L I E E
AND

LETTERS

CICERO.

LONDON:
A. and G. A. SPOTTISWOODE,

New-street- Square.

AN ACCOUNT
OF

THE LIFE AND LETTERS
OP

CICERO:
TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN

BERNARD RUDOLF ABEKEN.

EDITED

CHARLES

MEEIVALE,
AUTHOR

B.D.

" T H E HISTORY OP T H E ROMANS," ETC.

LONDON:
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS.
1854.

PREFACE.

EVERY

author who sets about his work with serious pur-

pose, has a class of readers in view to whom he hopes to
be of particular service. The present work is principally
designed for the teachers of higher classes in schools, whose
duties require them to be well acquainted with Cicero and
his writings. As long as ancient Rome is deemed a subject
worthy of men's attention, and the study of the Greeks
and Romans is considered the best groundwork for a
liberal education, the works of this writer will be read and
explained in schools, however fashion or individual taste
may lead to the occasional neglect of this or that author
and the substitution of another in his place.
The study of Cicero's writings however, setting aside
the assistance it affords in the acquirement of the Latin
language, has not been altogether productive of so much
good as might have been expected.

The teacher too fre-

quently contents himself with explaining some of the
philosophical or rhetorical treatises, or some favourite
A 3

PKEFACE.

oration, and, unless he has a peculiar power of making his
lesson interesting, it probably seems dry enough to the
student, in whom the taste for philosophy is as yet, generally speaking, dormant; whilst the speeches are calculated
to strengthen the presumption of many., in whose minds a
prejudice against the great man already exists, which
coupled with their ignorance about him, leads them to
speak with culpable levity of his foibles — especially his
vanity, and to form a low estimate of his general character.
They have not viewed him as a whole, or considered him
in his relation to his age and surrounding circumstances.
The author can remember the perplexity he himself felt,
when as a school-boy he read, amongst others, the speech
for Milo, never imagining the connexion in which it stands
with the history of Cicero and of Rome. The idea has thus
suggested itself to him, of arranging all the letters of the
great Roman in a manner which will render it easy to the
teacher who has to explain them to his pupils, but has
neither leisure nor inclination for a close study of them, to
compare them together, and illustrate them by the light of
contemporary events. Cicero's other works will be perused
with far greater advantage, and the admiration due to him
will be more certainly accorded by the discerning scholar,
when a careful study of the letters has been established
in schools, especially among the more advanced classes.
Those who recognize in the want of reverence for what is
great and admirable a principal cause of the degeneracy of

PREFACE.

Vll

our times will allow the first-rate importance of implanting
in the youthful breast the sentiments of love and veneration.
[The foregoing sentences taken from the commencement of the author's preface succinctly explain the simple
object which he set before himself in the following pages.
The remainder contains suggestions to masters and scholars
as to the best method of using the epistles of Cicero, and
concludes with an apology for the imperfections which, as
he apprehends, may be discovered in his work. These few
paragraphs it has not been thought necessary to retain.

similar liberty of omission has been occasionally exercised
in the body of the work; the author's remarks have sometimes been condensed, and his references to the views of
writers among his own countrymen, such as Wieland and
others, disregarded, where they seemed to have no interest
for the English reader.

A topographical disquisition on

Cicero's birthplace, supplied to the work by the author's
nephew, H. Abeken, has also been retrenched.
Some apology is due for a further liberty which has
been taken with the work before us, in altering its title.
« Cicero in his Letters," the designation which the author
bestowed upon it, is brief, clear and to the purpose; but
to our ears it seems, I know not why, to sound strangely,
and we must allow that there are some exceptions to the
dictum of Lucretius, that utility is the legitimate parent of

PREFACE.

Vlll

language.*

I shrink from attempting to naturalize such a

title; and in despair of finding one which should be at the
same time more English and equally expressive, have been
reduced to adopt one which evidently requires an explanation and an excuse.

The "Account of the Life and

Letters of Cicero," here presented to the English reader,
is simply an analysis of the great orator's correspondence,
which, as is well known, embraces, with a few brief interruptions, the whole course of his public life, and illustrates almost every particular of his conduct.
Such an analysis, connected and occasionally completed
by the running commentary of the author, does in fact
supply an account both of the life and letters of its illustrious subject.

I t presents us with a distinct outline of

his political action, and of the motives which directed it,
as far as any man's motives may be gathered from his
own statements and confessions.

These confessions, in

Cicero's case, are peculiarly valuable, from the manifest
unreserve with which his communications, especially those
to Atticus, are made, and perhaps the more so from the
different standard of personal honour and morality of his
time from ours, which allows him to acknowledge, without
scruple, failings which modern delicacy and self-respect
would certainly have impelled him to conceal.

I t is to

be remarked, however, that Cicero speaks but little in his
letters of his labours in ethical, political, and oratorical
* Utilitas expressit nomina rerum.

V. 1028,

PREFACE.

science; and the reader must not look to this account of
his life for the means of estimating his qualities as the
greatest master of Roman Eloquence and Speculation.
Of Cicero's character, however, as a political moralist
and statesman, the work before us seems to me to furnish
a faithful and useful analysis.

I t is a character about

which there will always be some difference of opinion, and
a curious history might be written of the fluctuations to
which it has been subject in this respect.

There has

never been a human mind the materials for estimating
which have been so ample, so complete, I may say, until
we come to quite modern times, as Cicero's; and so imperishable is the charm of this familiar knowledge, that
now, after the lapse of nineteen centuries, we can hardly
draw the attention of our contemporaries to it without
raising again the hosts of his worshippers and his critics,
as eager to do justice to it or upon it, as if he were still
alive.
I t will be sufficient, however, to introduce this work
with the remark that the reader will find a much truer
portraiture of Cicero in his letters than in his oratorical
works.

Nevertheless, it is from the latter that the popular

idea of his character is most commonly drawn; and it is
too frequently forgotten that we have no contemporary
testimony, except that of Sallust, on a single point, to
correct it.

The other ancient writers who give us de-

tailed accounts of Cicero's career lived two hundred years

PREFACE.

after him; and if Plutarch were not too good-natured,
Dion too ill-natured, and Appian too careless to be much
relied on, we should still be ignorant how far the historical
traditions of their time were themselves derived from the
statements of Cicero himself, which continued probably
from the first to outweigh, in general acceptation, the histories of Pollio and even of Livy.
For my own part, I cannot quite agree with Abeken,
if I understand him rightly to argue, in the extract I have
given from his preface, that the common reading of the
orations rather than of the letters tends unduly to lower
our opinion of the illustrious author.

The study of Cicero's

correspondence will undoubtedly enhance our appreciation
of the goodness of his heart and his lofty ideas of honour
and virtue ; but it can hardly fail, I think, to correct the
overweening estimate of his political wisdom and earnestness of purpose, to which we might be led by the perusal
of his oratorical and philosophical works only.

His letters

reveal to us that the sage and statesman of the expiring
Republic excelled none of his most eminent contemporaries
either in candour or foresight.

If it cannot be said of him

that he rose above the prejudices of his class and position,
— the idola tribus which test the genuineness of every
pretension to superior wisdom, — what benefit did he derive
from all the lessons of philosophy he learned and taught?
What did he gain from revolving the comments of
Aristotle upon the hundred and fifty polities of antiquity,

PREFACE.

if they failed to teach him that the crisis of the Roman
free-state was inevitable; that wisdom and patriotism
might temper, but should hardly have desired to avert it;
if they did not lead him to distinguish names from things,
and discriminate between the living and active constitution of the sixth century, and the stately ruin of the
seventh?

I t is humiliating to the pretensions of human

genius, but it not the less becomes us to acknowledge it,
that after all his efforts to purge his mental vision of the
films of prejudice, Cicero was blind to the real fact, that
his devotion to the Commonwealth was grounded not so
much upon his conviction of its actual merits, as of its fitness for the display of his own abilities.
It was no part of the intention of the author of this
work to lead his readers to such views as these, and it is
very possible that their study of it may bring them to a
different conclusion.

However that may be, the following

pages seem to me to represent the facts of the case with
lucidity and fairness, and in sufficient detail for forming
an accurate conception of the man and his times.

This

translation has accordingly been made, at my suggestion,
as a help to the English student of the most important
era of antiquity.

A few notes added by myself are dis-

tinguished from the author's by brackets, but no opinion
has been expressed, except in one or two cases, on the
views of the writer.

These may not be uniformly identical

with my own, but they are always sensible and honourable;

xil

PREFACE.

and I trust that the consideration of them will prove as serviceable to others as it has been to myself.
The double references In the margin are to the chronological numeration of Schiitz, and to the ordinary arrangement.

Billerbeck's arrangement is identical with Schiitz's,

except that he affixes the numbers 568, 569. to Div. v. 14,
15./ which Schiitz had marked 568a, 568b.

From this

point the numeration of the former continues always one in
advance of that of the latter.
C. MERIVALE.
Lawford, Feb. 15th, 1854.]

AN ACCOUNT
OF THE

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICEEO.

INTRODUCTION,
A SHORT CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY OF THE LIFE OF CICERO,
AND OF CONTEMPORARY EVENTS, UP TO THE PERIOD WHEN
HIS LETTERS BEGIN.

T H E period at which Cicero was born was in itself one of
momentous importance, and the more so from its bearing
within it the seeds of those great events which were destined
to overturn the Roman commonwealth, and to elevate the
City of the Seven Hills to entire sovereignty over the then
known world, yet eventually also to bring on the gradual
decline and final ruin of that stupendous power. At this
epoch, the war occasioned by the migration of the Cimbri
and Teutones was still raging: in the year before Cicero's
birth, the Consul L. Cassius Longinus had suffered a severe defeat from the Helvetian tribe of the Tigurini; in
the year that he was born the Jugurthine war had been
terminated by Marius and his Quaestor Sulla. The same
year witnessed the commencement of the jealousy between
those two personages, which, at a later period, produced
B

LIEE AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

so terrible a civil war; a war, however, which was only the
prelude to a party struggle yet more important and more
extensive in its consequences, and which proved ultimately decisive of the fate of Rome. Pompeius, the future
chief of one of these parties, was born in the same year
with Cicero. Marius had shown with what success an
able and enterprising captain could sway the mass of the
people for his own ambitious ends; and, though he subsequently gave way before the conquering fortunes of Sulla,
any unprejudiced person must have foreseen that the Aristocracy or Optimates of this period would be forced to
succumb, if brought into collision with a second and a
greater Marius.
A.U. 648. B.C. 106. Cic. MT. I.

Cicero was born in the year of the City 648*, in the
\ciQ.Brut. consulate of C. Atilius Serranus and L. Servilius Caepio1,
2 j?p.65i.2., on the 3rd of January 2 , on an estate in the neighbourhood
296.3. (AtL

. \

° .

xiii. 42., vii. of Arpmum, a municipality or the ancient Volscian territory. His father, after whom he was named Marcus, was
content to reside in the country on account of the weakness of his health, and there devoted himself to literature.
He must have been a man of some wealth and consideration, as his family was of long standing in Arpmum, and
s^p.437. belonged to the Equestrian order 3 , and he was himself
io.)?2)"pW#.able to increase his estate and to provide handsomely for
the education of his two sons, of whom Quintus was about
* The chronology of the present work follows that of Znmpt's Annals
[Annates veterum Regnorum et Populoram'], which place the building of
Home in the year 753 B.C., according to the system of Varro. [This is
the system generally followed. See Clinton, Fasti Hellen. et Roman.;
Fischer, Romische Zeittafeln; Orelli, Mem. Vit. Cic; Billerbeck, Cic.
Epist. But Schiitz, in his edition of Cicero's letters, follows the Fasti
Capitolini, making the A.u. 1 = B.C. 752, and A.c. 1 = B.C. 106 = A.TJ. 647.]

u. 648.

B.C. 106.

cic. 1.

two or three years younger than Marcus.* He was, moreover, a well-disposed and sensible man, and of independent
character. The mother, Helvia f, seems to have been of a
good family. Cicero was surrounded by relations both on
her side and that of his father, who exercised a great influence over his active mind. Lucius, his father's brother,
was nearly connected with the great orator AntoniusJ;
and his mother's sister was married to Aculeo, one of the
most distinguished lawyers of his time, and an intimate
friend of Crassus, wThose reputation as an orator equalled
that of Antonius.§ The young Ciceros were brought up
with the sons of Aculeo from the time they wTere removed
to Rome. The son of his uncle Lucius, who bore the same
name, was amongst the number of Marcus's most intimate
friends.1 His paternal grandfather was still living at the^o. \.(A
time of his birth, and appears to have been also an able '
man, of the ancient austere school, and possessed of some
influence in Arpinum. His grandson mentions him with
great respect in many passages of his works.2 The coun-].f^f^
try seat at Arpinum was very pleasantly situated, so that 0 r a i ' l u Gt>'
Cicero's youth was most favourably endowed both morally
and physically with the requisites for happiness. In his
second Book de Oratore, he notices the effect produced
upon his mental culture by the characters of his surrounding relatives.
* Haze est mea et hujus fratris met germqna patina; hinc enim orti stirpe
mitiquissima sumus; hie sacra, hie genus, hie majorum multa vestigia.—De
Legg., ii. 1. This chapter, with de Orat, i. 43., ii. 1., is the principal
source of the above, and of part of the following.
f Q. Cicero, Mp. 855., (Div. xii. 26.) tells an odd anecdote of her, which
represents her as a good housewife of the ancient stamp.
J The grandfather of the triumvir.
§ Both orators are commemorated in Cicero's books de Oratore. See
.also Brut 37. foil.
13 2

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.
A. IT. 649. B.C. 105. Cic. 2.
Consuls: P. RUTILIUS RUFUS ; CN. MALUUS MAXIMUS.

The second year of Cicero's life is marked by the severe
defeat which the Consular Q. Caepio and the Consul Mallius sustained in Gaul from the Cimbri.
A.U. 650. B.C. 104. Cic. 3.
C. MARIUS II.;

C. FLAVIUS FIMBRIA.

Marius celebrates his triumph over Jugurtha on January 1st, and then prepares for war against the Cimbri.
A.U. 651. B.C. 103. Cic. 4.
C. MARIUS I I I . ;

L. AURELIUS ORESTES.

A new servile war breaks out in Sicily (the first, under
the slave king Eunus, had lasted from 619 to 623); and
the insurgent chief Athenio defeats the Praetor C. Servilius Casca. The celebrated orator Antonius is sent
against the Cilician pirates. He goes to Cilicia with
consular power, and takes with him Lucius, the uncle of
orat.ii. Cicero.1 Marius remains with his army in Transalpine
Gaul, still occupied in preparations for a desperate struggle
with the migratory nations,
A.U. 652. B.C. 102. Cic. 5.
0. MARIUS IV.;

Q. LUTATIUS CATULUS.

Marius completely defeats the Teutones and Ambrones
at Aquae Sextiae, whilst the Cimbri are advancing in the
direction of Italy, In this year the poet Archias comes
to Rome.
A.IT. 653. B.C. 101- Cic. 6.
C. MARIUS V.;

M'. AQUILLIUS.

Marius comes to the assistance of the Proconsul Ca~

A.u. 654.

B.C. 100.

cic. 7.

tulus, and they both defeat the Cirabri near Verona; so
that Rome is now secured from the attack of the Germans.
A.U. 654. B.C. 100.
MAKIUS VI.;

Cic. 7.

L. VALERIUS FLACCUS.

This year is marked by the disturbances excited by the
Tribune L. Saturninus and the Praetor Glaucia. These
daring men were at first secretly encouraged by Marius,
but afterwards shaken off by him, and fell victims to their
own rashness. Then also Q. Metelius displayed the aristocratic firmness which afterwards served Cicero so often for
Vpattern and ideal.* I t may probably have been in this
year that Cicero took up his residence in Rome, for in his
speech for Archias he says, " as far as he can look back
into his boyish years, he finds this man his guide to learning." The ftither, no doubt, had early become aware of
the talents of his sons, and he hastened to procure for
them the proper cultivation in Rome, where he possessed
a house of his own. The orator Crassus conducted their
iucation as well as that of their cousins the Aculeos 1 , * Deorat u.
and provided tutors for them, of whose information he
availed himself also.
Antonius bestowed some attention on the boy Cicero,
• and willingly answered the questions of the young enquirer after knowledge 2 , whose extraordinary talents soon * z« omt. a.
>
began to excite astonishment in a wider circle. When
(A. U. 660) L. Plotius Gallus, an eminent rhetorician,
opened a Latin school, and Cicero was desirous of enjoy&ig the advantages of his instruction, he was prevented by
the authority of men of learning, who pronounced Greek
* Q. Metelius Numidicus refused to swear obedience to the agrarian
. law of Saturmnus, and retired into voluntary exile. Cicero refers to this
magnanimous act on several occasions. See particularly pro Sest. 47. ; pro
Piano. 36.; de Rep. i. 3. 6.
B 3

L I F E AND LETTERS O F CICERO.

Kuct.<*« exercises to be a better training for the mind.1 Cicerc
2.,ctQuintii". was instructed in the art of poetry by Archias. I t is noi
Inst.i. 1.;

Geii. xv. 11. certain to what years these circumstances should be specially assigned.
A. U. 655. B. C. 99. Cic. 8.
M. ANTONITTS (the Orator) ; A. POSTUMIUS ALBINUS.

The Proconsul M. Aquillius puts an end to the Servile
war. The Optimates obtain a triumph in the recall o(
Metellus. B u t the same year witnesses the birth of the
man who was destined to give the Roman world a new
form, by the hands of the Romans themselves, and t5
raise himself to supreme power,—Caius Julius Caesar.
A. U. 656. B. C. 98. Cic. 9.
Q. C/5CILIUS METELLUS N E P O S ; T. DIDITFS.

The Lex Ccecilia Didia is passed: scil. de Legibus per
trinvndinum promulgandis.*
A.U. 657. B.C. 97. Cic. 10.
CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS; P . LICINIUS CRASSUS.

The Censors L, Valerius Flaccus and M. Antonius the
Orator take the census. The Proconsul T. Didius, under
wThom Q. Sertorius serves as Tribune, maintains a severe
struggle against the Celtiberians in Spain.
A.U. 658. B.C. 96.

Cic. 11.

CN. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS ; C. CASSIUS LONGINUS.

Ptolemy Apion having in his will appointed the Romafrpeople heirs to his kingdom of Cyrene, the Senate declares it a free state.
* Seo the Sohol. Bob. ad Cic. pro Scst. p. 310. Orcll.
Scsiio, 64.; fro Domo, 16.; Philipp. v. 3. 8.

Coinp, Cic. pro

u. 659.

B.C. 95.

cic. 12.

