must never cease to insist that the Constitution shall be so amended as ut- terly to prohibit slavery on any part of our soil forevermore. Alas ! that a State in our vicinity should withhold its assent to this last beneficent measure; its refusal was an en- couragement to our enemies equal to the gain of a pitched battle, and delays the only hopeful method of pacification. The removal of the cause of the rebellion is not only demanded by justice; it is the policy of mercy making room for a wider clemency; it is the part of order against a chaos of controversy; its success brings with it true reconcilement, a lasting peace, a continuous growth of confidence through an assimilation of the social con- dition. Here is the fitting expression of the mourning of to-day. And let no lover of his country say that this warning is uncalled for. The cry 266 BANCBOFT, GEORGE is delusive that slavery is dead. Even Heaven has willed it that the United now it is nerving itself for a fresh strug- States shall live. The nations of the gle for continuance. The last winds from earth cannot spare them. All the worn- the South waft to us the sad intelligence out aristocracies of Europe saw in the that a man who had surrounded himself spurious feudalism of slave-holding their with the glory of the most brilliant and strongest outpost, and banded them- niost varied achievements, who but a selves together with the deadly enemies week ago was counted with affectionate of our national life. If the Old World pride among the greatest benefactors of his will discuss the respective advantages of country and \h.e ablest generals of all oligarchy or equality; of the union of time, has initiated the exercise of more Church and State, or the rightful free- than the whole power of the executive, dom of religion; of land accessible to the and under the name of peace has, perhaps many, or land monopolized by an ever- unconsciously, revived slavery, and given decreasing number of the few, the United the hope of security and political power States must live to control the decision to traitors, from the Chesapeake to the i)y their quiet and unobtrusive example. Eio Grande. Why could he not remember It has often and truly been observed the dying advice of Washington, never to that the truth and affection of the masses draw the sword but for self-defence or gather naturally round an individual; the rights of his country, and when if the inquiry is made, whether the man drawn, never to sheathe it till its work so trusted and beloved shall elicit from should be accomplished? And yet, from the reason of the people, enduring in- this ill-considered act, which the people stitutions of their o^^^l, or shall sequester with one iinited voice condemn, no great political power for a superintending dy- evil will follow save the shadow on his nasty, the United States must live to own fame, and that, also, we hope, will solve the problem. If a question is raised pass away. The individual, even in the on the respective merits of Timoleon, or greatness of military glory, sinks into Julius Csesar, or Washington, or Napo- insignificance before the resistless move- leon, the United States must be there to ments of ideas in the history of man. call to mind that there were twelve No one can turn back or stay the march Caesars, most of them the opprobrium of of Providence. the human race, and to contrast with No sentiment of despair may mix with them the line of American Presidents, our sorrow. We owe it to the memory of The duty of the hour is incomplete, the dead, we owe it to the cause of popu- our mourning is insincere, if, while we lar liberty throughout the world, that the exjjress unwavering trust in the great sudden crime which has taken the life of principles that tmderlie our government, the President of the United States shall wo do not also give our support to the not produce the least impediment in the man to whom the people have intrusted smooth surface of public affairs. This its administration. great city, in the midst of unexampled Andrew Johnson is now, by the Con- emblems of deeply seated grief, has sus- stitution, the President of the United tained itself with composure and mag- States, and he stands before the world as nanimity. It has nobly done its part in the most* conspicuous representative of guarding against the derangement of the industrial classes. Left an orphan business or the slightest shock to public at four years old, poverty and toil were credit. The enemies of the republic put his steps to honor. His youth was not it to the severest trial; but the voice of passed in the halls of colleges; neverthe- f action has not been heard: doubt and less he has received a thorough political despondency have been unknown. In education in statesmanship, in the school serene majesty the country rises in the of the people, and by long experience of beauty and strength and hope of youth, public life. A village functionary; mem- and proves to the world the quiet energy ber successively of each branch of the Ten- and the durability of institutions grow- nessee legislature, hearing with a thrill ing out of the reason and affections of of joy the words, " the Union, it must the people. be preserved " ; a representative in Con- 267 BANCROFT— BAlSfK OF THE UNITED STATES gress for successive years; governor of Bancroft, Hubert Howe, historian; the great State of Tennessee, approved born in Granville, 0., May 5, 1832. He en- as its governor by re-election ; he was gaged in the book business in California, at the opening of the rebellion a Senator and, after retiring, continued to develop from that State in Congress. Then at his large and valuable library. He made the Capitol, when Senators, unrebuked a. specialty of the Pacific coast of North by the government, sent word by tele- America. Books, manuscripts, maps, nar- gram to seize forts and arsenals, he ratives personally related by Californian alone from that Southern region told pioneers, all formed the sources of his them what the government did not vast series of histories of the Pacific re- dare to tell them, that they were trai- gions. In the labor of indexing, collect- tors, and deserved the punishment of ing, and writing, Mr. Bancroft employed treason. Undismayed by a perpetual collaborators to a greater extent than is purpose of public enemies to take his usual. Up to 1900 he had published 39 life, bearing up against the still greater volumes in his historical series, covering trial of the persecution of his wife the western part of North America. His and children, in due time he went back working library comprised 60,000 vol- to his State, determined to restore it to umes. the Union, or die with the American flag Bangor. See Hampden, Action at. for his winding sheet. And now, at the Bang's, John Kendrick, author; born call of the United States, he has returned in Yonkers, N. Y., May 27, 1862; was to Washington as a conqueror, with Ten- graduated at Columbia University in nessee as a free State for his trophy. It 1883; studied law; became associate edi- remains for him to consummate the vin- tor of Z/ife in 1884 ; editor of " Drawer " in dication of the Union. 1888, and of " Literary Notes " in Harper's To that Union Abraham Lincoln has Magazine in 1898; and editor of Harper's fallen a martyr. His death, which was Weekly in 1900. meant to sever it beyond repair, binds Bank of North. America. It was soon it more closely and more firmly than ever, perceived that under the new government, The blow aimed at him was aimed, not at based on the Articles of Confederation the native of Kentucky, not at the citizen (see Confederation, Articles of), the of Illinois, but at the man who, as Presi- Congress had no power, independent of the dent, in the executive branch of the gov- several States, to enforce taxation. Rob- ernment, stood as the representative of ert Morris, then Superintendent of Fi- every man in the United States. The nance (Secretary of the Treasury), pro- object of the crime was the life of the posed the establishment of a bank at Phil- whole people, and it wounds the affec- adelphia, to supply the government with tions of the whole people. From Maine to money, with a capital of $400,000. The the southwest boundary of the Pacific, it promissory notes of the bank were to be makes us one. The "country may have a legal-tender currency, to be received in needed an imperishable grief to touch its payment of all taxes, duties, and debts inmost feeling. The grave that receives due the United States. The plan was ap- the remains of Lincoln receives the cost- proved by the Congress (May 26, 1781), ly sacrifice to the Union; the monument and this financial agent of the government which will rise over his body will bear was chartered by the Congress Dec. 31. witness to the Union; his enduring mem- The capital stock was divided into shares ory will assist during countless ages to of $400 each, in money of gold or silver, bind the States together, and to incite to be procured by subscriptions. Twelve to the love of our one undivided, indivis- directors were appointed to manage the ible country. Peace to the ashes of our affairs of the bank, which was entitled departed friend, the friend of his coun- by the Congress "The President, Direc- try and of his race. He was happy in tors, and Company of the Bank of North his life, for he was the restorer of the re- America." That corporation furnished ade- public; he was happy in his death, for his quate means for saving the Continental martyrdom will plead forever for the union army from disbanding, of the States and the freedom of man. Bank of the United States. Alexander 268 BANK OF THE UNITED STATES Hamilton, observing the prosperity and usefulness to the commercial community and the financial operations of the govern- ment, of the Bank of North America, Bank of New York, and Bank of Massa- chusetts, which held the entire banking capital of the country before 1791, recom- mended the establishment of a govern- ment bank in his famous report on the finances (1790), as Secretary of the Treas- ury. His suggestion was speedily acted upon, and an act for the purpose was adopted Feb. 8, 1791. President Wash- ington asked the written opinion of his cabinet concerning its constitutionality. They were equally divided. The Presi- dent, believing it to be legal, signed the bill, and so made it a, law. The bank re- ceived a charter, the existence of which was limited to twenty years. It soon went into operation, with a capital of $10,000,000, of which amount the govern- ers 8 1/2 per cent, premium over the par value. The finances of the country were in a wretched state at the close of the war, in 1815. The local banks had all suspend- ed specie payments, and there was very little of other currency than depreciated bank-notes. There was universal dissatis- faction, and the people clamored for an- other United States Bank as a cure for financial evils. One was chartered in the spring of 1816 (April .3). A bill to that efi'ect had been vetoed by President Madi- son in January, 1815: now^ it received his willing signature. Its charter was for twenty years, and its capital was $35,000,000, of which amount the United States subscribed $7,000,000, and the re- maining $28,000,000 by individuals. The creation of this bank compelled the State banks to resume specie payments or wind up. Many of them were aided in resump- ment subscribed $2,000,000 in specie and tion by the great bank, but many, after a $6,000,000 in stocks of the United States. The measure was very popular. The shares of the bank rose to 25 and 45 per cent, premium, and it paid an av- erage dividend of 8 14 per cent, on its capital. The shares were $400 each. The bank was established at Philadelphia, with branches at difi'erent points. In 1808 — or three years before the char- ter would expire— application was made to Congress for its renewal. A sort of bank mania had succeeded the original establishment of the institution, and local banks rapidly increased. They became favorites of the people, for they furnished business facilities that were of great im- portance to the whole commercial com- munity. This local bank interest combined to prevent a reneAval of the charter of the United States Bank, on the grounds, first, that it was unconstitutional : second, that too much of the stock was owned by for- eigners; and, third, that the local banks better accommodated the public. Though the Secretary of the Treasury (Gallatin) reported in favor of a renewal of the char- ter, nothing was done by Congress until within a few weeks before the time when the bank would cease to exist. The bill for its reeharter was defeated by the casting vote of the Vice-President (George Clinton) in the Senate, and the bank closed its affairs, giving to the stockhold- struggle more or less prolonged, closed their doors. Of the 246 State banks, with an aggregate capital of about $90,000,000 in 1816, a very large number were com- pelled to go into liquidation. From 1811 to 1830 165 banks, with a capital of $30,000,000, closed their business, and the loss of the government and of individ- uals by these banks was estimated at $5,000,000, or one-sixth of their capital. The second United States Bank went into operation in Philadelphia, in 1817, to con- tinue until ]\Iarch, 1836. In it were de- posited the funds of the government, the use of which gave the bank great facilities for discounting, and so aiding the commer- cial community. It soon controlled the monetary affairs of the country ; and when General Jackson became President of the United States, in 1829, he expressed his decided hostility to the government bank, as a dangerous institution. He began a war upon it, which ended in its destruc- tion. In his first annual message to Con- gress (December, 1829), he took strong ground against a renewal of the charter, which would expire in 1836. His reasons were that it had failed in the fulfilment of the promises of its creation — namely, to establish a uniform and sound cur- rency for the whole nation ; and, also, that such an institution was not author- ized by the national Constitution. Again, 269 BANKRUPTCY LAWS in his annual messages in 1830 and 1831, he attacked the bank, and renewed his ob- jections. At the close of 1831 the proper officers of the bank petitioned, for the first time, for the renewal of its charter. The petition was presented in the Senate Jan. 9, 1832, and on March 13 a select com- mittee, to whom it was referred, reported in favor of renewing the charter for fifteen years. Long debates ensued, and finally a bill for rechartering the bank passed both Houses of Congress — the Senate on June 11, by 28 against 20, and the House of Representatives, July 3, by a vote of 107 against 85. The President vetoed it, and as it failed to receive the constitution- al vote of two-thirds of both Houses, the bank charter expired by limitation in 1836. The commercial community, regarding such an institution as essential to their prosperity, were alarmed, and prophecies of panics and business revulsions, every- where uttered, helped to accomplish their own speedy fulfilment. Again, in his an- nual message (December, 1832), Jack- son's hostility to the bank was manifested by a recommendation to remove the public funds in its custody, and a sale of the stock of the bank belonging to the United States. Congress, by a decided vote, re- fused to authorize the measure; but after the adjournment of that body the Presi- dent assumed the responsibility of per- forming the act. He directed the Secre- tary of the Treasury (William Duane) to withdraw the government funds — about $10,000,000— from the bank, and deposit them in certain State banks. The Sec- retary would only consent to appoint an agent to inquire upon what terms the local banks would receive the funds on deposit. Then the President gave him a peremp- tory order to remove them from the bank. Duane refused compliance, and was dis- missed from office. His successor, Roger B. Taney (afterwards Chief- Justice of the United States), obeyed the President, and in October, 1833, the removal was accom- plished. The effect produced was wide- spread commercial embarrassments and distress. The business of the counti-y was plunged from a height of prosperity to the depths of adversity, because its in- timate connection with the national bank rendered any paralysis of the operations of that institution fatal to commercial activity. The vital connection of the bank with the business of the country, evidenced by the confusion, confirmed the President's conviction of the danger to be apprehended from such an enormous moneyed institution. Failing to have its charter renewed, the operations of the bank expired by limita- tion in March, 1836. It was rechartered the same year by the legislature of Penn- sylvania, with the same capital. It was compelled to suspend specie payments, with all the local banks, in 1837, and again in 1839; and in February, 1840, it made a final suspension, and closed up its affairs. There remained nothing for the stockholders. The entire capital had been spent, and widespread distress was the consequence. BANKRUPTCY LAWS, PAST AND PRESENT Bankruptcy Lavp-s, Past and Present, held the boards for a goodly season in —William H. Hotciikiss {q. v.) con- Congress in 1897-98. The voluntaries had tributes the following article on the sub- rather the best of it. But the law as a ject of bankruptcy: whole must be accepted as a reasonable ex- pression of the sentiments of the en- The passage of the bankruptcy law, ap- tire people. It surely is a proclamation, proved July 1, 1898, was effected by a vote as vigorous as it is emphatic, that in this of 43 to 13 in the Senate, and 134 to 53 day and generation it is not only the in the House. It was, necessarily, a com- debtor that dies who is relieved of all promise, since it was the result of agita- debts, but that the unfortunate and the tion which had been continuous since the unwise may win surcease of their busi- repeal, twenty years before, of its discredit- ness sorrows and begin again on this side ed and unpopular predecessor. The " in- of the grave. It calls to mind that human- voluntaries " against the "voluntaries" itarian provision of the Mosaic law which 270 BANKRUPTCY LAWS commanded a release of debtors every seventh year. For more than twenty-five centuries the law-makers of the world have been legis- lating on bankruptcy. Draco, the pioneer, made it, -with laziness and murder, pun- ishable by death. Quite naturally there followed an age of the absconding debtor. Solon, not wishing to depopulate Athens, mollified these ancient blue law^s, and even abolished enslavement for debt; but the bankrupt and the bankrupt's heirs for- feited their rights of citizenship. The noble Eoman and his Twelve Tables were more draconic than Draco. Gibbon tells us that: " At the expiration of sixty days the debt was discharged by the loss of liberty or life; the insolvent debtor was either put to death, or sold in foreign slavery beyond the Tiber; but if several credit- ors were alike obstinate and unrelenting, they might legally dismember his body, and satiate their revenge by this horrid partition." In the time of Csesar Roman juris- prudence and civilization had so develop- ed that the debtor, by the famous cessio honorum, might at least escape slavery, and in most cases retain his civil rights ; and about a century later our modern idea of a discharge to the honest debtor who gives up his all was graven on their laws. Shylock's savage rights may well speak for the laws of the Middle Ages, whose statutes were little better than a trans- parent palimpsest of the Twelve Tables of Eome. French laws have followed the Latin model, and, while somewhat modern- ized, even yet visit a degree of disgrace upon the unfortunate trader which would not long be tolerated by an Anglo-Saxon legislature. Since 1542 about forty bankruptcy laws and a number of insolvent debtor acts have been passed in England. In the United States the statute of 1898 is the fourth of . a series of national laws, the others being named from the years 1800, 1841, and 1867; while, in many of the States, and from their very beginning, insolvency statutes of local application and vastly divergent provisions have been on the books. In view of the interest in the subject, 2-i the following chronology may be valu- able. We take the English statutes first : 1. The statute of 1542 was aimed at absconding or concealed debtors only. It made them criminals, deprived them of their property without giving them a dis- charge, and left them to the tender mer- cies of their creditors. It was followed by a number of similar laws, enlarging its scope and changing its procedure. 2. The statute of 1706, in the fifth year of Queen Anne, marks the next great step in advance. Debt was no longer treat- ed as a crime, and provision was for the first time made for a discharge. 3. The statute of 1825, in the reign of George IV., for the first time recog- nized voluntary bankruptcies. 4. The statute of 18.30 abolished com- missioners in bankruptcy, put the admin- istration of estates into the hands of the court, and created the official assignee or receiver. 5. The statute of 1861 made it pos- sible for the non-trader, who had been protected by the insolvent debtor acts for about fifty years, to take advantage of or to be proceeded against under the general bankruptcy laws. 6. The statute of 1869 introduced in England the now well-understood prin- ciple of fraudulent preferences; but, the law being easily evaded, it proved a fail- ure. 7. The statute of 1883, as amended by that of 1890, carries the pendulum backward again, and while for the first time distinguishing between a fraudulent bankruptcy and one due solely to mis- fortune, is drastic in its penalties and intolerable, at least from an American stand-point, in its limitations on the grant- ing of a discharge. Turning to the United States, we find that: 1. The statute of 1800 was copied from the English law of that time, and did not provide either for voluntary bank- ruptcy or for non-traders coming within its terms. It was repealed in December, 1803. 2. The statute of 1841, said to have been largely the work of Daniel Webster, introduced the idea of voluntary bank- ruptcy into our national jurisprudence. 1 Bankruptcy laws It was in force but eighteen months, being repealed by the Congress that passed it. 3. The statute of 1867 was framed largely on the Massachusetts insolvency law of 1838. It provided for both volun- tary and involuntary bankruptcy, and went almost to the extreme in its enu- meration of acts of bankrviptcy and in its restrictions on the granting of discharges. This law permitted tedious delays and ex- cessive fees. It remained in force until September, 1878. 4. The statute of 1898 swings back towards mercy again. It will be remem- bered as the first of our statutes to omit that anciently all-important act of bank- ruptcy, " the suddenly fleeing to parts unknown," and as establishing a new meaning for " insolvency." The animated and often acrimonious discussion of bankruptcy legislation has turned on a half-dozen disputed principles and matters of detail. Nowhere, save in the United States, where local insolvency laws have temporarily filled the gap, has the necessity of such legislation been de- nied. All civilized and many semi-civil- ized countries enforce such laws. France has not been without a bankruptcy law for 400 years, nor England for a period nearly as long. It is settled, too, that such laws should have three purposes: 1. The surrender of the debtor's estate with' out preferences; 2. Its cheap and expe- ditious distribution pro rata among all creditors ; and 3. The discharge of the debtor from liability to pay provable debts with property which he may afterwards acquire. Each statute has sought the common goal by different ways, but always by or near definite landmarks. It will assist to a better understanding of the law of 1898, if we note these landmarks. 1. Who may become a bankrupt? 2. What are acts of bankruptcy? 3. What is a pref- erence? 4. When may a discharge be refused? 5. What is the procedure which will prove least expensive and most expeditious? This classification includes two elements born since Blackstone's time. WJio May Become a Bankrupt? — The limitation to traders has already been mentioned. Indeed, so late as 1817, in this country, Judge Livingston doubted 27 whether an act of Congress subjecting to such a law every description of per- sons within the United States would be constitutional. Yet our law of 1841 ex- tended the meaning of the term " trader " so that, in involuntary bankruptcies, it included bankers, brokers, factors, under- writers and marine insurers. All classes of persons could become bankrupts in Eng- land after 1861 ; and the like broad rule received expression in our law of 1867, with the single exception that, when the act of bankruptcy consisted in failure to pay commercial paper, it applied only to merchants, bankers, and the business com- munity. The new law of 1898, however, goes backward to the time of George II., and prohibits, as did one of the laws passed in his reign, involuntary proceed- ings against farmers and wage-earners. Its provisions relative to corporations are equally indicative of prevailing con- ditions. For some decades English cor- porations have been liable to proceedings in bankruptcy. Our law of 1841 was lim- ited to natural persons. That of 1867 was made expressly applicable to all moneyed, business, and commercial corpo- rations. Yet the lawmakers of 1898, fear- ful lest, by collusion with stockholders, the controlling officers might force such semi-public corporations as railroads and transportation companies into bankrupt- cy, limited the operation of the law to corporations engaged principally in manu- facturing, trading, printing, publishing, or mercantile pursuits. Pending politi- cal passions have swimg us backward in these two particulars. These provisions, however, can prove of little or no prac- tical importance, and to the future his- torian they will seem as curious as do to us those ancient acts of bankruptcy, " keeping his house " and the " fleeing to the Abbey." What Are Acts of Bankruptcy? — In the United States this has been the kernel of the controversy. Our laws have answered the question in widely diflferent ways. Not so in England. That original act of bank- ruptcy, absconding the realm, is in every English statute for 350 years, and ap- pears in the last law in almost the very words used in the first. Our laws, down to and including that of 1867, have been equally mindful of the commercial run- 2 BANKRITPTCY LAWS away. The new law, however, omits this cause entirely. The welcher in business can be punished in other ways; our chief concern is — indeed, should be — with the stay-at-home cheat. The English catalogue of interdicted acts in business has grown long. Two hundred years ago involuntary bankrupt- cy was even worse than imprisonment for debt, for it involved that; and, prior to the evolution of the idea of a discharge, it practically was civil death. The con- dition of the English law at that time may be imagined from this decision of a court of the period: " If a man is taken in execution and lies in prison for debt, neither the plaintiff at whose suit he is arrested, nor the sheriff who took him, is bound to find him meat, drink, or clothes; but he must live on his own or on the charity of others, and if no one will relieve him, let him die in the name of God, says the law; and so say I." Freedom from imprisonment for debt has, of course changed this ; but in the latest English statutes there are relics of this old-time savagery towards debt- ors, happily not included in our laws. The present bankruptcy law of England gives eight acts of bankruptcy, three predi- cated on fraud coupled with insolvency, three of a voluntary character showing in- solvency, and two others which are relics of the old rules against fleeing the realm or concealing property. A debtor who does not lift a levy on his goods within twenty- one days, or who does not within seven days after judgment comply with a credit- or's demand that he pay, compound, or secure the debt, commits an act of bank- ruptcy. The older laws put default in payment of demand obligations in the same category, thus extending a rule rightfully enforced against banks and bankers to the entire business commu- nity. Our law of 1841 defined but five acts of bankruptcy, all predicated on fraud. The law of 1867 went much further and, in addition to the customary grounds, specified as one of its ten acts of bank- ruptcy, fraudulent default in payment of commercial paper by merchants, trad- ers, and manufacturers. The law just passed, however, goes back to the side I.— s 27 of leniency again. It enumerates five acts of bankruptcy, two of them involving fraud on the part of the bankrupt (fraud- ulent conveyances and voluntary prefer- ences ) , one constructive fraud, and two which are expressed by the paradox that by them a debtor may go into involuntary bankruptcy voluntarily. The Torrey bill enumerated nine acts of bankruptcy, going further even than the English law and in- cluding default for thirty days in the payment of commercial paper, a rule which would have upset our entire credit system. The Nelson bill went to the other extreme and made fraudulent trans- fers and voluntary preferences while in- solvent the only acts of bankruptcy. The law as passed is perhaps a fair compro- mise, though in extreme cases we may wish for the more complete and far- reaching definition of the English statute. But, whatever the effect, lawyers and laymen alike will quickly understand that insolvency has a new meaning. The English statute defines it as inability on the debtor's part to pay from his own moneys his debts as they become due. The American law declares that he only is insolvent the aggregate of whose prop- erty shall not, at a fair " valuation, be sufficient in amount to pay his debts. In short, in the United States hereafter, he who has uncontrovertible property in plenty but little cash on hand — as, for example, he who is land poor — may yet be solvent and entitled to the time to re- alize and pay his creditors. At first blush this seems broadly equi- table, but what will be the result in actual practice? Perhaps, had it been in force, the author of Waverley, with his vast genius as his property, would not have been insolvent, and that other Scotchman, Anderson by name, who possessed, yet would not surrender, the secret formula for a popular nostrum, might have proved it overworth his debts, and escaped the penalties of the law. On the other hand, into what dangerous controversies will it lead us! Hitherto the proof of in- solvency has been simple and easy. Now it never can be. The expei't on values has a new field open to him, as creditors and debtors, not to speak of lawyers and courts, may quickly learn. In practice, the law will, therefore, 3 BA]SfKB,trI>TCY LAWS prove little more than a voluntary law. Its sponsors claim that it will accomplish all that it was intended to do by the mere threat of possible procedure. Therein is its chief merit to the business world. Ex- perience will prove whether it is a boon or bane. But our hysterical Congressmen shall be able now to sleep o' nights; for under this law there can be by the rich no " grinding the face of the poor." What Is a Preference? — This is a com- paratively recent development of the law of bankruptcy. The earliest regulation is that of 1690, in Scotland, which annulled preferences made within two months of bankruptcy. The common law permitted preferences, and debts in favor of wives and female relatives in general were a refuge frequently found by the failing debtor. It is not likely that the chattel mortgage method of preference was then understood; that is the product of our higher civilization. But, for centuries, scandals without number and frauds on creditors by the multitude have flowed from the too gentle policy of the law in this regard. Our State insolvency laws, most of them sanctioning limited prefer- ences, have proved but invitations to de- fraud. The preferring debtor has become one of the evils of our civilization, as was the absconding debtor of that of two cen- turies ago. Beginning in 1849, in England, and in 1841, in the United States, preferences have been interdicted by law. The Eng- lish statute made them void if intended to defeat or delay creditors. The present law of England provides that, to consti- tute a preference, it must be made within three months of the commencement of pro- ceedings in bankruptcy; while, if made when the debtor is insolvent and with a view of giving the creditor a preference over other creditors, it declares them abso- lutely void. Our statutes, again, evidence the swing- ing of the pendulum. That of 1800 did not inhibit such transactions; that of 1841 made the giving of preferences ground for refusing a discharge. The law of 1867, copying the Massachusetts insolvency act of 1838, compelled creditors to prove, in addition to the facts required by the pres- ent English law, knowledge on the part of the person preferred that the act was in 27 fraud of the bankruptcy law; in short, it practically required proof of collusion by the creditor. Under the new law, a preference seems to be' one thing if assert- ed in a voluntary proceeding, and another if alleged as an act of bankruptcy on which an involuntary proceeding is to stand. In both cases, the preference must have been made within four months of the filing of the bankrupt's petition. But, in the former, the proof need not go further, in any but exceptional cases, than to show that the act will result in giving one creditor more than others, and that such creditor had reasonable cause to believe that by the act the debtor intended to prefer him; while, in the latter, not only insolvency — which, as we have seen, is difficult of proof — but intent to prefer, must be shown. Therein lies the weakness of the new law, as a permanent relief to creditors. Family reunions at creditors' meetings in courts of bankruptcy are still both pos- sible and probable. The cheat and the cozener, unless checked by the vigilance of judges and referees, may become as notori- ous as they were in other days, and a con- venient relative or willing friend may still continue to be the ready safe-deposit for the plunder of the mercantile rogue. When May a Discharge Be Refused? — In nothing else does the English bank- ruptcy system differ from our own as much as in this. No discharge was grant- ed a debtor until the reign of Anne. A little later, not only a discharge, but al- lowances on dividends, varying from 3 to 10 per cent., were granted to the bank- rupt in order that he might get a fresh start; a provision which also appears in our bankruptcy law of 1800. Until a comparatively recent period, the discharge was of no value unless signed by a speci- fied number of creditors, which rule seems still to prevail in France. Since 1832 discharges in England have been in the discretion of the court, subject to some rather drastic limitations of a punitive character. This discretion has been abused ; and yet the present English law permits discharges to be refused for nu- merous reasons, such as the debtor's con- tinuance in business after knowing him- self to be insolvent, failure to pay divi- dends of at least 50 per cent., rash and 4 BANKRUPTCY LAWS hazardous speculations, unjustifiable ex- travagance in living, culpable neglect of business affairs, and failure to account satisfactorily for losses. Englishmen, too, have been prone to classify discharges. By the laws of 1849, there were three kinds, with correspond- ing effects: those given when the bank- ruptcy was wholly unavoidable, those when it was partly unavoidable, and those belonging to neither of the latter classes. The present English law permits the court to refuse a> discharge outright, to with- hold it for not less than two years, to withhold it until the estate shall pay 50 per cent., or to require the bankrupt to al- low judgment against himself for the dif- ference between the required 50 per cent, and the amount of dividends actually paid. It seems curious that this latter is the usual method, and yet that the present law of England is far and away the most successful and the fairest bankruptcy law yet enforced in that country. While the list of objections to discharges in England is on the increase, here it is growing smaller and smaller. In 1800, among other restrictions, the bankrupt was not entitled to a discharge unless he paid 75 cents on a dollar. In 1841 a majority of creditors in number and value might prevent the discharge by filing a written dissent thereto. The law of 1867, as amended in 1874, refused a discharge to voluntary bankrupts who did not pay 30 per cent, on claims proved, except with the assent of one-fourth of their creditors in number and one - third in value; and, copying the English model, it enumerated ten acts, the commission of which might deprive him of his dis- charge. The new law goes to the antipodes of the present English statute and not only wipes out the necessity of paying any per- centage in dividends, a very poor change, but abolishes the semi-control of creditors over discharges, and allows a certificate to be withheld only when the debtor has committed one of the felonies enumerated in the law, or when he has fraudulently failed to keep, or in contemplation of bankruptcy has destroyed or concealed, his books of account. Not even a fraudulent preference is objection to a discharge. " Life tenure " and " government by in- junction " have thus their legitimate off- spring in this sugar-coated section of our law. The Delilah of Populism has shorn the federal judiciary of its power. The buzzards, to use Senator Stewart's pict- uresque designation for creditors, have been deprived of their prey. What mat- ter, then, if the commercial rascal and the business pickpocket be free again! What Is the Least Expensive and Most Expeditious Procedure? — Probably nine- tenths of the criticism of bankruptcy leg- islation has been directed to details of procedure. In England, for more than half a century, the lines were drawn for or against officialism. Prior to 1831 bankrupt estates were administered by three commissioners, largely controlled by the creditors. From that time down to 1869 the courts administered through their assignees. Then, for a decade or more, creditors took hold again and made a mess of it. The present law is a com- promise, an official of the Board of Trade being in charge until the creditors get to- gether and determine on action. It seems to have made little difference which sys- tem prevailed, as, so it is said, in the one the la^vyers preyed on the estates and in the other the courts and their ap- pointees did so. The English procedure has always been complicated. It has provided elaborately for compositions and arrangements, with the result that, until the present law, debtors have more often compounded and compromised than gone through the courts and obtained their discharge. From 1870 to 1877 there were but 8,275 bankruptcies, these nearly all involuntary, to 31,651 liquidations and 20,270 compositions. Even under the present English law, the actual official bankruptcies are in number hardly more than the so-called deeds of arrange- ment. On the other hand, the rigid public examination which is now required oper- ates both as a threat to the fraudulent bankrupt and as a protection and vindica- tion to the honest or unfortunate debtor. It stimulates the co-operation of negligent creditors and prevents much fraud. In the United States the administration of bankruptcy laws has too often been odorous from nepotism and onerous with costs. In the lurid rhetoric of the con- gressional debates, it was " the rodents 275 BANKRUPTCY LAWS who burrow around the places of justice " and " pillage by the fee-fiend " which dis- credited the law of 1867 and led to its re- peal. The present lo.w is intended to avoid these criticisms. Rapidity in administra- tion is commanded in words and compelled in practice, by making the payment of fees contemporaneous with the Avinding up of the estate. The fees themselves are small, so small indeed as, in the minds of some, to jeopardize the proper administra- tion of the law; while but one reasonable bill of costs can be allowed the bankrupt's lawyers, no matter how many are em- ployed, and any payments made to them by way of advances for legal services are subject to scrutiny. Bankruptcy courts, presided over by referees having broad judicial powers, a.re established in every county. Indeed, bankrupts aiad creditors could not well have a procedure which is simpler, less expensive, or more favorable to themselves. Such is the latest product of bank- ruptcy legislation, genealogically ex- amined. Starting with the Torrey bill, notable for its too harsh provisions, pro- ceeding through the Nelson bill, as inade- quate in procedure as it was lacking in a broad grasp of the dangers to commer- cial morality, which had to be avoided, and finally developing into a compromise between the latter and the Henderson sub- stitute, a measure which seemed to find the golden mean, it goes on the books as a law for temporary relief, not for per- manent control. Many assert that this is as it should be. The crying need for its passage was that the unfortunates, who have been in bondage to debts and judg- ments born of the late period of depres- sion, might be free again ; and the country will quickly feel the effects of the restored energy of the tens of thousands who have gone down in recent wrecks. So far the law is expressive, not only of our human- ity, but of our commercial common-sense. The honest bankrupt is needed back in the ranks of business. There are, however, others who " will pay you some, and, as most debtors do, promise you infinitely." And there are yet others who, in spirit, if not in deed, would in these times of preju- dice and passion listen willingly to ancient Timon's exhortation to his brother debt- ors within the walls of Athens : 27 " Bankrupts, hold fast ; Rather than render back, out with your knives. And cut your trusters' throats." We might have gone further and enact- ed a law which w^ould prove valuable in times of prosperity, as well as in times of depression. Just now the law-giver can well be a philanthropist. Year in and year out he must be a policeman, too. Our law of 1898 is philanthropic to a de- gree; but as a discourager of commercial dishonesty, it is like a peace-officer without a warrant, or a policeman with unloaded revolver. The majesty and the threat of the law are there, but, unless its officer is keen-eyed and a good runner, the fraud- ulent bankrupt will usually escape. It may be that in practice creditors will boldly risk defeat and damages to force the mercantile fraud into the hands of the court; but it is not likely. At any rate, the bankrupt need no longer fear the dili- gent creditor, but rather the daring one. There is, of course, in many quarters another view of the law and its purpose. It is thought typical of man's increasing humanity to man. The bankrupt will al- ways be with us ; so will the creditor. The former needs protection against the lat- ter; the creditor can take care of himself. Thus many a good citizen may find comfort in the reflection that, if we have gone far towards preventing involuntary bank- ruptcy, it has been that our laws might be just rather than severe, and expressive of the principle that a score of rascals had better go unpimished rather than that one honest man should suflfer oppression. This is the spirit of the age. Nearly a century and a half ago Black- stone declared that the bankruptcy laws of his time were " founded on principles of humanity as well as justice." Modern jurists would not now assure us that such was the case; else to what purpose did John Howard live, or how came it that Dickens moved a sympathetic world with his story of Little Dorrit and the debt- deadened prisoners of Marshalsea. Now, even the day seems passing when, in the words of the gentle Autocrat. '• The ghostly dun shall worry his sleep, And constables cluster around him : And he shall creep from the wood-hole deep When their spectre eyes have found him." 6 BANKS, NATIONAL Old things are passing away. Sympathy the Senate by Mr. Sherman, and referred sits where sternness sat. The nimble debtor is no longer part of a tragedy. He belongs to a serio-comic drama in- stead. Bankruptcy is not a crime, but a condition; not always a disgrace, but rather a disease; and present laws, while providing relief for him who owes, seem but negatively valuable to him who owns. Banks, National. The plan of the national banks is believed to have orig- inated with Salmon P. Chase, when Secre- tary of the Treasury. In his report for December, 1861, he recommended the gradual issue of national bank-notes, se- cured by the pledge of United States bonds, in preference to the further issue of United States notes, $50,000,000 of which had been issued during the previous year. A bill was soon after prepared in accordance with the Secretary's views, and printed for the use of the committee of ways and means, but it was not reported, and on July 8 following, Thaddeus Ste- vens, the chairmen of the committee, sub- mitted the bill with an adverse report. The immediate necessities of the govern- ment compelled the further issue of legal- tender notes, and the consideration of the bank act was deferred. In his report for 1862, Mr. Chase again urged the passage of the national bank bill, and President Lincoln also recommended it in his mes- sage. The principal reason why Mr. Chase advocated this system was because he thought it would greatly facilitate the negotiation of the United States bonds ; in other words, make it much easier for the government to borrow money. It was also claimed that it would secure for the people in all parts of the country a cur- rency of uniform security and value, and protect them from loss in discounts and exchanges — advantages which were regard- ed as of much importance then, after the experience people had had with State banks whose issue was good in Pittsburg and worthless in Cleveland, and vice versa, and might be stable in either place one day and worthless the next, to say nothing of the annoyance of carrying $100 as many miles and finding it only rated at $40. Still, there was much opposition to the national bank bill. Early in 1863 it was introduced into to the finance committee, from which it was reported by him Feb. 2, and ten days later passed by a vote of 23 to 21. On the 20th of the same month it also passed the House of Representatives by a vote of 78 to 64. When the bill was revised and again brought before Congress for passage, in June, 1864, the vote in the Senate was 30 in favor and 9 against the bill. It was claimed at the time this bill was under discussion, and has been even more strong- ly urged since by certain classes, that all the advantages of stability and uniformity of currency could be even better secured through a government issue of notes, with- out the danger of the creation of a great money monopoly. There was a strong ob- jection, however, on the part of many whose opinions had great influence against thus making the government, as it were, the one bank of issue for the country. Secretary Chase issued legal-tender notes, it is true, and thus saved the govern- ment at a most critical time fi-om seri- ous financial embarrassment. He de- fended the act as one required by the grave exigency existing rather than as the inauguration of a sound financial policy. In January, 1875, Congress passed an act providing for the resumption of spe- cie payments on Jan. 1, 1879. As that time approached there were preliminary movements towards that end, such as re- deeming the fractional curency with silver (1876), by which a large amount of the latter coin was put into circulation. There was a very strong opposition to re- sumption at that time, and prophets of evil foretold infinite disasters to the busi- ness of the country. It was declared that the demand for gold would be greater than the supply; but when the day came, and the clerical force of the Sub-Treasury in New York was increased in order to fa- cilitate the paying out of gold for " green- backs " presented, they had nothing to do. There was actually more gold paid in than was paid out. From that hour the busi- ness of the country permanently revived for the first time since the great revulsion of 1873. By act of Congress, March 3, 1883, the taxes on capital and deposits of banks, bankers, and national banking associa- 277 BANKS, SAVINGS— BANKS, N. P. tions, excepting such as were already due, were repealed, and also the stamp tax on bank-checks, drafts, orders, and vouchers, the latter provision to take effect on July 1, 1883. The act of Feb. 25, 1863, limited the period of existence of the national banks to twenty years; but an act of July 10, 1882, provided for the ex- tension of the charters of all national banks under prescribed conditions for twenty years more, and under this act many banks reorganized for the longer period. In the war revenue act of 1898 a stamp tax of two cents was imposed on every bank-check, and in March, 1900, the President approved a new currency act which established the gold dollar as the standard unit of value, permitted national banks to be organized in places of 3,000 population or less with a capital of $25,000, instead of $50,000, the previous minimum, and provided that banks might issue circulation on all classes of bonds deposited up to the par value of the bonds, instead of to 90 per cent, of their face value as before. National banking statistics for the year ending Oct. 31, 1900, as officially reported, contained returns from 3,871 such banks. These reported an aggregate capital of $630,299,030; loans and discounts, $2,686,- 759,642; outstanding circulation, $331,- 613,268; individual deposits, $2,508,248,- 557 ; and combined resources exceeding $5,000,000,000, the largest amount ever reported. See Circulation, Monetary; Coinage; Currency; U. S. Banks. Banks, Savings. The savings banks in the United States are divided into two classes — the mutual and the stock. In 1900 the mutual savings banks numbered 652, and had 5,370,109 depositors, and $2,336,460,239 in resources, and held sav- ings deposits aggregating $2,134,471,130. The stock savings banks numbered 350, and had an aggregate capital of $19,892,- 294; 527,982 depo'sitors, and $288,413,395 in resources, and held $250,299,719 in de- posits. The aggregate of the two kinds of savings banks were: Total number, 1,002; depositors, 5,898,091; resources, $2,624,873,634; and combined deposits, $2,384,770,849. In several of the States, particularly in Massachusetts, organiza- tions called co-operative banks to a large extent take the place of the ordinary sav- ings banks elsewhere, and building and loan associations, as well as loan and trust companies, also act practically as savings banks. Banks, State. Official reports cover- ing the various banks organized under State and Territorial charters for the banking year ending at various periods in 1900, gave the following summaries : Num- ber of banks, 4,369; capital, $237,004,340; deposits, $1,266,735,282; surplus, $91,381,- 666; and resources, $1,759,835,802. Sec- tionally, the largest number of such banks were in the Middle States, 1,658; the Western States ranked second, with 1,158; the Southern States third, with 917; the Eastern States fourth, with 343; the Pacific States fifth, with 270; and the New England States sixth, with 21. Banks, Wild-Cat, a designation of a class of banks in various parts of the coun- try, and especially in the Western States, founded prior to the enactment of the na- tional banking law. This peculiar desig- nation was originally applied to a number of banks organized under State charters in Michigan, because their notes of cir- culation contained upon their face the picture of a panther. Many of these banks very soon became unsound, and when it was found that their notes were worthless these banks became the type of a worth- less currency, and all money and banks of doubtful value became known as wild- cats. This designation in time was ex- tended to a large number of insurance companies, especially in Illinois. See Bank of the United States; Gra\t:- YARD Insurance. Banks, Nathaniel Prentiss, military officer; born in Waltham, Mass., Jan. 30, 1816. His early education was obtained at a common school. He became a lawyer and Democratic orator ; edited a newspa- per in Waltham and Lowell; and during the administration of President Polk held office in the Boston Custom-house. In 1849 he was a member of the Massachu- setts legislature, and speaker of the Lower House in 1851-52. He was presi- dent of the State Constitutional Conven- tion in 1853, and a member of Congress in 1853-57, separating from the Demo- cratic party on the question of slavery; and, after a long contest, was elected speaker of the House of Representatives 78 BANNEKER— BAPTIST CHURCH in 1855. Mr. Banks was chosen governor Bannock Indians, a tribe of North of Massachusetts in 1858, and served until 1861. When the Civil War broke out he American Indians, sometimes called the " Robber Indians." It was divided into two distinct branches: the first inhabited the region between lat. 42° and 45° and reacliing from long. 113° to the Rocky Mountains; the second claimed all of the southwestern part of Montana. The first branch was the more numerous. In 1869 the Bannocks of the Salmon River num- bered only 350, having been reduced by small-pox and invasions of the Blackfeet. In that year about 600 of the Southern tribe were settled on the Wind River reser- vation, and in the same year 600 more were sent to the Fort Hall reservation. Most of the latter afterwards left the res- ervation, but returned with the Shoshones and the scattered Bannocks of the south- ern part of Idaho in 1874. In 1900 the Bannocks were reduced to 430 at the Fort NATHANIEL PRENTISS BANKS. Hall ageucy, and eighty-five at the Lemhi agency, both in Idaho, was president of the Illinois Central Rail- Baptist Church, a flourishing denomi- road. Offering his services to President nation of evangelical Christians who differ liincoln, he was made a major-general of from others in respect to the mode of volunteers May 16, 1861, and appointed to administering the rite of baptism. They command the Annapolis military district, reject sprinkling, and hold that immersion General Banks was an active and skilful of the whole body is the only valid mode leader in various battles during the war of baptism, and essential to its specific in Virginia and in the region of the lower spiritual purpose; a mode, they claim, Mississippi and Red rivers. In 186.5-73, that was universally practised through- 1S75-77, and 1889-91 he was a Represent- ative in Congress, and subsequently he was United States marshal. He died in Wal- tham, Sept. 1, 1894. Banneker, Benjamin, a negro mathe- matician; born in Maryland, Nov. 9, 1731. out Christendom for 1,300 years. Their Church government is democratic. Their writers trace their origin to the third century; and they have ever been the champions of civil and religious liberty. Until the Quakers arose, at the middle of He taught himself mathematics ; and for the seventeenth century, they stood alone many years, while engaged in daily labor, in the advocacy of " soul-liberty." There made the necessary calculations for and were none in America when Roger Will- published an almanac for Maryland and iams founded Providence. Before he left the adjoining States. Mr. Jefferson pre- England he had been under the teachings sented one of his almanacs to the French of Baptists there, some of whom had been Academy of Sciences, where it excited refugees from persecution in Holland, wonder and admiration, and the African These had instituted baptism among them- Ahnanac became well known to the scien- selves by authorizing certain of their mem- tific circles of Europe. In 1790 he was bers to be administrators of the rite. Cast employed by the commissioners in the sur- out from the Congregational churches in vey of the boundaries of the District of Massachusetts, Williams conceived the Columbia. His grandmother was an Eng- idea of forming a Baptist Church in his lishwoman, who purchased a small plan- new home in Providence, after the man- tation in Maryland, bought two slaves ner of the refugees in Holland, but in a from a ship just from Africa, and married more simple form. In March, 1639, Eze- one of them. He died in Baltimore, in kiel Holliman. a layman, first baptized October, 1806. Williams, and then Williams baptized 279 BARAGA— BARCLAY Holliman and " some ten more." These books, hymn-books, catechisms, etc., into men then foi'med a Baptist Church there, the Indian language, he wrote in German But Williams did not remain a Baptist the History, Character, Manners, and long. He very early doubted the validity Customs of the North American Indians. of Holliman's baptism, and consequently He died in Marquette, Mich., Jan. 19, of his own. He believed " a visible sue- 1868. Barbary States. cession of authorized administrators of baptism " to be necessary to insure its validity, and in the course of two months he withdrew from the Church, and never rejoined it. But the Church and its prin See Algiers. Barber, Francis, military officer; born in Princeton, N. J., in 1751; was gradu- ated at the College of New Jersey in 1767, and became rector of an academv at Eliza- ciples remained, and the colony embodied heth, N. J., and pastor of the Presbyterian in its first code of laws (1637) a provision for perfect toleration in matters of re- ligion. In 1764, when numbering only about 5,000 members in all America, the Baptists established their first college in Rhode Island (see Brown University). With one exception, the Baptists are the largest denomination of evangelical Chris- tians in the United States. It is said that the first article of the amendments to the national Constituti'^n, guaranteeing religious liberty (ofTered in 1789), was in- Church there in 1769. Leaving these posts, he joined the New Jersey line in the Con- tinental army as major, in February, 1776. In November he was made a lieu- tenant-colonel, and ^^"as afterwards assist- ant inspector-general under Baron Steu- ben. He was active in several battles, and was wounded in the battle of Newtown. In 1781 he was successful in quelling the mutiny of Pennsylvania and New Jersey troops. He was with the army at New- burg in 1783, where he died, Feb. 11, the troduced chiefly through the influence of same year. the Baptist denomination. Barber, John Warner, historian; born The Baptist Church in 1900 was divided in Windsor, Conn., Feb. 2, 1798; wrote into the Regular Baptist, North; Regular many books, including Historical Collec- Baptist, South ; and Regular Baptist, tions of Connecticut, New York, New Jer- Colored. Besides these there were ten seij, Virginia, and Ohio; History and other Church organizations so closely al- Antiquities of New England, Neio York, lied with the Regular Baptist Church as and New Jersey, etc. Much of his work to be officially grouped with the Regular was done in co - operation with Henry Church. Reports for 1899 gave the fol- Howe (q. v.). He died in New Haven, in June, 1885. Barbour, James, statesman; born in Orange county, Va., June 10, 1775; mem- ber of the Virginia board of delegates, 1796-1812; governor, 1812; United States Senator, 1815; Secretary of War, 1825; died in lowing summaries for the thirteen Bap- tist bodies: Ministers, 33,088; churches, 49,721; and members, 4,443,628. The Northern and Southern branches of the Regular Baptist Church had 14,409 min- isters, 27,893 churches, and 2,586,671 members; and the Regular Baptist minister to England, 1828. He Church, Colored, had 14,000 ministers, 15,- Orange county, Va., June 8, 1842. 000 chiirches, and 1,555,324 members. The Barbour, Philip Pendleton, jurist; largest of the other bodies Avas the Primi- born in Orange county, Va., May 25, 1783; tive Baptist Church, which reported 2,130 member of Congress from 1814 to 1825 ministers, 3,530 churches, and 126,000 and 1827 to 1830; speaker of the House, members. The Freewill Baptist Church 1821; judge of the United States circuit followed, with 1,312 ministers, 1,517 court of the eastern district of Virginia, churches, and 85,242 members. 1830 to 1836; justice of the United States Baraga, Frederick, clergyman; born in Supreme Court, 1836-41. He died in Carniola, Austria, June 29, 1797; in 1830 Washington, D. C, Feb. 24, 1841. determined to devote his life to the con- Barclay, Robert, author ; born in Gor- version of Indians in the United States; donston, Scotland, Dec. 23, 1648. Barclay settled among the Ottawas in Michigan, made journeys in England, Holland, and In 1856 he was appointed Bishop of Mar- Germany with William Penn. He was one quette. In addition to translating prayer- of the proprietors of east Jersey, and in 280 BARD— BARKER 1682 he was appointed its governor (see Captain Carlsen, after a lapse of 274 New Jersey) ; but he exercised the office years, found Barentz's winter quarters by a deputy. He died in Ury, Oct. 13, undisturbed in 1871; and some of the 1690. navigator's journals were recovered in Bard, John, physician; born in Bur- 1876. lington, N. J., Feb. 1, 1716; was of a ^ Barker, Albert Smith, naval officer; Huguenot family, and was for seven years born in Massachusetts; entered the navy a surgeon's apprentice in Philadelphia, in 1859; served under Farragut in the Establishing himself in New York, he soon bombardment and passage of Forts Jack- ranked among the first physicians and son and St. Philip ; and in an attempted surgeons in America. In 1750 he assisted passage of Port Hudson his vessel was Dr. Middleton in the first recorded dissec- blown up, after which he took part in tion in America. In 1788 he became the the siege of that post on the Blononga- first president of the New York Medical hela. He was actively employed through- Society; ajid when, in 1795, the yellow out the Civil War; was promoted to fever raged in New York, he remained at captain in 1892; commanded the cruiser his post, though then nearly eighty years Neivark in the American-Spanish War of age. He died in Hyde Park, N. Y., (1898); succeeded Capt. Charles Edgar March 30, 1799. Clark (q. v.) as commander of the fa- Bard, Samuel, physician; born in mous battle-ship Oregon after the close of Philadelphia, April 1, 1742; son of Dr. the war; and became a rear-admiral in John Bard; studied at the University of 1899. Edinburgh, where he passed about three Barker, .Jacob, financier; born on Swan years, and was an inmate of the family Island, Kennebec co., Me., Dec. 7, 1779; of Dr. Robertson, the historian. Having was of a Quaker . family, and related by graduated as M.D. in 1765, he returned blood to the mother of Dr. Franklin. He home, and began the practice of medicine began trade in New York when quite in New York City with his father. He organized a medical school, which was connected with King's (Columbia) Col- lege, in which he took the chair of physic in 1769. In 1772 he purchased his father's business. He caused the estab- lishment of a public hospital in the city of New York in 1791, and, while the seat of the national government was at New York, he Avas the physician of President Washington. He was also appointed president of the College of Physicians and Surgeons in 1813. While combating yellow fever in New York in 1798, he took the disease, but by the faithful nurs- ing of his wife he recovered. Dr. Bard was a skilful hoi'ticulturist as well as an eminent physician. He died May 24, 1821. Barentz, Willem, navigator; born in Holland; commanded exploring expedi- tions to Nova Zembla and Spitzbergen in 1594-97. His first expedition was an attempt to find a passage through the Arctic Ocean to China, in which he reached lat. 78° N. On his third and last young, and at twenty-one he OAATied four expedition, in 1596-97, he reached lat. ships and a brig, and was largely engaged 80° IV N., and discovered Spitzbergen. in commercial transactions. As a State He died near Nova Zembla, June 20, 1597. Senator, and while sitting in the Court 281 JACOB BARKER. BARKER— BARLOW of Errors, he gave an opinion in an in- the Peninsula in 1862. In the battle of surance case in opposition to Judge Kent, Antietam he captured two stands of and was sustained by the court. During the War of 1812 his ships were all capt- ured. Being in Washington, D. C, dur- ing its sack by the British (August, 1814), he assisted Mrs. Madison in sav- ing Stuart's portrait of Washington, then hanging in the President's house, which was set on fire a few hours later. Barker was a banker, a dealer in stocks, and a general and shrewd financier for many years. He finally established himself in New Orleans in 1834, where he was ad- mitted to the bar as a lawyer, and soon became a political and business leader there. He made and lost several fortunes during his long life. The Civil War wrought his financial ruin, and late in 1867 he was again in bankruptcy, at the age of eighty-eight years. He died in Philadelphia, Dec'. 26,"^ 1871. Barker, Josiah, shipbuilder ; born in Marshfield, Mass., Nov. 16, 1763; served colors and 300 men, and was soon afterwards wounded and carried off the field for dead. He was made brigadier- general in September, and he commanded a division in the battle of Chancellors- ville in May, 1863. He was wounded at Gettysburg, and was also distinguished in the Richmond campaign in 1864. He rendered essential service in the final struggle that ended with the surrender of Lee; was mustered out of the service in 1865 with the rank of major-general ; was secretary of state of New York in 1865-68; United States marshal in 1868- 69 ; and attorney-general of New York in 1871-73. He died in New York City, Jan. 11, 1896. Barlow, Joel, poet; born in Reading, Conn., March 24, 1754; was graduated at Yale College in 1778; studied theology and was licensed a Congregational minister; and from 1778 to 1783 was a chaplain in at intervals throughout the Revolution in the army, writing patriotic songs and ad- both the army and the navy. He estab- lished a ship-yard in 1795 in Charles- town, Mass., where he built, as United States naval constructor, the Virginia, Warren, Cumherland, and other men-of- war, and rebuilt the Constitution. He died in Charlestown, Mass., Sept. 23, 1843. Barker, Wharton, banker; born in Philadelphia, Pa., May 1, 1846; was graduated at the University of Pennsyl- vania in 1866, after having served in the Union army in the Civil War; founded the banking firm of Barker Brothers & Co., which in 1878 was appointed finan- cial agent lin the United States of the Russian government, and supervisor of the building of four cruisers for its navy; and was the Presidential nominee of the Middle-of-the-Road or Anti-Fusion Peo- ple's party, in 1900. Barlow, Akthur, navigator; born about 1550; died about 1620. See Amidas. Barlow, Francis Channing, military officer; born in Brooklyn, N. Y., Oct. 19, 1834; was graduated at Harvard Univer- dresses to keep up the spirits of the sol- diers. When the army was disbanded (1783) he settled at Hartford, where he began to study law, and was admitted to the bar in 1785. He had tried book-sell- JOEL BARLOW. ing; and, in 1792, he established a weekly newspaper, entitled the American Mercury, sity in 1855. After serving as a three published at Westford. His poetic talents months' man, at the beginning of the becoming widely known, he was requested Civil War, he became a lieutenant-colonel by several Congi'egational ministers to re- of a New York regiment, and as colonel vise the phraseology of Watts's hymns, distinguished himself in the campaign on He also attempted to revise the Bible in 282 BARLOW— BARNARD the same way. A cousin of Benedict Ar- nold, who would talk in doggerel rhyme, was asked by Barlow to give him a speci- men of his poetic talent. Arnold looked the poet sharply in the face, and said, in- stantly : " You've proved yourself a sinful cretur, You've murdered Watts and spiled the metre, You've tried the Word of God to alter, And for your pains deserve a halter." With Trumbull, Dwight, Humphreys, and others, Barlow published a satirical poem entitled The Anarchiad. In 1787 he pub- lished his Vision of Columius, a poem which obtained great popularity. Visiting Europe in 1788 as agent for the Scioto Land Company, he published, in aid of the French Revolution, Advice to the Privileged Orders. To this he added, in 1791, a Letter to the National Convention, and the Conspiracy of Kings. As deputy of the London Constitutional Society, he presented an address to the French Na- tional Convention, and took up his abode in Paris, where he became a French citi- zen. Barlow was given employment in Savoy, where he wrote his mock-heroic poem. Hasty Pudding. He was United States consul at Algiers in 1795-97, where he negotiated treaties with the ruler of that state, and also with the Bey of Tunis. He took sides with the J^ench Directory in their controversy with the American envoys. (See Directory, The French.) Having made a large fortune by specula- tions in France, Mr. Barlow returned to the United States in 1805, and built him- self an elegant mansion in the vicinity of Washington, and called his seat there " Kalorama." In 1807 he published the Columbiad, an epic poem. It was illus- trated with engravings, some of them from designs by Robert Fulton, and pub- lished in a quarto volume in a style more sumptuous than any book that had then been issued in the United States. It was an enlargement of his Vision of Columbus. In 1811 he commenced the preparation of a History of the United States, when President Madison appointed him minister plenipotentiary to the French Court. The next year he was invited to a conference with Napoleon at Wilna, for the nominal object of completing a commercial treaty with the United States. It was believed by the war party that some arrangements would be made by which French ships, manned by Americans, might be employed against Great Britain. But such hopes were soon extinguished. Barlow set out from Paris immediately, and, as the call was urgent, he travelled day and night, without rest. The fatigue and exposure brought on a disease of the lungs, and, in the cottage of a 'Polish Jew at Zarno- wice, near Cracow, he suddenly expired, Dec. 24, 1812, from the effects of a violent congestion of the pulmonary organs. What the real object of Napoleon's call was may never be known. Barnard, Frederick Augustus Por- ter, educator; born in Sheffield, Mass., May 5, 1809; was graduated at Yale Col- lege in 1828; president of the University of Mississippi in 1856-58, and chancellor in 1858-61. In 1861, on account of the Civil War, he resigned his offices in the university. He was president of Colum- F. A. P. BERNARD. bia College, New York City, in 1864-88. At various times he held responsible ap- pointments under the United States gov- ernment, and was a member of many scien- tific and literary societies. He was a strong advocate of the higher education of women, and was instrumental in found- ing the women's " Annex " to Columbia College, which afterwards was given his name, and in 1900 Avas made a part of Columbia University. Among his works are Letters on College Government; Re- port on Collegiate Education; Art Cult- ure; History of the American Coast Sur- vey; University Education; Undulatory 283 BARNARD— BAKNES Theory of Light; Machinery and Process- general of volunteers in 18G1 ; lieutenant- es of the Industrial Arts, and Apparatus colonel of regulars in 1863; brevet major- of the Exact Sciences; Metric System of general of volunteers in 1864; brevet brig- Weights and Measures. He died in New adier-general and brevet major-general of York, April 27, 1889. regulars, March, 1865; and colonel of Barnard, Henry, educator; born in the corps of engineers, regular army, Dec. Hartford, Conn., Jan. 24, 1811; was grad- 28, the same year. During the vi^ar with uated at Yale College in 1830; admitted to the bar in 1835, and elected to a seat in the State legislature in 1837. He was twice re-elected. In that body he effect- ed a reorganization of the Connecticut State school system, and was for four years secretary of the board of school commissioners, during which he wrote a number of able reports on the public schools. His first report (1839) was pro- nounced by Chancellor Kent a " bold and startling document, founded on the most painstaking and critical inquiry." He edited and published the Connecticut School Journal. From 1843 to 1849 he Mexico he fortified Tampico, and made surveys of the battle-fields around the capital. In 1850-51 he was chief engineer of the projected Tehuantepec Railroad; and in 1855-56 he was superintendent of the United States Military Academy. He was chief engineer of the Army of the Potomac, 1861-62; also chief engineer of the construction of the defences of the na- tional capital from September, 1862, to May, 1864. He was chief engineer of the. armies in the field on General Grant's staff, from May, 1864, until Lee's surren- der at Appomattox in April, 1865. At the close of the war he was brevetted ma- had charge of the public schools of Rhode jor - general, U. S. A. He published The Island, where he established a model sys- tem of popular education. Dr. Barnard took great interest in the subject of school-house architecture; and from 1850 to 1854 he was State superintendent of public schools of Connecticut. In 1855 he began the publication of the Ameri- can Journal of Education. The same year Gyroscope and Problems in Rotary Mo- tions, which evince profound mathemati- cal investigation ; also other works con- cerning the Civil War and its operations. The degree of LL.D. was conferred upon him by Yale College. He died in Detroit, Mich., May 14, 1882. Barnburners, a name given to radical he became president of the American or progressive politicians in the United Association for the Advancement of Edu- States, and opposed to Hunkers (g. v.). cation, and was offered the presidency It was given to the anti-slavery section of of two State universities. When the Bu- the Democratic party, especially in New reau of Education was established at Y^ork, which separated from the rest of Washington, he was appointed the first the Democratic National ConA^ention in commissioner (March, 1867). He resign- 1846. They were opposed to certain cor- ed this office in 1870. Dr. Barnard wrote porations, and they desired to do away much and well on the subject of popular with all corporations. They received their education. A London review, speaking name from the story of the man whose of his work on National Education in Europe (1854), said: "He has collected and arranged more valuable information and statistics than can be found in any one volume in the English language." Dr. Barnard received the LL.D. from Harvard, Yale, colleges. He died in Hartford, July 5, 1900. Barnard, John Gross, military engi- neer; born in .Shefiield, Mass., May 19, 1815; was graduated at the United States Military Academy in 1833, and entered the engineer corps. He was made captain in 1838; major in 1858; brevet brigadier house was infested with rats, and who burned it to the ground to get rid of the vermin. At about that time anti-rent out- rages were committed, such as burning barns, etc. The radical Democrats sym- degree" of pathized with the Anti-Renters, and the and Union Hunkers called them " barnburners." See x\nti - Rent Party; Free - Soil Party; Hunkers. Barnes, James, author; born in An- napolis, Md., Sept. 19, 1866; was gradu- ated at Princeton College in 1891; author of Naval Actions of 1812; For King or Country; A Loyal Traitor; Midshipman Farragut, etc. 284 BARNES— BAKNEY Barnes, James, military officer; born in Boston, Mass., about 1809; was gradu- ated at West Point in 1829, and resigned in 1836. He became colonel of a Massa- chusetts volunteer regiment in 1861, and in November of that year was made briga- dier-general in the Army of the Potomac, participating in its most exciting opera- tions. He commanded a division at the battle of Gettysburg, and was severely wounded. He was brevetted major-general of volunteers in March, 1865, and was mustered out of the service Jan. 15, 1866. He died in Springfield, Mass., Feb. 12, 1869. Barnes, Joseph K., medical officer ; born in Philadelphia., Pa., July 21, 1817; was appointed an assistant surgeon in the army in 1840; assigned to duty in the office of the surgeon-general in 1861; became sur- geon-general in 1863 ; attended Presidents Lincoln and Garfield; brevetted major- general in 1865. At his suggestion the Army Medical Museum and the Surgeon- General's Library were established. He died in Washington, D. C, April 5, 1883. Barney, Joshua, naval officer; born in Baltimore, Md., July 6, 1759. Inclined to a seafaring life, he went to sea in his early youth; and when he Avas only six- teen years of age, an accident caused the care of his ship to devolve upon him. He met the exigency with courage and skill. He entered the Continental navy, at its first organization in 1775, as master's mate, in the sloop Hornet, and joined Commodore Hopkins. In an action be- tween the Continental schooner Wasp and British brig Tender, in Delaware Bay, be- fore he was seventeen years of age, his conduct was so gallant that he was made a lieutenant. In that capacity he served in the Sachem (Capt. I. Robinson), and after a severe action with a British brig, in which his commander was wounded, young Barney brought her into port. Soon afterwards he was made a prisoner, but was speedily released, and in the Andrea Doria he was engaged in the defence of the Delaware Pviver in 1777. He was again made prisoner, and was ^exchanged in Au- gust, 1778. A third time he was made captive (1779), and after his exchange was a fourth time made a prisoner, while serving in the Saratoga, 16, was sent to England, and confined in the famous Mill 28 prison, from which he escaped in May, 1781. He was retaken, and again escaped, and arrived in Philadelphia in March, 1782, where he took command of the Hyder Ali, 16, in which he captured the General Monk, of heavier force and metal. For this exploit the legislature of Maryland presented him with a sword. At the close of the war he engaged in business on shore, but very soon took to the sea again. At Cape Frangois, W. I., he received on his ship (1792) a large number of wom- en and children who had escaped mas- sacre by the blackl His vessel was capt- ured by an English cruiser, but Barney recaptured her from the prize crew. He was again captured by an English cruiser (1793), and imprisoned as a pirate. His ship and cargo were condemned. In 1794 he went with Monroe to France, and bore ^# f JOSHDA BARNEY. the American flag to the National Con- vention ( see Monroe, James ) . He was a warm partisan of the French, and en- tered their navy as commander of a squad- ron, but resigned his commission in 1802. When the War of 1812-15 broke out, he engaged in privateering with much success. He was appointed captain in the United States navy in April, 1814, BABNUM— BARRE and placed in command of a flotilla of small vessels for the defence of the coasts of the Chesapeake. Driven up the Patux- ent by a British fleet, he destroyed his vessels, and with over 500 men he joined General Winder in the defence of Wash- ington (see Bladensburg, Battle at). Barney was severely wounded (Aug. 24, 1814) near Bladensburg, and made a pris- oner. Too much hurt to be removed as a prisoner, he was paroled and sent to Bladensburg, near by, on a litter. There he was joined by his wife and son and his own surgeon, and was conveyed to his farm at Elkridge, Md. The bullet that gave him the wound, from which he never fairly recovered, is preserved in the Navy Department. The corporation of Washing- ton voted him a sword, and the legislat- ure of Georgia their thanks. In May, 1815, Barney was sent on a mission to Europe, but suffering from his wound caused him to return in the fall. Just as he was about, to depart from Pitts- burg, Pa., with his family, to Kentucky, where he had bought land, he died, Dec. 1, 1818. Barnum, Phineas Taylor, showman; born in Bethel, Conn., July 5, 1810. In 1834 he began his career as a showman by exhibiting an old negress called Joyce Heth as the nurse of George Washington. He brought Jenny Lind to America in 1849, exhibited Tom Thumb, etc. He died in Bridgeport, Conn., April 7, 1891. Barnum, William H., statesman; born in Boston Corners, N. Y., Sept. 17, 1818; elected to the State legislature in 1852; member of Congress, 1866-76; United States Senatoi', 1876-79 ; chairman of the national Democratic executive committee, 1880 and 1884. He died in Lime Rock, Conn., April 30, 1889. Barnwell, John, military officer; born in Ireland, about 1671; in 1712, with a regiment of 600 Carolinians and several hundred friendly Indians, killed 300 of the warring Tuscaroras in the first engage- ment and drove the survivors into their fortified town, where they were finally re- duced to submission. Over 1,000 of them were killed or captured, and the remnant joined the Five Nations of New York. He died in Beaufort, S. C, in 1724. Barnwell, Robert Woodward, states- man; born in Beaufort, S. C, Aug. 10, 1801; member of Congress, 1829-33; United States Senator, 1850-51; commis- sioner from South Carolina to Washing- ton, December, 1860; gave the casting vote that elected Jeff'erson Davis President of the Confederate States. He died in Colum- bia, S. C, Nov. 25, 1882. Barras, Count Louis de, naval officer; born in Provence, France; was one of the chief officers of the Marquis de Ternay, commander of the French squadron sent to aid the Americans in 1781. He was designated to represent the navy in the conference between Washington and Ro- chambeau in Wethersfield, Conn., May 23, 1781, but was unable to be present on account of the sudden appearance of the British squadron off' Block Island. In September following he effected a junction with the squadron of De Grasse in Chesa- peake Bay, and the enlarged French fleet prevented the British fleet from going to the rescue of Lord Cornwallis, and so made certain the surrender of the British at Yorktown. He died about 1800. Barre, Antoine le Fevre de la, French general and author; born about 1605; was appointed lieutenant-general of the army in 1667, and sent against the English in the West Indies. After a suc- cessful campaign he was appointed gov- ernor of Canada in 1682, and held the office for three years. In 1684 he pre- pared for an expedition from Canada to the country of the Five Nations (g. v.). His forces consisted of 700 Canadians, 130 regular soldiers, and 200 Indians. De- tained by an epidemic disease among the French soldiers at Fort Frontenac for six weeks, he was compelled to conclude the campaign with a treatj^ He crossed Lake Ontario for that purpose, and at a desig- nated place was met by Oneidas, Onon- dagas, and Cayugas, the Mohawks and Seneeas refusing to attend. Barre as- sumed much dignity. Seated on a chair of state, with his French and Indian officers forming a circle around him, he addressed himself to Garangula, the Onondaga chief, in a very haughty speech, which he concluded with a threat of burn- ing the castles of the Five Nations and destroying the Indians themselves unless the satisfaction which he demanded was given. To this address Garangula made a cool but bold and decisive speech in 286 BARRE— BARRON reply. It made the haughty Barre very angry, and he retired to his tent, where, after deliberation, he prudently suspend- ed his menaces. A treaty of peace was concluded; and two days afterwards Barre and his retinue departed for Canada. He died in Paris, May 4, 1688. Barre, Isaac, military officer; born in Dublin, Ireland, in 1726. His parents were French, his father being a small tradesman in Dublin. Isaac entered the British army at the age of twenty-one, and participated in the expedition against ISAAC BARRE Louisburg in 1758. Wolfe was his friend, and appointed him major of brigade ; and in May, 1759, he was made adjutant-gen- eral of Wolfe's army that assailed Que- bec. He was severely wounded in the bat- tle on the Plains of Abraham, by which he lost the sight of one eye. Barre served under Amherst in 1760; and was the offi- cial bearer of the news of the surrender of Montreal to England. In 1761 he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel, and the same year he obtained a seat in Parlia- ment, where he found himself in opposi- tion to the ministry. For this offence he was deprived of his offices, given him as a reward for his services in America. He was the warm friend of the colonies, and made able speeches in Parliament in their favor. Barre was one of the supposed authors of the Letters of Junius. Strong in person, vigorous in mind, independent in thought and action, he was a dreaded opponent. During the last twenty years of his life he was blind. He died in Lon- don, July 20, 1802. Barren Hill, near Valley Forge, Pa. General Washington detached General Lafayette, May 18, 1778, with about 2,100 men, to watch the British. He occupied Barren Hill, where he was approached by about 5,000 British troops on May 20, intending a surprise. Lafayette, assuming to be preparing to meet the attack, skil- fully passed the enemy, retreated across the Schuylkill, and occupied a strong posi- tion, whereupon the British retired. Barrett, John, diplomatist; born in Grafton, Vt., Nov. 28, 1866; graduated at Dartmouth College in 1889, and en- gaged in journalism. He was minister to Siam in 1894-98, and represented sev- eral United States newspapers during the Philippine campaign in 1898. Barriger, John Walker, military of- ficer; born in Shelby county, Ky., July 9, 1832; graduated at West Point in 1856; brevet captain for services at Bull Run; served in the commissary department. He wrote the legislative history of the subsistence department of the United States army, 1876. Barron, James, naval officer; boi-n in Virginia in 1769. On the formation of the United States navy in 1798, Barron (who had begun his naval career under his father, commander of the Virginia navy during the Revolutionary War) was made a lieutenant, and served under Barry in the brief naval war with France. In 1799 he was made a captain and sent to the Mediterranean, under the command of his elder brother. Com. Samuel Barron, one of the best disciplinarians in the ser- vice. James was in command of the frigate Chesapeake in 1807, and surren- dered her to the Leopard, a British ship- of-war, for which he was court-martialled and sentenced to be suspended from ser- vice for five years without pay or emolu- ments. During that suspension he en- tered the merchant service, and remained abroad until 1818, when an attempt was made to restore him to duty in the naval service. Commodore Decatur and other 287 BARRON— BAEEY officers resisted this, and a bitter corre spondence between Barron and Decatur en JAMES BARRON. born in Medina, Mich., July 11, 1847; was graduated at Olivet College, Mich., in 1867, and studied at Yale, Union, and Andover theological seminaries, and at Gottingen, Germany. After two short pastorates in Lawrence and Boston, Mass., he became pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, Chicago, and remained there more than fourteen years. In 1893 he organized and was the president of the World's Par- liament of Religions. In 1896 he resigned his Chicago pastorate and went to India> where he lectured in an institution en- dowed by Mrs. Caroline E. Haskell. Re- turning to the United States, he lectured in the Union Theological Seminary in 1898, and in November of that year be- came president of Oberlin College. He is author of History of the Parliament of Religions ;. Life of Henry Ward' Beecher; Christianity the World Religion; The World Pilgrimage, etc. Barry, John, naval officer; born in Tacumshane, Wexford co., Ireland, in 1745. He went to sea while he was very young, became the commander of a ship, and gained considerable wealth. In Feb- ruary, 1776, he was appointed by Con- gress to command the Lexington, fourteen sued. Barron challenged his antagonist guns, which, after a sharp action, captured to fight a duel. They met near Bladens- the tender Edioard. This was the first burg (March 22, 1820), and Decatur was mortally wounded. Barron was severely hurt, but recovered after several months of suffering. During the latter years of his long life Barron held several im- portant commands on shore. He became senior officer of the navy in 1839, and died in Norfolk, Va., April 21, 1851. Barron, Samuel, naval officer; was born in Hampton, Va., about 1763; broth- er of James. He, like his brother, had a training in the navy under his father. In 1798 he commanded the Augusta, pre- pared by the citizens of Norfolk to resist the aggressions of the French. He took a conspicuous part in the war with Tripoli, and in 1805 he commanded a squadron of ten vessels, with the President as the flag-ship. He assisted in the capture of the Tripolitan town of Derng, April 27, 1805. Barron soon afterwards relinquished his command to Capt. John Rodgers, and on account of ill - health returned to the United States. He died Oct. 29, 1810. vessel captured by a commissioned offi- Barrows, John Henry, clergyman; cer of the United States navy. Barry 288 JOHN BARRY. BABBY— BARTHOLDI COMMODORE BARRy'S MONPMENT. was transferred to the frigate Effingham ; navy in 1794, Barry was named the sen- and in the Delaware, at the head of four ior officer. He superintended the build- boats, he captured an English schooner, ing of the frigate United States, to the command of which he was assigned, but never entered upon the duty. He died in Philadelphia, Sept. 13, 1803. Bartholdi, FREbEPjc Auguste, French sculptor; born in Colmar, Alsace, April 2, 1834; received the Cross of the Legion of Honor in 1865, and is best known in the United States by his colossal statue in New York Harbor, entitled Liberty En- lightening the World. His other works in- clude a statue of Lafayette in Union Square, New York, and a bronze group of Lafayette and Washington, presented by American citizens to the city of Paris, and unveiled Dec. 1, 1895. Soon after the establishment of the re- public of France, in 1870, a movement was inaugurated in that country for the pres- entation to the United States of some suitable memorial to testify to the fra- in 1777, without the loss of a man. He ternal feeling existing between the two was publicly thanked by Washington, countries. In 1874 an association, known When Howe took Philadelphia, late in as the French- American Union, was form- 1777, Barry took the Effing- ham up the Delaware with the hope of saving her, but she was burned by the Brit- ish. Howe had offered him a large bribe if he would deliver the ship to him at Philadelphia, but it was scornfully rejected. Barry took command of the Ra- leigh, 32, in September, 1778, but British cruisers com- pelled him to run her ashore in Penobscot Bay. In the frigate Alliance, in 1781, he sailed for France with Col. John Laurens, who was sent on a special mission; and afterwards he cruised suc- cessfully with that ship. At the close of May he capt- ured the Atlanta and Ti^es- pass, after a severe fight. Returning in October, the Alliance was refitted, and, after taking Lafayette and the Count de Noailles to France, Barry cruised in the West Indies ed for the furtherance of this object, and very successfully until May, 1782. After most of the foremost men of France lent the reorganization of the United States it their aid. It was decided to present I.— T 289 FREDERIC AUGUSTE BARTHOLDI. BABTHOLDI to the United States a colossal statue of Liberty Enlightening the World, and more than 1,000,000 francs were raised by popu- lar subscription for that purpose. Of the various models submitted to the committee having the mat- ter in charge, tliat of M. Bar- tholdi was selected as the best, and the statue was construct- ed by him. It is the largest statue ever made, and the most conspicu- ous example of repousse work —that is, thin sheets of ham- mered brass laid over a frame- in sections, OA^er a wooden frame-work. The most accurate measurements were necessary in making these statues in order to preserve accurate proportions. Then came the work of copying the full-size statue in wooden mod- els. These were all carefully made by hand, each piece ex- actly fitting every curve or ir- regularity of surface in some part of the figure. Into these moulds the sheets of brass were laid and beaten down until they exactly fitted them. There were 300 sheets of brass used, each '^=:d^^^^'&^ BARTHOLDl'S STATUE OP LIBERTY IN NEW YORK HARBOR. work of iron. First, a life - size clay from one to three yards square, and statue after the design was made, then weighing in all 88 tons. These form the three plaster statues, the first one-six- outside of the statue. When this was teenth, the second one - fourth the size complete, the iron frame - work or skel- of the complete work, and the third eton was formed on which the outer its full size, the last-named being made copper shell could be fastened. The right 290 BARTLETT hand and torch of this remarkable statue elaborate scientific observations; but, were shown at the Centennial Exhibition owing to a failure of Congress to make at Philadelphia in 1876. The head was the necessary appropriations, he did not shown at the Paris Exposition in 1879. complete his work. He published a per- On July 4, 1880, the statue was formal- sonal narrative of his experience in that ly delivered to the United States through region in 1854. In May, 1855, he was its representative, the American minis- chosen secretary of state of Rhode Isl- ter at Paris. Bedloe's Island, in New and, which post he held until 1872, a York Harbor, but lying within the boun- period of seventeen years. He edited and daries of New Jersey, was selected by published the Records of the Colony of the government as a suitable place for Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, its erection, and money was raised in 10 volumes; also an Index to the Acts by means of subscriptions, concerts, etc., and Resolves of the General Assembly of to build a pedestal for it to rest upon. Rhode Island from 1758 to 1862. In 1847 On Oct. 28, 1886, the statue was unveiled Mr. Bartlett published a little volume on in the presence of distinguished represent- the Progress of Ethnology; and in 1848 a atives of France and the United States, Dictionary of Americanism,s, since revised and was formally dedicated with imposing and enlarged. He also published a Bihli- ceremonies. The statue represents the ography of Rhode Island; Literature of Goddess of Liberty holding aloft a torch the Rebellion; Memoirs of Rhode Island with which she enlightens the world. Me7i; Primeval Man, and several other The height of the statue from the base works. He died in Providence, R. I., May to the torch is 151 feet 1 inch. From the 28, 1886. foundation of the pedestal to the torch Bartlett, JosiAii, a signer of the Dec- it is 305 feet 6 inches. The figure weighs laration of Independence; born in Ames- 450,000 pounds, or 225 tons, and con- bury, Mass., Nov. 21, 1729; educated in tains 100 tons of bronze. Forty persons a common school and taught the science can stand comfortably in the head, and of medicine by a practitioner in his native the torch will hold twelve people. town, he began practice in Kingston, N. H., Bartlett, John, author; born in Plym- in 1750, and soon became eminent. He outh, Mass., June 14, 1820; became a pub- was a member of the New Hampshire lisher in Cambridge. In 1862-63 he was legislature from 1765 until the break- a volunteer paymaster in the United ing out of the War of the Revolution. In States navy. He is best known for his 1770 he was appointed by the royal gov- Familiar Quotations; The Shakspeare In- ernor lieutenant-colonel of the militia, dex; and The Complete Concordance to but on account of his patriotic tendencies Shakspeare. he was deprived of the office in 1775. He Bartlett, John Rtjssell, author; born was a member of the committee of in Providence, R. I., Oct. 23, 1805. He safety, upon whom for a time devolved was for six years cashier of the Globe the whole executive power of the govern- Bank in Providence, and an active mem- ment of the State. A delegate to Congress ber of the Franklin Society for the Cul- in 1775-76. he was the first to give his tivation of Science. He was also one vote for the Declaration of Independence, of the projectors of the Athenaeum in and its first signer after the President Providence, and for some time correspond- of Congress. He was with Stark in the ing secretary of the New York Historical Bennington campaism (see Bennington, Society. Mr. Bartlett was associated with Battle of), in 1777, as agent of the Albert Gallatin as a projector and founder State to provide medicine and other neces- of the American Ethnological Society. In saries for the New Hampshire troops. In 1850 he was appointed by President Tay- Congress again in 1778, he was active in lor a commissioner, under the treaty of committee duties: and in 1779 he was peace with Mexico in 1848, to settle the appointed chief-justice of the Common boundary - line between that coimtry and Pleas in his State. In 1782 he was a the United States. He was engaged in judge of the Superior Court of New that service until Jan. 7, 1853, making Hampshire, and chief- justice in 1788. extensive surveys and explorations, with Judge Bartlett retired from public life 291 BARTLETT— BABTON in 1794, on account of feeble health, hav- ing been president of the State from 1790 to 1793, and, under the new constitution, governor in 1793. He was the chief founder and the president of the New Hampshire Medical Society, and received the honorary degree of M.D. from Dart- mouth College. He died May 19, 1795. Bartlett, William Francis, military officer; born in Haverhill, Mass., Jan. 6, 1840; was graduated at Harvard in 1862. He entered the volunteer army as cap- tain in the summer of 1861; was engaged in the battle of Ball's Bluff (q. v.), and lost a leg in the siege of Yorktown in 1862. He was made colonel of a Massa- chusetts regiment in November, 1862, and took part in the capture of Port Hudson in 1863. In the siege of Petersburg (1864) he commanded a division of the Gth Corps, and at the explosion of the mine there he was made prisoner, but exchanged in September. In 1865 he was brevetted major-general of volunteers. He died in Pittsfield, Mass., Dec. 17, 1876. Barton, Clara, philanthropist; born in Oxford, Mass., in 1830; was educated in Clinton, N. Y. Her early life was de- voted to teaching. In 1854 she became a clerk in the Patent Office in Washington, resigning in 1861, and undertaking the CLARA BARTON. nursing of sick and wounded soldiers of the army. In 1864 General Butler made her head nurse of the hospitals in the i^rmv of the James. Later she was given cliarge by President Lincoln of the search organized to find missing Union soldiers, and in 1865 went to Andersonville to Kiark the graves of Northern soldiers who had died there. When the Franco-Prus- sian War broke out (1870), she assisted in preparing military hospitals, and also aided ' the Red Cross Society. In 1871, after the siege of Strasburg, she superin- tended, by request of the authorities, the distribution of work to the poor, and in 1872 performed a similar work in Paris. For her services she was decorated with the Golden Cross of Baden and the Iron Cross of Germany. In 1881, when the American Red Cross Society was formed, she was made its president, and as such in 1884 directed the measures to aid the sufferers by the Mississippi and Ohio floods. In 1883 she was made the super- intendent, steward, and treasurer of the Reformatory Prison for Women, at Sher- born, Mass., and in the same year was special commissioner of foreign exhibits at the New Orleans Exposition. In 1884 she was a delegate of the United States to the Red Cross Conference, and also to the International Peace Conference, both held in Geneva, Switzerland. In 1889 she directed the movements for the relief of the sufferers by the flood at Johnstown, Pa., and in 1896 went to Armenia and personally managed the relief measures. Prior to the war with Spain she carried supplies to the reconcentrados of Cuba, at the request of President Mc- Kinley, and was also active during the war in army relief work. In 1900, after the Galveston disaster, she directed the movement for the relief of the suf- ferers, till her health failed. She is au- thor of History of the Red Gross; and History of the Red Cross in Peace and War. Barton, William, military officer; bom in Warren, R. I., May 26, 1748. Holding the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the Rhode Island militia, he, with a small party, crossed Narraganset Bay in the night (July 10, 1777) and seized and carried away the British General Prescott (see Prescott, Richard). For this service Congress gave him a sword and a com- mission of colonel in the Continental army. He was wounded at Bristol Ferry in August, 1778, and was disabled from 292 BARTRAM— BATANGAS further service in the war. He was a member of the Rhode Island convention WILLIAM BARTON. which finally adopted the national Con- stitution. He died in Providence, R. I., Oct. 22, 1831. Bartram, . William, naturalist; born in Kingsessing, Pa., Feb. 9, 1739. He en- gaged in business in North Carolina in 1761, and became a devoted student of nat- ural history. Son of John Bartram, a dis- tinguished botanist, and the founder of the first botanical garden in the United States, William accompanied his father, when the latter was seventy years of age, in a botanical excursion and exploration of east Florida, and resided some time on the banks of the St. John River, returning home in 1771. He was employed by Dr. Fothergill, of London, in 1773-78, in bo- tanical explorations and collections in Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina. Mr. Bartram was a member of the American Philosophical Society and other scientific associations in the United States and Europe. In 1790 he published an account of his travels in the Gulf region, in which he gave an account of the Creek, Choctaw, and Cherokee Indians. Mr. Bartram made the most complete table of American ornithology previous to the work of Wil- son, and to him we are indebted for a knowledge of many curious and beautiful plants peculiar to North America. He died in Kingsessing, Pa., July 22, 1823. Bassett, John Spencer, educator; born in Tarboro, X. C, Sept. 10, 1867; gradu- ated at Trinity College, N. C, in 1888, and was Professor of History in Trinity Col- lege in 1900. He is author of Constitutional Beginnings of North Carolina; Slavery and Servitude in Colony of North Carolina; Anti - Slavery Leaders of North Caro- lina; Slavery in the State of North Caro- lina; The War of the Regulation, etc. Bastidas, RoDPaouEZ de, explorer; born about 1460. With Juan de la Cosa, he sailed towards the Western Continent with two ships in 1502, and discovered the coast of South America from Cape de Vela to the Gulf of Darien. Ojeda, with Amer- icus Vespucius, went in the same course soon afterwards, ignorant of this expedi- tion of Bastidas, touched at the same places, and proceeded to Hispaniola, or Santo Domingo. He founded the city of St. Martha, in New Grenada; was wound- ed in an uprising of his people; and died soon afterwards in Santo Domingo, whither he had fled. Batane, or Bashi, Islands, a group of islands directly north of the Philippine Archipelago, midway between the Bashi and Balintang channels and a little to the southeast of the island of Formosa. They have an estimated area of 125 square miles and a population of about 9,500. The principal islands in the group are Mabudis, Ibayat, Batan, Saptan, and Balintang, and the principal towns are Santo Domingo de Basco, San Bartoloftie de Calayan, San Carlos de Marigatao, San Jose de Ibana, Santa Maria de Mayan, and San Vincente de Saptan. In March, 1900, the United States authorities estab- lished a government over these islands, and the neighboring Calayan Islands, un- der the direction of Teofilo Costillejo, a Filipino, who had aided the American au- thorities in their operations on Luzon. Batang'as, a province of Luzon, Philip- pine Islands, bordering on San Bernardino Strait, and north of the island of Min- doro; also the name of its capital city. The province is naturally one of the rich- est sugar-growing districts in the Philip- pines, and has also a large production of cocoanut oil. Prior to the war between the United States and Spain, in 1898, the 293 BATCHELDER— BATTLES city was the seat of large commerce, and and afterwards became the senior partner had a population of over 35,000. The of the firm of Baring Brothers & Co. region gives i^romise of large economic In 1854 he was appointed umpire between returns on the application of modern the British and American commissioners methods of cultivation. in the adjustment of claims between citi- Batchelder, Riciiakd N., military offi- zens of Great Britain and the United cer; born in Lake Village, N. H., July 27, States growing out of the War of 1812. 