A.U. 659. B.C. 95, Cic. 12.
L. LICJNIUS CRASSUS (the Orator); L. Mucius SC^EVOLA (Pout. Max.).

The Lex Licinhts Mitcia de civibus regundis gives occasion remotely to the Social war.*
A.U. 660. B.C. 94. Cic. 13.
C. CJISLITJS CALDUS J L, DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS.

C. Norbanus is accused of treason, after the expiration
of his tribunate, by P . Sulpicius Rufus, but is defended
by M. Antonius the Orator, and though guilty is acquitted.
A.U. 661.

B.C. 93. Cic. H .

C. VALERIUS FLACCUS; M. HERENNIUS.

L. Sulla is Praetor. Didius and P . Crassus triumph as
conquerors of the two provinces of Spain.
A.U. 662. B.C. 92. Cic. 15.
C. CLAUDIUS PULCHER ; M.

PERPERNA.

L. Sulla, Propraetor in Asia, reinstates Ariobarzanes
on the throne of Cappadocia, which country had been
invaded by Mithridates, king of Pontus.
A.U. 663. B.C. 91. Cic. 16.
L. MARCIUS PHILIPPUS; SEXT. JULIUS CJESAR.

M. Livius, Tribune of the people, excites disturbances
by an attempt to revive the laws of the Gracchi. H e is
Jailed while endeavouring to carry a law " de civitate sociis
* [A&conhis in Cornel, p. 67. Gum summa cupiditate civitatis jRomana
Italici populi tenerentur} et oh ill magna pars cor urn pro civibus liomanis so
gereret, necessaria lex vis'a est, lit in sua quisque civitatis jus rcdigcrctur.
Vcnim ca lege ita alienati sunt animi princvpum Ilalicorum populorum, ut
ea vel maxima causa belli Italici, quod 2iost triennium exortum est, t'uerit.]
B 4

L I F E AND L E T T E R S OP CICERO.

clanda" This gives occasion to the war which breaks on
in this year.
Cicero places in this year the conversation which i
contained in his books de Oratore. A t this time also die
the orator Crassus, an event which is finely described ii
1

De Orat. iii. t h a t
12.
a

WOrk.1

Although Cicero occupied himself much with the art o
pint,CTC2. poetry (his poem of Pontius Glaucus 2 is to be referred t<
this period*), he did not withdraw himself from severe
studies.
A.U. 664. B.C. 90. Cic. 17.
L. JULIUS CJESAB; P, RUTILIUS LUPUS.

The social war is prosecuted with great vigour on botl
sides. The Lex Julia gives the right of citizenship to the
Latins and some cities of Etruria. Mithridates invades
Cappadocia and Bithynia, but is driven back by the
legates M \ Aquillius and Manilius Mancinus.
3
Brut. 88.
In his Brutusz, Cicero says " Hortensiojlorente, Crassm
est mortuus, Cotta pulsus, judicia intermissa helloy nos v$
forum venimus"
Crassus died on the 20th September of
* De orat. iii. the preceding year.4 C. Cotta was excluded from the
Tribunate a few days after, and at the end of two months
found himself compelled to leave the city. All this took
place, therefore, at the end of the year 663, or in the
beginning of 664 ; in which latter year the courts of
justice were suspended. From this it appears probable
that Cicero received the Toga Virilis in January of the
year 664, on the completion of his sixteenth year, agree-,
ably to custom, and that he began to attend the Forum at
the commencement of his seventeenth year. His father
now introduced him to the celebrated lawyer Quintus
* Probably also his heroic poem in praise of Marhis. Be Legg. i. 1.

A. u. 665.

c. 89.

c i o . 18.

Mucius Scaevola the Augur 1 , whom he never quitted. ' ^Amicit
to
x
'

1 ; Hrut. 81)

After his death he first attached himself to the equally
celebrated Pontifex Maximus of the same name.
I t must have been at this time that Cicero translated
the Phenomena and Prognostica of Aratus into Latin verse.
We still possess some fragments of this composition.2 * lhNtL.L
The Epic poem, of which Marius was the hero 3 , was l0^ mvin .
certainly composed at a later period, but hardly posterior 47to the death of Sulla.* The Epicurean Phsedrus was the
teacher of philosophy most beloved by Cicero in the
earliest years of his education.4
\Ki>- M- -•;
&•

Die. x m . 1.

A.U. 665. B.C. 89. Cic. 18.
CN. POMPEIUS STRABO ; L. PORTIUS CATO.

The Lex Plautia Papiria confers the right of citizenship
on the allied cities of Italy, with the exception of those of
Samnium and Lucania. Meanwhile Mithridates has conquered and driven away Nicomedes, king of Bithynia.
How various were the branches of education considered
"necessary to the youth of Rome, with regard to their
public duties alone, we gather from the fact, that Cicero
this year performed military service in the Social war,
and in the army of the Consul Cngeus Pompeius, whose
sou was afterwards so famous. In one of the Philippics,
he mentions a scene at which he was present in this war.f
* Of Cicero's poetry Quintilian says, Carminibus utinam pepercisset, qzus
non desierunt carpere maligni. Quint. Inst. Orat. xii. 1. 21.
f [Memini colloquia et cum acerrimis kostibus et cum gravissime dissentientibus civibiis. Cn. Pompems Sexti filius, consul, me prcesente, cum essem
tiro in ejus exercitu, cum P. Vettio Scato?ie, duce Marsorum, inter bina castra
collocutus est. Quo quidem memini Sex. Pompeium, fratrem consulis, ad colloquium ipsum Roma venire; quern quum Scato salutasset, Quern te appellem? inquit. At ille, Voluntate hospitem, necessitate hostem. Erat in
illo colloquio cequitas; nidlus timorf nulla suberat >suspicio ; mediocre etiam
odium.—Philipp. xii. 11.]
B 5

L I F E AND L E T T E R S OF CICERO.

The duration of his service, however, was probably but
Biui.w. short; for in his Brutus1, he says expressly, that in the
year before the Consulate of Sulla and Pompeius (§§§\
he was diligently employed in the study of the civil lawunder the tuition of Scaevola.

A.U. 666. B.C. 88. Cic. 19.
L. CORNELIUS SULLA; L. POMPEIUS RUFUS.

The Social war is continued by L. Pompaedius Silo,
who, however, is defeated, with the Samnite army, by
Servius Sulpicius. Partly in consequence of this victory,*
and partly also because the anxiety inspired by Mithridates induces the Romans to extend the franchise to all
Jtaly, the war is brought to an end. The Consul Sulla is
entrusted with the province of Asia, and with the prosecution of the Mithridatic war. The tribune P . Sulpicius obtains, by violent means, a decree for enrolling
the new citizens among all the thirty-five tribes. He
deprives Sulla of his province and command, and trans-*
fers them both to Marius. Sulla flies to his army, leads
it against Rome, and overthrows the Sulpician enactments.
Sulpicius is killed. Marius and his son are proscribed,
and take to flight. Sulla now marches against Mithridates, who has made himself master of nearly the whole
province of Asia.
In this year the Academician Philo, with many Athenians of distinction flying from the disturbances consequent upon the Mithridatic war, comes to Rome, where
Cicero devotes himself entirely to him, having embraced
the study of philosophy with great ardour, since the ordia
Jirut.B9.i nary forms of judicial process seemed to be entirely
i,%.;ddMu. destroyed. 2 Meanwhile the harangues of the Tribune
Sulpicius, which he heard daily, were important to him

u. 667.

B. c. 87.

c i c . 20.

from the insight they gave him into the arts of Demal Bi ut 89
gogues.* l
' A. U. 667. B. C. 87. Oic. 20.
CN. OCTAVIUS ; L. CORNELIUS CINNA.

Archelaus, the admiral of Mithridates, was received
with joy in Athens. Whilst Sulla consumes the whole year
in the siege of this city and its harbours, the Consul
Cinna follows out the designs of Sulpicius, but is expelled
from Rome by his colleague Octavius, who stands at the
head of the Optimates. Cinna raises an army in the
south of Italy, joins Marius, and returns with him to
Rome. In the proscription that follows, among other
distinguished men, the orators M. Antonius, Q. Catulus,
and C. Julius, are cruelly murdered. 2 Cicero's lamenta- *r>rut. so.
tion on this event merits attention. 3 H e himself was 3 D& omt m.
3.

destined to experience the fate of M. Antonius, at the
hands of the murdered man's grandson.
During this period of terror, Cicero remained quiet, and
(attended the lessons of the rhetorician Molo, of Rhodes,
actorem summarn causarum et magis&um.4 In order to l nmt. 89,90.
perfect his style, he also continued to make translations
from the Greek, as, for instance, from the CEconomicus of
s
Xenophon. 5
*>* Q^n. 24.
A.U. 668. B.C. 86. Cic. 21.
L. CORNELIUS CINNA I I . ;

C. MARIUS

VII.

Sulla reduces Athens on the 1st of March. Afterwards
he defeats the army of Mithridates, at Chasronea. Marius
* [Cicero himself throws no such disparagement upon them. His words
are, Turn Sulpicii in tribunatu quotidie concionantis totum genus dioendi
penitus cognovimus. Notwithstanding the defection of Sulpicius from tho
ranks of the Optimates, Cicero always speaks of his oratorical powers
with the highest admiration. Seo particularly, do Orat. i. 29.; iii. 8 ;
do Har. resp. 19.; Brut. 49. 55.]
» 0

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

dies at the beginning of the year. The Consul substituted
in his place, L. Valerius Flaccus, goes to Greece in order
to extort the command from Sulla, who had already begun
to treat with Archelaus.
About this time Cicero began to write upon the theory
of the art of speaking, and it was perhaps as early as
this that he composed the books de Inventione (more correctly Rhetorica), of which, at a later period, he disapproved. He is believed to speak of these in the de Orat
i. 2. [ Quce pueris aut adolescentulis nobis ex commentariolis
nostris inchoata de medio conciderunt.~\ They form the
beginning of a more comprehensive work, which, however,
was never completed.*
A.U. 669. B.C. 85. Cic. 22.
L. CORNELIUS CINNA I I I . ;

CN. PAPIBIUS CARBO.

The consuls prepare at Rome for a contest with Sulla.
Many of the principal inhabitants fly to Greece to join
him. Flaccus being killed by his mutinous soldiery,
C. Fimbria conducts the war against Mithridates, on th^
part of the Marians, and with success.
A. U. 670. 3. 0. 84. Cic. 23.
CN. PAPIRIUS CARBO I I . ;

L. CORNELIUS CINNA

IV.

The Consul Cinna being about to sail to Asia, to
* See Ersch and Griiber's Encycl. art. Cicero, pp. 207, 208., which
contains also the judgment of the learned on the four books ad Herennium
which were formerly ascribed by some to Cicero. Hand, the writer of this
article, esteems it probable that these books and those de Inventione, which
have much in common, are mutually borrowed from a teacher's compendium, the teacher being some Latin.rhetorician; the books ad Herennium he supposes, from iv. 54., to be composed after the other. Schiitz,
in his Prolegomena to Cicero's Rhetorical Works, imagines that they may
be attributed to Gruipho. (Suet, de cl. Gramm. 7.) [The English reader is
referred upon this and similar questions to Prof. Ramsay's article on Cicere
in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography.]

A.u. 671.

B.O.

83.

cic. 24.

oppose Sulla, is put to death by his soldiers at Ancona.
Sulla concludes a peace with Mithridates in Asia, and
then passes over into Greece.
Cicero prosecutes his studies with great diligence. H e
applies himself in particular to Dialectics 1 under t h e 1
tuition of the Stoic Diodotus, whom he takes into his
own house (where Diodotus afterwards died 2 ). H e never *
passed a day without exercising himself in oratory. He
declaimed chiefly in Greek, but occasionally also in his
mother tongue.
A . U . 671.
L.

B . C . 83.

CORNELIUS SCIPIO ; C.

Cic. 24.

J U L I U S NORBANUS.

Sulla lands at Brundisium, the Consuls with Sertorius
and the younger Marius having meanwhile assembled
a powerful army against him. H e defeats the Consul
Norbanus at Canusium; the army of Scipio goes over to
him, and Pompeius brings him troops which he has raised
ift' Picenum. The Capitol is struck by lightning and
consumed.
A. U . 672.

B. C. 82.

Cic. 25.

C. M A R I U S ; C N . P A P I R I U S CARBO

III.

Sulla is completely victorious over the Marians, in
Italy, while Pompeius, taking his side, defeats Carbo in
Gaul, and captures and puts him to death in Sicily ; (the
following year Pompeius is in Africa, where he conquers
Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus). The Consul Marius, son
of C. Marius, at the age of twenty-six, kills himself in
Proeneste, and this city surrenders. Sulla proscribes the
Marians, and is made dictator for life. Pompeius becomes
his son-in-law.

L I F E AND L E T T E R S OE CICERO.
A.U. 673. B.C. 81.

Cic. 26.

M. TUIXIUS DECULA; CN. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA.

Brut. 90.

Leges etjudicia

constituta ; recuperata

respuhlica}

Sulla restores the judicia to the senate; limits the
power of the Tribunes ; triumphs over Mithridates.
About this time Cicero makes his first appearance as a
legal advocate ; he delivers in causa privata the speech for
P . Quintius which we still possess.
A. U. 674. 13. C. 80.
L. CORNELIUS SULLA I I . ;

Cic. 27.

Q,. C^ECILIUS METELLUS PIUS.

Nola surrenders, having been till now defended by the
Samnites ; and thus the civil war is ended. Sulla founds
twenty-three colonies for his veterans. Sertorius maintains the Marian cause in Spain. Pompeius triumphs
over Hiarbas of Numidia, who had given assistance to
Domitius.
Cicero defends Sextus Roscius of Ameria, accused of
parricide. Prima causa publica, pro Sex. Rondo dicing
tantum commendationis habuit, ut non ulla esset, qua non
*n>vt.w. digna nostro patrocinio videretur.2
We are in possession of this speech, and the treatise de
Off. ii. 14. may be referred to in proof of its boldness.*
* [" Cicero's courage in defending and obtaining the acquittal of Roscius,
under the circumstances in which it was undertaken, was applauded by the
whole city. By this public opposition to the avarice of the agent of Sulla,
who was then in the plenitude of his power, and by the energy with which
he resisted the oppressive proceeding, he fixed his character for a fearless
and zealous patron of the injured, as much as for an accomplished orator,;
The defence of Roscius, which acquired him so much reputation in his"
youth, was remembered by him with such delight in his old age, that he
recommends to his son, as the surest path to true honour, to defend those
who are unjustly oppressed, as he himself had done in many causes, but
particularly in that of Roscius of Ameria, whom he had protected against
Sulla himself in the height of his authority."—Dunlop, Hist, of Bom. Lit.
ii. 279.]

u. 675.

B.C. 79.

cic. 29.

To the same epoch should perhaps be referred the speech
for the murderer Varrenus, who, however, was not acquitted. W e have only fragments of it.
Cicero again attends the Rhodian Molo, who was come
as ambassador from his city, to procure from the senate a
l
reward for its
fidelity.1
Brut oo
A. U. G75. B. 0. 79. Cic. 29.
L. SEKVILIUS VATIA ; APPIUS CLAUDIUS PUI CILEU.

Sulla resigns the dictatorship.
A t this time, or at all events before his journey into
Greece, Cicero defended the cause of a woman of Arretium, who had been refused the enjoyment of complete
citizenship, against Cotta, the most renowned advocate of
the day. 2 Here, as in the defence of Roscius, he exposed *P/vCivc.23
himself to the displeasure of Sulla; for the suit was connected with the circumstance of Sulla having deprived
the Arretines of the right of Roman civitas.
After this Cicero took a journey into Greece, not, as
Plutarch asserts 3 , from fear of Sulla, for his speech in 3riut. cic 3.
favour of Roscius is a proof to the contrary, but in order
to perfect himself in his art, and to acquire a manner of
delivery which might adapt itself to his want of bodily
vigour.*4 H e came to Athens, and first devoted himself *Bmt.di.
for six months to philosophy, under Antiochus of Ascalon,
* [Erat co tempore in nobis summa gracilitas et infirmitas corporis;
procerum et tcnue collum: qui habitus et quce figura non procul abcsse
mriatur a viue periculo si acccdit labor et laterum magna contentio. Eoque
magis hoc eos quibus eram cants commovebat, quod omnia sine remissione, sine varietate, vi summa vocis et totius corporis contentione dicebam.
Itaque quum me et amici et medici hortarentur, ut causas agere desistercm,
quodvis potius periculum mihi adeundum quam a spirata diccndi g?o>ia
disccdeoidum putavi. Scd quum censcrem remissione et modcratiouc vocis,
et commutatogenere dicendi, me et periculum vitarep>osse et tempcratius dieere,
ut consuetudinem dicendi mutarem ea causa mihiiu Asiam proficisccndi fwit. \

L I F E AND LETTERS OP CICEBO.

itfr«*.i.c; the most eminent teacher of the old academy.1
F-lut. Ctc. 4.

His
.

brother Quintus, his cousin Lucius, and T* Pomponius
*DeF(n.v.i. Atticus studied there with him.2 At the same time he
sjfoitf.i.c. practised oratory under Demetrius Syrus. 3 He also attended the lectures of the Epicureans Zeno and Phasdrus,
in order to gain a deeper insight into their system, and
«^i)tf!V».i.5.)for the sake of Atticus, who attached himself to it.4
A.IT. 676.

B.C. 78. Cio. 29.

M. JEMILIUS LEPIDUS ; Q. LUTATIUS CATULUS.

Sulla dies at the age of sixty. The consul, M. Lepidus,
attempts to change his ordinances, but is prevented by his
colleague, and retires to his province of Transalpine Gaul,
where he threatens war. Q. Metellus carries on war
against Sertorius, who has well nigh succeeded in establishing an independent kingdom in Spain.
Cicero travels through Asia, and practises his art under
Menippus of Stratonice, at that time the most famous
orator of that country ; at the same time he visits Dionysius of Magnesia, iEschylus of Cnidus, and Xenocles of
Adramyttium, whom he reckons amongst the best rhetori* Brut. 9i. cians of Asia.5 After this he practises once more under
Molo of Rhodes, with whose assistance he rids himself of
the youthful exaggeration and redundancy of ornament
«Brut* i. c which still adhered to his style.6 He attends also at
>
DeNat. Rhodes the Stoic Posidonius.7
Plut. Cic> 4.

A.U. 677. B.C. 77. Cic. 30.
D. JUNIUS BRUTUS ; MAM. JEMILIUS LEPIDUS.

At the Milvian bridge, Q. Catulus, as proconsul, defeats M. Lepidus, who was marching against Rome. Defeated a second time in Etruria, he is compelled to retreat
into Sardinia, where he soon after dies* A portion of his

A . u . 678.

B.C. 76.

cic. 31.

army goes over to Sertorius, in Spain. Pompeius is sent
thither, equal in authority with Metellus, but at first is
not successful.
Cicero returns to Rome, non modo exercitatior, sed prope
mutatusy physically as well as mentally. 1 At that time l £r«*. 91.
Cotta and Hortensius were distinguishing themselves beyond all other orators* in Rome. 2 The latter was eight 2srut. 91.
years older than Cicero.
In this year, probably, Cicero married Terentia; a
person, apparently, of good family. Her sister Fabia was
3
one of the vestal Virgins. 3
Ascon. at
°

Or. in Togt
cand.

A.U. 678. B.C. 76. Cic. 31.
CN. OCTAVIUS ; C. SCRIBONIUS CURIO.

Sertorius, supported by the inhabitants of the country,
holds out valiantly in Spain against Metellus and Pompeius. The Tribunes, especially Sicinius, endeavour to
Tecover the powers of which Sulla had deprived them.
The Consuls and the Senate resist them. Sicinius is slain
in a tumult.
Cicero delivers several orations 4 , and among others4Brut.$2.
one, which is still extant, in defence of Roscius the comedian, from whom, as well as from the tragedian ^Esopus,
he had taken lessons in delivery.5 Then, having arrived 3 piut. ck.
at the age fixed by law {anno suo*), he is appointed
* [These words are not quoted from Cicero, but are Abeken's own
explanation. Wex, in the Rhein. Mus. 1844, translated in the Class.
Mus. No. 10., supposes the phrase to refer to the statutable interval between
the different offices, rather than the age at which each might be held. It is
not clear what was the statutable age for each of the great offices under the
republic ; but if, according to the analogy of the offices in the municipia,
which is ascertained from the tabula Heracleensis, the cctas qucestoria was
thirty years "complete, Cicero became quaestor at the earliest time allowed
by law, being in his thirty-first year (complete all but three days) on
Jan. 1, 679. He afterwards entered upon the sedileship, prsetorship, and

L I F E AND LETTEES OF CICEEO.

Quaestor, and the province of Lilybaeum, in Sicily, falls to
i Brut. i. c. him by lot. Hortensius obtains the JEdileship.1
A.U. 679. B.C. 75. Cic. 32.
L . OCTAVIUS ; C. AtJRELIUS COTTA.

The Tribunes recover the right of suing for the chief
magistracies. Bithynia, bequeathed to the Romans by its
King Mithridates, is constituted a province. P . Servilius
annexes Cilicia to the Republic by force of arms. The
contest with Sertorius is continued. Mithridates prepares to renew the war. Cicero administers the quaestor's/?* verr. ship under the Prsetor Sext. Peducseus.2
Act. 2. lib. v.

14.; Brut. 29.

A. U. 680. B. C. 74. Cic. 33.
L. LICINIUS LUCULLUS ; M. AURELIUS COTTA.

Mithridates invades Asia with a large force. The war
against him is entrusted to the consul Lucullus by land,
and to his colleague by sea.
Metellus and Pompeius are almost compelled by Sertorius to abandon Spain. Mithridates besieges Cyzicus,
but is blockaded by Lucullus. Cicero returns to Rome
3

Pro pianc. from Sicily. 3

2G, 27.

A.U. 681. B.C. 73.

Cic. 34.

M. TERENTIUS VARRO ; C. CASSIUS VARUS.

Mithridates, having lost nearly the whole of his army by
consulship in succession, in his thirty-seventh, fortieth, and forty-third year
respectively ; and as he speaks of these as being held each nostro anno,
we may deduce from them both the legal intervals and the legal age.
The consular age he fixes to the forty-third year by a passage in his
Philipp. v. 17.: Macedo Alexander nonne tertio et vicesimo anno mortem obiit
quce est cetas nostris legihus decern minor quam consularis. The Lex ViUia
Annalis which assigned these epochs was A. u. 574. But that this law was
not strictly adhered to appears from the case of Julius Cassar, who was
born 655, praetor 692, set. 37, consul 695, ast. 40.]

A.u. 682.

B.C. 72.

cic. 35.

famine, flies to the sea, where his fleet is destroyed by a
storm. The Servile war breaks out in Italy, under the
conduct of Spartacus. C. Verres, in this and the two
next years, carries on, as Propraetor, his maladministration
of Sicily. Cicero, during the same period, is actively enengaged in the Forum.
A. tJ. 682. B. C. 72. Cic. 35.
L. GELLIUS POPLICOLA ; CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS CLODIANUS.

Successes of Spartacus.
Sertorius is murdered by his mutinous soldiers, after
maintaining himself for eight years. Perperna, succeeding
to his position, is overcome and killed by Pompeius. Lucullus enters Pontus, and besieges Amisus. Cotta besieges Heraclea.
A.U. 683. B.C. 71. Cic. 36.
CN. AUFIDIUS ORESTES ; P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SURA.

M. Crassus, as Praetor, is successful against the slaves.
Spartacus is slain, and the remnant of his followers destroyed soon afterwards by Pompeius, on his return from
Spain. M. Antonius (father of the Triumvir), abusing
the authority committed to him for the defence of the
coast, is defeated by the Cretans and slain. Lucullus,
having left Murena behind at Amisus, engages Mithridates in Cappadocia. He is unsuccessful at first; but defeats the enemy while making his retreat. Triumph of
Metellus and Pompeius over Spain.
A.U. 684. B.C. 70. Cic. 37.
M. LICINIUS CRASSUS ; CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS Qegibus solutus *).

The consuls restore the tribunitian power.

By the

* [Pompeius was exempted from the Lex Annalls, and became consul in
his thirty-seventh year, having served none of the curule magistracies, and

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Lex Aurelia, the Senate, the Knights, and the serarian
Tribunes acquire equal participation in the Judicia publico,.
Lucullus takes Amisus and Sinope, together with some
other cities. Cotta reduces Heraclea, and gives it up to
plunder. Mithridates flies to Tigranes, king of Armenia,
at that time ruler of the greatest part of Syria.
Cicero, elected ^Edile, impeaches Verres as patron of
the Sicilians; thus, for the first and only time, appearingv
in the character of accuser. By his speech entitled Divinatioy he succeeded in setting aside another accuser in the
person of Q, Caecilius, and thus got the entire management
of the cause into his own hands. He placed great confidence in his oratorical skill, which he considered now to
1
Brut. 92. have attained its maturity. 1 He made a journey into
Sicily in order to prepare for this most important process,
and visited every part of the island. On the 7th of
August he opened the cause, in a speech of which we only
possess the introduction, briefly pointing out the crimes of
Verres. The accused, being deserted by his patron Hortensius, suddenly withdrew into voluntary exile; and
Cicero, for his own justification, detailed his charges at
3
orator. 29. length in five books,* which are still extant. 2
62

•

In this year Virgil was born.
A. II. 685. B. C. 69. Cic. 38.
Q. HORTENSIUS ; Q. C^CILIUS METELLUS CRETICUS.

Lucullus crosses the Euphrates, and besieges Tigranocerta, the capital of Tigranes. The latter advances to its
relief, and is signally defeated. Tigranocerta is taken.
The temple of Jupiter Capitolinus having been rebuilt, is
dedicated by Q. Catulus.
not obtained thereby a place in the Senate : adhuc Romanus eques.—Lucan,
Phars. vii. init. He was born A. u. 648, in the same year as Cicero, but
nine months later.]

A.u. 685.

B.C. 69.

cic. 38.

Cicero, being JEdile this year, gives the customary
games in a style of moderate display.1 H e defends M. \[r.°^u/^
Fonteius, accused on the ground of illegal conduct in the i u 17province of Gaul. W e possess fragments only of this
speech. Probably to this year also belongs the speech for
Csecina in causa civili; and also that for P . Oppius. [The
speech for M. Tullius is assigned by Dvumann, Gesch.
^Roms, v. 258., to A. u. 683, B. C. 71.]

BOOK I.

LETTERS

CICERO,

WRITTEN BEFORE HIS CONSULATE,
IN THE TEAKS

686 TO 689.

CICERO ASPIRING TO POLITICAL EMINENCE.

BOOK I.
SURVEY OF HISTORICAL EVENTS.

A. U. 686. B. C. 68. CiC 39.
L. C^CILIUS METELLUS ; Q. MARCUS REX.

L U C U L L U S besieging Artaxata is stopped in his opera^
tions by a mutiny in his camp. He retreats, takes
Nisibis, and, whilst he remains there in winter quarters,
Mithridates reconquers Lesser Armenia. The Proconsul
Q. Metellus subdues Crete.
Cicero's letters begin with this year,
A.U. 687. B.C. 67. &o. 40.
C. CALPURNIUS PISO ; M'. ACILIUS GLABRIO.

Mithridates enters Pontus, defeats the legate Triarius,
and resumes possession of his kingdom. Lucullus turns
his arms against Tigranes, but is deserted by his army on
the approach of his newly appointed successor, the Consul
M \ Glabrio. The soldiers, however, refuse to obey Glabrio
likewise, and he gives proofs of incapacity. The Tribune
Gabinius passes a law conferring on Pompeius, who was
then in Asia, the command of the war against the Pirates,
with very extensive powers.
A.U. 688. B.C. 66. Cic. 41.
M. JEMILIUS LEPIDUS ; L. VOLGATIUS TULLUS.

This war with the pirates, begun only in the spring, is
c

L I F E AND L E T T E R S OF CICERO.

brought to a speedy conclusion in the summer. In accordance with the lex Manilia, Pompeius now receives the
command of the Mithridatic war, and the aspect of affairs
soon changes. Mithridates, defeated on the banks of the
Euphrates, at the place called afterwards Nicopolis, takes
refuge in Colchis. Tigranes submits to Pompeius and
recovers his kingdom with some diminution.
In this year Cicero was Praetor.
A. U. 689.

B. C. 65.

Cio. 42.

L . AUREUUS COTTA ; L . MANLIUS ToRQUATUS.

Pompeius pursues Mithridates, who retires to his kingdom on the Bosphorus. He conquers the Albanians. He
then returns to Pontus, which he constitutes a province.
Deiotarus, Tetrarch in Galatia, receives the Lesser Armenia.
Horace is born this year.
The eleven letters of Cicero which have come down to
us, belonging to this period, are all addressed to his friend
Atticus, who was then residing partly in Epirus, where
he possessed considerable estates in the neighbourhood of
Buthrotum, partly in his favourite city of Athens. He
was in the latter place in the year with which these letters
l
£/>..i,3. commence.1
The Commonwealth was approaching nearer and nearer
to the catastrophe which was destined to subject it to
the dominion of a single man, the ambitious Caesar,
marked but alike by nature and circumstances to be
the ruler of Rome. Pompeius was as yet unconscious
2 A.u.r»84. that, by the measure of his first Consulate 2 ' in favour of,
the Tribunes, whose importance had been so much diminished by Sulla, he had restored to them a power
which his greater adversary would one day turn to his
destruction. In the year 686 the reverses experienced
by : Lucullus in Asia gave scope to.the rising popularity

u. 689.

B.C. 65.

e r a 42.

of lEompeiiis, who had already, in early life, received from
Sulla the surname of "the Great" and who, up to this
period, and long after, might well be designated the child
o£J&>rtune. The law of the Tribune Gabinius had already
invested him with command over the entire Mediterranean,
together with the coasts far inland, to enable him to prosecute with vigour the war against the pirates, who at that
time disturbed the peace and welfare of the State. The
following year, this authority received yet further extension, the conduct of operations against Mithridates being
entrusted to him by the law of another Tribune, Manilius.
The Tribunes had indeed every motive for gratitude towards one who was the restorer of their power, and from
whom there was yet much to hope; while for the same
reason, Hortensius, Catulus, and other chiefs of the Senate
set themselves to oppose the measure.1 Cicero, however,1 PH>LCI
who was at that time Praetor, and Caesar also, exerted all compare
Cass xxx

their influence in its support; and Cicero's speech on the20occasion proves that Pompeius could have wished for no
^fibler patron. In fact, it was on Pompeius that Cicero
^rested his own hopes of advancement, of whom he says in
his speech, that the gods had bestowed him on the Born an
world by an act of special favour. He was drawn towards
Pompeius by a feeling of personal attachment, which, ill as
it was often requited, frequent as were the shocks it sustained, was yet never wholly extinguished in him. Moreover, he regarded him as a main support of the public
welfare; and great indeed was the military lustre by which
at that time Pompeius was surrounded. The restoration
of the tribunitian power, it is true, could not have given
Cicero any satisfaction; for his utmost efforts had been
directed to bind the equestrian and senatorial ranks more
closely together, in order to counterbalance the influence
c 2

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO,

of the people, and he had highly approved of the law of
» A. u. 6sr. L . Roscius Otho *, which gave the knights reserved seats
2
p>o Mur, of honour in the theatre. 2 He might, besides, already fore"
see, that Pompeius would have no power to crush the
Tribunes, should they eventually turn against him, Thi8
is intimated in the grounds he subsequently adduces in
favour of the restorer of the tribunitian power, against
the arguments of his brother Quintus, in his book De
* D^Leg. M-Leyibus3;
but he there suppresses the circumstance that
the assistance of the Tribunes and of the people was necessary to Pompeius for his own advancement. Cicero's
principles, however, were perhaps not fixed before the
period of his Consulate; and it is certain that in many
instances he courted the people as long as that highest
dignity was still the object of his ambition. He was besides well assured that, should an open struggle again take
place between the people and the men of wealth and consideration, Pompeius would stand on the side of those who
still cherished a sense of the ancient dignity of the Repub(^Vn84n ^c*4 ^ n * s conviction he did in effect see justified at jy
later period, but under circumstances which must needs'^
have overthrown the hopes he had built upon it.
Meanwhile, in judging of the speech in support of
Manilius, we must not forget that Pompeius was in truth
the man whom Rome then needed for the successful termination of the war against Mithridates. Lucullus had been
deserted by his soldiers, and was hated by the democrats
in Rome, Mithridates and Tigranes were again in possession of their states, and as powex-ful as ever, whilst Glabrio,
who had been appointed by the Senate in the preceding
year to succeed Lucullus, and was now in Asia, was no
match for them. But Pompeius, present there in the full
eplendour of .his fame, and idolized by his army, wTas regarded as a sure pledge of victory.

A. u. 689.

B.C. 65,

cic. 42.

The eleven letters of this period contain nothing relating
to public aiFairs, with the exception of the measures taken
by Cicero in his suit for the Consulship. To this object
he was impelled by his natural aspirations for greatness,
with which was closely associated his love for his country;
and these motives were powerful enough to outweigh the
distaste for public life produced by the progressive de^
terioration of the age, and his strong predilection for ease
and for literary occupations. The strength of this latter
feeling is vividly depicted in the letters above referred to.
" Sell," he writes to Atticus 1 , in the year 687, "sell tol£/>.7,3.
9
.

none but me the books you have had transcribed; keep
them, as you have promised, for me alone. .Books I love
above all things, and I begin to loathe public affairs. It is
scarcely credible how much these have changed for the
worse during the short period of your absence." We need
not here stop to describe in what this general deterioration consisted, and how by cabals and intrigues all the
relations of the State had become so disorganized, that it
jyas no longer possible, by law, to check the licence,
rapine and violence universally prevailing. The tale has
often been told, and the collective letters of Cicero furnish
the most striking evidence of the corruption of the times
in which they were written. This corruption is peculiarly
apparent in the administration of justice: how for this had
gone, is proved by the law, issued in the year 687, by the Tribune C. Cornelius, which was the foundation of the edicta
perpetual
This Tribune, already noted as the author of
a law against bribery in canvassing, and for his endeavours
to check the practice of usury in the provinces, had shortly
* Namely, that the Praetors should not deviate in the administration of
civil law from the form promulgated by themsehes on their entrance into
office. Ascon. in Cornel, p. 58. j. Orell., Dio Cass, xxxvi. 23.
c 3

(-M. i. no

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

before struck at the heart'of the nobles, by an edict enacting that the power of suspending the laws in particular
cases, hitherto arbitrarily wielded by the Senate, should in
future be exercised only with the consent of the people.
This, in fact, had been the original rule ; but of late so far
had the abuse gone, that a small number of senators only
was deemed sufficient to decree the suspension of a law.
We are astonished to find that, in the year 689, this same
Cornelius was accused of treason. Hortensius, L. Catulus,
L. Lucullus, Metellus Pius and M. Lepidus gave testimony against him, and this under pretence of upholding
the tribunitian power, to which it was said Cornelius had
given a blow. We see to what means the aristocrats were
forced to resort, in order to support themselves against the
growing strength of the demagogues. Cornelius no doubt
had aroused their apprehensions. Cicero defended him
for four successive days, and afterwards published his defence in two treatises (actiones*), mentioned both by himi Quint, iwt. self and by Quintilian with great praise.1 But we are
ell' oa ; 6 ^mpted to ask whether Cicero, after he had gained thg
7
70
Consulship, would not rather have ranged himself on the
side of the Tribune's opponents. In his speech against
Vatinius, he certainly gives us to understand that his
defence contributed greatly to the successful issue of hik
a

In Valin. 2. Own

£f i7'!!

Sllit.2

He had now practical experience of the cabals by which
the candidates for public office were harassed. He thus
complains, in the year when he was preparing to solicit for
the Pra3torship: " No people in Rome are more worried
in these clays than the candidates; every kind of injustice
is permitted towards them." 3 We need only call to mind
Unfortunately these are lost, with the exception of a few fragments
preserved by Asconius. The argument, as given by this commentator, is a
very important document.