1832; entered the volunteer army in 1861; In 1852 Mr. Bates offered $50,000 to the served through the Civil War, and was city of Boston for the establishment of a awarded a Congressional medal of honor free public library, and afterwards gave for distinguished gallantry in action; en- the library some 30,000 volumes. He died tered the regular army at the close of the in London, England, Sept. 24, 1864. war; became brigadier-general in 1890, Bates, Samuel Penniman, historian; and was retired in 1896. He died in born in Meriden, Mass., Jan. 29, 1827; Washington, D. C, Jan. 4, 1901. was State historian of Pennsylvania in Bates, Edward, statesman; born in Bel- 1866-73; and published Lives of the Gov- mont, Va., Sept. 4, 1793; served in the ernors of Pennsylvania, and several works Virginia militia in 1813; removed to Mis- on the Civil War. souri in 1814; and began practising law in Baton Rouge, Battle at. See Port 1816. He was a prominent anti - slavery Hudson; Williams, Thomas. man, and during the National Republican Battle, Kemp Plummer, educator; born Convention of 1860 he received 48 votes on in Franklin county, N. C, Dec. 19, 1831 ; the first ballot for President. Mr. Lincoln graduated at the University of North after his election appointed Mr. Bates Carolina in 1849; member of the Confed- Attorney-General. He resigned in 1864, erate Convention of that State in 1861; and returned to his home in St. Louis, State treasurer in 1866-68; was president where he died, March 25, 1869. of the University of North Carolina in Bates, John Coalter, military officer; 1876-91; then resigned to become Pro- born in St. Charles county. Mo., Aug. 26, fessor of History in the same institution. 1842; educated at Washington University He is author of History of the Supreme (St. Louis). He entered the army in Court of North Carolina; History of Ra- 1861, and served on the staff of Gen. leigh, North Carolina; Trials and Judicial George G. Meade from the battle of Proceedings of the Neio Testament ; Life Gettysburg to the close of the war. In of General Jethro Sumner, etc. 1863-82 he held the rank of captain; Battle Above the Clouds. See LooK- in 1882-86 that of lieutenant - colonel ; out Mountain, Battle of. in 1886-92 that of colonel. He was presi- Battle Hymn of the Republic. See dent of the board which devised the pres- Howe, Julia Ward. ent drill and firing regulations, and a Battle of the Kegs. See Hopkinson, member of the board which adopted the Francis. Krag - Jorgensen rifle. At the outbreak Battles. The principal battles in which of the Spanish- American War he was com- the people of the United States have been missioned a brigadier-general of volun- engaged, as colonists and as a nation, are teers, and for the Santiago campaign was as follows: promoted major-general. In 1899 he was appointed military governor of Cienfuegos, french and indian wah. Cuba. On the reorganization of the regu- Great Meadows May 28, 1754 , ._,,*' ■■r./M -u Fort Necessity July 4, lar army m February, 1901, he was ap- port Beau Sejour June 16, 1755 pointed one of the new brigadier-generals. Fort Gaspereaux June 17, " Bates, Joshua, financier; born in Wey- Monongahela July 9, " ,, -.^ . T^oo J. X -n ^ 'a Bloody Pond (near Lake mouth, Mass., m 1788; went to England Georee) Sept 8 " as the agent of William Gray & Son, Bos- Head of Lake George Sept. 8^ " ton, and was thrown into intimate rela- Oswego Aug. 14, 1756 tions with the Hopes. Barings, and other ^ort William Henry July 6, 1757 . , •" ^ "^ r.r^^ 1 Near Ticonderoga July 6, 1758 great commercial firms. In 1826 he en- Ticonderoga July 8, " tered into partnership with John Baring. Louisburg July 26, " 294 BATTLES Fort Frontenac Aug. 27, Alleghany Mountains Sept. 21, Fort Niagara July 25, Montmorenci July 31, Plains of Abraham Sept. 13, Sillery April 28, EEVOLUTIONAKY WAR. Lexington April 19, Bunker (Breed's) Hill June 17, Near Montreal (Ethan Allen captured) Sept. 25, St. John's (Siege and Capture of) Oct. and Nov. Great Bridge Dec. 9 Quebec Dec. 81 Moore's Creek Bridge Feb. 27 Boston (Evacuation of) Mar. 17 Cedar Rapids May 9 Three Rivers June 8 Fort Sullivan (Charleston Har- bor) June 28 Long Island Aug. 27 Harlem Plains Sept. 16 White Plains Oct. 28 Fort Washington Nov. 16 Trenton Dec. 26 Princeton Jan. 3 Hubbardton July 7 Oriskany Aug. 6 Bennington Aug. 16 Brandy wine Sept. 11 Bemis's Heights (first), Sept. 19; (second) Oct. 7 Paoli Sept. 20 Germantown Oct. 4 Forts Clinton and Montgomery. Oct. 6 Fort Mercer Oct. 22 Fort Mifflin Nov. 16 Monmouth June 28 Wyoming July 4 Quaker Hill (R. I.) Aug. 29 Savannah Dec. 29 Kettle Creek Feb. 14 Brier Creek Mar. 3 Stono Ferry June 20 Stony Point July 16 Paulus's Hook Aug. 19 Chemung (near Elmira, N. Y.).Aug. 29 Savannah Oct. 9 Charleston (Siege and Sur- render of) May 12 Springfield (N. J.) June 23 Rocky Mount (N. C.) July 30 Hanging Rock (N. C.) Aug. 6 Sander's Creek (near Camden, S. C.) Aug. 16 King's Mountain (S. C.) Oct. 7 Fish Dam Ford Nov. 18 Blackstocks Nov. 20 Cowpens Jan. 17 Guilford Mar. 15 Hobkirk's Hill April 25 Ninety-six (Siege of) May and June Augusta (Siege of) May and June Jamestown July 9, Eutaw Springs Sept. 8, Yorktown (Siege of) Sept. and Oct. NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS. Hampton, Va. (British fleet repulsed) Oct. 24, 1758 Fort Sullivan, Charleston Har- " bor (British fleet repulsed) .June 28, 1776 1759 Fort Stony Point, on the Hud- " son (captured by British fleet) May 31, 1779 1760 Verplanck's Point, on the Hud- son (captured by British fleet) June 1, " 1775 British fleet and American flotilla of thirty-seven ves- sels on Penobscot River (lat- ter destroyed) Aug. 13, " Bon Homme Richard and the Alliance against the Serapis " (off coast of England) Sept. 23 " "^ American fleet captured the 'i-TiQ Scarborough (off coast of [[ England) Sept. 23 " French fleet attacked Savan- nah (forced by the British to withdraw) Oct. 9, " " WAK WITH THE INDIANS. u Miami River Oct. 19 and 22, 1790 St. Clair's Defeat Nov. 4, 1791 Fort St. Clair Nov. 6, 1792 ,_„_ Near Fort St. Clair Oct. 17, 1793 ;.' Fort Recovery June 30, 1794 „ Maumee Rapids (Fallen Tim- ber) Aug. 20, " ,. Tippecanoe Nov. 7, 1811 „ WAK OF 1812-15. Fort Mackinaw July 17,1812 " Brownstown Aug. 4, " " Maguaga Aug. 9, " " Chicago (Massacre at) Aug. 16, " " Detroit (Surrendered) Aug. 16, " 1778 Fort Harrison Sept. 4 and 5, " Fort Madison Sept. 4-6, " " Gananoqui Sept. 21, " " Queenstown Heights Oct. 13, " 1779 St. Regis Oct. 23, " " Fort Niagara Nov. 21, " Black Rock Nov. 28, " French Town (River Raisin). Jan. 18-22, 1813 " Elizabethtown (Canada) Feb. 7, " " Ogdensburg Feb. 22, " " York (Toronto) April 27, " Fort Meigs May 5, " 1780 Fort George May 27, " " Sackett's Harbor May 29, " " Stony Creek June 6, " " Hampton (Defence of) June 13, " Craney Island June 22, " " Beaver Dams June 23, " " Near Fort George July 8, " Black Rock July 11, " " Fort George (Defence of Out- 1781 works) July 17, " " Fort Stephenson Aug. 2, " " Stonington (Bombardment of) Aug. 9-11, " " Fort Mims Aug. 30, " Thames Oct. 5, " " French Creek Nov. 1 and 2, " " Tallasehatche Nov. 3, " Talladega Nov. 9, " Chrysler's Field Nov. 11, " Hillabee Town Nov. 18, " 1775 Auttose Nov. 29, " 295 BATTLES Fort Niagara Dec. 19, Econochaca Dec. 23, Black Rock Dec. 30, Emucfau (Ala.) Jan. 22, Enotochopco (Ala.) Jan. 24, Camp Defiance Jan. 27, Longwoods Mar. 4, Horseshoe Bend Mar. 27, La Colle Mills Mar. 30, Fort Oswego May 4 and 5, Sandy Creek May 30, Odell Town June 28, Fort Erie July 3, Chippewa July 5, Champlain July 18 and 19, Lundy's Lane (Niagara Falls). July 25, Fort Mackinack (Mackinaw) . .Aug. 4, Fort Erie Aug. 13-15, Bladensburg Aug. 24, Plattsburg Sept. 11, North Point Sept. 12, Fort McHeni'y (Bombardment of) Sept. 13, Fort Bower Sept. 15, Fort Erie (Sortie from) .... Sept. 17, Chippewa Oct. 15, Lyon's Creek Oct. 19, Pensacola Nov. 7, Villerg's Plantation (New Or- leans) Dec. 23, Rodriguez's Canal (New Or- leans) Jan. 1, New Orleans Jan. 8, Fort St. Philip Jan. 9, Point Petre (Ga.) Jan. 13, NAVAL ENGAGEMENTS. Chesapeake and Leopard (im- pressment, former defeat- ed) June 22, President and Little Belt (lat- ter defeated) May 16, President and Belvidera (former escaped) June 23, Essex and Alert (latter de- feated ) Aug. 13, Constitution and Guerricre (latter defeated) Aug. 19, Wasp and Frolic (latter de- feated) Oct. 18, Wasp and Poictiers (former surrendered) Oct. 18, United States and Macedonian (latter defeated) Oct. 25, Constitution and Jaim (latter defeated) Dec. 29, Chesapeake and Shannon (former defeated) June 1, Enterprise and Boxer (latter defeated) Sept. 5, Argus and Pelican (former de- feated) Aug. 14, Hornet and Peacock (latter defeated) Aug. 24, American fleet of nine ves- sels and British fleet of six vessels on Lake Erie (latter defeated) Sept. 10, Essex and the Phoehe and Cherub (former surrender- ed) Mar. 28, 1813 Wasp' and Reindeer (latter defeated) June 28, 1814 " Wasp and Avo7i (latter de- 1814 feated) Sept. 1, " " American fleet of sixteen ves- " sels and the British fleet " on Lake Champlain (latter defeated) Sept. 11, " " President and the Endymion, " Majestic, and two other " British ships (former de- feated/ Sept. 16, " " Hornet and Penguin (latter defeated) Jan. 22, 1815 ii BLACK HAWK WAR. (See BLACK HAWK). May to August, 1832. ^, SEMINOLE WAR 1835-42. .1 Micanopy June 9, 1836 Fort Drane Aug. 21, " Wahoo Swamp. .. .Nov. 17, 18, and 21, " << Okeechobee Lake Dec. 25, 1837 Carloosahatchee July 23, 1839 Fort King April 28, 1840 Near Fort Brooke Mar. 2, 1841 « Big Hammock April 19, 1842 WAR AGAINST MEXICO. Fort Brown May 3, 1846 Palo Alto May 8, " \^\f, Resaca de la Palma May 9, " >. "^ Sonoma and Sonoma Pass... June 15, " Monterey Sept. 21-23, " a Braceta Dec. 25, " San Gabriel Jan. 8, 1847 The Mesa Jan. 9, " Encarnacion Jan. 23, " Buena Vista Feb. 22 and 23, " Chihuahua Feb. 28, " 1807 Vera Cruz (Surrendered) Mar. 20, " Alvarado April 2, " 1811 Cerro Gordo April 18, " Contreras Aug. 20, " 1812 Churubusco Aug. 20, " El Molino del Rey Sept. 8, " Chapultepec Sept. 12-14, " Puebla Sept. and Oct., " Huamantla Oct. 9, " Atlixco Oct. 18, " CIVIL WAR. Fort Sumter (Evacuated) ... .April 14, 1861 Big Bethel (Va.) June 10, " " Booneville (Mo.) .-.June 17, " Carthage (Mo.) July 6, " " Rich Mountain (Va.) July 10, " Bull Run (Va.) (first) July 21, " 1813 Wilson's Creek (Mo.) Aug. 10, " Hatteras Forts Captured Aug. 26-30, " " Carnifex Ferry (Va.) Sept. 10, " Lexington (Mo.) Sept. 20, " " Santa Rosa Island Oct. 9, " Ball's Bluff (Va.) Oct. 21, " Port Royal Expedition (S. C.) Oct. to Nov., " Belmont (Mo.) Nov. 7, " Middle Creek (Ky.) Jan. 10, 1862 Fort Henry (Tenn.) Feb. 6, " Roanoke Island (N. C.)..Feb. 7 and 8, " Fort Donelson Feb. 16, " 1814 Valvend (New Mexico) Feb. 21. " 296 BATTLES 14, 15, 17, 13, 20, Pea Ridge (Ark.) Mar. 7 and 8, Hampton Roads {Monitor and Merrimac) Mar. 9, Shiloh (Tenn.) April 6 and 7, Island Number Ten (Surren- dered) April 7, Forts Jackson and St. Philip April 18-27, New Orleans (Captured). April 25 to May 1, Yorktown (Siege of) April and May, Williamsburg May 5, Wincliester May 25, Hanover Court-House May 27, Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks May 31 and June 1, Memphis (Tenn.) June 6, Cross Keys and Port Repub- lic June 8 and 9, Seven Days before Rich- mond June and July, Baton Rouge (La.) Aug. 5, Cedar Mountain (Va.) Aug. 9, Bull Run (second) Aug. 30, South Mountain (Md.) Sept. Harper's Ferry (10,000 Nation- als surrendered) Sept. Antietam ( Md. ) Sept. luka (Miss.) Sept. 19 and 20, Corinth (Miss.) Oct. 3, Perry ville (Ky.) Oct. 8, Prairie Grove (Ark.) Dec. Fredericksburg (Va. ) Dec. Holly Springs (Miss.) Dec. Chickasaw Bayou (Miss.) .. .Dec. 27-29, Stone River (Murfreesboro, Tenn. ) Dec. 31, and Jan. 3, Arkansas Post (Ark.) Jan. 11, Grierson's Raid April 11 to May 5, Port Gibson (Miss.) .May 1, Chancellorsville (Va.) May Raymond (Miss.) May Jackson (Miss.) May Champion Hill (Miss) May Big Black River (Miss.) May Vicksburg (Miss.) May 19-22, Port Hudson (La.) May 27, Hanover Junction (Pa.) June 30, Gettysburg (Pa.) July 1-3, Vicksburg (Surrendered) July 4, Helena (Ark.) July 4, Port Hudson (Surrendered) .. .July 9, Jackson (Miss.) July 16, Fort Wagner (S. C.) July 10-18, Morgan's Great Raid (Ind. and O.) June 24 to July 26, Chickamauga Sept. 19 and 20, Campbell's Station (Tenn.) .. .Nov. 16, Knoxville (Tenn. ; Besieged) Nov. 17 to Dec. Lookout Mountain (Tenn.) . . . .Nov. Missionary Ridge (Tenn.) Nov. Olustee (Fla.) Feb. Sabine Cross Roads (La.) April Pleasant Hill (La.) April Fort Pillow (Tenn. ; Massacre at) April 12, Wilderness (Va.) May 5 and 6, Spottsylvania Court - House (Va.) May 7-12, 1-4, 12, 14, 16, 17, 4, 24, 25, 20, 8, 9, 1862 Resaca (Ga.) May 14 and 15, 1864 Bermuda Hundred May 10, " " New Hope Church (Ga.) May 25, " Cold Harbor (Va.) June 1-3, " Petersburg (Va. ; Smith's At- " tack) June 16, " Weldon Road (Va.) . . . .June 21 and 22, " " Kenesaw (Ga.) June 27, " Peach-tree Creek (Ga.) July 20, " " Decatur (Ga.) July 22, " Atlanta (Ga.) July 28, " " Petersburg (Va. ; Mine Explo- " sion) July 30, " " Mobile Bay Aug. 5, " Jonesboro (Ga.) . .Aug. 31 and Sept. 1, " " Atlanta (Ga. ; Captured) Sept. 2, " " Winchester (Va.) Sept. 19, " Fisher's FHll (Va.) Sept. 22, " " AUatoona Pass (Ga.) Oct. 6, " Hatcher's Run (Va.) Oct. 27, " " Franklin (Tenn.) Nov. 30, *' Fort McAllister (Ga.) Dec. 14, " Nashville (Tenn.) Dec. 15 and 16, " Fort Fisher (N. C. ; First At- » tack on) Dec. 24 and 25, " Fort Fisher (N. C. ; Capture " of) Jan. 15, 1865 " Hatcher's Run (Va.) Feb. 5, " " Averasboro (N. C.) Mar. 16, " Bentonville (N. C.) Mar. 18, " <• Five Forks (Va.) . .Mar. 31 and April 1, " " Petersburg (Carried by As- " sault) April 2, " " Appomattox Court - House " (near) April 9, " Mobile (Capture of) April 8-12, " WAR WITH SPAIN. Destruction of Spanish fleet in Manila Bay May 1, 1898 Bombardment of San Juan, Porto Rico May 12, " Bombardments of forts, San- tiago de Cuba May 31, " Daiquiri, Cuba June 21-22, " Juragua, Cuba (Capture) June 24, " Las Guasimas. Cuba June 24, " El Caney, Cuba July 1, " San Juan Hill, Cuba July 2, " Destruction of Spanish fleet off Santiago July 3, " Santiago (jNIilitary and Naval Bombardment) July 10-17, " Nipe Harbor, Cuba July 21, " Guanica, Porto Rico July 25, " Ponce, Porto Rico July 28, " Malate, Philippine Islands. .. .July 31, " Manila (Occupied) Aug. 13, " Filipinos begin war on Ameri- cans Feb. 4, 1899 Capture of Aguinaldo ends in- surrection Mar. 23, 1901 1863 1864 There lias been, from colonial times, des- ultory warfare quite frequently between the English- American colonists and the Indian tribes. The most formidable of these encounters were the Pequod War, the Ksopus War, King Philip's War, Pontiac's 297 BATTLE-SHIPS— BAXTER War, the Creek and Seminole War, and wars with the Sioux. There should also he included in the list of wars of the Unit- ed States the long series of operations against the Filij^ino insurgents following the ratification of peace in 1899. Details of the most important of all of the above events will be found under their respective titles. Battle-ships, the highest and heaviest class of war vessels, designed for sea- fighting in line of battle, and provided with the most invulnerable armor and the heaviest guns, diflfering in this respect from the armored and unarmored class of cruisers, in which the qualities of pro- tection and armament do not so largely sachusetts, Oregon, and Texas, the first seven being rated as first-class battle- ships, the last as second-class. At the same period there were under construction, or authorized to be constructed, the following vessels, all of the first class: Illinois, Wis' consin, Maine, Missouri, Ohio, Georgia, Neiv Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Rhode Island. During the summer of 1899 the Eearsarge and Kentucky were put in commission, the former being made the flag-ship of the new European squad- ron, and the latter being sent to impress the Sultan of Turkey with the desirability of paying some American claims. What was denominated by the Secretary of the Navy the " greatest industrial event U. S. BATTLK SHIP KK.\KSARGE. preponderate. In a fleet of modern war- ships the battle-ship is the unit of strength and is expected to give and re- ceive the hardest blows. In the reconstruction of the United States navy, large attention has been given to this class of vessels, and the results of the remarkable triumph off Santiago de Cuba have been used as a justification for giving the navy the most thorough possible equipment in this line of fighting ships. At the beginning of 1901 the following battle-ships were in service: Alabama, Kearsarge, Kentucky, Iowa, Indiana, Mas- this or any other country had ever seen " occurred in Washington, Dec. 7, 1900, when bids were opened for the construction of eleven new armored fighting ships, to cost an aggregate of about $50,000,000. The vessels authorized were sheathed bat- tle-ships, for which Congress limited the cost to $4,250,000 each; unsheathed bat- tle-ships, limit of cost, $4,000,000 each; and armored cruisers, limit of cost, $3,- 600.000. See Navy of the United States. Baxter, James Phinney, author; born in Gorham, Me., March 23, 1831; has been mayor of Portland, Me., several 298 BAY AMON— BAYARD times; and is the author of British In- the Senate when war was declared against vasion from the North; Sir Ferdinando C4reat Britain in 1812. In May, 1813, he Gorges and His Province of Maine, etc. left the United States on a mission to St. Bayamon, a province on the north Petersburg, to treat for peace with Great coast of Porto Rico; bounded on the east by that of Humacao, on the south by those of Ponce and Guayama, and on the west by that of Arecibo {q. v.) . The chief city and seaport is San Juan (q.v.), the fortifications of which were several times bombarded by a portion of the fleet under Admiral Sampson in 1898. The city was also the objective point of the military expedition under Gen. N. A. Miles (g. v.), which was stopped on its triumphal march by the signing of the protocol of peace. The formal transfer of the island to the United States also took place in this city. Bayard, George Dashiell, military officer ; born in Seneca Falls, N. Y., Dec. 18, 1835; was graduated at West Point in 1856, and entered the cavalry corps. Early in April, 1861, he was made brig- adier-general of volunteer cavalry, and was attached to the Pennsylvania Re- serves. He participated in the battles fought by that body; served under Mc- Dowell and Pope in Virginia; and, after the battle of Antietam Creek, commanded a cavalry brigade. He was chief of cav- alry of the 3d Army Corps, and was en- JAME3 ASHTON BAYARD. Britain under Russian mediation. The mission was fruitless. In January, 1814, gaged in the battles of Cedar Mountain, he went to Holland, and thence to Eng- Manassas, and in the defence of Washing- land. At Ghent, during that year, he, ton, D. C. In the battle of Fredericks- with J. Q. Adams, Clay, Gallatin, and burg, where he fell, Dec. 14, 1862, he was Russell, negotiated a treaty of peace with attached to Franklin's corps. England. He was preparing to go to Bayard, James Ashton, statesman; England as a commissioner under the born in Philadelphia, July 28, 1767; of treaty, when an alarming illness seized Huguenot descent; was graduated at him, and he returned home early in 1815. Princeton in 1784; studied law under He died soon after his arrival, Aug. 6. Gen. Joseph Reed; was admitted to the Bayard, Nicholas, colonial executive; bar in 1787, and, settling in Delaware, born in Alphen, Holland, in 1644. His soon acquired a high reputation as a law- mother was a sister of Governor Stuy- yer. Mr. Bayard was a member of Con- vesant, the last Dutch governor of New gress from 1797 to 1803, and a conspicu- Netherland, whom she accompanied to ous leader of the Federal party. In 1804 America in 1647, with her three sons and he was elected to the United States Sen- a daughter. The old Bayard mansion in ate, in which he distinguished himself in New York City, on the Bowery, was con- conducting the impeachment of Senator verted into a pleasure garden in 1798. Blount. He was chiefly instrumental in The Astor Library is built on a part of securing the election of Jefferson over the estate. Under the second English Burr in 1800; and made, in the House of regime, in 1685, Bayard was mayor of Representatives, in 1802, a powerful de- New York, and a member of Governor fence of the existing judiciary system, Dongan's council. In 1698 Col. Bayard which was soou overthrown. He was in went to England to clear himself of the 299 BAYARD— BEACH imputation of complicity in the piracy The Confederates soon rallied and drove of Captain Kidd, having been accused by him back. Another part of the attacking the Leisler faction of both piracy and a foi-ce was driven back, and the attempt scheme to introduce slavery. He was failed. tried before Chief-Justice Atwood and' Baylor, George, military officer; born sentenced to death. The proceedings, in Newmarket, Va., Jan. 12, 1752. Soon however, were annulled by an order-in- after Washington's arrival at Cambridge council, and he was reinstated in his prop- in 1778, he appointed (Aug. 15) young erty and honors. He died in New York Baylor as his aide. He was a participant City, in 1707. in the battle at Trenton, and carried the Bayard, Thomas Francis, diploma- news of the victory to Congress, when tist; born in Wilmington, Del., Oct. 29, that body presented him with a horse ca- 1828; grandson of James A. Bayard; was parisoned for service, and made him admitted to the bar at Wilmington in colonel of dragoons (Jan. 8, 1777). On 1851, and served as United States Dis- the night of Sept. 27, 1778, his troop of trict Attorney. From 1869 to 1885 he was horse, lying in barns, unarmed, near old United States Senator from Delaware, Tappan, were surprised at midnight by and foremost among the leaders of the the British while asleep. The British had Democratic side. He was a member of silently cut off a sergeant's patrol and fell the Electoral Commission in 1877, and suddenly upon the sleeping troopers. The was for a while president pro tern, of latter, without arms and powerless, asked the Senate. In 1880 and 1884 Senator for quarter. General Grey had given Bayard's prominence in the party brought special orders not to grant quarter, and his name before the National Democratic out of 104 prisoners sixty-seven were Convention, but he failed of securing the killed or wounded. Some of the men prize, though receiving many votes. Pres- were bayoneted in cold blood. Baylor was ident Cleveland called him in 1885 to the woimded and made prisoner. He died in office of Secretary of State^ where he re- Bridgetown, Barbadoes, in March, 1784. mained until 1889, and in President Bay State, the popular name of Massa- Cleveland's second administration he was chusetts, the colonial corporate title of first minister and then Ambassador which was " The Massachusetts Bay." {q. V.) to Great Britain. He died in This name it bore until the adoption of Dedham, Mass., Sept. 28, 1898. the national Constitution in 1788. Baylis's Creek, Battle at. Gen. W. Beach, Alfred Ely, inventor ; born in S. Hancock proceeded to attack the Con- Springfield, Mass., in 1826; was educated federates in front of Deep Bottom on the at Monson Academy, Mass., and under his James River, Aug. 12, 1864. His whole father (Moses, an early proprietor of the force was placed on transports at City New York Sun) acquired a practical Point, and its destination reported to be knowledge of newspaper work. In 1846 Washington. This was to deceive the (with Orson D. Munn) he established the Confederates. That night it went up the Scientific American, and for nearly fifty James River; but so tardy was the de- years was its editor. In 1852 he perfected barkation that the intended surprise of a typewriting machine which was award- the Confederates was not effected. Han- ed a gold medal by the American Insti- cock pushed some of his troops by Mai- tute. Later he invented the system of vern Hill to flank the Confederates' de- underground pneumatic tubes, through, fence behind Baylis's Creek, while 10,000 which letters were carried from street men were sent, under Gen. F. C. Barlow, lamp-posts to the central post-office. In to assail their flank and rear. There were 1867 he placed on exhibition in the Ameri- other dispositions for attack; but the de- can Institute the working model of a por- lay had allowed Lee to send reinforce- tion of an elevated railway, which met ments, for the movement seemed to with so much favor that he planned a threaten Richmond. On the morning of similar system of underground railways the 16th, General Birney, with General for New York. In 1869, under the author- Terry's division, attacked and carried the ity of the legislature, he began the con- Confederate lines, and captured 300 men. struction of a railway under Broadway 300 BE AKM AN— BEAUMONT between Murray and Warren streets, the excavation of the tunnel being made by a hydraulic shield of his own invention. This shield was subsequently used in bor- ing several well-known tunnels in the United States, Canada, and Europe. He died in New York City, Jan. 1, 1896. Beakman, Daniel Frederick, soldier; born in iSTew Jersey about 1760; enlisted in 1778, and served throughout the Revo- lutionary War; Avas the last suiwiving pensioner of that war. In 1867 Congress passed a special act, giving him a pension of $500 during life. He died in Sandusky, K Y., April 5, 1869. Beall, John Young, naval officer; born in Virginia, Jan. 1, 1835; received a com- mission in the Confederate navy, and on Sept. 19, 1864, he, in company with two others, in the dress of civilians, captured the Lake Erie steamer Philo Parsons. Subsequently they captured another steam- er. Island Queen, and also attempted to wreck a railroad train near Buffalo on the night of his arrest, Dec. 16, 1864. He was tried by court martial, condemned, and hanged on Governor's Island, New York Harbor, Feb. 24, 1865. Beardslee, Lester Anthony, naval offi- cer; born in Little Falls, N. Y., Feb. 1, 1836; was graduated at the Naval Acad- emy in 1856; brought the Confederate steam-sloop Florida, captured off Bahia, Brazil, to the United States as prize master in 1864; and while in command of the Jamestoion in 1879, discovered, sur- veyed, and named Glacier Bay, Alaska; promoted rear-admiral in 1895. Beatty, John, physician ; born in Bucks county. Pa., Dec. 19, 1749; was graduated at Princeton in 1769; studied medicine with Dr. Rush; took up arms, and became a colonel in the Pennsylvania line. He was made prisoner at Fort Washington, and suffered much. In 1778 he succeeded Elias Boudinot as commissary-general of prisoners, but resigned in 1780. He was a delegate in the Congress of the Confedera- tion, 1783-85, and of the national Con- gress. 1793-95. He was secretary of state for New Jersey for ten years — 1795-1805. He died at Trenton, N. J., April 30, 1826. Beauharnais, Charles, Marquis de, military officer and a natural son of Louis XIV.; born about 1670; was governor of New France (Canada) from 1726 to 1746, and held the rank of commodore in the French navy, and lieutenant-general of the naval army. On the breaking out of war with England (1745), he built the fortress of Crown Point, which was afterwards en- larged and strengthened by Amherst. He died June 12, 1749. Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin Ca- EON de, author; born in Paris, Jan. 24, 1732: the son of a Avatch-maker. In 1761. he purchased a commission as secretary to the King, a sinecure which conferred noble rank on its possessor, and the name of Beaumarchais, which he had assumed, was legally confirmed. Entering into mer- cantile speculations, he soon acquired a large fortiuie. He was the authov of the famous play, the Barber of Seville. In September, 1775, he submitted a memorial to the French monarch, in which he in- sisted upon the necessity of the French government's secretly aiding the English- American colonies ; and as agent of his governnient he passed some time in Eng- land, where he became acquainted with Arthur Lee, which acquaintance led to dip- lomatic and commercial relations with the Continental Congress. He conducted the business of supplying the Americans with munitions of war with great ability, and afterwards became involved in a lawsuit with them. In 1784 he produced his Mar- riage of Figaro, which was violently op- posed by the Court. His political tenden- cies were republican, and he sympathized with the French Revolutionists, but did not enter Avith his usual enthusiasm into their measures. Suspected by the Jacobins, he Avas compelled to leave the country, and his property AA'as confiscated. He Avas finally permitted to return to France, but could not recover his Avealth. Beaumar- chais lived in comparative poverty until May 18, 1799, Avhen he Avas found dead in his bed, having died of apoplexy. A suit which he had commenced against the United States for payment for supplies furnished to the Continental Congress, be- tAveen 1776 and 1779, under the mercantile firm name of Roderique Hortales & Co., continued about fifty years, and resulted in 1835 in the payment to his heirs by the United States of the sum of about .$200,000. Beaumont, William, physician; born in Lebanon, Conn., in 1796. In 1812 he 301 BEAUREGARD— BEAVER was made assistant surgeon in the United States army, and served until 1837. While stationed at Michilimackinac (Mackinaw) in 1822, he treated Alexis St. Martin, a Canadian, who had a gunshot wound in his side; the wound healed without clos- ing up, exposing to view the operations of the stomach in its digestive functions. Dr. Beaumont made careful experiments with this man, for several years, upon the process of digestion, and published the result of his researches. St. Martin lived for more than fifty years after the accident. The orifice exposing the stom- ach never closed. Dr. Beaumont died in St. Louis, Mo., April 25, 1853. Beauregard, Pterre Gustave Toutant, military officer; born on a plantation near New Orleans, May 28, 1818; was gradu- ated at the United States Military Acad- emy in 1838, and entered the artillery service, but was transferred to the engi- neer corps. He won the brevets of captain GEN. PIERRE G. T. BEAUREGARD. and major in the war with Mexico, and was wounded at Chapultepec ; also at the taking of the city of Mexico. He left the service of the United States in 1861, and joined the Confederates in February. He conducted the siege of Fort Sumter, and was afterwards active as a leader in Virginia and other parts of the slave- labor States. Beauregard was made brig- adier-general in the Confederate army, Feb. 20, 1861, and was placed in command of the gathering army of Confederates at Ma- nassas Junction — the Department of Alex- andria. He took the command at the beginning of June, 1861, and issued a proclamation which was calculated and intended to " fire the Southern heart." He said: "A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless of all moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, has thrown his abolition hosts among us, who are murdering and imprisoning your citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and outrage too shocking and revolting to hu- manity to be enumerated. All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their banners, that their war-cry is ' Beauty and Booty.' All that is dear to man — your honor, and that of your wives and daughters, your fortunes, and your lives — are involved in this monstrous contest." He then, as " General of the Confederate States, commanding at Camp Pickens, Manassas Junction," invited the people of Virginia to a vindication of their pa- triotism, " by the name and memory of their Revolutionary fathers, and by the purity and sanctity of their domestic firesides, to rally to the standard of their State and country," and by every means in their power " compatible with honor- able warfare, to drive back and expel the invaders from the land." The speech of President Davis at Richmond and this proclamation of Beauregard were lauded by the Confederates at Washington and Baltimore as having the ring of true metal. After the battle of Bull Run (q. v.), in July, he was promoted to major-general. He took command of the Army of the Mississippi, under Gen. A. S. Johnston, and directed the battle of Shiloh in April, 1862, after the death of John- ston. He successfully defended Charles- ton in 1862-63, and in May, 1864, he joined Lee in the defence of Petersburg and Richmond. As commander of the forces in the Carolinas in 1865, he joined them with those of Gen. J. E. Johnston, and surrendered them to Sherman. At the close of the war, with the full rank of gen- eral in the Confederate service, he settled in New Orleans, where he died, Feb. 20, 1893. Beaver, James Addams, military offi- cer ; born in Millerstown, Pa., Oct. 21, 1837; was graduated at Jefferson College 302 BEAVER DAMS— BEEBE in 1856; entered the army in 1861; was ian ambush, and, displaying his men to shot tlirough the body at Chancellorsville, the best advantage after Boerstler had in the side at Petersburg, and lost a leg crossed the creek, he boldly demanded the at Ream's Station; brevetted brigadier- surrender of the Americans to Major De general of volunteers; was elected govern- Haven, commander of the district. For or of Pennsylvania as a Republican in this purpose Fitzgibbon bore a flag him- 1887; and was a member of President Mc- self. He falsely assured Boerstler that his Kinley's commission to investigate the party was only the advance of 1,500 Brit- conduct of the War Department during ish troops and 700 Indians, under Lieu- the American-Spanish War. <. tenant-Colonel Bisshopp, and that the bar- Beaver Dams, Affair at the. After barians were so exasperated that it would leaving Fort George the British establish- be difficult to restrain them from massa- ed a strong post and depot of supplies cring the Americans. Boerstler, deceived at the Beaver Dams, among the hills 18 and alarmed, agreed to surrender on cer- miles west of Queenstown. Dearborn tain conditions. De Haven, whom Fitz- determined to attempt the capture of this gibbon had sent for, came up with 200 post and its stores, and for that purpose men, and Boerstler and 500 soldiers were he detached 570 infantry, some cavalry made prisoners. It had been agreed that under Major Chapin, a few artillerymen, the captives should be protected and sent and two field-pieces, all under the com- back on parole. This promise was broken, mand of Lieut.-Col. Charles G. Boerstler. The Indians plundered the captive troops. They marched up the Niagara River to and the latter were sent to Burlington Queenstown (June 2.3, 1813), and the next Heights and kept prisoners of war. When morning pushed off westward. Their Boerstler was first attacked by the Indians, march appears to have been discovered he sent a courier back to Dearborn for by the British, for while Chapin's mounted aid, and that commander sent Colonel men were in the advance and marching Christie with 300 men to reinforce him. among the hills, Boerstler's rear was at- When they reached Queenstown, they tacked by John Brant, at the head of heard of the surrender, and hastened back 450 Mohawk and Caughnawaga Indians, to camp with the sad intelligence. The who lay in ambush. Chapin was instant- British advanced upon Queenstown, and, ly called back, and the Americans in a occupying that place, soon invested Fort body charged upon the Indians and drove George. them almost a mile. Then Boerstler hesi- Bedel, Timothy, military officer; born tated, and the Indians, rallying, bore upon in Salem, N. H., about 1740; was a brave his flank and rear, and kept up a galling and faithful officer in the war for inde- fire at every exposed situation. The pendenee. He was attached to the North- Americans pushed forward over the Beaver ern army, and had the full confidence Dam Creek, fighting the dusky foe at a and esteem of General Schuyler, its com- great disadvantage, and made conscious mander. He was captain of rangers in that they were almost surrounded by 1775, and early in 1776 was made colonel them. After keeping up this contest for of a New Hampshire regiment. He was about three hours, Boerstler determined with Montgomery at the capture of St. to abandon the expedition, when he found John's on the Sorel, and was afterwards himself confronted by an unexpected force, in command at the Cedars, not far from Mrs. Laura Secord, a slight and delicate Montreal, where a cowardly surrender by woman, living at Queenstown, became ac- a subordinate, in Bedel's absence, caused quainted with . Dearborn's plans, and at the latter to be tried by a court-martial, the time when Boerstler and his forces on a false charge, made by General Ar- left Fort George — a hot summer even- nold. He was deprived of command for ing — she made a circuitous journey of a while, but was reinstated. He died at 19 miles on foot to the quarters of Lieu- Haverhill, N. H., in February, 1787. tenant - Colonel Fitzgibbon ( who was in Beebe, Bezaleel, military officer ; command of some regulars at the Beaver born in Litchfield, Conn., April 28, 1741 ; Dams) and warned him of his danger, was one of the Rogers Rangers, and was Thus forewarned, he had ordered the Ind- engaged in the fight in which Putnam was 303 BEECHER'S BIBLES— BEECHEB, taken, also in the capture of Montreal in 1760. In July, 1775, lie was commis- sioned lieutenant and sent to Boston. In 177G he saw active service in New York an(j[ New Jersey, and was taken prisoner at the capture of Fort Washington and confined in New York nearly a year. Tow- ards the end of the Revolution he was appointed brigadier-general and com- mander of all the Connecticut troops for sea-coast defence. He died in Litchfield, May 29, 1824. Beecher's Bibles. During the Kansas trouble, in 1854-60, Henry Ward Beecher declared that for the slave-holder of Kan- sas the Sharpe rifle was a greater moral agency than the Bible, and so those rifles became known as " Beecher's Bibles." BEECHER, HENRY WARD Beecher, Henry Ward, clergyman; born in Litchfleld, Conn., June 24, 1813; son of Lyman Beecher; was graduated at Amherst College in 1834. He afterwards studied theology in Lane Seminary. For a few years he was pastor of a Presby- terian church in Indiana, flrst at Law- renceburg and then at Indianapolis. In HENRY WARD BEECHER. 1847 he was called to the pastorate of a new Congregational organization in Brooklyn, called Plymouth Church, over Avhich he presided as pastor till his death, March 8, 1887. From the beginning of his ministry, Mr. Beecher held a high rank as a public teacher and pulpit ora- tor, with a constantly increasing reputa- tion. Laying aside the conventionalities of his sacred profession, and regarding the Gospel minister as peculiai'ly a lead- er in social life, his sermons were always marked by practical good-sense, and em- braced in their topics the whole field of human society. They were largely made up of illustrations drawn from every phase of life and the instructions of nat- ure. He had an abiding love of music, the fine arts, flowers, and animals; and believing Christianity to be, not a philo- sophical system, but an exalted rule of conduct, he never hesitated to discuss in the pulpit the great problems of the times in politics and social life — temperance, social evils, and the lust for power and gain. His persistent and forceful denun- ciation of the evils of slavery brought him into the greatest prominence during the Civil War period, while his speeches made during his visit to England in 1863 did much to disabuse public opinion there as to the merits of the struggle. Mr. Beecher led a most active life as preacher, editor, lyceum lecturer, and au- thor of numerous books. He began edi- torial labors before he began to preach, conducting for a year (1836) The Cin- cinnati Journal; and for nearly twenty years he was an editorial contributor to the New York Independent, a Aveekly news- paper. From 1870 he w^as editor several years of the Christian Union, a weekly paper published in New York, and was a constant contributor to other publica- tions. In 1874 Mr. Beecher was accused of criminal conduct with Mrs. Theodore Tilton. He was exonerated by the com- mittee of Plymouth Church, but in the civil suit instituted by Mr. Tilton, which lasted more than six months, the jury failed to agree. The case attracted the attention of the entire world. The System of Slavery. — The follow- ing is Mr. Beecher's address in Liverpool, England, Oct. 16, 1863, the feeling of his auditors towards his subject and himself being clearly indicated parenthetically: For more than twenty-five years I have been made perfectly familiar with popular assemblies in all parts of my country, ex- 304 S£jXjCS£!Bi eept the extreme South. There has not, hisses, "No, no!" and a voice: "New for the whole of that time, been a single York mob.") Now, personally, it is a day of my life when it would have been matter of very little consequence to me safe for me to go south of Mason and whether I speak here to-night or not. Dixon's line in my own country, and all (Laughter and cheers.) But one thing for one reason: my solemn, earnest, per- is very certain, if you do permit me to sistent testimony against that which I speak here to-night you will hear very consider to be the most atrocious thing plain talking. (Applause and hisses.) under the sun — the system of American You will not find a man — (interruption) slavery in a great, free republic. (Cheers.) — you will not find me to be a man I have passed through that early period that dared to speak about Great Britain when right of free speech was denied to 3,000 miles off, and then is afraid to me. Again and again I have attempted speak to Great Britain when he stands to address audiences that, for no other on her shores. (Immense applause and crime than that of free speech, visited hisses.) And if I do not mistake the tone me with all manner of contumelious epi- and temper of Englishmen, they would thets; and now, since I have been in rather have a man who opposes them in a England, although I have met with great- manly way — (applause from all parts of er kindness and courtesy on the part of the hall) — than a sneak that agrees with most than I deserved, yet, on the other them in an unmanly way. (Applause and hand, I perceive that the Southern in- "Bravo!") Now, if I can carry you with fluence prevails to some extent in Eng- me by sound convictions, I shall be im- land. (Applause and uproar.) It is my mensely glad — (applause) — but if I can- old acquaintance; I understand it perfect- not carry you with me by facts and sound ly (laughter), and I have always held it arguments, I do not wish you to go with to be an unfailing truth that where a me at all; and all that I ask is simply man had a cause that would bear exami- fair play. (Applause, and a voice: "You nation he was joerfectly willing to have shall have it, too.") it spoken about. (Applause.) And when Those of you who are kind enough to in Manchester I saw those huge placards: wish to favor my speaking — and you will " Who is Henry Ward Beecher ?" ( Laugh- observe that my voice is slightly husky, ter, cries of " Quite right," and applause.) from having spoken almost every night And when in Liverpool I was told that in succession for some time past — those there were those blood-red placards, pur- who wish to hear me will do me the porting to say what Henry Ward Beecher kindness simply to sit still and to keep had said, and calling upon Englishmen still ; and I and my friends the Secession- to suppress free speech — I tell you what ists will make all the noise. (Laughter.) I thought. I thought simply this : " I am There are two dominant races in mod- glad of it." (Laughter.) Why? Because em history — the Germanic and the Ro- if they had felt perfectly secure, that manic races. The Germanic races tend you are the minions of the South and the to personal liberty, to a sturdy individual- slaves of slavery, they would have been ism, to civil and to political liberty. The perfectly still. (Applause and uproar.) Roman race tends to absolutism in gov- And, therefore, when I saw so much ner- ernment ; it is clannish ; it loves chief- vous apprehension that, if I were permit- tains ; it develops a people that crave ted to speak — (hisses and applause) — • strong and showy governments to support when I found they were afraid to have me and plan for them. The Anglo-Saxon speak — (hisses and applause, and "No, race belongs to the great German family, no!") — when I found that they considered and is a fair exponent of its peculiari- my speaking damaging to their cause — ties. The Anglo-Saxon carries self-govern- ( applause) — when I found that they ap- ment and self - development with him pealed from facts and reasonings to mob wherever he goes. He has popular gov- law — (applause and uproar) — I said, no ernment and popular industry; for the man need tell me what the heart and se- effects of a generous civil liberty are not cret counsel of these men are. They trem- seen a whit more plain in the good order, ble and are afraid. (Applause, laughter, in the intelligence, and in the virtue of !•— u 305 Tt K Kit; H rj K. a self - governing people, than in their amazing enterprise, and the scope and power of their creative industry. The power to create riches is just as much a part of the Anglo-Saxon virtues as the power to create good order and social safety. The things required for prosperous labor, prosperous manufactures, and pros- perous commerce are three: First, liberty; second, liberty ; third, liberty — ( " Hear, hear!") — though these are not merely the same liberty, as I shall show you. First, there must be liberty to follow those laws of bvisiness which experience has develop- ed, without imposts or restrictions or gov- ernmental intrusions. Business simply wants to be let alone. ("Hear, hear!") Then, secondly, there must be liberty to distribute and exchange products of in- dustry in any market without burden- some tariffs, without imposts, and without vexatious regulations. There must be these two liberties — liberty to create wealth, as the makers of it think best, according to the light and experience which business has given them ; and then liberty to distribute what they have cre- ated without unnecessary vexatious bur- dens. The comprehensive law of the ideal industrial condition of the world is free manufacture and free trade. ( " Hear, hear!" A voice: "The Morrill tariff." Another voice: "Monroe.") I have said there were three elements of liberty. The third is the necessity of an intelligent and free race of customers. There must be freedom among producers; there must be freedom among the distributers; there must be freedom among the customers. It may not have occurred to you that it makes any difference what one's cus- tomers are, but it does in all regular and prolonged business. The condition of the customer determines how much he will buy. Poor and ignorant people buy little, and that of the poorest kind. The rich- est and the intelligent, having the more means to buy, buy the most and always buy the best. Here, then, are the three liberties: liberty of the producer, liberty of the distributer, and liberty of the con- sumer. The first two need no discussion; they have been long thoroughly and brill- iantly illustrated by the political econo- mists of Great Britain and by her eminent statesmen ; but it seems to me that enough attention has not been directed to the third; and, with your patience, I will dwell upon that for a moment, before proceeding to other topics. It is a necessity of every manufacturing and commercial people that their cus- tomers should be very wealthy and intelli- gent. Let us put the subject before you in the familiar light of your own local experience. To whom do the tradesmen of Liverpool sell the most goods at the highest profit? To the ignorant and poor or to the educated and prosperous? (A voice: "To the Southerners." Laughter.) The poor man buys simply for his body; he buys food, he buys clothing, he buys fuel, he buys lodging. . . . On the other hand, a man well off — ■ how is it with him? He buys in far great- er quantity. He can afford to do it; he has the money to pay for it. He buy^ in far greater variety, because he seeks to gratify not merely physical wants, but also mental wants. He buys for the satis- faction of sentiment and taste, as well as of sense. He buys silk, wool, flax, cot- ton ; he buys all metals — iron, silver, gold, platinum; in short, he buys for all ne- cessities and all substances. But that is not all. He buys a better quality of goods. He buys richer silks, finer cottons, high- er-grained wools. Now a rich silk means so much skill and care of somebody's, that has been expended upon it to make it finer and richer; and so of cotton and so of wool. That is, the price of the finer goods runs back to the very begin- ning and remunerates the workman as well as the merchant. Now, the whole laboring community is as much interest- ed and profited as the mere merchant, in this buying and selling of the higher grades in the greater varieties and quan- tities. . . . Both the workman and the merchant are profited by having purchas- ers that demand quality, variety, and quantity. Now, if this be so in the toAvn or the city, it can only be so because it is a law. This is the specific development of a general or universal law, and, there- fore, we should expect to find it as true of a nation as of a city like Liverpool. I know that it is so, and you know that it is true of all the world ; and it is just as important to have customers educated, intelligent^ moral, and rich out of Liver- 306 Sxi£]CS£Bi pool as it is in Liverpool. (Applause.) great deal more important to Great Brit- They are able to buy; they want variety; ain than the doctrine how to raise cot- they want the very best, and those are ton. It is to that doctrine I ask from you, the customers you want. That nation business men, practical men, men of fact, is the best customer that is freest, because sagacious Englishmen, to that point I freedom works prosperity, industry, and ask a moment's attention. ( Shouts of wealth. Great Britain, then, aside from "Oh, oh!" hisses and applause.) There moral considerations, has a direct com- are no more continents to be discovered, mercial and pecuniary interest in the lib- ("Hear, hear!") The market of the future erty, civilization, and wealth of every must be found — how? There is very lit- nation on the globe. ( Loud applause. ) tie hope of any more demand being created You also have an interest in this, because by new fields. If you are to have a better you are a moral and religious people, market there must be some kind of proc- ("Oh, oh!" laughter and applause.) You ess invented to make the old fields bet- desire it from the highest motives ; and ter. ( A voice : " Tell us something new," godliness is profitable in all things, hav- shouts of "Order!" and interruption.) ing the promise of the life that now is Let us look at it, then. You must civilize as well as of that which is to come; but the world in order to make a better class if there were no hereafter, and if man of purchasers. (Interruption.) If you had no progress in this life, and if there were to press Italy down again, under the were no question of civilization at all, it feet of despotism, Italy, discouraged, could would be worth your while to protect draw but very few supplies from you. . . . civilization and liberty merely as a com- A savage is a man of one story, and mercial speculation. . . . that one story a cellar. When a man be- They have said that your chief want gins to be civilized, he raises another is cotton. I deny it. Your chief want story. When you Christianize and civil- is consumers. (Applause and hisses.) You ize the man, you put story upon story, have got skill, you have got capital, and for you develop faculty after faculty; and you have got machinery enough to manu- you have to supply every story with your facture goods for the whole population productions. The savage is a man one of the globe. You could turn out four- story deep; the civilized man is thirty fold as much as you do, if you only had stories high. (Applause.) Now, if you the market to sell in. It is not so much go to a lodging-house, where there are the want, therefore, of fabric, though three or four men, your sales to them there may be a temporary obstruction of may, no doubt, be worth something; but it; but the principal and increasing want if you go to a lodging-house like "some — increasing from year to year — is, where of those which I saw in Edinburgh, which shall we find men to buy what we can seemed to contain about twenty stories manufacture so fast? (Interruption and — ("Oh, oh!" and interruption) — every a voice, " The Morrill tariff," and ap- story of which is full, and all who occupy plause. ) Before the American war broke buy of you — which is the better customer, out, your warehouses were loaded with the man who is drawn out or the man goods that you could not sell. (Applause who is pinched up? (Laughter.) Now, and hisses. ) You had over-manufactured; there is in this a great and sound prin- what is the meaning of over - manufact- ciple of economy. (" Yah, yah !" from the uring but this: that you had skill, capi- passage outside the hall and loud laugh- tal, machinery, to create faster than you ter.) If the South should be rendered had customers to take goods off your independent — (at this juncture mingled hands? And you know that rich as Great cheering and hissing became immense; Britain is, vast as are her manufactures, half the audience rose to their feet, wav- if she could have fourfold the present de- ing hats and handkerchiefs, and in every mand, she could have fourfold riches to- part of the hall there was the greatest morrow ; and every political economist commotion and uproar ) . You have had will tell you that your want is not cotton your turn now; now let me have mine primarily, but customers. Therefore, the again. (Loud applause and laughter.) doctrine how to make customers is a It is a little inconvenient to talk against 307 S££Gxx£xi the wind; but, after all, if you will just keep good-natured — I am not going to lose my temper; will you watch yours? (Ap- plause.) Besides all that, it rests me, and gives me a chance, you know, to get my breath. (Applause and hisses.) And I think that the bark of those men is worse than their bite. They do not mean any harm — they don't know any better. (Loud laughter, applause, hisses, and con- tinued uproar.) I was saying, when these responses broke in, that it was worth our while to consider both alternatives. What will be the result if this present struggle shall eventuate in the separation of America and making the South — (loud applause, hisses, hooting, and cries of " Bravo ! " ) — a slave territory exclusive- ly — (cries of "No, no!" and laughter) — and the North a free territory — what will be the final result? You will lay the foundation for carrying the slave popu- lation clear through to the Pacific Ocean. This is the first step. There is not a man who has been a leader of the South any time within these twenty years that has not had this for a plan. It was for this that Texas was invaded, first by colo- nists, next by marauders, until it was wrested from Mexico. It was for this that they engaged in the Mexican War itself, by which the vast territory reach- ing to the Pacific was added to the Union. Never for a moment have they given up the plan of spreading the American in- stitutions, as they call them, straight through towards the West ; until the slave, who has washed his feet in the Atlantic, shall be carried to wash them in the Pacific. (Cries of "Question?" and up- roar.) There! I have got that statement out and you cannot put it back. (Laugh- ter and applause.) Now, let us consider the prospect. If the South becomes a slave empire, what relation will it have to you as a customer? (A voice: "Or any other man." Laughter.) It would be an empire of 12,000,000 of people. Now, of these 8,000,000 are white and 4,000,000 black. (A voice: "How many have you got?" Applause and laughter. Another voice : " Free your own slaves." ) Con- sider that one-third of the whole are the miserably poor, unbuying blacks. (Cries of "No, no!" "Yes, yes!" and interrup- tion.) Y^ou do not manufacture much for them. (Hisses, "Oh!" "No.") You have not got machinery coarse enovigh. (Laughter and " No!") Your labor is too skilled by far to manufacture bagging and linsey-woolsey. (A Southerner: "We are going to free them, every one.") Then you and I agree exactly. (Laughter.) One other third consists of a j^oor, un- skilled, degraded white population, and the remaining one-third, which is a large al- lowance, we will say intelligent and rich. Now here are 12,000,000 of people, and only one-third of them are customers that can afi'ord to buy the kind of goods that you bring to market. (Interruption and uproar.) My friends, I saw a man once, who was a little late at a railway station, chase an express train. He did not catch it. ( Laughter. ) If you are going to stop this meeting, you have got to stop it be- fore I speak; for after I have got the things out, you may chase as long as you please — you would not catch them. (Laughter and interruption.) But there is luck in leisure; I'm going to take it easy. (Laughter.) Two - thirds of the population of the Southern States to-day are non-purchasers of English goods. (A voice: " No, they are not;" " No, no!" and uproar.) Now, you must recollect another fact — namely, that this is going on clear tlnough to the Pacific Ocean; and if by sympathy or help you establish a slave empire, you sagacious Britons — ( " Oh, oh!" and hooting) — if you like it better, then, I will leave the adjective out — (laughter, "Hear!" and applause) — are busy in favoring the establishment of an empire from ocean to ocean that should have fewest customers and the largest non- buying population. (Applause, "No, no!" A voice: " I thought it was the happy peo- ple that populated fastest.") ... It is said that the North is fighting for union, and not for emancipation. The North is fighting for union, for that insures eman- cipation. (Loud cheers, "Oh, oh!" "No, no!" and cheers.) A great many men say to ministers of the Gospel : " You pretend to be preaching and working for the love of the people. Why, you are all the time preaching for the sake of the Church." What does the minister say? "It is by means of the Church that we help the peo- ple," and when men say that we are fight- ing for the Union, I too say we are fighting 308 K hi Kli TT rj f\i for the Union. ("Hear, hear!" and a voice : " That's right." ) But the motive determines the value; and why are we fighting for the Union? Because we never shall forget the testimony of our enemies. They have gone off declaring that the Union in the hands of the North was fatal to slavery. (Loud applause.) There is testimony in court for you. (A voice: " See that," and laughter. ) . . . In the first place, I am ashamed to con- fess that such was the thoughtlessness — ■ (interruption) — such was the stupor of the North — ( renewed interruption ) — you will get a word at a time; to-morrow will let folks see what it is you don't want to hear — that for a period of twenty-five years she went to sleep, and permitted herself to be drugged and poisoned with the Southern prejudice against black men. (Applause and uproar.) The evil was made worse because, when any object whatever has caused anger between po- litical parties, a political animosity arises against that object, no matter how inno- cent in itself; no matter what were the original influences which excited the quar- rel. Thus the colored man has been the football between the two parties in the North, and has suffered accordingly. I confess it to my shame. But I am speak- ing now on my own ground, for I began twenty-five years ago, with a small party, to combat the unjust dislike of the colored men. (Loud applause, dissension, and up- roar. The interruption at this point be- came so violent that the friends of Mr. Beecher throughout the hall rose to their feet, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and renewing their shouts of applause. The interruption lasted some minutes.) Well, I have lived to see a total revolution in the Northern feeling — I stand here to bear solemn witness of that. It is my opinion ; it is my knowledge. (Great uproar.) Those men who undertook to stand up for the rights of all men — black as well as white — have increased in number; and now what party in the North represents those men that resist the evil prejudices of past years? The Republicans are that party. (Loud applause.) And who are those men in the North that have oppress- ed the negro? They are the Peace Demo- crats; and the prejudice for which in England you are attempting to punish me, is a prejudice raised by the men who have opposed me all my life. These pro-slavery Democrats abused the negro. I defended him, and they mobbed me for doing it. Oh, justice! (Loud laughter, applause, and hisses.) . . . There is another fact that I wash to al- lude to — not for the sake of reproach or blame, but by way of claiming your more lenient consideration — and that is, that slavery was entailed upon us by your action. ("Hear, hear!") Against the earnest protests of the colonists the then government of Great Britain — I will con- cede not knowing what were the mischiefs ■ — igTiorantly, but in point of fact, forced slave traffic on the unwilling colonists. (Great uproar, in the midst of which one individual was lifted up and carried out of the room amid hisses and cheers.) The Chairman: "If you would only sit down no disturbance would take place." (The disturbance having subsided, Mr. Beecher continued.) I was going to ask you, suppose each child is born with hereditary disease; sup- pose this disease was entailed upon him by parents who had contracted it by their own misconduct, would it be fair that those parents that had brought into the world the diseased child, should rail at that child because it was diseased? ("No, no!") Would not the child have the right to turn round and say : " Father, it was your fault that I had it, and you ought to be pleased to be patient with my deficien- cies "? (Applause and hisses, and cries of " Order ! " great interruption and great disturbance here took place on the right of the platform; and the chairman said that if the persons around the unfortunate individual who had caused the disturb- ance would allow him to speak alone, but not assist him in making the disturbance, i1 might soon be put an end to. The in- terruption continued until another person was carried out of the hall. Mr. Beecher continued.) I do not ask that you should justify slavery in us, because it was wrong in you 200 years ago; but having ig- norantly been the means of fixing it upon us, now that we are struggling with mor- tal struggles to free ourselves from it, we have a right to your tolerance, your pa- tience, and charitable constructions. No man can unveil the future; no man 309 BEECHEB^BEEKMAN can tell what revolutions are about to break upon the world ; no man can tell what destiny belongs to France, nor to any of the European powers; but one thing is certain, that in the exigencies of the future there will be combinations and recombinations, and that those nations that are of the same faith, the same blood, and the same substantial interests ought not to be alienated from each other, but ought to stand together. (Immense cheering and hisses.) I do not say that you ought not to be in the most friendly alliance with France or with Germany; but I do say that your own children, the ofl'spring of England, ought to be nearer to you than any people of strange tongue. (A voice: "Degenerate sons," applause and hisses ; another voice : " What about the Trent?") If there had been any feel- ings of bitterness in America, let me tell you that they had been excited, rightly or wrongly, under the impression that Great Britain was going to intervene be- tween us and our own lawful struggle. (A voice: "No!" and applause.) With the evidence that there is no such inten- tion, all bitter feelings will pass away. (Applavise. ) We do not agree with the recent doctrine of neutrality as a question of law. But it is past, and we are not dis- posed to raise that question. We accept it as a fact, and we say that the utter- ance of Lord Russell at Blairgowrie — (ap- plause, hisses, and a voice: "What about Lord Brougham?") — together with the declaration of the government in stopping war-steamers here — (great uproar and ap- plause ) — has gone far towards quieting every fear, and removing every apprehen- sion from our minds. (Uproar and shouts of applause.) And now in the future it is the work of ev^ery good man and patriot not to create divisions, but to do things that will make for peace. (" Oh, oh," and laughter.) On our part it shall be done. (Applause and hisses, and "No, no.") On your part it ought to be done; and when in any of the convulsions that come upon the world. Great Britain finds her- self struggling single-handed against the gigantic powers that spread oppression and darkness — (applause, hisses, and up- roar) — there ought to be such cordiality that she can turn and say to her first-born and most illustrious child, " Come ! " ("Hear, hear!" applause, tremendous cheers, and uproar.) I will not say that England cannot again, as hitherto, single- handed manage any power — (applause and uproar — but I will say that England and America together for religion and liberty — (a voice: "Soap, soap!" uproar, and great applause) — are a match for the world. (Applause; a voice: "They don't want any more soft soap.") Now, gentle- men and ladies — (a voice: "Sam Slick"; and another voice: "Ladies and gentle- men, if you please") — when I came I was asked whether I would answer questions, and I very readily consented to do so, as I had in other places; but I will tell you it was because I expected to have the op- portunity of speaking with some sort of ease and quiet. (A voice: "So you have.") I have for an hour and a half spoken against a storm — ("Hear, hear!") — and you yourselves are witnesses that, by the interruption, I have been obliged to strive with my voice so that I no longer have the power to control this as- sembly. (Applause.) And although I am in spirit perfectly willing to answer any question, and more than glad of the chance, yet I am by this very unnecessary opposition to-night incapacitated physical- ly from doing it. Ladies and gentlemen, I bid you good-evening. Beecher, Lyman, clergyman; born in New Haven, Conn., Oct. 2, 1775; was graduated at Yale in 1797, and ordained in 1799. In 1832 he accepted the pres- idency of Lane Seminary, Cincinnati, and served the seminary in that capacity twenty years. He had seven sons, all of whom became Congregational clergymen — William, Edward, George, Henry Ward, Charles, Thomas, and James. His daugh- ters were Catharine Beecher, Harriet Beecher Stowe, ]\Iary Beecher Perkins, and Isabella Beecher Hooker. He died in Brooklyn, Jan. 10, 1863. Beekman, Gerardus, colonial govern- or; was a member of Leisler's council in 1688 and was condemned with Leisler, but subsequently pardoned. In 1700 he became lieutenant-colonel of a militia reg- iment under Governor Bellomont. After the removal of Governor Ingoldsby, Beek- man was president of the council and act- ing governor of New York until the ar- rival of Governor Hunter, in whose coun- 510 BEET SUGAR— BELCHER cil he also served. He died in New York in the United States in the season of City about 1728. 1899-1900: Beet Sugar. This substitute for the California 37,938 product of sugar-cane was first made in Nebraska 4,591 1747 in Germany by Maregraf, who dis- F,^*^^ ;; ' '. ^'^It •' ■' °° ' New Mexico 446 covered that excellent sugar could be ob- ^^^ York .......... .\.\.\. 1 607 tained from the common beet. In 1830 Michigan 16,699 efforts were made in the United States Minnesota 2,053 to establish the beet-sugar industry, but lufno^ 804 it was not until 1876 that an adequately Colorado 804 equipped factory was erected for the pur- Washington 446 pose, in Alvarado, Cal. Since that year n, ^ , , tt -^ ^ c.^ ^ TTTTT ^ ' . .1 1 , 1 -i, ,1 Totals for United States.. 74,944 many similar ones have been built, mostly in the Western States, and the industry Behring. See Bering. may now be said to be firmly established. Beissel, Johann Conrad, reformer ; born Federal and State governments have great- in Eberbach, Germany, in 1690; becoming ly aided in bringing about this result a Dunker he was forced to leave his native through the offer of bounties on produc- country and emigrated to Pennsylvania, tion. Beet - roots yield an average of where in 1733 he established at the village about 10 per cent, of saccharine matter, of Ephrata a monastic society, which at and sugar-cane about 18 per cent. The one time numbered nearly 300. The Capu- white Slevig beet is the richest among chin habit was adopted by both sexes and the varieties. In manufacturing, the celibacy was considered a virtue, though roots are compressed into a pulp by ma- not an obligation. Soon after the death chinery; the pulp is put into bags, and the of Beissel, in 1768, the society at Ephrata juice forced out by presses. After the began to decline. A history of the Ephra- juice has been clarified by the use of lime ta society was published in 1901. or sulphuric acid, it is filtered till no de- Belcher, Jonathan, colonial governor; posit is apparent, and then boiled for the born in Cambridge, Mass., Jan. 8, 1681; purpose of concentrating it. When the was graduated at Harvard College in 1699. density of 25 Beaume has been reached. He visited Europe, where he became ac- the juice is strained through flannel, be- quainted with the Princess Sophia and her coming a dark-colored syrup, which in son (afterwards George I. of England), turn is filtered through animal charcoal, which led to his future honors. After a or bone-black, to free it of its mucilage six years' sojourn he returned to America, and coloring matter. The filtered juice engaged in mercantile business in Boston, is then treated with lime - water and the became a member of the Provincial Assem- whites of eggs, and stirred till it is bly, and in 1729 was sent as agent of the slightly alkaline. It is then placed in provinces to England. In 1730 he was ap- copper pans, and while boiling is constant- pointed governor of Massachusetts and ly stirred and scummed. After sufficient New Hampshire, which office he held concentration the substance is placed in a eleven years. He was authorized to ac- v/arm room for several days till it crystal- cept from the legislature of Massachu- lizes. The juice or molasses which re- setts a standing salary of $5,000 a year, mains is drained off", and the solid part is to be paid first out of the annual grants. raw sugar. This may be further refined When he first met the legislature (Sep- by dissolving again and using albumen and tember, 1730), he tried to bring about a blood. settlement for a standing salary, but could Experiments in beet sugar production not, and the Assembly was dissolved. To were stimulated by the United States secure a majority in the next House, the bounty law, in operation from July 1, governor tried to gain the influence of cer- 1891, to Aug. 27, 1894. tain leaders by gifts of office; but their In the period 1890-1900 the output in acceptance diminished their popularity, the United States was increased from and he gained nothing. The people had been 2,800 tons to 74,944 tons. The following encouraged by the English press, which table shows the production, in long tons, had commended the Bostonians for their 311 BELKNAP— BELL "noble stand" against the demands of thence to Boston in 1872, and became Pro- Buinet, which had " endeared them to all fessor of Vocal Physiology in the Boston lovers and asserters of liberty." The new University. He invented the telephone, court was unmanageable by the governor, which was first exhibited at the Centennial and he accepted a grant of a salary for Exposition in 1876. He also invented the one year. In consequence of a clamor photophone. against him, he was superseded in 1741, Bell, Charles H., naval officer; born but succeeded in vindicating himself be- in New York, Aug. 15, 1798; entered the fore the British Court. Belcher was made naval service in June, 1812; served with governor of New Jersey, and arrived in Decatur in 1813-14; with Chauncey, on 1747, where he passed the remainder of Lake Ontario, in 1814; and with Decatur his life. He extended the charter of the again, in the Mediterranean, in 181.5. He College of New Jersey, and was its chief was with the squadron in the West Indies patron and benefactor. He died in Eliza- (1824-29) operating against the pirates l3ethtown, N. J., Aug. 31, 1757. there. In 1860 he was in command of the Belknap, George Eugene, naval officer ; Norfolk navy -yard ; commanded the Pa- born in Newport, N. H., Jan. 22, 1832; cific squadron in 1862-64, and the navy- entered the navy as midshipman in 1855, yard at Brooklyn 186.5-68. In July, 1866, and in 1862 became lieutenant-commander, he was made a rear-admiral. He died in He became executive officer of the iron- New Brunswick, N. J., Feb. 19, 1875. clad 'N&w Ironsides in 1862, and was with Bell, James Franklin, military officer; her in her contests with the forts in born in Lexington, Ky., in 1857 ; was Charleston Harbor in 1863, receiving com- graduated at the United States Military niendation from Rear-Admiral Dahlgren. Academy in 1878; promoted to second In the attacks on Fort Fisher (g. v.) he lieutenant in the 9th Cavalry the same commanded the iron-clad Canonicus, and year, first lieutenant in the 7th Cavalry his services were officially commended in 1890, and captain in 1899. In the vol- by Rear-Admiral Porter. He was pro- imteer army he was commissioned major moted to rear-admiral in 1889, and was of engineers May 17, 1898; major and retired in 1894. assistant adjutant-general, April 17, 1899, Belknap, Jeremy, clergyman ; born in and colonel of the 36th JJnited States Boston, June 4, 1744; graduated at Har- Infantry, July 5, 1899. In May, 1898, he v^ard College in 1762. He founded the was ordered to duty to Manila, where Massachusetts Historical Society; Avas an he was placed in charge of the Bureau of overseer of Harvard College ; was a pa- Information ( or secret-service department triot during the war for independence, of the army in the Philippines). In Feb- and an opponent of African slavery. He ruary, 1899, when operations were begun published a History of Neio Hampshire; against the Filipino insurgents, he at- Am.erican Biography, etc. He died in tached himself to the staff of General Mac- Boston, Mass., June 20, 1798. Arthur, and rendered important service in Belknap, William Worth, military scouting. On Sept. 9, for " most distin- officer; born in Newburg, N. Y., Sept. 22, guished gallantry in action" near Porac, 1829; removed to Iowa in 1851; elected Luzon, President McKinley directed that to the legislature in 1857; entered the a congressional medal of honor should be army as major of an Iowa regiment, and presented to him. On Nov. 12, Colonel reached the grade of major-general, March Bell took possession of Tarlac, where 13, 1865. lie was appointed Secretary of Aguinaldo had established his headquar- War, Oct. 13, 1869; impeached March 7, ters. The following month he was pro- 1876, but acquitted for want of jurisdic- moted to brigadier-general of volunteers. tion. He died in Washington, D.'c, Oct. On the reorganization of the regular army 12, 1890. in February, 1901, President McKinley ap- Bell, Alexander Graham, inventor ; pointed Colonel Bell one of the new briga- born in Edinburgh, Scotland, March 3, dier-generals— an act that caused eonsider- 1847; son of Alexander Melville; was able surprise, as this officer was only a educated in Edinburgh and London univer- captain in the regular army, and was ad- sities. In 1870 he went to Canada, and vanced over the heads of more than 1,000 312 BELL— BELLOMONT officers who, according to the rules of seniority, would have been entitled to pre- cede him in promotion. General Bell is widely known in the army as a dashing cavalry officer, and when General Otis recommended the presentation of the medal of honor, he said that it was a won- der that Colonel Bell still lived, because of his recklessness in action. Bell, John, statesman; born near Nashville, Tenn., Feb. 15, 1797; was grad- uated at Cumberland College (now the University of Nashville) in 1814, and studied law in Franklin, Tenn. In 1817 he was elected to the State Senate. After the expiration of his term he practised law till 1827, when he was elected to Con- gress. He served in the House of Repre- sentatives till 1841 by re-elections. After abandoning his free-trade views, he became one of the founders of the Whig Party (q. v.), and was elected speaker of the House of Representatives in 1834. Presi- dent Harrison appointed him Secretary of War in 1841, but he resigned with other members of the cabinet (excepting Daniel Webster) when President Tyler left the Whig party. In 1847-.59 he was a member of the United States Senate, and in 1860 he was the unsuccessful candidate of the Constitutional Union Party (g. v.) for President, with Edward Everett for Vice- President. He died in Cumberland, Tenn., Sept. 10, 1869. Bellamy, Edward, author ; born in Chic- opee Falls, Mass., March 26, 1850; was educated at Union College, Schenectady, N. Y., and also studied in Germany. Re- turning home he read law, and was ad- mitted to the bar, but never practised. He became an editorial writer on the New York Evening Post, but soon afterwards retired from journalism to devote himself to fiction. His works include Six to One; A Nantucket Idyl; Dr. Heidenhoff's Proc- ess; Miss Ludington's Sister; his great- est effort. Looking Backward, or 2000- 1887, a work treating of government so- cialism; and IsisUj, Equality (1897). Sev- eral communities were established on his ideal in the United States and Mexico, but all were short-lived. He died in Chicopee Falls, Mass., May 22, 1898. Belle Isle. See Confederate Prisons. Bellingham, Richard, colonial govern- or; born in England in 1592. Bred a 313 lawyer, he came to America in 1634, and was chosen deputy governor of Massachu- setts- the next year. He was elected gov- ernor, in opposition to Winthrop, in 1641. He was rechosen in 1654, and in 1666, after the death of Governor Endicott, con- tinuing in office the rest of his life. His administration was a somewhat stormy one. Bellingham was so opposed to all in- novations in religious matters that he was severe in his conduct towards the Friends, or Quakers. He died Dec. 7, 1672. Bellomont, Richard Coote, Earl of, colonial governor; born in 1636; was of the Irish peerage, and among the first to espouse the cause of the Prince of Orange when he invaded England. He was cre- ated earl in 1689, and made treasurer and receiver-general of Queen Mary. In May, 1695, he was appointed governor of New York, but did not arrive there until May, 1698. Meanwhile he had been commis- sioned governor of Massachusetts, includ- ing New Hampshire; and on going to Bos- ton, in 1699, he was well received, and his administration was popular. Bellomont had been one of the parliamentary com- mittee appointed to investigate the affair of Leisler's trial and execution, and had taken a warm interest in the reversal of the attainder of that unfortunate leader. On his arrival in New York, he naturally connected himself with the Leisler party, whom Governor Fletcher had strongly op- posed. Bellomont came with power to in- quire into the conduct of Governor Fletch- er, and he Avas so well satisfied of his malfeasance in office that he sent him to England under arrest. The remains of Leisler and Milborne were taken up, and after lying in state several days were re- buried in the Dutch Church. Bellomont chose for his council a majority of " Leis- lerians"; and that party soon obtained a majority in the Assembly also. One of their first acts was to vote an indemnity to the heirs of Leisler. Bellomont used every means to gain the good-will of the people in both provinces, and succeeded. The earl was a shareholder in the privateer ship commanded by Captain Kidd; and when that seaman was accused of piracy Bellomont procured his arrest in Boston, and sent him to England for trial. Bello- mont died in New York, March 5, 1701, and the earldom expired in 1800. BELLOWS— BEMIS'S HEIGHTS HENRY WHITNEY BELLOWS, D.D. Bellows, Henry Whitney, clergyman; marched from Padueah to menace Colum- born in Boston, June 11, 1814. Educated bus in the rear. Grant went with Me- at Harvard and the Divinity School at Clernand. The troops landed 3 miles Cambridge, he was ordained pastor of the above Belmont, Nov. 7, 1861, and while first Unitarian Church in New York City they were pushing on the gunboats opened in January, 1838- He remained its pastor fire upon Columbus. General (Bishop) Polk, the commander, sent General Pil- low over the river to reinforce the little garrison at Belmont. A sharp battle en- sued, and the Nationals were victorious; but, exposed to the heavy artillery at Columbus, the post was untenable. Giv- ing three cheers for the Union, the Na- tionals set fire to the Confederate camp, and hastened back towards their boats with the captured men, horses, and artil- lery. Polk opened seven of his heaviest guns upon them, and at the same time sent over some fresh troops under Gen- eral Cheatham. Then he crossed over himself, with two regiments, making the whole Confederate force about 5,000 men. They fell upon Grant, and a desperate struggle ensued. Grant fought his way back to the transports under cover of a until his death, Jan. 30, 1882. He was fire from the gunboats, and escaped. The the projector of the Christian Inquirer, in Nationals lost about 500 men, and the 1843, and he occupied from the beginning Confederates over 600, killed, wounded, a conspicuous place in the pulpit, in let- and missing. ters, and in social life, wielding great in- Bemis's Heig-hts, Battles of. Gen- fiuence for good. Dr. Bellows was one of eral Schuyler, with his feeble army, had the originators of the United States San- so successfully opposed the march of Bur- ITARY Commission (q. v.) , which per- goyne down the valley of the Hudson that formed such prodigious benevolent work he had not passed Saratoga the first week during the late Civil War. He was presi- in August, 1777. When the expedition of dent of the commission from the beginning. St. Leger from the Mohawk and the de- Belmont, August, financier ; born in feat of the Germans at Hoosick, near Germany, Dec. 6, 1816; removed to New Bennington, had crippled and discouraged York, 1837; consul-general of Austria in the invaders, and Schuyler was about New York City, 1844-50; United States to turn upon them, and strike for the minister to Holland, 1854-58; chairman victory for which he had so well pre- of the Democratic national committee, pared, he was superseded by General 1860-72. He died in New York City, Gates in the command of the Northern Nov. 24, 1890. army. Yet his patriotism was not cooled Belmont, Battle at. Just before Fre- by the ungenerous act, the result of in- mont was deprived of his command (see trigue, and he offered Gates every assist- Fremont, John C.) he ordered General ance in his power. Had the latter acted Grant to move a co-operative force along promptly, he might have gained a vic- the line of the Mississippi River. It was tory at once; but he did not. At the promptly done. A column about 3,000 end of twenty days he moved the army to strong, chiefly Illinois volunteers, under a strong position on Bemis's Heights, Gen. John A. McClernand, went down where his camp was fortified by Kosci- from Cairo in transports and wooden gun- usko, the Polish patriot and engineer, boats to menace Columbus by attacking Burgoyne called in his outposts, and with Belmont, opposite. At the same time his shattered forces and splendid train of another column, under Gen. C. F. Smith, artillery he crossed the Hudson on a 314 BEMIS'S HEIGHTS bridge of boats (Sept. 13, 1777), and en- camped on the Heights of Saratoga, after- wards Schuylerville. New courage had been infused into the hearts of the Ameri- cans by the events near Bennington and on the upper Mohawk, and Gates's army was rapidly increasing in numbers. Bur- goyne felt compelled to move forward speedily. Some American troops, under Col. John Brown, had got in his rear, and surprised a British post at the foot of Lake George (Sept. 18). They also at- tempted to capture Ticonderoga. Bur- act on the defensive. Gen. Benedict Ar- nold and others, who observed the move- ments of the British, urged Gates to at- tack them, but he refused to fight. Even at 11 A.M., when the booming of a can- non gave the signal for the general ad- vance of Burgoyne's army, he remained in his tent, apparently indifferent. Arnold, as well as others, became extremely im- patient as peril drew near. He was finally permitted to order Col. Daniel Morgan with his riflemen, and Dearborn with in- fantry, to attack the Canadians and Ind- NEILSON HOUSE ON BEillS'S HEIGHTS.* goyne had moved slowly southward, and ians, who were swarming on the hills in on the morning of Sept. 19 he offered bat- advance of Burgoyne's right. These were tie to Gates. driven back and pursued. Morgan's troops, First Battle. — His left wing, with the becoming scattered, were recalled, and immense artillery train, commanded by with New England troops, under Dearborn, Generals Phillips and Riedesel, kept upon Scammel, and Cilley, another furious the plain near the river. The centre, com- charge was made. After a sharp engage- posed largely of German troops, led by ment, in which Morgan's horse was shot Burgoyne in person, extended to a range under him, the combatants withdrew to of hills that were touched by the American their respective lines. Meanwhile Bur- left, and upon these hills General Eraser goyne had moved rapidly upon the Ameri- and Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman, with can centre and left. At the same time grenadiers and infantry, were posted. The the vigilant Arnold attempted to turn the front and flank of Burgoyne's army were British right. Gates denied him rein- covered by the Canadians, Tories, and Ind- forcements, and restrained him in every ians who yet remained in camp. General way in his power, and he failed. Masked Gates, who lacked personal courage and by thick woods, neither party was now the skill of a good commander, resolved to certain of the movements of the other, and they suddenly and unexpectedly met in a * The mansion of Mr. Neilson, an active ravine at Freeman's farm, at which Bur- Whig at the time of the battle. It was the goyne had halted. There they fought des- headquarters of General Poor and Colonel „„„„+„!„ f^„ „ ,„i,m„ a ,„„i/i ,„ „j Morgan. To it the wounded Major Acland P^rately for a while. Arnold was pressed was conveyed, and there was joined by his back, when Eraser, by a quick movement, wife. called up some German troops from the 315 BEMIS'S HEIGHTS British centre to his aid. Arnold rallied his men, and with New England troops, led by Colonels Brooks, Dearborn, Scam- mel, Cilley, and Major Hull, he struck the enemy such heavy blows that his line be- gan to waver and fall into confusion. Gen- eral Phillips, below the heights, heard through the woods the din of battle, and hurried over the hills with fresh English troops and some artillery, followed by a portion of the Germans under Riedesel, and appeared on the battle-field just as victory seemed about to be yielded to the Americans. The battle continued. The British ranks were becoming fearfully thinned, when Biedesel fell heavily upon the American iiank with infantry and ar- tillery, and they gave way. The Germans saved the British army from ruin. A lull in the battle succeeded, but at the middle of the afternoon the contest was renewed with greater fury. At length the British, fearfully assailed by bullet and bayonet, recoiled and fell back. At that moment Arnold was at headquarters, seated ripon a powerful black horse, and in vain urging Gates to give him reinforcements. Hear- ing the roar of the renewed battle, he could no longer brook delay, and turning his horse's head towards the field of strife, and exclaiming, " I'll soon jjut an end to it! " Avent off on a full gallop, followed by one of Gates's staff, with directions to or- der him back. The subaltern could not overtake the general, who, by words and acts, animated the Americans. For three hours the battle raged. Like an ocean tide the warriors surged backward and for- Avard, winning and losing victory alter- nately. When it was too late. Gates sent out the jSTew Yoi'k regiments of Livingston and Van Cortlandt and the whole brigade of General Leaimed. Had Gates complied with Arnold's wishes, the capture of Bur- goyne's army might have been easily ac- complished. Night closed the contest, and both parties slept on their arms until morning. But for Arnold and Morgan, no doubt Burgoyne Avould have been march- ing triumphantly on Albany before noon that day. So jealous was Gates because the army praised those gallant leaders, that he omitted their names in his official report. The number of Americans killed and wounded in this action was about 300; of the British about 600. Second Battle. — Burgoyne found his broken army utterly dispirited on the morning after the first battle, and he withdrew to a point 2 miles from the American lines. Arnold urged Gates to attack him at dawn, but that officer would not consent. Burgoyne was hoping to re- ceive good news from Sir Henry Clinton, who was preparing to ascend the Hudson with a strong force. So he intrenched his camp, put his troops in better spirits by a cheerful harangue, and resolved to wait for Clinton. The next morning he was himself cheered by a message from Clin- ton, who promised to make a diversion in his favor immediately; also by a de- spatch from Howe, announcing a victory over Washington on the BrandyAvine (see Brandywine, Battle of). Bur- goyne gave the glad tidings to his army, and wrote to Clinton that he could sus- tain his position until Oct. 12. But his condition rapidly grew AA^orse. The Amer- ican army hourly increased in numbers, and the militia Avere sAvarming on his flanks and rear. His foraging parties could get very little food for the starving horses, the militia so annoyed them. In his hospitals were 800 sick and AA^ounded men, and his effectiA'e soldiers Avere fed on diminished rations. His Indian allies deserted him, while, through the exer- tions of Schuyler, Oneida Avarriors joined the forces of Gates. Lincoln, Avith 2,000 men, also joined him on the 22d; still Gates remained inactive. His officers Avere impatient, and Arnold plainly told hira that the army Avas clamorous for action, and the militia were threatening to go home. He told him that he had reason to think that if they had improA^ed the 20th of September it might have ruined the enemy. " That is past," he said ; " let me entreat you to improve the present time." Gates was offended, and, treating the brave Arnold with silent contempt, sat still. A long time Burgoyne Avaited for further tidings from Clinton. On Oct. 4, he called a council of officers. It was de- cided to fight their Avay through the American lines, and, on the morning of Oct. 7, 1777, the Avhole army moA^ed. ToAvards the American left wing Burgoyne pressed with 1,500 picked men, eight brass cannon, and tAvo hoAvitzers, leaAang the main army on the heights in command 316 BEMIS'S HEIGHTS of Brigadiers Specht and Hamilton, and British grenadiers was severely wounded, the redoubts near the river with Briga- and Major Williams, of the artillery, was dier-General Gall. Phillips, Fraser, and made prisoner. Five times one of the Riedesel were with Burgoyne. Canadian cannon was taken and retaken. When rangers, loyalists, and Indians were sent the British fell back, and the gun re- to hang on the American rear, while Bur- niained with the Americans, Colonel Cil- goyne should attack their front. This ley leaped upon it, waved his sword over movement was discerned before the Brit- his head, dedicated the piece to the ish were ready for battle. The drums of " American cause," and, turning it upon the American advanced guard beat to the foe, he opened its destructive energies arms. The alarm ran all along the lines, upon them with their own ammunition. Gates had 10,000 troops — enough to have Sir Francis Clarke, Burgoyne's chief aide, crushed the weakened foe if properly who was sent to secure the cannon, was handled. He inquired the cause of the mortally wounded, made a prisoner, and disturbance, and then permitted Colonel sent to Gates's tent. The whole eight can- Morgan to " begin the game." Morgan soon gained a good position on the British right, while General Poor, with his New Hampshire brigade, fol- lowed by General Ten Broeck, with New - Yorkers advanced against their left. Mean- while, the Canadian rangers and their companions had gained the American ^rear, and attacked their pickets. They were soon joined by grenadiers. The Americans were driven back to their lines, when a sharp fight en- sued. By this time the whole British line was in battle or- der, the grenadiers under Ma- jor Acland, with artillery un- der Major Williams, forming the left; the centre composed of British and grenadiers under Philips and Riedesel, and the right of infantry under Earl Balcarras. Gen- eral Fraser, with 500 pick- ed men, was in advance of the British right, ready to fall upon the left flank of the Americans non and the possession of the field re- when the action should begin on the front, mained with the Americans. Meanwhile It was now between three and four o'clock Colonel Morgan had assailed Fraser's in the afternoon. As Burgoyne was about flanking corps so furiously that they to advance, he was astonished by the were driven back to their lines. There thunder of cannon on his left, and the Morgan fell upon the British right so crack of rifles on his right. Poor had fiercely that it was thrown into confu- pressed up the thick-wooded slope on which sion. A panic prevailed. It was followed Majors Acland and Williams were posted, by an onslaught in front by Dearborn, unobserved, until he was near the bat- with fresh troops, when the British teries, which were captured after a des- broke and fled in terror. Balcarras soon perate struggle, in which the leader of the rallied them, while the centre, composed 317 PLAN OP BATTLES ON BEMIS'S HEIGHTS. BEMIS'S HEIGHTS— BENEZET chiefly of Germans, though convulsed, and spread such terror among the Ger- stood firm. Now Arnold came upon the mans that they fled, giving a parting scene. Gates, off"ended by what he called volley of bullets, one of which gave Arnold Arnold's •' impertinence," had deprived a severe wound in the same leg that was hira of all command, and he was an im- badly hurt at Quebec. At that moment patient spectator of the battle. When he he was overtaken by the subaltern, who had could no longer restrain himself, he been sent by Gates to recall him, " lest sprang upon his charger and started on full he should do some rash thing." He had gallop for the field of action, pursued done it. He had achieved a victory for by a subaltern to call him back. He which Gates received the honor. The Ger- dashed into the vortex of danger, where mans had thrown down their weapons, the pursuer dared not follow. He was re- Breyman was mortally wounded. The ceived with cheers by his old troops, and fight ended at twilight, and before the he led them against the British centre, dawn, Burgoyne, who had resolved to re- With the desperation of a madman he treat, removed his whole army a mile or rushed into the thickest of the fight, two north of his intrenchments. In this When, at the head of his men, he dashed remarkable battle — won by an officer who into the firm German lines, they broke had been deprived of his command^the and fled in dismay. The battle was now Americans lost, in killed and wounded, general. Arnold and Morgan were the 150 men; that of the British, including ruling spirits on the American side, prisoners, was about 700. Arnold was the Fraser was the soul that directed the only American commanding officer who most potent energies of the British. One received a wound. Burgoyne was defeated of Morgan's riflemen singled him out by at Stillwater, Oct. 7, and ten days later his brilliant uniform, and shot him surrendered his army of 6,000 men at through the body, wounding him mor- Saratoga. See Burgoyne. tally. Then a panic ran along the Brit- Benedict, George Grenville, military ish line. At the sight of 3,000 fresh New officer; born in Burlington, Vt., Dec. 10, York militia, under General Ten Broeck, 1826; graduated at the University of Ver- approaching. the wavering line gave way, mont in 1847; served in the 12th Vermont and the troops retreated to their in- Volunteers in 1862 - 63 ; and was author trencliments, leaving their artillery be- of Vermont at Gettysiurg ; Vermont in hind. Up to their intrenchments, the the Civil War; Army Life in Virginia, Americans, with Arnold at their head, etc. eagerly pressed, in the face of a terrible Benedict, Lewis, military officer; born storm of grape-shot and bullets. The in Albany, N. Y., Sept. 2, 1817; was a works were assailed with small arms, graduate of Williams College; was ad- Balcarras defended them bravely until he mitted to the bar in 1841; was surrogate could resist no longer. The voice of Ar- of Albany county in 1848, and member of nold was heard above the din of battle. Assembly in 1861. He entered the mili- and his form was seen, in the midst of tary service as lieutenant-colonel of vol- the smoke, dashing from point to point, unteers in 1861 ; served in the campaign With the troops first of Generals Pater- on the Peninsula in 1862; was captured, son and Glover, and then of Learned, and confined in Libby and Salisbury pris- he assailed the enemy's right, which ons several months, and when exchanged was defended by Canadians and loyal- was sent to the Department of the Gulf, ists. The English gave way, leaving where he M^as distinguished for his wis- the Germans exposed. Then Arnold dom and bravery. He served as brigadier- ordered up the troops of Livingston general in the Red River campaign, till and Wesson, with Morgan's riflemen, killed in the battle of Pleasant Hill, La., to make a general assault, while Colonel April 9, 1864. BrookS; with his Massachusetts regi- Benezet, Anthony, philanthropist; ment, accompanied by Arnold, attacked born in France, Jan. 31, 1713; emigrated the troops commanded by Lieutenant- to Philadelphia in 1731, and taught school Colonel Breyman. Arnold rushed into the there nearly all his life. He became a sally-port on his powerful black horse, member of the Society of Friends; and 318 BENHAM— BENNETT his life was conspicuous for acts of benev- olence. He wrote much against war and African slavery, and bequeathed his es- tate, on the death of his wife, to the African school in Philadelphia. He died in Philadelphia, May 3, 1784. Benliam, Andkew Ellicott Kennedy, naval officer; born in New York, April 10, 1832; entered the navy Nov. 24, 1847. During the Civil War he served in the South Atlantic and Western Gulf squad- rons, and took part in the battle of Port Royal and other engagements. In 1894 he commanded a squadron at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and forced the commander of the insurgent squadron to raise the blockade of the city and to discontinue firing upon American merchant vessels. Rear-admiral in 1890; retired in 1894. Benham, Henry W., military officer; born in Cheshire, Conn., in 1817; was graduated at West Point, first in his class, in 1837. He served under General Tay- lor in the war with Mexico, and was wounded in the battle of Buena. Vista. Early in the Civil War he was active in western Virginia, and afterwards on the South Carolina coast. He assisted in the capture of Fort Pulaski; and in 1863-64 he commanded an engineer brigade in the Army of the Potomac. He was brevetted brigadier-general for services in the cam- paign ending with the surrender of Lee, and major-general (March, 1865) for " meritorious services in the rebellion." He died in New York, June 1, 1884. Benjamin, Judah Philip, lawyer; was born in St. Croix, West Indies, Aug. 11, JUDAH PHrUP BENJAMIN. 