A. u. 689.

B.C. 65.

cic. 42.

the wealth amassed in Italy by so many conquests, and
confined to si few possessors only, together with the violence
and rapacity of the provincial governors*; it is well
known, also, in what condition Lucullus found Asia but a
few years before.f How fatally these evils must have
reacted upon Rome, is evident; nor can we fail to perceive, that the needy and licentious multitude must have
become continually an easier instrument in the hands of
the rich and powerful, while the misleaders themselves
could have been no better than the misled.
And even thus does Cicero at the outset describe l the * Ep 7,2.
stage on which we are to see him feel, think, act and
suffer, Numerous letters, and those to Atticus especially,
evince more powerfully than even his books and speeches,
how painfully he felt the diseased state of his country.
He was grieved also to find that, in order to accomplish
ends which were, generally speaking, pure and noble, he
had to make common cause with men for the most part
greatly his inferiors, sometimes even with such as were
utterly worthless; a circumstance from which alone the
impossibility of his success might have been augured.
* From numerous passages it is sufficient to select a single one referring
^to this period. See pro Leg. Manil. 22.; comp. 13.
f [See Plut. Lucul. iv. 7. 20. " Lucullus now turned to the cities of
Asia, in order that, while he had leisure from military operations, he might
pay some attention to justice and the law, which the provinces had now felt
the want of for a long time ; and the people had endured unspeakahle and
incredible calamities, being plundered and reduced to slavery by the
puhlicani and the money-lenders, so that individuals were compelled to
"sell their handsome sons and virgin daughters, and the cities to sell their
sacred offerings, pictures, and statues. The lot of the citizens was at last
to be condemned to slavery themselves
Such evils as these Lucullus
discovered in the cities, and in a short time he relieved the sufferers from
all of them
The lenders, however, considered themselves very ill
used, and they raised an outcry against Lucullus at Komc, and endeavoured
to bribe some of the demagogues to attack him, &c."]
c 4

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

In order to form an unprejudiced judgment of the
Roman world at this time, we must always bear in
mind the vast, we may say unwieldy, proportions which
the State had by degrees obtained* Now, when Rome had
pressed forward victoriously in the south, east, and west,
and when she had tested the feebleness of the princes of
Africa, and when Asiatic despots with all their pomp
bowed down before her, was it to be wondered at, that a
Roman general or senator, a proconsul, or even a legate,
should feel himself exalted above the level of kings ? The
Roman citizen had become a prince, and issued his commands with an authority more unlimited than that of our
monarchs. Cato himself thought it but reasonable that
Antioch should greet him as a king when he entered it on
foot, although the honour was one he despised for its own
sake. He was only displeased that the city should have
lavished a similar mark of respect upon a freedman of
> piut. cat. Pompeius. 1 We shall see in the course of our narrative,
with what dignity Cicero's office as proconsul entitled
him to appear before the ruler of Cappadocia, and other^
princes.
The wealth which was now poured into Rome exceeds
all our ideas: it ministered to an unbounded luxury and
ostentation; for the Roman was destitute of that fine
sense of art and proportion which characterized the
Greeks ; it ministered, above all, to the ambitious efforts
of individuals to acquire power and sovereignty. The
circumstance that commerce was held to be dishonourable
explains why the whole trade of Rome was transacted by
foreigners, while the hoards amassed by knights and
senators through extortion and plunder were withdrawn
from all the channels by which production is stimulated,
and the common stores of mankind increased.
We
must not, however, leave unnoticed the brighter side of

A<U.

689.

c. 65.

cic. 42.

this dark picture. No age has ever developed such
brilliant talents for command as that which we are now
contemplating. We look with wonder upon a Pompeius,
whom, when, still but a youth, Sulla considered equal to
the most important employments, and deserving of signal
honours; but our astonishment is increased at beholding
a Caesar outshining even him in geniuj and success. Many
there were besides, whom other times less prolific in great
men would have regarded with admiration. And are not
.Cicero and his works of themselves sufficient evidence
that intellectual culture of a high order had struck root
in the Roman world ?
It is touching to see a great and noble mind, unwilling
either to give up hope for the State, or to renounce its
service when sensible of its corruption, turning with fond
desire to regions over which human crimes can have no
influence; regions through which it can range with unfettered liberty, and gain strength in the exertion of its
powers. Such were the aspirations of Cicero at this
period. While he was a candidate for the Praetorship,
and during his administration of that office, amidst the
measures he was taking to attain the summit of his earthly
ambition l , his darling thought and most delightful occu-1 Ep%
pation was the adornment of his Tusculan villa* (acquired t [$
probably a short time previously), particularly of that
part which he calls his academy or gymnasium.
Averting his reflections from the gloomy times before
him, and refreshing himself with the thoughts of days to
* This had once been in the possession of Sulla. One part of the
building represented the Accidentia of Plato j another was called the
Lyceum. It received its name from the town of Tusculum, now Erascati,
on the Alban Mount. It was about twelve miles from Rome ; but the city
was easily discernible from it. The exact spot on which it stood cannot be
- now ascertained.
c 5

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

come, when he might be able to devote himself to his
studies in undisturbed leisure, he endeavoured to provide
this his favourite abode " which he delighted in so much
that it was only when there that he felt truly happy,"
with all, that in the Roman sense constituted the genuine
" otium cum dignitate"* In the letters with which our
collection opens, he exhorts his friend Atticus to bear his
Tusculum in mind, and to send him whatever he might
meet with in Greece calculated to adorn or enrich it-; and
great is his satisfaction on receiving any such treasure.
The sentiment expressed by Horace,
" O JRus quando ego te aspiciam f quandoque licebit
Nunc veterum libris, nunc somno et inertibus horis
Ducere sollicitce jucunda oblivia vitce ? "

was that which Cicero now felt: except that he did not
participate in the poet's desire for sleep, and for hours of
mere idleness. " Take care," he writes to Atticus, " not
to promise your library to any one, whatever ardent
admirers it may find. I, am hoarding up all my little*
savings, in the hope of purchasing it for the comfort of my
* Fp.G.(Au.0l(L a g e . " t l
>
i. \0)

Comp.

(MY'T u)

^ ^ S S P 0 ^ s o favoured by nature, as often as his
public duties permitted, Gicero forgot for a while, amidst
his literary avocations, the evils of the State, and the
cares under the pressure of which he had to maintain and
advance his position there.
The sixth letter of our collection, written in 687, is
* [DignitciSy in the Roman sense, is the consideration a man enjoys among
his fellow citizens for his political importance. Otium cun* dignitate is,
therefore, " an honourable retirement."]
| Cicero alludes to the books which Atticus caused his slaves to copy.
His friend kept skilful slaves, and understood how to turn their industry to
his pecuniary advantage. Corn. Nep. Vit. Att. 13.

A. u. 689.

c. 65.

cic. 42.

dated from thence. In this year he was chosen Praetor
for the next ensuing ; and so great was his reputation with
the people and their leaders, that when the comitia were
thrice held for the election of Praetors, and twice came
to no result, on account probably of the tumults excited
by the law of the Tribune C. Cornelius, although his competitors were men of great consideration, he was each time
unanimously placed first.1 In this office it was his busi-» pto LeSe.
ness to inquire into the illegal proceedings of the provin- J> \;'^'«
67c
cial governors.2
' •>•
'
I n t h e ninth letter h e makes mention of C. Macer, PJS/.V"
who, being t h u s accused under Cicero's prcetorian auspices, w-o'co, n. up.
was condemned in spite of t h e intercession of Crassus.
H e thus writes t o A t t i c u s 3 : " I have b r o u g h t t h e business 3 KP. 9,2.
of C . Macer to a n end, w i t h t h e m a r k e d approbation of '
the people. I have done h i m strict justice ; nevertheless,
by his condemnation, I have excited so strong a feeling in
my favour as far to outweigh any benefit I might have
looked for from himself, had I acquitted him." * In the
vsame letter he mentions his speech for the Manilian law,
by far the most important of those he delivered as Praetor. It has given occasion to the charge of flattery against
him; and it must be owned that it exhibits him as an
unscrupulous panegyrist of Pompeius; but to form an
opinion of a man's character from his political speeches is
even more unsafe than to judge of a poet's morals from his
works. However, it is not our object to represent Cicero
* Plutarch (Cic. 9.) relates that Macer, confident in his own influence
and that of his relative Crassus, had laid aside his mourning garb before
the case was decided, and thought fit to present himself in the Forum in
ordinary habiliments. Crassus had there met him with the tidings of his
condemnation, upon which he had betaken himself to his house, fallen sick,
and died of fear and mortification. Valerius Maximus (ix. 12.) tells the
story differently. On Macer's character as an orator see Cic. Brat G7.
c 6

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

as spotless; the progress of our work will prevent any
such misapprehension.
While still Praetor, he defended (in a speech now
extant) A. Cluentius Avitus, who had been, accused
before the Praetor Q. Naso of poisoning his father-in-law.
His defence of M. Fundanius also occurred in this year;
and shortly before the close of his PraetorshipJ that of
the already disgraced Tribune Manilius, who was accused
of rapine and extortion. This latter process, however,
was interrupted by the disturbances attendant on the
entry of the new Consuls into office.* In the midst of his
constant occupations in the Forum, Cicero found time
to attend the school of oratory held by M, Antonius
i suet, de Gnipho.f l
uiamm.i. The cause of the above-mentioned disturbances was as
follows: —In the year 688, P . Autronius and P . Sulla
had been nominated Consuls, but being convicted of bribery, they were not admitted to the office ; L. Cotta and
L. Torquatus being chosen in their place. P . Autronius
allied himself with L. Catilina and some others for the
purpose of assassinating their successful competitors.
Catilina was at that time excluded from the right of
suing for the Consulship, lying as he did under a charge
of malversation in his province.^
Crassus and Caesar
were also suspected of collusion with the conspirators;
the former, it was said, was to have been made dictator
by them, and the latter his master of the horse. The
plan failed, having been twice very near execution; but
* Plut. Cic. 9. Comp. Bio Cass, xxxvi. 27. The latter differs considerably from the former. But the way in which Plutarch narrates the
circumstance seems quite natural, and corresponds with Cicero's relation to
Pompeius. Dio is notorious for his bitter hostility to Cicero.
t The defence of C. Corn. Gallus, of which we have only some fragments
remaining, belongs to the year 689.
\ Catilina had been Praetor in Africa, A.U. 687,

A.u. 689.

B.C. 65.

cic. 42.

it nourished in Catilina the rage and hatred which broke
out afterwards under the Consulate of Cicero.*
Having filled the office of Prretor, Cicero had claims to
the administration of a province: but this object did not
lie so near his heart as the attainment of his Consulate;
and being a homo novus, it was requisite for his success
that he should not leave Rome. 1 In the capital alone i pro Mur.
could his distinguished talents be of service to him; and
he felt besides a deep concern for the welfare of his country, together with a proud and well founded confidence in
himself, which led him to hope that he might ward off, or
at least suspend for a while, the ruin that threatened it.
Accordingly, in the year 689, he began to sue for the
Consulship; not that he would have been able to hold this
office in the following year, for it was necessary that two
years at least should intervene between the Pra3torship
and the Consulship; but it was usual for the candidate for
the supreme dignity to show himself familiarly among the
citizens of Rome the year before his regular and formal
solicitation, and to strive to recommend himself to them.f
I n the tenth letter we find this practice noticed.2 From 2 EP^°.

(Ju.i.l.)

it we discover how much confidence (and justly, as the
issue proved) Cicero placed in the favour of the people, as
well as the measures which he took for attaining his object. Other circumstances were propitious to him besides
the afFection of the citizens.3 Catilina, the most enter- 3 Pro Mur.
20.

prising of his competitors, had been impeached by P .
Clodius: his guilt was manifest, and therefore, although
Crassus, and Cassar, then iEdile, supported him iu this
second application for the Consulship, there was nothing
* Sail Cat 18, 19.-, Suet. Jul. 9.; Dio Cass, xxxvi. 27. According to
Sallust, Autronius alone of the rejected Consuls was in the conspiracy,
Suetonius and Dio Cass, include Sulla also. Comp. Liv. JEpit. ci,
f This was called prensatio, " shaking hands*"

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

really to be apprehended from him. The other candidates
gave him little uneasiness; not even excepting C. Antonius, who also enjoyed the favour of Crassus and Caesar,
and who did in fact eventually become his colleague, as
he had previously been both in the JEdileship and the
Proctorship. He describes many of his supposed competitors as men of little consideration. It is worth while to
remark the wish he expresses that Thermus (by adoption
C. Marcius Figulus'*) might be chosen Consul for the
year next ensuing ; because he was the most likely to
stand in his light, having made himself very popular by
the repair of the Flaminian Way, a work now approaching its completion. When we read in what disparaging
terms Cicero speaks of this Thermus, we see what trifling
circumstances might often determine the choice of a Consul/ Cicero's wish was fulfilled; Thermus being elected
Consul for the following year, together with L. Julius
Ca3sar.
Cicero began his prensation l on the 17th of July, a day
when the Campus was crowded on occasion of the election
of the new Tribunes: he requested to be sent by the
Senate to Gaul on a legatio libera f; the Cispadane Gauls
being Roman citizens, whom he desired to gain for the
* [Minucins Thermus, adopted into the patrician gens Marcia, is mentioned in the Fasti as C. Marcius Figulus, Consul with L. Caesar, A. u. 690.
He is supposed to be the Q. Minucins Thermus to whom some of Cicero's
letters are addressed, a noted partisan of Pompeius in the civil war. The
adoptive name was often dropped in common parlance. See Orelli, in voce.}
f This was the name given to the Leave, which the Senators obtained
from the Senate, for the transaction of their private affairs in the provinces,
where they enjoyed higher consideration in virtue of it. [It was often obtained as an honourable excuse for being absent from Rome on emergency.
Ordinarily it was the duty of a Senator to remain at his post, any absence
from which might give occasion for unpleasant remarks. This explains the
extreme uneasiness Cicero felt at a later period (see under A.U. 710) at
leaving the city, and his anxiety to return to it,]

u. 689.

c. 65.

cic. 42.

consular election of the ensuing year. He left the charge
of furthering his interests with the lieutenants and retiJP,U&_pf Pompeius, to Atticus, who was then more within
reach of the great captain. He urgently entreats his
friend to return early the next year to Rome, where his
influence was of the highest consequence to Cicero's success. We see him, also, striving anxiously to keep on
good terms with all the powerful and influential. H e
even refused a just request of the uncle of his friend, the
rich and distinguished Caecilius, whom on account of that
relationship he would naturally have desired to keep in
good humour, because the granting it might have lost him
the favour of Domitius Ahenobarbus. 1 For truly as he i EP. 10,3.
says, ov% isprjcov, ovos poeirjv apvvcrur}vr
'
2H
The attainment of the object for which he had striven xxlL 159during so many years with all his energies was a t stake.
There is a very remarkable passage in t h e last of t h e
letters belonging to this period. 3 " I am preparing to * EP u.
defend Catilina m y rival. W e have the judges we wished; A. v'm
and t h e accuser is perfectly content with them. I f C a t i lina is acquitted, I shall be t h e more sure of his good will
towards me in t h e matter of m y s u i t ; if otherwise, I shall
bear it like a man." W h i l e in this letter he thus speaks
of Catilina, just before he had said 4 : " Catilina will cer-< EP. 10,1.
tainly be m y competitor, t h a t is, if the judges declare t h a t
the sun does not shine at noon-day." Cicero had probably
reflected since he had last written, how dangerous a rival
Catilina might become, favoured as he was b y Crassus and
Ca3sar, should t h e issue of t h e above-mentioned process b e
propitious to h i m ; while in that case, supposing he had
himself been his defender (and perhaps Catilina m a y have
applied to him for help), a compromise might b e effected
to further their common object; each mutually sacrificing his friends for the support of his competitor. So

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

difficult is it for the man who seeks advancement in a
corrupt State, to preserve the moral purity of his conduct.
There is, however, reason to believe, that from some
change of circumstances, with which we are not acquainted, Cicero did not actually defend Catilina.* He
was acquitted (infamia judicum, as Asconius observes);
his accuser Clodius himself had been silenced with a bribe,
and the Consul Torquatus, against whose life Catilina had
conspired, had come forward in his place.f
Cicero's domestic happiness at this period was somewhat
disturbed by the differences between his beloved brother
Quintus (who in the year 689 held the office of -ZEdile),
and his brother's wife Pomponia, sister of Atticus. This
grieved Cicero the more, as he had been himself the pn>
» Nep. vu. moter of this unfortunate marriage.1 Quintus was of a
sanguine and excitable temperament; his wife seems to
have been jealous and irritable. Cicero exerted all his
fraternal affection, and all the influence of his age over his
brother, to effect a better understanding between them,
and for the sake of his friend also, he felt himself bound
3 Ep. I. (Att. to make every effort.2 On the other hand, he found a
source of pleasure in the betrothal of his daughter
Tullia to C. Piso Frugi, who was a member of the noble
house of the Calpurnii, and highly esteemed by Cicero for
* j?P.8. (<*//. his qualities both of head and heart. 3 Tullia could then
(in the year 686) have been scarcely nine years old; for
Cicero was probably not married before 677 ; but the
great men of Rome resembled those of modern times in
* Ascon. (In oral, in tog. cand.), p. 85. [Defensus est Catilina, ut
Fenestella tradit, a M. Cicerone. Quod ego ut addubitem hcec ipsa Ciceronis
oratio facity maxime quod is nullam mentionem rei habet, cum potuerit invidiam,
facere competitori tarn turpiter adversus se coeunti.'] We might also expect
Cicero to mention the fact, had such been the case, in his speech for L.
Sulla.
. f Cic. pro Suit. 29 de Harusp. resp. 20,

A. TT. 689.

B. c. 65.

cic. 42.

this custom of betrothing their children at an early age.
Many letters of this period 1 evince his paternal love for» EP.\. 4.6.
TuUia, and the tenderness with which he treated this child, io.)'
the darling of his heart (delicice nostra). Two years afterwards (688), a son was born to him.2 These joyful events 3 EP.I\.
may have afforded him consolation for the losses his family
had sustained. His first letter to Atticus begins with a
lamentation on the death of Lucius *, his uncle's son, who
accompanied him to Sicily, when he went there to collect
proofs and materials for the prosecution of Verres. A t
the close of the same year he lost his father f (686). 3
* Ep.i. (Att,
I t may strike us with some surprise that, in his letters '
to his most intimate friend, he should speak in such brief
and cold terms of a parent who appears to have been a
truly excellent man; and we are glad to find that he mentions him elsewhere with affection. But he notifies the
birth of his son, an event which no doubt afforded him
great pleasure, in a few words only ; and we may observe,
as a general rule, that we must not expect to find the real
outpourings of the heart in the letters of the ancients:
least of all when the writer, as was the case with Cicero,
was absorbed in public affairs, or was endeavouring to
reach some high position in the State. Public life was the
animating principle of their whole existence. The Roman
* De Fin. v. 1. He terms him fratrem, cognatione patruehm, amore germanum.
f SeeEp. 2. (AttA. 6.) [The slightness of the filial tie among the Romans,
induced perhaps by the harshness of their domestic institutions, is curiously
illustrated by the extraordinary coldness with which this event is mentioned.
Q.frater, ut mihi videtur, quo volumus animo est in Pomponiam, et cum ea
nunc in Arpinatibus prcediis erat, et secum habebat hominem xpV^T°l-'-a^V, D,
Turranium. Pater lobis decessit A.D. viii. Kal. Dec. Hcec habebam fere,
quae te scire vettem. Tu, velim, si qua ornamenta yvfMva<ndo§ri reperire poterisy
. . . . ne prcetermittas. Nos Tusculano ita delectamur, Sfe. See Meriniee,
Etudes sur VHistoira Bom. ii. 43.]

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

who was of any political consideration, thought and felt
first of all in relation to the State; on the State he sought
to build up the fabric of his fortune; to the State he
looked for the fulfilment of all his wishes. In these objects Cicero's friend felt and acted with him, as far as he was
able; and it was therefore natural that the State should
form the principal topic of intercourse between them. If
they loved literature, indeed, as was the case with Cicero
and Atticus, this also might form an element in their correspondence. But when Rome became subject to a single
master, this generous view of life, these lofty aspirations
of the citizen, were lost; the letters of Pliny already
exhibit an approach to modern sensibility.*
In the letter before us, we find examples of the nature
of the services which the Roman considered himself
bound to perform for his friend. Atticus leaves his home
in Greece, and comes to Rome, as soon as Cicero begins
his formal application for the Consulship; and the latter
makes frequent allusion to the activity he manifested in
his behalf.
W e have no letters extant belonging to the two following years. In consequence of his friend's urgent entrea-*
1
JEp.\i. ties *, Atticus came to Rome, probably in the year 690,
and remained there during this period; so that it was not
till 693 that the correspondence between them recom* [It may be worth while to compare, in this view, the way in which
Horace and Statius speak of their fathers respectively.
Horat. Sat. i. 4, 105.: Insuevit pater optimus hoc me.
i. 6, 64.: Non patre prceclaro sed vita et pectore puro.
Stat. Sylv. v. 3. 246.:
Quid referam expositos servato pondere mores;
Quce pietas; quam vile lucrum; qua cura pudoris ;
Quantus amor recti; rursusque, ubi dulce remitti,
Gratia quae dictis, animo quam nulla senectus?
The first is the language of respect, the second of affection.]

u. 690.

B.C. 64.

cic. 43.

menced. The following abstract will serve for a view of
affairs in general, and of those that refer to Cicero in
particular.
A.U. 690. B.C. 64.

Cic. 43.

L. JULIUS CAESAR ; C. MARCIUS FIGULUS.

Pompeius repairs to Syria, which he conquers from
Antiochus the Thirteenth, and constitutes a Roman province.
Cicero now appears as a formal candidate for the Consulship. He has six competitors; L. Sergius Catilina,
and Serv. Sulpicius'Galba, patricians; C. Antonius Hybrida, a younger son of the orator's, L . Cassius Longinus,
Q. Cornificius, and C. Licinius Sacerdos, plebeians; but
of these latter four, the two first were nobles.* Cicero
was the only candidate of the Equestrian order. Catilina
and Antonius, assisted by Caesar and Crassus, employed
every means, both legal and illegal, to crush Cicero,
in whose favour the popular voice spoke loudly; and the
Senate was forced in consequence to increase the severity
of the laws against ambitus, or bribery. The Tribune
Q, Mucius Orestinus put his veto upon this measure,
and this gave occasion to Cicero, a few days before the
Comitia, to deliver a speech in the Senate against the
conspiracy of Catilina and Antonius. f
Cicero's character stood so high in the estimation of the
people, and so firm was the confidence they reposed in
* [The Roman homo nobilis was a man whose ancestors had served one of
the higher magistracies. At this period the aristocracy of Rome were nobiles,
as opposed to the patricii of an earlier period.]
f This is the " oratio in toga Candida" of which we have only a few
fragments in Asconius. This writer's argument to the speech is important,
Comp. pro Mur. 8.: Etenim mihi ipsi accidit, ut cum duobus patriciis, altero
improbissimo atque audacissimo, altero modestissimo atque optimo viro peter em;
superavi tamen dignitate Catilinam> gratia Galbanu

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

him in that crisis, that notwithstanding the desire of
Caasar and Crassus to set him aside, the people, instead of
voting for him, as usual, by ballot, proclaimed him Consul
with loud acclamations.* Antonius had a few more centuries on his side than Catilina, and became therefore
Cicero's colleague. In this year Cicero defended the
Praetor of the former year, Q. Gallius, who was charged
with having procured that office by unlawful means. He
was acquitted. This speech is lost, with the exception of
a few fragments only.
A.U. 691. B.C. 63.

CiC". 44.

M. TULLIUS CICERO ; C. ANTONIUS.

Pompeius, summoned to Judea by the Maccabean brothers Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were contending for
the high priesthood and supreme power, seizes the temple
at Jerusalem, gives the government to Hyrcanus, takes
Aristobulus captive, and imposes a tribute on the Jews.
He then goes to Amisus, and Mithridates having been
put to death in the meanwhile by his son Pharnaces, in
conjunction with his soldiers, Pompeius establishes the
latter as sovereign of the Bosphorus, takes possession of
the fortresses of Pontus, and reduces it to the form of a
province. C. Julius Caasar is chosen by the people Pontifex Maximus. L. Lucullus triumphs over Mithridates
and Pharnaces* Octavius (afterwards Augustus) is born.
Cicero had now attained the highest dignity to which'a
Roman could lawfully aspire; and this, as in the case of
his previous offices, in the very year assigned by the
* Orat. ii. contra JRullwm, 2.: \_Meis comitiis non tabellam, vindicem tacitce
libertatis, sed vocem vivam . . . . tulistis. In Pison. L non prius tabelld
quam voce. Asconius (ad Or. in toga cand.) contents himself with saying
omnium consensu.']

u. 691,

c. 63.

Cic.' 44.

laws.* With a view of attaching his colleague to himself, and withdrawing him from the connections full of
danger to the State into which he had entered, Cicero
had resigned in his favour the rich province of Macedonia,
which had fallen to himself by lot, for the ensuing year,
and contented himself with Cisalpine Gaul, which however he subsequently transferred to Q. Metellus.1 On his 1 saii. cat.
26 Cic In
.
"m
.
- mft entrance into office, he had to maintain a contest &*&•&
with the Tribune P . Serviiius Eullus, who, in order to
gain the favour of the people, had proposed a highly pernicious agrarian law. Cicero delivered three successful
speeches against him; one in the Senate, and two before
the people. They have all come down to us, with the
exception of the beginning of the first, and remain a
monument of the orator's great political sagacity.f He
next applied himself, in a speech which is unfortunately
lost, to soothe the populace, who were dissatisfied at the
cession to the knights of separate seats in the theatre.2? Pfotcfc.
&

- PI™.

Ho was straining every nerve to carry into execution mst.Nat.vn.
his favourite scheme of raising the Equestrian order, and
connecting it more closely with the Senate; and in this he
* In Rullum, ii. 2. [anno meo : see above.]
f [It will be seen in the sequel, that the author is not quite consistent in
his praise of the orator's sagacity in this matter ; for he will be found to
confess that Cicero was fatally blind to the political exigencies of the time,
and of these none is now at least more evident than that which these laws
were meant to meet, by drawing off the idle population of the city, and
establishing it in colonies on the public domain. This had been the object
of political reformers from the Gracchi to Caesar, and it afforded the surest
means of alleviating the most pressing dangers of the State. But it ran
counter to many prejudices, and, above all, it was the measure of a political
party; accordingly the optimates stoutly opposed it, and Cicero, thinking
that he was serving the interests of Pompeius, joined in the opposition. The
ability with which he turned the passions of the populace against their own
interests is unquestionable, but the course he took was pernicious to the Republic, and probably dishonest in itself.]

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

so far succeeded, that when the Senate and people of
Rome were mentioned in public affairs, the knights were
also brought in by name.* He studied to pacify the sons
of Sulla's proscripts, who demanded a repeal of the Dictator's enactment, which it seemed then dangerous to
cancel, by which they were excluded from every post of
Honour in the State. On this occasion he delivered the
» £p.2G,2. speech (no longer extant) " de Proscriptorum Filiis" l
Of considerable importance, also, is his speech before
the people, on behalf of the Senator C. Rabirius, accused
by the Tribune T. Attius Labienus of the murder of
Saturninus, who had been slain in a tumult thirty-seven'
2
2
A.U.C54. years before.
The charge was invalid, as the Consuls
and the Senate had declared Saturninus a public enemy,
and invited an armed attack upon him. But the real
ground of the accusation was the wish to deprive the
Senate of the powe^r of investing the Consuls with unlimited authority in cases of emergency ; and to alarm it,
by establishing a precedent for the reversal of decrees
passed many years before. We may easily perceive that
this was their object. The vote upon this case, which
would in all probability have been unfavourable to Rabirius, was never passed f ; and other events intervening,
Labienus let the charge drop.
* Plin. Hist Nat xxxiii. 8.: M. Cicero demum stabilivit ecpiestre nomen
in consulatu suo . . . . ab Mo tempore plane hoc tertium corpus in republics
factum est, ccepitque adjici Senatui populoque Romano et Equester ordo.
| [" Cicero defended the criminal ; but his eloquence was not likely to
avail, and sentence was given against his client. The charge was capital,
and an appeal lay in one quarter only, the comitia of the tribes. This resource seemed to offer but a slender chance of success
. . . . But for the timely inteiference of a Praetor, Metellus Celer,
Iiabirius could hardly have escaped the confirmation of his sentence. When
the frontiers of Home were but a few miles from her gates, and the advance,
of the Etruscans behind the barrier of the Vatican and Janiculan hills was
frequently sudden and unexpected, watch was kept upon an eminence

u. 691.

B.C. 63.

cic. 44.

We possess Cicero's speech, but dnly in a mutilated
form.1 Catilina made another attempt to obtain the con- \2Su%^tU'
Bulship for the following year, and was again unsuccessful, 26aSfoifxxp"<;
principally owing to the efforts of Cicero, who moreover comp*aia*
increased the severity of the Calpurnian law against PlS0n ' 2 '
illegal canvassing.2 Thus checked and thwarted, he now2,,Cfc-P™
^

•

Muren. 23. in

hastened to put his long-meditated schemes in execution, Vutm-15and this was the time to call forth Cicero's utmost foresight, prudence, and resolution.
We shall omit in this place all details, as the circumstances which have reference to Cicero's letters will be
again alluded to in their proper places; we shall only here
notice the speeches delivered against Catilina in their
chronological order.
1st speech held in the Senate, 8 Nov. = 12 Jan. B. C. 62.
2nd speech before the people, 9 Nov. = 13 Jan. „ 62.
3rd speech before the people, 3 Dec. = 5 Feb.
„ 62.
4th speech in the Senate,
5 Dec. —1 Feb.
„ 62.
Towards the end of the year, Cicero defended L. Lieinius Murena, Consul elect for the year 692, who had been
accused of ambitus. He was successful, though on the
other side were Cato, and the renowned lawyer Serv.
beyond the Tiber, to give notice of the approach of an enemy, whenever the
people were occupied in the transaction of business in the Campus Martins.
The signal of danger wras the removal of the great white flag, which floated
conspicuously on the summit of the Janiculum. The people broke up
hastily from their elections'or debates, and rushed to man the walls. The
old custom remained in force for centuries among a people moie than usually
retentive of antique observances. Metellus, acting possibly in concert M ith
the managers of the prosecution, struck the flag and suspended the proceedings. The excited and bloodthirsty populace understood, and perhaps
laughed at the trick, consenting cheerfully to be baulked of their prey for
the sake of a constitutional fiction. The object of the charge, which was
only intended, perhaps, to alarm and mortify the nobles, being already
gained, the prosecutors abstained from pressing the matter, which was
allowed to fall into oblivion." Merivale, Hist. Bom. Emp. i. 120.]

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Sulpicius, who had been beaten by Murena, in the suit
for the Consulship. Before this he had made a successful
speech, now no longer extant, in defence of C. Calpurnius
Piso, accused of extortion during his Consulship. We
may remark, finally, that while Consul, he carried a law
restricting the legationes libera to the term of a single
Legg.ui.s: yean 1

BOOI II.

L E T T E E S OE C I C E E O ,
IN THE YEARS

692 TO 694.

CICERO AS AN INFLUENTIAL CONSULAR.

BOOK II.
SURVEY OF HISTORICAL EVEXTS.

A. U. 692. B. C. 62. Cic. 45.
D. JUNIUS SILANUS ; L. LICINIUS MURENA.

CATILINA, endeavouring to withdraw into Gaul with his
army, finds the passage barred by Q. Metellus Celer; he
is beaten at Pistoria by Petreius, legate of Antonius the
late Consul, and is himself slain with 3000 followers. In
the other parts of Italy likewise the conspirators are subdued. Julius Csesar and Q. Cicero are Praetors this year.
M. Porcius Cato, Tribune of the people.
A.IT. 693. B.C. 61. Cic. 46.
M. PUPIUS Piso CALPURNIANUS ; M. VALERIUS MESSALA NIGER.

Cn. Pompeius triumphs a third time. The revenues
were increased by him nearly one half. C. Antonius,
Proconsul of Macedonia, is replaced by C. Octavius, father
of Augustus. Q. Cicero goes as Propraetor to Asia: J u lius Caesar in a similar capacity to Spain.
A.U. 694. B.C. 60, Cic. 47.
L. AFRANIUS ; Q. C^CILIUS METELLUS CELER.

Julius Caesar returns from Spain. The Triumvirate.
The years noticed in the above summary are amongst
D

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

the most important in the annals of the Republic, as well
as in the life of Cicero. The Commonwealth still existed,
shaken though it was by the disturbances and civil wars
of the last seventy years? and undermined by the corruption ever spreading in its interior. Though few in number, there still remained Optimates in the true sense of
the word, such for instance as the excellent Catulus, who
dared oppose some resistance to the turbulence of the
people. Pompeius was as yet unable to succeed in the
execution of his ambitious plans, while Cato and his
party, in alliance with Lucullus, Crassus, and their adherents, employed all their efforts against him, and even
Cicero was far from wishing to assist him in all his
schemes. Cicero's political principles had acquired firmness during his Consulship. Before attaining the supreme
dignity he had sought in various ways to gain the favour of
the people and of the Tribunes; but, on his very first day
of office, he came forward against Rullus with vigour and
decision, and made it evident what course he intended to
pursue. Opposed both by nature and principle to the unbridled rabble, and to the demagogues who knew how to
influence that rabble for their own ends, he avowed at
once his purpose of ranging himself on the side of the
Optimates. Theirs was the cause for which he contended,
as well against the patrician Catilina and his distinguished
associates, as against the Tribunes. To these principles
he remained true: and thus during the three years succeeding his Consulship he stood forward as the guardian
of the State which he had saved in his year of office from
destruction.
When in the letters of this period we read these expressions, " He of whom you write (Atticus had been
speaking of Pompeius) has nothing noble, nothing sublime
about him ; his sole aim is popularity, and that he courts

A . U . 694.

B.C. 60.

cia-47.

by the most undignified means ; " * again, " Pompeius is
silently endeavouring to maintain the splendour of his embroidered triumphal robe l ;" when we further read Cicero's * EP. 23,8.
(Att

\ is ^

words, " The Commonwealth can no longer preserve itself;"2 and then reflect that the following year saw Caesars 5^.23.2
Consul, we have the outlines of the political picture presented to us.
With regard to Cicero, in order to form an accurate
judgment of him at this period, we must remember that in
the preceding year he had been Consul, and had then
reached the highest point at which his ambition aimed.
He had done his part towards attaining the summit of renown and dignity: but a higher Power caused an event
to take place just at the time of his Consulship which
could not fail to invest it with distinguished glory, — an
event which, while it gratified his thirst for fame, saved at
the same time the State from destruction. Through his
administration also the Senate acquired in a great measure that authority and firmness which made even Pompeius cautious in his pursuit of popularity, and which
enabled it to comport itself with dignity on various
occasions.
But no sooner was the safety of Rome assured by the
fall of Catilina, and Cicero possessed of the glorious title
his ambition coveted, that of " Father of his Country,"
than he was destined to prove by experience how often
the highest fortune of mortals is closely followed by disaster: the one might indeed almost seem fated to attract the other. The last day of his Consulate, glorious
as it was, might have warned him how slippery was the
ground on which his foot then rested. When, in com* [Ep. 25. (Att. i. 20.) Nihil habet amplum, nihil excelsum, nihil non
submissum atque populare.
Comp. 18, 4. (Att. i. 13.)
Nihil come, nihil
simplex nihil iv TOLS TTOMTIKOIS honestum, nihil illustre, nihil forte, nihil Ubernm.~\
D 3

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

pliance with ancient custom, he was about to resign his
authority with a public harangue, the newly elected Tribune Q. CaBcilius Metellus Nepos * forbade him to speak,
saying it was not for him to address the people, who had
condemned Roman citizens to death without a trial. Upon
this Cicero raised his voice, and swore in the hearing of all
the people, that in his Consulate he had preserved the
Commonwealth from ruin; and the people cried aloud
with acclamations, " Thou hast spoken truly !" f
Plutarch says expressly that Metellus was acting on
this occasion in concert with Caesar, who entered on the
Prajtorship the following day, and that it was the object
of both to overthrow Cicero; it is apparent, likewise, from
1
p»o scst.b. the oration for Sestius * that the Catilinarian conspiracy,
though nearly extinct, was still exerting an influence on
the Tribune's conduct. This was natural enough, as
eleven Senators, and even the first Praetor, Cornelius
Lentulus Sura, had concurred in Catilina's schemes, be-'
sides many Tribunes of the last and present year, among
whom wrere Eullus and Metellus Nepos himself; even
Cicero's colleague in the Consulship was suspected of participation in the plot. Henceforth it became a current
saying that Cicero had condemned Roman citizens to
* EP.U,*. death unheard 2 ; and attentive observers must have per(),v v
'
ceived that the measures were already in preparation
against him which afterwards came to a triumphant issue
in the hands of Clodius. Caesar, who, there can be no
doubt, was already maturing his ambitious schemes of dominion, and who had played no inconsiderable part in the
* The Tribunes at that time entered on office on the 10th of December.
f Ep. 14, 4. (JDiv. v. 2.); 252, 19. (Att. vi. 1.) in Pison. 3. (Comp. Plut.
Cic. 23.) Tliese passages show what importance Cicero attached to this
circumstance. Magnuspratextatus illo fid die, he writes to Atticus from his
province in the year 704.

u. 694.