1811; was of Jewish parentage, and in 1816 his family settled in Savannah, Ga. Judah entered Yale College, but left it, in 1827, without graduating, and became a lawyer in New Orleans. He taught school for a while, married one of his pupils, and became a leader of his pro- fession in Louisiana. From 1853 to 1861 he was United States Senator. He was regarded for several years as leader of the Southern wing of the Democratic party; and, when the question of seces- sion divided the people, he withdrew from the Senate, and, with his coadjutor, John Slidell, he promoted the great insurrec- tion. He became Attorney-General of the Southern Confederacy, acting Secretary of War, and Secretary of State. After the war he went to London, where he prac- tised his profession with success. He died in Paris, May 8, 1884. Bennet, or Bennett, Richard, colonial governor; was appointed one of the Vir- ginia commissioners to reconcile Virginia to the administration of Oliver Cromwell in 1651. In 1654 the Maryland royalists, under the instigation of Lord Baltimore, revolted, and intercolonial hostilities fol- lowed, resulting in a victory for the Vir- ginians under Governor Bennet. During the night of March 25, 1655, many pris- oners were taken, including the royalist Governor Stone. Some of these were after- wards executed. Bennett, James Gordon, founder of the New York Herald; born in New Mill, Scotland, Sept. 1, 1795; died in New York, June 1, 1872. Intending to enter upon the ministry in the Roman Catholic Church, he studied theology in Aberdeen some time, but, abandoning the intention, he went to British America, arriving at Halifax, N. S., in 1819, where he taught school. He made his way to Boston, where he became a proof-reader, and in 1822 he went to New York, and thence to Charleston, where he made translations from the Spanish for the Charleston Courier. Returning to New York, he be- came proprietor (1825) of the New York Courier, but did not succeed. After vari- ous editorial and journalistic adventures in New York and Pennsylvania, Mr. Ben- nett, in May, 1835, began the publication of the New York Herald. His method was a " new departure " in journalism. 319 BENNINGTON The Herald obtained an immense circu- lation and advertising patronage. The profits of the establishment, at the time JAMES GORDON BENNETT. of Mr. Bennett's death, were estimated at from $500,000 to $700,000 a year. He died in the Roman Catholic faith, and be- queathed the Herald to his only son, James Gordon Bej^nett, Jr., who was born in New York City, May 10, 1841; fitted out the Jeannette polar expedition; sent Henry M. Stanley in search of Dr. Livingstone in Africa; constructed, with John W. Mackay, a new cable between America and Europe; and greatly pro- moted international yachting. Bennington, Battle neau. Falling short of provisions, Burgoyne sent out an expedition from his camp on the Hudson River to procure cattle, horses to mount Riedesel's dragoons, to " try the affections of the country," and to complete a corps of loyalists. Colonel Baum led the expe- dition, which consisted of 800 men, com- prising German dragoons and British marksmen, a body of Canadians and Ind- ians, some loyalists as guides, and two pieces of artillery. They penetrated the country eastward of the Hudson towards Bennington, Vt., where the Americans had gathered a considerable quantity of sup- plies. At that time (August, 1777), Gen- eral Stark, disgusted because he had not been made a Continental brigadier-gen- eral, had resigned his colonelcy, taken the leadership of the New Hampshire mili- tia, with the stipulation that he was to have an independent command, and was at Bennington with part of a brigade. He had lately refused to obey a command of General Lincoln to join the main army opposing Burgoyne, It was a fortunate circumstance, for he did better service M'hen Baum approached and began to cast up intrenchments (Aug. 14, 1777) in the township of Hoosick, N. Y., within about 5 miles of Bennington. Informed of that approach, Stark had sent expresses for Warner's shattered regiment, and for militia, and he soon gathered many fugi- tives from the disaster at Hubbardton. The 15th was rainy. Baum had sent back to Burgoyne for reinforcements, and Stark was waiting for the arrival of more ex- pected troops from Berkshire. Warner joined Stark on the morning of the 15tli — he and his men drenched during a night march in the rain. The 16th dawned bright and hot, and Stark proceeded to execute a plan of attack on Baum's in- trenched position by dividing his force and making a simultaneous attack at dif- ferent points. The frightened Indians with Baum dashed through the encir- cling lines of the Americans, and fled to the shelter of the woods. After a severe contest of two hours' duration, the ammu- nition of the Germans failed, and they at- tempted to break through the line of be- siegers with bayonets and sabres. In that attempt Baum was slain and his veterans were made prisoners. At that moment Lieutenant - Colonel Breyman appeared with the jaded reinforcements which Bur- goyne had sent, and Stark was joined by some fresh troops furnished by Warner. The cannon which had been taken from the Germans, were immediately turned upon Breyman's men. A fierce battle continued until sunset, when Breyman retreated, leaving all his artillery, and nearly all his wounded, behind. The Germans lost, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, nearly 1,000 men. The Americans lost less than 100. On Aug. 19, 1891, a monument com- memorating the victory was dedicated at Bennington. It is a shaft of magnesian limestone, 308 feet high — the highest bat- tle-monument in the world; and near the city the national government has since established a military post. See Ethan Allen, Fort. 320 BENSON— BENTON Benson, Egbert, jurist; born in New York City, June 21, 1746; was graduated at King's College (now Columbia Uni- versity) in 1765; took an active part in political events preliminary to the war for independence; was a member of the Committee of Safety, and, in 1777, was appointed the first attorney-general of the State of New York. He was also a member of the first State legislature. He was a member of the Continental Congress from 1784 to 1789, and of the new Con- gress from 1789 to 1793, also from 1813 to 1815. From 1789 to 1802, he was a regent of the New York University, judge of the Supreme Court of New York (1794- 1801 ) , and of the United States Circuit Court. He was the first president of the New Y'ork Historical Society. Judge Benson was the author of a Vindication of the Captors of Major Andre, and a Me- moir on Dutch Islames of Places. He died in Jamaica, Long Island, Aug. 24, 1833. Bentley, Charles Eugene, clergyman; born in Warner's, N. Y., April 30 1841 ; became a Baptist minister, chairman of the State Prohibition Convention in 1864, and subsequently candidate for various of- fices. In 1896 he was the Presidential candidate of the Liberty party. Benton, James Gilchrist, military officer; born in Lebanon, N. H., Sept. 15, 1820; was graduated at West Point Acad- emy in 1842; served continuously in the ordnance department of the army, and as a result of his experiments made many inventions, for none of which did he take out a patent, as he held that having been educated by the government it was en- titled to benefit in every way by his time and talent. He published A Course of Instruction in Ordnance and Gunnery. He died in Springfield, Mass., Aug. 23, 1881. Benton, Thomas Hart, statesman; born near Hillsboro, N. C, March 14, 1782. Before finishing his studies at Chapel Hill University, North Carolina, he removed to Tennessee, studied law, and obtained great eminence in his profession. In the legislature of that State he procured the enactment of a law giving to slaves the benefit of a jury trial, and also succeeded in having a law passed which reformed the judicial system of the State. He had been on intimate terms with General Jack- I.— X 3 son at Nashville (1813), when a quarrel ensued, and in a personal encounter in that town with deadly weapons both parties gave and received severe wounds. He was colo- nel of a Tennessee regiment from Decem- ber, 1812, to April, 1813, and lieutenant- colonel in the regular army from 1813 to 1815. Bemoving to St. Louis in 1813, he established the Missouri Inquirer there, and practised his profession. He took an THOMAS HART BEXTON. active part in favoring the admission of Missouri as a State of the Union, and was one of its first representatives in the United States Senate, which post he held for thirty consecutive years, where he was ever the peculiar exponent and guardian of " The West." He was an early and un- tiring advocate of a railway from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean. He warmly opposed the repeal of the Mis- souri Compromise [q. v.) in 1854. His free-labor sentiments caused his defeat as a candidate for the Senate by the ultra- slavery men of his party in 1850, and in 1852 he was elected to the House of Rep- resentatives. By a combination of his old opponents with the American Party (q. V.) , he was defeated in 1854, and failed of an election for governor in 1856. He had then begun to devote himself to lit- erary pursuits; and he completed his Thirty Years' View of the United States Senate in 1854. He prepared an Abridg- ment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, in 16 volumes 8vo. They contain a complete political history of the 21 BENTON country during that period, so far as the national legislature is concerned. He died in Washington, D. C, April 10, 1858. The Amiexation of Texas. — On May 16, 17, and 20, 1844, Senator Benton delivered a remarkable and characteristic speech in the debate, while the Senate was in secret session, on the ratification of the treaty for the annexation of Texas. He had vigor- ously opposed the measure, and on the 13th offered the following resolutions, in support of which his great speech was delivered: 1. That the ratification of the treaty would be the adoption of the Texan war with Mexico, and would devolve its con- clusion upon the United States. 2. That the treaty-making power does not extend to the power of making war, and that the President and Senate have no right to make war, either by declaration or adoption. 3. That Texas ought to be reunited to the American Union, as soon as it can be done with the consent of a majority of the people of the United States and of Texas, and when Mexico shall either con- sent to the same, or acknowledge the in- dependence of Texas, or cease to prosecute the war against her (the armistice having expired) on a scale commensurate to the conquest of the coimtry. The following is an abstract of the speech : The President upon our call sends us a map to show the Senate the boundaries of the country he proposes to annex. This memoir is explicit in presenting the Rio Grande del Norte in its whole extent as a boundary of the Republic of Texas, and that in conformity to the law of the Texan Congress establishing its boundaries. The boundaries on the map conform to those in the memoir; each takes for the western limit the Rio Grande from head to mouth ; and a law of the Texau Congress is copied into the margin of the map, to show the legal, and the actual, boundaries at the same time. From all this it results that the treaty before us, besides the incorpo- ration of Texas proper, also incorporates into our Union the left bank of the Rio Grande, in its whole extent, from its head spring in the Sierra Verde, near the South Pass in the Rocky Mountains, to its mouth in the Gulf of Mexico, 4° south of New Orleans, in lat. 26°. It is a " grand and solitary river," almost without affluents or tributaries. Its source is in the region of eternal snow; its outlet in the clime of eternal flowers. Its direct course is 1,200 miles; its actual run about 2,000 miles. This immense river, second on our conti- nent to the Mississipjii only, and but lit- tle inferior to it in length, is proposed to be added in the whole extent of its left bank to the American Union; and that by virtue of a treaty for the reannexation of Texas. Now, the real Texas, which we ac- quired by the treaty of 1803, and flung away by the treaty of 1819, never ap- proached the Rio Grande except near its mouth ; while the whole upper part was settled by the Spaniards, and a great part of it in the year 1694 — nearly 100 years before La Salle first saw Texas. All this upper part was then formed into provinces, on both sides of the river, and has re- mained under Spanish or Mexican author- ity ever since. These former provinces of the Mexican viceroyalty, now de- partments of the Mexican Republic, lying on both sides of the Rio Grande from its head to its mouth, we now propose to incorporate, so far as they lie on the left bank of the river, into our Union, by virtue of a treaty of reannexation with Texas. Let us pause and look at our new and important proposed acquisi- tions in this quarter. First, there is the department, formerly the province, of New Mexico, lying on both sides of the river from its headspring to near the Paso del Norte — that is to say, half down the river. This department is studded with towns and villages — is populated — well culti- vated and covered with flocks and herds. On its left bank (for I only speak of the part which we propose to reannex) is, first, the frontier village Taos, 3,000 souls, and where the custom-house is kept at which the Missouri caravans enter their goods. Then comes Santa Fe, the capital, 4,000 souls; then Albuquerque, 6,000 souls; then some scores of other towns and villages, all more or less populated, and surrounded by flocks and fields. Then come the departments of Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, without set- tlements on the left bank of the river, ])ut occupying the right bank, and com- manding the left. All this — being parts 322 BENTON of four Mexican departments — now under Mexican governors and governments, is permanently reannexed to this Union, if this treaty is ratified; and is actually re- annexed from the moment of the signature ol the treaty, according to the President's last message, to remain so until the ac- quisition is rejected by rejecting the treaty. The one-half of the department of New Mexico, with its capital, becomes a territory of the United States; an angle of Chihuahua, at the Paso del Norte, fam- ous for its wine, also becomes ours; a part of the department of Coahuila, not populated on the left bank, which we take, but commanded from the right bank by Mexican authorities; the same of Tamau- lipas, the ancient Nuevo San Tander (New St. Andrew), and which covers both sides of Mexico, 2,000 miles long and some hun- dred miles up, and all the left bank of which is in the power and possession of Mexico. These, in addition to the old Texas, these parts of four states, these towns and vil- lages, these people and territory, these flocks and herds, this slice of the Republic of Mexico, 2,000 miles long and some hun- dred broad, all this our President has cut oil from its mother empire, and presents to us, and declares it is oiirs till the Sen- ate rejects it. He calls it Texas; and the cutting off he calls reannexation. Hum- boldt calls it New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Nuevo San Tander (now Tamaulipas) ; and the civilized world may qualify this reannexation by the applica- tion of some odious and terrible epithet. Demosthenes advised the people of Athens not to take, but to retake a certain city : and in that re lay the virtue which saved that act from the character of spoliation and robbery. Will it be equally potent with us? And will the re prefixed to the annexation legitimate the seizure of 2,000 miles of a neighbor's dominion, with whom we have treaties of peace, and friendship, and commerce? Will it legitimate this seizure, made by virtue of a treaty with Texas, when no Texan force — witness the disastrous expeditions to Mier and to Santa Fe — have been seen near it without being killed or taken, to the last man? The treaty, in all that relates to the boundary of the Pio Grande, is an act of unparalleled outrage on Mexico. It is the seizure of 2,000 miles of her territory without a word of explanation with her, and by virtue of a treaty with Texas, to which she is no party. Our Secretary of State (Mr. Calhoun), in his letter to the United States charge in Mexico, and seven days after the treaty was signed, and after the Mexican minister had withdrawn from our seat of government, shows full well that he was conscious of the enormity of the outrage, knew it was war, and prof- fered volunteer apologies to avert the con- sequences which he knew he had provoked. The President, in his special message of Wednesday last, informs us that we have acquired a title to the ceded territories by his signatures to the treaty, wanting only the action of the Senate to perfect it; and that, in the mean time, he will protect it from invasion, and for that purpose has detached all the disposable portions of the army and navy to the scene of action. This is a caper about equal to the mad freaks with which the unfortunate Em- peror Paul of Russia was accustomed to astonish Europe about forty years ago. By this declaration the 30,000 Mexicans in the left half of the valley of the Rio del Norte are our citizens, and standing, in the language of the President's message, in a hostile attitude towards us, and sub- ject to be repelled as invaders. Taos, the seat of the custom-house, where our cara- vans enter their goods, is ours ; Santa Fe, the capital of New Mexico, is ours; Gov- ernor Armijo is our governor, and sub- ject to be tried for treason if he does not submit to us; twenty Mexican towns and villages are ours; and their peaceful in- habitants, cultivating their fields and tending their flocks, are suddenly convert- ed, by a stroke of the President's pen, into American citizens, or American rebels. This is too bad; and, instead of making themselves party to its enormities, as the President invites them to do, I think rather that it is the duty of the Senate to vpash its hands of all this part of the transaction, by a special disapprobation. The Senate is the constitutional adviser of the President, and has the right, if not the duty, to give him advice when the oc- casion requires it. I, therefore, propose, as an additional resolution, applicable to the Rio del Norte boundary only, the one which I will read and send to the secre- tary's table — stamping as a spoliation this 323 BENTONVILLE seizure of Mexican territory, and on which, at the proper time, I shall ask the vote of the Senate: " Resolved, that the incorporation of the left bank of the Kio del Norte into the American Union, by virtue of a treaty with Texas, comprehending, as the said incor- poration would do, a part of the Mexican departments of New Mexico, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Tamaulipas, would be an act of direct aggression on Mexico; for all the consequences of which the United States would stand responsible." Bentonville, Battle of. After the de- feat of Hardee at A\'^rasboro, Sherman be- lieved he would meet with no more serious opposition in his march to Goldsboro. He issued orders accordingly. This sense of security proved almost fatal to Sherman's army, for at that moment, Johnston, who had come down from Smithfield, N. C, on a rapid but stealthy march, under cover of night, was hovering near in full force. He found the Nationals in a favor- able position for him to attack them. Gen. J. C. Davis's corps was encamped (March 18, 1865) on the Goldsboro road, at a point where it was crossed by one from Clinton to Smithfield. Two divisions of Williams's were encamped 10 or 12 miles in the rear of this, in charge of Slocum's wagon-trains. The remainder of the" forces were scattered to the south and east, in fancied security. On the morning of the 16th, Sherman left Slocum, nearest the Confederates, to join How- ard's troops, which were scattered and moving on over the wretched, muddy road. On March 19, Sherman, while on his way to Howard, heard cannonading on his left wing, but did not think there was any- thing serious in it. It proved, however, to be a complete surprise. The Confeder- ates, in overwhelming numbers, were found pressing Slocum. A very severe battle ensued, in a densely wooded swamp, dark and wet and dismal. In this encoun- ter, Gen. J. C. Davis conducted much of the battle with great skill and courage, continually cheering his men with as- surances of victory. Johnston had as- sured his men that he was confident of vic- tory, and the troops on both sides fought desperately. Davis had formed General Fearing's brigade to the left and hurled them upon the flank of the Confederates. The latter were staggered and paralyzed by this unexpected and stunning blow from a force hitherto unseen by them, for Fearing's troops were in reserve. They reeled and fell back in amazement, and the attack was not renewed on that part of the field for more than an hour after- wards. The army was saved. The young general (Fearing) was disabled by a bul- let, and hundreds of his brigade, dead and wounded, strewed the field of conflict. Davis re-formed the disordered left and centre of his line in open fields half a mile in the rear of the old line. The artillery was moved to a commanding knoll, and Kilpatrick massed his cavalry on the left. Meanwhile an attack upon Morgan's di- vision of the 14th Corps had been very severe and unceasing. The National forces received six distinct assaults by the com- bined troops of Hardee, Hoke, and Cheat- ham, vuider the immediate command of General Johnston, without yielding an inch of ground, and all the while doing much execution on the Confederate ranks, especially with the artillery. With dark- ness this conflict, known as the battle of Bentonville, ended. It was one of the most notable battles of the Civil War. The main forces of the Union and of its enemies were then concentrating at one point for a desperate last struggle — Sher- man and Johnston in North Carolina, and Grant and Lee in Virginia. Had John- ston won at that time the consequence probably would have been the loss of the whole of Sherman's army and the quick and fatal dispersion or capture of Grant's before Petersburg and Richmond. On the night after the battle reinforcements came to the left of the Nationals. The Con- federates prepared for another onset, but when Johnston heard of the actual con- nection of three National armies in the vicinity of Goldsboro, he perceived that all chance for success against Sherman had vanished. There had been hard flghting all day (March 20, 1865), and that night, after having his only line of retreat se- verely menaced by a flank movement under General Mower, Johnston withdrew and went towards Smithfield in such haste that he left his pickets, wounded in hospi- tals, and dead behind. The aggregate loss of the Nationals near Bentonville was 1,648. The loss of the Confederates was never re- 324 BERGH— BEBING SEA ported. The Nationals cajitured 1,625 of as lat. 55°, and formally annexed that their men, and buried 267 of their dead. part of the continent to the Russian do- Bergh, Henry, founder of the Society mains. In 1867 Russian America was for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals; purchased by the United States govern- was born in New York City, May 8, 1820; ment for $7,200,000. The only wealth was educated at Columbia College, and in- of the country known at that time was dulged in literary labors for a while, writ- its fur-producing animals, particularly the ing a drama and some poems. In 1863 fur-seals of the coasts and islands, and it he was secretary of legation to Russia, was for this mainly that the purchase was and acting vice-consul there. He acquired made. The officials who conducted the lasting fame over the civilized world for transaction were not mistaken in their his untiring and brave labors in behalf estimates of the revenue to be derived of abused dumb creatures. These phil- from this source, for during the twenty anthropic efforts absorbed his attention years which followed the seal - fisheries for many years, and elicited the praise paid into the national treasury a rental of all good men and women. A society which exceeded the purchase-price of the for carrying out his benevolent plan was territory by $6,350,000. That Bering Sea, incorporated by the legislature of New with its islands, was the exclusive prop- York in 1866, and this example was fol- erty of Russia for the sixty-eight years lowed in nearly all of the States and of her domination in Alaska had never Territories of the Union and in Canada, been questioned, and that the United He died in New Yoi'k, March 12, 1888. States, by purchase, succeeded to the same Bering (now preferred to the form Beh- rights of possession no one could, it would ring), Vitus, Danish navigator; born at be supposed, deny. About 1886, however, Horsen, in Jutland, in 1680. In his youth some ship-owners in British Columbia be- he made several voyages to the East and gan to encroach upon these rights by send- West Indies; entered the Russian navy, ing vessels into the sea to intercept the and served with distinction against the seals as they made their annual migra- Swedes; and in 1725 commanded a scien- tion to their breeding-grounds on the tific expedition to the Sea of Kamtchatka. Pribyloff Islands. This unlawful poaching He ascertained that Asia and America and the unregulated pelagic sealing were were separated by water — a strait which carried on to such an extent that in 1890 now bears his name. This problem Peter the Canadian intruders secured 20,000 the Great had been very desirous of hav- skins. As very many of the seals thus ing solved. Bering was appointed captain taken were females, and their young were commandant in 1732, and in 1741 set out left to perish for want of sustenance, the on a second voyage to the same region, actual number destroyed was far in ex- when he discovered a part of the North cess of the number of skins, and the American continent supposed to have been extinction of the entire species was threat- New Norfolk. He and his crew, being ened. At this juncture a United States disabled by sickness, attempted to return revenue-cutter captured one of the poach- to Kamtchatka, bvit were wrecked on an ing vessels. The seizure became at once island that now bears his name, where the subject of correspondence between the Bering died Dec. 8, 1741. His discoveries British government and the State De- were the foundation of the claim of Russia partment at Washington. Secretary Blaine to a large region in the far northwest of urged that illicit sealing was a pursuit the American continent. See Alaska. contra ionos mores, against international Bering Sea. In 1725 Capt. Vitus Be- comity; and he argued against the claim ring, a Danish navigator in the service of Lord Salisbury, who had asserted that of Peter the Great, discovered the sea Bering Sea could not be mare clausum which bears his name, and in 1741 he under any circumstances. The British made an imperfect exploration of a por- premier declined to recognize the claims tion of the Alaskan coast. By virtue of of the United States, although he ex- these discoveries, the Emperor Paul of pressed regret at the " wanton destruc- Russia, in 1799, assumed the sovereign- tion of a valuable industry," and asked ty over the American coast as far south that the right of the United States to 325 BERING SEA seize the Canadian vessels be submitted to a court of arbitration. While this cor- respondence was going on the poachers continued their depredations, and the number of seals was so materially re- duced that in 1891 not more than one- fourth of the usual number of pelts were taken by the legally authorized sealers. An agreement was finally entered into to submit the matter to a court of arbi- tration, com^josed of commissioners se- lected by the two governments. The ques- tions at issue to be decided by this court were as follows: 1. What exclusive jurisdiction in Bering Sea did Russia exercise prior to the ces- sion of Alaska? 2. To what extent was this jurisdiction, especially as regarded the seal fisheries, recognized by Great Britain? 3. Was the Bering Sea included in the phrase " Pacific Ocean " in the Anglo- Eussian treaty of 1825; and what rights did Russia exercise in the Bering Sea after the treaty? 4. Did not all the Russian rights in the fisheries east of the water boundary pass to the United States when the treaty was ratified by which she acquired possession of the territory of Alaska? 5. What right of protection of prop- erty has the United States in the seals frequenting United States islands, when found outside the ordinary 3-mile limit? Pending the decision of the case by ar- bitration, an agreement was entered into between the two governments, June 15, 1891, providing: 1. That Great Britain shall use her best efforts to prohibit sealing by her subjects in Bering Sea until May, 1892. 2. That the United States shall limit the number of seals to be taken by the North American Commercial Company to 7,500 per year, and shall not permit more to be taken i^revious to the date above given. 3. That offending vessels outside the territorial limits of the United States may be seized by either of the contract- ing parties; and, 4. That British agents may visit or remain on the islands during the pres- ent season to make such observations as may be necessary for the proper presenta- tion of the case to the court of arbitration. Expert agents were appointed by each government to visit the localities under dispute, and make a thorough investi- gation of the material facts. A treaty was signed at Washington, Feb. 29, 1892, providing for the settlement by arbitra- tion of the vexed seal question. The treaty was ratified in London, and the ar- bitrators met in Paris; they were Lord Hannen, Sir John Thompson, Justice Har- lan, United States Senator Morgan, Baron de Courcelles, M. Gregero Gram, and Mar- quis Visconti Venosta. The decision of the tribunal was rendered Aug. 15, 1893. The findings of the arbitrators were: Rus- sia never claimed exclusive rights; Great Britain had not conceded any claim of Russia to exclusive jurisdiction; Bering Sea was included in the Pacific Ocean in the treaty of 1825; all Russian rights passed to the United States; the United States have no rights when seals are out- side the 3-mile limit. Restrictive regula- tions were also adopted: proclaiming a closed season from May 1 to July 31 in Bering Sea and the North Pacific; estab- lishing a protected zone within 60 miles of the Pribyloff Islands ; forbidding steam- vessels, use of nets, fire-arms, and explosives. The award was regarded as a compromise, in which the United States was technically defeated, but acquired substantial advantages in the regulations. The complaints came mainly from Can- ada. See Bering Sea Arbitration. In 1894, the year following the sign- ing of this treaty, more seals were slaugh- tered by poachers than ever before. The United States again asked England to in- terfere against the Canadian poachers, but that country refused to act unless the LTnited States should pay Great Britain $500,000 in discharge of all claims for damages resulting from alleged illegal seizures of British vessels in Bering Sea. The United States denied the justice of this claim, but after another year of seal slaughter, agreed to submit the claim to arbitration. In July, 1896, Judge G. E. King, of Canada, and Judge W. E. Putnam, of the United States, were chosen commissioners to settle the matter. On Jan. 14, 1898, President McKinley submitted to Congress the report and awards of the commission, the last aggre- gating $473,151 in favor of Great Britain, and on June 14 Congress appropriated 326 BERING SEA ARBITRATION tliat amount. In the mean time (June, 1896) President Cleveland appointed a commission to make an exhaustive study of the fur-seal question, and on its re- port (1897) President McKinley appoint- ed a new commission to devise protection for the seals. Then efforts were made to induce Great Britain to consent to an in- ternational conference, but Canada ob- jected to the representation of Russia and Japan, whom the United States had in- vited, and on this objection Great Britain declined. Subsequently the United States invited all interested nations to a con- ference separately. See Anglo-Amekican Commission. BERING SEA ARBITRATION Bering Sea Arbitration. The United States stands distinguished among the nations as the foremost champion of in- ternational arbitration. Our ablest and wisest statesmen have recognized it as the best way of adjusting most questions of difference arising between governments, when the ordinary diplomatic methods fail. Such being the settled policy of the country, it would be unfortunate for the cause of peace and civilization in the world if that policy should be prejudiced in the United States for want of correct information or through partisan bias. In 1893 John Watson Foster (q. v.) was appointed United States agent to the Bering Sea arbitration tribunal which met in Paris. After the conclusion of the arbitration he wrote the following paper : The impression seems to prevail with many of our people that the Bering Sea arbitration was unwisely entered upon, that it was fruitless in its results to us, and that the responsibility for the failure is chargeable to the administration which agreed to it. Every one of these conclu- sions is incorrect, and in the interest of the great cause of international arbitra- tion their fallacy should be exposed. It is well, in the first place, to examine the origin of the controversy. Alaska was ceded by Russia to the United States in 1867, and in 1870 the seal islands in Bering Sea were leased by the government to a private company, with the privilege of taking on the land a certain number of seals annually. Soon thereafter it be- came apparent that the seal herd was ex- posed to serious diminution by means of pelagic or open-sea hunting. As early as 1872 the attention of the government was called to this danger, and it was sug- gested that a revenue-cutter be sent to cruise in the vicinity of the passes of the Aleutian chain, through which the herd travelled on its way to and from the seal islands, with a view of preventing such hunting. But Mr. Boutwell, Secretary of the Treasury, declined to act upon the suggestion, stating: "I do not see that the United States would have the juris- diction or power to drive off parties going up there for that purpose, unless they made the attempt A\ithin a marine league of the shore." With the progress of time pelagic hunting increased along the Cana- dian and American coasts, with greater slaughter of the herd, and with occasional incursions into Bering Sea. There was gradually developed a contention that the principle laid down by Secretary Bout- well did not apply to Bering Sea, because Russia had claimed and enforced exclu- sive jurisdiction over all its waters, that it had been acquiesced in by the maritime nations, including Great Britain, and that all the rights of Russia' therein passed to the United States by the cession. The act of Congress of 1868 (Section 1,956) made it unlawful to kill seals " within the lim- its of Alaska Territory or in the waters thereof," and it was claimed that the wa- ters of Alaska embraced all that portion of Bering Sea east of the line designated in the Russian treaty of cession. Under the foregoing construction of the treaty and the statute, the first seizure of Brit- ish vessels in Bering Sea took place under instructions of the Secretary of the Treas- ury by the revenue vessels in 1886, and other seizures followed in 1887. Suits were instituted in the federal court at Sitka under the act cited, and the vessels were condemned. The judge, whose ten- ure of office under the practice in vogue as to that Territory was limited to the political administration which appointed 327 BERING SEA ARBITRATION him, following the line of argument sub- mitted by the district attorney in a brief prepared in the office of the Attorney- General, held that " all the waters within the boundary set forth in the treaty . . . are to be considered as comprised within the waters of Alaska, and all the penal- ties prescribed by law . . . must there- fore attach within those limits." He further held that " as a matter of inter- national law, it makes no difference that the accused parties may be subjects of Great Britain. Russia had claimed and ex- ercised jurisdiction over all that portion of Bering Sea . . . and that claim had been tacitly recognized and acquiesced in by the other maritime powers of the world." The seizure and condemnation of the British vessels were followed by an at- tempt to secure a more precise and strict definition of " the waters of Alaska " by congressional legislation. A lengthy in- vestigation was had by a committee of the House of Representatives in 1888; and in January, 1889, a report was made by Mr. Dunn, of Arkansas, chairman of the committee, fully sustaining the view taken by the Attorney-General and the federal judge in Alaska, and submitting a bill which declared " that Section 1,956 of the Revised Statutes of the United States was intended to include and apply to, and is hereby declared to include and apply to, all waters of Bering Sea in Alaska em- braced within the boundary lines " of the treaty with Russia. This bill was passed by the House, but in the Senate it was sent to the committee on foreign rela- tions, and that committee recommended that the clause above quoted be disagreed to; and the chairman, Mr. Sherman, in support of the recommendation, stated that the proposed legislation " involved serious matters of international law . . . and ought to be disagreed to and aban- doned, and considered more carefully hereafter." Subsequently, by virtue of a conference report, an act was passed de- claring Section 1,956 to include and ap- ply '■ to all tlie dominion of the United States in the waters of Bering Sea." The seizure and condemnation of ves- sels, as stated, constitute the origin and foundation of the complaint of the British government, and of the lengthy corre- spondence and negotiations which resulted 3 in the arbitration at Paris. These seizures were the act of the administration of I'resident Cleveland, and had the endorse- ment of the executive, politico-judicial, and legislative departments of that ad- n)inistration. In so far as the views of the opposing political party may be inferred from the attitude of Secretary Boutwell and Senator Sherman, they were against the legality or wisdom of the policy. The complaint of Great Britain in 1887 was followed by a diplomatic correspond- ence, in which Secretary Bayard, without discussing or yielding the grounds upon which the seizures had been made, pro- posed an international arrangement for the protection of the seals from exter- mination. With this proposition pend- ing, and with all the questions arising out of the seizures unsettled, the executive government of the United States passed into the hands of President Harrison. Mr. Blaine, on assuming the duties of Secre- tary of State, sought to carry into effect the proposition of his predecessor for an international agreement. He found that few of the governments approached had shown any interest in the proposition, but early in the administration he pressed the subject upon the attention of Great Brit- ain, and as soon as possible secured a joint conference at Washington with the Brit- ish and Russian ministers. After pro- longed interviews the conference proved a failure, as Great Britain was unwilling to enter into any international agreement which the two other interested powers felt was at all adequate to protect the seals from extermination. The measure which Secretary Bayard had initiated for the settlement of the questions arising out of the seizure of British vessels having proved impossible of realization, there seemed no other al- ternative but to defend the action of the previous administration ; and thereupon followed the notable diplomatic corre- spondence between ]\Ir. Blaine and Lord Salisbury, in which the former sought with all his recognized forensic skill to defend the action of the Secretary of the Treasury in ordering the seizures and, as far as he felt it possible to do so, to sus- tain the correctness in international law of the attitude of the Attorney-General and the judge of the federal court of 28 BERING SEA ARBITRATION Alaska. In no part of that statesman's career did his devotion to his country more conspicuously rise above partisan- ship than in that correspondence. It is doubtful if any living American could have made a more brilliant or effective defence of the action of his government, and whatever fallacies exist in his argu- ment are chargeable to the previous ad- ministration which had occasioned the con- troversy and marked out the line of defence. The correspondence showed the two gov- ernments in hopeless disagreement. Three courses were open to President Harrison, and one of them must be chosen without further delay: First, he could abandon the claim of exclusive jurisdiction over Bering Sea or protection of the seals be- yond the 3-mile limit, recede from the ac- tion of his predecessor as to seizure of British vessels, and pay the damages claimed therefor. Such a course would have met with the general disapproval of the nation, and would have been de- nounced by his political opponents as a base betrayal of the country's interests. Second, he could have rejected the ar- guments 'and protests of the British gov- ernment, and continued the policy initi- ated by his predecessor in the seizure of all British vessels engaged in pelagic sealing in Bering Sea. But this course had already been pi-oposed to President Cleveland, and decided to be improper. The Hon. E. J. Phelps who, as minister to Great Britain, had conducted the ne- gotiations with Lord Salisbury growing out of the seizures of 1886 and 1887, in a lengthy despatch to Secretary Bayard, re- viewing the conduct of Canada which had prevented an adjustment once accepted by Lord Salisbury, made the following recom- mendation : " Under these circumstances, the government of the United States must, in my opinion, either submit to have these valuable fisheries destroyed, or must take measures to prevent their destruction by capturing the vessels employed in it. Between these two alternatives it does not appear to me there should be the slight- est hesitation. ... I earnestly recommend, therefore, that the vessels that have been seized while engaged in this business be firmly held, and that measures be taken to capture and hold every one hereafter found concerned in it. . . . There need be no fear that a resolute stand on this sub- ject will at once put an end to the mis- chief complained of." But this recom- mendation of Mr. Phelps was not ap- proved by Mr. Bayard, who was unwill- ing to adopt a course which might bring about a rupture with Great Britain, the probable outcome of which would have been an armed conflict. In view of this decision and the state of public sentiment, with a prevailing opinion in a large part of the press and with public men that the attitude of the government was legally un- sound, and that the interests involved did not, under the circumstances stated, justi- fy the hazard of a great war between these two English-speaking nations, the adop- tion of this second alternative by Presi- dent Harrison would have been the height of madness. The only remaining alterna- tive was arbitration. President Harrison felt that if we could commit to an inter- national tribunal the far greater interests and principles involved in the Alabama claims, it would be the part of wisdom to adopt the same course as to the pend- ing questions of diff"erence, and there can be no doubt that the sober judgment of the country confirms his action. If, therefore, the Paris arbitration was unwise in any of its features, it must have been in the manner of submission of the questions to the tribunal. But in this re- spect, also, the conduct of President Har- rison was greatly restricted by the action of his predecessor. He was required to formulate for the decision of the tribunal the contentions upon which the seizures were made, and the first four points em- braced in Article VI. of the treaty will be found to cover accurately the grounds upon which the Attorney-General in 1887 asked for, and the federal judge based, the condemnation of the British vessels. It is a singular incident that when the case of the United States came to be prepared and the Russian archives were examined, what had been assumed in the legal proceedings to be historical facts could scarcely be substantiated by a sin- gle official document. It is also notable that the only additional question intro- duced in the treaty provision for submis- sion to the tribunal — that embraced in the fifth point, to wit, the right of protection or property in the seals, and which in 329 BERING SEA ABBITRATION the judgment of the counsel of the United States became the leading, if not the only, defence of the seizures — was not advanced in the legal proceedings of 1887, and was not mooted until a late stage of Mr. Blaine's controversy with Lord Salisbury. The chief credit for the development of this point is due to Mr. Tracy, Secretary of the Navy, who submitted a paper of rare legal ability on the subject to the President. The treaty after having under- gone the careful scrutiny of the President and Hon. E. J. Phelps, whose advice had been sought by the President, was sub- mitted to the Senate and approved by that body without a single dissenting voice, so far as is known. If the conduct of the President, in the management of the con- troversy created by his predecessor, had not been in the judgment of the country wise and patriotic, or if the provisions of the treaty had not been properly framed, it would scarcely have escaped the attention of his political opponents in the Senate. Hence, the only remaining criticism which might be advanced against the ar- bitration must relate to the management of the case before the tribunal. But in this respect also it must be recognized that the President's action was circum- spect and free from all partisanship. In naming the arbitrators on the part of the United States, he chose, with the cordial approval of the Chief-Justice and his as- sociates, Mr. Justice Harlan, of the Su- preme Court, as senior American member of the tribunal. In filling the second place he selected Senator Morgan, the rec- ognized leader of all international ques- tions in the Senate of the party whose officials had originated the subject-matter of arbitration. Hon. E. J. Phelps, Presi- dent Cleveland's minister in London, an experienced diplomatist, and a lawyer of national repute, had been consulted by the President several months before the treaty had been agreed upon, and when the case came to be prepared he was named as senior counsel. With him was associated James C. Carter, of New York, the recog- nized leader of the American bar; and be- fore the tribunal was organized Frederic B. Coudert, an accomplished French scholar and a prominent jurist, was added to the list. These three gentlemen were the political friends of Mr. Cleveland. With them was joined a single party friend of President Harrison, H. W. Blodgett, for many years a distinguished judge of the Federal Court. Senator Mor- gan, in a subsequent letter, wrote : " Our party was and is responsible for using the means that were employed both for the raising and the settlement of these ques- tions, and it was a just measure of respon- sibility that Mr. Harrison devolved upon us when, out of a body of arbitrators and counsel, and Mr. Secretary Foster, the agent, selected by him — seven in all — he selected four Democrats and three Re- publicans." As to the manner in which these gentlemen discharged their trust, we have the following testimony of Mr. Jus- tice Harlan, in a public address: "I may say that no government was ever repre- sented upon any occasion where its inter- ests were involved with more fidelity, with more industry, and with greater abil- ity than was the United States by its agent and counsel. ... If more was not obtained is was solely because a majority of that tribunal . . . did not see their way to grant more." On five points submitted to the tribunal, embracing the historical and legal ques- tions, the decision was unfavorable to the United States. While the action of the gov- ei-nment in making the seizures was based on the weakest ground of our defence, which proved untenable, it cannot be doubted that the motives which actuated its conduct were patriotic and praise- worthy. But had our effort to save the seals from destruction been from the out- set based upon a right of protection and property in them, our case before the tribunal would have been much stronger and the decision might have been different. Nevertheless, it cannot be justly claimed that the arbitration was fruitless in its results for us. It is no small matter that a question which threatened a rupt- ure of our peaceful relations with Great Britain was adjusted by a resort to the arbitrament of reason and not of force. The Alaskan seal herd is of great value to us and to the world, and it is the duty of our government to be vigilant in pro- tecting it from destruction; but the legal issues involved in our controversy with Great Britain regarding them did not seem to justify the hazard of an armed 330 BERING SEA ARBITRATION conflict, and it was a great gain to us that the controversy was peacefully set- tled without national dishonor. The decision of the tribunal was ad- verse to the United States on the legal points in dispute, but the award contain- ed an important provision for interna- tional regulations, which were intended by the tribunal to be a protection to the seals, and which in the judgment of the majority of that body would in practice prove an adequate protection. The agent and counsel of the United States contend- ed that no regulations would be a certain protection of the herd which did not pro- hibit all pelagic sealing, and the American arbitrators voted for such prohibition, and sustained their votes by very able and cogent opinions; but the majority of the tribunal took a diflferent view of the sub- ject. The regulations adopted were op- posed both by the American and Canadian arbitrators. When first published they were accepted by all the Americans who participated in the arbitration as a de- cided triumph for the United States, and were regarded by the Canadian sealers as a serious menace, if not a death-blow, to their interests. If they are carefully ex- amined they will be found to be more favorable to the United States than the regulations which Mr. Bayard proposed to Lord Salisbury as a settlement of the question, or which Mr. Blaine offered to Sir Julian Pauncefote. If, therefore, we obtained more from the tribunal than our government proposed to accept from Great Britain, the arbitration cannot justly be characterized as fruitless in its results for us. The adequacy of the reg- ulations cannot be properly judged, be- cause they have not yet been put in force in their true spirit and intent. This will not be done until they are also made to apply to the Russian waters, and until more stringent rules for their enforcement are adopted. It has been a source of dis- appointment to many who have taken an interest in the preservation of the seals that these rules have been so lax and so imperfectly observed. The obstruction in these respects is now, as it has been from the beginning, the selfish and inhuman conduct of Canada. As it has been shown by the foregoing re- view that the Paris arbitration was not un- wisely entered upon, that it was not alto- gether fruitless in its results for us, and that the administration which agreed to it cannot be held culpable for the manner of its submission or management. But it will naturally be expected that something be said concerning the question of dam- ages, a subject which was not settled by the award. In Article VIII. of the treaty it was expressly stipulated that " the ques- tion of liability of each for the injuries alleged to have been sustained by the other " should not be embraced in the arbi- tration, but should " be the subject of future negotiation." In the discussion following the adjournment of the tribunal, the fact seems to have been lost sight of that the United States preferred seri- ous claims for damages against Great Britain on account of the injuries done by British pelagic sealers to the Alaskan seal herd, and that President Harrison proposed that this question of damages should, together with the British claims for seizure of vessels, be submitted to the tribunal. It was because Great Britain refused to consent to arbitrate this claim that the whole subject was omitted. The award of the tribunal was in effect that in certain waters, and at certain times, pelagic sealing is improper and should not be permitted. How far the claim of the United States subsists for injuries in the past sustained by the seal herd in those times and waters is one of the ques- tions to be determined by the " future ne- gotiations " contemplated in the treaty; and prominent persons well informed as to the controversy contend that it is still a vital question. While the liability for damages was not within the jurisdiction of the tri- bunal, it is generally admitted that the effect of its decision was to fix upon the United States a certain measure of re- sponsibility for damages on account of the seizures, which would have to be met through the " future negotiations." With- out further investigation than the docu- mentary evidence before the Paris tri- bunal, the sum of $425,000 was agreed upon between the Secretary of State and the British ambassador as a full satis- faction of the claims for the seizure of the British vessels, and the Congress of the United States was asked to make an 331 BERING SEA ARBITRATION— BERKELEY appropriation for that purpose. In the discussion which arose in the House of Kepresentatives when the subject came be- fore that body, it was most unfortunate that it should have assumed a partisan aspect. When certain members argued tliat the sum asked for was greatly in ex- cess of the just and legal claims of the Canadian sealers, and that it was in di- rect conflict with the views of the agent and counsel of the United States before the tribunal, they were taunted with the charge that this obligation had been contracted by the administration of which they were supporters. The member of the committee on appropriations who had the measure in charge said : " This is not our foreign policy. We are paying a debt which you gentlemen gave us." Mr. McCreary, chairman of the committee on foreign afl'airs, in advocacy of the ap- propriation, used this language: "I re- gret that we have been placed in an atti- tude where we have to pay this amount; but the gentlemen on the other side of this House cannot claim that we caused the existing situation." How unwarranted were these assertions is shown in the fore- going review. It may have been the wisest policy to vote the appropriation, but it was no breach of our international obligations not to approve of that sum; and it is not to the discredit of Congress that it exercised its judgment as to the action of the execu- tive in agreeing to a settlement with Great Britain which altogether ignored the claim of the United States for dam- ages to the seals by improper pelagic hunting, and the views of its own repre- sentatives before the tribunal as to the British claims. While a difference of views may properly exist between the executive and legislative departments upon these subordinate questions, no disposi- tion has been entertained or shown by any portion of our government or people to evade our just obligations under the treaty. And the fact that the spirit of the award leads us to pay out of the na- tional treasury a sum by way of damages, which at the most must be regarded as insignificant for a great nation, should certainly have no tendency to modify in the slightest degree our devotion to the great policy of international arbitration. Berkeley, George, Bishop of Cloyne; born in Kilcrin, Kilkenny, Ireland, March 12, 1684; was educated at Trinity College, Dublin ; became a Fellow there ; and at an early age wrote on scientific subjects. Between 1710 and 1713 his two famous works appeai'ed, in which he denies the existence of matter, and argues that it is not without the mind, but within it, and that that which is called matter is only an impression produced by divine power on the mind by the invariable laws of nat- ure. On a tour in France he visited the French philosopher Malebranche, who be- came so excited by a discussion with Berkeley on the non-existence of matter that, being ill at the time, he died a few days afterwards. Miss Vanhomrigh ( Swift's " Vanessa " ) bequeathed to Berkeley $20,000; and in 1728 his income was increased $5,500 a year by being made Dean of Derry. Berkeley conceived a plan for establishing a college in the Bermudas for the instruction of pastors for the colonial churches and missionaries for the Indians. He resigned his offices to become rector of the projected college at a salary of $500 a year. The House of Commons authorized the appropriation of a por- tion of the money to be obtained from the sale of lands in St. Kitt's (St. Chris- topher's), which had been ceded to Eng- land for the establishment of the institu- tion. With these assurances Berkeley went to Newport, R. I. (1729), bought a farm and built a house, intending to in- vest the college funds, when received, in American lands, and then to make ar- rangements for a supply of pupils. He had just married, and brought his bride with him. The scheme for the college failed for lack of government co-opera- tion after the death of the King, who fa- vored it. In 1734 Berkeley was made Bishop of Cloyne, which place he held for almost twenty years. He gave to Yale College his estate in Rhode Island, known as " White Hall," and also 880 volumes for its library. He died in Oxford, Jan. 14, 1753. Pope ascribed to him " ev- ery virtue under the sun." It was in view of the establishment of the college that he wrote his famous lines On the Prospect of Plmiting Arts and Learning in America, in which occur these often- quoted lines, 332 BERKELEY "Westward the course of empire takes its waj'; In religions matters there was soon per- The first four acts already past, ceived the spirit of persecution in the char- A fifth shall close the drama with the day; acter of the governor. The Puritans were Time's noblest offspring is the last." tj^gn ^^^^ only tolerated in Virginia, but Berkeley, Sir John, a proprietor of had been invited to settle there. The civil New Jersey; born in 1607; was in the war drew a line of clear demarcation be- military service of Charles I. when the tween churchmen and non-conformists. A King knighted him at Berwick on the large majority of the people of Virginia Tweed. In the civil war that afterwards were attached to the Church of England; ensued, he bore a conspicuous part, and so was the governor. In England the he remained in exile with the royal Puritans were identified Avith the republi- family many years. In 1653 Berkeley cans, and Berkeley thought it to be his was placed at the head of the Duke of duty to suppress them in his colony as York's establishment; and two years be- enemies to royalty. So he first decreed fore the Restoration (1660), of that of that no Puritan minister should preach the Prince of Wales, who, when crowned except in conformity to the rules of the king (Charles II.), raised Berkeley to the Church of England; and, finally, all non- peerage as Baron Berkeley of Stratton, in conformists were banished from Virginia, the county of Somerset. On the Restora- In the war with the Indians in 1644, in tion he became one of the privy council, which Opechancanough {q. v.) led the and late in 1699 he was appointed lord- savages, the governor behaved with lieutenant of Ireland. He was then one promptness and efficiency, and soon crush- of the proprietors of New Jersey, and was ed the invaders. Then the colonists had not above suspicion of engaging in the peace and prosperity for some years. In corrupt practice of selling offices. Samuel 1648 they numbered 20,000. " The cot- Pepys, who was secretary of the Admi- tages were filled with children, as the ralty (1664), speaks of him in his Diary ports with ships and emigrants." The as " the most hot, fiery man in his dis- people were loyal to the King ; and when course, without any cause," he ever saw. the latter lost his head, and royalty Avas Lord Berkeley AA'as appointed ambassador abolished in England, they opened Avide extraordinary to the Court of Versailles their arms to receive the caA'aliers (many in 1675, and died Aug. 28, 1678. See of them of the gentry, nobility, and cler- Carteret, Sir George. gy of the realm) who fled in horror from Berkeley, Sir William, colonial gov- the wrath of republicans. They brought ernor; born near London about 1610; was refinement in manners and intellectual brother of Lord John Berkeley, one of the culture to Virginia, and strengthened the early English proprietors of Ncav Jersey, loyalty of the colonists. When the King Appointed goA^ernor of Virginia, he ar- was slain they recognized his exiled son rived there in February, 1642. Berkeley as their sovereign, and Berkeley pro- was a fine specimen of a young English claimed him King of Virginia. Sir Will- courtier. He Avas then thirty-tAvo years iam administered the government under a of age. Avell educated at Oxford, handsome commission sent by Charles from his in person, polished by foreign traA^el, and place of exile (Breda, in Flanders), possessing exquisite taste in dress. He Virginia was the last territory belonging Avas one of the most accomplished cavaliers to England that submitted to the govern- of the day. He adopted some salutary ment of the republicans on the downfall measures in Virginia which made him of monarchy. This persistent attach- popular; and at his mansion at Green ment to the Stuarts offended the republi- Spring, not far from Jamestown, he dis- can Parliament, and they sent Sir George pensed generous hospitality for many Ayscue Avith a strong fleet, early in the years. Berkeley Avas a stanch but not a spring of 1652, to reduce the Virginians bigoted royalist at first; and during the to submission. The fleet bore commis- civil war in England he managed public sioners authorized to use harsh or con- affairs in Virginia Avith so much pru- ciliatory measures — to make a compro- dence that a greater proportion of the colo- mise, or to declare the freedom of the nists were in sympathy with him. slaA^es of the royalists, put arms in their 333 BERKELEY hands, and make war. The commissioners troops were sent to America to suppress were met with firmness by Berlceley. the aspirations of the people for freedom. Astonished by the boldness of the governor Feeling strong, Berkeley pursued the ad- and his adherents, they deemed it more herents of Bacon with malignant severity prudent to compromise than to attempt until twenty-two of them were hanged, coercion. The result was, the political The first martyr was Thomas Hanford, a freedom of the colonists was guaranteed, gallant yoimg native of Virginia. Stand- Berkeley regarding those whom the com- ing before the governor, he boldly avowed missioners represented as usurpers, he his republicanism; and when sentenced would make no stipulations with them to be hanged, he said, " I ask no favor for himself, and he withdrew from the but that I may be shot like a soldier, and governorship and lived in retirement on not hanged like a dog." At the gallows his plantation at Green Spring until the he said, " Take notice that I die a loyal restoration of monarchy in England in subject and a lover of my country." Ed- 1660, when the loyalty of the Virginians mund Cheeseman, when arraigned before was not forgotten by the new monarch. the governor, was asked why he engaged The people elected Richard Bennett gov- in the wicked rebellion, and before he ernor; and he was succeeded by two others could answer his young wife stepped for- — Edward Diggs (1055) and Samuel Mat- ward and said, "My provocations made thews (1650), the latter appointed by my husband join in the cause for which Oliver Cromwell. At his death (1660) the Bacon contended; but for me, he had people elected Berkeley, but he refused never done what he has done. Since what to serve excepting under a royal commis- is done," she said, as she knelt before the sion, and he went to England to con- governor, with her bowed head covered gratulate Charles 11. on his restoration with her hands, " was done by my means, to the throne. Charles gave Berkeley a I am most guilty; let me bear the punish- commission, and he returned to Virginia ment; let me be hanged; let my husband to execute his master's will with vigor, be pardoned." The governor cried out, He enforced various oppressive laws, for angrily, "Away with you!" The poor he was less tolerant than when he was young wife swooned, and her husband younger and politically weaker, and, with was led to the gallows. When the brave the cavaliers around him, he hated every- Drummond was brought before the govern- thing that marked the character of the or, Berkeley, with wicked satire, made a Puritans. These cavaliers despised the low bow and said, " You are very welcome ; " common people " of New England, and I am more glad to see you than any man opposed the ideas of popular education, in Virginia; you shall be hanged in half Berkeley wrote to his government in 1665, an hour." Drummond replied, with dig- "I thank God there are no free schools nity, " I expect no mercy from you. I have nor printing in Virginia, and I hope we followed the lead of my conscience, and shall, not have them these hundred years; done what I might to free my country for learning has brought heresy and dis- from oppression." He was condemned at obedience and sects into the world, and one o'clock and hanged at four; and his printing hath divulged them, and libels brave wife, Sarah, was denounced as a against the best government ; God keep us " traitor " and banished, with her chil- from both!" Oppression of the people dren, to the wilderness, there to subsist finally produced civil war in 1676, the on the bounty of friends. When these events of which soured Berkeley, who had things were brought to the notice of the then grown old (see Bacon, Nathaniel) ; profligate monarch, even he was disgusted and after it was over, and he was firmly with Berkeley's cruelties, and said, " The seated in power, he treated the principal old fool has taken more lives in that abettors of the insurrection with harsh- naked country than I have taken for the ness and cruelty. His King had proclaim- murder of my father;" and Berkeley was ed Bacon (the leader of the insurrection) a ordered to desist. But he continued to traitor, and sent an armament imder Sir fine and imprison the followers of Bacon John Berry to assist in crushing the re- until he was recalled in the spring of bellion. This was the first time royal 1677, and went to England with the re- 334 BERLIN ARBITRATION— BERLIN DECREE turning fleet of Sir John Berry. The neutral trade with France or her allies, un- colonists fired great guns and lighted bonfires in token of their joy at his de- parture. In England his cruelties were severely censured, and he died (July 13, 1677) of grief and mortified pride. Berlin Arbitration. See San Juan. Berlin Decree, The. In 1803 England joined the Continental powers against Na- poleon. England, off"ended because of the seizure of Hanover by the Prussians, at the instigation of Napoleon, made the act a pretext, in 1806, for employing against France a measure calculated to starve the empire. By Orders in Council (May 16) the whole coast of Europe from the Elbe, in Germany, to Brest, in France, a distance of about 800 miles, was declared to be in a state of blockade, when, at the same time, the British navy could not spare vessels enough from other fields of service to en- force the blockade over a third of the pre- scribed coast. It was essentially a " paper blockade." The almost entire destruction of the French and Spanish fleets at Trafal- gar, a few months before, had annihilated her rivals in the contest for the sovereignty of the seas, and she now resolved to con- trol the trade of the world. Napoleon had dissolved the German Empire, prostrated Prussia at his feet, and, from the " Im- perial Camp at Berlin," he issued (Nov. 21, 1806) the famous decree in which he declared the British Islands in a state of blockade; forbade all correspondence or trade with England; deflned all articles of English manufacture or produce as con- traband, and the property of all British subjects as lawful prize of war. He had scarcely a ship afloat when he made this decree. This was the beginning of what was afterwards called " the Continental System," commenced avowedly as a re- taliatory measure, and designed, primarily, to injure, and, if possible, to destroy, the property of England. By another Order in Council (January, 1807) Great Britain re- strained neutrals from engaging in the coasting-trade between one hostile port and another, a commerce hitherto allowed, with some slight exceptions. This was but the extension to all hostile pojts of the blockade of the coast from the Elbe to Brest established by a former order. On Nov. 17, 1807, another British Order in Council was issued, which prohibited all less through Great Britain. In retaliation for these orders Napoleon promulgated, Dec. 17, 1807, from his " Palace at Milan," a decree which extended and made more vigorous that issued at Berlin. It declared every vessel which should submit to be searched by British cruisers, or should pay any tax, duty, or license money to the British government, or should be found on the high seas or elsewhere bound to or from any British port, denationalized and forfeit. With their usual servility to the dictates of the conqueror, Spain and Hoi* land issued similar decrees. In March, 1810, information reached the President of the United States that the French minister for Foreign Affairs, in a letter to Minister Armstrong, had said that if England would revoke her blockade against France, the latter would revoke her " Berlin Decree." Minister Pinkney, in London, approached the British minister on the subject, and, to aid in the peaceful negotiations. Congress repealed the non- intercourse and non-importation laws on May 1, 1810. For these they substituted a law excluding both British and French armed vessels from the waters of th^ United States. The law provided that, in case either Great Britain or France should revoke or so modify their acts before March 3, 1811, as not to violate the neutral commerce of the United States, and if the other nation should not, within three months thereafter, in like manner revoke or modify its edicts, the provisions of the non-intercourse and non-importation acts should, at the expiration of the three months, be revived against the nation so neglecting or refusing to comply. The French minister thereupon, on Aug. 5 fol- lowing, officially declared that the Berlin and Milan decrees had been revoked, and would be inoperative after Nov. 1, it being understood that, in consequence of that revocation, the English should revoke the Orders in Council. Having faith in these declarations, the President issued a proc- lamation on Nov. 2, announcing this revo- cation of the French decrees and declaring the discontinuance, on the part of the United States, of all commercial restric- tions in relation to France. But the French were playing false, and England suspected it, for she had many reasons for 33.5 BERMUDA HtTNDRED— BERRY doubting Gallic faith. So had the Ameri- cans, but still they were willing to trust France once again. They were deceived; the decrees were not revoked, and a later one, issued at Rambouillet, was only sus- pended. The English refused to rescind on the faith of only a letter by the French minister; and this attempt on the part of the Americans to secure peace and justice was futile. See Embakgo Act, First; Or- ders IN Council. Bermuda Hundred, Operations near. General Butler had intrenched a greater portion of the Army of the James at Ber- muda Hundred, at the junction of the James and Appomattox rivers, early in May, 1864, to co-operate with the Army of the Potomac, approaching from the north. His chief care was at first to pre- vent reinforcements being sent to Lee from Petersburg and the South. For this pur- pose Butler proceeded to destroy the rail- way between Petersburg and Richmond, and so to cut off direct communication be- tween the Confederate capital and the South. When it was known that General Gillmore had withdrawn his troops from before Charleston to join Butler, Beaure- gard was ordered to hasten northward to confront the Army of the James. He had arrived at Petersburg, and was hourly re- inforced. Some of these troops he massed in front of Butler, under Gen. D. H. Hill; and finally, on the morning of May 16, un- der cover of a dense fog, they attempted to turn Butler's right flank. A sharp con- flict ensued between about 4,000 Nationals and 3,000 Confederates, which resulted in the retirement of Butler's forces within their intrenchments. For several days afterwards there was much skirmishing in front of Butler's lines, when he received orders to send nearly two-thirds of his ef- fective force to the north side of the James to assist the Army of the Potomac, then contending with Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. Butler complied with the requisition, which deprived him of all power to make any further offensive move- ments. " The necessities of the Army of the Potomac," he said, " have bottled me up at Bermuda Hundred." This expression was afterwards used to his disadvantage. See Butler, Benjamin Franklin. Bermudas, First English in the. Henry May, an English mariner, return- ing from a voyage to the West Indies in a French ship, was wrecked (Dec. 17, 1593) on one of the islands. He and his com- panions in distress remained there five months, when they rigged a small vessel of 18 tons from the material of the ship, put in thirteen live turtles for provisions, sailed to Newfovmdland, and thence re- turned to England. These islands were named in honor of Juan Bermudez, a Spaniard, who was wrecked there in 1522. May was the first Englishman who set foot upon them. See Somers's Islands. Bernard, Sir Francis, colonial govern- or; born in Nettleham, Lincoln co., Eng- land, in 1714; was educated at Oxford, where he was graduated in 1736. The law was his chosen profession. In 1758 he was appointed governor of New Jersey ; and in 1760 he was transferred to the chief mag- istracy of Massachusetts, where he was a most obedient servant of the crown and ministry in the support of measures ob- noxious to the colonists. After a stormy administration of nearly nine years Ber- nard was recalled, when he was created a baronet, chiefly because of his recommen- dation to transfer the right of selecting the governor's council from the colonial legislature to the crown. Bernard was a friend of learning, and gave a part of his library to Harvard College. He had become so thoroughly unpopular that when he left Boston the bells were rung, cannon were fired, and " Liberty-tree " was hung with flags, in token of the joy of the people. He died in Aylesbury, England, June 16, 1779. Berry, Hiram George, military officer; born in Thomaston ( now Rockland ) , Me., Aug. 27, 1824; was first a carpenter, then a navigator, and finally became a State legislator and mayor of Rockland. He was colonel of Maine volunteers in the battle of Bull Run; became brigadier- general in May, 1862; and was active in the Army of the Potomac throughout the campaign on the Peninsula in 1862 and until the battle of Chancellorsville (May 2, 1863 ^ were he was killed. His bri- gade was especially distinguished in the battle of Fredericksburg, in December, 1862. In March, 1863, he was made major- general of volunteers, and was command- ing a division in the 3d Corps when he fail. 336 BERTILLON— BIBLE Bertillon, Alphonse, anthropologist; iron and steel was exported. Of this total born in Paris, France, in 1853; founded the value of steel rails alone aggregated a new system of identification of crimi- $12,000,000. nals, by a series of measurements which Beveridge, Albert Jeremiah, lawyer; gave marvellous results, while chief of born in Highland county, 0., Oct. 6, 1862; the Bureau of Identification in the Pre- was graduated at De Pauw University, fecture of Police. The system is based and began the practice of law in Indi- on the assumption that the bones of the anapolis. In 1883 he became a politician, human body undergo no further change and soon stood in the front rank of ef- when an adult age is reached. In apply- fective orators. He was elected to the ing the system to a supposed criminal, United States Senate as a Republican, accurate measurements are made of the Jan. 17, 1899. After his election he went head, ears, feet, middle fingers, extended to the Philippine Islands to study their forearms, height, breadth, and the trunk, material and political conditions. Re- These measurements, when placed upon turning, he delivered a most thrilling a card, accompanied by a photograph of address in favor of the administration's the subject, provide means said to be un- policy towards these new possessions at failing for recognizing the subject after the December session of Congress, several years have elapsed. This system Beverly, Robert, historian; born in has been introduced in the principal cities Virginia about 1675. During 'Sir Ed- of the United States. mund Andros's administration he was Bessemer Steel. During the last few clerk of the council, an office his father years the United States has made a re- had held before him. He wrote History markable advance in the production and of the Present State of Virgmia (4 vol- manufacture of iron and steel, and in no umes, published in London in 1705). This line has this progress been so marked as included an account of the first settlement in the yield of Bessemer steel, that form of Virginia, and the history of the gov- made from pig-iron from which all the ernment until that time. Mr. Beverly is carbon has been removed. The process said to have been the first American was invented by Sir Henry Bessemer citizen in whose behalf the habeas corpus (born in Charlton, England, Jan. 13, act was brought into requisition. He 1813; died in London, March 14, 1898), died in 1716. and consists of forcing a current of air Biard, Peter, missionary; born in through the molten mass of iron. Dur- Grenoble, France, in 1565 ; came to Amer- ing the calendar year 1899, the produc- ica as a missionary priest of the Jesuits tion of this form of steel in the United in 1611; ascended the Kennebec River, States amounted to 7,586,354 gross tons and made friends with the natives in in ingots, an increase in a year of more 1612; went up the Penobscot River and than 14 per cent., and more than double started a mission among the natives there the productions of 1894 and 1896. In 1899 in the following year; and soon afterwards the maximimi production of Bessemer founded a colony on Mount Desert Isl- steel rails was reached, when the output and, which was destroyed by Samuel was 2,240,767 gross tons. In the produc- Argall {q. v.). In this attack by the tion of ingots Pennsylvania ranked first, English Biard was taken prisoner, and with 3,968,779 tons; Ohio second, with the act was one of the earliest causes of 1,679,237; and Illinois third, with 1,211,- the hostilities between the colonists in 246; and in the production of Bessemer America from France and England. Fa- steel rails Pennsylvania ranked first, with ther Biard was author of Relations de 1.224,807 tons, the remainder being di- la nouvelle France, which was the first vided between the other States. A fur- work in the historical series known as ther evidence of the remarkable growth the Jesuit Relations. He died in France of the allied iron and steel industry is in 1622. found in the commercial returns of the Bible. The first Bible printed in United States Treasury Department for America was Eliot's Indian translation, the first ten months of 1900, which show issued at Cambridge, Mass., in 1663. A that more than $100,000,000 worth of German edition of the Bible, in quarto, I.— Y 337 BIBLE SOCIETY— BIDDLE was printed at Gerraantown, near Phila- Jesso; Sketcli, of a Journey from Canton delphia, in 1743, by Christopher Sauer. to Hangkoiv, etc. In 1782 Robert Aitkin, printer and book- Bicknell, Thomas William, educator; seller in Philadelphia, published the first born in Barrington, R. I., Sept. 6, 1834; American edition of the Bible in Eng- was graduated at Brown University in lish, also in quarto form: and in 1791 1860; teacher and principal of schools in Isaiah Thomas printed the Bible in Eng- 1800-69; and Commissioner of Education lish, in folio form, at Worcester, Mass. in Rhode Island in 1869-75. He was the This was the first in that form issued founder, editor, and proprietor of the from the press in the United States. The Isleio England Journal of Education; Edu- same year Isaac Collins printed the Eng- cation, and Primary Teacher, and a found- lish version, in quarto form, at Trenton, er of the National Council of Education. N. J. In 1860 he was a member of the Rhode Bible Society, American. The first Island legislature, and in 1888-90 of the Bible Society in the United States was Massachusetts legislature. He is author formed in Philadelphia in 1802. When, of State Educational Reports; John Myles in 1816, the American Bible Society was and Religious Toleration; Life of W. L. organized, there were between fifty and Noyes; Brief History of Barrington ; Bar- sixty societies in the Union. Delegates rington in the Revolution; The Bicknells, from these met in New York in May, etc. 1816, and founded the "American Bible Biddle, Clement, military officer; Society." Elias Boudinot {q. v.) was born in Philadelphia, Pa., May 10, 1740; chosen president, and thirty-six man- was descended from one of the early agers were appointed, all of whom were Quaker settlers in western New Jersey, and laymen of seven different denominations, when the war for independence broke out The avowed object of the society was to he assisted in raising a company of soldiers •■' encourage a wider circulation of the in Philadelphia. He was deputy quarter- Holy Scriptures without note or com- master-general of Pennsylvania militia in ment." In the first year of its exist- 1776, and commissary of forage under ence it issued 6,410 copies of the Script- General Greene. On the organization of iires. In 1898-99 the issues aggregated the national government he was appointed 1,380,892 copies, and, in the eighty- United States marshal for Pennsylvania, three years of its existence then closed. He died in Philadelphia, Pa., July 14,1814. 65,962,505 copies. In 1836 the Baptists Biddle, James, naval officer; born in seceded from the American Bible Society, Philadelphia, Pa., Feb. 29, 1783; was ed- and founded the "American and For- ucated at the University of Pennsylvania, eigTi Bible Society,'" conducted entirely and entered the navy, as midshipman, Feb. by that denomination. A secession from 12, 1800. He was wrecked in the frigate this Baptist Bible Society occurred in Philadelphia, off Tripoli, in October, 1803. 1850, when the " American Bible Union " and was a prisoner nineteen months. As was formed. first lieutenant of the Wasp, he led the Bickmore, Albert Smith, educator; boarders in the action with the Frolic, born in St. George, Me., Mai'ch 1, 1839; Oct. 18, 1812. Captured by the Poictiers, graduated at Dartmouth College in 1860, he was exchanged in March, 1813: and and studied under Professor Agassiz at was made master commander in charge the Lawrence Scientific School in Cam- of a flotilla of gunboats in the Delaware bridge, Mass. In 1865-69 he travelled in River soon afterwards. In command of the Malay Archipelago and in eastern the Hornet he captured the Penguin, Asia. Returning, he was appointed Pro- March 23, 1813. For this victory Con- fessor of Natural History at Madison gress voted him a gold medal. Made University. In 1885 he became professor captain in February, 1815, he held im- in charge of the Department of Public In- portant commands in different parts of struction in the American Museum of the world. While in command of a squad- Natural History in New York. He is the ron in the Mediterranean (1830-32), he author of Travels in the East Indian was given a commission to negotiate a Arehipelaqo ; The Ainos, or Hairy Men of commercial treaty with the Turkish gov- 338 BIDDLE— BIENVILLE ernment. In 1845 he performed diplo- matic service in China, and visited Japan. He died in Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 1, 1848. JAMES BIDDLE. Biddle, Nicholas, banker; born in Philadelphia, Jan. 8, 1786; graduated at Biddle, Nicholas, naval officer; born in Philadelphia, Pa., Sept. 10, 1750; made a voyage to Quebec before he was fourteen years of age. He entered the British navy in 1770. While a midshipman, he abscond- ed, and became a sailor before the mast in the Carcass, in the exploring expedi- tion of Captain Phipps in which Horatio Nelson served. Returning to Philadelphia, he commanded the brig Andrea Doria, un- der Commodore Hopkins. In 1776 he capt- ured two transports from Scotland, with 400 Highland troops bound for America. In February, 1777, he sailed from Phila- delphia in the frigate Randolph, and soon carried four valuable prizes into Charles- ton. Then he cruised in the West India waters. In an action with a British 64- gun ship, March 7, 1778, he was wounded. A few minutes afterwards the Randolph was blown up ; and of the entire crew, con- sisting of 315 men, only four escaped. Bienville, Jean Baptiste Le Moyne, pioneer ; brother of Le Moyne Ibervillej who founded a French settlement at Biloxi, near the mouth of the Mississippi, in 1698; born in Montreal, Feb. 23, 1680. For sev- eral years he was in the French naval ser- vice with Iberville, and accompanied him with his brother Sauville to Louisiana. In 1699 Bienville explored the country MEDAL PRESENTED TO JAMES BIDDLE BY CONGRESS. Princeton in 1801; appointed president of around Biloxi. Sauville was appointed the United States Bank in 1822; resigned governor of Louisiana in 1699, and the in 1839. He died in Philadelphia, Feb. 27, next year Bienville constructed a fort 54 1844. miles above the mouth of the river. Sau- 339 BIG BETHEL ville died in 1701, when Bienville took News. He sent (May 27, 1861) Colonel charge of the colony, transferring the seat Phelps thither in a steamer with a de- of government to Mobile. In 1704 he was tachment to fortify that place. He was joined by his brother Chateaugay, who accompanied by Lieut. John Trout Greble, brought seventeen settlers from France. GREBLE TOWNSEND'S HALT a»_- :;CORNFIECD-- To Back R. ZOUAVES . : Lane <^ -> THF5 Inieut^cL Bat of Twam ly SKvJLUavctt iue. from Qie Maflackixfetr^ Co Vcmy to tke^TofleiTor Ikall L e^pn, value>.^ equal to m.onev 8z:fkaU Id (^ -ace err d\ngly^ fiib TiLnat^. to kiirt i/rvallPublick ■^^Y'^^'' zs(\A,\oT a^Y -J^tock aJt aA\y tiyrru^ i/rutrie^QJ>® Trea(lt/ry, Boltorutn^ Atew^-JL nglauTVoU Fet nxa.ry tke tkircU l6c) c^By OrcW of tke^ Ue/ae/raL G,OLi/rl>D>c^ :] omto FAC-SIMILE OP THE FIRST AMERICAIf PAPER MONET. under Sir William Phipps. The expedi- tion was unsuccessful. The men had suf- fered from sickness; had not gained ex- pected plunder; and when they arrived at Boston, disgusted and out of teinper, the treasury of the colony had become ex- hausted, and there was no money to pay tliem. They threatened a riot. The Gen- eral Court resolved to issue bills of credit. in the treasury. The total amount of this paper currency issued was a little more than $13.3,000; but long before that limit was reached the bills depreciated one- half. The General Court revived their credit in 1G91, by making them a legal tender in all payments. The first issue was in February, 1691, though the bills were dated 1690 — the year, according to 348 BILLS or CREDIT TTVENTYFOUR SHILLIMGS ^^e^ceof^ the calendar then in use, not beginning until March. When an expedition for the conquest of Canada was determined on in 1711, the credit of the English treas- ury, exhausted by costly wars, was so low at Boston that nobody would purchase bills upon it without an en- dorsement, which Massachu- setts furnished in the form of bills of credit to the amount of about $200,000, advanced to the merchants who supplied the fleet with provisions. The province is- sued paper money to the amount of about $50,000 to meet its share of the expenses of the proposed expedition. After the affair at Lexington and Concord, the patriots of Massachusetts made vigorous preparations for war. On May 5, 1775, the Provincial Congress formally renounced allegiance to the British power, and prepared for the payment of an army to re- sist all encroachments upon their liberties. They also au- thorized (in August) the issue of bills graving. The literal translation of the of credit, or paper money, in the form of words is, " He seeks by the sword calm treasury notes, to the amount of $375,- repose under the auspices of freedom." 000, making them a legal tender, the back In 1755 the Virginia Assembly voted of which is shown in the above en- $100,000 towards the support of the colo- >^ Axx^- IS- n? s. EEVERSE OF A MASSACHUSETTS TREASURY NOTE. A'jr"^(i ^"'•^^ ^'^^"'^ 'T ^^""^ "^^"'^ '^trfi. Second andTourtSt not paid, pay to^^^^e^ ^^vc^<^ e_, '' Jrourio^^ ^rder, Twenty-foiiTDoJIars, in One Hundred and Twenty Livresl Toi^nois, for ^nterefi due on money borrowed 6y t^e United Si To the Qcmmc^umer or Qomm.ffio%eTj of the> ^ ^mtei itatcr of ^ncnj, at SV.V ( CONTINENTAL DRAFT. 349 BILLS or EXCHANGE— BIMETALLISM nial service in the impending French and lief of this uncertainty was that an agree- Indian War. In anticipation of the taxes ment should be established on a broad in- imposed to meet this amount, the Assem- ternational basis to again open the mints bly authorized the issue of treasury notes of the great countries of the world for the — the first paper money put forth in Vir- free and unlimited coinage of both gold ginia. and silver. An International Monetary During the war in 1763 Pontiac estab- Congress was convened at Paris in Sep- lished a commissary department with a tember, 1889, and a similar one, called by careful head ; and during the siege of the United States " to consider by what Detroit (1763-64) he issued promissory means, if any, the use of silver can be in- notes, or bills of credit, to purchase food creased in the currency system of the na- for his warriors. These bills were writ- tions," met in Brussels in November, 1892, ten upon birch bark, and signed with his and separated without practical results, totem — the figure of an otter; and so On March 17, 1896, a resolution was highly was that chief esteemed by the passed by the British House of Corn- French inhabitants for his integrity that mons, urging upon the English govern- these bills were received by them without ment the necessity of securing by inter- hesitation. Unlike our Continental bills national agreement a solid monetary par of credit, these Indian notes were all re- of exchange between gold and silver. In deemed. April, 1896, a Bimetallic Congress con-. Bills of Exchange. On Oct. 3, 1776, vened at Brussels, made up of representa- the Continental Congress resolved to bor- tives from the United States, Great Brit- row $5,000,000 for the use of the United ain, France, Germany, Austria - Hungary, States, at the annual interest of 4 per Belgium, Denmark, Holland, Rumania, cent., and directed certificates to be is- and Russia, and organized a permanent sued accordingly by the manager of a loan committee, under the belief that there office which was established at the same could be an immediate agreement if the time. When foreign loans were made, United States would re-establish bimetal- drafts or bills of exchange were used for lism, if the Indian mints were reoj^ened the payment of interest. On the pre- for the coinage of silver, if the Bank of ceding page is shown fac-simile of one England would turn into silver a part of of these drafts, reduced in size. It is its metallic reserve, and if the various drawn on the commissioner of Congress, European countries would absorb a sufii- then in Paris, signed by Francis Hopkin- cient amount of silver. The agitation of son, the Treasurer of Loans, and counter- the silver question in the United States signed by Nathaniel Appleton, commis- largely influenced the Presidential cam- sioner of the Continental Loan Office in paign of 1896. It became evident in the Massachusetts. first half of the year that the free-silver Bimetallism, a term currently employ- doctrine had won a large part of the ed to designate a double monetary stand- Democratic party, which adopted at the ard of value. The contention of the bi- Chicago Convention (July 7) a platform, metallists, as defined by Mr. Balfour, him- the most important plank in which con- self a strong bimetallist, is that " if they tained a declaration for " the immediate could by international agreement fix restoration of the free and unlimited coin- some ratio of exchange between gold age of gold and silver at the present legal and silver coin they would create an auto- ratio of 16 to 1, without waitins for matic system by which the demand and the aid or consent of any other nation," and supply of gold and silver respectively that " the standard silver dollar shall be would maintain that ratio at the point full legal tender equally with gold for all they fixed it." Bimetallists affirmed that debts, public or private." The Democratic the condition of commerce generally was party nominated William Jennings most unsatisfactory, and that this con- Beyan (g. v.) for President, and he was dition was due largely to the great un- defeated by William McKinley, the Re- certainty of exchange between the gold- publican nominee. An era of unexampled standard and silver-standard countries, prosperity set in immediately after Mr. The remedy that they proposed for the re- ]\IcKinley's election, and steadily increased 350 BINNEY— BIRNEY during his first administration. In the party conventions of 1900 the Republicans gave a stanch support to the policy of the administration, especially on the compli- cated questions growing out of the war with Spain, and particularly on the one involving the future of the Philippine Isl- ands; and the Democrats based their cam- paign chiefly on opposition to trusts and territorial expansion. The disposition of the Democratic leaders was to ignore en- tirely the silver question. The Repub- licans renominated President McKinley, and the Democrats Mr. Bryan, and the latter, in a remarkable tour of political speech-making, while dealing with the anti-trust and imperialist features of the platform on which he was renominated, Continued an earnest advocacy of the 16- to-1 silver policy. The result of this elec- tion, in which unquestionably many sound- money Democrats gave their support to the Republican candidates, was the sec- ond defeat of Mr. Bryan. See Bryan, William J.; Evarts, William Maxwell; Monetary Reform; Morrill, J. S. Binney, Horace, lawyer; born in Phil- adelphia, Pa., Jan. 4, 1780; was graduated at Harvard College in 1797, and was ad- mitted to the bar in 1800. He practised law with great success until 1830, when, his health became impaired and led to his retirement. Soon afterwards he was elect- ed to Congress as a Republican. He de- clined a renomination, and for many years devoted himself to writing opinions on legal questions. In 1844, by a masterly ar- gument before the Supreme Court of the United States, on the case of Bidal vs. Girard's executors, he raised the laws gov- erning charities out of the confusion and obscurity which previously existed. He v/as author of The JAfe and Character of •Justice Bushrod Washington; An Inquiry into the Formation of Washington's Fare- well Address, and three pamphlets in sup- port of the power claimed by President Lincoln to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. He died in Philadelphia, Pa., Aug. 12, 1875. Bird, Charles, military officer; born in Delaware, June 17, 1838; entered the vol- unteer service in 1861; appointed to t"he regular army in 1866; promoted major in 1895; colonel of volunteers through- out the war with Spain, in 1898, serv- ing in the quartermaster - general's of- fice. Bird's Point, opposite Cairo, was forti- fied early in 1861 by the National troops. It was on the west side of the Mississippi River, a few feet higher than Cairo, so that a battery upon it would completely command that place. The Confederates were anxious to secure this point, and to that end General Pillow, who was collect- ing Confederate troops in western Ten- nessee, worked with great energy. When Governor Jackson, of Missouri, raised the standard of revolt at Jefferson City, with Sterling Price as military commander. General Lyon, in command of the depart- ment, moved more vigorously in the work already begun in the fortification of Bird's Point. His attention had been called to the importance of the spot by Captain Benham, of the engineers, who constructed the works. They were made so strong that they could defy any force the Confederates might bring against them. With these opposite points so fortified, the Nationals controlled a great portion of the naviga- tion of the Mississippi River. See Mis- souri. Birge, Henry Warner, military officer ; born in Hartford, Conn., Aug. 25, 1825; was one of Governor Buckingham's aides when the Civil War began. He entered the service in June, 1861, as major, and early in 1862 was made colonel. For ser- vices on the lower Mississippi he was made brigadier-general, Sept. 19, 1863. He w^as in the Red River campaign and in Sheridan's campaign in the Shenandoah Valley in 1864. In June, 1865, he was ap- pointed to command the military district of Savannah. For his services in the army he was brevetted major-general of volun- teers and voted the thanks of the Con- necticut legislature. He died in New York City, June 1, 1888. Birney, James Gillespie, statesman; born in Danville, Ky., Feb. 4, 1792; gradu- ated at the College of New Jersey in 1812 ; studied law with A. J. Dallas, of Phila- delphia; and began its practice in Ken- tucky in 1814. He was a member of the State legislature at the age of twenty- two; became a planter in Alabama; served in the Alabama legislature; and practised law in Huntsville. Returning to Kentucky in 1834, he emancipated his slaves, and 351 BISHOP— BLACK HAWK proposed to print there an anti-slavery Bituminous Coal. See Coal. paper. He could not find a printer to un- dertake it; so he went to Ohio and estab- lished one, at great personal risk, the op- position to " abolitionists " then being very vehement everywhere. About 1836 he was in New York as secretary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, and tried to build up a political party upon that sole issue. He went to England in 1840, and took part in the anti-slavery movements there. In 1844 he was the candidate of the Liberty Party {q. v.) for the Presidency, the re- sult of which was not only his own defeat, but that of Henry Clay, the candidate of the Whig party for the same office. Mr. Birney was the father of the meritorious Gen. David Bell Birney, who did excellent service for the Union in the Civil War,, and died in Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 18, 1864. James G. Birney died in Perth Am- boy, N. J., Nov. 25, 18.57. Bishop, the title of an office in a num- ber of religious denominations, corre- sponding to Presbyter in others. In the United States the Roman Catholic; Prot- estant Episcopal; Reformed Episcopal; Methodist Episcopal ; Methodist Episco- pal, South; African Methodist Episcopal; Old Catholic; and a few other bodies of lesser numerical strength have bishops. Bissell, William H., legislator; born near Cooperstown, N. Y., April 25, 1811; elected to the Illinois legislature in 1840, and became prosecuting attorney for St. Clair county in 1844. During the Mexican War he served as captain of the 2d Illi- nois Volunteers, and distinguished him- self at Buena Vista. In 1839-45 he was a representative in Congress from Illinois ; was separated from the Democratic party on the Kansas-Nebraska bill ; and was chosen governor on the Republican ticket in 1856, and afterwards re-elected. While in Congress he engaged in a controversy with Jefferson Davis, who challenged Mr. Bissell. In accepting the challenge Mr. Bissell chose as weapons muskets, distance 30 paces, which was unsatisfactory to the friends of Mr. Davis. He died in Spring- field. 111., March 18, 1860. Bissell, Wilson Shannon, lawyer; born in New London, N. Y., Dec. 31, 1847; was graduated at Yale College in 1869; be- came a law partner of Grover Cleveland; and was Postmaster-General in 1893-95. Black, Frank Swett, lawyer; born in Limington, Me., March 8, 1853; was grad- uated at Dartmouth College in 1875; Re- publican member of Congress in 1895-97, and governor of New York in 1897-99. Black, James, lawyer; born in Lewis- burg, Pa., Sept. 23, 1823; was the Presi- dential nominee of the Prohibition party at its first convention held in Colum- bus, 0., Feb. 22, 1872, with the Rev. John Russell, of Michigan, for Vice- President. Black, Jeremiah Sullivan, jurist; born in Somerset county, Pa., Jan. 10, 1810; was Attorney-General of the United States in 1857-60; Secretary of State in 1860-61; retired from political life after President Lincoln's inauguration ; and was afterwards engaged in many notable law- cases. He died in York, Pa., Aug. 19, 1883. Black, John Charles, lawyer; born in Lexington, Mass., Jan. 27, 1839; enlisted in the federal army as a private in 1861 ; retired as brevet brigadier-general in 1865; commissioner of pensions in 1885- 89; and member of Congress in 1893-95. Black Friday, the designation of Fri- day, Sept. 24, 1869. Jay Gould and James Fisk, Jr., had attempted to gain control of the gold market of the country by pur- chasing the entire stock of $15,000,000 then held by the banks of New York City. The value of gold had been going up for several days, and the speculators attempt- ed to raise it from 144 to 200. By Fri- day the whole metropolis was in a state of tumult, and gold had risen to 162l^. The wildest excitement prevailed, and it seemed as if hundreds of strong business houses would be forced to suspend. In the midst of this panic Secretary Bout- well, of the United States Treasury, placed $4,000,000 in gold on the New York mar- ket, and as soon as the fact was known the speculative price of gold fell and the excitement abated. It was said that this speculation yielded Gould and Fisk a profit of $11,000,000. Black Hawk (Ma-ka-tae-mish-kia- kiak), a famous Indian; born in Kaskas- kia. 111., in 1767. He was a Pottawattomie by birth, but became a noted chief of the Sacs and Foxes. He was accounted a brave when he was fifteen years of age, and soon 352 BLACK HAWK— BLACK REPUBLICAN afterwards led expeditions of war parties against the Osage Indians in Missouri and the Cherokees in Georgia. He became head chief of the Sacs when he was twen- ty-one years old (1788). Inflamed by Te- cumseh and presents from the British agents, he joined the British in the War of 1812-15, with the commission of briga- dier-general, leading about 500 warriors. He again reappeared in history in hostili- ties against the white people on the North- western frontier settlements in 1832. In that year eight of a party of Chippewas, on a visit to Fort Snelling, on the west banks of the upper Mississippi, were killed or wounded by a party of Sioux. Four of the latter were afterwards captured by the commander of the garrison at Fort Snelling and delivered up to the Chippe- was, who immediately shot them. The chief of the Sioux (Red Bird) re- solved to be revenged, and he and some companions killed several white people. General Atkinson, in command in the Northwest, finally captured Red Bird and a party of Winnebagoes. Red Bird died in prison soon afterwards, when Black Hawk, having been released from confinement, at once began hostilities against the white people on the frontier. General Gaines marched to the village of the Sacs, when they humbly sued for peace. At the same time Black Hawk and a band of follow- ers were murdering the Menomonees, who were friendly to the white inhabitants. Black Hawk crossed the Mississippi, and General Atkinson took the field against him; but in July the cholera broke out among the troops, and whole companies were almost destroyed. In one instance only nine survived out of a corps of 208. Atkinson was reinforced, and, with a command greatly superior to that of Black Hawk, pressed him so closely that the latter sent the women and children of his band down the Mississippi in canoes and prepared for a final struggle. A severe fight occurred (Aug. 1, 1832) on Bad Axe River, in which twenty-three Indians were killed without loss to the troops. The contest was between 400 Ind- ians and some United States troops on board the steamboat Warrior, which had been sent up the river. After the fight the Warrior returned to Prairie du Chien. The contest was renewed the next morning I. — z 35 between Black Hawk and troops led by General Atkinson, when the Indians were defeated and dispersed, with a consider- able loss in killed and wounded, and thirty-six of their women and children made prisoners. There were eight of the troops killed and seventy-seven wounded. Black Hawk was pursued over the Wiscon- sin River, and at a strong position the fugitive chief made a stand with about 300 men. After a severe battle for three hours he fled, and barely escaped, with the loss of 150 of his bravest warriors and his second in command. The chief him- self was finally captured by a party of friendly Winnebagoes and given up to General Steele at Prairie du Chien. Treaties were then made with the hostile tribes by which the United States acquired valuable lands on favorable terms. Black Hawk, his two sons, and six principal chiefs were retained as hostages. The chief and his sons were taken to Wash- ington to visit the President; and then they were shown some of the principal cities of the North and East to impress them with the greatness of the American people. The hostages, after confinement in Fort Monroe, were liberated at Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, 111., in August, 1833. Black Hawk being deposed, Keo- kuk was made chief of the Sacs and Foxes, when the former settled on the Des Moines River. Black Hawk died Oct. 3, 1838. Black Hills, a group of mountains situated chiefly in South Dakota and the northwestern part of Wyoming. Several of the peaks reach an altitude of from 2,000 to 3,000 feet above the surround- ing plain, and the highest summit of all is Mount Harney, which is 7,400 feet. In 1875 the Dakota Indians ceded the region to the United States, and immediately a valuable mining industry sprang up. In 1875-91 the district yielded gold to the value of $45,000,000, and silver to the value of more than $2,000,000. Valuable deposits of tin have also been found on Mount Harney. For later productions in this region see Gold; South Dakota. Black Republican, the name applied in derision to the Republican Party (q. V.) formed in 1856, because of their friendship for the black bondsmen in the Southern States ,and their efforts for the restriction of the slave system of labor. 3 BLACK BOCK— BLACKBUIIN Black Rock, Surpkise of. On July 11, 1813, Lieut.-Col. Cecil Bisshopp, with a motley party of regulars, Canadians, and Indians, about 400 in number, crossed the Niagara. River and landed a little be- low Black Rock (which was a naval sta- tion, two miles below Buffalo), just be- fore daylight. His object was to surprise and capture the garrison, and especially the large quantity of stores collected there by the Americans ; also the ship- yard. These were defended by only about 200 militia and a dozen men in a block- house. There were some infantry and BISSHOPP'S MONUMENT. dragoon recruits from the South on their way to Fort George, besides a little more than 100 Indians under the young Corn- planter, who had been educated at Phila- delphia, and had gone back to his blanket and feather head-dress. The former were under the command of Gen. Peter B. Por- ter, then at his home near Black Rock. Bisshopp surprised the camp at Black Rock, when the militia fled to Buffalo, leaving their artillery behind. Porter narrowly escaped capture in his own house. He hastened towards Buffalo, rallied a part of the militia, and, with fifty vokmteer citizens, proceeded to at- tack the invaders. At the same time forty Indians rose from an ambush in a ravine and rushed upon the invaders with the appalling war-whoop. The fright- ened British, after a very brief contest, fled in confusion to their boats, and, with their commander, hastily departed for the Canada shore, followed by volleys from. American muskets. In the flight Bisshopp was mortally wounded. He was a gallant young man, only thirty years of age. He was taken to his quarters at Lundy's Lane, where he died five days after he received his wound. Over his remains, in a small cemetery on the south side of Lundy's Lane, more than thirty years af- terwards, the sister of the young soldier erected a handsome monument. Black Warrior Seizure. Prior to Feb- ruary, 1854, there had been several causes for irritation between the Spanish au- thorities of Cuba and the United States, on account of invasions of the territory of the former from that of the latter. Under cover of a shallow pretence, the steamship Black Warrior, belonging to citizens of the United States, was seized Feb. 28, at Havana, by order of the (Spanish authori- ties in Cuba, and the vessel and cargo were declared confiscated. This flagrant out- rage aroused a bitter feeling against those authorities; and a motion was made in the House of Representatives to suspend the neutrality laws and compel those officials to act more justly. A better measure was adopted. A special messenger was sent to Madrid, with instructions to the American minister there, Mr. Soule, to demand from the Spanish government immediate redress in the form of indemnification to the own- ers of the vessel in the amount of $300,000. The Spanish government justified the out- rage, and this justification, operating with other causes for irritation, led to the famous consultation of American ministers in Europe known as the " Ostend Con- ference." (See Ostend Manifesto.) Meanwhile the perpetrators of the outrage became alarmed, and the captain-general of Cuba, with pretended generosity, offered to give up the vessel and cargo on the pay- ment, by the owners, of a fine of $6,000. They complied, but under protest. The governments of the United States and Spain finally made an amicable settle- ment. Blackburn, Joseph Clay Styles, law- yer; born in Woodford county, Ky., Oct. 1, 1838; was graduated at Centre College, Danville, in 1857; served in the Confeder- ate ai-my during the Civil War; was elected to the legislature in 1871, to Congress in 1874, and to the United States Senate in 1885 and. 1891. He was a leader in the free - coinage move- ment. Blackburn, Luke PPvYOR, physician; born in Fayette county, Ky., June 16, . 354 BLACKBURN'S FOED— BLACKSTOCK'S 1816; was graduated at Transylvania Confederates called this the " Battle of University, Lexington, Ky., in 1834, and settled in that city. He removed to Nat- cliez, Miss., in 1846, and when yellow fever broke out in New Orleans in 1848, as health-oflicer of Natchez he ordered the first quarantine against New Orleans that had ever been established in the Missis- sippi Valley. He was a surgeon on the staff of the Confederate General Price during the Civil War. When yellow fever appeared in ^lemphis, he hastened to that city, and organized corps of physicians and nurses, and later went to Hickman, Ky., and gave aid to the yellow fever sufferers there. In 1879 he was elected governor of Iventucky. Dr. Blackburn established the Blackburn Sanitarium for Nervous and Mental Diseases in 1884. He died in Frankfort, Ky., Sept. 14, 1887. Blackburn's Tord, Battle at. Pre- liminary to the severe conflict at Bull Run (July 21, 1861) was a sharp fight on the same stream, at Blackburn's Ford. This ford was guarded by a Confederate force under Gen. James Longstreet. Some National troops under Gen. D. Tyler, a part of McDowell's advancing army, went out towards this ford on a reconnoissance on the 18th. The troops consisted of Rich- ardson's brigade, a squadron of cavalry, and Ayres's battery. Sherman's brigade was held in reserve. He found the Con- federates there in strong force, partly concealed by woods. Hoping to draw their fire and discover their exact position, a 20-pound gun of Ayres's battery fired a shot at random among them. A battery in view only responded with grape-shot. Richardson sent forward the 2d Michigan Regiment as skirmishers, who were soon engaged in a hot contest on low ground. The 3d Michigan, 1st Massachusetts, and 12th New York pushed forward, and were scon fighting severely. Cavalry and two howitzers were fiercely assailed by mus- ketry and a concealed battery, when the Nationals, greatly outnumbered, recoiled and withdrew behind Ayres's battery on a hill. Just then Sherman came up with his brigade, when Ayres's battery again opened fire, and for an hour an artillery duel was kept up, the Confederates responding, gun for gun. Satisfied that he could not flank the Confederates. McDowell ordered the whole body to fall back to Centreville. The Bull Run," and that which the Nationals designate by that name they called the '' Battle of Manassas." The loss of the combatants at Blackburn's Ford was nearly equal — that of the Nationals seventy - three and of the Confederates seventy. Blackfeet Indians, a confederacy of North American Indians, also called the Siksika. It is one of the most important tribes in the Northwest, and is composed of three divisions: the Blackfeet pi-oper; the Kino, or Blood; and the Piegan. They occupy northern Montana and the adja- cent part of Canada, a region extending from the Rocky Mountains to the Milk River at its junction with the Missouri, and fi-om the Belly and Saskatchewan rivers in Canada to the Mussel Shell River in Montana. In 1900 they were be- lieved to number about 7,000. There were 2,022 Bloods and Piegans at the Black- feet agency in Montana, a number of Blackfeet Sioux at the Cheyenne River agency in South Dakota and the Standing Rock agency in North Dakota, and the Siksika and the remainder of the Bloods, or Kinos, were in Canada. Blackmar, Frank Wilson, historian; born in West Springfield, Pa., Nov. 3, 1854; was graduated at the University of the Pacific in 1881; became Professor of History and Sociology in the University of Kansas in 1889. He is the author of Spanish Institutions in the Southwest ; Federal and State Aid to Higher Educa- tion ; The Story of Human Progress, etc. Blackstock's, Battle at. In 1780 General Sumter collected a small force near Charlotte, N. C, and with these re- turned to South Carolina. (See Fishing Creek.) For many weeks he annoyed the British and Tories very much. Cornwal- lis, who called him the " Carolina Game- cock," tried hard to catch him. Tarle- ton, Wemyss, and others were sent out for the purpose. On the night of Nov. 12 Major Wemyss, at the head of a Brit- ish detachment, fell upon him near the Broad River, but was repulsed. Eight days afterwards he was encamped at Blackstock's plantation, on the Tyger River, in Union District, where he was joined by some Georgians under Colonels Clarke and Twiggs. There he was attack- 355 BLACKSTONE— BLADENSBURG ed by Tai'leton, when a severe battle en- sued (Nov. 20). The British were re- pulsed with a loss in killed and wounded of about 300, while the Americans lost only three killed and five wounded. Gen- eral Sumter was among the latter, and was detained from the field several months. Blackstone, William, pioneer, sup- posed to have been graduated at Emman- uel College, Cambridge, in 1617, and to have become a minister in the Church of England. In 1623 he removed from Plymouth to the peninsula of Shawmut, where Boston now stands, and was living there in 1630, when Governor Winthrop arrived at Charlestown. On April 1, 1633, he was given a grant of fifty acres, but not liking his Puritan neighbors he sold his estate in 1634. He then moved to a place a few miles north of Providence, locating on the river which now bears his name. He is said to have planted the first orchard in Rhode Island, and also the first one in Massachusetts. He was the first white settler in Rhode Island, but took no part in the founding of the colony. The cellar of the house where he lived is still sho\vn, and a little hill near by where he was accustomed to read is known as " Study Hill." He died in Rehoboth, Mass., May 26, 1675. Blackwater, Battle at the. Late in 1861 the Department of Missouri was en- larged, and Gen. Henry W. Halleck was placed in command of it. General Price had been rapidly gathering Confeder- ate forces in Missouri ; and Gen. John Pope was placed in command of a con- siderable body of troops to oppose him. Pope acted with great vigor and skill. He made a short, sharp, and decisive cam- paign. Detachments from his camp struck telling blows here and there. One was inflicted by Gen. Jefferson C. Davis on the Blackwater, near Milford, which much dis- heartened the Confederates of that State. Davis found the Confederates in a wooded bottom opposite his own forces. He car- ried a well-guarded bridge by storm, and fell upon the Confederates with such vigor that they retreated in confusion, and were so closely pursued that they surrendered, in number about 1,300, cavalry and in- fantry. The spoils of victory were 800 horses and mules, 1,000 stand of arms, and over seventy wagons loaded with tents, baggage, ammunition, and supplies of every kind. In a brief space of time the power of the Confederates in that quarter was paralyzed, and Halleck complimented Pope on his " brilliant campaign." Blackwell, Antoinette Louisa Brown, minister; born in Henrietta, N. Y., May 20, 1825 ; was graduated at Oberlin Col- lege, 0., in 1847, and at the Theological School at Oberlin in 1850; began public speaking in 1846 and preaching in 1848. She settled as pastor of an orthodox Con- gregational church at South Butler and Savannah, N. Y., in 1852, but resigned the next year, and later became a Unita- rian. She has been prominent in woman suffrage and other movements. Her pub- lications include Studies in General Science; The Island Neighbors; The Sexes Throughout Nature; The Physical Basis of Immortality ; The Philosophy of Indi viduality, etc. Bladensburg, Battle at. In 1814 General Winder warned the President and his cabinet of the danger to the national capital from a contemplated invasion by the British. The obstinate and opinion- ated Secretary of War (Armstrong) would not listen; but when Admiral Cochrane appeared in Chesapeake Bay with a power- ful land and naval force, the alarmed Secretary gave Winder a carte blanche, almost, to do as he pleased in defending the capital. Com. Joshua Barney was in command of a flotilla in the bay, composed of an armed schooner and thirteen barges. These were driven into the Patuxent River, up which the flotilla was taken to a point beyond the reach of the British vessels, and where it might assist in the defence of either Washington or Baltimore, which- ever city the British might attack. To destroy this flotilla, more than 5,000 regu- lars, marines, and negroes were landed at Benedict, with three cannon ; and the British commander. Gen. Robert Ross, boasted that he would wipe out Barney's fleet and dine in Washington the next Sunday. The boast being kno^\^l, great exertions were made for the defence of the capital. General Winder, relieved from restraint, called upon the veteran Gen. Samuel Smith, of Baltimore, to bring out his division of militia, and General Van Ness, of Washington, was requested 550 BLADENSBURG to station two brigades of the militia of the intended destination of the invaders, the District of Columbia at Alexandria. Winder left a force near Bladensburg, Winder also called for volunteers from all and with other troops closely watched the militia districts of Maryland. Gen- eral Smith promptly responded, but the call for volunteers was not very effectual. the highways leading in other directions. The anxious President and his cabinet were awake that night, and at dawn the Meanwhile the British, who had pursued next morning (Aug. 24), while Winder Barney up the Patuxent in barges, were was in consultation with them at his head- disappointed. Seeing no chance for escape, quarters, a courier came in hot haste to the commodore blew up his flotilla at tell them that the British were marching Pig Point (Aug. 22, 1814), and with his on Bladensburg. Winder sent troops im- men hastened to join Winder at his head- mediately to reinforce those already there, quarters. When General Boss arrived, and soon followed in person. The over- perceiving Barney's flotilla to be a smok- whelming number of the invaders put his ing ruin, he passed on to upper Marl- little army in great peril. He was com- boro, where a road led directly to Wash- pelled to fight or surrender; he chose to ington, D. C, leaving Admiral Cockburn fight, and at a little past noon a severe in charge of the British flotilla of barges, contest began. The troops under General To oppose this formidable force. Winder Winder, including those from Baltimore had less than 3,000 effective men, most of (about 2,200) and detachments at vari- them undisciplined; and he prudently re- ous points watching the movements of the treated towards Washington, followed by British, with the men of Barney's flotilla, Ross, who had been joined by Cockburn were about 7,000 strong, of whom 900 were and his sailors ready for plunder. That enlisted men. But many of these were at distant points of observation. The cavalry did not exceed 400. The little army had twenty-six pieces of cannon, of which twenty were only 6- pounders. With these troops and weapons Winder might have driv- en back the in- vaders, had he been untrammel- led by the Secre- tary of War and the rest of the seemingly bewil- dered cabinet. As the British de- scended the hills and pressed tow- ards the bridge at Bladensburg, night (April 23) the British encamped they commenced hurling rockets at the ex- within 10 miles of the capital. At the posed Americans. They were repulsed latter place there was great excitement, at first by the American artillery, but and there were sleepless vigils kept by leing continually reinforced, they push- soldiers and civilians. Uncertain whether ed across the stream (east branch of Washington City or Fort Washington was the Potomac) in the face of a deadly 357 THE BRIDGE AT BLADENSBDRG IN 1861. BLADENSBURG DUELLING FIELD fire. A terrible conflict ensued, when personal abuse that the latter was pro- another shower of rockets made the voked to a challenge. In the encounter regiments of militia break and flee in the member from New York was danger- the wildest disorder. Winder tried in vain ously wounded, but subsequently recov- to rally them. Another corps held its ered, and, being a great favorite with his position gallantly for a while, when it, too, constituents, was re-elected to Congress, fled in disorder, covered by riflemen. The Campbell was elected to the Senate in first and second lines of the Americans 1811, and in 1814 was appointed Secretary were now dispersed. The British still of the Treasury, a position which he re- pressed on and encountered Commodore signed, however, after holding it about Barney and his gallant flotilla-men. After a year. Bladensburg from that time be- a desperate struggle, in which the commo- came a favorite resort for those whose dore was severely wounded. Winder or- wounded honor could find no balm save dered a general retreat. Barney was too through the bloody code of the duello, badly hurt to be removed, and was taken In 1814 Ensign Edward Hopkins, of the prisoner. He was immediately paroled. army, whose parents resided at Bladens- The great body of the Americans who burg, was shot on this field within sight were not dispersed retreated towards of his home. Feb. 6, 1819, a most pain- Montgomery Court-House, Md., leaving the ful and desperate encounter occurred there battle-field in full possession of the Brit- between Gen. Armistead T. Mason and ish. The Americans lost twenty-six kill- Col. John M. McCarty, who were cousins, ed and fifty wounded. The British loss and both of Virginia. Mason was at the was more than 500 killed and wounded, time a United States Senator. The two among them several officers of rank and gentlemen had quarrelled at an election, distinction. The battle lasted about four and McCarty was the challenger. It hours. The principal troops engaged were was arranged that they should fight militia and volunteers of the District of with muskets, each loaded with a single Cohimbia; militia from Baltimore, under ball, at 4 paces. When in position the command of General Stansbury; vari- the muzzle of their pieces nearly touched, ous detachments of Maryland militia; and at the word both fired together, and a regiment of Virginia militia, under Mason fell dead, and McCarty was serious- Col. George Minor, 600 strong, with ]y wounded. The famous Decatur-Barron 100 cavalry. The regular army contrib- duel occurred at Bladensburg, March 22, uted 300 men; Barney's flotilla, 400. There 1820. Stephen Decatur and James Barron were 120 marines from the Washington had both been captains in the United navy-yard, with two 18-pound and three States navy. Barron had been found 12-pound cannon. There were also vari- guilty of the charge of neglecting his duty ous companies of volunteer cavalry from while in command of the Chesapeake, and the District, Maryland, and Virginia, 300 had been suspended from the service. De- in number, under Lieutenant-Colonel Tilgh- catur had served on both the court of in- man and Majors O. H. Williams and C. quiry and the court-martial trying the Sterett. There was also a squadron of case. Barron had subsequently applied United States dragoons, commanded by for restoration of his rank, and had been Major Laval. opposed by Decatur, not from personal Bladensburg Duelling Field. The reasons, but from principles of honor, first notable meeting on this spot was in This was the cause of the enmity between 1808, between Barent Gardenier, member the two officers, and a long and bitter of Congress from New York, and George correspondence, which finally culminated W. Campbell, member from Tennessee, in a duel. They fought with pistols at The quarrel was a political one. Garden- 8 paces, and Decatur was fatally and ier was much opposed to the embargo and his antagonist dangerously wounded at the attacked it fiercely on the fioor of Con- first fire. They held a brief conversation gress. Campbell, as one of the leaders as they lay on the ground, exchanging of the administration party, was greatly full forgiveness of each other. Before the incensed at this speech. In his reply he fatal shots were fired it is said that Bar- assailed Gardenier with such a torrent of ron remarked to Decatur that he hoped 35S JAMES GILLKSPIE BLAINE. j BLAINE I on meeting in another world, they would tionists, and the fatal " Rum, Romanism, be better friends than in this, to which and Rebellion " utterance of Dr. Bur- Decatur replied, " I have never been your chard, have all been assigned as causes of enemy, sir." A number of other duels his defeat. Mr. Blaine then resumed his have been fought at Bladensburg, among literary work and published his Twenty which may be mentioned that between a Years of Congress, in 2 volumes, and in Treasury clerk named Randall and a Mr. Fox, of Washington, in 1821, in which the latter was killed at the first fire ; and that between two members of Congress, Bynum, of North Carolina, and Jenifer, of Mary- land, in 1836, which was the last meeting on this famous field. This last was fortu- nately bloodless; it was brought about by a political quarrel, and after six shots had been exchanged without damage to either party the affair was amicably settled. Blaine, James Gillespie, statesman; born in West Brownsville, Pa., Jan. 31, 1830; was graduated at Washington Col- lege in 1847 ; and passed several years in teaching. In 1854 he removed to Augusta, Me., and with that State he was thereafter identified. He edited the Kennebec Jour- nal and the Portland Advertiser, and was a member of the legislature from 1859 to 1862; in the last two years he was speaker of the House, and about the same time he became powerful in the Republican or- ganization of the State. His service in the name for a renomination, but received national House of Representatives extend- some votes nevertheless. President Har- ed from 1863 to 1876, and in the United rison in 1889 called him to his old port- States Senate from 1876 to 1881. Blaine folio in the Department of State. The was among the most aggressive of the salient points in his adnynistration were party leaders, was a ready debater, and the Pan-American schemes and the doc- an expert in parliamentary law. From trine of reciprocity. Secretary Blaine 1869 to 1875 he was speaker. In 1876 he suddenly resigned in 1892, and was an un- was one of the chief candidates for the successful candidate for ^ the nomination Presidential nomination, but he and Bris- for President that year, being defeated tow, the leaders, were set aside for Hayes, by Harrison. He died in Washington, In 1880 Grant and Blaine were the can- D. C, Jan. 27, 1893. Blaine was celebrat- didates respectively of the two great wings ed for his personal " magnetism," and af- of the party, and again a " dark horse," ter 1876 was universally known as the Garfield, was selected. President Garfield '"' Plumed Knight," a phrase applied to appointed Senator Blaine Secretary of him by Robert G. Ingersoll in nominating State, which post he resigned in December, him for the Presidency. See Protection. 1881, soon after the accession of President Oration on President Garfield. — The fol- Arthur. In 1884 Mr. Blaine received lowing is the concluding portion of Mr. the Presidential nomination on the fourth Blaine's oration, delivered before both ballot. An extraordinary campaign fol- Houses of Congress on Feb. 27, 1882: lowed between his adherents and those of Gov. Grover Cleveland, the Democratic Garfield's ambition for the success of candidate, and the election turned on the his administration was high. With strong result in New York, which was lost to Mr. caution and conservatism in his nature, Blaine by 1,047 votes. The defection of he was in no danger of attempting rash the Mugwumps, the vote of the Prohibi- experiments or of resorting to the empiri- 359 1888 positively declined the use of his BLAINE, JAMES GILLESPIE cism of statesmanship. But he believed or of loss to others. Least of all men did that renewed and closer attention should he harbor revenge, rarely did he even be given to questions affecting the ma- show resentment, and malice was not in terial interests and commercial prospects his nature. He was congenially employed of 50,000,000 people. He believed that only in the exchange of good offices and our continental relations, extensive and the doing of kindly deeds, undeveloped as they are, involved respon- There was not an hour, from the begin- sibility, and could be cultivated into ning of the trouble till the fatal shot en- profitable friendship or be abandoned to tered his body, when the President would harmful indifference or lasting enmity, not gladly, for the sake of restoring har- He believed with equal confidence that an mony, have retraced any step he had taken essential forerunner to a new era of na- if such retracing had merely involved con- tional progress must be a feeling of con- tentment in every section of the Union, and a generous belief that the benefits and burdens of government would be common to all. Himself a conspicuous illustration of what ability and ambition may do under republican institutions, he loved his coun- try with a passion of patriotic devotion, and every waking thought was given to her advancement. He was an American in all his aspirations, and he looked to the des- tiny and influence of the United States sequences personal to himself. . . . The religious element in Garfield's char- acter was deep and earnest. In his early youth he espoused the faith of the Dis- ciples, a sect of that great Baptist com- munion which in different ecclesiastical establishments is so numerous and so influential throughout all parts of the United States. . . . The liberal tendency which he antici- pated as the result of wider culture was fully realized. He was emancipated from with the philosophic composure of Jeffer- mere sectarian belief, and with eager in- son and the demonstrative confidence of terest pushed his investigations in the di- John Adams. roction of modern progressive thought. He The political events which disturbed the followed with quickening step in the paths President's serenity for many weeks before of exploration and speculation so fearless- that fateful day in July form an inipor- ly trodden by Darwin, by Huxley, by Tyn- tant chapter in his career, and, in his own dall, and by other living scientists of the judgment, involved questions of principle radical and advanced type. His own and of right which are vitally essential to Church, binding its disciples by no formu- the constitutional administration of the lated creed, but accepting the Old and federal government. It would be out of New Testaments as the word of God, with place here and now to speak the language unbiased liberality of private interpreta- of controversy; but the events referred to, tion, favored, if it did not stimulate, the however they may continue to be a source spirit of investigation. . . . of contention with others, have become. The crowning characteristic of General so far as Garfield is concerned, as much a Garfield's religious opinions, as, indeed, matter of history as his heroism at Chickamauga, or his illustrious service in the House. Detail is not needful, and per- sonal antagonism shall not be rekindled by any word uttered to-day. The motives of those opposing him are not to be here adversely interpreted nor their course harshly characterized. But of the dead President this is to be said, and said be- of all his opinions, was his liberality. In all things he had charity. Tolerance was of his nature. He respected in others the qualities which he possessed himself — sin- cerity of conviction and frankness of ex- pression. With him the inquiry was not so much Avhat a man believes, but does he believe it? The lines of his friendship and his confidence encircled men of every creed. cause his own speech is forever silenced and men of no creed, and to the end of and he can be no more heard except his life, on his ever - lengthening list of through the fidelity and love of surviving friends, were to be found the names of a friends: from the beginning to the end of pious Catholic priest and of an honest- the controversy he so much deplored, the minded and generous-hearted free-thinker. President was never for one moment actu- On the morning of Saturday. July 2, the ated by any motive of gain to himself President was a contented and happy man 3G0 BLAINE, JAMES GILLESPIE — not in an ordinary degi'ee, but joyfully, almost boyishly happy. On his way to the railroad station, to which he drove slowly, in conscious enjoyment of the beau- tiful morning, with an unwonted sense of leisure and a keen anticipation of pleas- ure, his talk was all in the grateful and gratulatory vein. He felt that after four months of trial his administration was strong in its grasp of affairs, strong in popular favor, and destined to grow stronger; that grave difficulties confronting him at his inauguration had been safely passed; that trouble lay behind him and not before him; that he was soon to meet the wife whom he loved, now recovering from an illness which had but lately dis- quieted and at times almost unnerved him; that he was going to his Alma Mater to renew the most cherished associations of his young manhood, and to exchange greetings with those whose deepening in- terest had followed every step of his up- ward progress from the day he entered upon his college course until he had at- tained the loftiest elevation in the gift of his countrymen. Surely, if happiness can ever come from the honors or triumphs of this world, on that quiet July morning, James A. Gar- field may well have been a happy man. No foreboding of evil haunted him: nor slightest premonition of danger clouded his sky. His terrible fate was upon him in an instant. One moment he stood erect, strong, confident in the years stretching peacefully out before him. The next he lay wounded, bleeding, helpless, doomed to weary weeks of torture, to silence, and the grave. Great in life, he was surpassingly great in death. For no cause, in the very frenzy of wantonness and wickedness, by the red hand of murder, he was thrust from the full tide of this world's interest, from its hopes, its aspirations, its victories, into the visible presence of death — and he did not quail. Not alone for the one short moment in which, stunned and dazed, he could give up life, hardly aware of its re- linquishment, but tlirough days of deadly languor, through weeks of agony, that was not less agony because silently borne, with clear sight and calm courage, he looked into his open grave. What blight and ruin met his anguished eyes, whose lips may tell — what brilliant broken plans, what baffled high ambitions, what sunder- ing of strong, warm manhood's friend- ships, what bitter rending of sweet house- hold ties! Behind him a proud, expectant nation, a great host of sustaining friends, a cherished and happy mother, wearing the full, rich honors of her early toil and tears; the wife of his youth, whose whole life lay in his; the little boys not yet emerged from childhood's day of frolic; the fair young daughter ; the sturdy sons just springing into closest companionship, claiming every day and every day reward- ing a father's love and care; and in his heart the eager, rejoicing power to meet all demand. Before him, desolation and great darkness! And his sovil was not shaken. His countrymen were thrilled with instant, profound, and universal sym- pathy. Masterful in his mortal weakness, he became the centre of a nation's love, en- shrined in the prayers of a world. But all the love and all the sympathy could not share with him his suflFering. He trod the wine-press alone. With unfaltering front he faced death. With unfailing tenderness he took leave of life. Above the demoniac hiss of the assassin's bullet he heard the voice of God. With simple resignation he bowed to the divine decree. As the end drew near, his early craving for the sea returned. The stately mansion of power had been to him the wearisome hospital of pain, and he begged to be taken from its prison walls, from its oppressive, stifling air, from its homelessness and its helplessness. Gently, silently, the love of a great people bore the pale sufferer to the longed-for healing of the sea, to live or to die, as God should will, within sight of its heaving billows, within sound of its manifold voices. With wan, fevered face tenderly lifted to the cooling breeze, he looked out wistfully upon the ocean's changing wonders; on its far sails, whiten- ing in the morning light; on its restless waves, rolling shoreward to break and die beneath the noonday sun; on the red clouds of evening, arching low to the horizon; on the serene and shining path- way of the stars. Let us think that his dying eyes read a mystic meaning which only the rapt and parting soul may know. Let us believe that in the silence of the receding world he heard the great waves 361 BLAIR breaking on a farther shore, and felt al- land in 1656; was sent to Virginia as a ready on his wasted brow the breath of missionary in 1685; and in 1692 obtained the eternal morning. the charter of William and Mary College, Blair, Francis Pkeston, statesman; of which he was the first president. He born in Abingdon, Va., April 12, 1791; published The State of His Majesty's was originally a supporter of Henry Clay, Colony in Virginia, in 1727. He died in but became an ardent Jackson man in Williamsburg, Va., Aug. 1, 1743. consequence of the agitation over the Blair, John, jurist; born in Williams- Bank of the United States {q. v.), and burg, Va., in 1732; was educated at the at the suggestion of the President estab- College of William and Mary; studied law lished The Glohe in Washington, D. C, at the Temple, London; soon rose to the which was the recognized organ of the first rank as a lawyer ; was a member Democratic party until 1845, when Presi- of the House of Burgesses as early as 1765, dent Polk displaced him. The Spanish and was one of the dissolved Virginia As- mission was offered to Mr. Blair by the sembly who met at the Raleigh Tavern, in President, but refused. In 1864 his efforts the summer of 1774, and drafted the Vir- led to the unsatisfactory peace conference ginia non-importation agreement. He was of Feb. 3, 1865. He died in Silver Spring, one of the committee who, in June, 1776, Md., Oct. 18, 1876. drew up the plan for the Virginia State Blair, Francis Preston, Jr., military government, and in 1777 was elected a officer; born in Lexington, Ky., Feb. 19, judge of the Court of Appeals; then chief- 1821; was educated at the College of New justice, and, in 1780, a judge of the High Jersey, and took an active part in politics Court of Chancery. He was one of the early in life. The Free-soil Party (g. v.) framers of the national Constitution; and, at St. Louis elected him to a seat in Con- in 1789, Washington appointed him a gress in 1856, and he acted and voted with judge of the United States Supreme Court, the Republicans several years. He joined He resigned his seat on the bench of that the Union army in 1861, and rose to the court in 1796, and died in Williamsburg, rank of major-general of volunteers. In Va., Aug. 31, 1800. 1864 he commanded a corps of Sherman's Blair, John Insley, philanthropist; army in the campaign against Atlanta, born near Belvidere, N. J., Aug. 22, 1802; and in his march to the sea. Having became a merchant and banker early in joined the Democratic party, he was its life, and in his latter years was the in- unsuccessful candidate for the Vice-Presi- dividual o^^^ler of a greater amount of dency in 1868. In January, 1871, he was railroad property than any other man in chosen United States Senator. He died in the world. He loaned more than $1,000,- St. Louis, Mo., July 8, 1875. 000 to the federal government in the Blair, Henry William, legislator; early part of the Civil War; built and born in Campton, N. H., Dec. 6, 1834; en- endowed the Presbyterian Academy at listed in the 15th New Hampshire Volun- Blair stown, N. J., at a cost of more than teers at the opening of the Civil War, and $600,000; rebuilt Grinnell College, in became lieutenant-colonel ; was wounded Iowa ; and erected Blair Hall for Prince- at Fort Hudson. He was a member of ton University. He was equally liberal Congress in 1875-79, and of the United to Lafayette College. He is said to have States Senate in 1879-91. He was the built more than 100 churches in various author of the famous illiteracy bill which parts of the West, and founded many vil- proposed to distribute $77,000,000 to the lages and to"\Anis along the lines of his States in pi'oportion to their illiteracy, many railroads. He died in Blairsto^vn, This bill was passed by the Senate three N. J., Dec. 2, 1899. times, but failed to become a law. Sen- Blair, Montgomery, statesman ; born ator Blair was appointed United States in Franklin county, Ky., May 10, 1813; minister to China, but resigned, as the was graduated at the United States Mili- Chinese government objected to him be- tary Academy in 1835, and served a while cause of his opposition to Chinese im- in the 2d Artillery in Florida, against the migration to the United States. Seminole Indians. He resigned in 1836; Blair, James, educator; born in Scot- became a practising la^vyer in St. Louis, 362 BLAKE— BLAKELY Mo., in 1837; from 1839 to 1843 was United States district attorney for the district of Missouri, and was judge of the St. Louis Court of Common Pleas from 1843 to 1849. In 1842 he was mayor of St. Louis. President Pierce appointed him solicitor to the United States Court of Claims in 18.55, but, becoming a Repub- lican, President Buchanan removed him. Mr. Blair was counsel for the plaintiffs in the famous Dred Scott case (q. v.) . He was appointed Postmaster-General in March, 1861, and served about three years. He died in Silver Spring, Md., July 27, 1883. Blake, Homer Crane, naval officer; born in Cleveland, 0., Feb. 1, 1822; en- tered the navy as a midshipman in 1840; was promoted lieutenant-commander in 1862, and in 1863, while in command of the Hatteras, off Galveston, Tex., was or- dered to chase a suspicious vessel, which proved to be the Confederate cruiser Alabama. The Hatteras was no match for the cruiser, and Blake was obliged to surrender. Within ten minutes of his surrender the Hatteras went down. He died Jan. 21, 1880. Blake, Lillie Devereux Um stead, re- former; born in Raleigh, N. C, in 1835. In 1869 she became active in the woman suffrage movement, and was president of the New York State Woman Suffrage As- sociation for many years. She first mar- ried Frank G. Quay Umstead (died in 1859), and then in 1866 Grenfill Blake (died in 1896). Her writings include Bouthioold ; Rockford; Fettered for Life; Woman's Place To-day, a reply to Dr. Morgan Dix's Lenten Lectures on Women, etc. In 1901 she was president of the Civic and Equality Union. Blake, William Phipps, mineralogist; born in New York, June 1, 1826; was graduated at Yale Scientific School in 1852. He was the geologist and mineral- ogist for the United States Pacific Rail- road expedition in 1853; edited the Mining Magazine in 1859-60; and afterwards en- gaged in mining, engineering, and explora- tion. In 1864 he became Professor of Mineralogy and Geology in the College of California. In 1901 he was director of the School of Mines in the University of Arizona, and also Territorial geologist. He has been identified with the great inter- national expositions since 1853. He is the author of Geological Reconnoissance of California; Silver-Ores and Silver-Mines; Ceramic Art and Glass; Life of Captain Jonathan Mix, etc. Blakeley, Johnston, naval officer; born at Seaford, Down, Ireland, in Oc- tober, 1771; was educated at the Univer- sity of North Carolina, and entered the navy, as midshipman, Feb. 5, 1800. He was made lieutenant in 1807, master-com- mander in 1813, and captain in 1814. He commanded the brig Enterprise in protecting the American coast-trade. In August, 1814, he was ' appointed to the command of the Wasp, which captured JOHNSTON BLAKELEY. the^ Reindeer. For this exploit Congress voted him a gold medal. Capturing the brig Atlanta on Sept. 21, that vessel was sent to Savannah, and brought the ' last intelligence of the Wasp. It is supposed she foundered in a gale, as no tidings were ever heard of her after- wards. Blakely, Battle of. Ever since Steele's arrival from Pensacola Blakely had been held in a state of siege. By the fall of Spanish Fort, water communica- tion between Blakely and Mobile had been cut off. It was defended by abatis, chev- aux-de-frise, and torpedoes, and had a 363 BLANCO— BLAND ditch in the rear of these. In front of these Canby formed a strong line of bat- tle, Hawkins's negro troops being on the right, the divisions of Veatch and An- drews in the centre, and Garrard's division on the left. On Sunday afternoon, April 8, 1865, when the assault began, a heavy thunder-storm was gathering. There was a fierce struggle with obstacles in front of the fort. The whole National line partici- pated in the assault. Great guns were making fearful lanes through their ranks. Tempests of grape and canister from the armament of the fort made dreadful havoc. At length the colored brigade were ordered to carry the works. They sprang forward with the shout, "Remember Fort Pillow!" They went over the Confederate embank- ments, scattering everything before them. The victory for the Nationals was com- plete. The struggle had been brief but very severe. The Nationals lost about 1,000 men; the Confederates, 500. The spoils were nearly forty pieces of artillery, 4.000 small-arms, sixteen battle-flags, and a vast quantity of ammunition. Blanco, Ramon y Arenas, military officer; born in San Sebastian, Spain, in 1833; entered the army as a lieutenant in 1855; was made a captain in 1858; and in the war with San Domingo gained pro- motion to lieutenant-colonel. In 1894 he was sent to the Philippines as governor- general of the province of Mindanao. His career in the Philippines ublished Educational Topics and Institutions; his most important work. The Constitution of the United States at the End of the First Century ; and several Avorks on taxation and politi- cal economy. Bowditch, Nathaniel, mathematician and astronomer ; born in Salem, Mass., March 26, 1773; learned the business of a ship-chandler, and then spent nine years on the sea, attaining the rank of mas- ter. With great native talent and equal industry, he became one of the greatest men of science of his time. While he was yet on the sea he published (1800) his Practical Navigator. He made the first NATHANIEL BOWDITCH. entire translation into English of La Place's Mecanique Celeste, and published it, in 4 volumes, in 1829, with most valuable commentaries, in which were re- corded the more recent discoveries in as- tronomy. It was estimated that there were at that time only two or three per- sons in America, and not more than twelve in Great Britain, who were able to read the original work critically. La Place added much to his work many years after it was published. Bowditch translated this supplement; and it has been publish- ed, as a fifth volume, under the editorial care of Prof. Benjamin Peirce, with an elaborate commentary. Bowditch had ac- quired a knowledge of various languages, and drew his great store of knowledge from many sources. He became a mem- ber of the principal scientific societies in Europe. He died in Boston, Mass., March 16, 1838. Bowdoin, James, statesman; born in Boston, Aug. 8, 1727; was a descendant of Pierre Bowdoin, a Huguenot who fled to America from persecution in France. He graduated at Harvard in 1745, and became a member of the General Court, a Senator of Massachusetts, and a councillor. He espoused the cause of the colonists, was president of the Massachu- setts Council in 1775, and • was chosen president of the convention that framed the State constitution. He succeeded Han- cock as governor. By vigorous measures he suppressed the rebellion led by Daniel Shays (q. v.). He died in Boston, Mass., Nov. 6, 1790. His son James, born Sept. 22, 1752; died Oct. 11, 1811; also gradu- ated at Harvard (1771), and afterwards spent a year at Oxford. He was minister to Spain from 1805 to 1808; and while in Paris he purchased an extensive library, philosophical apjaaratus, and a collection of paintings, which, with a fine cabinet of minerals, he left at his death to Bow- doin College, so named in honor of his father. He had before made a donation to the college of 1,000 acres of land and more than $5,000 in money. By his will he also gave the college 6,000 acres of land and the reversion of the Island of Naushon, one of the Elizabeth Islands in Buzzard's Bay, where he died. Bowie, James, military officer; born in Burke county, Ga., about 1790: took an active part in the Texas revolution, and in January, 1836, was ordered to San Antonio de Bexar, where he joined Colonels Travis and Crockett, and was 388 BOWLES— BOYD killed with them at the taking of the Alamo {q. v.), March 6, 1836. He was the inventor of the Bowde knife. Bowles, Samuel, journalist; born in Springfield, Mass., Feb. 9, 1826; entered the printing-office of the Springfield Re- jjuiMcan while a boy. and soon became the general manager of the paper. On the death of his father in 1851 the entire management devolved on him. The paper acquired the largest circulation of any daily paper in New England outside of Boston, and exerted a large influence not only throughout New England but in the country at large. In 1872 the Republican became an independent paper and sup- ported Mr. Greeley. He died in Spring- field, Mass., Jan. 'l6, 1878. Bowyer, Fort, Attack upois". At the entrance to Mobile Bay, 30 miles from the village of Mobile, was Fort Bo\A'yer (afterwards Fort Morgan), occupying the extremity of a narrow cape on the east- ern side of the entrance, and commanding the channel between it and Fort Dauphin opposite. It was a small work, in semi- circular form towards the channel, with- out bomb-proofs, and mounting only twen- ty guns, nearly all of them 12-pounders. It was the chief defence of Mobile; and in it Jackson, on his return from Pensa- cola, placed Maj. William Lawrence and 130 men. On Sept. 12, 1814, a British squadron appeared off Mobile Point with land troops, and very soon Lieutenant- Colonel Nichols appeared in rear of the fort with a few marines and 600 Ind- ians. The squadron consisted of the Hermes, twenty-two guns; Sophia, eigh- teen; Caron, twenty; and Anaconda, eighteen — the whole under Captain Percy, the commander of a squadron of nine vessels which Jackson drove from Pensacola Bay. By a skilful use of his cannon, Lawrence dispersed parties who tried to cast up intrenchments and sound the channel. Early in the afternoon of the 15th the British began an attack on land and water. The garrison adopted as the signal for the day " Don't give up the fort." A fierce and general battle ensued, and continued until half-past five o'clock, when the flag of the Hermes was shot away. Lawrence ceased firing to ascer- tain whether she had surrendered. This humane act was answered by a broadside from another vessel. A raking fire soon disabled the Hermes. At length the flag- staff of the fort was shot away, when the ships redoubled their fire. Supposing the tort had surrendered, the British leader on land assailed it with his Indians. He was soon undeceived. They were driven back by a terrible storm of grape-shot, and fled in terror. The battered ships with- drew, all but the Hermes. She was set on fire by her friends, and at midnight her magazine exploded. The British, who had brought to bear upon Fort Bowyer ninety- two pieces of artillery, and arrayed over 1.300 men against a garrison of 130, were repulsed with a loss of 232 men, of whom 162 were killed. The loss of the Ameri- cans was four men killed and four wounded. See JMobile; Morgan and Gaines, Forts. Boxers. See China. Boycotting', a practice which derives its name from Capt. C. C. Boycott, of Lough Mask House, in Mayo, Ireland, who in 1880, as land agent of Lord Erne, an Irish nobleman, evicted a large number of tenants. These with their friends re- fused to either work for him or trade with him, and would not permit others to do so. Finally sixty Orangemen from the north of Ireland, armed with revolvers and sup- ported by a strong escort of cavalry, or- ganized themselves into a " Boycott relief expedition," and after gathering his crops carried him to a place of safety. In the United States and England the boycott is sometimes used by trade unions in times of strikes. More or less stringent laws against boycotting have been enacted in Illinois, Wisconsin, Colorado, Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Michigan, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Ore- gon, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, and Ver- mont. Boyd, John Parker, military officer; born in Newburyport, Mass., Dec. 21, 1764; entered the military service of the United States in 1786, but soon after- wards went to the East Indies and entered the Mahratta service, in which he rose to the rank of commander, and at one time led 10,000 men. He first raised three battalions of 500 men each, with a few English oflicers. whom, as well as his men, he hired, at a certain amount a month, to 389 BOYDEN— BOYDTON PLANK ROAD any of the Indian princes who needed their services. Their equipment, including guns and elephants, was at his own expense. He was at one time in the pay of Holkar, in the Peishwa's service, and afterwards JOU.V I'AHKER BOY]). in that of Nizam Ali Khan. Arriving at Madras in July, 1789, he was given, by the ruler, the command of 10,000 men. When demands for his services almost ceased, he sold out and went to Paris. In 1808 he returned to the United States, and re-entered the army as colonel of the 4th Infantry on Oct. 7 of that year. In that capacity he was distinguished in the battle at Tippecanoe (g. v.), Nov. 7, 1811. Boyd was commissioned brigadier- general Aug. 26, 1812. He was in com- mand of 1,500 men in the expedition down the St. Lawrence in 1813; and fought bravely at Chrysler's Field, in Can- ada, Nov. 11, 1813. He led his brigade in the capture of Fort George, Upper Can- ada. General Boyd was appointed naval officer at the port of Boston early in 1830, and died there Oct. 4 of that year. Boyden, Seth, inventor; born in Fox- boro, Mass., Nov. 17, 1788 ; was educated at a district school. His mechanical in- clination led him to pass much time ex- perimenting in a blacksmith shop. He first devised a machine for making nails and files. Later he designed a machine to split leather, and in 1815 took it to New- ai'k, N. J. and engaged in leather manu- facture. In 1816 he made a machine to cut brads, and afterwards invented patent leather, which he manufactured until 1831, when with a system of his own he began making malleable-iron castings. In 1835 he gave his attention to steam-engines, and both changed the crank in locomotives to the straight axle and made the cut-off to take the place of the throttle-valve. He went to California in 1849, but meeting with no success, returned to New Jersey, engaged in farming, and produced a vari- ety of strawberry never before equalled in size or quality. He spent the greater part of his life in Newark, N. J., where a statue of him has been erected. He died in Middleville, N. J., March 31, 1870. Boydton Plank Road, Battle of. After the National troops had taken pos- session of the Weldon Railroad, the Boyd- ton plank road became the chief channel of communication for Lee in that quarter, and he extended his intrenchments along its line to the vicinity of Hatcher's Run. The corps of Warren and Parke were sent to assail the extreme right of these in- trenchments, while Hancock's corps and Gregg's cavalry, well towards its left, sliould swing around to the west side of Hatcher's Run, sweep across the Boydton road, and seize the Southside Railway. The Boydton road was a few miles west of the Weldon Railway. The movement began on the morning of Oct. 27, 1864, and at nine o'clock the Confederate line was struck, but it was not broken. Warren's corps made its way to the west of Hatcher's Run to gain the Confederate rear. Craw- ford's division got entangled and broken in an almost impassable swamp. An at- tempt of a part of Howard's corps to form a junction with Crawford's troops was de- feated by the tangled swamp. These move- ments had been eagerly watched by the Confederates. Heth was sent by Hill to strike Hancock. It was done at 4 p.m. The blow first fell upon Pierce's bri- gade, and it gave way, leaving two guns behind. The Confederates were pursuing, when they, in turn, were struck by the Nationals, driven back, and the two guns recaptured. Fully 1.000 Confederates were made prisoners. Others, in their flight, 390 BOYNTON— BRADDOCK rushed into Crawford's lines, and 200 of supposing them all to be slain, rushed them were made prisoners. Meanwhile forward to plunder the dead, when the Hancock had been sorely pressed on his Americans suddenly arose, poured deadly left and rear by five brigades under Wade volleys from their rifles, killed about 200 ITampton. Gregg fought them, and with of the foe, seized their cannon, and dis- infantry supports maintained his ground persed the whole body of the assailants, until dark. In these encounters Hancock Brackenridge, Hugh Henry, jurist; lost about 1,500 men, and the Confederates born in Scotland in 1748; was graduated about an equal number. Hancock with- at Princeton in 1771, in the same class drew at midnight, and the whole National with James Madison. He and Philip Fre- force retired behind their intrenchments neau together wrote The Rising Glory of at Petersburg. The movement was in- America, a dialogue which formed a part tended to favor Butler's operations on the of the graduating exercises. During the north side of the James River. Whiskey Insurrection in 1794 he used all Boynton, Henry Van Ness, military his influence to bring about a settlement officer; born in West Stockbridge, Mass., between the government and the rebels. July 22, 1835; received a commission as He also wrote Incidents of the Insurrec- major in the 35th Ohio Volunteer In- tion in Western Pennsylvania in defence fantry at the outbreak of the Civil War of his action. He died in Carlisle, Pa., and served during the Tennessee cam- June 25, 1816. paign; received the brevet of brigadier- Brackett, Albert Gallatin, military general for gallant conduct at the battles officer; born in Cherry Valley, N. Y., Feb. of Chickamauga and Chattanooga; be- 14, 1829; served in the 4th Indiana Vol- came chairman of the Chickamauga and unteer Regiment in the Mexican War; Chattanooga Military Park, and a briga- was honorably discharged, July 16, 1848; dier-general of volunteers in the Ameri- re-entered the army as captain in the 2d can - Spanish War. He is author of Cavalry in 1855 and distinguished him- Sherman's Historical Raid, etc. self in actions against the Comanche Ind- Boys in Blue and Boys in Gray, ians. He commanded the cavalry at popular nicknames of the National and Blackburn's Ford and the first battle of Confederate soldiers respectively. Bull Run in 1864. He was brevetted Braceti, or Brazito, Battle of. Col. colonel of volunteers and was made colonel Alexander W. Doniphan, in command of in the regular service in 1879. He pub- 1,000 mounted volunteers from Missouri, lished a History of the United States Cav- was detached from General Kearny's com- airy ; General Lane's Brigade in Central mand for independent service. In Novem- Mexico, etc. ber, 1846, he marched towards Chihuahua, Braddock, Edward, military officer; Mexico, after forcing the Navajo Indians born in Perthshire, Scotland, about 1695; to make a treaty of peace. His object was entered the army as ensign in the Cold- to join the forces under General Wool. At stream Guards; served in the wars in Braceti, or Brazito, in the valley of the Flanders; received a commission as briga- Rio del Norte, not far from El Paso, he dier-general in 1746, and major-general in was attacked, in his camp, by a large March, 1754. He arrived in Virginia in Mexican force (Dec. 22) under Gen. February, 1755, and, placed in command of Ponce de Leon, who sent a black flag, an expedition against Fort Duquesne, be« bearing the device of a skull and cross- gan his march from Will's Creek (Cum- bones, to the American commander, with berland, Md.), June 10, with about 2,000 the message, " We will neither take nor men, regulars and provincials. Anxious give quarter." Doniphan was surprised, to reach his destination before Fort Du- and his men had not time to saddle their quesne should receive reinforcements, he horses before the foe — infantry, cavalry, made forced marches with 1,200 men, and artillery — assailed them. Doniphan leaving Colonel Dunbar, his second in com- hastily drew up his men in front of his mand, to follow with the remainder and camp. The Mexicans fired three rounds the wagon-train. On the morning of July in quick succession, and the Missourians 9 the little army forded the Monongahela all fell upon their faces. The Mexicans, River, and advanced in solid platoons 391 BRADDOCK— BRADFORD along the southern shores of that stream. W^ashington saw the perilous arrangement of the troops after the fashion of European tactics, and he ventured to advise Brad- dock to disperse his army in open order and employ the Indian mode of fighting in the forests. The haughty general angrily replied, " What ! a provincial colonel teach a British general how to fight!" The army moved on, recrossed the river to the north side, and were march- ing in fancied security at about noon, when they Avere suddenly assailed by vol- leys of bullets and clouds of arrows on their fiiont and flanks. They had fallen into an ambush, against which Washing- ton had vainly warned Braddock. The assailants were French regulars, Cana- dians, and Indians, less than 1,000 in num- ber, under De Beaujeu, who had been sent from Fort Duquesne by Contrecoeur ( see DuQUESNE, Fort), and who fell at the first onslaught. The suddenness of the at- tack and the horrid war-whoop of the Ind- ians, which the British regulars had nev- er heard before, disconcerted them, and they fell into great confusion. Braddock, seeing the peril, took the front of the fight, and by voice and example encour- aged his men. For more than two hours the battle raged fearfully. Of eighty-six English officers sixty-three were killed or wounded; so, also, were one-half the private soldiers. All of Braddock's aides v/ere disabled excepting Washington, who, alone unhurt, distributed the general's or- ders. Braddock had five horses shot un- der him, and finally he, too, fell, mortally wounded. Competent testimony seems to prove that he was shot by Thomas Fau- cett, one of the provincial soldiers. His plea in extenuation of the crime was self- preservation. Braddock, who had spurned the advice of Washington about the meth- od of fighting Indians, had issued a posi- tive order that none of the English should protect themselves behind trees, as the French and Indians did. Faucett's brother had taken such a position, and when Brad- dock perceived it, he struck him to the earth with his sword. Thomas, on seeing his brother fall, shot Braddock in the back. The provincials fought bravely, and nearly all were killed. The remnant of the regulars broke and fled when Braddock fell. Washington, who was left in chief command, perceiving the day was lost, lallied the few provincial troops, and, car- rying with him his dying general, gal- lantly covered the retreat. The enemy did not pursue. The British left their can- GENERAL EDWAKD BRADDOCK. non and their dead on the battle-field. Three days after the battle, Braddock died (July 13, 1755), and was buried in the forest more than 50 miles from Cumber- land. Washington, surrounded by sorrow- ing ofiicers, read the funeral service of the Church of England by torch-light at his grave. General Braddock was haughty and egotistical, and his private character was not good, he being known as a gambler and spendthrift. Bradford, William, colonial governor; born in Austerfield, Yorkshire, England, in March, 1588; was a passenger in the Mayfloioer. At the early age of seventeen years he made an attempt to leave Eng- land with dissenters, for Holland, and suf- fered imprisonment. He finally joined his dissenting brethren at Amsterdam, learned the art of silk-dyeing, and, coming into the possession of a considerable estate at the age of twenty-one years, he en- gaged successfully in commerce. One of Mr. Robinson's congregation at Leyden, he accompanied the " Pilgrims " to Amer- 392 BRADFORD— BRADSTREET ica, and was one of the foremost in select- 1756 he was charged with conveying sup- ing a site for the colony. Before the " Pil- plies to Oswego. In 1757 he was appoint- grims " landed, his wife fell into the sea ed captain of a company in the regiment from the Mai/floioer, and was drowned, of Royal Americans; and late in the same He succeeded John Carver (April 5, 1621) year he was promoted to lieutenant-colo- as governor of Plymouth colony. He cul- nel of the same regiment, and deputy tivated friendly relations with the Ind- quartermaster-general, with the rank of ians ; and he was annually rechosen gov- colonel. He was quartermaster - general ernor as long as he lived, excepting in five of Abercrombie's forces, with the rank of years. He wrote a history of Plymouth colonel, in the expedition against Ticon- colony from 1620 to 1647, which was pub- deroga in July, 1758; and in August he liF.hed by the Massachusetts Historical So- led an expedition which captured Fort ciety in 1856. He died in Plymouth, Frontenac. Bradstreet was with Am- Mass., May 9, 1657. See Pilgrims. herst in his expedition against Ticondero- Bradford, William, printer; born in ga and Crown Point in 1759. In May, Leicester, England, in 1658. A Friend, or 1762, he was commissioned a major-gen- Quaker, he came to America with Penn's eral. Pontiac's war had filled the set- early colonists in 1682, and landed near tlements on the western frontiers with the spot where Philadelphia was after- dire alarm, and they sent piteous calls for wards bviilt. He had learned the printer's help. In July, 1764, a little army of trade in London, and, in 1686, he printed 1,100 men, composed chiefly of provincial an almanac in Philadelphia. Mixed up in battalions from New Jersey, New York, a political and social dispute in Pennsyl- and Connecticut, led by Bradstreet, reach- vania, and suffering thereby, he removed to ed Fort Niagara on its way farther New York in 169.3, and in that year print- westward. Bradstreet found a lai'ge con- ed the laws of that colony. He began the course of Indians there, of various na- fivst newspaper in New York, Oct. 16, 1725 tions, ready to renew friendship with the — the New York Gazette. He was printer English, and expecting presents. The to the government of New York more Senecas, to placate the English, brought than fifty years, and for thirty years the in prisoners, and ratified a treaty of peace, only one in the province. He died in New On his march along the southern shores York, May 23, 1752. of Lake Erie. Bradstreet was met by dusky Bradley, Joseph Philo, jurist; born deputations from the Ohio country, who in Berne, N. Y., March 14, 1813; was desired to have the chain of friendship graduated at Rutgers College in 1836; ad- brightened; and he made a treaty with mitted to the bar in Newark, N. J., in the nations dwelling between Lake Erie 1839; appointed by President Grant jus- and the Ohio. He was welcomed at De- tice of the Supreme Court of the United troit with expressions of great respect States in 1870; became the fifth member and satisfaction; and from that post he of the Electoral Commission created by sent a detachment to take possession of Congress in 1877, and by his concurrence Mackinaw. On Sept. 7 the Ottawas and in the judgment of the Republican mem- Chippewas met Bradstreet in council, and, bers of the commission, Rutherford B. cashiering their old chiefs, the young war- Hayes (q. V.) became President. He died riors made a covenant of friendship with in Washington, D. C, Jan. 22, 1892. the English, as brothers, and asked for Bradstreet, John, military oflScer; peace in the name of their wives and born in Harbling, England, in 1711: was children. Pontiac did not appear, but was lieutenant-colonel of Pepperell's regiment included in the treaty of peace then made. in the expedition against Louisburg in By that treaty the Indian country be- 1745; and in September, the same year, came a part of the royal domain; its he was made a captain of a regular regi- tribes were bound to render aid to the ment. The following year he was appoint- English troops ; and, in return, were ed lieutenant-governor of St. Johns. New- promised English protection. Bradstreet foundland — a sinecure place. Braddock died in New York City, Sept. 25, 1774. ordered him to accompany Shirley to Os- Bradstreet, Simon, colonial governor ; wego, in 1755, as his adjutant; and in born in Lincolnshire, England, in March, 393 BRAGG 1603. After studying one year in college, E. Kirby Smith, a native of Connecticut, he became steward to the Countess of War- led Bragg's advance. He entered Kentucky wick. He married Anne, a daughter of from eastern Tennessee, pushed rapidly Thomas Dudley, and was persuaded to en- to Lexington, after defeating a National gage in the settlement of Massachusetts, force near Richmond, in that State, and Invested with the office of judge, he ar- was warmly welcomed by the Confederates, rived at Salem in the summer of 1630. The alarmed legislature, sitting at Frank- The next year he was among the founders fort, fled to Louisville; while Smith press- of Cambridge, and was one of the first ed on towards the Ohio, where he was settlers at Andover. Very active, he was confronted by strong fortifications oppo- almost continually in public life, and lived site Cincinnati. The invader recoiled, and, at Salem, Ipswich, and Boston. He was falling back to Frankfort, awaited the ar- secretary, agent, and commissioner of rival of Bragg, who entered Kentucky the United Colonies of New England; and (Sept. 5) with forty regiments and as in 1662 he was despatched to congratulate many cannon. His advance, 8,000 strong, Charles II. on his restoration. He was as- under General Chalmers, encountered a sistant from 1630 to 1679, and deputy- National force under Colonel Wilder at governor from 1673 to 1679. From that Mumfordsville, on the line of the Nash- time till 1686 (when the charter was an- ville and Louisville Railway. The Con- nulled) he was governor. When, in 1689, federates were repulsed; but Wilder was Andros was imprisoned, he was restored compelled to yield to General Polk a few to the office, which he held until the ar- days later. Bragg joined Smith at Frank- rival of Governor Phipps, in 1692, with fort, where the combined armies number- the new charter. His wife, Anne Brad- ed about 65,000 effective men. He now street, was a poetess of considerable merit, expected to make an easy march to Louis- Her poems were published in London in ville, but was confronted by General Buell, 1650, and a second edition was published who had been marching abreast of Bragg, in Boston in 1678. Simon died in Salem, Buell suddenly turned upon Bragg with Mass., March 27, 1697. about 60,000 troops, and a fierce battle Bragg, Braxton, military officer; born ensued near Perryville (Oct. 8, 1862), in in Warren county, N. C, March 22, 1817; which the invaders were so roughly han- was graduated at the United States Mil- died that they fled in haste towards eastern itary Academy in 1837; entered the ar- Tennessee, followed by their marauding tillery; and served in the Seminole War bands, who had plundered the inhabitants and in the war with Mexico, receiving in every direction. Bragg soon afterwards for good conduct in the latter several abandoned Kentucky. brevets and promotions. The last brevet The armies of Rosecrans and Bragg was that of lieutenant-colonel, for Buena confronted each other for several months Vista, Feb. 23, 1847. He was made major in Tennessee after the battle of Stone in 1855; resigned the next year, and lived River (q. v.). Rosecrans remained on (an extensive planter) in Louisiana until the scene of the battle; Bragg was below the breaking out of the Civil War, when the Duck River. Finally the Army of the (March, 1861) he was made a brigadier- Cumberland, in three divisions, command- general in the Confederate army. Made ed respectively by Generals Thomas, major-general in February, 1862, he took McCook, and Crittenden, began its march an important part in the battle of Shiloh (June 23, 1863) from Murfreesboro to Chat- in April. He was made general in place tanooga. General Burnside, in Kentucky, of A. S. Johnston, killed; and in May sue- was ordered to move through the moun- ceeded Beauregard in command. tains into eastern Tennessee to co-oper- John H. Morgan, the guerilla chief, and ate with Rosecrans. At that time Bragg's N. B. Forrest, the leader of a strong caval- left wing, under General ( Bishop ) Polk, ry force, had for some time (in 1862) roam- lay at Shelbyville, behind formidable in- ed, with very little serious opposition, over trenchments about 5 miles in length, cast Kentucky and Tennessee, preparatory to up by legally emancipated slaves draAvn the invasion of the former by a large Con- from northern Georgia and Alabama. Gen- federate force under General Bragg. Gen. eral Hardee, -with 12,000 men, was at 394 BRAGG— BRANDYWINE War Trace, on the railway between Mur- He died in Galveston, Tex., Sept. 27, freesboro and Chattanooga, and holding 1876. the front of rugged hills, behind which Brandy Station, Skirmish near. While v/as a strongly intrenched camp at Tulla- Meade, with the Army of the Potomac, homa. Bragg had about 40,000 men, and was halting on the north side of the Rosecrans 60,000. By skilful movements Rappahannock River, in the summer of he manoeuvred Bragg out of his strong 1863, his cavalry were not idle. On Aug. position. The latter was pressed back to 1, General Buford, with his troopers, dash- Tullahoma. Rosecrans meanwhile had ed across that river, struck Stuart's cav- seized mountain passes on Bragg's front airy, and pushed them back almost to and seriously menaced his flank. Per- Culpeper Court - House. So vigorous and ceiving this, Bragg turned and fled with- sudden was the assault that the daring out giving a blow, the Nationals pressing Confederate leader and his staff came near hard upon his rear. Having the advan- being captured at a house near Brandy tage of railway communication, the re- Station, where they were about to dine, treating forces very easily kept ahead of They left their dinner untouched and their pursuers; and passing rapidly over immediately decamped, leaving the viands the Cumberland Mountains towards the to be eaten by -the Union officers. Bu- Tennessee River, they crossed that stream ford pursued, and from Auburn (the at Bridgeport, destroying the bridge be- residence of the stanch Virginia Unionist, hind them, and made a rapid march to John Minor Botts) there was a running Chattanooga. The expulsion of Bragg fight back towards Brandy Station; for, from Tennessee alarmed and disheartened strongly confronted there by Stuart, Bu- the Confederates, and they felt that every- ford became a fugitive in turn. In that thing depended upon their holding Chatta- engagement he lost 140 men, of whom nooga, the key to eastern Tennessee and sixteen were killed. northern Georgia. Towards that point Brandywine, Battle on the. When the Army of the Cumberland pressed on Washington learned that Howe was as- slowly; and late in August it had crossed cending Chesapeake Bay in the fleet of the mountains, and was stretched along his brother, he marched (Aug. 24, 1777) from Philadelphia to meet him. ^_^ At about the time he reached Wilmington Howe was landing his army, 18,000 strong, at the head of the Elk River, 54 miles from Philadelphia. Washing- ton's effective force did not ex- ceed 11,000 men, including 1,800 Pennsylvania militia. Howe's objective was Philadelphia, and he began his march (Sept. 3) in that direction through a coun- try swarming Avith Tories. One division was led by Earl Corn- wallis, and the other by General Knyphausen. Washington had advanced almost to Red Clay Creek, and sent General Max- well with his brigade to form an ambuscade in the direction of the enemy. In a skirmish the the Tennessee River from above Chatta- British were checked, but moved forward nooga many a league westward. ( Sept. 8 ) to attack Washington and turn General Bragg was relieved of his com- his flank. By a dexterous movement in mand soon after his defeat by General the night, the latter fell back to Chad's Grant at Missionary Ridge in November. Ford, on the Brandywine Creek, above 395 WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS ON THE BRANDYWINE. BRAND YWINE Wilmington, and took post in a strong Then he turned upon his pursuers and position on the hills that skirt the eastern drove them back to the main line. Per- borders of that stream. The astonished eeiving danger of being flanked, Maxwell Britons gave chase the next morning, but fled across the stream, leaving its western found Washington standing in their path- banks in possession of the enemy. Knyp- VIEW AT chad's ford ON THE BRANDYWINE. way to Philadelphia. The two divisions of Howe's army met at Kennet Square (Sept. 10), and the next morning Corn- wallis led a large portion of them up the Lancaster road towards the forks of the Brandywine, leaving all their baggage — even their knapsacks — with the other division. The latter moved for Chad's Ford a few hours later in a dense fog. Washington's left wing, composed of the brigades of Muhlenberg and Weedon, of Greene's division, and Wayne's division, with Proctor's artillery, were on the hills east of Chad's Ford. The brigades of Sul- livan, Stirling, and Stephen, composing the right wing, extended along the Brandy- wine Creek to a point above the forks ; and 1,000 Pennsylvania militia under Gen- eral Armstrong were at Pyle's Ford, 2 miles below Chad's. General Maxwell, with 1,000 light troops, was posted on the west side of the creek to dispute the pas- sage of Knyphausen. The latter attempt- ed to dislodge Maxwell, who, after a se- vere fight, was pushed to the edge of the Brandywine, where he was reinforced. 3 hausen now brought his great guns to bear upon the Americans at Chad's Ford. It was to divert Washington's attention from Cornwallis, who was pushing forward to cross the Brandywine and gain the rear of the Americans. This accomplished, Knyphausen was to cross over, when a simultaneous attack by both parties was to be made. Washington directed Sullivan to cross the Brandywine above and attack Cornwallis, while he (Washington) should cross the stream and assail Knyphausen. Through misinformation, Sullivan failed to perform his part. A message which he sent to Washington kept the latter in suspense a long time. Greene, who had crossed at Chad's Ford with his advanced guard, was recalled; and Cornwallis, in the mean time, had made a wide circuit, crossed the Brand^'wine, and gained a hill near Birmingham Meeting-house, not far from Sullivan's right, before that offi- cer discovered him. The surprised gen- eral informed Washington of his peril, and immediately prepared to attack the enemy. Before he could do so, Cornwallis, with his 06 BRAND YWINE— BRANT rested troops, fell upon Sullivan, and a severe conflict ensued. For a while the result vv;as doubtful. Finally the right wing of the Americans, under General Deborre, gave way; then the left, under Sullivan ; but the centre, under Stirling, remained firm for a while. Then it, too, BIRMINGHAM MEETING-HOUSE. broke and fled in confusion. Lafayette, who was with this corps, fighting as a vol- unteer on foot, was badly wounded in his leg. The scattered troops could not be rallied, excepting a few who made a stand at Dilworth. They, too, soon joined the fugitives in the flight towards the main army, closely pursued by the victors, Corn- wallis's cannon having made dreadful havoc in the ranks of the Americans. Meanwhile Washington, with Greene and two brigades, had hastened to the aid of the right wing. They met the fugitives, opened their ranks to receive them, and, by a constant cannonade, checked their pursuers; and at a narrow defile the regi- ments of Stephen and Stewart held the British back until night, when the latter encamped. In the mean time, Knyphausen had crossed at Chad's Ford and attacked the left wing under Wayne. After a gallant fight, the latter, seeing the British gaining his rear, abandoned his cannon and munitions of war and made a dis- orderly retreat behind the division of Greene. At twilight there was a skirmish near Dilworth between Maxwell and his light troops, lying in ambush to cover the retreat of the Americans, and some British grenadiers. The contest was brief, for darkness put an end to it. The Ameri- cans, defeated, marched leisurely to Ches- ter; for the British, who held the field, did not pursue. The next morning (Sept. 12, 1777) Washington gathered his broken army, marched towards Philadelphia, and encamped near Germantown. It was esti- mated that the Americans lost, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, about 1,200; the British, about 800. Brant, John, Indian chief; son of Jo- seph Brant; born in the Mohawk village on the Grand River, in Canada, Sept. 27, 1794; took up arms for the British when the War of 1812-15 broke out, and led a party of Indians at the battle of QuEENSTON {q. V.) . He was then only eighteen years of age, and was conspicuous for his bravery. He had received a good English education at Ancaster and Niag- ara, and was a diligent student of English authors. Young Brant was an ardent lover of nature, was manly and amiable, and was in every respect an accomplished gentleman. On the death of his father, he became the principal chief of the Six Nations, although he was the fourth and youngest son. Brant Avas engaged in most of the military events on the Niagara frontier during the war ; and at its close he and his young sister Elizabeth occupied JOHN BRANT. 397 BRANT the homestead at the head of Lake On- tario, and there dispensed a generous hos- pitality. He went to England in 1821 on business for the Six Nations, and there took occasion to defend the character of his father from the aspersions contained in Campbell's Gertrude of Wyoming. He proved that his father was not present at the massacre in Wyoming; but the poet had not the generosity or manliness to strike out of the poem the calumnious words, and so it remains until this day. In 1827 Governor Dalhousie gave him the commission of captain, and as such he ap- peared as in the engraving. In 1832 he was elected a member of the Provincial Parliament for the county of Haldimand. He died on the Grand River reservation in September, 1832. Brant, Joseph (Thay-en-da-ne-gea), Mohawk chief; born on the banks of the Ohio River in 1742. In 1761 Sir William Johnson sent him to Dr..Wheelock's school at Hanover, N. H., where he translated portions of the New Testament into the Mohawk language. Brant engaged in the war against Pontiac in 1763, and at the rebellious colonists. It was an un- favorable time for him to make such an JOSEPH BRANT. the beginning of the war for independence was secretary to Guy Johnson, the Indian Superintendent. In the spring of 1776 he was in England ; and to the ministry he expressed his willingness, and that of his people, to join in the chastisement of THE BRANT MAUSOLEUM. offer with an expectation of securing very favorable arrangements for his people, for the ministry were elated with the news of the disasters to the " rebels " at Quebec. Besides, they had completed the bargain for a host of German mercenaries, a part of whom were then on their way to .Amer- ica to crush the rebellion. They concluded the next ship would bring news that the Americans were willing to agree to un- conditional submission, the only terms which the imperial government would grant. Brant returned, but to find the Americans successful in many places, and determined to persevere. He took up arms for the British; and in the raids of Tories and Indians in central New York upon the patriotic inhabitants he was often a leader, holding the commission of colonel from the King of England. He prevailed on the Six Nations to make a permanent peace after the war; and in 1786 he went to England the second time, but then for the purpose of collecting funds to build a church on the Indian res- ervation on the Grand River, in Canada. This was the first church erected in the Upper Province. Brant did much to in- duce his people to engage in the arts of peace. He died on his estate at the head of Lake Ontario, Canada, Nov. 24, 1807. The remains of Brant rest beneath a handsome mausoleum near the church 98 BRASHEAR CITY— BREAKWATER on, the reservation on the Grand River, Canada. It was erected by the inhabi- tants of the .vicinity in 1850. On the slab that surmounts it is an inscription in commemoration of the chief and of his son John. Brashear City, Military Operations NEAR. This town of Louisiana, afterwards Morgan City, was, at the beginning of the Civil War, in a singular country, com- posed of fertile plantations, extensive for- ests, sluggish lagoons and bayous, passable and impassable swamps, made dark by umbrageous cypress-trees draped with Spanish moss and festooned with inter- lacing vines, the earth in many places matted and miry, and the waters abound- ing in alligators. At that time the whole country was half submerged by the super- abundant waters of the Mississippi and its tributaries. A single railroad passed through this country from New Orleans to Brashear City, on the Atchafalaya, a dis- tance of 80 miles, at which point the waters of the great bayou Teche meet those of the Atchafalaya and others. Near Pattersonville, on the Teche, the Confeder- ates had erected fortifications, and gather- ed troops to dispute the passage of these important waters by National gunboats. Gen. N. P. Banks, in command of the Department of the Gulf, determined to expel the armed Confederates from Brash- ear City and its vicinity. An expedi- tion for that purpose was led by Gen. Godfrey Weitzel, accompanied by a squad- ron of gunboats, under Com. McKean Bu- chanan, brother of the commander of the Merrimac iq. v.). They penetrated to Brashear City, and then proceeded (Jan. 11, 1863) to attack the works near Pat- tersonville. Weitzel's infantry were placed in the gunboats, and his cavalry and ar- tillery proceeded by land. They encoun- tered formidable river obstructions — torpe- does, an armored steamboat, and batteries well manned by 1,100 men, on each side of the bayou. These were attacked on the 15th, and in that engagement Buchanan was killed by a rifle-ball that passed through his head. The Confederates were driven from their works, and their mon- ster steamer was abandoned and burned. In this affair the Nationals lost thirty- four men killed and wounded. Braxton, Carter, a signer of the Dec- laration of Independence; born in New- ington, Va., Sept. 10, 1736; was educated at the College of William and Mary in 1756, and resided in England until 1760. He was a distinguished member and pa- triot in the Virginia House of Burgesses in supporting the resolutions of Patrick Henry in 1765, and in subsequent assem- blies dissolved by the governor. He re- mained in the Virginia Assembly until royal rule ceased in that colony, and was active in measures for defeating the schemes of Lord Dunmore. Braxton was in the convention at Richmond in 1775, for devising measures for the defence of the colony and the public good ; and in December he became the successor of Pey- ton Randolph in Congress. He remained in that body to vote for and sign the Dec- laration of Independence. In 1786, after serving in the Virginia legislature, he became one of the executive council. He died in Richmond, Va., Oct. 10, 1797. Brazil. An event of great interest to Americans was the overthrow of the Brazilian empire, the last monarchy in the New World, and the establishment of a republic in November, 1889. A constitu- tion was adopted, framed on the Ameri- can model, and Fonseca was the first President. Brazil was included in the reci- procity arrangements of the Harrison administration. Peixoto succeeded as Pres- ident in 1891, but the new republic has been disturbed by internal troubles. Most serious of these outbreaks was the revolt of the fleet under Admiral Mello in the summer of 1893, followed by the blockade of Rio de Janeiro by the insurgents. To supply the loss of vessels, the Brazilian government purchased a powerful mer- chantman. El Cid, plying between New York and New Orleans, transformed it in New York Harbor into the dynamite cruiser Nictheroy, and despatched it at the end of 1893 to the scene of action. Other vessels were purchased to cope with the strong naval force of Mello. The rebellion was not ended until June, 1895. M. de Moraes, who had meanwhile been elected President, granted full amnesty to all concerned in the revolt. In 1896 Brazil entered into a reciprocity treaty for trade with the United States. Brazito, Battle of. See Braceti. Breakwater, in civil engineering, a con- 390 BRECKENRIDGE— BREVET structioii in deep water to protect an anchorage for vessels during storms and for other purposes. They are technically classified as sloping, composite, and verti- cal. The most notable breakwater in the United States is at the entrance of Dela- ware Bay, which cost considerably over $2,000,000. There are others at Galveston, Tex.; at Buffalo, Chicago, and Oswego, on the Great Lakes, and at several ports of entry in the Southern States, which have been constructed by the federal gov- ernment since the close of the Civil War. The Eads jetties, below New Orleans, are practicallj' a breakwater construction, al- though built for a different purpose. Breckenridge, John, statesman; born in Augusta county, Va., Dec. 2, 1760; was admitted to the bar in 1785; elected to Congress in 1793 but did not accept, having determined to remove to Kentucky, where he settled near Lexington. He was appointed attorney-general of Kentucky in 1795. In 1798 he met JefFerson and Nicholas at Monticello and prepared the famous Kentucky resolutions of 1798, of which Jefferson claimed the authorship. In 1801 he was elected to the United States Senate, and resigned in 1805 to become Attorney-General under President Jefferson, which office he filled about four months. He died in Lexington, Ky., Dec. 14. 