B.C. 60.

cic. 47.

affair of Catilina, must have felt a man like Cicero to be a
great obstacle in his way, possessing, as he did, popularity
and weight in the Senate, being an open partizan of the
Optimates, and all his political efforts being directed to
the preservation of the ancient constitution. I t is evident that Caesar already aimed at effecting a disunion be-tween the people and the Senate; and in attacking one
of the Senators, Q. Catulus, he struck a blow at the
whole body.1 But the aggrandizement of Pompeius was l nio caSS.
a matter of indifference to him; to whatever eminence
that leader might attain, he felt conscious of his own capacity to rise beyond him. He even went so far as to
promote the increase of his power, in order that the Romans might grow familiarized with extraordinary elevations.*
It is therefore no matter of surprise that he gave his
support to the proposition of Metellus Nepos, who, having
been recommended by his brother-in-law Pompeius to the
Tribunate, which he had accordingly hastened from Asia
to obtain, now suggested that the Imperator should be recalled at the head of his army to restore order.f Under
cover of this scheme it was no doubt intended to take active measures against Cicero and the Optimates. This
Rogation was however rejected, chiefly through the firmness of Cato, who had been wisely appointed colleague to
Nepos; and it was now apparent what had been the real
object of the earlier unsuccessful exertions of Metellus
against the veto of the Tribunes, by which they mutually
destroyed each other's power.J
* Caesar, according to Dio (xxxvi. 26.), intrigued for a resolution of the
people in his favour, similar to the lex Manilla, arid aimed at exposing
Pompeius to envy on account of the powers entrusted to him.
t Comp. Dio Cass, xxxvii. 43.; Pint. Cic. 23.
\ Plutarch (Cic. 23.) imagines that Cicero obtained the title of father of
D 4

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Cicero had frequently opposed the restless Tribune who
' EP. 14,4. manifested such hostility towards him 1 : and he makes
{Div. v. 2.)

mention of an oration which he had delivered against
'2(ftt'i\C)'- nuT1 - 2 ^ *s uncertain whether he took any active part
orll\x'/nsi' a g^inst the Rogation. Neither he nor any of the ancient
Gtli xviiL7,
authors say anything on that head. It was impossible
that it could meet with his approbation; but his line of
policy forbade him to act openly in opposition to Pompeius, though he may have resisted the instrument without
naming the man who wielded it. There is no doubt that
Caesar was acting in concert with Nepos, when the latter
laboured to persuade the people to complain of the conduct
of the Senate as illegal in condemning a citizen to death
without their concurrence, — an incessant clamour, which
3 Dio cass. could only be kept within bounds by an energetic decree.3
comp!'s4uet. All we know of Cicero's transactions with Metellus, from
his own mouth, is contained in the fourteenth letter of our
< Div. v. 2. collection4, in which he defends himself against Q. Metellus
Celer, at that time Propraetor of Cisalpine Gaul, who had
reproached him for his treatment of his brother the Tribune. * After those occurrences Nepos was forced to fly
from Rome; and he joined Pompeius, who was then on
his return to the city.
The letter preceding this is a very important one. It
5 A u.692. is addressed to Pompeius, who was then 5 , at the close of
his country on that occasion, from a speech of Cato, in which he praised his
Consulship. Cicero himself says (in Pison. 3.), that Catulus conferred it
upon him. Appian (Bell. Civ. ii. 7.) mentions Cato as the person from
whom the appellation came. He does not however state the time with
precision. The common opinion is that he obtained the title on delivering
the fourth speech against Catilina.
* This is the Metellus, who was so active as Praetor in opposing Catilina,
and afterwards cut off the retreat of the Catilinaiian army in its attempt to
escape across the Alps, and so put an end to the war. Mucia, wife of PomN
peius, whom lie afterwards repudiated, was sister of the two Metelli. Suet.
Jul 50.

u . 694.

c. 60.

c i c . 47.

the Mithridatic war, still in Asia. Cicero had sent him
an account of the proceedings during his C o n s u l a t e 1 — l PIOSUII.-IA
conceived, no doubt, in the same self-laudatory spirit which
breathes throughout his letters and other writings. B u t
Pompeius, though his advancement was the work of F o r t u n e rather than of his own genius, was meditating further
schemes of ambition ; to him accordingly, not less than
to Ca3sar, a man like Cicero appeared an unwelcome
obstacle ; and the commander in his military cloak might
well have been jealous of the renown of the Consular in
the Toga. # I n the communications which he addressed to
the Senate and to Cicero, Pompeius noticed not at all, or
but very slightly, the deeds of the Consul: and this was
a thorn in Cicero's soul, the existence of which we recognize in the tone of the present letter, for it must be
remembered that, over and above any feelings of wounded
pride, he required the favour and approbation of P o m peius, both for his personal security and for the maintenance of his policy.
Crassus, turning to his own account the Sullan proscriptions and other favourable circumstances, had acquired
a considerable number of houses in Kome, and one of
these, a magnificent edifice, situated on the Palatine hill
and overlooking the F o r u m f 2 , Cicero bought of him in the 2 c\c P,0
domu, 44.

* [This letter seems to have been an elaborate political pamphlet. Cicero
says of it, pro Sull. 24. : Epistolaui meam quam ego ad Pompeium da mcis
rebus gestis et de summa reipubl. misi. T h e Scholiast on the Or pro Plane.
describes it as epist. non mediocrem ad instar voluminis scn'ptam.
It was
made public, and the citizens surmised, from the complacency ot its tone,
that it could not be agreeable to Pompcius, who, it was well known by
every one but Cicero himself, could bear no rival in populaiity. See Or.
pro Plane. 34.]
f This house had originally belonged to t h e T i i b u n c , M. Livius Drusus,
who was assassinated in the year 663. See the famous story connected w ith
it, Veil. Pater, ii. 14.
D 5

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

year after his Consulship. He states the purchase-money
at three millions and a half of Sesterces *, in a letter to
> E/>. i5,2. P . Sextius the Quaestor of Antonius. 1 In the same letter
^com °i n e savs > t n a t t n ^ s purchase had involved him in debtf 2 ;
1^7. {AH i. ] 3 u t a C o n s u l a l - 0 f his celebrity found a stately dwelling
desirable for the maintenance of his dignity, and a site
overlooking the Forum would naturally have charms for
the " Father of his Country."
His pecuniary embarrassments seem to have affected his
relations with Antonius, his former colleague in the Consulship. This selfish and avaricious man had acquired
notoriety at an earlier period by his extortions in Achaia,
and on that account the Censors had expelled him from
the Senate J, into which, however, he was subsequently
re-admitted. He now spread the report that a portion of
the wealth he had amassed in his province of Macedonia
3
EP. \6,2. w a s destined for Cicero 3 ; and accordingly people began
(AU. \. 12.) t o whisper that it was not without an eye to his own
interest that the latter had given up his claim to that province. Cicero was very anxious to suppress these rumours, and from the manner in which he writes on the
subject to Atticus in the above passage, we cannot doubt
that they were without foundation. It is a more probable
conjecture, that Antonius had promised him a pecuniary
remuneration if he would undertake his defence in the
Senate against the prosecution with which he was threatened : and this conjecture acquires additional probability
if, as there is reason to believe, Antonius is the person
referred to under the name of Teucris, which occurs in
* [Computing the Sestertius at 2|<£, this may amount to about 30,000/.
of our money.]
f Gellius (N. A. xii. 12.) asserts that in order to purchase this house,
Cicero borrowed two million Sesterces from Sulla, whose defence he had
undertaken.
J Ascon, Pcjl. in Or, in toga cand.

A.U.

694.

c, 60.

cic. 47.

the sixteenth and some later, letters.* Antonius acted
with such injustice and extortion in his province, that as
early as the year 692 complaints of him were lodged with
the Senate. Cicero defended him at first1, but being i Ep. 15,4.
informed by some adherents of Pompeius, who arrived in / y v t , ) Rome before their leader, that it was his intention to press
for the removal of Antonius from his province 2 , and 2 EP. IG, 2.
being irritated moreover by the rumour above mentioned,
he abandoned him, at least for the present. Afterwards,
when Antonius underwent a second and more severe prosecution under the Consuls Caesar and Bibulus 3 , he 3 Comp. EP.
defended him, but without success.f The debt, we find, 2.)
was subsequently discharged by " Teucris." 4
; Ep ls 8 ;
Cicero did not repent of his resolution to decline the }jj; u\ML '*
charge of a Province at the expiration of his Consulship/5:. Ep.u '2(Div. v. •> )
He felt himself in truth to be what we have described him
at the commencement of this period, and he hoped to become, in conjunction with Pompeius, the stay and support of the State 6 : above all it was his anxious desire6 ty.12,2.
.

(Div. v. 7 )

to maintain that good understanding between the knights
and the Senate, of which he had laid the foundation during
* The argument Schiitz alleges against this supposition, that in that case
Cicero, in the sixteenth letter, immediately after using this mysterious designation, would not have mentioned Antonius by his own name, seems of
little weight. Cicero had to secure himself against the messengers, who
were wont to open the letters entrusted to them (18, 1. Att. i. 13 ).
When he is talking about this pecuniary claim, he calls Antonius, Teucris ;
when he speaks of things which required no secresy, he designates him by
his own name. The context in the sixteenth letter {Att. i. 12.) appears
to me to make it sufficiently evident that Teucris and Antonius are the same
person. [There seems no reason for identifying Teucris with Antonius.
As a female appellative, it more probably refers to some woman from whom
Cicero expected pecuniary accommodation, which he much required, as
appears from the letter, at this time. See Orelli, Onom. in voc.~]
f Cic in Vatin. 11.; Pro M. Ccelio, 31. If we compare these passages
with others in the letters, we may learn how much caution we must exercise
in estimating the judgments Cicero pronounces in his speeches.
D 6

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

» 7?^. 19,5. his administration.1
(Alt. i. 14.)

At the same time he perceived that

under existing circumstances a considerable amount of
political wisdom was requisite in order to maintain influence over the destinies of the Commonwealth. Caesar
pressed on towards his object with more daring, and at
last boldly cut the knot. Cicero sought to preserve existing institutions. Caasar was resolved to overturn them.
Accordingly we see in many passages of his letters at
this period, how carefully Cicero observed the characters
and actions of men, and in what manner this observation affected his own dealings with them. His pride
2 EP 18,2. was irritated by the conduct of Piso 2 in omitting when,
{Att.'u 13)

r
»

•

• •

in spite or violent opposition, he was advanced to the
Consulship (for the year 693) through the influence of
Pompeius, to ask his opinion first in the Senate. This
was a token of respect which had been shown to the
honoured Consular the year before by the Consul Silanus.
He consoled himself, however, with reflecting that he need
now pay no more regard to this perverse personage; that
the Senate had murmured at"the omission*; and lastly,
that the other Consul, Messala, manifested the utmost respect for him, and indeed gave every token of being a true
patriot. He behaved with more deference than was con• Ep. io,4,5.sistent with his own convictions, towards Crassus 3, Anto(Div'.v.'ti) nius 4 , and at one time even towards Clodius.5
His
[JiLL*™.) successful speech in defence of P. Cornelius Sulla, who
was accused of participation in Catilina's conspiracy by L .
Manlius Torquatus, a son of the Consul of the year 689,
* Cicero mentions on this occasion who were the Consulars of most consideration at that period; (their opinion was always first asked in debate). The
first whom the Consul called on was C. Calpurnius Piso, his relation ; the
second, was Cicero ; the third, Q. Lutatius Catulus, whom the Dictator kSulla
had pronounced the best man (Pint, in Pomp.); and the fourth, Hortensius
the orator. Cicero estimates the Consul Piso very differently in the speech
for Plancius (c. 5.). On his character as an orator, see Brut. 67.

A.u. 694.

B.C. 60.

cic. 47.

was perhaps intended by him to place his own character in
a milder light, shaded, as it now was, with the reproach of
having caused the murder of Roman citizens. For in
consequence of a decree of the Senate, a fresh inquiry
into the wThole affair was set on foot under the Consuls.
Silanus and Murena. One L. Vettius gave information to
the Quaestor Novius Niger, against the Praetor Caesar, as an
accomplice in the conspiracy, and Caesar was accused also
by Q. Curius, who adduced Catilina himself as his authority. Vettius engaged to produce a written document
in Catilina's own hand, addressed to Caesar. The accused,
though in reality innocent of the specific charge, had no
doubt rather encouraged than restrained the enterprise of
which he could not fail, together with most of the statesmen of the day, to be fully aware; for he knew that any
disorder in the State was likely to further his own ambitious views. He was hard presssd, and turned for help to
Cicero, who produced evidence entirely exculpating him.
Curius, who had been one of the conspirators, but was the
first to give intelligence of the plot, was disappointed,
through Caesar's influence, of his promised reward; while
Vettius was thrown into prison, after suffering cruel illtreatment from the hands of the populace.1 Many other 1 suet
conspirators were taken up, and condemned under the
above named Consuls; amongst them Autronius, who,
though formerly a schoolfellow and friend of Cicero, and
afterwards his colleague in the Pra3torship, could not pre2
vail upon him to undertake his defence.2
P>O
Pompeius was at this time the especial object of Cicero's
attention. He had returned to Rome at the end of the
year 692, having first disbanded his army at Brundisium,
either from alarm at the failure of the Rogation of Nepos,
or from unwarrantable confidence in his personal influence.
Unfortunately the letter to Atticus, to which Cicero alludes

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

in the nineteenth of this series, is not extant. It appears
to have contained a detailed account of the first oration
Pompeius made to the people after his return, and would
have been very interesting from the commentary it would
have furnished on the following words: e' The speech was
neither gratifying to the oppressed nor encouraging to the
ill-disposed; the rich were not grateful for it, and to the
good it appeared insignificant: the consequence was, that
it made no impression."* "We gain, however, a tolerably
clear notion of what the schemes of Pompeius were, from
Cicero's letter of February 13. 693. I t seems that he
praised in general terms all the recent acts of the Senate,
but carefully avoided entering into particulars; and
Cicero himself was forced to rest satisfied with this general
praise. I t would appear that Pompeius was actuated by
secret jealousy of Cicero, and by the wish to avoid breaking
with any party; either with the remnant of Catilina's
adherents, or with the friends of Clodius, who had at this
time already committed the crime of which we are soon
to speak, f He found, however, the influence of the Senate
to be greater than Nepos and others had led him to expect. He was at the same time anxious to be esteemed a
friend of the people, and he seems to have fancied that he
had only to appear in Rome and flatter all parties in order
to gain the ready submission of all to the great Pompeius,
the favourite of Sulla, the restorer of what his patron had
destroyed, the conqueror of Mithridates and of the pirates.
Cicero knew that Pompeius was secretly jealous of him, at
the same time that he praised him in public, though not
* [Ep. 19, 2. (Att. i. 14.), written 13th February. Prima concio Pompeii qualis fuisset scripsi ad te antea. Non jucunda miseris, inanis improbis, beatis non grata, bonis non gravis. Itaquefrigebat.~]
f Clodius had before this assisted Pompeius by abetting the mutinous
soldiery of his own brother-in-law, Lucullus, in Asia. Dio Cass. xxxv. 14.

A.U.

694,

B.C. 60.

cic. 47.

indeed in the Senate, and he takes notice of it repeatedly
in his letters to Atticus. 1 I t must at the same time havei EP. IS, A
become gradually evident to him that Pompeius was not 1 I u.y
3
i

T i

. . C o m p . 192

the champion whom the State then needed. He would c^- viii never have allowed the infamous affair of Clodius to end
as it did, had he been the master spirit he fancied himself,
and would have had others esteem him. The transaction
here alluded to, gives a profound view of the corruption of
the State, and is important to us as it proved the means of
bringing about what Metellus Nepos had been unable to
effect, the abasement of Cicero.
About the end of the year 692 a young man of an
ancient and noble family, Publius Clodius, at that time
Quaestor, who had once been Cicero's friend, and had
assisted him in the affair of Catilina's conspiracy, in the
prosecution of an intrigue with Caesar's wife Pompeia,
ventured to disguise himself as a woman, and steal into
Caesar's house during the celebration of the mysteries of
the Bona Dea2, at which the presence of men was strictly 2J>e Bar.
/

Res

17, 18

forbidden. Cicero foresaw in this outrage the germ of
great evil to the State 3 , and though he was for some time 3 Ep.i8,s.
&

(Att. i. 13.)

lukewarm in the performance of the duties devolving on a
Consular, he soon made use of all the influence and authority of his name, to cause the crime to be duly punished.
In January, 693, Q- Cornificius brought the matter before
the Senate. W e are surprised that this should not have
been done by a Senator of more consequence; but Cicero,
though he likewise expresses astonishment at the circumstance, did not offer to come forward. The Senate demanded the judgment of the College of Priests; they pronounced it a sacrilege, and it was therefore resolved to
bring it before the people. The Senate desired that the
Praetor, on whom the conduct of the process devolved,
should select the judges himself. This was contrary to the

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

ordinary rule, which provided that they should be chosen
by lot, subject to the people's approval. Upon this point
every thing depended, as soon appeared. The Pra3tors
could only choose respectable judges; whereas election by
lot was a matter of chance, or might give room for corruption. The Consul Piso laboured to hinder the Rogation, although it had been issued in his own name; but his
colleague Messala stood firm to it, and Cato supported
him; Cicero wavered. We can perceive from many
instances in his conduct, that he was not apt to take in the
whole import of a case at once, and that his will required
some subsequent impulse from without to rouse it to
vigorous action ; perhaps, also, he did not feel sure of the
assistance of the well-disposed, and he may have been
staggered by the number of the culprit's adherents, and
have already had some misgiving of the injury he was one
day to suffer from this daring man. Clodius did all in his
power to hinder the Rogation. Pompeius was now residing
without the walls of the city, engaged in preparations for
his triumph. Accordingly the Tribune, Fufius Calenus,
who was in the interest of Clodius, having assembled the
people in the Flaminian Circus, brought Pompeius to
them, and asked him whether a decision given by judges
chosen by the Prastor would be satisfactory to him. Pompeius did not dare to speak against Clodius, connected as
he was with the most influential citizens*; he contented
himself with praising the conduct of the Senate in general
terms, as he afterwards did in the Forum. Caesar remained
quiescent; he was willing to spare Clodius, wTho was in
* One of his sisters was the wife of Lucullus (Dio Cass. xxxv. 14.) ;
another, the notorious Clodia, nicknamed Quadrantaria (Ep. 26. Att. ii.
L), of Q. Metellus Celer (Ep. 14. Biv. v. 2.); and a third, Terentia, of
Q. Marcius Rex (Plut. Cic. 29). Clodius was related also to Pompeius
through the family of the Metelli.

u. 694.