1806. Breckinridge, John Cabell, states- man; born near Lexington, Ky., Jan. 21, JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE. 1821. Studying law at the Transylvania Institute, he began its practice at Lexing- ton. He served as major in the war with Mexico; was a member of his State legis- lature; and from 1851 to 1855 was in Con- gress. President Pierce tendered him the mission to Spain, which he declined. In March, 1857, he became Vice-President, under Buchanan, and succeeded John J. Crittenden in the Senate of the United States in 1861. He was then a defeated candidate for the Presidency. His friend- ship for the Confederates caused his expul- sion from the Senate in December, 1861, when he joined the Confederate army and was made a major-general, Aug. 5, 1862. He was active at various points dur- ing the remainder of the war. Breck- inridge was Secretary of War of the Con- federacy when it fell (1865), and soon afterwards departed for Europe, return- ing to his native State in a short time. He was the youngest man who ever held the office of Vice-President. He died in Lexington, Ky., May 17, 1875. Breed's Hill. See Bunkek Hill. Brenton, William, royal governor; born in England; was governor of Rhode Island in 1666 under the charter from Charles II., and was one of the original nine proprietors of Rhode Island. Bren- ton's Point and Brenton's Reef in Narra- ganset Bay were named after him. He died in Newport, R. I., in 1674. Bressani, Francis Joseph. See Jes- uit Missions. Brevard, Ephraim, physician; born in Charlotte, N. C, about 1750; was gradu- ated at the College of New Jersey in 1768; was educated for a physician, and prac- tised the profession in Charlotte. He was secretary of the famous Mecklenbui'g Con- vention. When the British invaded the Carolinas, he entered the Continental army as a surgeon, and was made a prisoner at Charleston in 1780. Broken with disease, he returned to Charlotte after his release, and died about 1783. Brevet, a French word implying a royal act, conferring some privilege or distinc- tion ; in England it is applied to a com- mission giving nominal rank higher than that for which pay is received. Thus, a brevet major serves and draws pay as cap- tain. The first time it was used in the United States army was in 1812, when Capt. Zachary Taylor was promoted to major by brevet for his defence of Fort Harrison. It was sometimes used in the Continental army after the arrival of the 400 BREWER— BRICE ELDER BREWSTER'S CHEST AND DINNER-POT. French troops in 1780. The word came the lid of his chest that the political into very general use during the Civil compact was signed on board the Elay- War, and, as an intermediate distinction fioioer. At New Plymouth he supplied between an actual low and a possible the vacant pulpit most of the time for higher rank, is still frequently conferred by the President. Officers receiving it are " privileged to include it in their official titles, as " Colonel and Brevet Brigadier- General, U.S.A.," or "U. S.V." Brewer, Cavib Josiah, jurist; born in Smyrna, Asia, June 20, 1837; graduated at Yale in 1856; removed to Kansas in 1859; appointed justice of the United States Supreme Court in 1894. Brewster, Benjamin Harris, lawyer; born in Salem county, N. J., Oct. 13, 1816; graduated at Princeton College in 1834, and admitted to the Philadelphia bar in 1838; was appointed Attorney-Gen- nine years, preaching very impressive ser- eral of the United States in December, mons; but he could never be persuaded 1881, and conducted the prosecution of the to administer the Lord's supper, though Star Route trials. He died in Philadel- he had the care of the church. He died phia. Pa., April 4, 1888. at Plymouth, Mass., April 10, 1644. Brewster, William, a Pilgrim Father; Bribery, in the United States, an act born in Scrooby, England, in 1560. Edu- prohibited and made punishable by acts cated at Cambridge, he entered the ser- of Congress and by legislation in nearly vice of William Davidson, ambassador of all of the States. The penalties apply Queen Elizabeth in Holland. He with- equally to the persons offering and ac- drew from the Church of England and cepting a bribe. The acts of Congress established a society of Separatists, apply particularly to persons connected This new society worshipped on Sabbath with the government in various capacities, days at Mr. Brewster's house until per- and also to federal elections, and the secution began to interrupt them. He, legislation of a State to public officers with Mr. Bradford and others, was among generally under its jurisdiction, and also those who attempted to fly to Holland in to State and municipal elections. One of 1607. (See Robinson, John.) They were the most noted cases of wholesale bribery arrested and imprisoned at Boston in Lin- in the United States was that involving a colnshire. As Mr. Brewster had the most number of aldermen of New York City, property, he was the greater sufferer. At which grew out of a grant of a street rail- much expense he gained his liberty, and road franchise in 1884. The legislature then he assisted the poorer members of ordered an investigation, and several of the church to escape, following them him- the aldermen, a former president of the self soon afterwards. At Leyden he open- railroad company, and Jacob Sharp, the ed a school for teaching the English Ian- alleged leader in the bribery, were con- guage, to replenish his exhausted funds, victed. He had then been an elder and teacher Brice, Ben.jamin W., military officer; for some time. By the assistance of some born in Virginia in 1809; was graduated friends he procured a printing-press, and at West Point in 1829; served in the ex- published several books against the Eng- pedition against the Sac Indians in 1831, lish hierarchy. In Mr. Robinson's church then resigned from the army and became in Leyden Brewster was a ruling elder, a lawyer, judge, and adjutant-general of and was so highly esteemed that he was Ohio. He re-entered the army as major at chosen the spiritual guide of the " Pil- the beginning of the Mexican War, and grims " who emigrated to America. He served as paymaster. He served through took with him to the wilderness his wife the Civil War in the pay department; be- and numerous children. It was upon came paymaster-general in 1864, and was 1,-2 c 401 BUICKETT— BRIDGIES brevetted major-general for faithful ser- built for carriages and foot-passengers; vices in 1865. He died in Washington, has a span of 1,260. feet; begun 1867; D. C, Dec. 4, 1892. completed in 1869; blown down Jan. 10, Brickett, James, military officer; born 1889, and a new structure of iron, hung in 1737; was a physician in Haverhill, on steel cables, opened May 7, 1889. Mass., until the beginning of the French Brooklyn Bridge, a wire cable suspension and Indian War ; was a surgeon in the bridge connecting New York City with army at Ticonderoga ; was wounded in the Brooklyn ; designed by John A. Roebling, battle of Bunker Hill; appointed briga- and built by his son, W. A. Eoebling; dier-general in the expedition designed for carriage - way, 5,989 feet, and including Canada in 1776; and commanded the extensions, 6,537 feet; a central span of American escort of Burgoyne's surren- 1,595 feet, and two side spans of 930 dered army from the Saratoga battle-field feet each, with a clear headway under the to Cambridge, Mass., in 1777. He died in centre of the bridge of 135 feet above Haverhill, Mass., Dec. 9, 1818. high-water; total height of towers above Bridges. The most notable ones in high-water, 278 feet. There are four United States history are: suspension cables, composed of 5,296 gal- Arch Bridges. — St. Louis Bridge across vanized steel wires, bound together, but the Mississippi at St. Louis, Mo.; three not twisted; width of bridge, 85 feet; arches formed of tubes of cast-steel, and cost, $15,000,000; bridge begun 1870; built out from the piers without scaf- opened May 24, 1883. folding; the centre span, 520 feet; the New East River Bridge (under con- others, 502 feet each ; 2,200 tons of steel struction ) , connecting New York City and 3,400 tons of iron were used in its with Brooklyn; north of the Brooklyn construction. Built by Col. James B. Bridge. The roadway of this bridge is sup- Eads at a cost of $10,000,000. Begim ported by six steel cables passing over 1867, and completed July 4, 1874. steel towers on each side of the river. High Bridge, across the Harlem River, North River Bridge (under construe- in New York City; built to carry the tion), across the Hudson, between New Croton aqueduct across the river. It York City and Hoboken, N. J. In this consists of thirteen arches, and is 1,460 bridge the towers are to be of steel, 557 feet long. feet high. The central span will be 3,110 Washington Bridge, across the Harlem feet long, and the lowest point of the River, just north of High Bridge; con- bridge 150 feet above high-water,. sists of nine arches, three of granite on Cantilever Bridges. — Niagara Falls the east side, four of granite on the west, Cantilever, over the gorge, a short dis- and two steel arches spanning the river, tance above the old suspension bridge; This bridge is 2,400 feet long and 80 feet the first true metal cantilever bridge wide; completed in 1888. erected, comprising two cantilevers, 385 Suspension Bridges. — Niagara Falls feet each in length, extending from the Suspension Bridge, across the gorge, 2 shores to piers, and reaching out over the miles below the falls; built by John A. river, supporting a central girder 120 Roebling; length of span between towers, feet in length; distance between piers, 800 feet; supported by four wire cables, 495 feet; height of bridge, 180 feet above each containing 3,640 No. 9 wires; height the water; opened Dec. 20, 1883. of track above the water, 245 feet; car- Kentucky and Indiana Bridge, over the riage-way* beneath the track; cost of Ohio River, at Louisville; has two canti- bridge, $400,000; w^ork begun 1852; first lever spans of 480 and 483 feet; begun in locomotives crossed March 8, 1855. 1883; completed in 1888. Cincinnati and Covington Suspension Poughkeepsie Bridge, crossing the Hud- Bridge, over the Ohio River, at an ele- son River at Poughkeepsie; is composed ration of 91 feet above low-water, and of two cantilever, spans on each shore of with a span of 1,057 feet; built by Roeb- 523 feet, and a central cantilever span of ling, and completed in 1867. 521 feet, joined by two ordinary girders of Clifton Suspension Bridge, at Niagara 500 feet span with projecting cantilever Falls, a short distance below the falls; ends; work begun 1886; opened in 1888. 402 BBIDGEWATER— BRISTOW STATION Blackwell's Island Bridge (under con- struction), across the East River north of the Brooklyn Bridge. It has four chan- nel piers, 135 feet above high- water. The bridge will be 2 miles in length, with two channel spans of 846 feet each, and one across Blackwell's Island of 613 feet. Girder and Miscellaneous Bridges. — Arthur Kill Bridge, between Staten Isl- and and New Jersey, consists of two shore- spans of 150 feet each, covered by fixed trusses, and a draw 500 feet in length; can be opened and closed in two minutes; bridge authorized by act of Congress June 16, 1886; completed at a cost of $450,000, Jime 13, 1888. Wooden bridge, over the Connecticut at Hanover, with a single arch of 236 feet; erected in 1796. Potomac Run Bridge, a famous trestle- work 400 feet long and 80 feet high ; built in nine days by soldiers of the Army of the Potomac under the supervision of Gen. Herman Haupt. It contained more than 2,000,000 feet of lumber, chiefly round sticks, fresh cut from the neighboring woods; erected May, 1862. Portage Bridge, over the Genesee River, on the line of the Erie Railroad at Port- age, N. Y. An iron truss bridge on iron trestles, built in 1875, to replace the original wooden trestle bridge; completed Aug. 14, 1852, and burned down. May 6, 1875; total length, 800 feet, comprising one span of 180 feet, two of 100 feet, and seven of 50 feet; height, 130 feet above the river; contract let. May 10, 1875; opened for traffic July 31, 1875. Wrought-iron girder bridge, at Cincin- nati, over the Ohio River, with a span of 519 feet; 105 feet above low- water; built in 1877. Kentucky River Bridge, a trussed girder bridge of iron, on the line of the Cincin- nati Southern Railroad ; three spans of 375 feet; built without false work; begun Oct. 16, 1876, and completed at a cost of $404,230, Feb. 20, 1877. Bridgewater, Battle of. See Lundy's Laxe. Brier Creek, Battle of. Colonel Ashe, of North Carolina, was sent by General Lincoln, with 2,000 men, to drive the Brit- ish from Augusta, Ga., in 1779. The lat- ter fled when Ashe appeared on the oppo- site side of the river, and pushed towards 4r the sea, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Camp- bell. Ashe crossed and pursued as far as Brier Creek, 40 miles below Augusta, on the Georgia side of the Savannah River, where he encamped. He was surprised ( March 3 ) and utterly defeated by General Prevost, who Avas marching up from Sa- vannah to support Campbell. Ashe lost almost his entire army by death, captivity, and dispersion. Some were killed, others perished in the morasses, and many were drowned in attempting to pass the Savan- nah River. This blow deprived Lincoln of about one-fourth of his army and led to the temporary re-establishment of royal authority in Georgia. Bright, Jesse D.; born in Norwich, N. Y., Dec. 18, 1812; removed to Indiana in 1820; United States Senator, 1845-62, when he was expelled for having recog- nized Jeft'erson Davis as President of the Confederate States. He died in Baltimore, Md., May 20, 1875. Brinton, Daniel Garrison, surgeon and archaeologist; born in Thornbury, Pa., May 13, 1837; graduated at JeflTerson Medical College in 1861; was appointed medical director in the 11th Army Corps in 1802-65. His writings include Notes on the Floridian Peninsula; American Eero Myths; Aboriginal American Anthol- ogy; Primer of Mayan Hieroglyphics; Re- ligion of Primitive Peoples, etc. He died in Atlantic City, N. J., July 31, 1899. Bristow, Benjamin Helm, statesman; born in Elkton, Ky., June 20, 1832; was graduated at Jefferson College in 1851; and admitted to the bar of Kentucky in 1853. At the outbreak of the Civil War he accepted a commission in the Union army as lieutenant-colonel of the 25th Kentucky Infantry; afterwards became colonel of the 8th Kentucky Cavalry. He served through the war with distinction, and was wounded at the battle of Shiloh. He was Secretary of the United States Treasury in 1874-76, when he resigned. He was a leading candidate for the Re- publican Presidential nomination in 1876. Bristow Station, Battle of. In the third race of the National and Confederate armies for Washington, the struggle to first pass Bristow Station, on the Cen- tral Virginia Railroad, was very hot. Lee pushed Hill and Ewell forward to gain that point before the Nationals should BRITISH ORDERS IN COUNCIL— BROCK reach it. When they approached it the ministrator of the government of Upper entire Army of the Potomac h^-d passed Canada, Oct. 9, 1811. When war was de- it, excepting Gen. G. K. Warren's corps, dared by the United States, he took prompt which was then not in sight of the Con- measures for the defence of the province, federates. Hill was about to attack the He heard of Hill's invasion from Detroit 3d Corps, when, at about noon (Oct. 15), he was startled by the appearance of Warren's troops ap- jjroaching his rear. They had out- stripped Ewell's, and were expect- ing to meet Sykes's at Bristow Station. Hill instantly turned and opened his batteries upon Warren, who was surprised for a moment; but in the space of ten minutes the batteries of Arnold and Brown, assisted by the infantry divisions of Hayes and Webb, drove back the Confederates and captured six of their guns. These were instantly turned upon the fugitives. A flank attack by the Confederates was re- pulsed with a loss to them of 450 men made prisoners. This was an effectual check upon Hill's march. Just at sunset Ewell came up, and Warren's corps (5th) was con- fronted by a greater portion of Lee's army. Seeing his peril, War- ren skilfully withdrew under cover of the approaching darkness, and joined the main army in the morn- ing on the heights of Centreville. ^ Warren's loss in the battle was about 200 in killed and wounded. British Orders in Council. See Orders in Council. Brock, Sir Isaac, military officer; born in Guernsey, Oct. 6, 1769; en- tered the British army as an ensign in aiONUMIi.NT WHERE GEKERAL BROCK FELL. on July 20, 1812. He knew the weak- ness of Fort Maiden, below Detroit, and felt anxious. The legislature was about to assemble at York (Toronto), and he could not personally conduct affairs in the west. Divided duties perplexed him. Leaving the military which he had gathered along the Ni- agara frontier in charge of Lieutenant- Colonel Myers, he hastened to York, and, with much parade, opened the session of the legislature. His address was warm- ly received, but he found that either dis- loyalty or timidity prevailed in the legis- lature. Some were decidedly in favor of the Americans, -and most of them were 1783; saw service in Holland, and was lukewarm. Perceiving this. Brock pro- in the attack on Copenhagen in 1801. Ris- rogued the Assembly so soon as they had ing by degrees, he became a major-gen- passed the necessary supply bills. But a eral, and was appointed president and ad- change soon came. News of the seizure 404 MEDAL ly MEMORY OF GENERAL BROCK. SRODERICK— BROKie of Mackinaw and reverses to the Ameri- cans on the Detroit frontier, together with Brock's continually confident tone in pub- lic expressions, gave the people courage, and he was enabled to write to Sir George Prevost (July 29, 1812), " The militia sta- tioned here have volunteered their ser- vices this morning to any part of the province." He soon led quite a large body of them, and captured Detroit (q. v.) . He also personally led the troops in the battle of Queenston, where he was killed, Oct. 13, 1812. The British government caused a fine monument to be erected to his memory in St. Paul's Cathedral, Lon- don, bearing the following inscription: " Erected at the public expense to the memory of Ma j. -Gen. Sir Isaac Brock, who gloriously fell on the 13th of October, MDCCCXIL, in resisting an attack on Queenston, Upper Canada." To the four surviving brothers of Brock 12,000 acres of land in Canada were given, and a pen- sion of $1,000 a year each for life. In 1816 the Canadians struck a medal to his mem- oiy; and on the Heights of Queenston they raised a beautiful Tuscan column 135 feet in height. In the base of the monument a tomb was formed, in which the general's remains repose. They were taken to this last resting-place from Fort George on Oct. 13, 1824. A small monu- ment marks the place Avhere he fell. Broderick, Davis Colbretii, legisla- tor: born in Washington, D. C, Feb. 4, 1820; was actively engaged in New York politics until his removal to California in 1846, where he became a leader in political matters. He was elected a United States Senator for that State in 1856. In consequence of political diffi- culties he was challenged to fight a duel by David S. Terry, chief - justice of the Supreme Court of California; fell at the first fire; and died shortly thereafter, near Lake Merced, Cal., Sept. 16, 1859. Brodhead, John Romeyn, historian; born in Philadelphia, Pa., Jan. 2, 1814. He graduated at Rutgers College in 1831; admitted to the bar in 1835; was attach- ed to the American legation at the Hague in 1839, and was appointed by the legislat- ure of New York its agent to procure and transcribe original documents concerning the history of the State. He spent three years in searching the archives of Holland, 40 England, and France, and obtained copies of more than 5,000 separate papers, com- prising the reports of home and colonial authorities. They have been published in 11 quarto volumes by the State of New York, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, LL.D. Mr. Brodhead was secretary of the Amer- ican legation in London from 1846 till 1849. On his return he began the prep- aration of a History of the State of Neiv York. The first volume was publish- ed in 1853, and the second in 1871. He was naval officer of New York from 1853 till 1857. Mr. Brodhead left his History of the State of New York unfinished. He died in New York City, May 6, 1873. Broke, Sir Philip Bowes Vere, an English admiral; born Sept. 9, 1776; entered the British navy in 1792, and be- came post-captain in 1801. His most con- spicuous exploit was his capture of the American frigate Chesapeake in June, 1813. (See Chesapeake and Shannon.) This afi'air caused him to receive knight- SIR PHILIP BOWES TKRE BROKE. hood; and at the time of his death he held the commission of rear-admiral of the Red. In the action with the Chesa- peake he was so badly wounded that he was never fit for service afterwards. He died in London. Jan. 2, 1841. BROOK FARM ASSOCIATION— BROOKE Brook Farm Association. The Brook Farm project originated with George Rip- ley, a prominent humanitarian of Boston, and Dr. William H. Channing. The origi- nal plan was to make of it a religious and literary community, supported by joint labor of its members on a farm which was the common property of all. All were to live simply, and, as the hours of labor were brief, abundant leisure was to be secured for social and intellectual inter- course. All the members of the commu- nity were to be stockholders in the com- munity's property, some giving money and others contributing labor as an equiva- lent. Many persons of note in the literary world were members of the association, including Theodore Parker, George Will- iam Curtis, Nathaniel Hawthorne, Charles A. Dana, Elizabeth P. Peabody, Margaret Fuller, and others. The association was organized in 1841, the farm purchased, and by the following spring its plan was fairly in working order. It was then known simply as the West Roxbury Community, Brook Farm being the name of the place owned by the society. A quarterly jour- nal called the Dial was carried on by the members of the society. In Decem- ber, 1843, a convention of reformers of various grades was held in Boston, to dis- cuss the ideas of Fourier, which had just become known in this country. The result was the conversion of all the Brook Farm- ers to Fourierism, and the transformation of their simple community into a Fourier- ist " phalanx," under the name of the Brook Farm Association. The leaders of this movement were George Ripley, Minot Pratt, and Charles A. Dana. The land owned by the association at this time ag- gregated 208 acres, situated at West Rox- bury, 8 miles from Boston, and their property, real and personal, was estimated at $30,000. In the summer of 1844 the Dial suspended publication. The new or- gan of the association was the Phalanx, then published in New York, afterwards removed to Boston, where its name was changed to the Earhinger. The Brook Farm Association was incorporated by the Massachusetts legislature in the winter of 1844-45, under the name of " The Brook Farm Phalanx." From this time the main function of Brook Farm was propagandism. It continued the manage- ment of the communal affairs at West Roxbury, and made many improvements there, and put up large workshops and other buildings. But outside of this work its members conducted the Earhinger, which was published weekly and was given up almost wholly to advocacy of Fourier- ism. It also instituted a missionary so- ciety and a lecturing system. Its mem- bers, with some outside sympathizers, formed an organization, the American Union of Associationists, the two foremost workers in which were William H. Chan- ning and Charles A. Dana, and eloquent appeals in the form of circulars were sent out, urging the formation of similar so- cieties all over the country. A number of these were formed, but, unfortunately, nearly all were failures. March 3, 1846, the large " phalanstery," in process of erection at Brook Farm, was burned. This was a terrible blow to the society, and one from which it never recovered. The organization lingered and continued the publication of the Earhinger till October, 1847, but the hope of becoming a model " phalanx " died out long before that time. The associate life was broken up in 1847, and the Brook Farmers sought other fields of labor. The end of Brook Farm was virtually the end of Fourierism in the United States, for though other organiza- tions of a similar character had been formed after its example, their lives were of short duration, when the inspiration of the Roxbury apostles was gone. Brooke, John Rutter, military offi- cer; born in Pottsville, Pa., July 21, 1838. When the Civil War began he joined the Union army as a captain of a volunteer regiment, and resigned from the volunteer army with the rank of brevet major-gen- eral in 1866. He was appointed lieuten- ant-colonel of the 37th United States In- fantry in July, 1866; and promoted to colonel in 1879, brigadier-general in 1888, and major-general in 1897. In 1898, on the declaration of war against Spain, he Avas appointed commander of the 1st Pro- visional Army Corps. After serving in the Porto Rico campaign, he was appointed a member of the joint military commission to arrange the cession of that island to the United States. He was military and civil governor of Cuba from December, 1898, till April, 1900; was then succeeded 406 BROOKLYN by Gen. Leonard Wood; and on May 10, 1900, succeeded Ma j. -Gen. Wesley Merritt as commander of the Military Department of the East, with headquarters in New York City. Brooklyn, a former city and county seat of Kings county, N. Y., at the west end of Long Island; since Jan. 1, 1898,. one of the five boroughs of the city of New York. Under the census of 1890 it was the fourth city in population in the United States— 806,343; under that of 1900 the borough had a population of 1,166,582. In 1900 the area was 66.39 square miles; assessed valuation of tax- able property, $695,335,940; and net debt, $70,005,384. The borough derived its name from Breuckelen (" marshy land ") ,a place in the province of Utrecht, Holland. The gust, 1814), there were stirring scenes at Brooklyn, when hosts of citizens went over from New York to assist in strength- ening the old fortifications there, in ex- pectation of an attack by the British. In the Civil War the citizens of Brooklyn contributed largely to the support of the Union cause in every way. The fair held here for the benefit of the United States Sanitary Commission yielded the sum of $402,943. Brooklyn was incorporated a village in April, 1816, and became a char- tered city in 1834. Williamsburg and Greenpoint were annexed to it in 1855; the towns of Flatbush, New Utrecht, and Gravesend, in 1894; and the town of Flatlands became a ward of the city in 1896. The bridge across the East Eiver, con- THE BROOKLYN BRIDGE. first movement towards settlement there was the purchase of land from the Indians, in 1636, lying at Gowanus, and of land at Wallabout Bay, in 1637. A ferry be- tween it and New Amsterdam was estab- lished in 1642. It held a leading position among the towns for wealth and popu- lation at the time of the surrender to the English. At or near Brooklyn occurred the battle of Long Island (see Long Isl- and, Battle of), in 1776. The govern- ment established a navy-yard in Brooklyn in 1801. During the War of 1812-15 (Au- necting New York and Brooklyn, was de- signed by John A. Roebling {q. v.) . It was begun in 1870 and finished in 1883. The steel cables by which it is suspended were made at Wilmington, Del., and are supported on stone piers, 272 feet above high tide. The total length of the bridge is 5,989 feet, and the carriage-way is 135 feet above the water. The cost was $15,- 000,000, of which the city of Brooklyn paid $10,000,000 and New York City $5,000,000. The bridge now accommodates pedestrians,' carriages and wagons, bridge cable-cars, 407 BKOOKS and electric cars. The bridge soon proved inadequate for the enormous traffic be- tween New York and Brooklyn, and a sec- ond and larger bridge on steel piers was built about a mile above, and a third bridge ordered to parallel the original, and a fourth bridge across Blackwell's Island. In addition a tunnel has been authorized under the East River from the Battery in New York to the Brooklyn City Hall. Brooks, James, journalist; born in Portland, Me., Nov. 10, IS 10; became a Washington correspondent of the Port- land Advertiser in 1832; established the Express in New York City in 1832; was a member of the New York State con- stitutional convention; a government di- rector of the Union Pacific Railway; and one of the members of the House of Representatives censured for his connec^ tion with the Credit Mobilier. He died in Washington, D. C, April 30, 1873. See Credit Mobilier. Brooks, John, soldier and statesman; born in Medford, Mass., May 31, 1752; re- ceived a common-school education, studied medicine, and settled in its practice at Reading, where he commanded a company of minute-men when the Revolution be- gan. With his men he was engaged in the aflairs of April 19, 1775, at Lexington and Concord. Bi'ooks was active in intrench- ing Breed's Hill (see Bunker Hill) on the night of June 16, 1775, and was major of a regiment that assisted in fortifying Dorchester Heights. Earlj^ in 1776 he ac- companied it to Long Island, and fought there. The battle of White Plains tested his capacity as a disciplinarian and leader; and early in 1777 he was promoted to lieu- tenant-colonel of the 8th Massachusetts Regiment, which was chiefly recruited by himself. He became colonel of the 7th Massa- chusetts Regiment late in 1778; and he ac- companied Arnold on his expedition to re- lieve Fort Stanwix in 1777. He led his regiment in battle with great prowess and success at Saratoga, Oct. 7, 1777; and in the battle of Monmouth (q. v.) he was acting adjutant - general. He was adju- tant-general of Massachusetts during the War of 1812-15; and was governor of that commonwealth from 1816 to 1823, when he retired to private life. In 1816 Harvard University conferred upon him the degrees of M.D. and LL.D. From 1817 until his death, March 1, 1825, he was president of JOHN BROOKS. the Massachusetts Medical Society; of the State Society of the Cincinnati from 1787; and of the Massachusetts Bible Society. Brooks, Phillips; born in Boston, Mass., Dec. 13, 1835; graduated at Harvard in 1855; rector of Trinity Church, Boston, 1869; bishop of Massachusetts, 1891. He wrote many books on religious subjects. He died in Boston, Jan. 23, 1893. Brooks, Preston Smith, legislator; born in Edgefield District, S. C, Aug. 4, 1819; was graduated at the South Caro- lina College in 1839; admitted to the bar in 1843; and elected to the State legis- lature in the following year. He served with the South Carolina Palmetto Regi- ment through the Mexican War, and after- wards engaged in planting. He Avas elect- ed to Congress as a State-Rights Democrat in 1853, and held his seat till his death, in Washington, D. C, Jan. 27, 1857. On May 22, 1856, he made a murderous as- sault on Charles Sumner, who had re- mained in his seat in the Senate Chamber attending to some unfinished business af- ter the adjournment of the Senate for the day. Mr. Sumner became insensible from the attack, and is said to have suffered more or less from it till his death. When the fact of the assault became kno\ATi, the House of Representatives directed an in- vestigation, and its committee reported in favor of expelling Mr. Brooks. Subse- quently, however, when the resolution came 408 BROOKS, PRESTON SMITH up for final action it was defeated through high places, and permit a member of Con- lack of the required two-thirds vote, gress to publish and circulate a libel Soon afterwards Representative Anson on another, and then call upon either I^UKLiNGAME {q. V.) , of Massachusetts, House to protect him against the per- challenged Mr. Brooks to fight a duel in sonal responsibilities which he had thus consequence of words used in a debate incurred. in the House, but Mr. Brooks failed to ap- But if I had committed a breach of pear at the designated time and place in privilege, it was the privilege of the Sen- Canada. After the assault Mr. Brooks ate, and not of this House, which was resigned his seat in the House, but his violated. I was answerable there, and constituents immediately re-elected him, not /ie?-e. They had no right, as it seems and he was presented with numerous to me, to prosecute me in these halls, nor tokens of esteem by friends in different have you the right in law or under the parts of the South. Constitution, as I respectfully submit, to His Defence of the Assault. — On July take jurisdiction over offences committed 14, 1856, Mr. Brooks delivered the follow- against them. The Constitution does not ing speech: justify them in making such a request, nor this House in granting it. If, unhap- Mr, Speaker, — Some time since a Sen- pily, the day should ever come when sec- ator from Massachusetts allowed him- tional or party feeling should run so high self, in an elaborately prepared speech, to as to control all other considerations of offer a gross insult to my State, and to a public duty or justice, how easy it will venerable friend, who is my State repre- be to use such precedents for the excuse of scntative, and who was absent at the arbitrary power, in either House, to expel time. members of the minority who may have Not content with that, he published to rendered themselves obnoxious to the pre- the world, and circulated extensively, this vailing spirit in the House to which they uncalled-for libel on my State and my belong. blood. Whatever insults my State in- Matters may go smoothly enough when suits me. Her history and character have one House asks the other to punish a commanded my pious veneration ; and in member who is offensive to a majority of her defence I hope I shall always be pre- its own body; but how will it be when, pared, humbly and modestly, to perform upon a pretence of insulted dignity, de- the duty of a son. I should have forfeited viands are made of this House to expel my own self-respect, and perhaps the good a member who happens to run counter opinion of my counti-ymen, if I had failed to its party predilections, or other de- to resent such an injury by calling the mands which it may not be so agreeable- offender in question to a personal account, to grant? It could never have been de- It was a personal affair, and in taking signed by the Constitution of the United redress into my own hands I meant no dis- States to expose the two Houses to such respect to the Senate of the United States temptations to collision, or to extend so or to this House. Neither did I design far the discretionary power which was insult or disrespect to the State of Massa- given to either House to punish its own chusetts. I was aware of the personal members for the violation of its rules responsibilities I incurred, and was will- and orders. Discretion has been said to ing to meet them. I knew, too, that I was be the law of the tyrant, and when exer- amenable to the laws of the country, cised under the color of the law, and which afford the same protection to all, under the influence of party dictation, it whether they be members of Congress or may and will become a terrible and in- private citizens. I did not, and do not sufferable despotism. now, believe that I could be properly pun- This House, however, it would seem, ished, not only in a court of law, but from the unmistakable tendency of its here also, at the pleasure and discretion proceedings, takes a different view from of the House. I did not then, and do that which T deliberately entertain in not now, believe that the spirit of Amer- common with many others. ican freemen would tolerate slander in So far as public interests or constitu- 409 BROOKS, PRESTON SMITH tional rights are involved, I have now ex- perform — I might have been compelled to hausted my means of defence. I may, do that which I would have regretted the then, be allowed to take a more personal balance of my natural life. view of the question at issue. The fur- The question has been asked in certain ther prosecution of this subject, in the newspapers, why I did not invite the shape it has now assumed, may not only Senator to personal combat in the mode involve my friends, but the House itself, usually adopted. Well, sir, as I desire in agitations which might be unhappy the whole truth to be known about the in their consequences to the country. If matter, I will for once notice a newspaper tliese consequences could be confined to article on the floor of the House, and an- myself individually, I think I am pre- swer here. pared and ready to meet them, here or My answer is, that the Senator would elsewhere; and when I use this language not accept a message; and having formed I mean what I say. But others must not the unalterable determination to punish suffer for me. T have felt more on ac- him, I believe that the offence of " send- count of my two friends who have been ing a hostile message," superadded to the implicated than for myself, for they have indictment for assault and battery, would proven that " there is a friend that stick- subject me to legal penalties more severe eth closer than a brother." I will not tlian would be imposed for a simple as- constrain gentlemen to assume a respon- sault and battery. That is my answer, sibility on my account, which possibly Now, Mr. Speaker, I have nearly fin- they would not run on their own. ished what I intended to say. If my op- Sir, I cannot, on my own account, as- ponents, Avho have pursued me Avith un- sume the responsibility, in the face of paralleled bitterness, are satisfied with the American people, of commencing a the present condition of this affair, I am. line of conduct which in my heart of I return my thanks to my friends, and hearts I believe would result in subvert- especially to those who are from non- ing the foundations of this government, slave-owning States, who have magnani- and in drenching this hall in blood. No mously sustained me, and felt that it was act of mine, on my personal account, a higher honor to themselves to be just shall inaugurate revolution; but when in their judgment of a gentleman than you, Mr. Speaker, return to your own to be a member of Congress for life. In home, and hear the people of the great taking my leave, I feel that it is proper Xorth— and they are a great people— that I should say that I believe that some speak of me as "a bad man, you will do of the votes that have been cast against me the justice to say that a blow struck me have been extorted by an outside pres- by me at this time w^ould be followed by sure at home, and that their votes do not revolution, and this I know. (Applause express the feelings or opinions of the and hisses in the gallery.) members who gave them. Mr. Brooks (resuming) :— If I desired To such of these as have given their to kill the Senator, why did not I do it? votes and made their speeches on the con- You all admit that I had him in my power, stitutional principles involved, and Avith- Let me tell the member from New Jersey out indulging in personal vilification, that it Avas expressly to avoid taking life I owe my respect. But, sir, they have tliat I used an ordinary cane, presented to Avritten me doA\m upon the history of me by a friend in Baltimore, nearly three the country as Avorthy of expulsion, months before its application to the" bare and in no unkindness I must tell them head" of the Massachusetts Senator. I that for all future time my self-respect Av^ent to work very deliberately, as I am requires that I shall pass them as stran- charged — and this is admitted — and spec- gers. ulated somcAvhat as to Avhether I should And noAV, Mr. Speaker. I announce to employ a horseAvhip or a cowhide; but you and to this House, that I am no long- knowing that the Senator Avas my supe- er a member of the thirty-fourth Con- rior in strength, it occurred to me that he gress. might wrest" it from my hand, and then Mr. Brooks then AvithdrcAV from the — for I never attempt anvthing I do not chamber. 410 BROOKS— BRO WIST Brooks, WiLLiAii Thomas Haebaugh, military officer; born in New Lisbon, O., Jan. 28, 1821; graduated at West Point in 1841; served under Scott in the war against Mexico, and became brigadier-gen- eral of volunteers in 1861, serving in the Army of the Potomac. In July, 1864, he was temporarily in command of the lOtli Army Corps, and resigned the same month. He died in Huntsville, Ala., July 19, 1870. Brother Jonathan. See Trumbull, Jonathan. Brotherly Love, City of. See Phila- delphia. Brough, John, journalist; born in Marietta, 0., in 1811; learned the print- er's trade in the office of the Marietta Gazette; and was editor of Democratic newspapers in Lancaster and Cincinnati. He held several State offices in Ohio; was a member of the joint commission to adjust the boundary line between that State and Virginia; became a popular Democratic orator; was an active "war" Democrat in the early part of the Civil War; and was elected governor of Ohio as the Kepublic-Union candidate in 1863. He died in Cleveland, 0., Aug. 29, 1865. Brown, x^aron Vail; born in Virginia, Aug. 15, 1795; moved to North Carolina in 1815; was member of the State legis- lature for some j'ears, and elected to Con- gress in 1839, and governor of the State in 1845. He was Postmaster-General in Bu- chanan's cabinet. He died in Washington, March 8, 1859. Brown, Benjamin Gratz; born in Lexington, Ky., May 28, 1826; gradu- ated at Yale in 1847 ; and settled in St. Louis, where he edited the Missouri Demo- crat. He assisted in preventing the se- cession of Missouri, and was elected to the United States Senate in 1863, and gov- ernor of the State in 1871. He was the candidate for Vice - President on the Greeley ticket in 1872. He died in St. Louis, Dec. 13, 1885. Brown, Charles Brockden, author; born in Philadelphia, Jan. 17, 1771; studied law, but abandoned it for literature. In addition to novels and works of literature he published An Address to Franklin; An Address to Congress on Foreign Commerce. He was the first American author who made literature his profession. He died in Philadelphia, Peb. 22, 1810. 41 Brown, Fort, a fortified post on the Eio Grande, erected in 1846, and named in honor of Maj. Jacob Brown, U. S. A. It was built by General Taylor immediate- ly after his arrival at the river opposite Matamoras with a part of the army of occupation (March 29, 1846), and was de- signed to accommodate 2,000 men. It was placed in command of Major Brown. Tay- lor was ordered by General Ampudia, com- mander of the Mexican forces at Mata- moras, to withdraw within twenty-four hours, as he claimed the territory around Fort Brown belonged to the Department of Tamaulipas, a part of Mexico. Taylor refused to do so; and when he had gone back to Point Isabel with a part of his forces, leaving Major Brown in command. Arista crossed the river with some troops to attack the fort. His army was hourly increasing in strength. On the night of May 4 the Mexicans erected a battery be- hind the fort, and early the next morning opened a heavy fire from it upon the forti- fication. At the same time the batteries at Matamoras, which had fired upon the fort on the 3d, hurled shot and shell, but with little effect, for Bro\vn had erected bomb-proof shelter. Almost at the begin- ning of the bombardment, the gallant com- mander was killed. The bombardment continued thirty-six hours, when Arista demanded a surrender of the fort. It was refused, and towards evening (April 6) a heavy tempest of shot and shell fell upon the fort. The fort withstood the attack until relieved by approaching troops under General Taylor. See Mexico, War with. Brown, Henry Billings, jurist; born in Lee, Mass., March 2, 1836; graduated at Yale in 1856; circuit judge of Wayne county, Mich., in 1868; United States dis- trict judge in 1875; justice of the United States Supreme Court in 1890. Brown, Henry Kirke, sculptor; born in Leyden, Mass., Feb. 24, 1814. Among his best works are an equestrian statue of Washington, in New York ; an eques- trian statue of General Greene ; a colossal statue of De Witt Clinton ; and Angel of the Resurrection, in Greenwood Cemetery; a colossal equestrian statue of General Scott, and a statue of President Lincoln. He died in Newburg, N. Y., July 10, 1886. Brown, Isaac U., naval officer; com- manded the ram Arkansas (g. v.). 1 SEOWl? Brown, Jacob, military officer; born in Bucks county, Pa., May 9, 1775, of Quaker parentage. He taught school at Cross- wicks, N".. J., for three years, and passed two fight the French. On leaving that service he went to northern New Yoik, purchased lands on the banks of the Black Kiver, not manv miles from Sackett's Harbor, and MEDAL PRESENTED TO GENERAL BROWN BY CONGRESS. years in surveying lands in Ohio. In 1798 he opened a select school in the city of New York, and studied law. Some of his newspaper essays attracted the notice of GENERAL BROWN-'S MONUMENT. Gen. Alexander Hamilton, to whom he be- came secretary while that officer was act- ing general-in-chief of the army raised to 41 founded the flourishing settlement of Brownsville, where he erected the first building within 30 miles of Lake Ontario. There he became county judge; colonel of the militia in 1809; brigadier-general in 1810; and, in 1812, received the appoint- ment of commander of the frontier from Oswego to Lake St. Francis, a line 200 miles in extent. He performed excellent service on that frontier and that of the Niagara during the War of 1812-15, re- ceiving two severe wounds in battle. For his services he received the thanks of Con- gress and a gold medal. At the close of the war, General Brown was retained in command of the northern division of the army, and was made general-in-chief of the army of the United States, March 10, 1821. He died in Washington, D. C, Feb. 24, 1828. General Brown's remains were interred in the congressional burying- ground, and over them is a truncated column of white marble upon an inscribed pedestal. See Freedom of a City. Brown, John, patriot; born in San- disfield, Mass., Oct. 19, 1744; was gradu- ated at Yale College in 1761 ; became a lawyer and active patriot; entered Canada in disguise (1774-75) to obtain informa- tion and secure the co-operation of the Canadians with the other colonists, and MAJOR-GENERAL JACOB BROWN BROWN, JOHN aided Ethan Allen in the capture of Ti- companies of British regulars, a quantity conderoga. He was active with Montgom- of stores and cannon, and destroyed a ery in the siege of Quebec. In August, number of boats and an armed sloop. He 1776, he was made lieutenant-colonel, and, left the service because of his detestation on the morning of Sept. 18, 1776, he sur- of Benedict Arnold, but continued to act prised the outposts of Ticonderoga, set with the militia. He was killed by Ind- free 100 American prisoners, captured four ians in the Mohawk Valley, Oct. 19, 1780. BROWN, JOHN Brown, John, abolitionist ; born in Tor- rington, Conn., May 9, 1800; hanged in Charlestown, Va., Dec. 2, 1859; was a de- scendant of Peter Brown of the Mayflower. His grandfather was a soldier of the Revo- lution, and perished in that war. When John was five years of age, his father moved to Ohio; and in 1815-20 he worked at the trade of a tanner. He became a dealer in wool ; visited Europe on busi- ness; and in 1855 he emigrated to Kansas, where, as an anti-slavery champion, he took an active part against the pro-slavery party, engaging in some of the conflicts of the short civil war in that Territory. Devout, moral, courageous, and intensely earnest, he sought to be an instrument for the abolition of African slavery from the republic. The idea that he might become a liberator was conceived so early as 1839. In May, 1859, he made his first movement in an attempt to liberate the slaves in Vir- ginia, which ended so disastrously to him- self at Harper's Ferry. There seemed to be a peculiar serenity and calmness in the public mind about public affairs in the fall of 1859, when suddenly a rumor went out of Baltimore that the abolitionists had seized the gov- ernment armory and arsenal at Harper's Ferry, at the junction of the Shenandoah and Potomac rivers, and that a general insurrection of the slaves in Virginia was imminent. The rumor was mostly true. John Brown had suddenly appeared at Harper's Ferry with a few followers, to induce the slaves of Virginia to rise in insurrection and assert their right to freedom. With a few white followers and twelve slaves from Missouri, he went into Canada West, and at Chatham a con- vention of sympathizers was held in May, 1859, whereat a " Provisional Constitu- tion and Ordinances for the People of the United States " was adopted — not, as the instrument declared, " for the overthrow of any government, but simply to amend and repeal." It was a part of the scheme for promoting the uprising of the slaves. Brown spent the summer of 1859 in prep- arations for his work. He hired a farm a few miles from Harper's Ferry, where he was known by the name of Smith. One by one his followers joined him there, and stealthily gathered pikes and other weap- JOHN BROWN. ons, with ammunition, for the purpose of first arming the insurgent slaves of Virginia. On a very dark night, Brown, Avith seventeen white men and five negroes, stole into the village of Harper's Ferry, put out the street-lights, seized the gov- ernment armory and the railway-bridge there, and quietly arrested and impi-ison- ed in the government buildings every citi- zen found in the street at the earlier hours of the next morning, each one ignorant of what else had happened. These invaders 413 BROWN, JOHN had seized Colonel Washington, living a thor of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, few miles from the ferry, with his arms and horses, and liberated his slaves; and at eight o'clock on Monday morning, Oct. 17, Brown and his followers (among whom were two of his sons) had full possession of the village and the government works. He had felt assured that when the first blow should be struck the negroes of the surrounding country would rise and flock to his standard, that a general uprising of the slaves throughout the Union would follow, and that he would win the satis- faction and the honors of a great liber- ator. When asked what was his purpose, and by what authority he acted, he replied, " To free the slaves ; and by the authority of God Almighty." News of this affair went swiftly abroad, and before night a large number of Vir- ginia militia had gathered at Harper's Ferry. Struggles between these and Brown's followers ensued, in which the two sons of the latter perished. The in- vaders were finally driven into a fire- engine house, where Brown bravely de- fended himself. With one son dead by his side and the other shot through the body, he felt the pulse of his dying child with one hand, held his rifle with the other, and issued oral commands to his men with all the composure of a general in his mar- quee, telling them to be firm, and sell their lives as dearly as possible. They held their citadel until Monday evening, when Col. Robert E. Lee arrived with ninety United States marines and two pieces of artillery. The doors of the engine-house were forced open, and Brown and his followers were captured. The bold leader was speedily tried for murder and treason, was found guilty (Oct. 29), and on Dec. 3, 1859, was hanged. Meanwhile the wildest tales of the raid had gone over the land. The gov- ernor of Virginia (Henry A. Wise) was beside himself with excitement, and de- clared himself ready to make war on all the free-labor States ; and he declared, in a letter to the President (Nov. 25), that he had authority for the belief that a con- spiracy to rescue Brown existed in Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, and other States. Attempts were made to implicate leading Republicans in a scheme for liberating the slaves. A committee of the United States Senate, with James M. Mason, au- its chairman, was ajjpointed to investigate the subject. The result was the obtain- ing of positive proof that Brown had no accomplices, and only about twenty-five followers. Although Brown's mad attempt to free the slaves was a total failure, it proved to be one of the important events which speedily brought about the result he so much desired. Autobiographical Notes. — brown's letter on slavery to his brother frederick. Rajvdolph, Pa., Nov. 21, 1834. Dear Brother, — As I have had only one letter from Hudson since you left here, and that some weeks since, I begin to get uneasy and apprehensive that all is not well. I had satisfied my mind about it for some time, in expectation of seeing father here, but I begin to give that up for the present. Since you left me I have been trying to devise some means whereby I might do something in a practical way for my poor fellow-men who are in bond- age, and having fully consulted the feel- ings of my wife and my three boys, we have agreed to get at least one negro boy or youth, and bring him up as we do our own— i;i^., give him a good English edu- cation, learn him what we can about the history of the world, about business, about general subjects, and, above all, try to teach him the fear of God. We think of three ways to obtain one: First, to try to get some Christian slave-holder to re- lease one to us. Second, to get a free one if no one will let us have one that is a slave. Third, if that does not succeed, we have all agreed to submit to consider- able privation in order to buy one. This we are now using means in order to effect, in the confident expectation that God is about to bring them all out of the house of bondage. I will just mention that when this sub- ject was first introduced, Jason had gone to bed; but no sooner did he hear the thing hinted, than his warm heart kindled, and he turned out to have a part in the discussion of a subject of such ex- ceeding interest. I have for years been trying to devise some way to get a school a-going here for blacks, and I think that 414 BB0W13", JOHN on many accounts it would be a most insteuctions to the " gileadites," an favorable location. Children here would organization of colored people. have no intercourse with vicious people of their own kind, nor with openly vicious Nothing so charms the American people persons of any kind. There would be no as personal bravery. Witness the case of powerful opposition influence against Cinques, of everlasting memory, on board such a thing; and should there be any, I the Amistad. The trial for life of one believe the settlement might be so effected bold and to some extent successful man, in future as to have almost the Avhole for defending his rights in good earnest, influence of the place in favor of such would arouse more sympathy throughout a school. Write me how you would the nation than the accumulated wrongs like to join me, and try to get on from and sufferings of more than three mill- Hudson and thereabouts some first-rate ions of our submissive colored popula- abolitionist families with you. I do hon- tion. W^e need not mention the Greeks estly believe that our united exertions struggling against the oppressive Turks, alone might soon, with the good hand of the Poles against Russia, nor the Hun- our God upon us, efTect it all. garians against Austria and Russia com- This has been with me a favorite theme bined, to prove this. No jury can he of reflection for years. I think that a found in the Northern States that would place which might be in some measure convict a man for defending his rights settled with a view to such an object to the last extremity. This is xoell under- would be much more favorable to such an stood hy Southern Congressmen, who in- undertaking than would any such place as sisted that the right of trial hy jury Hudson, with all its conflicting interests should not he granted to the fugitive. and feelings; and I do think such advaii- Colored people have ten times the number tages ought to be afforded the young of fast friends among the whites than blacks, whether they are all to be imniedi- they suppose, and would have ten times ately set free or not. Perhaps we might, the number they now have were they but under God, in that way do more towards half as much in earnest to secure their breaking their yoke effectually than in dearest rights as they are to ape the fol- any other. If the young blacks of our lies and extravagances of their white country could once become enlightened, it neighbors, and to indulge in idle show, would most assuredly operate on slavery in ease, and in luxury. Just think of the like firing powder confined in rock, and money expended by individuals in your be- all slave-holders know it well. Witness half in the past twenty years! Think their heaven-daring laws against teaching of the number who have been mobbed and blacks. If once the Christians in the free imprisoned on yovir account! Have any of States would set to work in earnest in you seen the Branded Hand? Do you re- teaching the blacks, the people of the member the names of Love joy and Torrey? slave-holding States would find themselves Should one of your number be arrest- constitutionally driven to set about the ed, you must collect together as quickly work of emancipation immediately. The as possible, so as to outnumber your ad- laws of this State are now such that the versaries who are taking an active part inhabitants of any township may raise against you. Let no able-bodied man ap- by a tax in aid of the State school-fund pear on the ground unequipped, or with any amount of money they may choose his weapons exposed to view: let that be by a vote, for the purpose of common understood beforehand. Your plans must schools, which any child may have access be kno^VTl only to yourself, and with the to by application. If you will join me in imder standing that all traitors must die, this undertaking, I will make with you wherever caught and proven to be guilty. any arrangement of our temporal con- '•' Whosoever is fearful or afraid, let him cerns that shall be fair. Our health is return and depart early from Mount good, and our prospects about business Gilead " (Judges, vii. 3; Deut. xx. 8). rather brightening. Give all cowards an opportunity to show Affectionately yours, it on condition of holding their peace. John Brown. Do not delay one moment after you are 415 BROWIO^, JOHN ready: you toill lose all your resolution if you do. Let the first hloiv be the signal for all to engage; and when engaged do not do your loork by halves, hut make clean work with your enemies, — and be sure you meddle not with any others. By going about your business quietly, you will get the job disposed of before the number that an uproar would bring to- gether can collect; and you will have the advantage of those who come out against you, for they will be wholly unprepared with either equipments or matured plans; all with them will be confusion and terror. Your enemies wall be slow to attack you after you have done up the w^ork nicely; and if they should, they will have to en- counter your white friends as well as you ; for you may safely calculate on a division of the whites, and may by that means get to an honorable parley. Be firm, determined, and cool ; but let it be understood that you are not to be driven to desperation without making it an awful dear job to others as well as to you. Give them to know distinctly that those who live in wooden houses should not throw lire, and that you are just as able to suffer as your white neighbors. After effecting a rescue, if you are assail- ed, go into the houses of your most promi- nent and influential tohite friends loith your wives; and that tvill effectually fasten upon them the suspicion of being connected with you, and vnll compel them to make a common cause with you, whether they would otherwise live up to their profession or not. This would leave them no choice in the matter. Some would doubtless prove themselves true of their own choice; others would flinch; That would be taking them at their own words. You may make a tumult in the court-room where a trial is going on, by burning gunpowder freely in paper pack- ages, if you cannot think of any better way to create a momentary alarm, and might possibly give one or more of your enemies a hoist. But in such case the prisoner will need to take the hint at once, and bestir himself; and so should his friends improve the opportunity for a general rush. A lasso might probably be applied to a slave-catcher for once with good eflFect. Hold on to your weapons, and never be 41 persuaded to leave them, part with them, or have them far away from you. Stand by one another and by your friends, while a drop of blood remains; and be hanged, if you must, but tell no tales out of school. Make no confession. Union is strength. Without some well- digested arrangements nothing to any good purpose is likely to be done, let the demand be never so great. Witness the case of Hamlet and Long in New York, when there was no well-defined plan of opera- tions or suitable preparation beforehand. The desired end may be effectually se- cured by the means proposed; namely, the enjoyment of our inalienable rights. THE FIGHT OF OSAWATOMIE. Early in the morning of Aug. 30 the enemy's scouts approached to within one mile and a half of the western boun- dary of the town of Osawatomie. At this place my son Frederick (who was not attached to my force) had lodged, with some four other young men from Law- rence, and a young man named Garrison, from Middle Creek. The scouts, led by a pro-slavery preacher named White, shot my son dead in the road, while he — as I have since ascertained — -supposed them to be friendly. At the same time they butchered Mr. Garrison, and badly man- gled one of the young men from Law- rence, who came Avith my son, leaving him for dead. This was not far from sun- rise. I had stopi^ed during the night about two and one-half miles from them, and nearly one mile from Osawatomie. I had no organized force, but only some twelve or fifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave their preparations for breakfast and follow me into the town, as soon as this news was brought to me. As I had no means of learning correctly the force of the enemy, I placed twelve of the recruits in a log-house, hoping we might be able to defend the town. I then gathered some fifteen more men together, whom we armed? with guns ; and we start- ed in the direction of the enemy. After going a few rods, we could see them ap- proaching the town in line of battle, about half a mile off, upon a hill west of the village. I then gave up all idea of doing more than to annoy, from the timber near the town, into which we were all retreat- 6 BROWN, JOHN ed, and which was filled with a thick growth of underbrush; but I had no time to recall the twelve men in the log- house, and so lost their assistance in the fight. At the point above named I- met with Captain Cline, a very active young man, who had with him some twelve or fifteen mounted men, and persuaded him to go with us into the timber, on the southern shore of the Osage, or Marais whom neither party claimed, they took a hasty leave, carrying their dead and wounded with them. They did not at- tempt to cross the river, nor to search for us, and have not since returned to look over their work. I give this in great haste, in the midst of constant interruptions. My second son was with me in the fight, and escaped unharmed. This I mention for the benefit des Cygnes, a little to the northwest from of his friends. Old Preacher White, I hear, the village. Here the men, numbering not more than thirty in all, were directed to scatter and secrete themselves as well as they could, and await the approach of the enemy. This was done in full view of them (who must have seen the whole movement ) , and had to be done in the ut- most haste. I believe Captain Cline and some of his men were not even dismount- ed in the fight, but cannot assert positive- ly. When the left wing of the enemy had approached to within common rifle-shot, we commenced firing, and very soon threw the northern branch of the enemy's lino into disorder. This continued some fif- teen or twenty minutes, which gave us an uncommon opportimity to annoy them. Captain Cline and his men soon got out of ammunition, and retired across the river. After the enemy rallied, we kept up our fire, until, by the leaving of one and another, we had but six or seven left. We then retired across the river. We had one man killed — a Mr. Powers, from Captain Cline's company — in the fight. One of my men, a Mr. Partridge, was shot in crossing the river. Two or three of the party who took part in the fight are yet missing, and may be lost or taken pris- oners. Two were wounded; namely. Dr. Updegraff and a Mr. Collis. I cannot speak in too high terms of them, and of many others I have not now time to men- tion. One of my best men, together with my- self, was struck by a partially spent ball from the enemy, in the commencement of the fight, but we were only bruised. The loss I refer to is one of my missing men. The loss of the enemy, as we learn by the may judge from myself) believed different statements of our own as well as other people, was some thirty-one or two killed, and from forty to fifty wound- ed. After burning the town to ashes and killing a Mr. Williams they had taken, boasts of having killed my son. Of course he is a lion. John Brown. Lawrence, Kansas, Sept. 7, 1856. brown's plan as explained in 1858, reported by richard realf. John Brown stated that for twenty or thirty years the idea had possessed him like a passion of giving liberty to the slaves; that he made a journey to Eng- land, during which he made a tour upon the European continent, inspecting all fortifications, and especially all earth- work forts which he could find, with a view of applying the knowledge thus gain- ed, with modifications and inventions of his own. to a mountain warfare in the United States. He stated that he had read all the books upon insurrectionary warfare that he could lay his hands on: the Roman warfare, the successful oppo- sition of the Spanish chieftains during the period when Spain was a Roman province — how with 10.000 men, divided and subdivided into small companies, act- ing simultaneously yet separately, they withstood the whole consolidated power of the Roman Empire through a number of years. In addition to this, he had be- come very familiar with the successful warfare waged by Sohamyl. the Circas- sian chief, against the Russians; he had posted himself m relation to the war of Toussaint L'Ouverture : he had be- come thoroughly acquainted with the wars in Hayti and the islands round about; and from all these things he had drawn the conclusion — believing, as he stated there he did believe, and as we all (if I -that I.— 2 D 417 upon the first intimation of a plan formed for the liberation of the slaves, they would immediately rise all over the Southern States. He supposed that they would come into the mountains to join BBOWN, JOHN him, where he purposed to work, and that by flocking to his standard they would enable him (making the line of moun- tains which cut diagonally through Mary- land and Virginia, down through the Southern States into Tennessee and Ala- bama, the base of his operations) to act upon the plantations on the plains lying on each side of that range of mountains; that we should be able to establish our- selves in the fastnesses. And if any hos- tile action were taken against us, either by the militia of the States or by the armies of the United States, we purposed to defeat first the militia, and next, if possible, the troops of the United States; and then organize the free blacks under the provisional constitution, Avhich would carve out for the locality of its jurisdic- tion all that mountainous region in which the blacks were to be established, in which they were to be taught the useful and mechanical arts, and all the business of life. Schools were also to be established, and so on. The negroes were to be his soldiers. PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION AND ORDINANCES FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. [This is the preamble of the constitu- tion drawn up by Brown in 1858 for the government of the slaves whom he pro- posed to free.] Preamble. Whereas slavery, throughout its entire existence in the United States, is none other than a most barbarous, unprovoked, and unjustifiable war of one portion of its citizens upon another portion — the only conditions of which are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude or absolute extermination — - in utter disre- gard and violation of those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our Decla- ration of Independence: Therefore, we, citizens of the United States, and the oppressed people who by a recent decision of the Supreme Court are declared to have no rights which the white man is bound to respect, together with all other people degraded by the laws thereof, do, for the time being, or- dain and establish for ourselves the fol- lowing Provisional Constitution and Ordi- nances, the better to protect our persons. property, lives, and liberties, and to gov- ern our actions. LETTER TO THEODORE PARKER. Boston, Mass., March 7, 1858. My DEAR Sir, — Since you know I have an almost countless brood of poor hun- gry chickens to " scratch for," you will not reproach me for scratching even on the Sabbath. At any rate, I trust God will not. I want you to undertake to provide a sub- stitute for an address you saw last sea- son, directed to the officers and soldiers of the United States army. The ideas con- tained in that address I of course like, for I furnished the skeleton. I never had the ability to clothe those ideas in language at all to satisfy myself ; and I was by no means satisfied with the style of that ad- dress, and do not know as I can give any correct idea of what I want. I will, how- ever, try. In the first place, it must be short, or it will not be generally read. It must be in the simplest or plainest language, with- out the least affectation of the scholar about it, and yet be worded with great clearness and power. The anonymous writer must (in the language of the Pad- dy) be " afther others," and not " afther himself at all, at all." If the spirit that communicated Franklin's Poor Richard (or some other good spirit) would dictate, I think it would be quite as well employed as the " dear sister spirits " have been for some years past. The address should be appropriate, and particularly adapted to the peculiar circumstances we antici- pate, and should look to the actual change of service from that of Satan to the ser- vice of God. It should be, in short, a most earnest and powerful appeal to men's sense of right and to their feelings of hu- manity. Soldiers are men, and no man can certainly calculate the value and impor- tance of getting a single "nail into old Cap- tain Kidd's chest." It should be provided beforehand, and be ready in advance to distribute by all persons, male and female, who may be disposed to favor the right. I also want a similar short address, ap- propriate to the peculiar circumstances, intended for all persons, old and young, male and female, slave-holding and non- slave-holding, to be sent out broadcast over the entire nation. So by every male and 418 BROWN, JOHN female prisoner on being set at liberty, and to be read by them during confinement. I know that men will listen, and reflect, loo, under such circumstances. Persons will hear your anti-slavery lectures and abolition lectures when they have become virtually slaves themselves. The impres- sions made on prisoners by kindness and plain dealing, instead of barbarous and cruel treatment, such as they might give, and instead of being slaughtered like wild reptiles, as they might very natural- ly expect, are not only powerful, 'but last- ing. Females are susceptible of being car- ried away entirely by the kindness of an intrepid and magnanimous soldier, even when his bare name was but a terror the day previous. Now, dear sir, I have told you about as well as I know what I am anxious at once to secure. Will you write the tracts, or get them written, so that I may commence colporteur? Very respectfully your friend, John Brown. brown's address to governor wise. Governor,— I have from all appearances not more than fifteen or twenty years the start of you in the journey to that eternity of which you kindly warn me; and, whether my time here shall be fifteen months or fifteen days or fifteen hours, 1 am equally prepared to go. There is an eternity behind and an eternity before ; and this little speck in the centre, how- ever long, is but comparatively a min- ute. The difference between your tenure and mine is trifiing, and I therefore tell you to be prepared. I am prepared. You all have a heavy responsibility, and it be- hooves you to prepare more than it does me. brown's last speech to the COTTRT, NOV. 2, 1859. I have, may it please the court, a few words to say. In the first place, I deny everything but what I have all along admitted — the de- sign on my part to free the slaves. I intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that matter^ as I did last win- ter, when I went into Missouri and there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either side, moved them through the country, and finally left them in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, on a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did intend mur- der, or treason, or the destruction of property, or to excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make insurrection. I have another objection ; and that is, it is unjust that I should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the manner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly proved ( for I admire the truth- fulness and candor of the great portion of the witnesses who have testified in this case) — had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in behalf of any of their friends — either father, mother, brother, sister, wife, or children, or any of that class — and suffered and sacrificed what I have in this interference, it would have been all right; and every man in this court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward rather than punishment. This court acknowledges, as I suppose, the validity of the law of God. I see a book kissed here which I suppose to be the Bible, or at least the New Testament. That teaches me that all things whatso- ever I would that men should do to me, I should do even so to them. It teaches me, further, to " remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them." I en- deavored to act up to that instruction. I say, I am yet too young to understand that God is any respecter of persons. I believe that to have interfered as I have d9ne — as I have always freely admitted I have done — in behalf of His despised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now, if it be deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children and with the* blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregard- ed by wicked, cruel, and unjust enact- ments — I submit; so let it be done! Let me say one word further. I feel entirely satisfied with the treat- ment I have received on my trial. Consid- ering all the circumstances, it has been more generous than I expected. But I feel no consciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what was my inten- tion, and what was not. I never had nny design against the life of any per- 419 BROWN son, nor any disposition to commit trea- son, or excite slaves to rebel, or make any general insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do so, but always discouraged any idea of that kind. Let ' me say, also, a word in regard to the statements made by some of those connected with me. I hear it has been stated by some of them that I have in- duced them to join me. But the contrary is true. I do not say this to injure them, but as regretting their weakness. There is not one of them but joined me of his own accord, and the greater part of them at their own expense. A number of them I never saw, and never had a word of conversation with, till the day they came to me; and that was for the purpose I have stated. Now I have done. Brown, John, merchant ; born in Prov- idence, R. I., Jan. 27, 1736. In the at- tack on the British sloop-of-war Gaspee iq. V.) in 1772 he was one of the leaders. In his account of the burning of the ship, Bancroft says : " The following night a party of men in six or seven boats, led by John and Joseph Brown, of Providence, and Simeon Potter, of Bristol, boarded the stranded ship, after a scuffle in which Dudingston was wounded, took and landed its crew, and then set it on fire." Brown was elected a member of the State legislat- ure several times, and was a member of Congress, 1799-1801. He died Sept. 20, 1803. Brown, John, military officer; born in Sandisfield, Mass., Oct. 19, 1744; gradu- ated at Yale College in 1771; studied law Avith Oliver Arnold in Providence; ap- pointed King's attorney at Johnstown, N. Y. ; resigned this office in 1773 to prac- tise law at Pittsfield, Mass. ; member of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, 1774, in which year he was selected by the State committee of correspondence to go to Canada for the purpose of exciting the Canadians to revolt. Brown returned in the autumn of 1774. He notified the com- mittee that Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Boys would attack Fort Ticon- DEROGA {q. V.) as soon as hostilities be- gan. When the fort was captured. Brown took charge of the prisoners, and on May 17 he reported to the Continental Con- gress in Philadelphia, of which he was a member. In July he accompanied Allen on his Canadian expedition, and Sept. 24 he took Fort Chambly {q. v.). The next day Allen, who expected the co-operation of Brown, marched upon Montreal, but was attacked by a superior force and was taken prisoner. While Arnold was before Quebec, Major Brown arrived from Sorel to join him. Montgomery had arrived two days earlier. In the attack on Quebec {q. v.), Dec. 31, he was directed to make a false attack to the south of St. John's gate and to set lire to the gate itself. He successfully executed his orders. Congress promoted Brown to lieutenant- colonel Aug. 1, 1776, with rank and pay from November, 1775. After the defeat of Colonel Baum at Bennington in 1777, Brown was despatched by General Lin- coln to Lake George with 500 men. He attacked the British at break of day, Sept. 17, three miles from Ticonderoga, set at liberty 100 American prisoners, captured nearly 300 British, 400 batteaux, a sloop, several gunboats, some cannon, and a vast amount of plunder. After this exploit he joined the main army a few weeks before the surrender of Burgoyne. Soon after this event Colonel Brown resigned his commission on account of his detestation of Arnold. Three years before Arnold's treason, Brown published a handbill of thirteen or fourteen articles against Ar- nold, then at the height of his fame, charging him with levying contributions on the Canadians for his private use, and adding that Arnold would prove a traitor, for he had sold many a life for money. He was elected a member of the General Court of Massachusetts in 1778. In the fall of 1780 he marched up the Mohawk Valley to the relief of General Schuyler, but was led into an ambuscade at Stone Arabia, and killed in the conflict, Oct. 19, 1780. Brown, John, pioneer; born in Eng- land in 1630; removed with his parents to Rhode Island in 1638; held many of- fices in the colony. He died about 1706. Brown, John, statesman; born in Staunton, Va., Sept. 12, 1757; enlisted in the Continental army while a student at Princeton ; member of the Virginia legis- lature, 1783; member of the Continental Congress, 1787-88; United States Senator 420 BROWN from Kentucky, 1792-1805. At his death, Aug. 29, 1837, he was the last surviving member of the Continental Congress. Brown, John B., statesman; born in Richfield, N. Y., July 16, 1807; removed to Virginia in 1849; delegate to the Re- publican national conventions of 1856 and 1860; arrested in Virginia on the charge of circulating incendiary documents, and imprisoned. He died in Washington, D. C, Dec. 9, 1867. Brown, John Calvin, military officer; born in Giles county, Tenn., Jan. 6, 1827; graduated at Jackson College in 1846; en- tered the Confederate army as captain in 1861, reaching the rank of major-general. He was president of the Tennessee con- stitutional convention of 1870, and was governor of the State, 1870-74. He died in Red Boiling Spring, Tenn., Aug. 17, 1889. Brown, John Carter, merchant; born in Providence, R. I., Aug. 28, 1797; second son of Nicholas Brown, 2d, the patron of Brown University, at which he gradu- ated in 1816. He engaged largely in the business of manufactures and merchan- dise. He travelled much in the United States, and resided in Europe, at different times, for several years. In 1828 he was chosen a trustee, and in 1842 a fellow, of Brown University, and so remained until his death in Providence, June 10, 1874, bestowing many munificent gifts upon that institution. Together they amounted to $70,000. In his will he made liberal pro- vision for a new library building, which has since been erected. His entire bene- factions to the university amounted to nearly $160,000. Mr. Brown never took any prominent part in public affairs; but he was an active friend of the bondsmen, and did much, in his quiet way, in aid of the cause of freedom in the struggle in Kansas, giving money • liberally for the promotion of emigration thither from New England. During almost his whole life Mr. Brown was engaged in the col- lection of a library of American history, in which his friend John Russell Bart- LETT iq. V.) materially aided him. He aimed to gather early, rare, and valuable books, which, by proper classification, would show the methods of American colonization and subsequent development of its civilization. For fully forty years 4 before his death he pursued this object with zeal, and left one of the rarest col- lections of the kind ever made. It com- prised about 10,000 volumes; and it gave to John Carter Brown a foremost place among the distinguished historical col- lectors of the world. See Brown Univer- sity. Brown, John Henry, author; born in Pike county. Miss., Oct. 29, 1820; served in the regiment of Texas Rangers during the Mexican War, 1846-48; served =n the Confederate army during the Civil War. Among his writings are History of Texas from 1685 to 1892; Life of Henry Smith, First Governor of Texas; Indian Wars and Pioneers of Texas, etc. Brown, Joseph Emerson, jurist; born in Pickens county, S. C, April 15, 1821; removed to Georgia in 1836; admitted to the bar in 1845; elected to the State Senate in 1849; and v/as governor of Georgia in 1857-65. During the Civil War he threw his influence on the side of the Confederacy, but antagonized some of the war measures of Jefferson Davis and refused to allow State troops to be sent out of the State to check Sherman's march. When peace Avas concluded he favored the reconstruction policy of the federal government, though the Demo- cratic party of Georgia opposed it. In 1880-91 he held a seat in the United States Senate, and during his last term in that body was a member of the com- mittees on civil service, retrenchment, foreign relations, and railroads. He died in Atlanta, Ga., Nov. 30, 1894. Brown, Moses, naval officer; born in Newburyport, Mass., Jan. 20, 1742; served through the Revolutionary War. While in command of the Intrepid he captured four English vessels in the latter half of 1779, and was placed in command of the Merrimac when that vessel was com- pleted for the government. In 1799-1801 he captured the French ships Le Phenix, Le Magicien, Le Bonaparte, and Le Brill- atite. He died at sea, Jan. 1, 1804. Brown, Nicholas, philanthropist; born in Providence, R. I., April 4, 1769; son of Nicholas Brown, 1st; graduated at Rhode Island College (afterwards Brown University) in 1786; became a very suc- cessful merchant in 1791; was a member of the Rhode Island legislature, and, giving 21 BROWN UNIVERSITY— BROWNLOW money liberally to his alma mater, the name of Brown University was given to it. He gave in all about $100,000 to that college, and liberally patronized other in- stitutions of learning. He gave nearly $10,000 to the Providence Athenaeum, and bequeathed $30,000 for an insane asylum in Providence. He died in Providence, Sept. 27, 1841. Brown University, a coeducational in- stitution ; originally established under the auspices of the Baptist Church in War- ren, R. I., in 1764; and incorporated un- der the title of Rhode Island College. In 1770 the institution was removed to Prov- idence, where it has since remained, and in 1804 its name was changed to Brown University in recognition of the liberal- ity of Nicholas Brown {q. v.). In 1900 the university reported seventy-five pro- fessors and instructors; 886 students in all departments; two fellowships; 100 scholarships; 5,260 graduates; 105,000 bound volumes and 35,000 pamphlets in the library; scientific apparatus valued at $340,000; ground and buildings valued at $1,177,967; productive funds aggre- gating $1,297,227; and total income for the year $176,923. Browne, Charles Farrar, humorist; born in Waterford, Maine, April 26, 1834; bred a printer, later became a journalist. His clever and witty sketches, combined with the most atrocious spelling, won him a great reputation as a humorist, under the pen - name of Artemus Ward. He lectured in the United States from 1861 to 1866, when he removed to England, where he was very successful. He died in Southampton, England, March 6, 1867. Browne, Francis Fisher, author; born in South Halifax, Vt., Dec. 1, 1843; en- listed as a private in the 46th Massachu- setts U. S. V. in 1862; removed to Chicago in 1867; founded the Dial in 1880. Among his works are The Every-day Life of Abra- ham Lincoln; Bugle Echoes; Northern and Southern, etc. Browne, John Ross, artist and author; born in Ireland in 1817; engaged on the United States official publication. Re- sources of the Pacific Slope, in 1866 and 1868; United States minister to China in 1868. Among his works, illustrated by himself, are An American Family in Ger- many ; the Land of War; Yusef; Crusoe's A Island; Etchings of a Whaling Cruise, etc. He died in Oakland, Cal., Dec. 9, 1875. Browne, William, loyalist; born in Massachusetts, Feb. 27, 1737; graduated at Harvard in 1755; judge of the Massa- chusetts Superior Court, 1773-74; re- moved to England in 1776. He was ban- ished in 1778 and his estates confiscated. He was governor of Bermuda, 1781-90. He died in England, Feb. 13, 1802. Browne, William Hand, author; born in Baltimore, Md., Dec. 31, 1828; gradu- ated at the University of Maryland in 1850 ; editor of the Southern Revieio and the Southern Magazine, 1867-75. He wrote The Life of Alexander H. Stephens; History of Maryland; George and Cecil Calvert, etc. Browning, Orville Hickman, states- man; born in Harrison county, Ky., in 1810; removed to Illinois in 1831; served in the Black Hawk War in 1832; United States Senator, 1861-63; Secretary of the Interior, 186.5-69; and acted as Attorney- General, 1868-69. He died in Quincy, 111., Aug. 10, 1881. Brownists, the name given to those Puritans who went to Holland and after- wards emigrated to New England; so named from their leader, Robert Brown. As early as 1580, Brown began to inveigh against the ceremonies of the Church of England. Being opposed by the bishops, he and his congregation left England and settled in Holland. At the close of the centurj^ there were about 20,000 Brownists in England. Of that sect were Rev. Mr. Robinson, Elder Brewster, and the congre- gation at Leyden in 1620. The founder of this sect was born about the year 1550, and died about 1630. His family were closely connected with Cecil, afterwards Lord Burleigh. Educated at Cambridge, as soon as he left college he began a vigorous opposition to the whole discipline and liturgy of the Established Church. He taught that all tlie members of a church were equal, and that the pastor should be cliosen by the congregation. See Bradford, William. Brownlow, William - Gannaway, clergyman and journalist ; born in Wythe county, Va., Aug. 29, 1805; was left an orphan at eleven years of age, and, by means of wages as a carpenter in his youth, acquired a fair English education. At the age of twenty-four years he en- BROWNLOW, WILLIAM GANNAWAY tered the ministry of the Methodist Epis- copal Church, and was an itinerant for ten years. While on his circuit in South Carolina he opposed the nullification movement in that State (see Nullifica- tion), which excited strong opposition to him. About 1837 he began the publication of the Knoxville Whig, a political news- paper, which soon circulated widely, and, for its vigorous polemics, obtained for Brownlow the name of the " Fighting Par- son." In 1858 he engaged in a public de- bate in Philadelphia on the question, " Ought American Slavery to be Perpetu- ated?" in which he took the affirmative. When the secession movement began, he boldly opposed it, taking the ground that the preservation of the Union would fur- nish the best safeguard of Southern in- stitutions, and especially of slavery. So outspoken and influential was Mr. Brown- low that, in December, 1861, he was ar- rested, by order of the Confederate au- tliorities, on a charge of treason against the Confederacy, and confined in Knox- ville jail, where he suffered much until re- leased in March, 1862. Then he was sent within the Union lines at Nashville. Af- terwards he made a tour in the Northern States, delivering speeches in the principal cities. At Philadelphia he was joined by his family, who had been expelled from Knoxville, where he published Sketches of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of Seces- sion, tvith a Narrative of Personal Ad- ventures among the Rebels. Brownlow was governor of Tennessee in 1865-69. and United States Senator from 1869 rmtil his death in Knoxville, April 29, 1877. He was a man of fearless spirit, held such a caustic pen, and maintained such influen- tial social and political relations that he was intensely hated and feared by the Confederates. The latter longed for an occasion to silence him, and finally they made the false charge that he was acces- sory to the firing of several railway bridges in eastern Tennessee to cut off" communication between Virginia and that region. His life had been frequently menaced by Confederate soldiers, and, at the urgent solicitation of his family, he left home in the autumn (1861), and went into another district. While he was ab- sent several bridges were burned. Believ- ing him to have been concerned in the burning, the Confederate Colonel Wood — a Methodist preacher from Alabama- — was sent out, with some cavalry, with orders, publicly given at Knoxville, not to take him prisoner, but to shoot him at once. Informed of his peril, Brownlow, Avith other loyal men, secreted himself in the WILLIAM GAN'NAWAT BROWNLOW. Smoky Mountains, on the borders of North Carolina, where they were fed by loyalists. The Confederates finally re- solved to get rid of this " dangerous citi- zen '"' by giving him a pass to go into Kentucky under a military escort. He re- ceived such a pass at Knoxville, and was about to depart for the Union lines, when he was arrested for treason. By the as- surance of safety he had gone to Knox- ville for his pass, and so put himself in the hands of his enemies. He and some of the best men in eastern Tennessee were cast into the county jail, where they suf- fered intensely. Deprived of every com- fort, they were subjected to the vile rib- aldry of the guards, and constantly threatened with death by hanging. Act- ing upon the suggestions of Benjamin, men charged with bridge-burning, and con- fined with Brownlow, were hanged, and their bodies were left suspended as a warn- ing. In the midst of these fiery trials Bro\\Tilow remained firm, and exercised great boldness of speech. They dared not hang him without a legal trial and convic- tion. They offered him life and liberty if he would take the oath of allegiance to the Confederacy. He refused with scorn. To Boijamin he wrote: " You are report- :3 BROWN'S FERRY— BRYAN ed to have said to a gentleman in Rich- mond that I am a bad man, and dangerous to the Confederacy, and that you desire me out of it. Just give me my passport, and 1 will do for your Confederacy more than the devil has ever done — I will quit the country.'"' Benjamin soon afterwards indi- cated a wish that Brownlow should be sent out of the Confederacy, " only," he said, '■ because color is given to the suspicion that he has been entrapped." He was final- ly released, and sent to Nashville (then in possession of National troops) early in March, 1862. Brown's Ferry, Seizure of. Gen. G. W. F. Smith undertook to open a more di- rect way for supplies for the National troops at Chattanooga {q. v.). In co- operation with Hooker's advance on Wau- hatchie, he sent General Hazen from Chat- tanooga, with 1,800 men in bateaux, to construct a pontoon bridge below. These floated noiselessly and undiscerned in the night (Oct. 26-27, 1863) down the Ten- nessee River, past the point of Lookout Mountain, along a line of Confederate pickets 7 miles in length. They landed at Brown's Ferry, on the south side, capt- ured the pickets there, and seized a low range of hills that commanded Lookout Valley. Another force, 1,200 strong, under General Turchin, had moved down the north bank of the river to the ferry at about the same time; and by ten o'clock a pontoon bridge was laid, and a strong abatis for defence was constructed. The Confederates, bewildered, withdrew up the valley. Before night the left of Hooker's line rested on Smith's right at the pon- toon bridge. By this operation the railway from Bridgeport well up towards Chatta- nooga was put in possession of the Nation- als, and the route for supplies for the troops at the latter place was reduced by land from 60 to 28 miles along a safe road; and by using the river to Kelly's Ferry, to 8 miles. Brownstown, Mich., Battle at. See Van Horne, Thomas B. Brush, Charles Francis, inventor; born in Euclid, 0., March 17, 1849; was graduated at the University of Michigan in 1869. He was one of the earliest work- ers in the field of electric lighting, and invented the arc electric light. He is a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and a life- member of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. In 1881 the French government decorated him, and in March, 1900, he received the Rumford medal from the American Academy. Brussels Conference. See Monetary Reform. Bruyas, Jacques. See Jesuit Mis- sions. BRYAN, WILLIAM JENNINGS Bryan, William Jennings, politician; born in Salem, 111., March 19, 1860; was graduated at Illinois College in 1881, and at Union College of Law, Chicago, in 1883. lie practised in Jacksonville, 111., from 1883 till 1887, then removed to Lin- coln, Neb., and was elected to Congress as a Democrat, serving in 1891-95. In 1894-96 he was editor of the Omaha World-HeraJd, and in the latter year a delegate to the National Democratic Con- vention at Chicago. He there made a notable speech advocating the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The free-silver element in the convention was far stronger than the leaders of the party imagined, and there was as much surprise in the convention as out of it when its prize, the Presidential nomination, was awarded to him. The Sound-money Democrats repudiated the nomination, organized the National Demo- cratic party, and put forth a separate platform and national ticket. The Popu- lists, however, adopted the Democratic nominee as their own, but with a different candidate for the Vice-Presidency. Dur- ing the campaign that ensued, Mr. Bryan made a speaking tour more than 18,000 miles in extent. With virtually seven Presidential tickets in the field, Mr. Bryan as the Democratic and Populist candidate received 6,502,925 popular and 176 electo- ral votes, while Mr.McKinley, the Republi- can candidate, received 7,104.779 popular and 271 electoral votes. In 1897 and the early part of 1898 Mr. Bryan delivered a number of lectures on Bimetallism 424 BUYAN, WILLIAM JENNINGS (q. v.). On the declaration of war against Spain he offered his services to tlie gov- ernor of his State, and in May was com- missioned colonel of the 3d Nebraska Vol- unteer Infantry. Neither he nor his regi- ment saw fighting during the war, both WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN. being held in reserve in the United States, with other regiments, at Camp Onward, where he brought his regiment to a state of discipline and efficiency that was highly commended by experienced military offi- cers. As the time approached for holding the national conventions of 1900, it was evi- dent that Mr. Bryan would receive the renomination of his party, although it was equally evident that a very lai'ge number of influential Democrats would oppose his candidacy. The national con- vention made declarations antagonistic to President McKinley's administration, bas- ing its chief opposition on allegations that the Republican party had become Avedded to a policy of territorial expansion and to the encouragement of large financial com- binations or trusts. Mr. Bryan made an- other remarkable speaking tour, and while supporting the above points of opposition to the McKinley administration, neglected no opportunity to expound the free-silver policy. The results of the elections were: For the Republican candidates, 7,217,677 popular and 292 electoral votes; for the Democratic candidates, 6,357,853 popu- lar and 155 electoral votes; showing an 4 increase in the Republican plurality over that of 1896 of 246,025. Immediately after the result of the election was known, Mr. Bryan and President McKinley ex- changed telegrams of personal esteem, and Mr. Bryan soon afterwards estab- lished a weekly newspaper for the purpose of continuing his efforts in behalf of free silver'. The Cross of Gold. — At the National Democratic Convention in Chicago, in 1896, Mr. Bryan delivered the following speech: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention, — I would be presumptuous, indeed, to present myself against the dis- tinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened, if this were a mere measuring of abilities ; but this is not a contest between persons. The humblest in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. I come to speak to you in defence of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty - — the cause of humanity. When this debate is concluded, a motion will be made to lay upon the table the resolution offered in commendation of the administration, and also the resolution offered in condemnation of the adminis- tration. We object to bringing this ques- tion down to the level of persons. The individual is but an atom; he is born, he acts, he dies ; but principles are eternal ; and this has been a contest over a prin- ciple. Never before in the history of this coun- try has there been witnessed such a con- test as that through which we have just passed. Never before in the history of American politics has a great issue been fought out as this issue has been, by the voters of a great party. On the 4th of March, 1895, a few Democrats, most of them members of Congress, issued an address to the Democrats of the nation, asserting that the money question was the paramount issue of the hour; declar- ing that a majority of the Democratic party had the right to control the action of the party on this paramount issue ; and concluding with the request that the be- lievers in the free coinage of silver in the Democratic party should organize, take charge of, and control the policy of the Democratic party. Three days BRYAN, WILLIAM JENNINGS latei", at Memphis, an organization was perfected, and the Silver Democrats went forth openly and courageously, jsroclaim- ing their belief, and declaring that, if suc- cessful, they would crystallize into a plat- form the declaration which they had made. Then began the conflict. With a zeal ap- proaching the zeal which inspired the crusaders who followed Peter the Hermit, our Silver Democrats went forth from vic- tory unto victory until they are now as- sembled, not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up the judgment already render- ed by the plain people of this country. In this contest brother has been arrayed against brother, father against son. The warmest ties of love, acquaintance, and association have been disregarded ; old leaders have been cast aside wdien they have refused to give expression to the sentiments of those whom they would lead, and new leaders have sprung up to give direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contest been Avaged, and we have as- sembled here under as binding and solemn instructions as were ever imposed upon representatives of the people. We do not come as individuals. As in- dividuals we might have been glad to com- pliment the gentleman from New York ( Senator Hill ) , but we know that the people for whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where he could thwart the will of the Democratic party. I say it was not a question of persons ; it was a question of principles, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find ourselves brought into con- flict with those who are now arrayed on the other side. The gentleman who preceded me (ex- Governor Russell) spoke of the State of Massachusetts. Let me assure him that not one present in all this convention en- tertains the least hostility to the people who are the equals, before the law, of the greatest citizens in the State of Massa- chusetts. When you (turning to the gold delegates) come before us and tell us that we are about to disturb your business in- terests, Ave reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course. We say to you that you have made the definition of a business too limited in its application. The man Avho is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer; the attorney in a country town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great metropolis; the merchant at the cross-roads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes forth in the morning and toils all day — who begins in the spring and toils all summer — and who by the application of brain and muscle to the natural resources of the country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and bets upon the price of grain; the miners who go down 1,000 feet into the earth, or climb 2,000 feet upon the cliffs, and bring forth from the hiding places the precious metals to be poured in the channels of trade, are as much busi- ness men as the few financial magnates who, in a back room, corner the money of the world. We come to speak for this broader class of business men. Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the Atlantic coast; but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the danger of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the rose — the pioneers away out there (pointing to the West), who rear their children near to Nature's heart, where they can mingle their voices with the voices of the birds — out there where they have erected school-houses for the edu- cation of their young, churches where they praise their Creator, and cemeteries where rest the ashes of their dead — these people, we say, are as deserving of the consideration of our party as any people in this country. It is for these that w^e speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our Avar is not a Avar of conquest; we are fighting in the defence of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have petition- ed, and our petitions haA^e been scorned; Ave have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked Avhen our calamity came. We beg no longer; Ave entreat no more; Ave petition no more. We defy them. The gentleman from Wisconsin has said that he fears a Robespierre. My friends, in this land of the free you need not fear that a tyrant Avill spring up from among the people. What Ave need is an AndreAV Jackson to stand, as Jackson stood. 426 BEYAN, WILLIAM JENNINGS against the encroachments of organized wealth. They tell us that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply to them that changing conditions make new issues; that the principles upon which Democracy rests are as everlasting as the hills, but that they must be applied to new condi- tions as they rise. Conditions have arisen, and we are here to meet those conditions. They tell us that the income tax ought not to be brought in here ; that it is a new idea. They criticise us for our criticism of the Supreme Court of the United States. My friends, we have not criticised; we have simply called attention to what you already know. If you want criticisms, read the dissenting opinions of the court. There you will find criticisms. They say that we passed an unconstitutional law; we deny it. The income-tax law was not unconstitutional when it passed; it was not unconstitutional when it went before the Supreme 'Court for the first time ; it did not become unconstitutional until one of the judges changed his mind; and we cannot be expected to know when a judge will change his mind. The income tax is just. It simply intends to put the burdens of the government justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favor of an income tax. When I find a man who is not willing to bear his share of the burdens of the government which protects him, I find a man who is unworthy to en- joy the blessings of a government like ours. They say that we are opposing national bank currency; it is true. If you will read what Thomas Benton said, you will fi_nd he said that, in searching history, he could find but one parallel to Andrew Jackson; that was Cicero, who destroyed the conspiracy of Catiline and saved Eome. Benton said that Cicero only did for Rome what Jackson did for us when he destroyed the bank conspiracy and saved America. We say in our platform that we believe that the right to coin and issue money is a function of government. We believe it. We believe that it is a part of sovereignty, and can no more with safety be delegated to private individuals than we could afford to delegate to private individuals the power to make penal statutes or le\'y taxes. Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as good Democratic au- 42 thority, seems to have differed in opinion from the gentleman who has addressed us on the part of the minority. Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us that the issue of paper money is a func- tion of the bank, and that the government ought to go out of the banking business. I stand with Jefferson rather than with them, and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of govern- ment, and that the banks ought to go out of the governing business. They complain about the plank which declares against life tenure in office. They have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. What we oppose by that plank is the life tenure which is being built up in Washington, and which excludes from participation in official ben- efits the humbler members of society. Let me call your attention to two or three important things. The gentleman from New York says that he will propose an amend- ment to the platform providing that the proposed change in our monetary system shall not affect contracts already made. Let me remind you that there is no in- tention of affecting these contracts which according to present laws are made pay- able in gold; but if he means to say that we cannot change our monetary system without protecting those who have loaned money before the change was made, I de- sire to ask him where, in law or in morals, he can find justification for not protect- ing the debtors when the act of 1873 Avas passed, if he now insists that we must protect the creditors. He says he will also propose an amend- ment which will proA'ide for the suspen- sion of free coinage, if we fail to maintain the parity, within a year. We reply that when we advocate a policy which we be- lieve will be successful, we are not com- pelled to raise a doubt as to our own sin- cerity by suggesting what we shall do if we fail. I ask him, if he would apply his logic to us, why he does not apply it to himself. He says he wants this country to try to secure an international agreement. Why does he not tell us what he is going to do if he fails to secure an international agreement? There is more reason for him to do that than there is for us to provide against the failure to maintain the parity. Our opponents have 7 ESYAH, WILLIAM JENNINGS tried for twenty years to secure an inter- national agreement, and those are waiting for it most patiently who do not want it at all. And now, my friends, let me come to the paramount issue. If they ask us why it is that we say more on the money ques- tion than we say upon the tariff ques- tion, I reply that, if protection has slain its thousands, the gold standard has slain its tens of thousands. If they ask us why we do not embody iji our platform all the things that we believe in, we reply that when we have restored the money of the Constitution all other necessary reforms will be possible; but that until this is done there is no other reform that can be accomplished. Why is it that within three months such a change has come over the country? Three months ago, when it was confidently asserted that those who believe in the gold standard would frame our platform and nominate our candidates, even the advo- cates of the gold standard did not think that we could elect a President. And they had good reason for their doubt, be- cause there is scarcely a State here to-day asking for the gold standard which is not in the absolute control of the Repub- lican party. But note the change. Mr. McKinleywas nominated in St. Louis upon a platform which declared for the mainte- nance of the gold standard until it can be changed into bimetallism by international agreement. Mr. McKinley was the most popular man among the Republicans, and three months ago everybody in the Repub- lican party prophesied his electron. How is it to-day? Why, the man who was once pleased to think that he looked like Na- poleon — that man shudders to-day when he remembers that he was nominated on the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo. Not only that, but as he listens he can hear with ever-increasing distinctness the sounds of the waves as they beat upon the lonely shores of St. Helena. Why this change? Ah, my friends, is not the reason for the change evident to any one who will look at the matter? No private character, however pure, no per- sonal popularity, however great, can pro- tect from the avenging wrath of an indig- nant people a man who will declare that he is in favor of fastening the gold stand- ard upon this country, or who is willing to surrender the right of self-government, and jilace the legislative control of our affairs in the hands of foreign potentates and powers. We go forth confident that we shall win. Why? Because upon the para- mount issue of this campaign there is not a spot of ground upon which the enemy will dare to challenge battle. If they tell us that the gold standard is a good thing, we shall point to their platform and tell them that their platform pledges the party to get rid of the gold standard and sub- stitute bimetallism. If the gold standard is a good thing, why try to get rid of it? I call your attention to the fact that some of the very people who are in this con- vention to-day, and Avho tell us that we ought to declare in favor of international bimetallism — thereby declaring that the gold standard is wrong, and that the prin- ciple of bimetallism is better — these very people four months ago were open and avowed advocates of the gold standard, and were then telling us we could not leg- islate two metals together, even with the aid of all the world. If the gold standard is a good thing, we ought to declare in favor of its retention, and not in favor of abandoning it: and if the gold standard is a bad thing, why should we wait until other nations are willing to help us to let go? Here is the line of battle, and we care not upon which issue they force the fight; we are prepared to meet them on either issue or on both. If they tell us that the gold standard is the standard of civilization, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened of all nations of the earth, has never declared for a gold stand- ard, and that both the great parties this year are declaring against it. If the gold standard is the standard of civilization, why, my friends, should we not have it? If they come to meet us on that issue, we can present the history of our nation. More than that; we can tell them that they will search the pages of history in vain to find a single instance where the common people of the land have ever declared themselves in favor of the gold standard. They can find where the hold- ers of fixed investments have declared for a gold standard, but not where the masses have. 428 BRYAN— BRYANT Mr. Carlisle said in 1878 that this was a struggle between " the idle holders of idle capital " and " the struggling masses, who produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the country," and, my friends, the ques- tion we are to decide is: Upon which side will the Democratic party fight; upon the side of "the idle holders of idle capital" or upon the side of " the struggling masses " ? That is the question which the party must answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sym- pathies of the Democratic party, as shown by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic party. There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that, if you will only legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea, however, has been that if you legis- late to make the masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way through every class which rests upon them. You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold stand- ard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms, and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country. My friends, we declare that this nation is able to legislate for its own people on every question, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth; and upon that issue we expect to carry every State in the Union. I shall not slander the inhabitants of the fair State of Massachusetts nor the inhabi- tants of the State of New York by saying that, when they are confronted with the proposition, they will declare that this nation is not able to attend to its own business. It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our ancestors, when but 3,000.000 in number, had the courage to declare their political independence of every other nation; shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to 70.000,000, declare that we are less independent than our fore- fathers? No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but that we cannot have it until other nations help us, we reply that, in- stead of having a gold standard because England has, we will restore bimetallism, and then let England have bimetallism because the United States has it. If they dare to come out in the open field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost. Hav- ing behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring in- terests, and the toilers every^vhere, we will answer their demand for a gold stand- ard by saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold. Bryant, William Cullen, poet; born iji Cummington, Mass., Nov. 3, 1794. He communicated rhymes to the county newspajier before he was ten years of age. His father was a distinguished physician and man of letters, and took great pains in the instruction of his son. His poem on The Embargo, written at the age of thirteen, evinced great precocity of in- tellect. Young Bryant called the embargo act a " terrapin policy "- — the policy de- signed by it of shutting up the nation in its own shell, as it were, like the terrapin with its head. In that poem he violently assailed President Jefferson, and revealed the intensity of the opposition to him and his policy in New England, which made even boys bitter politicians. Alluding to Jefferson's narrow escape from capture by Tarleton in 1781, his zeal for the French, and his scientific researches, young Bry- ant wrote: " And thou, the scorn of every patriot name. Thy counti'y's ruin, and her council's shame ! Poor, servile thing ! derision of the brave ! Who erst from Tarleton fled to Carter's cave ; Thou, who, when menaced by perfidious Gaul, Didst prostrate to her whisker'd minion fall : And when our cash his empty bags sup- plied, Did meanly strive the foul disgrace to hide. Go, wretch, resign the Presidential chair. Disclose thy secret measures, foul or fair : Go, search with curious eye for horned frogs 'Mid the wild wastes of Louisiana bogs, 429 BRYANT— BUCCANEERS Or, where Ohio rolls his turbid stream, Times, Philadelphia, Feb. 22, 1878, on the Dig for Mige bones, thy glory and thy subject of Washington, and written at ®™^" the request of the editor of that paper. He wrote the poem Thanatopsis when he At the time of his death he was engaged was in his nineteenth year. In 1810 he with Sydney Howard Gay in the prepara- entered Williams College, but did not tion of a History of the United States. He graduate. He was admitted to the bar in had also just completed, with the assist- 1815, and practised some time in western ance of the late Evart A. Duykinck, a new Massachusetts. His first collection of and carefully annotated edition of Shake- poems was published in 1821, and this speare's Works. He died in New York volume caused his immediate recognition City, June 12, 1878. as a poet of great merit. In 1825 Mr. Bryce, James, historian; born in Bel- Bryant became an associate editor of the fast, Ireland, May 10, 1838; was gradu- New York Revieio. In 1826 he became ated at Oxford University in 1862; prac- connected with the New York Eveninfj tised law in London till 1882; and was Post, and continued its editor until his Pi'ofessor of Civil Law in Oxford in 1870- 93. He was first elected to the British ^/■'^^~ - Parliament as a Liberal in 1880. He has distinguished himself alike in politics and historical literature, and is best known in the United States for his work on The American Commonioealth. Bryce, Lloyd, author ; born in Flushing, Long Island, N. Y., Sept. 20, 1851; was graduated at Oxford University and stud- ied law in the Columbia Law School, New York; was a Democratic member of Con- gress in 1887-89. In the latter year he received a large interest in the Worth American Review, which he edited till 1896. Buccaneers, The, were daring advent- urers, who first combined for the spolia- tion of the Spaniards in the West Indies and the islands of the Caribbean Sea. The first of these were mostly French, who at- tempted to introduce themselves into the West Indies not long after the conquests rope in 1834, 1845, 1849, and 1858-59, and of the Spaniards there, and Avere called in the intervals visited much of his own flibustiers, or freebooters. Their depre- country from Maine to Florida. On the dations among the islands were extensive completion of his seventieth year, in and alarming. They made settlements in 1864, his birthday was celebrated by a Santo Domingo, where the Spaniards at- festival at the Century Club by promi- tempted to expel them. Retaliation fol- nent literary men. His translations of lowed. In 1630 they made the little isl- Homer into English blank verse were com- and of Tortugas, west of the Florida Keys, mended as the best rendering of the Epics their stronghold, where, in armed bands in his native tongue ever made. His oc- in rowboats, they attacked Spanish ves- casional speeches and more formal ora- sels, lying in wait for them on their pas- tions are models of stately style, some- sage from America to Europe. The richly times enlivened by quiet humor. 'In prose laden treasure-ships were boarded by composition Mr. Bryant was equally happy them, pkmdered, and their crews cast into as in poetry in the choice of pure and ele- the sea. They extended their operations, gant English words, with great delicacy The French buccaneers made their head- of fancy pervading the whole. His last quarters in Santo Domingo, and the Eng- poem was published in the Sunday-School lish in Jamaica^, during the long war be- 430 w^"-^"* •WILLIAM CDLLEN BRYANT. death. Meanwhile he contributed to lit- erary publications. He made visits to Eu- BUCHANAN tween France and Spain (1635-60) and afterwards; and they were so numerous and bold that Spanish commerce soon de- clined, and Spanish shijjs dared not vent- ure to America. Finding their own gains diminishing from want of richly laden vessels to plunder, they ceased pillaging vessels, and attacked and plundered Span- ish towns on the coast of Central and South America. A number of tliese were seized, and immense treasures were car- ried away in the form of plunder or ran- som. At Carthagena, in 1697, they pro- cured $8,000,000. Their operations were finally broken up by an alliance against them of the English, Dutch, and Spanish governments. Exasperated at the con- duct of the Spaniards in Florida, the Car- olinas were disposed to give the buccaneers assistance in plundering them; and in 1684-93 they were sheltered in the harbor of Charleston. Buchanan, Franklin, naval officer; born in Baltimore, Md., Sept. 17, 1800; entered the navy in 1815; became lieu- tenant in 1825, and master-commander in 1841. He was the first superintendent of the Naval Academy at Annapolis. Sym- pathizing with the Confederate movement, and believing his State would secede, he sent in his resignation. Finding that Maryland did not secede, he petitioned for restoration, but was refused, when he entered the Confederate service, and superintended the fitting-out of the old Merrimac (rechristened the Virginia) .at Norfolk. In her he fought the Monitor and was severely Avounded. He after- wards blew up his vessel to save her from capture. In command of the iron- clad Tennessee, in Mobile Bay, he was de- feated and made prisoner. He died in Talbot countj^ Md., May 11, 1874. See Monitor and Merrimac. BUCHANAN, JAMES Buchanan, James, fifteenth President of the United States, from 1857 to 1861; Democrat; born near Mercers- burg, Pa., April 23, 1791; was graduated at Dickinson College, Pa., at the age of eighteen years, and in 1814, when he was only twenty-three years old, he was elect- ed to a seat in the Pennsylvania legislat- ure. He had studied law, and was ad- mitted to the bar at Lancaster in 1812. His father was a native of Ireland, and his mother was Elizabeth Spear, daughter of a farmer. Mr. Buchanan's career as a lawyer was so successful that, at the age of forty years, he retired from the profession with a handsome fortune. He was a Federalist in politics at first, and as such entered Congress as a member in 1821, where he held a seat ten successive years. When the Federal party disap- peared he took sides with the Democrats. He supported Jackson for the Presidency in 1828, when the present Democratic party was organized. In 1832-34, Mr. Buchanan was United States minister at St. Petersburg, and from 1834 to 1845 was a member of the United States Senate. He was Secretary of State in the cabinet of President Polk, 184.5-49, where he arrayed himself on the side of the pro-slavery 43 men, opposing the Wilmot Proviso [q. V.) , and the anti-slavery movements generally. In 1853 President Pierce sent him as United States minister to England, where he remained until 1856, during which time he became a party in the con- ference of United States ministers at Os- tend, and was a signer of the famous man- ifesto, or consular letter (see Ostend Manifesto). In the fall of 1856 he was elected President of the United States, re- ceiving 174 electoral votes to 129 given for Fremont (Republican) and Fillmore ( American ) . A chief topic of President Buchanan's inaugural address was the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States (not promulgated until two days afterwards) in the Dred Scott Case (q. v.), and its efteets. He spoke of that decision, which virtually declared the institution of sla- very to be a national one, and that the black man '"' had no rights which the white man Avas bound to respect," aod said it would " speedily and finally " settle the slavery question. Pie announced his in- tention to cheerfully abide by that deci- sion. He declared that the question was wholly a judicial one, which belonged to the Supreme Court to settle; and that, as 1 BUCHANAN, JAMES by its decision the admission or rejection of slavery in any Territory was to be de- termined by the legal votes of the people in such Territory, the " whole territorial question was thus settled upon the prin- ciple of popular sovereignty — a principle as ancient as free government itself " ; that " everything of a practical nature " had been settled; and that he seriously hoped the long agitation of the subject of slavery was " approaching its end." It was then only the " beginning of the end." That decision " kindled the fire " spoken of by the Georgian in the debate on the Missouri Compromise {q. v.) , " which only seas of blood could extinguish." The decision settled nothing " speedily and finally " but the destruction of the insti- tution it was expected to preserve. See Cabinet, President's. On Dec. 27, 1860. news of the occupation of Fort Sumter by Maj. Robert Anderson iq. V.) reached Washington. The cabinet assembled at noon. They had a stormy session. Floyd demanded of the Presi- dent an order for Anderson's return to Fort Moultrie, urging that the Presi- dent, if he should Avithhold it, would " vio- late the solemn pledges of the govern- ment." The President was inclined to give the order, but the warning voices of law and duty, as well as public opinion, made him hesitate, and the cabinet ad- journed without definite action. The posi- tion of the President was painful. He had evidently made pledges to the Con- federates, without suspecting their dis- loyal schemes when he made them, and had filled his cabinet with disloyal men, supposing them to be honest. It is said that at that time he was in continual fear of assassination. On the morning after the cabinet meeting referred to, news came of the seizure of Fort Moultrie and Castle Pinckney. The President breathed more freely. The Confederates had com- mitted the first act of war, and he felt relieved from his pledges. He peremp- torih^ refused to order the withdrawal of Anderson from Sumter, and on the fol- lowing day Floyd resigned the seals of Secretary of War and fled to Richmond. In his letter of resignation he said, re- specting the secretaryship, " I can no long- er hold office, under my convictions of pa- triotism, nor with honor, subjected as I am, to a violation of solemn pledges." Joseph Holt (q. v.) , of Kentucky, a thoroughly loyal man, took Floyd's place, and a load of anxiety was lifted from the minds of the loyal people of the republic. The dis- ruption of Buchanan's cabinet went on. Attorney-General Black had taken the place of General Cass as Secretary of State, and Edwin M. Stanton (q. v.) filled the office of Attorney - General. Philip F. Thomas, of Maryland, had succeeded Cobb as Secretary of the Treasury, but, un- willing to assist the government in en- forcing the laws, he was succeeded by John A. Dix [q. v.), a stanch patriot of New York. The ex-President retired to private life March 4, 1861, and took up his abode at Wlieatland, near Lancas- ter, Pa., where he died, June 1, 1868. Mr". Buchanan was an able lawyer, a good de- bater, and in private life, from his boy- hood, his moral character was without re- proach. He lived in troublous times, and his political career, towards the last, seems to have been shaped more by persistent politicians than by his own better im- pulses and judgment. Prospects of Civil War. — On Jan. 8, 1861, President Buchanan sent the follow- ing message to the Congress, giving his views on the question of State's rights and the prospects of a civil war: To the Senate and House of Represen- tatives: At the opening of your present session I called your attention to the dangers which threatened the existence of the Union. I expressed my opinion freely con- cerning the original causes ^f those dan- gers, and recommended such measures as 1 believed Avould have the effect of tran- quillizing the country and saving it from the peril in which it had been needlessly and most unfortunately involved. Those opinions and recommendations I do not propose now to repeat. My own convic- tions upon the whole subject remain un- changed. Tlie fact that a great calamity was im- pending over the nation was even at that time acknowledged by every intelligent citizen. It had already made itself felt throughout the length and breadth of the land. The necessary consequences of the alarm thus produced were most deplor- 432 d ~Cz z2y77ze^ 't^ BXTCHANAN, JAMES able. The imports fell off with a rapidity dependence of such State. This left me never known before except in time of war, no alternative, as the chief executive offi- in the history of our foreign commerce; eer under the Constitution of the United, the Treasury was unexpectedly left with- States, but to collect the public revenues out the means which it had reasonably and to protect the public property so far counted upon to meet the public engage- as this might be practicable under exist- ments; trade was paralyzed; manufact- ing laws. This is still my purpose. My ures were stopped; the best public securi- ties suddenly sunk in the market; every species of property depreciated more or less, and thousands of poor men who de- pended upon their daily labor for their daily bread were turned out of employ- ment. province is to execute and not to make the laws. It belongs to Congress exclu- sively to repeal, to modify, or to enlarge their provisions to meet exigencies as they may occur. I possess no dispensing power. I certainly had no right to make aggres- I deeply regret that I am not able to sive war upon any State, and I am per- give you any information upon the state of fectly satisfied that the Constitution has the Union which is more satisfactory than wisely withheld that power even from what I was then obliged to communicate. Congress. But the right and the duty to On the contrary, matters are still woree use military force defensively against at present than they then were. When those who resist the federal officers in the Congress met, a strong hope pervaded the execution of their legal functions and whole public mind that some amicable against those who assail the property of adjustment of the subject would speedily the federal government is clear and un- be made by the representatives of the deniable. States and of the people wiiich might re- But the dangerous and hostile attitude store peace between the conflicting sections of the States towards each other has al- of the country. That hope has been dimin- ready far transcended and cast in the ished by every hour of delay, and as the shade the ordinary executive duties al- prospect of a bloodless settlement fades ready provided for by law, and has as- away the public distress becomes more sumed such vast and alarming propor- and more aggravated. As evidence of tions as to place the subject entirely this it is only necessary to say that the above and beyond executive control. The Treasury notes authorized by the act fact cannot be disguised that we are in of Dec. 17 last were advertised accord- the midst of a great revolution. In all ing to the law, and that no responsible its various bearings, therefore, I commend bidder offered to take any c.onsiderable the question to Congress as the only sum at par at a lower rate of interest than human tribunal under Providence pos- 12 jjer cent. From these facts it appears sessing the power to meet the existing that in a government organized like ours emergency. To them exclusively belongs domestic strife, or even a w'ell-grounded the power to declare war or to authorize fear of civil hostilities, is more destructive the employment of military force in all to our public and private interests than cases contemplated by the Constitution, the most formidable foreign war. and they alone possess the power to re- in my annual message I expressed the move grievances which might lead to conviction, which I have long deliberately M'ar and to secure peace and union to held, and which recent reflection has only this distracted country. On them, and on tended to deepen and confirm, that no them alone, rests the responsibility. State has a right by its own act to secede The Union is a sacred trust left by our from the Union or throw off its federal Revolutionary fathers to ' their descend- obligations at pleasure. I also declared ants, and never did any other people in- my opinion to be that, even if that right herit so rich a legacy. It has rendered existed and should be exercised by any us prosperous in peace and triumphant in State of the Confederacy, the executive war. The national flag has floated in department of this government had no glory over every sea. Under its shadow authority under the Constitution to recog- American citizens have found protection nize its validity by acknowledging the in- and respect in all lands beneath the sun. I.— 2 E 433 BtTCHANAN, JAMES If we descend to considerations of purely material interest, when in the history of all time has a confederacy been bound to- gether by such strong ties of mutual in- terest? Each portion of it is dependent on all, and all upon each portion, for pros- perity and domestic security. Free trade throughout the whole supplies the wants of one portion from the productions of an- other, and scatters wealth everywhere. The great planting and farming States require the aid of the commercial and navigating States to send their 23roduc- tions to domestic and foreign markets, and to furnish the naval power to render their transportation secure against all hostile attacks. Should the Union perish in the midst of the present excitement, we have al- ready had a sad foretaste of the universal suffering which would result from its de- struction. The calamity would be severe in every portion of the Union, and would be quite as great, to say the least, in the Southern as in the Northern States. The greatest aggravation of the evil, and that which would place us in the most un- favorable light both before the world and posterity, is, as I am firmly convinced, that the secession movement has been chiefly based upon a misapprehension at the South of the sentiments of the majority in several of the Northern States. Let the question be transferred from political as- semblies to the ballot-box, and the people themselves would speedily redress the serious grievances which the South have suffered. But. in Heaven's name, let the trial be made before we plunge into armed conflict upon the mere assumption that there is no other alternative. Time is a great conservative jDower. Let us pause at this momentous point and afford the people, both North and South, an oppor- tunity for reflection. Would that South Carolina had been convinced of this truth before her i^recipitate action ! I therefore appeal through you to the people of the country to declare in their might that the Union must and shall be preserved by all constitutional means. I most ear- nestly recommend that you devote your- selves exclusively to the question how this can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when compared to this, sink into insignificance. The present is 4;; no time for palliations. Action, prompt action, is required. A delay in Congress to prescribe or to recommend a distinct and practical proposition fop conciliation may drive us to a point from which it will be almost impossible to recede. A common ground on which conciliation and harmony can be produced is surely not unattainable. The proposition to compromise by letting the North have ex- clusive control of the territory above a certain line and to give Southern institu- tions protection below that line ought to receive universal approbation. In it- self, indeed, it may not be entirely satis- factory; but when the alternative is be- tween a reasonable concession on both sides and a destruction of the Union it is an imputation upon the patriotism of Congress to assert that its members will hesitate for a moment. Even now the danger is upon us. In several of the States which have not yet seceded the forts, arsenals, and magazines of the United States have been seized. Tljis is by far the most serious step which has been taken since the commencement of the troubles. This public property has long been left Avithout garrisons and troops for its protection, because no per- son doubted its security under the flag of the country in any State of the Union. Besides, our small army has scarcely been sufficient to guard our remote frontiers against Indian incursions. The seizure of this property, from all appearances, has been purely aggressive, and not in resistance to any attempt to coerce a State or States to remain in the Union. At the beginning of these unhappy troubles T determined that no act of mine should increase the excitement in either section of the country. If the political conflict were to end in a civil Avar, it Avas my determined purpose not to commence it nor even to furnish an excuse for it by any act of this government. My opinion remains unchanged that justice as Avell as sound policy requires us still to seek a peaceful solution of the questions at is- sue between the North and the South. Entertaining this conviction, I refrained cA'en from sending reinforcements to Ma- jor Anderson, AAdio commanded the forts in Charleston Harbor, until an absolute necessity for doing so should make itself 4 BUCHANAN— BUCKINGHAM apparent, lest it might unjustly be re- ized to take sinular defensive steps when- garded as a menace of military coercion, ever you have tangible evidence of a de- and thus furnish, if not a provocation, at sign to proceed to a hostile act." least a pretext, for an outbreak on the It is said that serious apprehensions part of South Carolina. No necessity for are to some extent entertained (in which these reinforcements seemed to exist. I was I do not share) that the peace oi this assured by distinguished and upright gen- district may be distui-bed before March tlemen of South Carolina that no attack 4 next. In any event, it will be my upon Major Anderson was intended, but duty to preserve it, and this duty shall that, on the contrary, it was the desire be performed. of the State authorities as much as it In conckision, it may be permitted to was my own to avoid the fatal conse- me to remark that I have often warned my quences which must eventually follow a countrymen of the dangers which now sur- military collision. round us. This may be the last time I And here I deem it proper to submit shall refer to the subject officially. I for your information copies of a com- feel that my duty has been faithfully, munieation, dated Dec. 28, 1860, address- though it may be imperfectly, performed, ed to me by R. W. Barnwell, J. H. Adams, and whatever the result may be, I shall and James L. Orr, " commissioners " from carry to my grave the consciousness that South Carolina, with the accompanying I at least meant well for my country, documents, and copies of my answer there- James Buchanan. to, dated Dec. .31. Buchanan, Robert Christie, military In further explanation of Major An- officer; born in Maryland about 1810; derson's removal from Fort Moultrie to was gi-aduated at West Point in 1830; Fort Sumter, it is proper to state that served in the Seminole War and the war after my answer to the South Carolina with Mexico; and was made a lieutenant- " commissioners " the War Department re- colonel in 1861. He served in the Army ceived a letter from that gallant officer, of the Potomac continually during the dated on Dec. 27, 1860, the day after this Civil War, and was brevetted major-gen- movement, from which the following is an eral United States Army in 186.5. He extract : " I will add as my opinion that many died in Washington, D. C, Nov. 29, 1878. Buckeye State, the popular name of things convinced me that the authorities the State of Ohio, derived from the buck- of the State designed to proceed to a eye, or horse-chestnut, tree which abounds hostile act." Evidently referring to the orders, dated Dec. 11, of the late Secretary of War. " Under this impression I could not hesitate that it was my solemn duty to move my command from a fort which we could not probably have held longer than forty-eight or sixty hours to this one, where my power of resistance is increased to a very great degree." It will be recollected that the conclud- ing part of these orders was in the fol- lowing terms: " The smallness of your force will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more than one of the three forts, but an attack on or attempt to take possession of either one of them will he regarded as an act of hostility, and you may then put your command into either of them which you may deem most proper to increase its power of resistance. You are also author- 435 there. Buckingham, William Alfred, the " war governor of Connecticut " ; born WILLIAM ALFRED BUCKI.NGHAM. BUCKLAND— BUDGET in Lebanon, Conn., May 28, 1804; en- gaged in business in Norwich in 1825, where he became a successful merchant and carpet manufacturer; and his gener- osity and public spirit endeared him to the people. He was elected governor every year from 1858 to 1866, when he declined a renomination. His patriotism, energy, popularity, and extensive influence were of inestimable service to the national gov- ernment during its struggle for exist- ence; and he was one of the most active of the " war governors " during the con- test. In 1869 he was chosen to represent Connecticut in the Senate of the United States. A patron of education and a pro- moter of religion and public morals, he gave to the Theological School of Yale College $25,000 for the education of young men for the Gospel ministry. He died in Norwich, Conn., Feb. 3, 1875. Buckland, Cyrus, inventor; born in Springfield, Mass., Aug. 10, 1799. After aiding in constructing the machinery for the first cotton mills, in Chicopee Falls, he became the pattern-maker of the United States armory, at Springfield, Mass., in 1828. He remained there for twenty-eight years, much of the time as master-me- chanic. He remodelled old weapons, made new ones, and designed a lathe for the manufacture of gun-stocks. His inven- tions also included machinery and tools for the manufacture of fire-arms, for ri- fling muskets, etc. Many of these inven- tions were adopted by foreign cotmtries. When ill-health forced him to resign Con- gress voted him $10,000, as he had received no compensation for his inventions while at the armory. He died in Springfleld, Feb. 26, 1891. Buckner, Simon Bolivar, military offi- cer; born in Kentucky in 1823; was grad- uated at the United States Military Acad- emy in 1844; was Assistant Professor of Ethics there for two years, and then engaged in the war with Mexico, in which he was wounded, and brevetted captain. After that war he was again a tutor at West Point; resigned in 1855; practised law in Kentucky; and became one of the most prominent " Knights of the Gold- en Circle " {q. v.) in that State. After the Civil War began he became command- er of the Kentucky State Guard, and adjutant-general of the State. He soon joined the Confederate army, and surren- dered the fort and garrison of Fort Don- ELSON {q. V.) in February, 1862, when he was sent a prisoner to Fort Warren. After his release, he continued in the Confeder- ate service until the close of the war. He became a lieutenant-general in the army; was selected by General Grant to be one of his pall-bearers; and was elected governor of Kentucky irr 1887. Bucktails. In the politics of the State of New York the Tammany Society (g. V.) held a conspicuous place as early as during the War of 1812-15. The Repub- lican, or Democratic, party had been di- vided into two great factions, known as Madisonians and Clintonians, James Madi- son and De Witt Clinton being rival can- didates for the office of President of the. United States. Most of the Federal- ists voted for Clinton. The Tammany Society adhered to Madison. In the elec- tion of 1816 a portion of the members of the Tammany Society wore an emblem in their caps — a deer's tail — and they were called " Bucktails." This soon became the title of the Madisonians; and in 1816, when Clinton was elected governor of New York, the opposing parties in the State were known as " Bucktails " and " Clin- tonians." To one or the other of these parties portions of the disintegrated Re- publican, or Democratic, party became at- tached. Afterwards the Bucktail party was styled by its antagonists the Albany Regency (g. v.) . Buddington, Sidney Ozias. See Hall. Charles Francis. Budget, a term applied to the English Chancellor of Exchequer's annual state- ment of the finances of the country, the documents having been formerly presented in a leather bag. In the United States the Secretary of the Treasury has made an annual report to Congress of receipts and expenditures of the government since 1790. In 1789 the House of Representatives ap- pointed a committee to see that the gov- ernment was supplied with sufficient reve- nues, and to devise ways and means for obtaining it, Avhence the name of " Ways and Means Committee." In 1865 the du- ties of this committee had become exces- sive, and a committee of appropriations was appointed to share the work. Esti- mates for appropriations are prepared by 436 BUELL— BUENA VISTA the heads of the several departments and bureaus of the jjublic service for the fiscal year ending June 30, but are often reduced by the House. No appropriations can be made for purposes not sanctioned by the Constitution. See Appropriations, Con"- GEESSIOJv^AL. Buell, Don Carlos, military officer; born near Marietta, 0., March 23, 1818; was graduated at West Point in 1841; en- gaged in the war with Mexico, in which he won the brevets of captain and major, and was severely wounded; became lieu- tenant-colonel in the regular army, and brigadier-general of volunteers in May, 1861; major-general of volunteers in March, 1862; and, with an army, arrived on the battle-field of SiiiLOii {q. v.) in time to assist in the defeat of the Con- federates. In command of the District of Ohio, he confronted Bragg's invasion of Kentucky and drove him out of the State. On Oct. 24 he transferred his command to General Rosecrans; was mustered out of the volunteer seiwice May 23, 1864; and resigned his commission in the regular army June 1, 1865, when he became presi- dent of the Green River Iron Company, in Kentucky. He died near Roekport, Ky., Nov. 19, 1898. Buena Vista, Battle of. General Taylor received such instructions from the War Department that he declared (Nov. 13, 1846) the armistice granted at Mon- terey was at an end. General Worth marched, with 900 men, for Saltillo, the capital of Coahuila, and was followed the next day by Taylor, who left Gen. W. 0. Butler, with some troops, to hold the con- quered city of Monterey. Saltillo was taken possession of on Nov. 15. After sev- eral minor movements, and having been deprived of a large number of his troops by an order of General Scott to send them to reinforce an American army that was to attack Vera Cruz, Taylor was forced to act on the defensive with about 5,000 men. Informed that General Santa Ana (who had entered Mexico from his exile in Cuba, and had been elected President of Mexico in December) was gathering an army of 20,000 men at San Luis Potosi, Taylor resolved to form a junction with General Wool (who had entered Mexico with about 3,000 troops, crossing the Rio Grande at Presidio), and fight the Mexi- cans. He reached Saltillo with his little army on Feb. 2, 1847, joining Wool's forces there, and encamped at Aqua Nueva, 20 miles south of that place, on the San Luis road. On hearing of the approach of Santa Ana with his host, Taylor ajid Wool fell back to Angostura, a narrow defile in the mountains facing the fine estate of Buena Vista, and there encamped, in battle order, to await the coming of their foe. Santa Ana and his army were within two miles of Taylor's camp on the morning of Feb. 22, when the Mexican chief sent a note to Taylor telling him he was surrounded by 20,000 men, and could not, in all prob- ability, avoid being cut to pieces; but as he held the American commander in spe- cial esteem, and wished to save him such a catastrophe, he gave him this notice, that he might surrender at discretion. He granted Taylor an hour to make a deci- sion. It was soon made; for the com- mander immediately declined the polite in- vitation to surrender, and both armies prepared to fight. The Americans waited for the Mexicans to take the initiative. There was slight skirmishing all day, and tliat night the American troops bivouacked without fire and slept on their arms ; the Mexicans, in the mountains, meanwhile trying to form a cordon of soldiers around the little army of Taylor and Wool, then less than 5,000 in number. The battle began early on the morning of the 23d, and continued all day. The struggle was terribly severe; the slaughter was fear- ful ; and until near sunset it was doubt- ful who would triumph. Then the Mexi- can leader, performing the pitiful trick of displaying a flag of truce to throw Tay- lor off his guard, made a despei'ate as- sault on the American centre, where that officer was in command in person. The batteries of Bragg, Washington, and Sher- man resisted the assault, and before long the Mexican line began to Avaver. Tay- lor, standing near one of the batteries, seeing this sign of weakness, said, quietly, " Give 'em a little more grape. Captain Bragg " ( see Bragg, Braxton ) . It was done, and just at twilight the Mexicans gave way and fled in considerable confu- sion. Night closed the battle. Expecting it would be resumed in the morning, the Americans again slept on their arms, but when the day dawned no enemy was to be 437 BUFFALO seen. Santa Ana had fallen back, and in a few days his utterly dispirited army was almost dissolved. In their flight the Mexicans had left about 500 of their com- rades, dead or dying, on the field. With these and wounded and prisoners, their loss amounted to almost 2,000 men ; that of the Americans, in killed, Avounded, and missing, was 746. Among the slain was a son of Henry Clay. On the day of the battle Captain Webster, with a small party of Americans, drove General Minon and 800 Mexicans from Saltillo. Taylor re- turned to Wa'lnut Springs, where he re- mained several months, and in the autumn of 1847 he returned home. Buffalo, city, port of entry and coun- ty' seat of Erie county, N. Y. ; at the eastern extremity of Lake Erie and the western extremity of the Erie Canal; has extensive lake commerce with all western points, large live-stock and grain trade, a.nd important manufactures; population in 1890, 255,664; in 1900, 352,387. General Hiall, with his regulars and Indians, recrossed from Lewiston (see was made perfect almost to Black Rock. Riall marched up from Queenston (Dec. 28) to Chippewa, Lieutenant-General Drummond in immediate command. By this time all western New York had been alarmed. McClure had appealed to the people to hasten to the frontier. Gen. Amos Hall called out the militia and in- vited volunteers. Hall took chief com- mand of troops now gathered at Black Eoek and Builalo, 2,000 strong. From Drummond's camp, opposite Black Rock, Riall crossed the river (Dec. 30) with about 1,000 white men and Indians. The night was dark. They drove the Ameri- cans fi'om Black Rock. The militia were alarmed, and at dawn Hall ascertained that 800 of them had deserted. Hall, with the rest of his force, proceeded to attack the invaders. He, too, had a force of Ind- ians; but these, with more of the militia, soon gave way, and, the commander's force broken, he was in great jaeril. Deserted by a large portion of his troops, vastly outnumbered, and almost surrounded. Hall was compelled to retreat and leave Buf- W i i,.f ■ni\i PORT OF BUFFALO IN 1813. ^^''' mSLr-P"^''^ '-^-^i Niagara, Fort), when his forces had re- falo to its fate. It Avas presently in pos- turned from the desolation of the New session of the British and their Indian al- York frontier. Full license had been lies, who proceeded to plunder, destroy, given to his Indians, and the desolation and slaughter. Only four buildings were 438 BUFFALO HILL— BUFORD A VIEW OF BUFFALO'S WATERFROJiT TO-DAY. left standing in the village. At Black dier-general in 1889. From 1881 till 1892 Kock only a single building escaped the he was in charge of the national armory flames. Four vessels which had done good at Springfield, Mass. General Buflington is service on Lake Erie — the Ariel, Little Belt, Chippewa, and Trippe — were burned; and so were completed the measures of re- taliation for the burning of Newark. Six villages, many isolated country-houses, and four vessels were consumed, and the butchery of many innocent persons attest- the inventor of a magazine fire-arm, car- riages for light and heavy ordnance, and the nitre and manganese method for bluing iron and the steel surface of small-arms. Bufl&ngton Island, Battle at. On July 19, 1863, six regiments of Kentucky volunteers, three of Michigan, three of ed the fierceness of the revenge of the Ohio, one of Indiana, and one of Tennes- British. See Pan-American Exhibition. Buffalo Hill, Battle at. On Oct. 4, 1861, there was a spirited engagement at Buffalo Hill, Ky., between the National and Confederate forces, in which the Na- tionals lost twenty killed, and the Confed- erates fifty. The organizations that took part in this engagement are not recorded. Bufl&ngton, Adelbert Rinaldo, mili- tary officer; born in Wheeling, Va., Nov. 22, 1837; was graduated at the United States Military Academy in 1861, and com- missioned brevet second lieutenant in the see, comprising infantry and cavalry, to- gether with several gimboats, had aii en- gagement at Buffington Island, known also as St. George's Creek, 0., which re- sulted in the capture of the Confederate raiders under John H. Morgan (g. v.). Buford, Abraham, military officer; born in Virginia; became colonel of the 11th Virginia Regiment, May 16, 1778. In May, 1780, when his command, hasten- ing to the relief of Lincoln at Charleston, heard of his surrender, they returned towards North Carolina. Buford's com- ordnance department; and was appointed mand consisted of nearly 400 Continental chief of ordnance with the rank of briga- infantrv, a small detachment of Colonel 439 BUFORD— BULL KUN Washington's cavalry, and two field-pieces. He had reached Camden in safety, and was retreating leisurely towards Char- lotte, when Colonel Tarleton, with 700 rnen, all mounted, sent in pursuit by Cornwallis, overtook Buford upon the VVaxhaw Creek. Tarleton had mai-clied 100 miles in fifty-four hours. With only his cavalry — the remainder were mounted in- fantry — he almost surrounded Buford be- fore that officer was aware of danger, and demanded an instant surrender upon the terms given to the Americans at Charles- ton. These Avere too humiliating, and Buford refused compliance. While flags for the conference were passing and re- passing, Tarleton, contrary to the rules of warfare, was making preparations for an attack in case of refusal. The in- stant he received Buford's reply, his cav- alry made a furious charge upon the American ranks ( May 29 ) . The assailed troops were dismayed by an attack under such circumstances, and all was confu- sion. Some fired upon their assailants, others threw down their arms and begged for quarter. None was given, and men without arms were hewn to pieces by the sabres of Tarleton's cavalry. There "were 113 slain; and 150 were so maimed as to be unable to travel, and fifty-three were made prisoners to grace the trium- phal entry of the conqueror into Camden. Only five of the British were killed and fifteen wounded. All of Buford's artil- lery, ammunition, and baggage became spoil for the enemy. For this savage feat Cornwallis eulogized Tarleton, and com- mended him to the ministers as worthy of special favor. Afterwards, " Tarleton's quarter " became a proverbial synonym for cruelty. Stedman, one of Cornwallis's officers, and a historian of the war, wrote, " On this occasion the virtue of humanity was totally forgotten." Colonel Buford died in Scott county, Ky., June 29, 1833. Buford, .John, military officer; born in Kentucky in 1825: was graduated at West Point in 1848; became captain in 1859: and inspector-general, with the rank of major, November, 1861. He commanded a brigade of cavalry under General Hook- er, and was so severely wounded near the Rappahannock (August, 1862) that he was reported dead. In the battle of An- tietam he was on General McClellan's staff. He was conspicuous in many en- gagements while in command of the re- serve cavalry brigade, and he began the battle of Gettysburg {q. v.). He was chief of Burnside's cavalry, and was as- signed to the command of the Army of the Cumberland just before his death in Washington, D. C, Dec. 16, 1863.— His half - brother, Napoleon Bonaparte Bu- ford (born in Woodford county, Ky., Jan. 13, 1807), was also graduated at West Point, and entered the artillery. He was a pupil in the Law School of Harvard University; Professor of Natural Phi- losophy at West Point; but retired to civil pursuits in 1835. Engaging first as colonel in the Union army in 1861, he served well during the continuance of the strife, and was brevetted major-general of volunteers in March, 1865. He died March 2S, 1883. Buford, Napoleon Bonaparte, military officer; born in Woodford county, Ky., Jan. 13, 1807; was graduated at the United States Military Academy in 1827; and served for several years on surveying duty; subsequently resigning and entering civil life. When the Civil War broke out he was commissioned colonel of the 27th Illinois Volunteers; served through the war; was brevetted major-general of vol- unteers March 13, 1865. He died March 28, 1883. Bulacan, a Philippine town on the island of Luzon, a few miles northwest of Manila. Its population is mostly native, and the town is chiefly engaged in sugar- boiling, although there are several other industrial plants. Bulacan was consider- ed a place of considerable strategic im- portance by the Filipino insurgents after they had -been driven from the immediate suburbs of Manila, and because of this fact Avas the scene of considerable mili- tary activity after the American troops began their remarkable chase after Agui- naldo. Earl}^ in 1900 the town was under complete American control, and a mili- tary post was established there. Bull Run, Battles of. The gathering of Confederate troops at Manassas Junction {q. v.) required prompt and vig- orous movements for the defence of Wash- ington, D. C. Beauregard was there with the main Confederate army, and Gen. J. E. Johnston was at Winchester, in the 440 BULL RUN Shenandoah Valley, with a large body of fiercely. Hard pressed, Evans's line be- troops, with which he might reinforce the gan to waver, when General Bee advanced former. Gen. Robert Patterson was at with fresh troops, and gave it strength. Martinsburg ^yith 18,000 Nationals to keep Then the National line began to tremble, Johnston at Winchester, Gen. Irvin Mc- when Col. Andrew Porter sent a battalion Dowell was in command of the Depart- of regulars under Major Sykes to strength- ment of Virginia, with his headquarters en it. More fiercely the battle raged. Gen- at Arlington House; and, at about eral Hunter was severely wounded. Colo- the middle of July, 1861, he was ordered nel Slocum, of the Rhode Island troops, to move against the Confederates. With was killed, when Sprague, the youthful 20,000 troops he marched from Arlington governor of the commonwealth, took com- Heights (July 16), for the purpose of mand of his troops. The wearied Na- flanking the Confederate right wing. A tionals, who had been on their feet since part of his troops under General Tyler midnight, began to flag, when they were had a severe battle with them at Black- reinforced by troops under Heintzelman, burn's Ford (July 18), and were repulsed Sherman, and Corcoran. A charge made (see Blackburn's Ford, Battle of), by a New York regiment, under Col. McDowell found he could not flank the Henry W. Slocum (g. v.), shattered the Confederates, so he proceeded to make a bending Confederate line, and the troops direct attack upon them, not doubting fled in confusion to a plateau whereon Patterson would be able to keep Johnston Gen. T. J. Jackson had just arrived with in the valley. On the morning of July 21, reserves. The flight was checked, and or- McDowell's forces were set in motion in der was brought out of confusion, three columns, one under General Tyler Alarmed by this show of unsuspected on the Warrenton road, to make a feigned strength in the Nationals, Johnston, who attack, and the other two, commanded re- had arrived and taken the chief command, spectively by Generals Hunter and Heint- looked anxiously towards the mountain zelman, taking a wide circuit more to the gaps through which he expected more of left, to cross Bull Run at different points his troops from the Shenandoah Valley, and make a real attack on Beauregard's Without these he had small hopes of sue- left wing, which was to be menaced by Ty- cess. There had been a lull in the con- ler. The Confederate right was to be flict; and at 2 p.m. it was announced threatened by troops under Colonels Rich- they were not in sight. At that time the ardson and Davies, moving from Centre- Confederates had 10,000 soldiers and ville. These movements were all executed, twenty-two heavy guns in battle order but with so much delay that it was nearly on the plateau. The Nationals proceed- noon before the battle began. ed to attempt to drive them from this Meanwhile -the Confederates had made vantage-ground. To accomplish this, five a movement unknown to McDowell. The brigades— Porter's, Howard's, Franklin's, Confederate government, just seated at Wilcox's, and Sherman's — with the bat- Richmond, hearing of the movements of teries of Ricketts, Griffin, and Arnold, and the Nationals, immediately ordered John- cavalry under Major Palmer, advanced to ston to hasten from the valley, and rein- turn the Confederate left, while Keyes's force Beauregard. This was done at noon brigade was sent to annoy them on their (July 20) with 6,000 fresh troops. Hunt- right. General Heintzelman accompanied er's column crossed Bull Run at Sudley McDowell as his lieutenant in the field, Church, led by General Burnside, with and his division began the attack. Rick- Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Massa- etts and Griffin advanced with their troops, chusetts troops. Soon after crossing, it and planted their batteries on an eleva- encountered the Confederates, and a bat- tion that commanded the whole plateau, tie ensued in open fields. The batteries with the immediate support of Ellsworth's of Griffin and Reynolds were brought to Fire Zouaves, commanded by Colonel Farn- bear by the Nationals. Only a small ham. To the left of these batteries. New stream in a little vale separated the com- York, Massachusetts, and Minnesota troops batants. The Confederates were led by took a position. As the artillery and the Colonel Evans. The contest raged most Zouaves were advancing, they Avere sud- 441 BULL RUN denly attacked on the flank by Alabam- ians in ambush, and then by Stuart's Black Horse Cavalry in the rear, and the Zouaves recoiled. At that moment Heint- zelman ordered up a Minnesota regiment to support the batteries, when the Con- federates in overwhelminsr force delivered Confederates lost over 2,000. The Nation- als lost twenty-seven cannon, ten of which were captured on the field, and the remain- der were abandoned in the flight to Centre- ville. They took only a single cannon in safety to Centreville. They also lost many small-arms and a large quantity of muni- •-. .^Sr^^^ii'^^ BATTLE OF BULL RUN. a fire on these guns that disabled them by prostrating the men. Both sides suf- fered dreadfully. When Johnston heard of the slaughter, he exclaimed, " Oh, for four regiments ! " It was now three o'clock. His wish was more than gratified. Just then he saw a cloud of dust in the direction of the Manassas Gap Railroad. It was a part of his troops, 4,000 strong, from the valley, under Gen. E. Kirby Smith. They were immediately ordered into action, Avhen the Confederates, so reinforced, struck the ISTa- tionals a stunning blow, just as the latter w-ere about to grasp the palm of victory. It was so unexpected, lieavy, and overpow- ering that in fifteen minutes the Nation- als were swept from the plateau. As reg- iment after regiment gave way, and hur- ried towards the turnpike in confusion, panic seized others, and at 4 P.M. the greater portion of the National army was flying across Bull Run towards Centre- ville — leaving behind them over 3,000 men, killed, wounded, or made prisoners. The tions of war, and medicine and hospital supplies. The Nationals were pursued some distance. Had the Confederates pressed on after the panic-stricken fugi- tives, the coveted prize of the national capital, with all its treasures, might have been won by them within twenty - four hours. Johnston had escaped from Patter- son, reinforced Beauregard at a critical moment, and won a great victory through the foi-getfulness of Lieutenant - General Scott, who had given Patterson positive directions not to move until he should re- ceive further orders. These the command- ing general forgot to send! Patterson knew of Johnston's movement, but his or- ders to wait were imperative. The first he heard of the disaster at Bull Run was through a morning paper from Philadel- phia, on July 22. The result of the battle was published with great exaggeration on both sides. It produced unbounded joy among the Confederates and their friends, and the loyal people were, at first, greatly depress- 44^ BULL RUN ed by it. While the Confederates were States is worthless as a military organ- elated beyond measure, by the evidence ization, ... a screaming crowd " ; and the battle seemed to give of their superior spoke of it as a collection of " New York skill and courage, and thousands flocked rowdies and Boston abolitionists desolat- to the standard of revolt from all parts ing the villages of Virginia." of the Southei'n States, the loyalists were The depression of spirits among the stunned by the great disaster, and the loyal people was, however, only momen- 75,000 men, whose three months' term of tary. Within a few days they were buoy- service was about to expire, were, for ant with faith and hope. There was a the moment, made eager to leave the field, second uprising of the friends of free and return home. The President of the institutions more marvellous than the Confederacy, who arrived at Manassas just first. Volunteers flocked to the standard after the victory, made an exultant speech of the Stars and Stripes by thousands, at Richmond, now become its capital, and The Confederates were amazed by the said to the multitude, when referring to the spectacle, and did not venture near the vanquished, with bitter scorn, " Never be capital in force, where loyal regiments haughty to the humble " ; and predicted "were continually arriving. Five days that the national capital would soon be after the battle, Secretary Seward wrote in their possession. While the streets to Minister Adams in London: "Our Army of Richmond were populous with prison- of the Potomac, on Sunday last, met a re- ers from the vanquished army, and eager verse equally severe and unexpected. For volunteers were pressing forward towards a day or two the panic which had pro- the camps of the victors at Manassas, the duced the result was followed by a panic streets of Washington were crowded with that seemed to threaten to demoralize the a discomfited and disheartened soldiery, country. But that evil has ceased en- without leaders and without organiza- tirely. The result is already seen in a tion — the personification of the crushed vigorous reconstruction upon a scale of hopes of the loyal people. Such was the greater magnitude and increased cnthu- sad picture of the situation of the re- siasm." The Pennsylvania reserves were public, much exaggerated, which was pre- transferred to the National army atWash- sented to Europe in August, 1861. The in- ington. The government and people were telligence was given first to Europe satisfied that a long and desperate strug- through The Times of London — the accred- gle was before them, and they put forth ited exponent of the political and social most extraordinary energies to meet the opinions of the ruling class in England — crisis. On the contrary, when, the shouts by the pen of Dr. Russell, its war-corre- of victory having died away, and the spondent in the United States. He did not smoke of battle dissipated, the people of see the battle, and his account was, in a the Confederacy saw their victorious army great degree, a tale of the imagination, immovable at Manassas and indisposed It excited among the ruling classes a de- to follow up their triumph, they were rision of the government and loyal people filled with apprehensions, and a feeling of the United States, and gratified the op- akin to despondency took possession of the ponents of republicanism. To them the hearts of the Southern people. ruin of the great republic of the west The second battle of Bull Run (or seemed to be a fact accomplished. Eng- Manassas) was fought on Aug. 29, 30, lish statesmen and journalists dogmatical- 1862, the fighting on the first day being ly asserted it, and deplored the folly and sometimes called the battle of Groveton wickedness of the President and Congress [q. v.). On the morning after the battle in " waging war upon sovereign States," at Groveton, Pope's army was greatly re- and attempting to hold in union, by force, duced. It had failed to prevent the unity a people who " had the right and the de- of Lee's army, and prudence dictated its sire to withdraw from a hated fellowship." immediate flight across Bull Run, and It was declared that "the bubble of.de- even to the defences of Washington. But mocracy had burst." The London Times Pope determined to resume the battle the said (Aug. 13), "It is evident that the next morning. He had received no rein- whole volunteer army of the Northern foreements or supplies since the 26th, and 443 BULL RUN— BUNKER HitL had no positive assurance that any would be sent. He confidently expected rations and forage from McClellan at Alexandria (a short distance away), who was to sup- ply them; and it was not until the morn- ing of the 30th (August, 1862), when it was too late to retreat and perilous to stand still, that he received information that rations and forage would be sent as soon as he (Pope) should send a cavalry escort for the train — a thing impossible. He had no alternative but to fight. Both com- manders had made dispositions for attack in the morning. Lee's movements gave Pope the impression that the Confederates were retreating, and he ordered McDowell to pursue with a large force, Porter's forces to advance and attack them, and Heintzelman and Reno, supported by Ricketts's division, were ordered to assail and turn the Confederate left. This movement, when attempted, revealed a state of affairs fearful to the National army. The latter, as their advance moved forward, were opened upon by a fierce fire of cannon, shot, shell, and bullets, and at the same moment a large number of Lee's troops were making a flank move- ment that might imperil the whole of Pope's army. A very severe battle soon occurred. Porter's corps, which had re- coiled at the unexpected blow, was rallied, and performed specially good service; and Jackson's advanced line was steadily pushed back until five o'clock in the after- noon, when Longstreet turned the tide of battle by pouring a destructive artil- lery fire upon the Nationals. Line after line was swept away, and very soon the whole left was put to flight. Jackson ad- vanced, and Longstreet pushed his heavy columns against Pope's centre, while the Confederate artillery was doing fearful execution. The left of the Nationals, though pushed back, was unbroken, and held the Warrenton pike, by which alone Pope's army might safely retreat. Pope had now no alternative but to fall back towards the defences at Washington. At eight o'clock in the evening he gave orders to that eff"ect. This movement was made during the night, across Bull Run, to the heights of Centreville, the brigades of Meade and Seymour covering the retreat. The night was very dark, and Lee did not pursue; and in the morning (Aug. 31) Bull Run again divided the two great ar- mies. So ended the second battle of Bull Run. Bulwer-Clayton Treaty. See Clay- TON-BuLWER Treaty. Bummers, Sherman's, a derisive name applied in the South to the army under General Sherman, which made the mem- orable march from Atlanta to the sea. See Sherman, William Tecumseh. Bimcom.be, mere talk, or speaking for the gratification of constituents. It is said the word received this meaning from a remark of Felix Walker, representative to Congress from North Carolina, 1817- 23. While making a speech in the Mis- souri compromise debates with little rele- vancy, as the House thought, he asserted it did not matter, as he was " making a speech for Buncombe," one of the counties he represented. Bunker Hill, Battle of. By rein- forcements from England and Ireland, Ccneral Gage's army in Boston, at the close of May, 1775, was 10,000 strong. With the reinforcements came Gens. Will- iam Howe, Sir Henry Clinton, and John Burgoyne, three officers experienced in the military tactics of Europe, but little pre- pared for service in America. Thus strengthened. Gage issued a proclamation (June 12) of martial law, and offering pardon to all who should return to their allegiance, except Samuel Adams and John Hancock. At that time the New England army before Boston numbered about 16,- 000 men, divided into thirty-six regiments, of which Massachusetts furnished twenty- seven, and the other three New England colonies three each. John W^hitcomb, a colonel in the French and Indian War, and Joseph Warren, president of the Pro- vincial Congress, were appointed (June 15) major-generals of the Massachusetts forces. These provincial troops completely blockaded Boston on the land side, and efl'ectively held the British troops as prisoners on the peninsula. Gen. Artemas Ward, the military head of Massachusetts, was regarded, by common consent, as the commander-in-chief of this New England army. The Americans had thrown up only n few breastworks — a small redoubt at Roxbury, and some breastworks at the foot of Prospect Hill, in Cambridge. The right wing of the besieging army, under 444 VIEWING THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL BUNKER HILL Gen. John Thomas, was at Roxbury, con- by a few reinforcements thrown into si sting of 4,000 Massachusetts troops, Charlestown at the southern slope of the four artillery companies, a few field- hill. On the left a fortification against pieces, and some heavy cannon. The musket - balls, composed of a rail - fence Rhode Island forces were at Jamaica and new - mown hay, was hastily con- Plain, under General Greene, with a regi- structed, almost at the moment of at- ment of Connecticut troops under Gen- tack. eral Spencer. General Ward commanded The British clearly saw their impending the left wing at Cambridge. The Con- danger, and, to thwart it, picked corps of necticut and New Hampshire troops were their army, 3,000 strong, led by Generals in the vicinity. Howe and Pigot, embarked in boats from It was made known to the committee the wharves in Boston, and landed at the of safety that General Gage had fixed eastern base of Breed's Hill. Meanwhile upon the night of the ISth of June to the troops who had worked all night aiid sally out and take possession of and forti- half of a hot June day in throwing up in- fy Bunker Hill (an elevation not far from trenchments on Breed's Hill were not re- Charlestown) : also Dorchester Heights, lieved by others, as they should have been, south of Boston. Both of these points Colonel Prescott, at first, did not believe would command the town. The eager the British would attack his redoubt; and provincials determined to anticipate this when he saw the movement in the town he movement, and the Massachusetts com- felt assured that he could easily repulse mittee of safety ordered Col. William any assailants, and it was nine o'clock Prescott to march, on the evening of the before he applied to General Ward for 16th, with 1,000 men, including a com- reinforcements. Putnam had urged, early pany of artillery, with two field-pieces, in the morning, the sending of troops, to take possession of and fortify Bunker ^\'ard, believing Cambridge to be the Hill. This force, after a prayer by Presi- point of attack, Avould not consent to dent Langdon, of Harvard, passed over sending more than a part of Stark's Charlestown Neck; but, going by Bunker New Hampshire regiment at first. Final- Hill, they ascended Breed's Hill (much l.y,the remainder was sent; also, the whole nearer Boston), where they had a better of Colonel Reed's regiment on Charles- command of the town and the shipping, town Neck was ordered to reinforce Pres- They had been joined on the way by cott. General Putnam was on the field. Major Brooks and General Putnam, and by but without troops or command. The wagons laden with intrenching tools. The same was the case with General Warren, patriot troops worked incessantly all night who hastened to the scene of action when under the skilful engineer Gridley, and at the conflict began. Stark's regiment took dawn a redoubt about 8 rods square, a position on the left of the unfinished flanked on the right by a breastwork which breastwork, but 200 yards in the rear, extended northwardly to marshy land, and under imperfect cover, made by pull- met the bewildered and astonished gaze ing up a rail-fence, making parallel lines of the sentinels on the British shipping with the rails, and filling the intervening in the Charles River. The guns of spaces with new-mown hay. their vessels were immediately brought to At a little past three o'clock in the bear upon the redoubt on Breed's Hill, afternoon Howe's great guns moved tow- and the noise of the cannonade aroused ards the redoubt and opened fire upon the the sleepers in Boston. The Americans on works. They were followed by the troops Breed's Hill continued their work imtil in two columns, commanded respectively by eleven o'clock on that very hot June morn- Howe and Pigot. The guns on the Brit- ing, under an incessant shower of shot and ish ships, and a battery on Copp's Hill, shell, with a scanty supply of provisions, in Boston, hurled random shots in abun- after having worked all night. Putnam dance on the Americans on Breed's Hill, had removed the intrenching tools at The occupants of the redoubt kept silent noon to Bunker Hill for the purpose of until the enemy had approached very easting up intrenchments there, and the near, when, at the word "Fire!" 1,500 of right flank of Prescott was strengthened the concealed patriots suddenly arose and 445 BUNKER HILL— BUNKER HILL MONUMENT poured such a destructive storm of bullets floating batteries on the Charles River upon the climbers of the green slope that but received very little hurt. Of the whole platoons, and even companies were 3,000 British troops engaged in the prostrated. Flags fell to the ground like fight, 1,054 were killed or wounded— a tall lilies in a meadow. The assailants proportionate loss which few battles can fell back to the shore, and a shout of show. The loss of the provincials was triumph went up from the redoubt. . Some 450, killec and wounded. Among the scattering shots had come from the houses at Charlestown; and Gage, infuriated by the repulse, gave orders to send combustibles into that vil- lage and set it on fire. It was done, and soon the town Avas in flames. This conflagration added new horrors to the scene. BUNKER HILL MONUMENT AND PLAN OF BATTLE. former was General Warren, whose loss was irreparable. He came to the redoubt without command, and did not take it from Prescott. He fell, as he was leaving the re- doubt, from the effects of a bullet-wound. The result of the bat- tle was a substantial victory for the Ameri- cans. They failed only because their ammuni- tion failed. It tested the ability of the pro- vincial army to meet a British force in the field; and so unsatis- factory was the battle to the British minis- ti-y, that Gage was su- perseded in command by General Howe. The general impression at The British again advanced, and were the time was that the battle was on Bunk- again driven back to their landing-jjlace. er Hill, and so it figures in history as Then General Clinton passed over from the " Battle of Bunker Hill." It was Boston to aid Howe and Pigot, and the fought on Breed's Hill, some distance troops were led to the assault a third from the former. The battle was seen by time. The powder of the provincials, thousands who were on the neighboring hills scanty at the beginning, now failed. Some and the roofs and balconies in Boston. The British artillery planted pieces near the battle lasted about two hours, breastwork and swept it from end to end. Bunker Hill Monument. The corner- while grenadiers assailed the redoubt on stone of this monument was laid on the three sides at once and carried it at the fiftieth anniversary of the battle (June point of the bayonet. Stark, meanwhile, 17, 1825), in the presence of a vast mul- had kept the British at bay at the rail- titude of people. Lafayette, then on a fence until the redoubt was carried, after visit to the United States, was present, which all of the surviving provincials fled and Daniel Webster delivered an oration, in good order across Charlestown Neck, The monument is an obelisk, and stands enfiladed by the fire from the vessels and in the centre of the ground, on Breed's Hill, included in the old breastwork. Its sides * On the right of the plan of the battle are precisely parallel with those of the is seen a picture of the granite obelisk erected redoubt. It is built of Quincy granite. over the site of the redoubt. The form of the ^^^ .^ 321 feet in height. The base of redoubt is seen m the diagram A in the map. , t i • or> j^ j. The entrance to it was at a. which was on the obelisk is 30 feet square, and at the the end towards Charlestown ISJ^eclj. spring of the apex 15 feet. By a flight 446 BURBECK— BURGOYNE of 295 stone steps, within the obelisk, its top may be reached. A chamber at the top has four windows, with iron shutters. The monument was not completed until 1843, when, on June 17, it was dedicated in the presence of President Tyler and his cabinet and a vast multitude of cit- izens. The city of Charlestown, subse- quently annexed to Boston, now sur- rounds the monument. Burbeck, Henry, military officer; born in Boston, Mass., June 8. 1754; served with distinction in the Revolutionary War; took part in the battles of Brandy- wine, Germantown, Monmouth, etc., re- ceiving the brevet of brigadier-general in 1813. He died in New London, Conn., Oct. 2, 1848. Burchard, Samuel Dickinson, clergy- man ; born in Steuben, N. Y., Sept. 6, 1812; was graduated at Centre College, Danville, Ky., in 1836; became a temper- ance lecturer and later a Presbyterian minister in New York. In 1884, near the close of the Presidential campaign, he un- expectedly brought himself into notoriety by speaking of the Democrats at the close of an address to a party of Republicans as the party of " Rum, Romanism, and Re- bellion." These words were scarcely uttered before the leaders of the Demo- cratic party published them throughout the country. The election was very close, and it was several days before the official count of New York State was received. That State went Democratic by a small majority. The remark of Dr. Burchard was said to have influenced many thou- sands of votes, and to have lost the elec- tion to Mr. Blaine. He died in Saratoga, N. Y., Sept. 25, 1891. Burden, Henry, inventor; born in Dumblane, Scotland, April 20, 1791 ; lived on a farm, and early in life evinced his inventive taste by designing a variety of labor-saving machinery. In 1819 he came to the United States, and first engaged in the manufacture of farming implements. Afterwards he designed machines for mak- ing horse - shoes and the hook - headed spikes used on railroads; an improved plough ; an axitomatie machine for rolling iron into bars; the first cultivator made in the United States; and a machine which received a rod of iron and turned out horse-shoes at the rate of sixtv a minute. He died in Troy, N. Y., Jan. 19, 1871. Burgesses, House of, the name given to the collected representatives of bor- oughs in Virginia when re^Dresentative government was first established there un- der tlie administration of Governor Yeard- ly. That body was elected by the people, and at first consisted of two representa- tives from seven corporations. These, with the governor and council, formed the General Assembly of Virginia. That gen- eral form of government was maintained until that colony became an independent State in 1776. That first House of Bur- gesses assembled at Jamestown in July, 1619, and by the end of summer four more boroughs were established and represent- atives chosen. The character of the per- sonnel of that popular branch of the Vir- ginia legislature for many years was sometimes severely criticised by contem- porary writers. A clergyman who lived there wrote that the popular Assembly was composed largely of those unruly men whom King James had sent over from the English prisons as servants for the plant- ers, and were not only vicious, but very ig- norant. These men (Stith, an accurate historian, observes) disgraced the colony in the eyes of the world. Finally better material found its way into the House of Burgesses; and when the old war for in- dependence was kindling, some of the brightest and purest men in the common- wealth composed that House, and were the conservators of the rights of man in Vir- ginia as opposed to the governor and his council. Burgoyne, Sir John, military officer; born in England, Feb. 24, 1723; was liber- ally educated, and entered the army at an early age. While a subaltern he clan- destinely married a daughter of the Earl of Derby, who subsequently aided him in acquiring military promotion and settled $1,500 a year upon him. He served with distinction in Portugal in 1762. The year before, he was elected to Parliament, and gained his seat as representative of an- other borough, in 1768, at an expense of about $50,000. In the famous Letters of Junius he was severely handled. Being ajjpointed to command in America, he ar- rived at Boston May 25, 1775; and to Lord Stanley he wrote a letter, giving a graphic 447 BUHGOYNE, SIR JOHlT account of the battle on Bunker (Breed's) Hill. In December, 1776, he returned to England, and was commissioned lieuten- SIR JOHN BURGOTNE. ant-general. Placed in command of the British forces in Canada, he arrived there early in 1777, and in June he began an invasion of the province of New York by way of Lake Cham- plain and the Hudson Valley. He left St. Johns on the Sorel (June, 1777) with a brilliant and Avell - appointed army of 8,000 men, and ascend- ed Lake Champlain in boats. At the falls of the Bouquet River, near the Avestern shore of the lake, he met about 400 Indians in council, and after a feast (June 21, 1777) he made a stii-ring speech to them. On July 1 he appeared before Ticonderoga, which was inade- quately garrisoned. General St. Clair, in command there, was compelled to evacuate the post, with Movmt Indepen- dence opposite (July 5 and 6), and fly towards Fort Edward, on the upper Hudson, through a portion of Vermont. In a battle at Hubbardton (g. v.) the Americans were beaten and dispersed by the pursuing British and Germans. St. Clair had sent stores in boats to Skenesboro (afterwards Whitehall), at the head of the lake. These were overtaken and de- stroyed by the pursuing British. Burgoyne pressed forward almost unopposed, for the American forces were very weak. The latter retreated first to Fort Edward, and then gradually down the Hudson almost to Albany. The British advanced but slow- ly, for the Americans, under the command of Gen. Philip Schuyler, harassed them at every step. An expedition sent by Bur- goyne to capture stores and cattle, and procure horses in this region and at Bennington, Vt., was defeated in a battle at Hoosick, N. Y. (Aug. 16), by a force hastily gathered under General Stark. Already another invading force of Brit- ish regulars, Canadians, Tories, and Ind- ians, under Colonel St. Leger, which Avas sent by Burgoyne, by way of Oswego, to march down the Mohawk Valley and meet the latter at Albany, had been defeated in a battle at Oriskany (Aug. 6). Schuyler was superseded by Gates in command of the northern army. Gates formed a forti- fied camp on Bemis's Heights to oppose the BURGOYNE ADDRESSING THE INDIANS. onward march of Burgoyne down the Hud- son Valley. There he was attacked (Sept. 448 BUKGOYNE, SIE JOHN .1, /i^ .ji,^ '^/^^■t ■^:'JA\ VIEW OF THK KXCAMP5IENT OF THE COXVENTIOX TROOPS. 19) by the British; and, after a severe battle, the latter retired to their camp on the heights of Saratoga (afterwards Sehuylerville) to await the approach of Sir Henry Clinton from New York. The latter captured forts on the Hudson High- lands, and sent marauding expeditions up the river that burned Kingston. Again Burgoyne advanced to attack Gates. He was defeated (Oct. 7), and again retired to his camp. Finding it impossible to retreat, go forward, or remain quiet, he surrendered his whole army, Oct. 17, 1777. See Bemis's Heights. The vanquished troops made prisoners to the Americans by a convention for the surrender of them, made by Gates and Burgoyne, were marched through New England to Cambridge, near Boston, to be embarked for Europe. The Congress had ratified the agreement of Gates that they should depart, on giving their parole not to serve again in arms against the Ameri- cans. Circumstances soon occurred that convinced Washington that Burgoyne and his troops intended to violate the agree- ment at the first opportunity, and it was resolved by the Congress not to allow them to leave the country until the Brit- ish government should ratify the terms of the capitulation. Here was a dilemma. That government would not recognize the authority of the Congress as a lawful body; so the troops were allowed to re- main in idleness in America' four or five years. Burgoyne, alone, was allowed to go home on his parole. The British min- istry charged the Congress with absolute perfidy; the latter retorted, and justified their acts by charging the ministry with meditated perfidy. Owing to the difficulty of finding an adequate supply of food for the captive troops in New England, the Congress finally determined to send them to Virginia. Commissioners sent over, in the spring of 1778, to tender a scheme of reconciliation, offered a ratification of the convention, signed by themselves ; but Con- gress would recognize no authority in- ferior to the British ministry for such an act. Finally, in pursuance of a resolution of Congress (Oct. 15, 1778), the whole body of the captives (4,000 in number), Eng- lish and German, after the officers had signed a^ parole of honor respecting their conduct on the way, took up their line of march, early in November, for Char- lottesville, Va., under the command of Major-General Phillips. Col. Theodoric Bland was appointed by Washington to superintend the march. It was a dreary winter's journey of 700 miles through New England, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The routes of the two nationalities were sometimes distant from each other, and sometimes the same, until they reached Valley Forge, when they went in the same line imtil they had crossed the Potomac Pdver. They remained in Vii-ginia until October, 1780, when the danger that the captives might rise upon and overpower I.— 2 F 449 BURGOYNE— BURKE their guard caused the British to be re- moved to Fort Frederick, in Maryland, and the Germans to Winchester, in the Shenandoah Valley. Deaths, desertion, and partial exchanges had then reduced their number to about 2,100. Afterwaa-ds they were removed to Lancaster, Pa., and some to East Windsor, Conn. In the course of 1782 they were all dis- persed, either by exchange or desertion. Many of the Germans remained in America. The disaster to Burgoyne's army pro- duced a profound sensation in England. This was intensified by indications that France was disposed to acknowledge the independence of the colonies. Efforts were made to supply the place of the lost troops by fresh recruits. Liverpool and Manchester undertook to raise each 1,000 men, and efforts were made to induce Lon- don to follow the example. The new lord mayor worked zealously for that purpose, but failed, and the ministry had to be con- tent with a subscription of $100,000 raised among their adherents. Kor did the plan succeed in the English counties. In Scotland it was more successful; Glas- gow and Edinburgh both raised a regi- ment, and several more were enlisted in the Scotch Highlands by the great land- holders of that region, to whom the ap- pointment of the officers was conceded. The surrender created despondency among the English Tories, and Lord North, the Prime Minister, was alarmed. Burgoyne returned to England, on his parole, May, 1778. Being blamed, he so- licited in vain for a court-martial to try his case, but he ably vindicated himself on the Hoor of Parliament, and published (1780) a narrative of his campaign in America for the same purpose. He joined the opposition, and an ineffectual attempt was made in 1779 to exclude him from Parliament. Then he resigned all his ap- pointments; but in 1782 he was restored to his rank in the aimy, and appointed privy councillor and commander-in-chief in Ire- land. He retiied fiom public life in 1784, and died m London, Aug. 4, 1792. Buigoyne acquiied a literary reputation as a diamatist. His plays and poems ^^ele published in a collection, in 2 vol- umes, m 1808 Burke, Aed\nus, jurist; born in Gal- way, Ii eland, June 16, 1743; was educated at St. Omeis for a piiest; emigrated to VIEW OF THE PLACE WHERE THE BRITISH LAID DOWN THEIR ARMS. 450 BURKE South. Carolina, and there engaged, with the patriots in their conflict with Great Britain. He was a lawyer, and in 1778 was made a judge of the Supreme Court of South Carolina. He served two years in the army; was in Congress (1789-91) ; and after serving in the State legislature, he became chancellor of the common- wealth. He died in Charleston, S. C, March 3, 1802. Judge Burke was a thor- ough republican, and wrote a famous pamphlet against the Cincinnati So- ciety (q. V.) that was translated into French by Mirabeau, and used by him with much elfect during the French Revolution. Burke opposed its aristocratic features. He also opposed the national Constitu- tion, fearing consolidated power. BURKE, EDMUND Burke, Edmund, statesman,- born in on the following proposals which he had Dublin, June 1, 1730; was one of fifteen previously introduced: children of Richard Burke, an attor- That the colonies and plantations of ney, and was descended from the Nor- Great Britain in North America, consist- man De Burghs, who early settled in ing of fourteen separate governments, and Ireland; graduated at Trinity College, containing 2,000,000 and upward of free Dublin (1748) ; studied law, and in 1756 published his famous essay onThe Sublime and Beautiful. In 1758-59 he and Dods- ley established the Annual Register; and in 1765 he was made secretary to Pre- mier Rockingham. He entered Parliament in 1766. There he took an active and brilliant part in debates on the American question, and always in favor of the Amer- icans, advocating their cause with rare eloquence. In 1771 he was appointed agent for the colony of New York. He lost some popularity by advocating the claims of the Roman Catholics in 1780, and opposing the policy of repressing the trade of Ireland. During the brief ad- ministration of the Rockingham ministry in 1782, he was a member of the privy council and paymaster of the forces. Tak- ing a prominent part in the affairs in India, he began the prosecution of Gov. Warren Hastings early in 1786. His la- bors in behalf of India in that protracted trial were immense, though the convic- tion of Hastings was not effected. His great work entitled Reflections on the inhabitants, have not had the liberty and Revolution in France appeared in 1790. privilege of electing and sending any As a statesman and thinker and clear knights and burgesses, or others, to rep- writer he had few superiors. His con- resent them in the high court of Parlia- versational powers were remarkable, and ment. he was one of the suspected authors That the said colonies and plantations of the Letters of Junius. He died in have been made liable to, and bounden by, Beaconsfield, England, July 9, 1797. several subsidies, payments, rates, and taxes, given and granted by Parliament; Conciliation with the Colonies. — Burke's though the said colonies and plantations great conciliatory speech in the British have not their knights and burgesses in Parliament, on March 32^ 1775, was based the said high court of Parliament, of their 451 EDMUND BURKE. BURKE, EDMUND own election, to represent the condition of their country; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes touched and -grieved by subsidies given, granted, and assented to, in the said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commonwealth, quietness, rest, and peace, of the subjects inhabiting within the same. That, from the distance of the said colo- nies, and from other circumstances, no method hath hitherto been devised for procuring a representation in Parliament for the said colonies. That each of the said colonies hath within itself a body, chosen, in part or in the whole, by the freemen, freeholders, or other free inhabitants thereof, commonly called the general assembly, or general court; with powers legally to raise, levy, and assess, according to the several usages of such colonies, duties and taxes towards defraying all sorts of public services. That the said general assemblies, gen- eral courts, or other bodies, legally quali- fied as aforesaid, have at sundry times freely granted several large subsidies and public aids for his Majesty's service, ac- cording to their abilities, when required thereto by letter from one of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state; and that their right to grant the same, and their cheerfulness and sufficiency in the said grants, have been at sundry times ac- knowledged by Parliament. That it hath been foimd by experience, that the manner of granting the said sup- plies and aids, by the said general assem- blies, hath been more agreeable to the in- habitants of the said colonies, and more beneficial and conductive to the public service, than the mode of giving and granting aids and subsidies in Parlia- ment to be raised and paid in the said colonies. That it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the seventh year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America; for allowing a drawback of the duties of customs, upon the exportation from this kingdom, of coffee and cocoa-nuts, of the produce of the said colonies or planta- tions; for discontinuing the drawbacks payable on China earthenware exported to America; and for more effectually pre- venting the clandestine running of goods in the said colonies and plantations. That it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An act to discontinue, in such manner, and for such time, as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading or ship- ping of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town, and within the harbour, of Bos- ton, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America. That it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled. An act for the impartial administration of jus- tice, in cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England. That it is proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled. An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England. That it is proper to explain and amend an act made in the thirty-fifth year of .the reign of King Henry VIIL, intituled. An act for the trial of treasons committed out of the king's dominions. That, from the time when the general assembly, or general court, of any colony or plantation, in North America, shall have ap23ointed, by act of assembly duly confirmed, a settled salary to the offices of the chief -justice and judges of the supe- rior courts, it may be proper that the said chief-justice and other judges of the superior courts of such colony shall hold his and their office and offices during their good behaviour; and shall not be removed therefrom, but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his Majesty in coimcil, upon a hearing on complaint from the gen- eral assembly, or on a complaint from the governor, or council, or the House of Rep- resentatives, severally, of the colony in which the said chief-justice and other judges have exercised the said office. That it may be proper to regulate the courts of admiralty, or vice-admiralty, au- thorized by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of George III., in such a manner, as to make the same more commodious to 452 BTJKKE, EDMUND those who sue, or are sued, in the said courts; and to provide for the more de- cent maintenance of the judges of the same. Burlce's Speech on Conciliation. — I hope, sir, that, notwithstanding the aus- terity of the chair, your good - nature will incline you to some degree of indul- gence towards human frailty. You will not think it unnatural, that those who have an object depending, which strongly engages their hopes and fears, should be somewhat inclined to superstition. As I came into the House full of anxiety about the event of my motion, I found, to my in- finite surprise, that the grand penal bill, ' by which we had passed sentence on the trade and sustenance of America, is to be returned to us from the other House. I do confess, I could not help looking on this event as a fortunate omen. I look upon it as a sort of providential favour; by which we are put once more in possession of our deliberative capacity, upon a busi- ness so very questionable in its nature, so very uncertain in its issue. By the re- turn of this bill, which seemed to have taken its flight forever, we are at this very instant nearly as free to choose a plan for our American government as we were on the first day of the session. If, sir, we incline to the side of conciliation, we are not at all embarrassed (unless we please to make ourselves so) by any in- congruous mixture of coercion and re- straint. We are therefore called upon, as it were by a superior warning voice, again to attend to America; to attend to the whole of it together; and to review the subject with an unusual degree of care and calmness. Surely it is an awful subject; or there is none so on this side of the grave. When 1 first had the honour of a seat in this House, the affairs of that continent press- ed themselves upon us, as the most im- portant and most delicate object of parlia- mentary attention. My little share in this great deliberation oppressed me. I found myself a partaker in a very high trust ; and having no sort of reason to rely on the strength of my natural abilities for the proper execution of that trust, I was obliged to take more than common pains to instruct myself in everything which relates to our colonies. I was not 45 less under the necessity of forming some fixed ideas concerning the general policy of the British Empire. Something of this sort seemed to be indispensable; in order, a-midst so vast a fluctuation of passions and opinions, to concentrate my thoughts; to ballast my conduct; to preserve me from being blown about by every wind of fashionable doctrine. I really did not think it safe, or manly, to have fresh prin- ciples to seek upon every fresh mail which should arrive from America. At that period I had the for time to find myself in perfect concurrence with a large majority in this House. Bowing under that high authority, and penetrated with the sharp- ness and strength of that early impression, I have continued ever since, without the least deviation, in my original sentiments. Whether this be owing to an obstinate perseverance in error, or to a religious adherence to what appears to me truth and reason, it is in your equity to judge. Sir, Parliament having an enlarged view of objects, made, during this in- terval, more frequent changes in their sentiments and their conduct, than could be justified in a particular person upon the contracted scale of private informa- tion. But though I do not hazard any- thing approaching to censure on the mo- tives of former parliaments to all those alterations, one fact is undoubted, that under them the state of America has been kept in continual agitation. Everything administered as remedy to the public com- plaint, if it did not produce, was at least followed by, an heightening of the dis- temper; until, by a variety of experiments, that important country has been brought into her present situation; a situation which I will not miscall, which I dare not name; which I scarcely know how to comprehend in the terms of any descrip- tion. In this posture, sir, things stood at the beginning of the session. About that time, a worthy member of great parliamentary experience, who, in the year 1766, filled the chair of the American committee, with much ability, took me aside; and, lamenting the present aspect of our poli- tics, told me, things were come to such a pass, that our former methods of proceed- ing in the House would be no longer tolerated. That the pubHc tribunal (never 3 fetTRKE, EDMtflfD too indulgent to a long and unsuccessful lamity is a mighty leveller; and there are opposition) would now scrutinize our con- occasions when any, even the slightest, duct with unusual severity. That the very chance of doing good, must be laid hold vicissitudes and shiftings of ministerial on, even by the most inconsiderable person, measures, instead of convicting their To restore order and repose to an em- authors of inconstancy and want of sys- pire so great and so distracted as ours, tem, would be taken as an occasion of is, merely in the attempt, an undertak- charging us with a predetermined discon- ing that would ennoble the flights of the tent, which nothing could satisfy; whilst highest genius, and obtain pardon for we accused every measure of vigour as the efforts of the meanest understanding, cruel, and every proposal of lenity as Struggling a good while with these weak and irresolute. The public, he said, thouglits, by degrees I felt myself more would not have patience to see us firm. I derived, at length, some confi- play the game out with our adversaries; dence from what in other circumstances we must produce our hand. It would be usually produces timidity. I grew less expected that those who for many years anxious, even from the idea of my own in- had been active in such affairs should significance. For, judging of what you show that they had formed some clear are by what you ought to be, I persuaded and decided idea of the principles of myself that you would not reject a reason- colony government; and were capable of able proposition because it had nothing drawing out something like a platform but its reason to recommend it. On the of the ground which might be laid for other hand, being totally destitute of all future and permanent tranquillity. shadow of influence, natural or adventi- I felt the truth of what my honourable tious, I was very sure that, if my propo- friend represented ; but I felt my situa- sition were futile or dangerous, if it were tion too. His application might have been weakly conceived, or improperly timed, made with far greater propriety to many there was nothing exterior to it, of power other gentlemen. No man was indeed to awe, dazzle, or delude you. You will ever better disposed, or worse qualified, see it just as it is: and you will treat it for such an undertaking, than myself, just as it deserves. Though I gave so far in to his opinion. The proposition is peace. Not peace that I immediately threw my thoughts through the medium of war; not peace into a sort of parliamentary form, I was to be hunted through the labyrinth of in- by no means equally ready to produce trieate and endless negotiations; not peace them. It generally argues some degree of to arise out of universal discord, foment- natural impotence of mind, or some want ed from principle, in all parts of the em- of knowledge of the world, to hazard plans pire; not peace to depend on the judicial of government except from a seat of au- determination of perplexing questions, or thority. Propositions are made, not only the precise marking the shado^vy boun- ineffectually, but somewhat disreputably, daries of a complex government. It is when the minds of men are not properly simply peace, sought in its natural course, disposed for their reception ; and for my and in its ordinary haunts. It is peace part, I am not ambitioiis of ridicule; not sought in the spirit of peace, and laid absolutely a candidate for disgrace. in principles purely pacific. I propose. Besides, sir, to speak the plain truth, by removing the ground of the difference, I have in general no very exalted opinion and by restoring the former unsuspecting of the virtue of paper government; nor of confidence of the colonies in the mother- any politics in which the plan is to be country, to give permanent satisfaction to wholly separated from the execution. But your people; and (far from a scheme of when I saw that anger and violence pre- ruling by discord) to reconcile them to vailed every day more and more, and that each other in the same act, and by the things were hastening towards an incur- bond of the very same interest which able alienation of our colonies. I confess reconciles them to British government. my caution gave way. I felt this, as one of those few moments in which de- corum yields to a higher duty. Public ca- My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever has been the parent of confusion, and ever Avill be so, as long as the world 454 BURKE, EDMUND endures. Plain good intention, which is as easily discovered at the first view as fraud is surely detected at last, is, let me say, of no mean force in the govern- ment of mankind. Genuine simplicity of heart is an healing and cementing prin- ciple. My plan, therefore, being formed upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may disappoint some people when they hear it. It has nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears. There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing of the splendour of the proj- ect which has been lately laid upon your table by the noble lord in the blue riband. It does not propose to fill your lobby with squabbling colony agents, who will require the interposition of your mace, at every instant, to keep the peace among them. It does not institute a magnificent auc- tion of finance, where captivated provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each other, until you knock down the hammer, and determine a proportion of payments beyond all the powers of alge- bra to equalize and settle. The plan which I shall presume to sug- gest derives, however, one great advan- tage from the proposition and registry of that noble lord's project. The idea of con- ciliation is admissible. First, the House, in accepting the resolution moved by the noble lord, has admitted, notwithstand- ing the menacing front of our address, notwithstanding our heavy bills of pains and penalties, that we do not think our- selves precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty. The House has gone further ; it has de- clared conciliation admissible, previous to any submission on the part of America. It has even shot a good deal beyond that mark, and has admitted that the com- plaints of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfounded. That right thus exerted is al- lowed to have had something reprehensi- ble in it; something unwise, or something grievous; since, in the midst of our heat and resentment, we, of ourselves, have proposed a capital alteration; and, in or- der to get rid of what seemed so very exceptionable, have instituted a mode that is altogether new; one that is, indeed, wholly alien from all the ancient methods and forms of Parliament. The principle of this proceeding is large enough for my purpose. The means pro- posed by the noble lord for carrying his ideas into execution, I think, indeed, are very indifl'erently suited to the end; and this I shall endeavour to show you before I sit down. But, for the present, I take my ground on the admitted principle. I mean to give peace. Peace implies recon- ciliation; and, where there has been a material dispute, reconciliation does in a manner alwaj's imply concession on the one part or on the other. In this state of things I make no difficulty in affirm- ing that the proposal ought to originate from us. Great and acknowledged force is not impaired either in effect or in opin- ion by an unwillingness to exert itself. The superior power may offer peace with honour and with safety. Such an offer from such a power will be attributed to magnanimity. But the concessions of the weak are the concessions of fear. When such a one is disarmed, he is wholly at the mercy of his superior; and he loses forever that time and those chances, which, as they happen to all men, are the strength and resources of all inferior power. The capital leading questions on which you must this day decide are these two: First, whether you ought to concede; and, secondly, what your concession ought to be. On the first of these questions we have gained (as I have just taken the liberty of observing to you) some ground. But I am sensible that a good deal more is still to be done. Indeed, sir, to enable us to determine both on the one and the other of these great questions with a firm and precise judgment, I think it may be neces- sary to consider distinctly the true nature and the peculiar circumstances of the object which we have before us. Because after all our struggle, whether we will or not, we must govern America according to that nature, ' and to those circum- stances; and not according to our own imaginations ; nor according to abstract ideas of right; by no means according to mere general theories of government, the resort to which it appears to me, in our present situation, no better than arrant trifling. I shall therefore endeavour, with your leave, to lay before you some of the most material of these circumstances in 455 BURKE, EDMUND as full and as clear a manner as I am able to state them. The first thing that we have to con- sider with regard to the nature of the object is — the number of people in the col- onies. I have taken for some years a good deal of pains on that point. I can by no calculation justify myself in plac- ing the number below 2,000,000 of inhabi- tants of our own European blood and col- our; besides at least 500,000 others, who form no inconsiderable part of the strength and opulence of the whole. This, sir, is, I believe, about the true number. There is no occasion to exag- gerate, where plain truth is of so much weight and importance. But whether I put the present number too high or too low is a matter of little moment. Such is the strength with which population shoots in that part of the world that, state the numbers as high as we will, whilst the dispute continues, the exaggera- tion ends. Whilst we are discussing any given magnitude, they are grown to it. Whilst we spend our time in deliberating on the mode of governing 2,000,000, we shall find we have millions more to man- age. Your children do not grow faster from infancy to manhood than they spread from families to communities, and from villages to nations. I put this consideration of the present and the growing numbers in the front of our deliberation ; because, sir, this consideration will make it evident to a blunter discernment than yours that no partial, narrow, contracted, pinched, occa- sional system will be at all suitable to such an object. It will show you that it is not to be considered as one of those minima (trifles) which are out of the eye and consideration of the law; not a paltry excrescence of the state, not a mean dependent, who may be neglected with little damage and provoked with little danger. It will prove that some degree of care and caution is required in the handling such an object; it will show that you ought not, in reason, to trifle with so large a mass of the inter- ests and feelings of the human race. You could at no time do so without guilt: and be assured you will not be able to do it long with impunity. But the population of this country, the great and growing population, though a very important consideration, will not lose much of its weight if not combined with other circumstances. The commerce of your colonies is out of all proportion be- yond the numbers of the people. This ground of their commerce, indeed, has been trod some days ago, and with great ability, by a distinguished person, at your bar. This gentleman, after thirty- five yeais — it is so long since he first appeared at the same place to plead for the commerce of Great Britain — has come again before you to plead the same cause, without any other effect of time than that to the fire of imagination and extent of erudition, which even then marked him as one of the first literary characters of his age, he has added a consummate knowledge in the commercial interest of his country, formed by a long course of enlightened and discriminating experi- ence. Sir, I should be inexcusable in coming after such a person with any detail if a great part of the members who now fill the House had not the misfortune to be absent when he appeared at your bar. Besides, sir, I propose to take the matter at periods of time somewhat different from his. There is, if I mistake not, a point of view, from whence, if you would look at this subject, it is impossible that it should not make an impression upon you. I have in my hand two accounts: one a comparative state of the export trade of England to its colonies, as it stood in the year 1704, and as it stood in the year 1772; the other a state of the export trade of this country to its colonies alone, as it stood in 1772, compared with the whole trade of England to all parts of the world (the colonies included) in the year 1704. They are from good vouchers; the latter period from the accounts on your table, the earlier from an original manu- script of Davenant, who first established the inspector-general's office, which ,has been ever since his time so abundant a source of parliamentary information. The export trade to the colonies con- sists of three great branches. The Afri- can, which, terminating almost wholly in the colonies, must be put to the account of their commerce; the W^est Indian; and 456 BURKE, EDMUND the North American. All these are so ed. But, it will be said, is not this Amer- interwoven that the attempt to separate ican trade an unnatural protuberance, them would tear to pieces the contexture that has drawn the juices from the rest of the whole; and if not entirely destroy, of the body? The reverse. It is the very would very much depreciate the value of food that has nourished every other part all the parts. I therefore consider these into its present magnitude. Our general three denominations to be, what in effect trade has been greatly augmented, and they are, one trade. augmented more or less in almost every The trade to the colonies, taken on the part to which it ever extended; but with export side, at the beginning of this cen- tury — that is, in the year 1704 — stood thus : Exports to North America and the West Indies £483,265 To Africa / . 86,665 £569,930 In the year 1772, which I take as a middle year between the highest and low- est of those lately laid on your table, the account was as follows : To North America and the West Indies £4,791,734 To Africa 866,398 To which if you add the export trade from Scotland, which had in 1704 no existence 364,000 £6,022,132 this material difference, that of the £6,- 000,000 which in the beginning of the cen- tury constituted the whole mass of our export commerce, the colony trade was but one-twelfth part; it is now (as a part of £16,000,000) considerably more than a third of the whole. This is the relative proportion of the importance of the col- onies at these two periods: and all rea- soning concerning our mode of treating them must have this proportion as its basis, or it is a reasoning weak, rotten, and sophistical. Mr. Speaker, I cannot prevail on my- self to hurry over this great considera- tion. It is good for us to be here. We stand where we have an immense view of what is, and what is past. Clouds, in- deed, and darkness rest upon the future. Let us, however, before we descend from this noble eminence, reflect that this growth of our national prosperity has happened within the short period of the life of man. It has happened within sixty-eight years. There are those alive whose memory might touch the two ex- tremities. For instance, my Lord Bath- urst might remember all the stages of the progress. He was in 1704 of an age at least to be made to comprehend such things. He was then old enough acta fiarentum jam legere, et quae sit potuit cognoscere virtus (to study the doings of his forefathers, and to learn the meaning of virtue). Suppose, sir, that the angel of this auspicious youth — foreseeing the many virtues, which made him one of the most amiable, as he is one of the most fortunate, men of his age — had opened to him in vision, that when, in the fourth The trade with America alone is now generation, the tliird prince of the House within less than £500,000 of being equal of Brunswick had sat twelve years on the to what this great commercial nation, throne of that nation, which (by the England, carried on at the beginning of happy issue of moderate and healing coun- this century with the whole world! If scls) was to be made Great Britain, he I had taken the largest year of those on should see his son. Lord Chancellor of your table, it would rather have exceed- England, turn back the current of heredi- 457 From five hundred and odd thousand, it has grown to six millions. It has in- creased no less than twelvefold. This is the state of the colony trade, as compared with itself at these two periods, within this century — and this is matter for meditation. But this is not all. Examine my second account. See how the export trade to the colonies alone in 1772 stood in the other point of view, that is, as compared to the whole trade of England in 1704: The whole export trade of Eng- land, including that to the colo- nies, in 1704 £6,509,000 Export to the colonies alone, in 1772 6,024,000 Difference £ 485,000 BTJRKE, EDMUND tary dignity to its fountain, and raise him to a higher rank of peerage, whilst he en- riched the family with a new one. If amidst these bright and happy scenes of domestic honour and prosperity, that an- gel should have drawn up the curtain, and unfolded the rising glories of his country, and whilst he was gazing with admiration on the then commercial grandeur of Eng- land, the genius should point out to him a little speck, scarce visible in the mass cf the national interest, a small seminal principle, rather than a formed body, and should tell him : " Young man, there is America, which at this day serves for little more than to amuse you with stories of savage men, and uncouth manners; yet shall, before you taste of death, show it- self equal to the whole of that commerce which now attracts the envy of the world. Whatever England has been growing to by a progressive increase of imjjrovement, brought in by varieties of people, by suc- cession of civilizing conquests and civil- izing settlements in a series of 1,700 years, you shall see as much added to her by America in the course of a single life!" If this state of his country had been fore- told to him, would it not require all the sanguine credulity of youth, and all the fervid glow of enthusiasm, to make him believe it? Fortunate man, he has lived to see it! Fortunate, indeed, if he lives to see nothing that shall vary the prospect and cloud the setting of his day! Excuse me, sir, if, turning from such thoughts, I resume this comparative view once more. You have seen it on a large scale; look at it on a small one. I will point out to your attention a particular instance of it in the single province of Pennsylvania. In the year 1704, that province called for £11,459 in value of your commodities, native and foreign. This was the whole. What did it demand in 1772? Why, nearly fifty times as much; for in that year the export to Pennsyl- vania was £507,909, nearly equal to the export to all the colonies together in the first period. I choose, sir, to enter into these minute and particular details; because general- ities, which in all other cases are apt to heighten and raise the subject, have here a tendency to sink it. When we speak of the commerce with our colonies, fiction lags after truth, invention is untruthful, and imagination cold and barren. So far, sir, as to the importance of the object in view of its commerce, as con- cerned in the exports from England. If I were to detail the imports, I could show how many enjoyments they procure, which relieve the burthen of life; how many materials which invigorate the springs of national industry, and extend and animate every part of our foreign and domestic commerce. This would be a curious sub- ject, indeed — but I must prescribe bounds to myself in a matter so vast and various. I f)ass therefore to the colonies in an- other point of view — their agriculture. This they have prosecuted with such a spirit that, besides feeding plentifully their own growing multitude, tlieir an- nual export of grain, comprehending rice, has some years ago exceeded £1,000,000 in value. Of their last harvest, I am per- suaded they will export much more. At the beginning of the century some of these colonies imported corn from the mother- country. For some time past, the Old World has been fed from the New. The scarcity which you have felt would have been a desolating famine if this child of your old age, with a true filial piety, with a Roman charity, had not put the full breast of its youthful exuberance to the mouth of its exhausted parent. As to the wealth which the colonies have drawn from the sea by their fisheries, you had all that matter fully opened at your bar. You surely thought these ac- quisitions of value, for they seemed even to excite your envy; and yet the spirit by which that enterprising employment has been exercised ought rather, in my opinion, to have raised your esteem and admiration. And pray, sir, what in the world is equal to it? Pass by the other parts, and look at the manner in which the people of New England have of late carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them among the tumbling mount- ains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hud- son's Bay and Davis's Straits, whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle, we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region of polar cold, that they are at the antipodes, and en- under the frozen serpent of the 458 south. Falkland. Island, which seemed too an odious, but a feeble instrument, for remote and romantic an object for the preserving a people so numerous, so ac- grasp of national ambition, is but a stage tive, so growing, so spirited as this, in and resting-place in the progress of their a profitable and subordinate connection victorious industry. Nor is the equinoc- with us. tial heat more discouraging to them than First, sir, permit me to observe that the the accumulated winter of both the poles, use of force alone is but temporary. It We know that whilst some of them draw may subdue for a moment; but it does the line and strike the harpoon on the not remove the necessity of subduing coast of Africa, others run the longitude, again ; and a nation is not governed which and pursue their gigantic game along the is perpetually to be conquered, coast of Brazil. ISTo sea but what is vexed My next objection is its uncertainty, by their fisheries. No climate that is not Terror is not always the effect of force; witness to their toils. Neither the perse- and an armament is not a victory. If verance of Holland, nor the activity of you do not succeed, you are Avithout re- France, nor the dexterous and firm sa- source; for, conciliation failing, force re- gacity of English enterprise ever carried mains ; but, force failing, no further hope this most perilous mode of hardy Indus- of reconciliation is left. Power and au- try to the extent to which it has been thority are sometimes bought by kind- pushed by this recent people; a people ness; but they can never be begged as who are still, as it were, but in the gris- alms by an impoverished and defeated vio- tle, and not yet hardened into the bone lence. of manhood. When I contemplate these A further objection to force is that you things, when I know that the colonies impair the object by your very endeav- in general owe little or nothing to any ours to preserve it. The thing you fought care of ours, and that they are not for is not the thing which you recover, squeezed into this happy form by the con- but depreciated, sunk, wasted, and con- straints of watchful and suspicious gov- sumed in the contest. Nothing less will ernment, but that, through a wise and content me than ivhole America. I do not salutary neglect, a generous nature has clioose to consume its strength along with been sulTered to take her own way to per- our own; because in all parts it is the fection; when I reflect upon these effects, British strength that I consume. I do not when I see how profitable they have been choose to be caught by a foreign enemy to us, I feel all the pride of power sink, at the end of this exhausting cpnfiict; and all presumption in the wisdom of hu- and still less in the midst of it. I may man contrivances melt and die away with- escape; but I can make no insurance in me. My rigour relents. I pardon some- against such an event. Let me add that thing to the spirit of liberty. I do not choose wholly to break the Amer- I am sensible, sir, that all which I have ican spirit; because it is the spirit that asserted in my detail is admitted in the has made the country, gross; but that quite a different conclu- Lastly, we have no sort of experience in sion is drawn from it. America, gentle- favour of force as an instrument in the men say, is a noble object. It is an object rule of our colonies. Their growth and well worth fighting for. Certainly it is, their utility has been owing to methods if fighting a people be the best way of altogether difl'erent. Our ancient indul- gaining them. Gentlemen in this respect gence has been said to be pursued to a will be led to their choice of means by fault. It may be so. But we know, if their complexions and their habits. Those feeling is evidence, that our fault was who understand the military art will, of more tolerable than our attempt to mend course, have some predilection for it. it; and our sin far more salutary than our Those who wield the thunder of the state penitence. may have some confidence in the efficacy These, sir, are my reasons for not en- of arms. But I confess, possibly for want tertaining that high opinion of untried of this knowledge, my opinion is much force, by which many gentlemen, for whose more in favour of prudent management sentiments in other particulars I have than of force; considering force not as great respect, seem to be so greatly capti- 459 BURKE, EDMUND vated. But there is still behind a third consideration concerning this object, which serves to determine my opinion on the sort of policy which ought to be pursued in the management of America, even more than its population and its commerce. I mean its temper and character. In this character of the Americans, a love of freedom is the predominating feat- ure which marks and distinguishes the whole; and as an ardent is always a jeal- ous affection, your colonies become sus- picious, restive, and untractable, when- ever they see the least attempt to wrest from them by force, or shuffle from them by chicane, what they think the only ad- vantage worth living for. This fierce spirit of liberty is stronger in the Eng- lish colonies probably than in any other people of the earth; and this from a great variety of powerful causes; which, to understand the true temper of their minds and the direction which this spirit takes, it will not be amiss to lay open somewhat more largely. First, the people of the colonies are descendants of Englishmen. England, sir, is a nation, which still, I hope, re- spects, and formerly adored her freedom. The colonists emigrated from you when this part of your character was most pre- dominant; and they took their bias and direction the moment they parted from your hands. They are, therefore, not only devoted to liberty, but to liberty according to English ideas, and on English principles. Abstract liberty, like other mere abstrac- tions, is not to be found. Liberty inheres in some sensible object; and every nation has formed to itself some favourite point, which by way of eminence becomes the criterion of their happiness. It happened, you know, sir, that the great contests for freedom in this country were from the earliest times chiefly upon the question of taxing. Most of the contests in the an- cient commonwealths turned primarily on the right of election of magistrates or on the balance among the several orders of the state. The question of money was not with them so immediate. But in Eng- land it was otherwise. On this point of taxes the ablest pens and most eloquent tongues have been exercised; the greatest spirits have acted and suffered. In order to give the fullest satisfaction concerning the importance of this point, it was not only necessary for those who in argu- ment defended the excellence of the Eng- lish constitution to insist on this privi- lege of granting money as a dry point of fact, and to prove that the right had been acknowledged in ancient parchments, and blind usages, to reside in a certain body called a House of Commons. They went much farther; they attempted to prove, and they succeeded, that in theory it ought to be so, from the particular nat- ure of a House of Commons, as an imme- diate representative of the people; whether the old records had delivered this oracle or not. They took infinite pains to in- culcate, as a fundamental principle, that in all monarchies the people must, in ef- fect, themselves, mediately or immediately, possess the power of granting their own money, or no shadow of liberty could sub- sist. The colonies draw from you, as with their life-blood, these ideas and principles. Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached on this specific point of tax- ing. Liberty might be safe, or might be endangered, in twenty other particulars, without their being much pleased or alarm- ed. Here they felt its pulse; and as they found that beat, they thought themselves sick or sound. I do not say whether they were right or wrong in applying your general arguments to their own case. It is not easy, indeed, to make a monopoly of theorems an corollaries. The fact is that they did thus apply those general arguments ; and your mode of governing them, whether through lenity or indolence, through wisdom or mistake, confirmed them in the imagination that they, as well as you, had an interest in these com- mon principles. They were further confirmed in this pleasing error by the form of their pro- vincial legislative assemblies. Their gov- ernments are popular in a high degree; some are merely popular; in all, the popu- lar representative is the most weighty; and this share of the people in their ordi- nary government never fails to inspire them with lofty sentiments, and with a strong aversion from whatever tends to deprive them of their chief importance. If anything were wanting to this neces- sary operation of the form of government, religion would have given it a complete 460 BURKE, EDMUND effect. Religion, always a principle of energy, in this new people is no way worn out or impaired; and their mode of pro- fessing it is also one main cause of their free spirit. The people are Protestants; and of that kind which is the most ad- verse to all implicit submission of mind and opinion. This is a persuasion not only favourable to liberty, but built upon it. I do not think, sir, that the reason of this averseness in the dissenting churches from all that looks like absolute govern- raent is so much to be sought in their religious tenets as in their history. Every one knows that the Roman Catholic relig- ion is at least coeval with most of the governments where it prevails, that it has generally gone hand in hand with them, and received great favour and every kind of support from authority. The Church of England, too, was formed from her cradle under the nursing care of regular government. But the dissenting interests have sprung up in direct opposition to all the ordinary powers of the world, and could justify that opposition only on a strong claim to natural liberty. Their very existence depended on the powerful and unremitted assertion of that claim. All Protestantism, even the most cold and passive, is a sort of dissent. But the re- ligion most prevalent in our northern colonies is a refinement on the principle of resistance ; it is the dissidence of dissent, and the Protestantism of the Protestant religion. This religion, under a variety of denominations agreeing in nothing but in the communion of the spirit of liberty, is predominant in most of the northern provinces, where the Church of England, notwithstanding its legal rights, is in reality no more than a sort of private sect, not composing most probably the tenth of the people. The colonists left England when this spirit was high, and in the emigrants was the highest of all ; and even that stream of foreigners, which has been constantly flowing into these colonies, has, for the greatest part, been composed of dissenters from the establish- ments of their several countries, and have brought with them a temper and character far from alien to that of the people with whom they mixed. Sir, I can perceive by their manner that some gentlemen object to the lati- 461 tude of this description; because in the southern colonies the Church of England forms a large body, and has a regular es- tablishment. It is certainly true. There is, however, a circumstance attending these colonies, which, in my opinion, fully counterbalances this difl'erence, and makes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the northward. It is that in Virginia and the Carolinas they have a vast number of slaves. Where this is the case in any part of the world, those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Free- dom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there, that freedom, as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, may be united with much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks amongst them like some- thing that is more noble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it; but I cannot alter the nature of man. The fact is so; and these people of the south- ern colonies are much more strongly, and with a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty, than those to the northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths ; such were our Gothic an- cestors ; such in our days were the Poles ; and such will be all masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such a peo- ple, the haughtiness of domination com- bines with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible. Permit me, sir, to add another circum- stance in our colonies, which contributes no mean part towards the growth and effect of this untractable spirit. I mean their education. In no country perhaps in the world is the law so general a study. The profession itself is numerous and pow- erful ; and in most provinces it takes the lead. The greater number of the deputies sent to the colonies were lawyers. But all who read — and most do read — endeav- our to obtain some smattering in that science. I have been told by an emi- nent bookseller, that in no branch of his business, after tracts of popular de- votion, were so many books as those on the law exported to the plantations. The BURKE, EDMUND colonists have now fallen into the way of raging passions and furious elements, of printing them for their own use. and says, " So far shalt thou go, and no I hear that they have sold nearly as farther." Who are you, that should fret many of Blackstone's Commentaries in and rage, and bite the chains of nature? America as in England. General Gage Nothing worse happens to you than does marks out this disposition very particu- to all nations who have extensive empire; larly in a letter on your table. He states and it happens in all the forms into which that all the jDcople in his government empire can be thrown. In large bodies, are lawyers, or smatterers in law; and the circulation of power must be less vig- that in Boston they have been enabled, orous at the extremities. Nature has by successful chicane, wholly to evade said it. The Turk cannot govern Egypt, many parts of one of your capital penal and Arabia, and Curdistan, as he governs constitutions. The smartness of debate Thrace; nor has he the same dominion will say that this knowledge ought to in Crimea and Algiers which he has at teach them more clearly the rights of leg- Brusa and Smyrna. Despotism itself is islature, their obligations to obedience, obliged to truck and huckster. The Sul- and the penalties of rebellion. All tliis is tan gets such obedience as he can. He mighty well. But my honoured and learn- governs with a loose rein that he may ed friend on the floor, who condescends govern at all; and the whole of the force to mark what I say for animadversion, and vigour of his authority in his centre will disdain that ground. He has heard, is derived from a prudent relaxation in as well as I, that when great honours and all his borders. Spain, in her provinces, great emoluments do not win over this is, perhaps, not so well obeyed as you are knowledge to the service of the state, it is in yours. She complies too; she submits; a formidable adversary to government. If she watches times. This is the immuta- the spirit be not tamed and broken by ble condition, the eternal law, of extensive these happy methods, it is stubborn and and detached empire. litigious. Aheunt studia in mores (Pur- Then, sir, from these six capital suits influence character). This study sources: of descent; of form of govern- renders men acute, inquisitive, dexterous, ment; of religion in the northern prov- prompt in attack, ready in defence, full inces; of manners in the southern; of of resources. In other countries, the peo- education; of the remoteness of situation pie, more simple, and of a less mercurial from the first mover of government — from cast, judge of an ill principle in govern- all these causes a fierce spirit of liberty ment only by an actual grievance; here has grown up. It has grown with the they anticipate the evil, and judge of the growth of the people in your colonies, and pressure of the grievance by the badness increased with the increase of their of the principle. They augur misgovern- wealth; a spirit that, unhappily meeting ment at a distance; and snuflf the ap- with an exercise of power in England, proach of tyranny in every tainted breeze, which, however lawful, is not reconcilable The last cause of this disobedient spirit to any ideas of liberty, much less with in the colonies is hardly less powerful theirs, has kindled the flame that is ready than the rest, as it is not merely moral, to consume us. but laid deep in the natural constitution I do not mean to commend either the of things. Three thousand miles of ocean spirit in this excess, or the moral causes lie between you and them. No contriv- which produce it. Perhaps a more smooth ance can prevent the effect of this distance and accommodating spirit of freedom in in weakening government. Seas roll, and them would be more acceptable to us. months pass, between the order and the Perhaps ideas of liberty might be desired, execution; and the want of a speedy ex- more reconcilable Avith an arbitrary and planation of a single point is enough to boundless authority. Perhaps we might defeat a whole system. You have, in- wish the colonists to be persuaded that deed, winged ministers of vengeance, who their liberty is more secure when laid in carry your bolts in their pounces to the trust for them by us (as their guardians remotest verge of the sea. But there a during a perpetual minority) than with power steps in, that limits the arrogance any part of it in their own hands. The 462 BirilKE, EDMIJNI) question is, not whether their spirit de- serves praise or blame, but — what, in the name of God, shall we do with it? You have before you the object, such as it is, with all its glories, with all its imper- fections, on its head. You see the magni- tude; the importance; the temper; the habits; the disorders. By all these con- siderations we are strongly urged to de- termine something concerning it. We are called upon to fix some rule and line for our future conduct, which may give a little stability to our politics, and pre- vent the return of such unhappy deliber- ations as the present. Every such return will bring the matter before us in a still more untractable form. For, what aston- ishing and incredible things have we not seen already! What monsters have not been generated from this imnatural con- tention! Whilst every principle of au- thority and resistance has been pushed, upon both sides, as far as it would go, there is nothing so solid and certain, either in reasoning or in practice, that has not been shaken. Until very lately, all au- thority in America seemed to be nothing but an emanation from yours. Even the popular part of the colony constitution derived all its activity, and its first vital movement, from the pleasure of the crown. We thought, sir, that the utmost which the discontented colonists could do was to disturb authority; we never dreamt they could of themselves supply it, know- ing in general what an operose business it is to establish a government absolutely new. But having, for our purposes in this contention, resolved that none but an obedient assembly should sit, the humours of the people there, finding all passage through the legal channels stopped, with great violence broke out another way. Some provinces have tried their experi- ment, as we have tried ours; and theirs have succeeded. They have formed a gov- ernment sufficient for its purposes, with- out the bustle of a revolution, or the troublesome formality of an election. Evi- dent necessity, and tacit consent, have done the business in an instant. So well they have done it, that Lord Dunmore (the account is among the fragments on your table) tells you, that the new institution is infinitely better obeyed than the ancient government ever was in its most fortunate periods. Obedience is what makes government, and not the names by which it is called; not the name of govern- or, as formerly, or committee, as at pres- ent. This new government has originated directly from the people; and was not transmitted through any of the ordinary media of a positive constitution. It was not a manufacture ready formed, but transmitted to them in that condition from England. The evil arising from hence is this: that the colonists having once found the possibility of enjoying the advantages of order in the midst of a struggle for liberty, such struggles will not henceforward seem so terrible to the settled and sober part of mankind as they had appeared before the trial. Pursuing the same plan of punishing by the denial of the exercise of government to still greater lengths, we wholly abro- gated the ancient government of Massa- chusetts. We were confident that the first feeling, if not the very prospect of anar- chy, would instantly enforce a complete submission. The experiment was tried. A new, strange, unexpected face of things appeared. Anarchy is found tolerable. A vast province has now subsisted, and siib- sisted in a considerable degree of health and vigour, for near a twelvemonth, with- out governor, without public council, with- out judges, without executive magistrates. How long it will continue in this state, or what may rise out of this unheard-of situation, how can the wisest of us con- jecture? Our late experience has taught us that many of those fundamental prin- ciples, formerly believed infallible, are either not of the importance they were imagined to be, or that we have not at all adverted to some other far more im- portant and far more powerful prin- ciples, which entirely overrule those we had considered as omnipotent. I am much against any further experiments, which tend to put to the proof any more of these allowed opinions, which contribute so much to the public tranquillity. In effect, we suffer as much at home by this loosen- ing of all ties, and this concussion of all established opinions, as we do abroad. For, in order to prove that the Americans have no right to their liberties, we are every day endeavouring to subvert the maxims which preserve the whole spirit 463 BUaKE, EDMtTND of our own. To prove that the Americans only withheld its grants, but annihilated ought not to be free, we are obliged to de- its soil. If this be the case, then the predate the value of freedom itself ; and only efi'ect of this avarice of desolation, we never seem to gain a paltry advantage this hoarding of a royal wilderness, would over them in debate, without attacking be to raise the value of the possession some of those principles, or deriding some in the hands of the great private monop- of those feelings, for which our ancestors olists, without any adequate check to the have shed their blood. growing and alarming mischief of popu- But, sir, in wishing to put an end to lation. pernicious experiments, I do not mean to But if you stopped your grants, what preclude the fullest inquiry. Far from it. would be the consequences? The people Far from deciding on a sudden or partial would occupy without grants. They have view, I would patiently go round and already so occupied in many places. You round the subject, and survey it minutely cannot station garrisons in every part of in every possible aspect. Sir, if I were these deserts. If you drive the people capable of engaging you to an equal at- from one place, they will carry on their tention, I would state that, as far as annual tillage, and remove with their I am capable of discerning, there are flocks and herds to another. Many of the but three ways of proceeding relative to people in the back settlements are already this stubborn spirit which prevails in our little attached to particular situations, colonies, and disturbs your government. Already they have topped the Appalachian These are — To change that spirit, as in- Mountains. From thence they behold be- convenient, by removing the causes. To fore them an immense plain, one vast, prosecute it as criminal. Or, to com- rich, level meadow; a square of 500 miles, ply with it as necessary. I would not Over this they would wander without a be guilty of an imperfect enumeration; I possibility of restraint; they would can think of but these three. Another has change their manners with the habits of indeed been stated, that of giving up the their life; would soon forget a govern- colonies; but it met so slight a reception, ment by which they were diso\\Tied; that I do not think myself obliged to would become hordes of English Tartars; dwell a great while upon it. It is nothing and pouring down upon your unfortified but a little sally of anger, like the fro- frontiers a fierce and irresistible cavalry, wardness of peevish children, who, when become masters of your governors and they cannot get all they would have, are your counsellors, your collectors and resolved to take nothing. comptrollers, and of all the slaves that The first of these plans, to change the adhere to them. Such would, and, in no spirit as inconvenient, by removing the long time, must be, the effect of attempt- causes, I think, is the most like a syste- ing to forbid as a crime, and to suppress matic proceeding. It is radical in its as an evil, the command and blessing of principle; but it is attended Avith great Providence, "Increase and multiply." difficulties, some of them little short, as I Such would be the happy result of an conceive, of impossibilities. This will ap- endeavour to keep as a lair of wild beasts pear by examining into the plans which that earth which God, by an express char- have been proposed. ter, has given to the children of men. As the growing population in the col- Far different, and surely much wiser, has onies is evidently one cause of their re- been our policy hitherto. Hitherto we sistance, it was last session mentioned have invited our people, by every kind of in both ■ Houses by men of weight, and bounty, to fixed establishments. We have received not without applause, that in or- invited the husbandman to look to au- der to check this evil it would be proper thority for his title. We have taught him for the crown to make no further grants piously to believe in the mysterious virtue of land. But to this scheme there are of wax and parchment. We have thrown two objections. The first, that there is each tract of land, as it was peopled, into already so much unsettled land in private districts, that the ruling power should hands as to afford room for an immense never be wholly out of sight. We have future population, although the crown not settled all we could; and we have care- 464 BUBKE, EDMUND fully attended every settlement with gov- ernment. Adhering, sir, as I do, to this policy, as well as for the reasons I have just given, I think this new project of hedging in population to be neither prudent nor practicable. To impoverish the colonies er to change their republican religion, as their free descent; or to substitute the Eoman Catholic, as a penalty, or the Church of England, as an improvement. The mode of inquisition and dragooning is going out of fashion in the Old World ; and I should not confide much to their in general, and in particular to arrest efficacy in the New. The education of the Americans is also on the same unalter- able bottom with their religion. You cannot persuade them to burn their books of curious science; to banish their lawyers from their courts of law; or to quench the light of their assemblies by refusing to the noble course of their marine enter- prises, would be a more easy task. I freely confess it. We have shown a dis- position to a system of this kind; a dis- position even to continue the restraint af- ter the offence; looking on ourselves as rivals to our colonies, and persuaded that choose those persons who are best read in of course we must gain all that they their privileges. It would be no less im- shall lose. Much mischief we may cer- 'practicable to think of wholly annihilat- tainly do. The power inadequate to all ing the popular assemblies, in which these other things is often more than sufficient lawyers sit. The array, by which we must for this. I do not look on the direct and govern in their place, would be far more immediate power of the colonies to resist chargeable to us; not quite so effectual; our violence as very formidable. In this, and perhaps, in the end, full as difficult to however, I may be mistaken. But when I be kept in obedience. consider that we have colonies for no pur- pose but to be serviceable to us, it seems to my poor understanding a little pre- posterous to make them unserviceable in order to keep them obedient. It is, in truth, nothing more than the old and, as I thought, exploded problem of tyranny, which proposes to beggar its subjects into submission. But remember, when you have completed your system of impover- ishment, that nature still proceeds in her ordinary course; that discontent will in- crease with misery; and that there are critical moments in the fortune of all states, when they who are too weak to contribute to your prosperity, may be strong enough to complete your ruin. With regard to the high aristocratic spirit of Virginia and the southern col- onies, it has been proposed, I know, to reduce it, by declaring a general enfran- chisement of their slaves. This project has had its advocates and panegyrists; yet I never could argue myself into any opinion of it. Slaves are often much at- tached to their masters. A general wild ofl'er of liberty would not always be ac- cepted. History furnishes few instances of it. It is sometimes as hard to persuade slaves to be free, as it is to compel free- men to be slaves, and in this auspicious scheme, we should have both these pleas- ing tasks on our hands at once. But when we talk of enfranchisement, do we not per- Spoliatis arma supersunt (The plundered ceive that the American master may en- ne'er want arms). franchise too; and arm servile hands in The temper and character which pre- defence of freedom? A measure to which vail in our colonies are, I am afraid, other people have had recourse more than unalterable by any human art. We can- once, and not without success, in a des- not, I fear, falsify the pedigree of this perate situation of their affairs, fierce people, and persuade them that they Slaves as these unfortunate black peo- are not sprung from a nation in whose veins the blood of freedom circulates. The language in which they would hear you tell them this tale would detect the imposition ; your speech would betray you. pie are, and dull as all men are from slavery, must they not a little suspect the offer of freedom from that very nation which has sold them to their present mas- ters? from that nation, one of whose An Englishman is the unfittest person on causes of quarrel with those masters is earth to argue another Englishman into their refusal to deal any more in that in- slavery. human traffic? An offer of freedom from I think it is nearly as little in our pow- England would come rather oddly, shipped 1.-2 G 465 BURKE, EDMUND to them in an African vessel, which is re- fused an entry into the ports of Virginia or Carolina, with a cargo of 300 Anglo negroes. It would be curious to see the Guinea captain attempting at the same instant to publish his proclamation of liberty, and to advertise his sale of slaves. But let us suppose all these moral diffi- culties got over. The ocean remains. You cannot pump this dry; and as long as it continues in its present bed, so long all the causes which weaken authority by distance will continue. " Ye gods, an- nihilate but space and time, and make two lovers happy!" was a pious and pas- sionate prayer; but just as reasonable, as many of the serious wishes of very grave and solemn politicians. If, then, sir, it seems almost desperate to think of any alternative course, for changing the moral causes (and not quite easy to remove the natural) which pro- duce prejudices irreconcilable to the late exercise of our authority; but that the sjDirit infallibly will continue ; and, con- tinuing, will produce such eflfects as now embarrass us, the second mode under con- sideration is, to prosecute that spirit in its overt acts, as criminal. At th?s proposition I must pause a moment. The thing seems a great deal too big for my ideas of jurisprudence. It would seem to my way of conceiving such matters, that there is a very wide differ- ence in reason and policy, between the mode of proceeding on the irregular con- duct of scattered individuals, or even of bands of men, who disturb order within the state, and the civil dissensions which may, from time to time, on great ques- tions, agitate the several communities which compose a great empire. It looks to me to be narrow and pedantic, to apply the ordinary ideas of criminal justice to this great public contest. I do not know the method of drawing up an indictment against a whole people. I cannot insult and ridicule the feelings of millions of my fellow-creatures, as Sir Edward Coke insulted one excellent individual (Sir Walter Raleigh) at the bar. I hope I am not ripe to pass sentence on the grav- est public bodies, intrusted with magis- tracies of great authority and dignity, and charged with the safety of their fel- low-citizens, upon the very same title that I am. I really think, that for wise men this is not judicious; for sober men, not decent; for minds tinctured with human- ity, not mild and merciful. Perhaps, sir, I am mistaken in my ideas of an empire, as distinguished from a single state or kingdom. But my idea of it is this: that an empire is the ag- gregate of many states under one com- mon head, whether this head be a mon- arch, or a presiding republic. It does, in such constitutions, frequently happen (and nothing but the dismal, cold, dead uniformity of servitude can prevent its happening) that the subordinate parts have many local privileges and immunities. Between these 23rivileges and the supreme common authority the line may be ex- tremely nice. Of course, disputes, often, too, very bitter disputes, and much ill blood, will arise. But though every privi- lege is an exemption (in the case) from the ordinary exercise of the supreme au- thority, it is no denial of it. The claim of a privilege seems rather,' ex vi termini (by the meaning of the term), to imply a superior power. For to talk of the privi- leges of a state, or of a person, Avho has no superior, is hardly any better than speaking nonsense. Now, in such unfort- unate quarrels among the component parts of a great political union of com- munities, I can scarcely conceive anything more completely imprudent, than for the head of the empire to insist, that, if any privilege is pleaded against his will, or his acts, his whole authority is denied; instantly to proclaim rebellion, to beat to arms, and to put the offending prov- inces under the ban. Will not this, sir, very soon teach the provinces to make no distinctions on their part? Will it not teach them that the government, against which a claim of liberty is tantamount to high treason, is a government to which submission is equivalent to slavery? It may not always be quite convenient to impress dependent communities with such an idea. We are, indeed, in all disputes with the colonies, by the necessity of things, the judge. It is true, sir. But I confess, that the character of judge in my ovni cause is a thing that frightens me. In- stead of filling me with pride, I am ex- ceedingly humbled by it. I cannot pro- 466 BTJRKE, EDMUND ceed with a stern, assured, judicial con- fidence, until I find myself in something more like a judicial character. I must have these hesitations as long as I am compelled to recollect, that, in my little reading upon such contests as these, the sense of mankind has, at least, as often decided against the superior as the subor- dinate power. Sir, let me add too, that the opinion of my having some abstract right in my favour, would not put me much at my ease in passing sentence; unless I could be sure, that there were no rights which, in their exercise under certain cir- cumstances, were not the most odious of all wrongs, and the most vexatious of all injustice. Sir, these considerations have great weight with me, when I find things so circumstanced, that I see the same party, at once a civil litigant against me in point of right, and a culprit before me; while I sit as a criminal judge, on acts of his whose moral quality is to be decided upon the merits of that very liti- gation. Men are every now and then put, by the complexity of human aff"airs, into strange situations: but justice is the same, let the judge be in what situation he will. There is, sir, also a circumstance which convinces me that this mode of criminal proceeding is not (at least in the present stage of our contest) altogether expedi- ent; which is nothing less than the con- duct of those very persons who have seem- ed to adopt that mode, by lately declar- ing a rebellion in Massachusetts Bay, as they had formerly addressed to have trai- tors brought hither, under an act of Henry VIII., for trial. For though rebellion is declared, it is not proceeded against as such; nor have any steps been taken towards the apprehension or conviction of any individual offender, either on our late or our former address; but modes of pub- lic coercion have been adopted, and such as have much more resemblance to a sort of qualified hostility towards an inde- pendent power than the punishment of rebellious subjects. All this seems rather inconsistent ; but it shows how difficult it is to apply these judicial ideas to our pres- ent case. In this situation let us seriously and coolly ponder. What is it we have got by all our menaces, which have been many 46 and ferocious? What advantage have we derived from the penal laws we have passed, and which, for the time, have been severe and numerous? What advances have Ave made towards our object, by the sending of a force, which, by land and sea, is no contemptible strength? Has the dis- order abated? Nothing less. When I see things in this situation, after such con- fident hopes, bold promises, and active exertions, I cannot, for my life, avoid a suspicion that the plan itself is not cor- rectly right. If, then, the removal of the causes of this spirit of American liberty be, for the greater part, or rather entirely, imprac- ticable; if the ideas of criminal process be inapplicable, are in the highest degree inexpedient, what way yet remains? No way is open, but the third and last, to comply with the American spirit as nec- essary; or, if you please, to submit to it as a necessary evil. If we adopt this mode; if we mean to conciliate and concede, let us see of what nature the concession ought to be; to as- certain the nature of our concession we must look at their complaint. The colo- nies complain that they have not the char- acteristic mark and seal of British free- dom. They complain that they are taxed in a- Parliament in which they are not rep- resented. If you mean to satisfy them all, you must satisfy them with regard to this complaint. If you mean to please any people, you must give them the boon which they ask; not what you may think better for them, but of a kind totally dif- ferent. Such an act may be a wise regu- lation, but it is no concession: whereas our present theme is the mode of giving satisfaction. Sir, I think you must perceive that I am resolved this day to have nothing at all to do with the question of the right of taxation. Some gentlemen startle, but it is true; I put it totally out of the question. It is less than nothing in my consideration. I do not, indeed, wonder, nor will you, sir, that gentlemen of pro- found learning are fond of displaying it on this profound subject. But my consid- eration is narrow, confined, and Avholly limited to the policy of the question. I do not examine, whether the giving away a man's money be a power excepted and BURKE, EDMUND reserved out of the general trust of gov- principles of freedom. I am not determin- ernment; and how far all mankind, in all ing a point of law; I am restoring tran- forms of polity, are entitled to an exer- quillity; and the general character and cise of that light by the charter of nat- situation of a people must determine what ure. Or whether, on the contrary, a right sort of government is fitted for them, of taxation is necessarily involved in the That point nothing else can or ought to general principle of legislation, and in- determine. separable from the ordinary supreme pow- My idea, therefore, without considering er. These are deep questions, where great whether we yield as matter of right, or names militate against each other; where grant as matter of favour, is to admit the reason is perplexed; and an appeal to au- people of our colonies into an interest in thorities only thickens the confusion. For the constitution; and, by recording that high and reverend authorities lift up their admission in the journals of Parliament, heads on both sides ; and there is no sure to give them as strong an assurance as the footing in the middle. This point is nature of the thing will admit, that we the great Serhonian hog, heticixt Damiata mean forever to adhere to that solemn and Mount Casius old, where armies whole declaration of systematic indulgence. have sunk. I do not intend to be over- Some years ago, the repeal of a revenue Avhelmed in that bog, though in such re- act, upon its understood principle, might spectable company. The question with me have served to show, that we intended is not whether you have a right to ren- an unconditional abatement of the exer- der your people miserable, but whether it cise of a taxing power. Such a measure is not your interest to make them happy, was then sufficient to remove all sus- It is not what a lawyer tells me I may picion, and to give perfect content. But do, but what humanity, reason, and jus- unfortunate events, since that time, may tice tells me I ought to do. Is a politic make something further necessary; and act the worse for being a generous one? not more necessary for the satisfaction Is no concession proper but that which of the colonies, than for the dignity and is made from your want of right to keep consistency of our own future proceedings, what you grant? Or does it lessen the I have taken a very incorrect measure grace or dignity of relaxing in the ex- of the disposition of the House, if this ercise of an odious claim, because you proposal in itself would be received with have your evidence-room full of titles, and dislike. I think, sir, we have few Amer- your magazines stuffed with arms to en- ican financiers. But our misfortune is, force them? What signify all those titles, we are too acute; we are too exquisite and all those arms? Of what avail are in our conjectures of the future, for men they when the reason of the thing tells oppressed with such great and present me that the assertion of my title is the evils. The more moderate among the loss of my suit; and that I could do noth- opposers of parliamentary concession ing but wound myself by the use of my freely confess, that they hope no good own weapons? from taxation; but they apprehend the Such is steadfastly my opinion of the colonists have further views; and if this absolute necessity of keeping up the con- point were conceded, they Avould instantly cord of this empire by the unity of spirit, attack the trade laws. These gentlemen though in a diversity of operations, that, are convinced, that this was the intention if I were sure the colonists had, at their from the beginning; and the quarrel of leaving this country, sealed a regular the Americans with taxation was no more compact of servitude; that they had sol- than a cloak and cover to this design, emnly abjured all the rights of citizens; Such has been the language even of a that they had made a vow to renounce all gentleman of real moderation, and of a ideas of liberty for them and their pos- natural temper well adjusted to fair and terity to all generations; yet I should equal government. I am, however, sir, hold myself obliged to conform to the not a little surprised at this kind of dis- temper I found universally prevalent in course, whenever I hear it; and I am the my own day, and to govern 2,000,000 more surprised, on account of the argu- of men, impatient of servitude, on the ments which I constantly find in company 468 BURKE. EDMUND with it, and which are often urged from the same mouths, and on the same day. For instance, when we allege, that it is against reason to tax a people under so many restraints in trade as the Amer- icans, the noble lord in the blue riband shall tell you, that the restraints on trade are futile and useless; of no advantage to us, and of no burthen to those on whom they are imposed; that the trade to Amer- ica is not secured by the acts of naviga- tion, but by the natural and irresistible advantage of a commercial preference. Such is the merit of the trade laws in this posture of the debate. But when sti'ong internal circumstances are urged against the taxes ; when the scheme is dissected; when experience and the nature of things are brought to prove, and do pi'ove, the utter impossibility of obtain- ing an effective revenue from the colonies ; when these things are pressed, or rather press themselves, so as to drive the advo- cates of colony taxes to a clear admission of the futility of the scheme; then, sir, the sleeping trade laws revive from their trance; and this useless taxation is to be kept sacred, not for its own sake, but as a counter-guard and security of the laws of trade. Then, sir, you keep up revenue laws which are mischievous, in order to pre- serve trade laws that are useless. Such is the wisdom of our plan in both its mem- bers. They are separately given up as of no value; and yet is always to be de- fended for the sake of the other. But I cannot agree with the noble lord, nor with the pamphlet from whence he seems to have borrowed these ideas, concerning the inutility of the trade laws. For, without idolizing them, I am sure they are still, in many ways, of great use to us: and in former times they have been of the great- est. They do confine, and they do great- ly narrow, the market for the Americans. But my perfect conviction of this does not help me in the least to discern how the revenue laws form any security whatso- ever to the commercial regulations; or that these commercial regulations are the true ground of the quarrel; or that the giving way, in any one instance of authority, is to lose all that may remain unconceded. One fact is clear and indisputable. The public and avowed origin of this quarrel 4 was on taxation. This quarrel has indeed brought on new disputes on new ques- tions ; but certainly the least bitter, and the fewest of all, on the trade laws. To judge which of the two be the real, radi- cal cause of quarrel, we have to see whether the commercial dispute did, in order of time, precede the dispute on tax- ation. There is not a shade of evidence for it. Next, to enable us to judge whether at this moment a dislike to the trade laws be the real cause of quarrel, it is abso- lutely necessary to put the taxes out of the question by a repeal. See how the Americans act in this position, and then you will be able to discern correctly what is the true object of the controversy, or whether any controversy at all will re- main. Unless you consent to remove this cause of difference, it is impossible, with decency, to assert that the dispute is not upon what it is avowed to be. And I would, sir, recommend to your serious con- sideration, whether it be prudent to form a rule for punishing people, not on their own acts, but on your conjectures? Sure- ly it is preposterous at the very best. It is not justifying your anger, by their misconduct; but it is converting your will into their delinquency. But the colonies will go further. Alas! alas! when will this speculating against fact and reason end? What will quiet these panic fears which we entertain of the hostile effect of a conciliatory con- duct? Is it true, that no case can exist, in which it is proper for the sovereign to accede to the desires of his discontent- ed subjects? Is there anything peculiar in this case, to make a rule for itself? Is all authority of covirse lost, when it is pushed to the extreme? Is it a cer- tain maxim, that the fewer causes of dis- satisfaction are left by government, the more the subject will be inclined to re- sist and rebel? All these objections being in fact no more than suspicions, conjectures, divina- tions, formed in defiance of fact and ex- perience; they did not, sir, discourage me from entertaining the idea of a concilia- tory concession, founded on the principles which I have just stated. In forming a plan for this purpose, I endeavoured to put myself in that frame of mind which was the most natural, and 0!) BURKE, EDMUND the most reasonable ; and which was cer- tainly the most probable means of secur- ing me from all error. I set out with a perfect distrust of my own abilities; a total renunciation of every speculation of my own; and with a profound reverence for the wisdom of our ancestors, who have left us the inheritance of so happy a con- stitution, and so flourishing an empire, and, what is a thousand times more valu- able, the treasury of the maxims and prin- ciples which formed the one, and obtain- ed the other. During the reigns of the kings of Spain of the Austrian family, whenever they were at a loss in the Spanish councils, it was common for their statesmen to say that they ought to consult the genius of Philip II. The genius of Philip II. might mislead them; and the issue of their affairs showed that they had not chosen the most perfect standard. But, sir, I am sure that I shall not be misled, when, in a case of constitutional difficulty, I consult the genius of the Eng- lish constitution. Consulting at that ora- cle (it was with all due humility and piety) I found four capital examples in a similar case before me ; those of Ireland, Wales, Chester, and Durham. Ireland, before the English conquest, though never governed by a despotic pow- er, had no parliament. How far the Eng- lish Parliament itself was at that time modelled according to the present form, is disputed among antiquarians. But we have all the reason in the Avorld to be assured that a form of parliament, such as Eng- land then enjoyed, she instantly commu- nicated to Ireland ; and we are equally sure that almost every successive improve- ment in constitutional liberty, as fast as it was made here, was transmitted thither. The feudal baronage, and the feudal knighthood, the roots of our primitive constitution, were early transplanted into that soil ; and grew and flourished there. Magna Charta, if it did not give us orig- inally the House of Commons, gave us at least a House of Commons of weight and consequence. But your ancestors did not churlishly sit down to the feast of Magna Charta. Ireland was made immediately a partaker. This benefit of English laws and liberties, I confess, Avas not at first extend- ed to all Ireland. Mark the consequence. 47 English authority and English liberties had exactly the same boundaries. Your standard could never be advanced an inch before your privileges. vSir John Davis shows beyond a doubt that the refusal of a general communication of these rights was the true cause why Ireland was 500 years in subduing; and after the vain projects of a military government, attempt- ed in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, it was soon discovered, that nothing could make that country English, in civility and allegi- ance, but your laws and your forms of leg- islature. It is not English arms, but the English constitution, that conquered Ire- land. From that time Ireland had ever had a general parliament, as she had be- fore a partial parliament. You changed the people; you altered the religion; but you never touched the form of the vital substance of free government in that king- dom. You deposed kings; you restored them; you altered the succession to theirs, as well as to your own crown; but you never altered their constitution; the prin- ciple of which was respected by usurpa- tion ; restored with the restoration of mon- archy and established, I trust, forever, by the glorious Revolution. This has made Ireland the great and flourishing kingdom that it is; and from a disgrace and a burthen intolerable to this nation, has rendered her a principal part of our strength and ornament. This country cannot be said to have ever formally taxed her. The irregular things done in the confusion of mighty troubles, and on the hinge of great revolutions, even if all were done that is said to have been done, form an example. If they have any ef- fect in argument, they make an exception to prove the rule. None of your own liberties could stand a moment if the casual deviations from them, at such times, were suffered to be used as proofs of their nullity. By the lucrative amount of such casual breaches in the constitu- tion, judge what the stated and fixed rule of supply has been in that kingdom. Your Irish pensioners would starve if they had no otlier fund to live on than taxes grant- ed by English authority. Turn your eyes to those popular grants from whence all great supplies are come; and learn to respect that only source of public wealth in the British empire. BURKE, EDMUND My next example is Wales. This coun- try was said to be reduced by Henry III. It was said more truly to be so by Ed- ward I. But though then conquered, it was not looked upon as any part of the realm of England. Its old constitution, whatever that might have be«n, was de- stroyed; and no good one was substituted in its place. The care of that tract was put into , the hands of lords marchers, a form of government of a very singular kind; a strange heterogeneous monster, something between hostility and govern- ment; perhaps it has a sort of resem- blance, according to the modes of those times, to that of commander-in-chief at present, to whom all civil power is grant- ed as secondar3\ The manners of the Welsh nation followed the genius of the government; the people were ferocious, restive, savage, and uncultivated; some- times composed, never pacified. Wales, within itself, was in perpetual disorder; and it kept the frontier of Englahd in per- petual alarm. Benefits from it to the state there were none. Wales was only kno^\^l to England by incursion and invasion. Sir, during that state of things Parlia- ment was not idle. They attempted to subdue the fierce spirit of the Welsh by all sorts of rigorous laws. They prohib- ited by statute the sending all sorts of arms into Wales, as you prohibit by proc- lamation (with something more of doubt on the legality) the sending arms to America. They disarmed- the Welsh by statute, as you attempted (but still with more question on the legality) to disarm New England by an instruction. They made an act to drag offenders from Wales to England for trial, as you have done (but with more hardship) with regard to America. By another act, where one of the parties was an Englishman, they or- dained that his trial should be always by English. They made acts to restrain trade, as you do ; and prevented the Welsh from the use of fairs and markets, as you do the Americans from fisheries and foreign ports. In short, when the statute-book was not quite so much swell- ed as it is now, you find no less than fifteen acts of penal regulation on the sub- ject of Wales. Here we rub our hands. A fine body of precedents for the authority of Parlia- 4: ment and the use of it! I admit it fully; and pray add likewise to these prece- dents that all the while Wales rid this kingdom like an incubus; that it was an unprofitable and oppressive burthen; and that an Englishman travelling in that country could not go six yards from the high-road without being murdered. The march of the human mind is slow. Sir, it was not, until after 200 years, discovered that by an eternal law Providence had decreed vexation to vio- lence, and poverty to rapine. Your an- cestors did, however, at length open their eyes to the ill husbandry of injustice. They found that the tyranny of a free people could of all tyrannies the least be endured; and that laws made against a whole nation were not the most effectual methods for securing its obedience. Ac- cordingly, in the twenty-seven years of Henry VIII. the course was entirely alter- ed. With a preamble stating the entire and perfect rights of the crown of Eng- land, it gave to the Welsh all the rights and privileges of English subjects. A political order was established; the mili- tary power gave way to the civil; the marches were turned into counties. But that a nation should have a right to Eng- lish liberties, and yet no share at all in the fundamental security of these liber- ties, the grant of their own property, seemed a thing so incongruous that, eight years after — that is, in the thirty-fifth of that reign — a complete and not ill- proportioned representation by counties and boroughs was bestowed upon Wales by act of Parliament. From this moment, as by a charm, the tumult subsided, obedience Avas restored, peace, order, and civiliza- tion followed in the train of liberty. When the day-star of the English con- stitution had arisen in their hearts, all Avas harmony within and without. Simul ana nautis Stella refiilsit, Defluit saxis agitatus humor; Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nuies, Et minax {quod sic voluere) ponto Unda recumMt. (Soon as gleam Their stars at sea, The lash'd spray trickles from the steep, The wind sinks down, the storm-cloud flies, The threatening billow on the deep Obedient lies.) 1 BUKKE, EDMUND The veiy same year the county palatine of Chester received the same relief from its oppression, and the same remedy to its disorders. J3efore this time Chester was little less distempered than Wales. The inhabitants, without rights themselves, were the fittest to destroy the rights of others; and from thence Richard II. drew the standing army of archers, with which for a time he oppressed England. The people of Chester applied to Parlia- ment in a petition penned as I shall read to you: " To the king our sovereign lord, in most humble wise shown unto your ex- cellent Majesty, the inhabitants of your Grace's county palatine of Chester; That where the said county palatine of Chester is and hath been always hitherto exemjit, excluded and separated out and from your high court of Parliament, to have any knights and burgesses within the said court; by reason whereof the said inhabi- tants have hitherto sustained manifold disherisons, losses, and damages, as well in their lands, goods, and bodies, as in the good, civil, and politic governance and maintenance of the commonwealth of their said country: (2) And forasmuch as the said inhabitants have always hith- erto been found by the acts and statutes made and ordained by your said High- ness, and your most noble progenitors, by authority of the said court, as far forth as other countries, cities, and boroughs have been, that have had their knights and burgesses within your said court of Par- liament, and yet have had neither knight nor burgess there for the said county palatine ; the said inhabitants, for lack thereof, have been oftentimes touched and grieved with acts and statutes made with- in the said court, as well derogatory unto the most ancient jurisdictions, liberties, and privileges of your said county pala- tine, as prejudicial unto the common- wealth, quietness, rest, and peace of your Grace's most bounden subjects inhabiting within the same." What did Parliament with this auda- cious address? Reject it as a libel? Treat it as an affront to government? Spurn it as a deroffation from the rights of leg- islation? Did they toss it over the table? Did they burn it by the hands of the com- mon hangman? They took the petition of grievance, all rugged as it was, with- out softening or temperament, unpurged of the original bitterness and indignation of complaint; they made it the very pre- amble of their act of redress; and con- secrated its principle to all ages in the sanctuary of legislation. Here is my third example. It was at- tended with the success of the two former. Chester, civilized as well as Wales, has demonstrated that freedom, and not servi- tude, is the cure of anarchy; as religion, and not atheism, is the true remedy for superstition. Sir, this pattern of Chester was followed in the reign of Charles II. with regard to the county palatine of Dur- ham, which is my fourth example. This county had long lain out of the pale of free legislation. So scrupulously was the example of Chester followed, that the style of the preamble is nearly the same with that of the Chester act; and, without affecting the abstract extent of the authority of Parliament, it recognizes the equity of not suffering any considerable district, in which the British subjects may act as a body, to be taxed without their own voice in the grant. Now if the doctrines of policy contained in these preambles, and the force of these examples in the acts of Parliament, avail anything, wiiat can be said against apply- ing thom with regard to America? Are not the people of America as much Eng- lishmen as the Welsh? The preamble of the act of Henry VIII. says, the Welsh s])eak a language no way resembling that of his Majesty's English subjects. Are the Americans not as numerous? If we may trust the learned and accurate Judge Harrington's account of North Wales, and take that as a standard to measure the rest, there is no comparison. The people cannot amount to above 200,000 ; not a tenth part of the number in the colonies. Is America in rebellion? Wales was hard- ly ever free from it. Have you attempted to govern America by penal statutes? You made fifteen to Wales. But your legislative authority is perfect with re- gard to America ; was it less perfect in Wales, Chester, and Durham? Bnt Amer- ica is virtually represented. What! does the electric force of virtual renresentation more easily pass over the Atlantic, than 472 BURKE, EDMUND pervade Wales, which lies in your neigh- borhood; or than Chester and Durham, surrounded by abundance of representa- tion that is actual and palpable? But, sir, your ancestors thought this sort of virtual representation, however ample, to be totally insufficient for the freedom of the inhabitants of territories that are so near, and comparatively so inconsiderable. How then can I think it sufficient for those which are infinitely greater, and infinitely more remote? You will now, sir, perhaps imagine, tliat I am on the point of proposing to you a scheme for a representation of the colonies in Parliament. Perhaps I might be inclined to entertain some such thought ; but a great flood stops me in my course. Opposuit natura (Nature has barred the way). I cannot remove the eternal barriers of the creation. The thing, in that mode, I do not know to be possible. As I meddle with no theory, I do not absolutely assert the impractica- bility of such a representation. But I do not see my way to do it ; and those who have been more confident have not been more successful. However, the arm of public benevolence is not shortened ; and there are often several means to the same end. What nature has disjoined in one way, wisdom may unite in another. When we cannot give the benefit as we would wish, let us not refuse it altogether. If we cannot give the principle, let us find a substitute. But how? Where? What substitute ? Fortunately, I am not obliged for the wayc and means of this substitute to tax my own unproductive invention. I am not even obliged to go to the rich treasury of the fertile framers of imaginary com- monwealths; not to the Republic of Plato; not to the Utopia of More; not to the Oceana of Harrington. It is before me, it is at my feet, and the rude swain treads daily on it with his clouted shoon. I only wish you to recognize, for the tlieory, the ancient eonstitiitional policy of this kingdom with regard to representa- tion, as that policy has been declared in acts of Parliament; and, as to the practice, to return to that mode which an uniform experience has marked out to you, as best; and in which you walked with security, advantage, and honour, until the year 1763. My resolutions, therefore, mean to estab- lish the equity and justice of a taxation of America, by grant, and not by imposi- tion. To mark the legal competency of the colony assemblies for the support of their government in peace, and for public aids in time of war. To acknowledge that this legal competency has had a dutiful and beneficial exercise; and that experi- ence has shown the benefit of their grants, and the futility of parliamentary taxation as a method of supply. These solid truths compose six funda- mental propositions. There are three more resolutions corollary to these. If you admit the first set, you can hardly re- ject the others. But if you admit the first, I shall be far from solicitous whether you accept or refuse the last. I think these six massive pillars will be of strength sufficient to support the temple of British concord. I have no more doubt than I entertain of my existence, that, if you admitted these, you would com- mand an immediate peace; and, with but tolerable future management, a lasting obedience in America. I am not arrogant in this confident assurance. The proposi- tions are all mere matters of fact; and if tliey are such facts as draw irresistible conclusions even in the stating, this is the power of truth, and not any mismanage- ment of mine. Sir, I shall open the whole plan to you, together with such observations on the motions as may tend to illustrate them where they may want explanation. The first is a resolution " That the colo- nies and plantations of Great Britain in North America-, consisting of fourteen sep- arate governments, and containing 2,000,- 000 and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and bur- gesses, or others, to represent them in the high court of Parliament." This is a plain matter of fact, necessary to be laid down, and (excepting the description) it is laid down in the language of the consti- tution; it is taken nearly verbatim from acts of Parliament. The second is like unto the first — • " That the said colonies and plantations have been liable to, and bounden by, sev- eral subsidies, payments, rates, and taxes, given and granted by Parliament, though 473 BURKE, EDMUND the said colonies and plantations have not their knights and burgesses, in the said high court of Parliament, of their own election, to represent the condition of their country; by lack whereof they have been oftentimes touched and grieved by subsi- dies given, granted, and assented to, in the said court, in a manner prejudicial to the commonwealth, quietness, rest, and peace of the subjects inhabiting within the same." Is this description too hot, or too cold, too strong, or too weakV Does it arrogate too much to the supreme legislature ? Does it lean too much to the claims of the people? If it runs into any of these er- rors, the fault is not mine. It is the lan- guage of your own ancient acts of Parlia- ment. Noil mens hie sermo, sed quae praecepit Ofellus, Rusticus, ahnormis sapiens. [Ofellus shall set forth ('Twas he that taught me it, a shrewd clear wit, Though country-spun, and for the schools unfit).] It is the genuine produce of the an- cient, rustic, manly, home-bred sense of this country. I did not care to rub off a particle of the venerable rust that rather adorns and preserves, than destroys, the metal. It would be a profanation to touch with a tool the stones which con- struct the sacred altar of peace. I would not violate with modern polish the in- genuous and noble roughness of these truly constitutional materials. Above all things, I was resolved not to be guilty of tampering, the odious vice of restless and unstable minds. I put my foot in the tracks of our forefathers, where I can neither wander nor stumble. Determining to fix articles of peace, I was resolved not to be wise beyond what was written; I was resolved to use nothing else than the form of sound words ; to let others abound in their own sense; and carefully to ab- stain from all expressions of our own. What the law has said, I say. In all things else I am silent. I have no organ but for her words. This, if it be not in- genious, I am sure is safe. There are, indeed, words expressive of grievance in this second resolution, which 47 those who are rosolved always to be in the right will deny to contain matter of fact, as ajjplied to the present case; although Parliament thought them true, with re- gard to the counties of Chester and Dur- ham. They will deny that the Americans were ever " touched and grieved " with the taxes. If they consider nothing in taxes but their weight as pecuniary imposi- tions, there might be some pretence for this denial. But men may be sorely touched and deeply grieved in their priv- ileges, as well as in their purses. Men may lose little in property by the act which takes away all their freedom. When a man is robbed of a trifle on the highway, it is not the twopence lost that constitutes the capital outrage. This is not confined to privileges. Even ancient indulgences withdrawn, without offence on the part of those who enjoyed such fa- vours, operate as grievances. But were the Americans then not touched and grieved by the taxes, in some measures, merely as taxes? If so, why were they almost all either wholly repealed or exceedingly re- duced? Were they not touched and grieved even by the regulating duties of the sixth of George II.? Else why were the du- ties first reduced to one-third in 1764, and afterwards to a third of that third in the year 1766? Were they not touched and grieved by the stamp act? I shall say they were, until that tax is revived. Were they not touched and grieved by the duties of 1767, which were likewise re- pealed, and which Lord Hillsborough tells you (for the ministry) were laid contrary to the ti'ue principle of commerce? Is not the assurance given by that noble per- son to the colonies of a resolution to lay no more taxes on them, an admission that taxes would touch and grieve them? Is not the resolution of the noble lord in the blue riband, now standing on your jour- nals, the strongest of all proofs that par- liamentary subsidies really touched and grieved them ? Else why all these changes, modifications, repeals, assurances, and res- olutions ? The next proposition is — " That, from the distance of the said colonies, and from other circumstances, no method hath hitherto been devised for procuring a rep- resentation in Parliament for the said colonies." This is an assertion of a fact. 4 BURKE, EDMUND I go no further on the paper ; though, in my private judgment, an useful rep- resentation is impossible; I am sure it is not desired by them; nor ought it per- haps by us; but I abstain from opinions. The fourth resolution is this — " That each of the said colonies hath within itself a body, chosen in part, or in the whole, by the freemen, freeholders, or other free inhabitants thereof, commonly called the General Assembly, or General Court; with powers legally to raise, levy, and assess, according to the several usages of such colonies, duties and taxes towards defraying all sorts of public services." This competence in the colony assemblies is certain. It is proved by the whole tenor of their acts of supply in all the assem- blies, in which the constant style of grant- ing is, "an aid to his Majesty"; and acts granting to the crown have regularly for nearly a century passed the public offices without dispute. Those who have been pleased paradoxically to deny this right, holding that none but the British Parlia- ment can grant to the crown, are wished to look to what is done, not only in the colonies, but in Ireland, in one uniform, unbroken tenor every session. Sir, I am surprised that this doctrine should come from some of the law servants of the crown. I say, that if the crown could be responsible, his Majesty — but certainly the ministers, and even these law officers themselves, through whose hands the acts pass biennially in Ireland, or annually in the colonies, are in an habitual course of committing impeachable offences. What habitual offenders have been lords of the council, all secretaries of state, all first lords of trade, all attornies, and all so- licitors general ! However, they are safe ; as no one impeaches them; and there is no ground of charge against them, except in their own unfounded theories. The fifth resolution is also a resolu- tion of fact — " That the said general as- semblies, general courts, or other bodies legally qualified as aforesaid have at sun- dry times freely granted several large subsidies and public aids for his Majesty's service, according to their abilities, when required thereto by letter from one of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state; and that their rights to grant the same, and their cheerfulness and sufficiency in the said grants, have been at sundry times acknowledged by Parliament." To say nothing of their great expenses in the Ind- ian wars; and not to take their exertions in foreign ones, so high as the supplies in the year 1695; not to go back to their public contributions in the year 1710; I shall begin to travel only where the jour- nals give me light; resolving to deal in nothing but fact, authenticated by Parlia- mentary record; and to build myself wholly on that solid basis. On the 4th of April, 1748, a committee of this House came to the following reso- lution : " Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that it is just and reason- able that the several provinces and col- onies of Massachusetts Bay, New Hamp- shire, Connecticut, and Phode Island be reimbursed the expenses that they have been at in taking and securing to the Crown of Great Britain the Island of Cape Breton and its dependencies." These expenses were immense for such colonies. They were above £200,000 ster- ling; money first raised and advanced on their public credit. On the 28th of January, 1756, a mes- sage from the king came to us, to this effect: " His Majesty, being sensible of the zeal and vigour with which his faithful subjects of certain colonies in North America have exerted themselves in de- fence of his Majesty's just rights and possessions, recommends it to this House to take the same into their consideration, and to enable his Majesty to give them such assistance as may be a proper reward and encouragement." On the 3d of February, 1756, the House came to a suitable resolution, expressed in words nearly the same as those of the message; but with the further addition, that the money then voted was as an en- couragement to the colonies to exert them- selves with vigour. It will not be neces- sary to go through all the testimonies which your own records have given to the truth of my resolutions; I will only refer you to the places in the journals: Vol. xxvii.