B.C. 60.

cic. 47.

great favour with the people; nevertheless, he divorced
his wife; for " Caesar's wTife," he said5 " must be above
suspicion."1
i piut. Cic.
•

The day of the Rogation came. Every art was employed
by the party of Clodius to gain over the people. Piso,
the younger Curio (who afterwards played an important
part in the rivalry of Pompeius and Caesar), and a number
of young men who two years before had followed Catilina,
were active in the business; the grossest corruption was
practised.2 Then Cato raised his powerful voice from2 ^». 19,6.
the Rostrum, riortensius, Jb avomus, and others supporting
him. The assembly was dismissed without having come
to any decision. When the Senate met to take the affair
into consideration, Clodius descended to the most abject
supplications ; he could gain nothing, however, and again
sought his safety with the people. The Senate decreed
that the Consuls should exhort the people to accept the
Rogation.
If Cicero had been fainthearted before, his courage now
rose in proportion. But his hopes were soon dashed. Hortensius, fearing lest Calenus, in virtue of his office, should
object to the unusual form of procedure, and imagining
that " a sword of lead would suffice to cut Clodius5 throat," 3 3 Ep. 21,2.
allowed himself to be satisfied with judges chosen by lot
from the Decurice judicum.* After certain of these had
been rejected by the right of a challenge allowed by law
to the accused, the men brought together as judges were
such as, to use Cicero's words, " a wTorse set could hardly
have been collected round a gaming table." 4 Still the 4 EP.I\,».
better class did not give up the affair for lost. Cicero
* The reader should observe the passage in the twenty-first letter (Att.
i. 16)., Maculosi Senatores, etc.; which lays before us in a few words the
materials of which the corps of judges in a criminal process was at that time
composed.

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

came forward as witness, asseverating that he had seen
Clodius in his own house on the very day of the ceremony,
when he pretended to have been at Xnteramna, about
1
com?. Epm. seventy miles from Rome.1 The judges applauded Cicero
L
>
loudly; the courage of the culprit and of his patrons gave
way. The Senate praised the judges,, and addressed words
of encouragement to them, while an armed guard was
appointed for their protection. At this juncture Crassus
interposed with the resources then most powerful in Home.
He administered bribes to the judges through the instrumentality of a slave of the lowest class; such as did not
want money, though most were poor, were gained by still
more infamous means: such was his success, that Clodius
was finally acquitted by a majority of thirty-one to twentyfive. When the high-minded Catulus shortly afterwards
chanced to encounter one of these base hirelings, he said,
" What did you want guards for ? was it for fear of being
robbed of the wages of your shame ? "*
Cicero deeply lamented an issue which his fears had
2^.21,3. too truly anticipated. " K n o w , " he writes to Atticus 2 ,
" that the State which you believed to be secured by my
care, and I by the care of the Gods, and wThich did indeed
appear to be established on a firm basis by the union of all
the well disposed, and by the vigorous measures of my
Consulate, has, unless some God looks down on us with
mercy, already slipped from our hands by this one judgment ; if that can be called a judgment when thirty meny
the most frivolous and abandoned of the Roman people,
violate for gold every right, human and divine; when a
Talna, a Plautus, a Spongia, and other wretches like these,
maintain that a deed was not committed which all men,
* On the affair of Clodius, see Epp. 16, 4. ; 18, 3. ; 19, 3, 6. ; 21, 1, 2.
(Att I 12. ; 13. ; 14. ; 16.)

u. 694.

B.C. 60.

cic. 47.

aye, and the very brutes-themselves, know to a certainty
was committed." 1 Still he did not lose courage. " The l comP. EP.
23 3. (Att

wretches thought," such are his words next following 2 , wo
" that if religion, chastity, the honour of the judges, and(AU'A. fe.)
the authority of the Senate could be overturned, then recklessness and lust might openly avenge themselves on the
good among us for the pain my austere administration had
i\nflicted on the bad. But I have infused courage into the
minds that were cast down. I have restored the Senate to
its ancient vigour, I have revived the despairing."
Cicero doubtless brought on his own misfortunes by the
constant and iiTitating persecution of Clodius, which he
kept up after his acquittal. We admire the honourable
and upright Consular, when, in addressing the Senate, he
endeavoured to reassure those who had been shocked at
the unexpected result of the trial; but his prudence yielded
to his invincible love of sarcasm, when he made his galled
opponent feel the superiority of his wit. He continued
these sarcasms after Clodius had already begun to take
measures against him.3 In this strife of wrords, Cicero 3 EPP. 23,6.;
•

•

24 5 " 26 4.

certainly does not appear with the grace and decorum be-(i«."i. i8.;'i.
fitting a Consular *; nor is it any valid excuse that a
similar license seems to have been not unfrequent in the
Senate at that time.
I n the speech which he delivered in presence of Pompeius before the popular assembly, when he seems to have
had it much at heart to display himself in all his merit by
the side of the victorious warrior f, he laid great stress on
* Non consulare, inquies, dictum; fateor. Cicero writes thus on occasion
of one of these altercations with Clodius (Ep. 26., Att ii. 1.) ; and in his
work De Officiis (i. 40.) he says: Turpe est valdeque vitiosum, in re severa
convivii dicta aid delicatum aliquem inferre sermonem.
f This is supposed to he the speech [de Consulatu meo~] which Cicero
mentions (Orat 62.) ; some fragments of it are to he found in Quintilian
(Instit Or. ix. 3, 40. 50.)

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

the connection between the Senate and the knights, which,
* Ep. 19,5. during his administration l , he had been the means of
cementing. To preserve this connection continued to be
one of his main objects. He was attached to the Equestrian class, to which he had himself originally belonged;
and he hoped by its agency to strengthen the power of the
Senate; for the knights were large owners of land throughout Italy, and could uphold, as such, the proprietary instir
tutions of the State. He calls them the ornament of the
2
ProPiando, State; the prop of the Commonwealth.2 The scheme was
in itself a plausible one; for it is only too evident that the
Senate stood in need of assistance, that the best men of the
Optimate party were deficient in energy, that the common
herd were the dupes and tools of every designing character.
But unhappily Cicero sought to substantiate his ideas
through the instrumentality of men devoted to self-interest
by the very nature of their avocations; men who had
attained an important position in the State simply by the
power of money, who constituted a class out of which the
ranks of the Senate were recruited, and who by means of
their wealth exercised a tyranny of terrible power in those
days.* Bad were the prospects of justice in a State where
the noble Rutilius fell a victim to their cabals for his
endeavours to check their extortions in his province.f The
knights possessed a share in the administration of justice;
in the affair of Clodius, as we have seen, judges of their class
* Ep. 22,3. had been corrupted with bribes. 3
e s . i.J7.)
,
.
-T i
i o.

They now felt themi
i
r • 'J

selves aggrieved when the Senate passed a decree tor m* The knights had the exclusive management of the finances of the State,
they farmed the revenues in the provinces, and all the public works, &c. were
under their superintendence.
f Pseud. Ascon. in Ccec. div. 57. Rutilius Rufus damnatus est quod cum
prcetore (Sccevola) consenserit suo, ne publicani aliquid agerent in provincia
sua. Quo cognito equites Rom. {nam turn ante Sullana tempora judicabanf)
damnarunt eum.

u. 694.

c. 60.

cic. 47.

quiring into the bribery practised on that occasion/ To
this cause of dissatisfaction another was added. Such of
them as had compounded with the Censors for the revenues
of the province of Asia discovered afterwards that they
had made themselves answerable to the State for a sum
exceeding the amount of their calculated profits, and required accordingly that the terms of the contract should
be altered.1 This the Senate refused; and hence arose aij^.22,3.
difference between the two orders which caused Cicero
deep concern. He exerted all his eloquence in the knights'
behalf, but was opposed both by Metellus Celer, the Consul
elect, and by Cato, who held the dignity of the Senate to
be irreconcileable with the sordid interests of the second
order.2 Piso, if we may believe Cicero, did not comport 2 comp. 1.1.
himself on this occasion with the dignity befitting; a Consul. s.'cJm.^is
The Tribunes opposed the decree against the judges of *•) '
Clodius. " T h e Senate," writes Cicero to Atticus 3 , "is3 Epm23,4.
angry, and the knights are estranged from it. Thus has cimp.'26,'e
this year (693) beheld the overthrow of two pillars of the
State, which my exertions had set up ; the Senate has lost
its dignity, and the harmony of the two orders is destroyed."*
During all these transactions, Pompeius did nothing; or
rather he pursued a line of conduct which ought to have
opened the eyes of every unprejudiced person, and clearly
manifested that he only aimed at establishing his own
power and influence on a secure basis, and reviving once
more the dictatorial power of Sulla, his original patron,
though indeed without making use of Sulla's means. But
he failed to see the impossibility of maintaining such influence without a constant succession of brilliant actions.
He succeeded in raising to the Consulship Afranius, his
* Caesar no sooner became Consul than he released the knights from one
third of their liabilities. Dio Cass, xxxviii. 7.

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

former legate, a man whom Dio calls an excellent dancer,
Dio. Cass, but a bad statesman1, and who was in no way equal to the
actual posture of affairs. Cicero makes repeatedly the
most severe remarks upon him, and considers his Consul2
j?p.24,4.; ship a stain on his patron's reputation.* 2 Pompeius, on his
is', so.) ' ' part, well aware that no one would think Afranius fit for
his post, had recourse, as Cicero says, to the engine by
which Philip of Macedon thought himself able to reduce
any fortress whatever. Soon a rumour went forth, that
the Consul Piso was distributing bribes at his own house;
and Cato and his brc-ther-in-law Domitius immediately
sought to oppose the evil by drawing up edicts against
such proceedings. Metellus Celer, meanwhile, the colleague
elect of Afranius, was incensed against Pompeius for
divorcing his sister Mucia.
Pompeius made his triumphal entry into Rome on the
30th of September (693), which was also his birthday.
The pageant was the most brilliant of the kind that had
been yet seen, and was contrived in every way to dazzle
the populace. Among other tablets, inscribed with the
names of nine hundred subjugated cities and a thousand
fortresses, one was carried before him, on which he was
3
Dio. cass. designated as the conqueror of the world.3 Three hundred and twenty-four princes and chiefs of vanquished
nations, clad in the habits of their own countries, preceded
the chariot of the victor, which glittered with jewels and
precious stones ; the treasures and valuables displayed for
the gratification of the people surpassed all calculation.
Nor did Pompeius scorn to appropriate to himself on this
< Dio. cass. occasion the glory really due to his predecessors.4 Ca3sar,
on his part, renounced the honours of a triumph, because it
would have stood in the way of his attainment of the
1

* This L. Afranius is the same whom Caesar worsted in the civil war in
Spain, A.U. 705.

A. u. 694.

B.C. 60.

cic. 47.

Consulate*, and besides he looked forward to the certainty
of gaining yet more brilliant triumphs at some future clay.
But with regard to Pompeius, great as was the splendour
with which he now made his appearance, it could not blind
him to the disagreeable fact that the Senate still withheld
its ratification from his acts in Asia.1 On this point, his 1 Diocass
1
m

xxxvii. 49.

creature Afranius was unable to effect anything for him.
After his triumph was over, Pompeius caused a law to
be proposed by the Tribune Flavius (in the year 694) for
the partition of lands amongst his soldiers.2 There was * Epp. 23, s ;
nothing popular in this law but the name of its originator; ^ ib^f"'L
yet it experienced the most violent opposition from the
Senatorial party. Cicero, however, hesitated to declare
himself decidedly against it, and contented himself with
endeavouring to remove every point which could be prejudicial to the possessors of the lands.3 The apprehensions3 EP. 24,4.
excited by some disturbances which had broken out in
Gaul soon cooled down the ardour both of the defenders
and opponents of this law, which was at first so great that
on one occasion the Tribune Flavius had caused the Consul
Metellus to be arrested.4 I t was not carried. Pompeius < Ep.p, G
himself, ashamed of having given occasion to such scenes,
broke off his connection with the Tribune, and repented of
having disbanded his army. 5 He now felt how insig- * DI0. cass.
•n

, •

i •

xxxvii. 50.

nincant in reality his power was.
Though Cicero could now see through the character of
Pompeius, and detected his weaknesses with a keen eye f6> ° EPP. 2 4.;
2
he still remained steadfast to him. Perhaps, like many men Utt\ 17.-I
P

. . . . . . .

ot sanguine disposition, he was apt very easily to change
his opinion of people, and to think more favourably of
* A.U. 694, after his victorious administration as Praetor in Spain. Dio
Gass. xxxvii. 54. App. B. C. ii. 2.
f Cicero frequently gives Pompeius nicknames, such as Sampsiceramus,
after an Arabian prince, on whose subjugation he especially prided himself.

i. 20—i. is.)

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

them as soon as they flattered him. And Pompeius was
no doubt wise enough to keep such a man on his own
side. He knew how to turn his foibles to his own accountThus on one occasion he said to him in the presence of
many people, " I n vain should I have laboured to gain
a third triumph, had not you saved the city for me to
1
De off: \. triumph in." l Cicero Avas well pleased to observe that
Ep.*}™?' the populace regarded him as the confidant «f Pompeius,
and greeted them both Avith loud applause when they made
their appearance in the Circus: he smiled Avhen the unfledged youngsters Avho had rioted Avith Catilina spoke
among themselves of his illustrious friend by the name
2^.21,6. of Cna3us Cicero.2 I t Avas indeed his constant endeavour
lt u 16
' ° to stand well with all parties in Rome, as far as his political principles allowed; and in this he was successful: his
kind and conciliatory demeanour gained him the good will
even of Catilina's reckless adherents, whom his severity
after the discovery of the plot had naturally alienated from
3

Ep. 24, G.

comp'21,'6.

him.3

But, with regard to his relations Avith Pompeius,
Cicero had another important reason, and a nobler one
too, for remaining firm to him. This he explains clearly
in the following Avords to his friend : — " As things noAV
stand, any difference between me and Pompeius cannot
fail to occasion the most terrible discord in the State. I
have therefore taken all possible care that no such difference should arise: and this, not so as to involve any departure from my own sound principles, but so as to turn him
if possible to better thoughts, and cause him to abandon
somewhat of his mischievous love of popularity: and this
you may know, that he now speaks of my political conduct, against which many persons had prejudiced him,
with more praise than he does of his own deeds. For he
bears me this witness, that whilst he only served the State

u. 694.

c. 60.

cic. 47.

successfully, I saved it. How far his speaking in this
manner may be of service to me, I know not; but it is
undoubtedly useful to the State. What if I should likewise succeed in inspiring better thoughts into Caesar." \EP.2G,G
Cicero's political system may be thus briefly described : —(Att.n. u
The, people are lawless and ungovernable; among the
Patricians are many unworthy members who flatter them
and make common cause with them. This ought to bind
the Optimates the closer together; but they are few in
number, and stand in need of some great leader under
whom to marshal themselves. Pompeius has at present
the greatest name; true, he is too much bent on gaining
popularity, and that not always in the most creditable way
—yet he is an Optimate at heart; and as the only heir of
Sulla, though he might wish to relax the chord which his
predecessor had too tightly strained, he would never abandon the Pepublic,-that many-toned instrument which a rude
touch might so easily destroy, to the reckless hands of the
rabble, and of the Magnates who count upon them. In
this view he considered himself and Pompeius, in spite of
the foibles which the latter so frequently displayed, as the
safeguards of the Republic. And he had indeed good reason in after times to look back with pleasure and selfapprobation on the three years succeeding his Consulate.
The Senate, that rock on which Rome's greatness rested,
though shaken and soon to be utterly destroyed, was as
yet erect to outward view, honoured and powerful; and
Cicero after his glorious Consulate, and especially since
the noble Catulus was no more, stood first in reputation
among its members. Proof of this was given during the
Consulate of Metellus and Afranius, when dangerous disturbances having broken out in Gaul, certain Consulars
Avere to be chosen by lot to send there. The lot fell first
on Cicero; but all the senators declared with one accord
£

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

that he must not leave the city. A similar resolution was
next made in the case of Pompeius. This was one of the
brightest days in Cicero's life; and the honour was one
Fp.24.3. which he had well merited.1 Six years later he wrote
2
EP. 148,A. t ' m s t° the Proconsul Lentulus 2 : " I bear in mind that
/p. i.o.) ( ] u r j n g m v Consulship, on the 1st of January, so firm a
foundation was laid for the stability of the Senate, that
none need wonder~ tit the courage and authority that body
exhibited at the nones of December*; and likewise that
down to the Consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, whilst my
opinion, though that of a private citizen, had the greatest
weight in the Senate, the sentiments of the Good Men
were almost all alike."
But there was one more farsighted than Pompeius or Cicero, who nourished bolder projects than the former, and was
gifted with greater power to bring them into execution; and
it is not a little remarkable that Cicero mentions the name
3
Ep. 2G, G. of Ca3sar at the close of the passage above quoted 3 , expressing a doubtful hope that he might succeed in bringing him
to a better mind. Such hope might well be doubtful; for
he must already have anticipated what he says at a later
period, in his brilliant description of the Optimates in his
speech for Sestius. He there calls them " the rock and
defence of ceremonies and auspices; of the authority of the
magistrates and the dignity of the Senate ; of ancient custom, of law and justice ; of credit, of the provinces, of the
allies; of war, of glory, and of empire." " Greater," he
says, " are the power and resources of our enemies than of
our defenders; since rash and reckless men are driven forward by the slightest hint, and are ready enough to revolt
against the State of their own accord; so that the better
men, anxious to preserve peace even at .the expense of
* On which clay the condemnation of the Catilinarians was passed.
Flacco, 40.

Pro

u. 694.

c. 60.

cic. 47.

dignity, often lose both by delay and hesitation.
But
those who would help the Optimates to defend the Commonwealth, either betray them from caprice, or shrink
from them through timidity. Thus the Optimates are left
to stand alone." *
There were indeed but few in the Senate to whom
Cicero could look with any hope for the salvation of the
State. Hortensius, unquestionably one of the best and
most influential of the senators, had given a strong proof
of defective judgment in the affair of Clodius; Cato spoke
in the Senate u as though he were living in Plato's republic,
not amongst the dregs of the people of Romulus." * His 1 ^ 2 (AU.
0
severity against the knights in the above mentioned affair
had widened the breach between that order and the Senate;
Favonius was only " Cato's ape ; " he caricatured his pattern, and displayed his own incapacity. The noble Catulus
died the same year that Caesar returned from Spain (694);
of him Cicero says, " Neither the storms of danger, nor
the breeze of honour, neither fear nor hope, could ever
seduce him from the principles of his life."2 Elsewhere a pr„sest 17.
he says: " I now tread the path*of the Optimates without
a patron and without a companion."3 Besides these there3 ^.2.5,4.
were indeed but few exceptions to the character he gives {Ail ''' 20}
of the remaining senators: " They think they touch the
sky with their fingers, if they have bearded mullets in their
fish-ponds, winch come to feed from their hands; little care
have they for the fortunes of the Republic." f4
< Ep 2 G.G.
(Mi. ii. i.)