— 16th and 19th May, 1757. Vol. xxviii. — June 1st, 1758 — April 2Cth and 30th, 1759— March 26th and 31st, and April 28th, 1760— Jan. 9th and 20th, 1761. 475 BURKE, EDMUND Vol. XXIX.— Jan. 22(i and 26th, 1762— March 14th and 17th, 1763. Sir, here is the repeated acknowledg- ment of Parliament, that the colonies not only gave, but gave to satiety. This na- tion has formally acknowledged two things; first, that the colonies had gone beyond their abilities. Parliament having thought it necessary to reimburse them; secondly, that they had acted legally and laudably in their grants of money, and their maintenance of troops, since the com- pensation is expressly given as reward and encouragement. Reward is not bestowed for acts that are unlawful ; and encour- agement is not held out to things that de- serve reprehension. My resolution there- fore does nothing more than collect into one proposition, what is scattered through your journals. I give you nothing but your own; and you cannot refuse in the gross, what you have so often acknowl- edged in detail. The admission of this, ■which will be so honourable to them and to you, will, indeed, be mortal to all the miserable stories, by which the passions of the misguided people have been engaged in an unhappy system. The people heard, indeed, from the beginning of these dis- putes, one thing continually dinned in their ears, that reason and justice de- manded, that the Americans, who paid no taxes, should be compelled to contribute. How did that fact, of their paying noth- ing, stand, when the taxing system be- gan? When Mr. Grenville began to form his system of American revenue, he stated in this House, that the colonies vi^ere then in debt £2,600,000 sterling money; and was of opinion they would discharge that debt in four years. On this state, those untaxed people were actually sub- ject to the payment of taxes to the amount of £650,000 a year. In fact, however, Mr. Grenville was mistaken. The funds given for sinking the old debt did not prove quite so ample as both the colonies and he expected. The calculation was too san- guine; the reduction was not completed till some years after, and at diiTerent times in different colonies. However, the taxes after the war continued too great to bear any addition, with prudence or propriety; and when the burthens imposed in con- sequence of former requisitions were dis- charged, our tone became too high to re- sqrt again to requisition. No colony, since that time, ever has had any requisition whatsoever made to it. We see the sense of the crown, and the sense of Parliament, on the productive nature of a revenue by grant. Now search the same journals for the produce of the revenue by imposition: — Where is it? — let us know the volume and the page — what is the gross, what is the net produce?— to what service is it applied? — how have you appropriated its surplus? — What, can none of the many skilful index- makers that we are now employing, find any trace of it? Well, let them and that rest together. But are the journals, which say nothing of the revenue, as silent on the discontent? Oh no! a child may find it. It is the melancholy burthen and blot of every page. I think then I am, from those journals, justified in the sixth and last resolution, which is — " That it hath been found by experience, that the manner of granting the said supplies and aids, by the said general assemblies, hath been more agree- able to the said colonies, and more bene- ficial, and conductive to the public ser- vice, than the mode of giving and granting aids in Parliament, to be raised and paid in the said colonies." This makes the whole of the fundamental part of the plan. The conclusion is irresistible. You cannot say, that you were driven by any necessity to an exercise of the utmost rights of legislature. You cannot assert, that you took on yourselves the task of imposing colony taxes, from the want of another legal body, that is competent to the purpose of supplying the exigencies of the state without wounding the preju- dices of the people. Neither is it true that the body so qualified, and having that competence, had neglected the duty. The question now, on all this accumu- lated matter, is: — w^hether you will choose to abide by a profitable experience, or a mischievous theory; whether you choose to build on imagination, or fact; whether you prefer enjoyment, or hope; satisfaction in your subjects, or discon- tent? If these propositions were accepted, ev- erything which has been made to enforce a contrary system, must, I take it for grant- ed, fall along with it. On that ground. 476 BUEKE, EDMUND I have drawn the following resolution, which, when it comes to be moved, will naturally be divided in a proper manner: " That it may be praper to repeal an act, made in the seventh year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled. An act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and plantations in America ; for allowing a drawback of the duties of cus- toms upon the exportation from this king- dom, of coffee and cocoa-nuts of the prod- uce of the said colonies and plantations ; for discontinuing the drawbacks payable on China earthenware exported to Amer- ica; and for more effectually preventing the clandestine running of goods in the said colonies and plantations. — And that it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled. An act to dis- continue, in such manner, and for such time, as are therein mentioned, the land- ing and discharging, lading or shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town and within the harbour of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in North America. — And that it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the four- teenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled. An act for the im- partial administration of justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any acts done by them, in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tu- mults, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England. — And that it may be proper to repeal an act, made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, intituled, An act for the better regulating the government of the province of Massachusetts Bay, in New England. — And, also, that it may be proper to explain and amend an act, made in the thirty- fifth year of the reign of King Henry Vllf., intituled. An act for the trial of treasons committed out of the king's dominions." I wish, sir, to repeal the Boston Port Bill, because ( independently of the danger- ous precedent of suspending the rights of the subject during the king's pleasure) it was passed, as I apprehended, with less regularity, and on more partial principles, than it ought. The corporation of Bos- ton was not heard before it was condemn- ed. Other towns, full as giiilty as she was, have not had their ports blocked up. Even the restraining bill of the pres- ent session does not go to the length of the Boston Port Act. The same idea of prudence, which induced you not to ex- tend equal punishment to equal guilt, even when you were punishing, induced me, who mean not to chastise, but to reconcile, to be satisfied with the punishment already partially inflicted. Ideas of prudence and accommodation to circumstances prevent you from taking away the charters of Connecticut and Ilhode Island, as you have taken away that of Massachusetts colony, though the crown has far less power in the two former provinces than it enjoys in the latter; and though the abuses have been full as great, and as flagrant, in the exempted as in the punished. The same reasons of prudence and accommodation have weight with me in restoring the charter of Massachusetts Bay. Besides, sir, the act which changes the charter of Massachusetts is in many particulars so exceptionable, that if I did not wish absolutely to repeal, I would by all means desire to alter it; as several of its provisions tend to the subversion of all public and private justice. Such, among others, is the power in the governor to change the sheriff at his pleasure; and to make a new returning officer for every special cause. It is shameful to behold such a regulation standing among English laws. The act for bringing persons accused of committing murder under the orders of government to England for trial is but temporary. That act has calculated the probable duration of our quarrel with the colonies; and is accommodated to that supposed duration. T would hasten the happy moment of reconcilation ; and therefore must, on my principle, get rid of that most justly obnoxious act. The act of Henry VIII., for the trial of treasons, I do not mean to take away, but to confine it to its proper bounds and original intention ; to make it expressly for trial of treasons (and the greatest treasons may be committed) in places where the jurisdiction of the crown does not extend. Having guarded the privileges of local legislature, I would next secure to the colonies a fair and unbiassed judicature; for which purpose, sir, I propose the fol- lowing resolution: "That, from the time 477 BUBKE, EDMUND when the general assembly or general court of any colony or plantation in North America, shall have appointed by act of assembly, duly confirmed, a settled salary to the offices of the chief-justice and other judges of the superior courts, it may be proper that the chief-justice and other judges of the superior courts of such colony, shall hold his and their office and offices during their good behaviour ; and shall not be removed therefrom, but when the said removal shall be adjudged by his Majesty in council, upon a hearing on complaint from the general assembly, or on complaint from the governor, or council, or the house of representatives severally, or of the colony in which the said chief-justice and other judges have exercised the said offices." The next resolution relates to the courts of admiralty. It is this: — "That it may be proper to regulate the courts of admiralty, or vice- admiralty, authorized by the fifteenth chapter of the fourth of George III., in such a manner as to make the same more commodious to those who sue, or are sued. in the said courts, and to provide for the more decent maintenance of the judges in the same." These courts I do not wish to take away; they are in themselves proper es- tablishments. This court is one of the capital securities of the act of naviga- tion. The extent of its jurisdiction, in- deed, has been increased; but this is al- together as proper, and is indeed on many accounts more eligible, where new powers were wanted, than a court absolutely new. But courts incommodiously situated, in effect, deny justice ; and a court, par- taking in the fruits of its own condemna- tion, is a robber. The congress complain, and complain justly, of this grievance. There are three consequential proposi- tions. I have thought of two or three more; but they come rather too near de- tail, and to the province of executive gov- ernment ; which I wish Parliament always to superintend, never to assume. If the first six are granted, congruity will carry the latter three. If not, the things that remain unrepealed will be, I hope, rather unseemly encumbrances on the building, than very materially detrimental to its strength and stability. 47 Here, sir, I should close; but I plainly perceive some objections remain, which I ought, if possible, to remove. The first will be, that, in resorting to the doctrine of our ancestors, as contained in the pre- amble to the Chester act, I prove too much; that the grievance from a want of representation, stated in that preamble, goes to the whole of legislation as well as to taxation. And that the colonies, grounding themselves upon that doctrine, will apply it to all parts of legislative au- thority. To this objection, with all possible def- erence and humility, and wishing as lit- tle as any man living to impair the small- est particle of our supreme authority, I answer, that the words are the words of Parliament, and not mine; and that all false and inconclusive inferences, drawn from them, are not mine; for I heartily disclaim any such inference. I have chosen the words of an act of Parliament, which Mr. Grenville, surely a tolerably zealous and very judicious advocate for the sovereignty of Parliament, formally moved to have read at your table in con- firmation of his tenets. It is true, that Lord Chatham considered these preambles as declaring strongly in favour of his opinions. He was a no less powerful advocate for the privileges of the Ameri- cans. Ought I not from hence to pre- sume, that these preambles are as favour- able as possible to both, when properly understood; favourable both to the rights of Parliament, and to the privileges of the dependencies of this crown? But, sir, the object of grievance in my resolution I have not taken from the Chester, but from the Durham act, which confines the hardship of want of representation to the case of subsidies; and which therefore falls in exa-ctly with the case of the colonies. But whether the unrepresented countries were de jure (in law), or de facto (in fact), bound, the preambles do not accurately distinguish; nor indeed was it necessary; for, whether de jure, or de facto, the legis- lature thought the exercise of the power of taxing, as of right, or as of fact with- out right, equally a grievance, and equally oppressive. I do not know that the colonies haA^e, in any general way. or in any cool hour, gone much beyond the demand of immunity in BURKE, EDMUND relation to taxes. It is not fair to judge of the temper or dispositions of any man, or any set of men, when they are com- posed and at rest, from their conduct, or their expressions, in a state of disturb- ance and irritation. It is besides a very great mistake to imagine, that mankind follow up practically any speculative principle, either of government or of free- dom, as far as it will go in argument and logical illation. We Englishmen stop very short of the principles upon which we support any given part of our consti- tution; or even the whole of it together. I could easily, if I had not already tired you, give you a very striking and convinc- ing instance of it. This is nothing but what is natural and proper. All govern- ment, indeed every human benefit and en- joyment, every virtue, and every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter. We balance inconveniences; we give and take; we remit some rights that we may enjoy others; and we choose rather to be happy citizens than subtile disputants. As we must give away some natural lib- erty, to enjoy civil advantages; so we must sacrifice some civil liberties for the advantages to be derived from the com- munion and fellowship of a great empire. But, in all fair dealings, the thing bought must bear some proportion to the purchase paid. None will barter away the immedi- ate jewel of his soul. Though a great house is apt to make slaves haughty, yet it is purchasing a part of the artificial im- portance of a great empire too dear, to pay for it all essential rights, and all the intrinsic dignity of human nature. None of us who would not risk his life rather than fall under a government purely ar- bitrary. But although there are some amongst us who think our constitution wants many improvements to make it a complete system of liberty, perhaps none who are of that opinion would think it right to aim at such improvement, by dis- turbing his country, and risking every- thing that is dear to him. In every ardu- ous enterprise, we consider what we are to lose as well as what we are to gain; and the more and better stake of liberty every people possess, the less they will hazard to make it more. These are the cords of man. Man acts from adequate motives relative to his interest; and not on metaphysical speculations. Aristotle, the great master of reasoning, cautions us, and with great weight and propriety, against this species of delusive geometri- cal accuracy in moral arguments, as the most fallacious of all sophistry. The Americans will have no interest contrary to the grandeur and glory of England, when they are not oppressed by the weight of it; and they will rather be inclined to respect the acts of a super- intending legislature, when they see them the acts of that power, which is itself the security, not the rival, of their secondary importance. In this assurance, my mind most perfectly acquiesces; and I confess, I feel not the least alarm from the dis- contents which are to arise from putting people at their ease; nor do I apprehend the destruction of this empire, from giv- ing, by an act of free grace and indul- gence, to 2,000,000 of my fellow-citizens some share of those rights, upon which I have always been taught to value myself. It is said, indeed, that this power of granting, vested in American assemblies, would dissolve the unity of the empire; which was preserved entire, although Wales, and Chester, and Durham were added to it. Truly, Mr. Speaker, I do not know what this unity means ; nor has it ever been heard of, that I know, in the constitutional policy of this country. The very idea of subordination of parts, ex- cludes this notion of simple and undivided unity. England is the head; but she is not the head and members too. Ireland has ever had from the beginning a separate, but not an independent, legislature; which, far from distracting, promoted the union of the whole. Everything was sweet- ly and harmoniously disposed through both islands for the conservation of Eng- lish dominion, and the communication of English liberties. I do not see that the same principles might not be carried into twenty islands, and with the same good effect. This is my model with regard to America, as far as the internal circum- stances of the two countries are the same. I know no other unity of this empire, than I can draw from its example during these periods, when it seemed to my poor un- derstanding more united than it is now, or than it is likely to be by the present methods. 479 BURKE, EDMUND But since I speak of these methods, I recollect, Mr. Speaker, almost too late, that I promised, before I finished, to say some- thing of the proposition of the noble lord on the floor, which has been so lately re- ceived, and stands on your journals. I must be deeply concerned, whenever it is my misfortune to continue a difference with the majority of this House. But as the reasons for that diiference are my apology for thus troubling you, suffer me to state them in a very few words. I shall compress them into as small a body as I possibly can, having already debated that matter at large, when the question was before the committee. First, then, I cannot admit that proposi- tion of a ransom by auction; because it is a mere project. It is a thing new; un- heard of; supported by no experience; justified by no analogy; without example of our ancestors, or root in the constitu- tion. It is neither regular parliamentary taxation, nor colony grant. Experimen- tiini in corpore vili (Try experiments only upon what is of no value) — is a good rule, which will ever make me adverse to any trial of experiments on what is cer- tainly the most valuable of all subjects, the peace of this empire. Secondly, it is an experiment which must be fatal in the end to our constitu- tion. For what is it but a scheme for taxing the colonies in the antechamber of the noble lord and his successors? To settle the quotas and proportions in this House, is clearly impossible. You, sir, may flatter yourself you shall sit a state auctioneer with your hammer in your hand, and knock down to each colony as it bids. But to settle (on the plan laid down by the noble lord) the true propor- tional payment for four or five and twenty governments according to the absolute and relative wealth and burthen, is a wild and chimerical notion. This new taxa- tion must, therefore, come in by the back- door of the constitution. Each quota must be brought to this House ready formed; you can neither add nor alter. You must register it. You can do nothing further. For on what grounds can you deliberate either before or after the proposition? You cannot hear the counsel for all these provinces, quarrelling, each on its own quantity of payment, and its proportion to others. If you should attempt it, the com- mittee of provincial ways and means, or by whatever other name it will delight to be called, must swallow up all the time of Parliament. Thirdly, it does not give satisfaction to the complaint of the colonies. They com- plain that they are taxed without their consent; you answer, that you will fix the sum at which they shall be taxed. That is, you give them the very grievance for the remedy. You tell them, indeed, that you will leave the mode to themselves. I really beg pardon; it gives me pain to men- tion it; but you must be sensible that you will not perform this part of the com- pact. For, suppose the colonies were to lay the duties which furnished their con- tingent, upon the importation of your manufactures; you know you would never suffer such a tax to be laid. You know, too, that you would not suffer many other modes of taxation. So that, when you come to explain yourself, it will be found, that you will neither leave to themselves the quantum nor the mode; nor indeed anything. The whole is de- lusion from one end to the other. Fourthly, this method of ransom by auction, unless it be universally accepted, will plunge you into great and inex- tricable difficulties. In what year of our Lord are the jsroportions of payments to be settled? To say nothing of the impos- sibility that colony agents should have general powers of taxing the colonies at their discretion, consider, I implore you, that the communication by special mes- sages and orders between these agents and their constituents on each variation of the case, when the parties come to con- tend together, and to dispute on their rela- tive proportions, will be a matter of delaj', perplexity, and confusion, that never can have an end. If all the colonies do not appear at the outcry, what is the condition of those assemblies, who oft'er by themselves or their agents, to tax themselves up to your ideas of their proportion? The refractory colonies, who refuse all composition, will remain taxed only to your old impositions, which, however grievous in principle, are trifling as to production. The obedient colonies in this scheme are heavily taxed; 480 BURKE, EDMUND the refractory remain unburthened. What new restraining laws, new acts for drag- will you do ? Will you lay new and ging men to England for trial. You must heavier taxes by Parliament on the dis- send out new fleets, new armies. All is obedient? Pray consider in what way to begin again. From this day forward you can do it. You are perfectly con- the empire is never to know an hour of vinced, that, in the way of taxing, you tranquillity. An intestine fire will be can do nothing but at the ports. Now, kept alive in the bowels of the colonies, suppose it is Virginia that refuses to ap- which one time or other must consume pear at your auction, while Maryland and this whole empire. I allow, indeed, that North Carolina bid handsomely for their the empire of Germany raises her revenue ransom, and are taxed to your quota, how and her troops by the quotas and con- will you put these colonies on a par? tingents; but the revenue of the empire, Will you tax the tobacco of Virginia? If and the army of the empire, is the worst you do, you give its death-wound to your revenue and the worst army in the world. English revenue at home, and to one of Instead of a standing revenue, you will the greatest articles of your own foreign therefore have a perpetual quarrel. In- trade. If you tax the import of that re- deed, the noble lord who proposed this bellious colony, what do you tax but your project of a ransom by auction, seemed own manufactures or the goods of some himself to be of that opinion. His proj- other obedient and already well-taxed col- ect was rather designed for breaking the ony? Who has said one word on this laby- union of the colonies, than for establish- rinth of detail, which bewilders you more ing a revenue. He confessed, he appre- and more as you enter into it? Who bended that his proposal would not be to has presented, who can present, you with their taste. I say, this scheme of dis- a clue, to lead you out of it? I think, union seems to be at the bottom of the sir, it is impossible, that you should not project; for I will not suspect that the recollect that the colony bounds are so noble lord meant nothing but merely to de- implicated in one another (you know it lude the nation by an airy phantom which by your other experiments in the bill for he never intended to realize. But what- prohibiting the New England fishery), ever his views may be, as I propose the that you can lay no possible restraints peace and union of the colonies as the very on almost any of them which may not be foundation of my plan, it cannot accord presently eluded, if you do not confound with one whose foundation is perpetual the innocent with the guilty and burthen discord. those whom, upon every principle, you Compare the two. This I offer to give ought to exonerate. He must be grossly you is plain and simple. The other full ignorant of America, who thinks that, of perplexed and intricate mazes. This without falling into this confusion of all is mild; that harsh. This is found by rules of equity and policy, you can restrain experience effectual for its purposes ; the any single colony, especially Virginia and other is a new project. This is universal; Maryland, the central and most important the other calculated for certain colonies of them all. only- This is immediate in its concilia- Let it also be considered, that, either in tory operation; the other remote, con- the present confusion you settle a per- tingent, full of hazard. Mine is what manent contingent, which will and must be becomes the dignity of a ruling people, trifling; and then you have no effectual gratuitous, unconditional, and not held revenue: or you change the quota at every out as a matter of bargain and sale. I exigency; and then on every new reparti- have done my duty in proposing it to jou. tion you will have a new quarrel. I have, indeed, tired you by a long dis- Reflect, besides, that when you have course; but this is the misfortune of those fixed a quota for every colony, you have to whose influence nothing will be con- not provided for prompt and punctual ceded, and who must win every inch payment. Suppose one, two, five, ten of their ground by argument. You have years' arrears. You cannot issue a treas- heard me with goodness. May you de- ury extent against the failing colony, cide with wisdom ! For my part, I feel You must make new Boston Port Bills, my mind greatly disburthened by what I I.— 2 H 481 BURKE, EDMUND have done to-day. I have been the less fearful of trying your patience because on this subject I mean to spare it alto- gether in future. I have this comfort, that in every stage of the American af- fairs, I have steadily opposed the measures that have produced the confusion, and may bring on the destruction, of this em- pire. I now go so far as to risk a pro- posal of my own. If I cannot give peace to my country, I give it to my conscience. But what (says the financier) is peace without money? Your plan gives us no revenue. No! But it does; for it se- cures to the subject the power of refusal; the first of all revenues. Experience is a cheat, and fact a liar, if this power in the subject of proportioning his grant, or of not granting at all, has not been found the richest mine of revenue ever discov- ered by the skill or by the fortune of man. It does not, indeed, vote you £152,750:11: 2%ths, nor any other paltry limited sum. But it gives you the strong-box itself, the fund, the bank, from whence only revenues can arise amongst a people sen- sible of freedom: Posita luditur area (The chest is staked ) . Cannot you in England, cannot you- at this time of day, cannot you, a House of Commons, trust to the principle which has raised so mighty a I'evenue, and accumulated a debt of near 140 millions in this country? Is this principle to be true in England and false everywhere else? Is it not true in Ire- land? Has it not hitherto been true in the colonies? Why should you presume, that, in any country, a body duly con- stituted for any function, will neglect to perform its duty, and abdicate its trvist? Such a presumption would go against all governments in all modes. But, in truth, this dread of penury of supply from a free assembly, has no foundation in nat- ure. For first observe that, besides the desire which all men have naturally of supporting the honour of their own gov- ernment, that sense of dignity, and that security to property, which ever attends freedom, has a tendency to increase the stock of the free community. Most may be taken where most is accumulated. And what is the soil or climate where experi- ence has not uniformly proved that the voluntary flow of heaped-up plenty, burst- ing from the weight of its own rich luxu- 48 riance, has ever run with a more copious stream of revenue, than could be squeezed from the dry husks of oppressed indigence, by the straining of all the politic ma- chinery in the world. Next we know, that parties must ever exist in a free country. We know too, that the emulations of such parties, their con- tradictions, their reciprocal necessities, their hopes, and their fears, must send them all in their turns to him that holds the balance of the state. The parties are the gamesters; but government keeps the table, and is sure to be the winner in the end. When this game is played, I really think it is more to be feared that the peo- ple will be exhausted, than that govern- ment will not be supplied. Whereas, whatever is got by acts of absolute power ill-obeyed because odious, or by contracts ill kept because constrained, will be nar- row, feeble, iincertain, and precarious. " Ease would retract vows made in pain as violent and void." I, for one, protest against compound- ing for a limited sum, the immense, ever growing, eternal debt, which is due to generous government from protected free- dom. And so may I speed in the great object I propose to you, as I think it would not only be an act of injustice, but Avould be the worst economy in the world, to compel the colonies to a sum certain, either in the Avay of ransom, or in the way of compulsory compact. But to clear up my ideas on this sub- ject — a revenue from America transmitted hither — do not delude yourselves — you never can receive it — no, not a shilling. We have experienced that from remote countries it is not to be expected. If, Avhen you attempted to extract revenue from Bengal, you were obliged to return in loan what you had taken in imposition, what can you expect from North America? For certainly, if ever there was a country qualified to produce wealth, it is India; or an institution fit for the transmission, it is the East India Company. America has none of these aptitudes. If America gives you taxable objects, on which you lay your duties here, and gives you, at the same time, a surplus by a foreign sale of her commodities to pay the duties on these objects, which you tax at home, she has performed her part to the British rev- BUBKE, EDMUND enue. But with regard to her own inter- nal establishments, she may, I doubt not she will, contribute in moderation. I say moderation, for she ought not to be per- mitted to exhaust herself. She ought to be reserved to a war ; the weight of which, with the enemies that we are most likely to have, must be considered in her quarter of the globe. There she may serve you, and serve you essentially. For that service, for all service, whether of revenue, trade, or empire, my trust is in her interest in the British constitu- tion. My hold of the colonies is in the close aflfection which grows from common names, from kindred blood, from similar privileges, and equal protection. These are ties, which, though light as air, are as strong as links of iron. Let the colo- nies always keep the idea of their civil rights associated with your government; they will cling and grapple to you; and no force under heaven will be of power to tear them from their allegiance. But let it be once understood that your gov- ernment may be one thing, and their priv- ileges another ; that these two things may exist without any mutual relation; the cement is gone; and everything hastens to decay and dissolution. As long as you have the wisdom to keep the sovereign au- thority of this country as tl^e sanctuary of liberty, the sacred temple consecrated to our common faith, wherever the chosen race and sons of England worship free- dom, they will turn their faces towards you. The more they multiply, the more friends you will have; the more ardent- ly they love liberty, the more perfect will be their obedience. Slavery they can have anywhere. It is a weed that grows in ev- ery soil. They may have it from Spain, they may have it from Prussia. But, until you become lost to all feeling of your true interest and your natural dignity, free- dom they can have from none but you. This is the commodity of price, of which you have the monopoly. This is the true act of navigation, which binds to you the commerce of the colonies, and through them secures to you the wealth of the world. Deny them this participation of freedom, and you break that sole bond, which originally made, and must still pre- serve, the unity of the empire. Do not entertain so weak an imagination, as that 48 your registers and your bonds, your affi- davits and your sufferances, your cockets and your clearances, are what form the great securities of your commerce. Do not dream that your letters of office, and your instructions, and your suspending clauses, are the things that hold together the great contexture of the mysterious whole. These things do not make your government. Dead instruments, passive tools as they are. it is the spirit of the English communion that gives all their life and efficacy to them. It is the spirit of the English constitution, which, infused through the mighty mass, pervades, feeds, unites, invigorates, vivifies every part of the empire, even down to the minutest member. Is it not the same virtue which does everything for us here in England? Do you imagine, then, that it is the land tax act which raises your revenue? that it is the annual vote in the committee of supply which gives you your army? or that it is the mutiny bill which inspires it with bravery and discipline? No! sure- ly no ! It is the love, of the people ; it is their attachment to their government, from the sense of the deep stake they have in such a glorious institution which gives you your army and your navy, and in- fuses into both that liberal obedience, without which your army Avould be a base rabble, and your navy nothing but rotten timber. All this, I know well enough, will sound wild and chimerical to the profane herd of those vulgar and mechanical politi- cians, who have no place among us; a sort of people who think that nothing ex- ists but what is gross and material ; and who, therefore, far from being qualified to be directors of the great movement of empire, are not fit to turn a wheel in the machine. But to men truly initiated and rightly taught, these ruling and master principles, which, in the existence, are in truth everything, and all in all. Mag- nanimity in politics is not seldom the truest wisdom; and a great empire and little minds go ill together. If we are conscious of our situation, and glow with zeal to fill our place as becomes our sta- tion and ourselves, we ought to auspicate all our public proceedings on America with the old warning of the church, Sur- sum corda! (Lift up your hearts). We 3 BURKE— BURLINGAME ought to elevate our minds to the great- ness of that trust to which the order of Providence has called us. By adverting to the dignity of this high calling, our ancestors have turned a savage wilderness into a glorious empire; and have made the most extensive and the only honourable conquests, not by destroying, but by pro- moting the wealth, the number, the hap- piness of the human race. Let us get an American revenue as we have got an American empire. English privileges have made it all that it is; English privileges alone will make it all that it can be. In full confidence of this unalterable truth, I now (quod felix faustumque sit) [and may it be lucky and fortvmate] lay the first stone of the temple of peace; and I move you: " That the colonies and plantations of Great Britain in North America, consist- ing of fourteen separate governments, and ■ containing 2,000,000 and upwards of free inhabitants, have not had the liberty and privilege of electing and sending any knights and burgesses or others, to repre- sent them in the high court of Parlia- ment." Burke, Thomas, governor, born in Ireland about 1747; went to Virginia when seventeen years old, and in time engaged in the practice of medicine. Then he studied law, and in 1774 moved to Hills- boro. He had written against the stamp a,ct and other obnoxious measures, and he took a conspicuous part in politics in North Carolina. He was a member of the Provincial Congress in 177G; was en- gaged a short time in the army, and was a member of Congress from December, 1776, until early in 1781, when he was chosen governor of the State. In Septem- ber of that year he was seized by Tories, and kept a prisoner on James Isl- and, near Charleston, four months; after which he was reg-ularly exchanged, re- sumed his duties of governor, but soon re- tired to private life. He died in Hills- boro, N. C, Dec. 2, 1783. Burley, Bennett G., naval oflScer; served in the Confederate navy. On Sept. 19, 1864, with other Confederates, he seized the Philo Parsons, a steamer on Lake Erie, and afterwards another steamer, the Isl- and Queen, with which his party intended to capture the United States gunboat Michigan and release the Confederate prisoners on Johnson's Island; but the Michigan captured the whole party. The Island Queen was sunk and the Philo Parsons abandoned. Burley was placed on trial for extradition, and after con- siderable diplomatic correspondence with the British government was surrendered to the United States authorities for pun- ib:hment. The Confederate government, under the plea of belligerent rights, en- deavored to secure his release or exchange, but without success. Burlingame, Anson, diplomatist; born in New Berlin, Chenango co., N. Y., Nov. 14, 1820. His father, a farmer, rem.oved to Seneca county, Ohio, when Anson was three years of age. Ten years later the family were in Michigan. Anson entered the University of Michigan in 1837, and was graduated at Harvard in 1846. He began the practice of law in Boston, and subsequently became an active member of the Free Soil Party (q. v.), acquiring a wide reputation as an effective speaker. In 1849-50 he was in Europe. In 1852 he was chosen a member of the Massa- chusetts Senate, and became an active sup- porter of the American party in 1854, by which he was elected to Congress the same year. Mr. Burlingame assisted in the formation of the Republican party in 1855-56; and he was regarded as one of the ablest debaters in Congress on that side of the House. Severely criticising I'reston S. Brooks for his attack upon Charles Sumner (q. v.), the South Caro- linian challenged him to fight a duel. He promptly accepted the challenge, proposed rifles as the weapons, and Navy Island, just above Niagara Falls, as the place of conflict. Brooks declined to go there, and the matter was dropped. In March, 1861, President Lincoln appointed Mr. Burlin- game minister to Austria. He having spoken in favor of Hungarian indepen- dence, the Austrian government refused to receive him, and he Avas sent as ambassa- dor to China. There he carried forward important negotiations; and when, in 1867, he announced to the Chinese govern- ment his intention of returning home. Prince Kung, the regent of the empire, offered to appoint him special ambassa- dor to the United States and the great European powers, for the purpose of 484 BURLINGTON HEIGHTS— BURNS framing treaties of amity with those na- tions. This high honor Mr. Burlingame accepted; and at the head of a retinue of Chinese officials, he arrived in the Unit- ed States in March, 1868. From his own country ilr. Burlingame proceeded on his mission to England, France, Denmark, Sweden, Holland, and Prussia. He was well received, and he negotiated treaties with all but France. He had just entered upon negotiations at St. Petersburg, early in 1870, when he died of pneumonia after an illness of only a few days, Feb. 23, 1870. Burlington Heights, Expedition to. The British maintained for some time a fortified camp at Burlington Heights, at the western end of Lake Ontario. There they made a depository of stores; and to capture these an expedition, composed of 300 land troops, under Col. Winfield Scott, borne by the fleet of Commodore Chauncey, left the mouth of the Niagara River, July 28, 1813. The usual feeble guard over the stores had just been reinforced. Con- vinced that their forces were insufficient to seize the prizes, Scott and Chauncey concluded to attack York, from which the British reinforcements had just been sent. The fleet bore the troops across the lake, and entered the harbor of York on July 31. Scott landed his troops without oppo- sition; took possession of the place; burn- ed the barracks, public storehouses and stores, and eleven transports; destroyed five pieces of cannon, and bore away as spoils one heavy gun and a considerable quantity of flour. They found in York (Toronto) the sick and wounded of Boerstler's command captured at the Bea- ver Dajis iq. v.). Burnet, William, colonial governor; horn at The Hague, Holland, in March, 1688, when William of Orange (after- wards William III. of England) became his godfather at baptism; was a son of Bishop Burnet; became engaged in the South Sea speculations, which involved him pecuniarily, and, to retrieve his fort- une, he received the appointment of gov- ernor of the colonies of New York and New Jersey. He arrived in New York in September, 1720. Becoming unpopular there, he was transferred to the govern- ments of Massachusetts and New Hamp- shire. He arrived at Boston in July, 1728, and was received with unusual pomp. This show he urged in his speech as a proof of their ability to give a liberal sup- port to his government, and acquainted them Avith the King's instructions to him to insist upon an established salary, and his intention to adhere to it. The Assem- bly at once took an attitude of opposition to the governor. They voted him £1,700 to enable him to manage public affairs, and to defray his expenses in going there. The governor declared himself dissatisfied, and would not consent to their resolve, as it was " contrary to his Majesty's in- structions." The Assembly appealed to their charter, granted by King William, and refused to vote a fixed salary. A spirited contest in writing ensued. In one of his communications the governor threatened the colony with the loss of their charter. They remained firm, " because," they said, " it is the undoubted right of all Englishmen, by Magna Charta, to raise and dispose of money for the public ser- vice of their own free accord, without compulsion." At a town meeting in Bos- ton, during the controversy, a unanimous declaration was made that the people of the town were opposed to settling a fixed salary on the governor. That official then adjourned the legislature to Salem, re- marking, in his message for that purpose, that the interposition of towns was " a needless and officious step, better adapted to the republic of Holland than to a Brit- ish constitution." The Assembly adhered to their determination, and the governor was compelled to yield. In person he was very commanding; frank in manner, and of ready wit. He died Sept. 7, 1729. Burns, Anthony, negro slave; was seized in Boston, as a fugitive slave. May 27, 1854. After a judicial hearing he was remanded to slavery and was taken to the wharf and shipped South under a strong guard to prevent his rescue by anti-sla- very sympathizers. The event created great excitement, and subsequently his freedom was purchased by a subscription raised in Boston, and after his release he settled in Canada. Burns, John, military officer; born in Burlington, N. J., Sept. 5, 1793; served in the War of 1812-15, taking part in the engagements at Plattsburg, Queenston, and Lundy's Lane. He endeavored to en- 485 BURNSIDE— BURNT COBN CREEK list for the Mexican War, but being re- Peninsula, and was active and skilful as jected on account of his age went with a corps commander in many of the most the army as a teamster. In 1863, when important military events of the war. the Confederate scouts entered Gettys- General Burnside served in the campaign burg, he joined a party to oppose them, in Maryland under McClellan, and was in but was turned back by the National cav- the battles at South Mountain and Antie- alry. He took an active part in the sub- tam. On Nov. 7, 1862, he superseded sequent battle of Gettysburg, and when McClellan in command of the Army of the the report of his participation reached the Potomac. Failing of success in his at- Northern States it aroused much interest tack upon Lee at Fredericksburg (Decem- and he was hailed as the "hero of Gettys- ber, 1862), he resigned, and was succeeded burg." He died in Gettysburg, Pa., Feb. by General Hooker in January, 1863. As- 7, 1872. signed to the command of the Department Burnside, Ambrose Everett, military of the Ohio in May, he was active there in officer; born in Liberty, Ind., May 23, suppressing the disloyal elements in that 1824; was graduated at West Point in region. In the fall he freed eastern Ten- 1847, and, as a member of a corps of ar- nessee of Confederate domination, where he tillery, accompanied General Patterson to fought Longstreet. He was in command Mexico the same year. Afterwards he of his old corps (the 9th) in Grant's cam- was in charge of a squadron of cavalry in paign against Richmond in 1864-65, where New Mexico; was quartermaster of the he performed important work. He re- Mexican Boundary Commission in 1850- signed April 15, 1865. In 1866 he was 51; resigned in 1853; established a manu- elected governor of Rhode Island, and was factory of breech-loading rifles (his own twice re-elected. Being in Europe in the invention) in Rhode Island; and was an fall of 1870, he was admitted within the officer of the Illinois Central Railroad German and French lines around Paris, and ineffectually endeavored to mediate between the belligerents. He was elected to the United States Senate in 1875, and v/as re-elected in 1880. He died in Bris- tol, R. L, Sept. 3, 1881. Burnt Corn Creek, Battle of. Peter McQueen, a half-blood Creek Indian of Tallahassee, was a fiery leader among the war party of that nation, wherein civil war was raging in the spring of 1813. This war Tecumseh had stirred up, and the wholer Creek nation had become a seething caldron of passion. A British squadron in the Gulf held friendly inter- course with the Spanish authorities at Pensacola. To that port McQueen and 300 followers, with pack-horses, went to get supplies and convey them to the war party in the interior. That party was inimical to the white people settled in Company when the Civil War began. He that nation, and it was the duty of the went into that conflict as colonel of the military in that region to protect the 1st Rhode Island Volunteers. For good latter. This protection was not furnished, service at the battle of Bull Run he was and the white inhabitants and the peace made (Aug. 6, 1861) major-general of party among the Creeks prepared to de- volunteers. He commanded the expedi- fend themselves. Col. James Caller called tion that captured Roanoke Island out the militia to intercept McQueen. {q. V.) in February, 1862; also Newbern There was a prompt response, and Caller and Beaufort. He was called to Virginia set out with a few followers. He marched after the close of the campaign on the towards the Florida frontier, joined on the 486 AMBROSE EVERETT BURNSIDE. BURR way by the famous borderer Capt. Samuel the military family of that officer as his Dale and fifty men, who were engaged in aide-de-camp, with the rank of captain, the construction of a fort. He was now Offended because cheeked by Montgomery in joined by others from Tensaw Lake and his offieiousness, he left his staff and joined Little River under various leaders. Caller's Arnold's. On the night of the assault on command now numbered about 180 men, in Quebec (Dec. 30 and 31, 1775) he was with small companies, well mounted on good Montgomery, and, when the latter was frontier horses, and provided with rifles and killed in that assault, he bore his body on shot-guns. Setting out on the main route his back from the field. He left the for Pensacola on the morning of July 27 (1813), they found McQueen encamped upon a peninsula formed by the windings of Burnt Corn Creek. It was resolved to attack him. McQueen and his party were surprised, but they fought desperately a few minutes, and then fled towards the creek. The tide then turned. McQueen and his Indians arose from an ambush with horrid yells and fell upon less than 100 of Caller's men. Dale was severely wounded; but kept on fighting. Over- whelming numbers at length compelled Caller's force to retreat. They fled in dis- order, many of them leaving their horses behind them. Victory rested with the hostile Creeks. Only two of Caller's com- mand were killed and fifteen wounded. The battle of Burnt Corn Creek was the first in the Creek war, a conflict which ruined that nation. See Creek Indians. Burr, Aaron, educator; born in Fair- field, Conn., Jan. 4, 1716; was of German descent; graduated at Yale College in 1735; and ordained by the presbytery army in Canada, and joined the military of east Jersey in 1737. He became family of Washington, at New York, in pastor at Newark, N. J., where he was May, 1776, with the rank of major. Dis- chiefly instrumental in founding the Col- satisfied with that position, he left it in lege of New Jersey (now Princeton Uni- the course of a few weeks and took a simi- versity), and was elected its president in lar position on General Putnam's staff. 1748. In 1752 he married a daughter of He was active in the events connected Jonathan Edwards, the metaphysician. In with the defence and abandonment of the 1754 he accompanied Whitefield to Boston, city of New York in 1776; and in 1777 He died Sept. 24, 1757. he 'became lieutenant-colonel of Malcolm's Burr, Aaron, Vice - President of the regiment. Burr distinguished himself in United States; born at Newark, N. J., Feb. the battle of Monmouth in 1778, where he 6, 1756; a son of Rev. Aaron Burr, Presi- commanded a brigade in Stirling's division, dent of the College of New Jersey, and During the winter of 1778-79 he was sta- of a daughter of the eminent theologian, tioned in Westchester county, N. Y. For Jonathan Edwards. When nineteen years a short time he was in command of the of age, he entered the Continental army, post at West Point, but, on account of ill- at Cambridge, as a private soldier, and health, he left the army in March, 1779. as such accompanied Arnold in his expe- Burr was a born intriguer, and was nat- dition to Quebec. From the line of that Tirally drawn towards Lee and Gates.' and expedition, in the wilderness, Arnold became a partisan in their schemes for in- sent him with despatches to General Mont- juring the reputation of Washington. He gomery, at Montreal, where he entered had been detected by the commander-in- 487 AARON BDRR. BURR, AARON chief in immoralities, and ever afterwards he affected to despise the military charac- ter of Washington. He began to practise law at Albany in 1782, but removed to New York the next year. Entering the arena of politics, he was chosen a member of the New York legislature in 1784, and again in 1798. In 1789 he was appointed attorney-general of the State, and com- missioner of Revolutionary claims in 1791. A member of the United States Senate from 1791 till 1797, Burr was a conspicu- ous Democratic leader in that body; and in the Presidential election in 1800 he and Thomas Jefferson had an equal number of votes in the electoral college. The House of Representatives decided the choice in favor of Jefferson on the thirty-sixth bal- lot, and Burr became Vice-President. In July, 1804, he killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel ; and the next year he undertook his mad and mysterious enterprise in the West, which resulted in his trial for treason. In March, 1805, Burr's term of office as Vice-President ended, and he descended to private life an utterly ruined man. But his ambition and his love of intrigue were as strong as ever, and he conceived schemes for personal aggrandizement and pecuni- ary gain. It Avas the general belief, at that time, in the United States, that the Spanish inhabitants of Louisiana would not quietly submit to our government. Taking advantage of this belief, and the restlessness of many of the inhabitants of the valley of the Mississippi, he con- ceived some daring schemes (none fully developed) of military operations in that region, which he attempted to carry out immediately after he left office. With several nominal objects in view, Burr started for the Mississippi Valley in com- pany with General Wilkinson, who went to take possession of his office of governor of the Louisiana Territory, to which he had been appointed. At Pittsburg Burr started in a vessel called an " ark," in which were fitted up conveniences for a long voyage. Wilkinson was not ready, and the impatient Burr proceeded without him. He stopped at Blennerhassett's Isl- and, nearly opposite Marietta, then in- habited by a wealthy and accomplished Irish gentleman of that name, who had created there a paradise for himself (see Blennerhassett, HarmajV ) . He had a pleasant mansion, enriched by books, adorned with paintings, enlivened by music, and presided over by a lovely and accomplished wife. Burr laid before Blen- nerhassett a brilliant vision of wealth and power, in a scheme of conquest or revolution, Avhich captivated him and fired the ambition that lay in the bosom of his wife. They engaged in Burr's scheme, whatever it may have been, with ardor. After remaining there some time. Burr pressed forward, and at Louisville over- took Matthew Lyon {q. v.) ,with whom he had voyaged in company in the earlier part of the journey. He accompanied Lyon to his home on the Cumberland River, whence he journeyed to Nashville on horseback; had a public reception (May 28, 1805), in which Andrew Jackson participated; and, furnished with a boat by that gentle- man, returned to Lyon's. Then he resumed his voyage in his own " ark," and met Wilkinson at Fort Massac, nearly oppo- site the mouth of the Cumberland. Some soldiers were about to depart thence for New Orleans, and Wilkinson procured a barge from one of the officers for Burr's accommodation in a voyage to that city. There he found the inhabitants in a state of great excitement. The introduction of English forms of law proceedings, and the slight participation of the people in public affairs, had produced much discon- tent, especially among the Creoles and old settlers. Even the new American im- migrants were divided by bitter political and private feuds. Burr remained only a short time, when he reascended the Mis- sissippi to Natchez, whence he travelled through the wilderness, along an Indian trail or bridle-path, 450 miles, to Nash- ville, w^here he was entertained for a week by Jackson early in August. After spend- ing a few weeks there. Burr made his way through the Indian Territory to St. Louis, where he again met W^ilkinson, that being the seat of government of the Louisiana Territory. Then, for the first time, he threw out hints to Wilkinson of his splen- did scheme of conquest in the Southwest, which he spoke of as being favored by the United States government. At the same time he complained of the government as imbecile, and the people of the West as ready for revolt. He made no explanation 488 BURR, AARON to Wilkinson of the nature of his scheme, and that officei", suspicious of Burr's de- signs, wrote to his friend Robert Smith, Secretary of the Navy, advising the gov- ernment to keep a watch upon his move- ments. Burr went from St. Louis to Vincennes with a letter from Matt. Lyon to Governor Harrison, in which he urged the latter to use his influence to get Burr elected to Congress from that district. Thence Burr went eastward, stopping at Cincinnati, Chillicothe, and Marietta, everywhere con- versing with leading men, to whom he gave only attractive hints of a brilliant scheme in hand. He spent that winter and the following spring and summer in Philadelphia and Washington, engaged in his mysterious projects. There he more clearly developed his scheme, which seemed to have a twofold character — the conquest of Mexico from the Spaniards and the es- tablishment of an independent monarchy, and the revolutionizing the Mississippi Valley, separating that region from the rest of the Union, and forming an inde- pendent republic, with its seat of govern- ment at New Orleans. If the first-men- tioned scheme should be carried out. Burr aspired to be king; if the latter, he was to be president of his new republic. Tow- ards the end of stmimer (August, 1806) Burr departed on a second Western tour. For a year a vague suspicion prevailed throughout the country that Burr was en- gaged in a scheme for revolutionizing Mexico — an idea agreeable to the Western people because of the existing difficulties with Spain. It was believed, too (for so Burr had continually hinted), that such a scheme was secretly favored by the government. Under this impression Burr's project received the countenance of several leading men in the Western country. One of the first things which Burr did after his arrival in Kentucky was to purchase an interest in a claim to a large tract of land on the Washita River, under a Spanish grant to the Bai'on de Bastrop. The negotiation was car- ried on through Edward Livingston at New Orleans. The avowal of an intention to settle on these lands might cover up a far different design. Blennerhassett now joined Burr actively in his enterprise. To- gether they built, with the money of the former, fifteen boats on the Muskingum River; and negotiations were set on foot with an Ohio senator to furnish supplies for an army in the West and the purchase of two gunboats he was building for the government. A mercantile house at Mari- etta, in which Blennerhassett had been a partner, was authorized to purchase pro- visions, and a kiln was erected on Blen- nerhassett Island for drying corn to fit it for shipment. Young men enlisted in con- siderable numbers for an expedition down the Mississippi, about which only mys- terious hints were given. Meanwhile Wilkinson had arrived at Natchitoches to repel, with 500 or 600 troops, a Spanish invasion of the Ter- ritory of Orleans from Texas. There a young man appeared in camp with a let- ter of introduction from Jonathan Day- ton, of New Jersey, to Colonel Cushing, the senior officer next to Wilkinson. He also slipped, unobserved, a letter into Wilkin- son's hand, from Burr, which was a for- mal letter of introduction. It contained a letter from Burr, principally written in cipher. Circumstances seem to show that Wilkinson was at this time privy to, if not actually engaged in, Burr's scheme. The cipher letter informed Wilkinson that he (Burr) had arranged for troops under different pretexts at different points, who would rendezvous on the Ohio by Nov. 1 ; that the protection of England had been secured; that Truxton had gone to Jamaica to arrange with the English admiral ; that an English fleet would meet on the Mississippi; that the navy of the United States was ready to join ; that final orders had been given to his friends and followers ; that Wilkinson should be sec- ond to Burr only; that the people of the country to which they were going were ready to receive them ; and that their agents with Burr had stated that, if pro- tected in their religion, and not subject- ed to a foreign government, all would be settled in three weeks. The plan was to move detachments of volunteers rapidly from Louisville in November, meet Wil- kinson at Natchez in December, and then to determine whether to seize Baton Rouge (then in possession of the Spaniards as a part of west Florida) or pass on. En- closed in the same packet Avas a letter, also in cipher, from Jonathan Dayton, 489 BURR, AARON telling Wilkinson he would surely be dis- placed at the next meeting of Congress, and added, " You are not a man to de- spair, or even to despond, especially when such prospects offer in another quarter. Are you ready? Are your numerous as- sociates ready? Wealth and glory! Lou- isiana and Mexico! — Dayton." The correspondence, in cipher and other- wise, between Wilkinson and Burr for several months previously leads to the conclusion that the former was, at that time, engaged in Burr's scheme, and that the latter relied upon him. Intimations in the letters of a design to seize newly acquired Louisiana startled Wilkinson, and he resolved to make the best terms he could with the Spanish commander on the Sabine and hasten back to New Or- leans to defend it against any scheme of conquest there which Burr might con- template or attempt. This design he com- municated to Gushing, and obtained from the bearer of the letters such information as excited his alarm to a high pitch. The young man (named Swartwout) stated that he and another (named Ogden) had been sent by Burr from Philadelphia; that they had carried despatches from .Burr to General Adair, of Kentucky, who was a party to the scheme ; that they hastened towards St. Louis in search of Wilkinson, but learned at Kaskaskia that he had de- scended the river; that they followed to the mouth of the Red River, when Ogden went on to New Orleans with despatches to Burr's friends there, and he (Swartwout) had hastened to Wilkinson's headquarters. He said Burr was supported by a numer- ous and powerful association, extending from New York to New Orleans; that several thousand men were prepared for an expedition against the Mexican prov- inces; that the Territory of Orleans would be revolutionized — for which the inhabi- tants were quite ready ; that he supposed some " seizing " would be necessary at New Orleans, and a forced " transfer " of the bank ; that an expedition was to land at Vera Cruz and march thence to the Mexican capital ; that naval protection would be furnished by Great Britain; and that Truxton and other officers of the navy, disgusted with the conduct of the government, would join in the enter- prise. After gathering all the information pos- sible, Wilkinson sent, by express, two let- ters to President Jefferson — one official, the other confidential, in which, without mentioning any names, he gave a general outline of the proposed expedition; and then pushed forward to the Sabine. He sent orders to the commanding officer at New Orleans to put that place in the best possible condition for defence, and to se- cure, if possible, by contract, a train of artillery there belonging to the French. Having made a satisfactory arrangement with the Spanish commander, Wilkinson hastened back to Natchitoches, where he received a letter from St. Louis informing him that a plan to revolutionize the Western country was about to explode ; and that Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky, Ten- nessee, and Orleans Territory had. com- bined to declare themselves independent on Nov. 15. Wilkinson, alarmed, or- dered Gushing to hasten down with the troops, while he sped to Natchez; whence he sent a second special messenger to the President with duplicates of his for- mer letters, and another declaring that a. conspiracy really existed; and author- ized the messenger to mention the names of Burr, Dayton, Truxton, and others as apparently engaged in the enterprise. He informed Governor Claiborne, of the Or- leans Territory, that his government was menaced by a secret plot, and took other measures for its defence. At New Orleans W'ilkinson procured a meeting of the mer- chants, to whom he and Governor Clai- borne made an exposition of Burr's suspect- ed projects. BoUman, an agent of Burr there, with Swartwout and Ogden, were arrested, and the militia of the Territory were placed at Wilkinson's disposal. Great excitement now prevailed on the lower Mississippi and on the Ohio and its tribu- taries. A series of articles, inspired, no doubt, if not written, by Burr, had ap- peared in an Ohio newspaper, signed " Querist," arguing strongly in favor of the separation of the Western States from the Union. Similar articles had appeared in a Democratic paper at Pittsburg. In Kentucky were many uneasy aspirants for political power, and an old story of Span- ish influence there — through pensioners upon the bounty of Spain — was revived. Burr's enterprise became associated in the 490 BURR, AARON public mind with the old Spanish plot; and Burr and his confederates, offended by what they deemed Wilkinson's treach- ery to their cause, associated him with the Spanish intriguers. These hints, reaching the lower Mississippi, embar- rassed Wilkinson; for it was intimated that he was also connected with the schemes of Burr. General Jackson — who had favored Burr's schemes so long as they looked only towards a seizure of Spanish provinces — alarmed by evidences that he had wicked designs against the Union, wrote to Governor Claiborne (with the impression that Wilkinson was associated with Burr ) , warning him to be- ware of the designs of that officer and the ex- Vice-President. " I hate the Dons," Jackson wrote (Nov. 12, 1806) ; " I would delight to see Mexico reduced; but I Avould die in the last ditch before I would see the Union disunited." Daviess, United States district attorney for Kentucky, watched Burr, and finally applied to the court for process for his arrest. Burr was summoned before a grand jury (Nov. 25), but, the attorney failing to get such witnesses as he desired, the jury not only failed to find a bill, but declared their belief that Burr intended nothing against the integrity of the Union. This triumph for Burr was celebrated by a ball at Frankfort. Meanwhile the President of the United States had com- missioned Graham, secretary of the Or- leans Territory, to investigate the reports about Burr, and, if well founded, to take steps to cut short his career. On Nov. 27 the President issued a proclamation that he had been informed of an unlawful scheme set on foot for invading the Span- ish dominions; warning citizens of the United States not to engage in it; and directing all in authority to endeavor to suppress it. Before this Graham had drawn from Blennerhassett facts of great importance (for the latter took the sec- retary to be one of Burr's confidants) , and applied to the governor of Ohio for the seizure of the boats on the Muskingum. The legislature, then in session, granted the request. A few days afterwards sev- eral boats, in charge of Colonel Tyler, filled with men, descended the Ohio to Blennerhassett's Island. Blennerhassett, informed of the seizure of his boats on 49 the Muskingum, and that a body of militia was coming to seize those at the island, hastily embarked (Dec. 13) with a few of his followers, and descended the river in Tyler's flotilla. The next day a mob of militia took possession of the island, deso- lated it, and even insulted Mrs. Blenner- hassett, who succeeded in obtaining an open boat and following her husband down the river. The legislature of Kentucky speedily passed a similar act for seizures to that of Ohio. Tyler, however, had already passed Louisville. They were joined by Burr, and the flotilla passed out into the Mississippi and stopped at Chickasaw Bluffs (now Memphis), where Burr at- tempted to seduce the garrison into his service. Burr now first heard of the ac- tion of the legislature of the Orleans Ter- ritory, before which Wilkinson had laid his exposure of the schemes. Perceiving what he might expect at New Orleans, and fearful that the authorities of Mississippi might arrest him at once. Burr passed to the west side of the river, out of their jurisdiction, where he formed a camp, 30 miles above Natchez. Under the procla- mation of the President, a militia force was raised to arrest Burr. He made an unconditional surrender to the civil au- thority, and agreed that his boats should be searched and all arms taken. Before this was accomplished his cases of arms were cast into the river ; and as no evi- dence of any hostile intention was found, a belief prevailed that he was innocent of any of the designs alleged against him. Burr was brought before the Supreme Court of the Territory, and was not only not indicted by the grand jury, but they presented charges against the governor for calling out the militia to arrest him. Burr spoke bitterly of Wilkinson as a traitor, and, fearing to fall into his hands, he resolved to disband his men and fly. He told them to sell what provisions they had, and, if they chose, to settle on his Washita lands. They dispersed through the Mississippi Territory, and furnished an abundant supply of school-masters, singing-masters, dancing-masters, and doc- tors. A reward was offered for the capt- ure of Burr, and he was arrested (Feb. 19, 1807) by the Register of the Land- oflice, assisted by Lieut, (afterwards 1 BUBR—BUEBOWS Maj. -Gen.) Edmund P. Gaines, near Fort Stoddart, on the Tombigbee River, in eastern Mississippi. An indictment for high treason was found against Burr by a grand jury for the District of Virginia. He was charged with levying war, by the collection of armed men at Blennerhassett's Island, within the do- minion of Virginia. He was also charged with concocting a scheme for the over- throw of the national authority in the Western States and Territories. On these charges he was tried and acquitted. After his acquittal Burr went to England and sought to engage that or some other European government in his project for revolutionizing Mexico. Pressed by his creditors, he lived a miserable life, in poverty, in Lorfdon and Paris. Becoming subject to suspicion in London as a French spy, he was driven from the country, and took refuge in Paris. Finally, after long solicitations, he obtained leave to return, and appeared in New York in 1812, Avhere he resumed the practice of law; but he lived in comparative poverty and obscurity until 1834, when, at the age of seventy- eight, he married Madame Jumel, a wealthy woman in New York, with whom he lived only a short time, when they were separated. Burr's first wife was Mrs. Pre- lina. She left Charleston (1812) in a vessel to visit her father in New York, and was never heard of afterwards. Burr was small in stature, of great ability, and fascinating in manners. He died on Staten Island, Sept. 14, 1836. Burritt, Elihu, reformer; born in New Britain, Conn., Dec. 8, 1810. At the age of sixteen he was apprenticed to a black- smith. In order to read the Scriptures in their original language, he learned CJreek and Hebrew, and read these with so much ease that he continued his stud- ies and mastered many other languages. He was called " the learned blacksmith." He became a reformer, and went to Eng- land in 1846, where he formed the " League of Universal Brotherhood," for the aboli- tion of war, slavery, and other national evils. He was appointed United States consul at Birmingham in 1865, and re- turned home in 1870. He died in New Britain, March 9, 1879. Burrows, William, naval officer; born in Kensington (now a part of Philadel- phia), Oct. 6, 1785; entered the navy, as midshipman, November, 1799; and served under Preble in the war against Tripoli. In March, 1807, he was promoted to lieu- tenant, and, early in the War of 1812-15, he was placed in command of the sloop-of- THE BURROWS MEDAL. vost, the Avidow of a British officer, by war Enterprise. On Sunday, Sept. 5, 1813, whom he had a daughter. Theodosia. She he fought the British brig Boxer, with the became an accomplished woman, and the Enterprise, off Portland, Me. The Boxer wife of Governor Allston, of South Caro- was vanquished, but Burrows was slain. 492 BUSHYHEAD— BUTLER For this exploit, Congress voted a gold medal to his nearest male relation. Bushyliead, Jesse, jurist; was a self- educated man; became greatly honored in the Cherokee Nation; and was chief-jus- tice there for many years. He died in the Cherokee Nation, July 17, 1844. Bute, John Stuart, Earl of, states- man; born in Scotland in 1713; succeeded to his father's titles and estates when he was ten years of age; and, in 1736, mar- ried the only daughter of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. In February, 1737, he was selected one of the sixteen representa- tive peers of Scotland, and appointed lord of the bedchamber of the Prince of Wales in 1738. The beautiful Princess of Wales gave him her confidence on the death of her husband in 1751, and made him pre- ceptor of her son, afterwards King George HI. Over that youth he gained great influence. When he ascended the throne, in 1760, George promoted Bute to a privy councillor, and, afterwards, a secretary of state; and, when Pitt and the Duke of Newcastle retired from the cabinet, Bute was made prime minister. He soon be- came unpopular, chiefly because the King had discarded the great Pitt, and pre- ferred this Scotch adventurer, whose bad advice was misleading his sovereign. In- sinuations were rife about the too inti- mate personal relations of Bute and the young King's mother, who, it was believed, ruled both the King and his minister; and a placard appeared in front of the Royal Exchange, in large letters, " No petticoat government — no Scotch minister— no Lord George Sackville!" Bute was vigorously attacked by John Wilkes in his 'North Briton. The minister's unpopularity in- creased. Suspicions of his being bribed by the enemies of England were rife; and, perceiving a rising storm that threat- ened to overwhelm him with disgrace, Bute suddenly resigned his office (April 7, 1763), but nominated his successor. He retired to private life, passing his time between England and Scotland in the en- joyment of an ample fortune. He pub- lished, at his own expense ($50,000), a work on botany, in 9 volumes, printing only twelve copies to make the work scarce. He died in London, March 10, 1792. Butler, Benjamin Franklin, lawyer and soldier; born in Deerfield, N. H., Nov. 5, 1818; was graduated at Waterville Col- lege, Me., in 1838; was admitted to the bar in 1841; and continued the practice until 1861, with a high reputation as a criminal lawyer. He was an active poli- tician in the Democratic party until its BKNJAMIX FR-4N'KLIN BnTLER. disruption at Charleston in I860: and he had served as a member of both Houses of the Massachusetts legislature. As brigadier - general of militia he hastened towards Washington, on the call of the President, with troops, in April, 1861, and landed at Annapolis. He was placed in command of the Department of Annapolis, which included Baltimore {q. v.). At the middle of May he was made major- general of volunteers, and put in com- mand of the Department of Virginia, with headquarters at Fort Monroe, where he held as contraband all fugitive slaves. In August (1861), an expedition which he commanded captured forts Hatteras and Clarke; and, in the spring of 1862, he led another expedition for the capture of New Orleans, in which he was successful. In New Orleans he elicited unbounded praise from loyal people because of his vigor and efficiency, and created the most intense hatred of himself personally among the Confederates by his restrictive measures*. On his arrival he seized the fine St. Charles Hotel, and made it his headquarters. The mayor of the city, John T. Monroe, took an attitude of de- fiance. He refused to surrender the city, or take down the Louisiana flag from the 403 BUTLER, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN city hall. The editor of the True Delta refused to print Butler's proclamation in hand-bill form. The general invited the city authorities to a conference. The mayor at first refused to go, but finally went to the St. Charles, with Pierre Soule (formerly member of Congress) and other friends. They persisted in regarding Louisiana as an independent nation, and the National troops as invaders or in- truders. An immense and threatening mob had collected in the streets in front of the St. Charles. Butler had placed troops there and a cannon for the protec- tion of headquarters. The commander sent him word that the mob was pressing hard upon him. " Give my compliments to General Williams " ( the commander ) , said Butler ; " and tell him if he finds he cannot control the mob to open upon them with artillery." The mayor and his friends sprang to their feet, exclaiming, " Don't do that, general ! " " Why not, gentlemen?" said Butler; "the mob must be controlled. We can't have a disturb- ance in the street." The mayor went to a balcony, informed the mob of the gen- eral's order, and persuaded them to dis- perse. Butler read a proclamation which he had prepared to Soule, who declared it would give great ofi'ence; that the people were not conquered and would never sub- mit, and uttered a threat in smooth terms. To this Butler replied: "I have Jong been accustomed to hear threats from Southern gentlemen in political conven- tions; but let me assure the gentlemen present that the time for tactics of that nature has passed, never to return. New Orleans is a conquered city. If not, why are we here ? How did we get here ? Have you opened your arms, and bid us wel- come? Are we here by your consent? Would you or would you not expel us if you could? New Orleans has been con- quered by the forces of the United States, and, by the laws of all nations, lies sub- ject to the will of the conqueror." These utterances indicated the course General Butler intended to pursue in New Orleans and in the Department of the Gulf; and, within twenty - four hours after he had taken possession of the city, there was a perfect understanding between him and the people of their mutual relations. But- ler, at the same time, took pains to re- move all causes for unnecessary irritation, and removed his headquarters from the St. Charles to a private residence. At the beginning of September, 18G2, Butler was satisfied that the Confederates had abandoned all ideas of attempting to retake New Orleans, so he proceeded to " repossess " some of the rich districts of Louisiana. He sent Gen. Godfrey Weitzel with a brigade of infantry, with artillery, and Barnet's cavalry, late in October, into the region of the district of La Fourche, west of the Mississippi. On Oct. 27 Weit- zel had a sharp fight at Labadieville with Confederates under General McPheeters. They were on both sides of the Bayou La Fourche, with six pieces of cannon. These Weitzel attacked with musketry and can- non. The Confederates ■ were driven and pursued about 4 miles. Weitzel lost eighteen killed and seventy-four wounded. He cajatured 268 prisoners and one can- non. He then proceeded to open commu- nication with New Orleans by the bayou and the railway connecting Brashear (af- terwards Morgan) City with it. The whole country was abandoned, and the troops were received with joy by the negroes. All industrial operations there were par- alyzed, and General Butler, as a state pol- icy and for humane purjjoses, confiscated the entire property of the district, ap- pointed a commission to take charge of it, and set the negroes to work, by which they were subsisted and the crops saved. Two congressional districts in Louisiana were thus " repossessed," and the loyal cit- izens of New Orleans elected to seats in Congress Benjamin F. Flanders and Mi- chael Hahn. In December, 1862, General Butler was succeeded by Gen. N. P. Banks [q. v.). in command of the Depart- ment of the Gulf. Late in 1863, he was placed in command of the Department of Virginia and North Carolina, and his force was designated the Army of the James. After an unsuccessful expedition against Fort Fisher, in December, 1864, General Butler retired to his residence in Massachusetts. He was elected to Con- gress in 1866, and was one of the princi- pal managers of the House of Representa- tives in conducting the impeachment of President Johnson. He was a Republi- can Congressman until 1875, and again in 1877-79. In 1883 he was Democratic gov- 494 BUTLER, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN ernor of Massachusetts, and in 1884 the hold that rebellion is treason, and that People's party candidate for President. He died in Washington, D. C, Jan. 11, 1893. Farewell Address in tfew Orleans. — As before stated, General Butler was super- seded by General Banks in December, 1862. The latter assumed command of the army and Department of the Gulf on the 16th, and the same day General Butler issued the followinsr address : Citizens of New Orleans, — It may not be inappropriate, as it is not inopportune in occasion, that there should be address- ed to you a few words at parting, by one whose name is to be hereafter indissolubly connected with your city. I shall speak in no bitterness, because I am not con- scious of a single personal animosity. Commanding the Army of the Gulf, I found you captured, but not surrendered; conquered, but not orderly; relieved from the presence of an army, but incapable of taking care of yourselves. So far from it, you had called upon a foreign legion to protect you from yourselves. I restored order, punished crime, opened commerce, brought provisions to your starving peo- ple, reformed your currency, and gave you quiet protection, such as you had not enjoyed for many years. While doing this, my soldiers were subjected to oblo- quy, reproach, and insult. And now, speak- ing to you, who know the truth, I here declare that whoever has quietly remain- ed about his business, affording neither aid nor comfort to the enemies of the United States, has never been interfered with by the soldiers of the United States. The men who had assumed to govern you and to defend your city in arms having fled, some of your women flouted at the pres- ence of those who came to protect them. By a simple order (No. 28) I called upon every soldier of this army to treat the women of New Orleans as a gentleman should deal with the sex, with such effect that I now call upon the just-minded ladies of New Orleans to say whether they have ever enjoyed so complete pro- tection and calm quiet for themselves and their families as since the advent of the United States troops. The enemies of my country, unrepentant and implacable, I have treated with merited severity. I treason persisted in is death, and any pun- ishment short of that due a traitor gives so much clear gain to him from the clem- ency of the government. Upon this thesis have I administered the authority of the United States, because of which I am not unconscious of complaint. I do not feel that I have erred in too much harshness, for that harshness has ever been exhibited to disloyal enemies of my country, and not to loyal friends. To be sure, I might have regaled you with the amenities of British civilization, and yet been within the supposed rules of civilized warfare. You might have been smoked to death in caverns, as were the covenanters of Scotland, by the command of a general of the royal house of England; or roast- ed like the inhabitants of Algiers during the French campaigns ; your wives and daughters might have been given over to the ravisher, as were the unfortunate dames of Spain in the Peninsular War; or you might have been scalped and toma- hawked as our mothers were at Wyoming, by savage allies of Great Britain, in our own Revolution ; your property could have been turned over to indiscriminate " loot," like the palace of the Emperor of China ; works of art which adorned your buildings might have been sent away, like the paint- ings of the Vatican ; your sons might have been blown from the mouths of cannon, like the Sepoys of Delhi ; and yet all this would have been within the rules of civil- ized warfare, as practised by the most polished and the most hypocritical na- tions of Europe. For such acts the rec- ords of the doingg of some of the inhabi- tants of your city towards the friends of the Union, before my coming, were a suffi- cient provocative and justification. But I have not so conducted. On the contrary, the Avorst punishment inflicted, except for criminal acts punishable by every law, has been banishment, with labor, to a barren island, where I encamped my own soldiers before marching here. It is true, I have levied upon the wealthy rebels, and paid out. nearly half a million of dollars to feed 40,000 of the starving poor of all nations assembled here, made so by this war. I saw that this rebellion was a war of the aristocrat against the middling men; of the rich against the poor; a war 495 BUTLER of the land-owner against the laborer; empire the sun ever shone upon — return that it was a struggle for the retention to your allegiance. There is but one thing of power in the hands of the few against that stands in the way. There is but one the many; and I found no conclusion to thing that this hour stands between you it save in the subjugation of the few and and the government, and that is slavery, the disenthrahnent of the many. I there- The institution, cursed of God, which has fore felt no hesitation in taking the sub- taken its last refuge here, in His provi- stance of the wealthy, who had caused the dence will be rooted out as the tares from war, to feed the innocent poor, who had the wheat, although the wheat be torn up suffered by the war. And I shall now leave with it. I have given much thought to you with the proud consciousness that I this subject. I came among you, by teach- earry with me the blessings of the humble ings, by habit of mind, by political posi- and loyal under the roof of the cottage tion, by social affinity, inclined to sustain and in the cabin of the slave, and so am your domestic laws, if by possibility they quite content to incur the sneers of the might be with safety to the Union, salon or the curses of the rich. I found Months of experience and of observation you trembling at the terrors of servile have forced the conviction that the exist- insurrection. All danger of this I have ence of slavery is incompatible with the prevented by so treating the slave that safety either of yourselves or of the he had no cause to rebel. I found the Union. As the system has gradually gi'own dungeon, the chain, and the lash your only to its present huge dimensions, it were best means of enforcing obedience in your ser- if it could be gradually removed, but it vants. I leave them peaceful, laborious, is better, far better, that it should be, controlled by the laws of kindness and taken out at once than that it should justice. I have demonstrated that the longer vitiate the social, political, and pestilence can be kept from your borders, family relations of your country. I am I have added a million of dollars to your speaking with no philanthropic views as wealth in the form of new land from regards the slave, but simply of the effect the battue of the Mississippi. I have of slavery on the master. See for your- cleansed and improved your streets, ca- selves. Look around you and say whether nals, and public squares, and opened new this saddening, deadening influence has avenues to unoccupied land. I have given not all but destroyed the very framework you freedom of elections, greater than you of your society. I am speaking the fare- have ever enjoyed before. I have caused well words of one who has shown his justice to be administered so impartially devotion to his country at the peril of that your own advocates have unanimous- his life and fortune, who in these words ly complimented the judges of my appoint- can have neither hope nor interest, save ment. You have seen, therefore, the benefit the good of those whom he addresses ; and of the laws and justice of the government let me here repeat, with all the solemnity against which you have rebelled. Why, of an appeal to Heaven to bear me wit- then, will you not all return to your al- ness, that such are the views forced upon legiance to that government — not with me by experience. Come, then, to the im- lip service, but with the heart? I con- conditional support of the government, jure you, if yovi desire to see renewed Take into your own hands your o\vn in- prosperity, giving business to your streets stitutions: remodel them according to the and wharves — if you hope to see your city laws of nations and of God, and thus at- become again the mart of the Western tain that great prosperity assured to you world, fed by its rivers for more than by geographical position, only a portion 3,000 miles, draining the commerce of a of which was heretofore yours, country greater than the mind of man Butler, Benjamin Franklin, lawyer; hath ever conceived — return to your al- born in Kinderhook Landing, N. Y., Dec. legiance. If you desire to leave to your 17, 1795: studied law with Martin Van children the inheritance you received of Buren in Hudson, and subsequently be- your fathers — a stable constitutional gov- came his partner. In 1825 he was ap- ernment — if you desire that they should pointed one of the three commissioners to in the future be a portion of the greatest revise the Statutes of New York; in 1833- 496 BUTLER 38 was Attorney - General of the United in the battle of Churubusco, Aug. 22, States; and in 1836-37 was acting Secre- 1847. tary of War. In 1837 he became Professor Butler, Richard, military officer; born of Law in the University of the City of in Ireland; cam6 to America before 1760; New York. He was the author of Outlines was a lieutenant-colonel in the Pennsyl- of the Constitutional History of New vania line in the Continental army, and York. He died in Paris, France, Nov. 8, also of Morgan's rifle corps in 1777. But- 1858. ler served throughout the war; was agent Butler, John, Tory leader; born in for Indian affairs in Ohio in 1787; and Connecticut; was in official communica- was with St. Clair in his expedition tion with the Johnsons in the Mohawk against the Indians, late in 1791, com- Valley before the Revolutionary War, and manding the right wing of his army, with was colonel of a militia regiment in Try- the rank of major-general. In that ex- on county, N. Y. In 1776 he organized pedition he was killed by Indians in a a band of motley marauders — white men battle in Ohio, Nov. 4, 1791. and Indians, the former painted and be- Butler, Thomas, military officer ; born having like savages. He was in command in Pennsylvania in 1754; was in almost of them in the battle of Oriskany (q.v.), every important battle in the Middle and of 1,100 men who desolated the States during the Revolution. At Brandj^- Wyoming Valley in July, 1778. He fought wine and at Monmouth he received the Sullivan in the Indian country in cen- thanks of his commanders (Washington tral New York in 1779, and accompanied and Wayne) for skill and bravery. In Sir John Johnson in his raid on the 1791 he commanded a battalion under St. Schoharie and Mohawk settlements i'n Clair, and was twice wounded at the de- 1780. After the war Butler went to Can- feat of that leader, where his brother ada, and was rewarded by the British gov- Richard was killed. He died in New ernment with places of emolument and a Orleans, Sept. 7, 1805. pension. He died in Niagara in 1794. Butler, William, military officer; born His son, Walter, was a ferocious Tory, in Prince William county, Va., in 1759; and was killed during the war. graduated at the South Carolina College Butler, Matthew Calbraith, military in 1779; entered the Revolutionary army officer; born in Greenville, S. C, March 8, the same year; served under Pulaski, 1836; educated at the South Carolina Pickens, and Lee; organized a regiment of College; admitted to the bar in 1857; mounted rangers; rose to the rank of joined the Confederate army as captain brigadier - general ; member of Congress, in June, 1861, reaching the rank of major- 1801-13. He died in Columbia, S. C, general. At the battle of Brandy Station Nov. 15, 1821. he lost his right leg. United States Sen- Butler, William Orlando, military offi- ator, 1877-95. cer; born in Jessamine county, Ky., in Butler, Pierce, statesman; born in Ire- 1791; graduated at Transylvania Univer- land, July 11, 1744. He entered the Brit- sity in 1812; in the War of 1812 he took ish army in 1761; resigned before the part in the engagements of Raisin River, Revolution, and settled in Charleston, Pensacola, and New Orleans; major-gen- S. C; member of Congress, 1787, and of eral during the Mexican War, distinguish- the Federal Constitutional Convention, ing himself at Monterey; succeeded Gen- where he supported the " Virginia " plan ; eral Scott in the command of the army in United States Senator, 1789-96 and 1802- Mexico; candidate for Vice-President in 4. He died in Philadelphia, Feb. 15, 1822. 1848 on the ticket with General Cass. He Butler, Pierce Mason, military officer born in Edgefield, S. C, April 11, 1798 entered the United States army in 1819 died in Carrollton, Ky., Aug. 6, 1880. Butler, Zebulon, military officer; born in Lyme, Conn., in 1731; served in the resigned, 1829 ; served in the Seminole French and Indian War and in the expe- War; governor of South Carolina, 1838; dition to Havana in 1762, when he became re-entered the army in 1846 as colonel of a captain. He settled in the Wyoming the Palmetto Regiment, which he led with Valley, Pa., in 1769, and was there when great gallantry at Cerro Gordo; killed the valley was invaded by Tories and Ind- 497 H BUTTERFIELD— BYBD ians undei- Col. John Butler in 1778. In jor-general for "gallant and meritorious defence of the inhabitants he commanded service," and was for some years head of the feeble force there, but was unable to the sub-treasury in New York City. He prevent the massacre that took place, died in Cold Spring, N. Y., July 17, 1901. The next year he accompanied Sullivan Butterworth., Benjamin, statesman; in his expedition into the Indian country born in Warren county, 0., Oct. 22, 1822; in central New York, and served during educated at Ohio University; member of the remainder of the war. He died in Congress, 1879-83; 1884-90 commissioner Wilkesbarre, Pa., July 28, 1795. of patents, 1883 and 1897. He died in Butterfield, Daniel, military officer; Thomasville, Ga., Jan. 16, 1898. born in Utica, N. Y., Oct. 31, 1831; Butts, Isaac, journalist; born in Wash- graduated at Union College in 1849; be- ington, N. Y., Jan. 11, 1816; edited the Rochester Advertiser, 1845-49, and the Rochester Union, 1857-64; originated the doctrine of ."' Squatter Sovereignty," or " Popular Sovereignty " — that the people of each Territory should decide the ques- tion of slavery for themselves. He died in Rochester, N. Y., Nov. 20, 1874. Byrd, William, colonial official; born in Westover, Va., March 16, 1674. In- heriting a large fortune, and acquiring a good education, he became a leader in the promotion of science and literature in Virginia, and was made a fellow of the Royal Society of London. Long receiver- general of the revenue in Virginia, he was also three times made agent of that colony in England, and was for thirty - seven years a member, and finally president, of the King's council of the colony. He was one of the commissioners, in 1728, for running the boundary - line between came brigadier-general of volunteers soon Virginia and North Carolina. He made after the breaking out of the Civil War, notes of his operations and the incidents and took part in campaigns under Gen- thereof, which form a part of the West- erals McClellan, Burnside, Hooker, and over Manuscripts, published by Edmund Pope. He was Hooker's chief-of-staff at Ruffin in 1841. In 1733 he laid out the the battle of Lookout Mountain. At the cities of Richmond and Petersburg, Va. close of the war he was brevetted ma- He died Aug. 26, 1744. 498 DANIEL BUTTERFIELD. / University of Connecticut Libraries