* Pro Sestio. 46, 47. In this speech Cicero describes the Optimates, in
his sense of the word (the best citizens), at full length.
f [We can hardly doubt that Cicero covertly includes both Lucullus and
Hortensius in this charge of unworthy trifling. Varro (de lie Bust. iii. 17.)
gives a curious description of their fish-ponds. Lucullus, it is said, " cut
through a mountain" to introduce sea water into his preserve ; for which
Pompeius gave him the nickname of Xerxes Togatus. (Pompeius was particularly jealous of his Asiatic victories.) Hortensius, we are told by MacioE 2

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO;

In looking through the letters of this period we seem to
be contemplating the plot of a well contrived tragedy.
We have before us Pompeius, who after having done his
part towards shaking the fabric of the State, now at the
summit of his greatness, returns to Rome, but only to see
the last rays of his fortune extinguished; Caesar, conscious of his powers and of his superior influence, watching
the moment which was to give full scope for their display;
the State itself scarcely escaped from the ruin with which
Gatilina had threatened it, governed by men wTho were,
with few exceptions, incapable and selfish voluptuaries;
the people for the most part a lawless and undisciplined
rabble, at the service of any one who would flatter and
court them by supplying their wants, or gratifying their
love of pleasure; the solemnities of religion outraged by
a Clodius, and the culprit acquitted by corrupt judges
through the oversight of an Hortensius ; the virtues of a
Cato in such a community utterly lost; in a word we see
the Republic ripe for destruction. Finally, amidst this
gloom and danger, we behold one man who, loving his
country with a patriot's ardour, turns fondly to the good
old times, though himself a son of these latter days; sees
1
/•/>. 2 2. the fatal moment approach 1 ; hastens his own ruin by pro3
voking a scoundrel; and leans for support on a chieftain
who wrill abandon him in the time of need, only to fall
himself after preparing a place for one yet mightier, destined in his turn to destroy the Republic altogether. The
interest of the tragedy is heightened by the circumstance, that Caesar, the man on whose destinies all turns, is
scarcely brought before our notice in the letters of this
period. His name occurs for the first time in one of the
bius (Saturn, ii. 9.), moistened his planes with wine. For the extravaganco
oi the] Roman fish-ponds see Plin. Hist. Nut. ix, 80.; Martial, x. 30.]

u. 694.

c. 60.

cic. 47.

latest; and the words have an ominous sound — "* Caesar,
for whom the breeze now blows most favourably."*
Let us now turn to that portion of Cicero's life which
is not devoted to politics. We find him full of occupation
as a public advocate. Besides the oration against Metellus
already mentioned, it appears from his letters that he delivered many speeches the same year, which like that are
no longer extant. And as patron he defended P . Cornelius Sulla in one which we still possess, and of which
mention has already been made. In the year 693, he
delivered the speeches against Clodius, of which a fragment only is preserved in a letter to Atticus. 1 It i s | $ ' .2,1G*greatly to be regretted that we do not possess those he
addressed to the Senate in the presence of Pompeius on
the same occasion, of which he speaks himself in such
high terms.2 The speech for the poet Archias should':f^\l]A^
probably be referred to the same year; and in the following he defended (in a speech no longer extant) P. Scipio
Nasica, subsequently the brother-in-law of Pompeius,
against Favonius, who had assailed him with a charge of
bribery.3 Meanwhile he collected such of his political3 ^•.. 2fi j 7 orations as he considered most important, twelve in number, and which, as they were all delivered during his Consulship, he called his consular orations. This collection he
wished to bring inrto general notice in order to kindle in
the Roman youth emulation of the models there displayed
of true nobility and greatness.f
* Ep. 26, 6. (Att. ii. 1.) Ccesar, cujusnunc venti valde sunt secundi.
f Cicero himself enumerates these twelve speeches {Ep. 26, 2., Att. ii.
1.) 1. In Senatu Kal. Jan. (contra Ruttum).
2. Ad popuhun de lege
agraria.
3. De Othone (now lost).
4. Pro Itabirio.
5. De proscriptorumjiliis.
6. Quum provinciam in condone deposuit (both lost). 7 —10.
Catilinarice.
11, 12. Two shorter speeches on the Lex Agraria (the third
.against Rullus j the other we do not know of). I n Ep, 18, 6. we may
E 3

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

In the year 694 he wrote, both in Greek and Latin, the
i EP. 24,8. history of his Consulship.1 The Greek he sent to Atti(Att. i. 19.;

•

-i

•

cus, in order that he might look it over, and pomt out any
departure from the pure Attic idiom. He describes the
great care and attention with which he had composed this
work, endeavouring to keep close to the rules and exam* Ep.w, i. pies of Isocrates and Aristotle. 2 From the same passage
we may also conclude that he had not been sparing of selfcommendation. He sent the work likewise to the philosopher Posidonius of Rhodes, in order to stimulate him to
write upon the same subject with greater skill and elegance
of style.* He next composed a poem upon his Consulship in the Latin language, a fragment of which is pre3 Ep.29.(Qu.served in his twenty-ninth letter. 3
Besides these occupations, and numerous others, in
which he was engaged, we find him deep in. the study of
the works of celebrated authors: for instance in those of
Dicaearchus the Aristotelian, whose political writings he
* EP 27,2. warmly praises.4 His appetite for knowledge was voracious. His friend Paetus the amiable and sportive epicurean, in whose society he often took refuge from severe
labours, and with whom we become better acquainted from
many subsequent letters, had presented him with the
library of Servius Claudius, whose property he had inherited. Claudius had died in Greece, or at all events had
left his books there, and Cicero writes to Atticus: " As
you love me, as you trust I love you, set your friends,
your clients, your guests, and even your freedmen and
see a proof that Cicero, after delivering a speech, was wont to polish and
make additions to it.
* Atticus likewise narrated the Consulship of Cicero in Greek, Ep. 26,
I., and Corn. Nepos, vit. Att. Others did the same. See Ep. 27, 2. [where
Schiitz, Erncsti, &c suppose such to have been the case with Ilerodcs, of
whom Cicero says, conjurasse mullein quam restitissc conjurationi si ilium
mihi audiendum putarem.']

A. u. 694.

c. 60.

cic. 47.

slaves, to work, to see that no scrap may be lost. Daily
do I find more refreshment in these studies after the labours of the Forum." 1 He thus sought to win for himself, i Fp, 2rK R.;
and through himself for the Eoman world, those laurels (j™X 20'.;12'
which had hitherto adorned the Greeksr; and he was aware
how far he had already been successful: he says to Atticus, u I have made the Greeks jealous." 2
2 Ep .2,;<,
Devoted as he was to these occupations, and so diligent in " n* }
the employment of his time, it was natural that he should
desire to keep aloof from the diversions which pleased the
generality of the people, both high and low. To escape
from the gladiatorial shows given by the Consul Metellus,
he retired to Antium, where he possessed an estate.3* ^/Vr0}1Here he seems to have employed himself with the publication of his twelve consular speeches.
Men whose faculties are devoted to political and scientific pursuits, are frequently found to display a certain
degree of coldness in the tenderer relations of life. It is
a delightful spectacle where the great statesman and scholar appears likewise in the character of the affectionate
husband, father, and friend. Thus it was with Cicero ; and
it is touching to hear him pour out his whole heart to his
friend just after the unfortunate affair of Clodius, when all
the hopes he had built on the Equestrian order were dashed
to the ground, under the Consulate of Afranius. In the
absence of Atticus and of his beloved brother, he says
his only hours of recreation are those which he spends with
his wife, his dear daughter, and his sweet infant Cicero 4 ; 4 EP 23,1.
(Alt.

i 18 )

and again after uttering imprecations on the false and selfish connexions of the Forum: " Neither my hours of toil
or rest, neither business nor idleness, neither my public nor
my domestic life, can dispense any longer with your
society and advice, so valuable on every matter in which I
am concerned."5
» EP 22,2.

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

The passages in which he mentions his brother Quintus
at this period deserve particular attention. He describes
» Ep. 22, i. him as a man of sanguine and irritable temperament *,
friendly and genial, easily offended, but as easily pacified;
tender-hearted, and possessed of great kindness of disposition. But these qualities, though accompanied by an
excellent understanding, were not based upon strength of
character or will; and we shall see in the sequel into what
errors such a disposition could lead him. That'Quintus
possessed considerable talent is evident from the long
letter his elder brother addressed to him when he was Pro* Ep.w <Q«.pra3tor of the province of Asia 2 , whither he was sent in
693, the year after he had held, in conjunction with Caesar,
the office of Preetor. I t is true he was free from the common
vices of Roman governors, corruption and avarice, but
his fault was that he trusted others too easily, and his administration was wanting in that vigorous and uncompromising spirit of justice which is the first virtue of every
man who fills an official station, whether it be great or
small. In many of Cicero's letters to Atticus we perceive
how much he had it at heart, that his brother's conduct
should be above reproach. Nothing mean or dishonourable, he felt, ought to attach to the name of Cicero, the
name of one who aspired to be regarded as chief of the
Optimates. On this account he exerted all his influence
to get his brother's office prolonged a second year, hoping
he might thus retrieve the errors of the first. It was in
fact prolonged to a third year, against the wishes of both;
and thereupon the elder Cicero addressed the younger in
the long letter with which the present period closes; a
letter which might rather be called a treatise on the right
government of a province. So rich in fact is it in the
noblest political principles and moral axioms, and in expressions of gratitude to a people to whom he owed much*

;A. U.

694.

c. 60.

cic. 47.

of his own mental culture, so full of worldly wisdom, and
betraying so profound a knowledge of human nature, so
pure, moreover, and lofty is the style in which it is written, that it deserves to be considered a model of its kind.
It is at the same time a monument of true fraternal affection, endeavouring to efface or mitigate the sense of a brother's errors by the remembrance of his virtues. Nor is
this affection less strongly displayed in a letter to Atticus
t>r> occasion of some domestic disagreements between him
and Quintus, who was his friend's brother-in-law. 1 To-'^^-vi.a
.
. . . .
(Mt * l7->
wards his brother's son, Cicero entertained similar kind
feelings.2 He was an indulgent master to his slaves,'2^-^V*
where they deserved his kindness. At a subsequent period we shall be gratified with observing his relations with
Tiro. In one of his present letters he laments the death
of his reader Sositheus 3 , and the words are worth remark-?ft7-.1(:-*
3

(Mt.\

12.)

ing: " His death has distressed me more than a slave's
death should."
There are three letters only extant of the year 692, and
none of these addressed to Atticus, who seems to have
gone to Greece towards the end of this year. There are
seven of 693, all addressed to the same correspondent,
with the exception of one to C. Antonius. Of the year
694, besides the long epistle to Quintus already men- .
'tioned, we have six lettters, all to Atticus: of these the
fifth is dated from Tusculum. After the Ides of March
694, Cicero went into the country. He returned to Rome
from his Pompeian villa, on the 12th of May.4 On the* A> .-*< \1st of June we find him journeying to Antium, from
whence he seems to have proceeded to another of his
estates 5 ; but in the course of the same month he 5 Ep ^, i.
was again in Home.
He could not at this period
:
gratify that ardent desire for a life of studious retirement in the country, which he already expresses in such
E 5

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICEKO.

strong terms. Melancholy circumstances gave him more
leisure in the year next ensuing, which we shall proceed
to examine, after saying a few words on his character in
general.
Many and bitter are the charges to which Cicero has
been subjected. Dio Cassius, for instance, says l: " Cicero pretended that the balance of the State wras in his
hands, and gave the Senate and people to understand
that whichever scale he threw the weight into, would undoubtedly sink. He wTas a mere timeserver, and passed,
now to one side, now to the other, in order to curry favour
alternately with each." But if wre read with an unprejudiced mind the letters hitherto brought before us, we shall
surely pass a different judgment upon him. Cicero's intentions towards his country were upright; but no hand
less powerful than Caesar's could have extricated it from
the confusion in which it was then involved. Cicero wras
no Cassar. He aimed at preserving ; an object no longer
to be attained in the straight and honest course trodden
by the great men of Rome's better days. Ca3sar found it
equally impossible to bring his bold conceptions to effect
by the methods of right and justice. Nor can we wonder,
however we must lament it, that in times so corrupt as
these, even Cicero should not have been altogether free
from prevalent errors and defects. His early connexion
writh Catilina has been already noticed, and the compact,
not less discreditable, wliich existed apparently between
him and Antonius; as likewise his defence of that worthless man, who had committed such illegal acts in Macedonia. We are surprised also at the lukewarmness he at
first manifested in the case of Clodius*; nor, finally, can
we fail to be struck with the conscious pride and satisfaction, deserving often no better name than vanity, which
* Ep. 18, 3. (Alt. i. 13.) : nosmetipsi, qui Lycurgci a principle fuissemus,
quotidie demitigamur.

u. 694.

B. c. 60.

cic. 47.

obtrudes itself upon us in many passages of his letters.*
On the other hand, our reprobation of these failings is in
a great measure softened by the candour and freedom with
which he discusses all his concerns with his friend. Other
pleasing features in his character are the disinterested
spirit of which we have such numerous indications in his
correspondence (for example Ep. 29, 9.); the genuine
humanity of his disposition, of which among others there
is an unmistakeable proof in his twenty-second letter; and
his gratitude to those to whom he was indebted for real
and lasting benefits.! Who can read without emotion
these words in his letter to his brother ? l " Had fate i EP. 29,9.
transplanted you amongst rude and barbarous nations,
such as Africa, Spain, or Gaul, your sense of humanity
would indeed have prompted you to make every provision
for their welfare and advantage. But placed as you are
over a nation which is the seat and home of humanity
itself, and from whence it has penetrated to others, truly
you are bound to exercise it in their behalf from whom we
have ourselves derived it."
How amiable Cicero appears as a husband, a father, or
a friend, has already been noticed. The evidence of this
is sure and irrefragable. He enters into no eloquent disquisitions on love or friendship in his letters, but contents
himself with imparting to his friend the tone and sentiments of his heart. But we must make a distinction
between his letters to Atticus, Quintus, and some of his
more intimate friends, and such as are written to mere
political allies, concerning whom, as we have seen, he
expresses himself with some severity to Atticus in his
* How often too in his speeches : O nonce illce Decemhres, quce me consule
fuistis! quern ego diem vere natalem hujus urbis aut certe salutarem appellare
possum. Pro Flacc. 40.
f Pietas, gravissimum et sanctissimum nomen* Ep. 148, 1. (J)iv. i. 9.)
E 6

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i AttA. is. twenty-third letter. 1 In the one class we see Cicero the
statesman pour tray ed; in the other the man himself.
And now his political firmness was to be exposed to a
severe trial. The close of the year 694 drew near; Csesar,
his Proprietorship having expired, had returned from Spain,
where in the midst of his legions he had acted as an inde2 Appian, pendent sovereign.2 The Consulship of the next year
'
awaited his acceptance. Cicero foresaw that an agrarian /
law similar to that proposed by Pompeius would immedis Ep. 28,3. ately be brought forward.3 Nor could he doubt as to the
(Att. a. 3.)

further projects which Caesar cherished in his mind. Cornelius Balbus, the Proprietor's intimate friend, came to him
with the assurance that Caesar intended to consult him and
Pompeius on all his measures; and to use his utmost endeavours to effect an union between the latter and Cras* Ep.m. 3. sus 4 , for these two were now enemies, and the panegyric
Crassus had pronounced in the Senate upon Cicero, the
day Pompeius was questioned concerning the affair of
5
\AU.'\AA.) Clodius , was no doubt mainly intended for that statesman's annoyance. Pompeius had hitherto been unable to
extort from the Senate a ratification of the bold and arbitrary arrangements he had made in the kingdoms and provinces of Asia. Lucullus was foremost in opposing him,
eAiF.P9.an*B' a n ( i w a s seconded by Crassus.6
But Caesar, who had
already attracted Crassus to himself, found the means of
gaining Pompeius likewise, and this he effected by promising him the confirmation of his acts in Asia, with or
without the ratification of the Senate. Pompeius and
Crassus were accordingly reconciled with each other, and
exerted themselves to the utmost to promote Caesar's election. Crassus, who possessed unbounded wealth, did not
spare his gold; and thus was laid the foundation of the
first triumvirate.* But to Caesar it was of no small
* Varro wrote a specific tract on this alliance, which foe t.calls a tripleheaded monster, rpucdpavov, [in allusion to Cerberus], Appian, B. C. ii. 9

u. 694.

c. 60.

cic. 47.

consequence that Cicero should be included also in this
league; a man so highly favoured by the people, so much
considered by the Senate and the knights, could not fail
to add force and authority to his schemes. Cicero, on his
part, felt, as he wrote at the end of this year to Atticus,
that a grave and arduous crisis of his life was at hand.
Clodius was aspiring to the Tribunate, and used such
threatening language against him, that he already thought
of summoning his friend to his aid.1 Should he unite him- * EP, 26,3.
self now with Caesar and his associates, doubtless it would
secure his safety: but he must sacrifice his political principles. Should he, on the other hand, refuse the proffered
alliance, not only would he risk the loss of that influence
in the State which he alone could at this moment wield,
but his life itself was in danger. " With Pompeius," he
writes 2 , "I am closely connected; it rests with me whether2 ^.28,3.
I choose to ally myself with Caesar also. In that case
my foes will be conciliated; with the multitude I shall
'remain at peace ; my old age may hope for tranquillity.
But my decision is guided by the maxims I have myself
laid down in the third book of my poem on my Consulate :
' Keep thou the path, which thou troddest in thy youth,
and followedst as Consul with brave heart and manly
virtue. Stand fast therein, and wax in renown and good
men's approbation.' * This is the precept of Calliope herself, inscribed by me in a volume replete with genuine
aristocratic principles, and my motto shall always be that
> of Hector: —•
£12 OLC0VO2 CLpLGTOS a/JLVV£G0CU TTSpl

7TaTp7]9"\

Interea cursus quos prima a parte juventce,
Quosque adeo consul virtute animoque parasti,
Hos retine, atque aagefamam, laudesque bonorum.
f Horn. 27. xii. 243.

BOOK

in.

L E T T E R S OE C I C E R O ,
IN T H E YEAR

695.

c. 59.

CESAR'S FIRST CONSULATE.

BOOK III.
CESAR'S FIRST CONSULATE.

T H E Triumvirate, as it is called, of Caesar, Crassus, and
Pompeius, of which however there could be no formal
or public recognition, was established at the end of the
year preceding; and Cicero had it now in his power to
show whether the expressions quoted from his last letter
were merely transient ebullitions of the excited feeling
which often causes a man to overestimate his own powers,
or whether he was indeed the statesman qualified to save
the Republic from impending ruin.* From the tone which
prevails in the first letters of the period on which we are
now entering, it is evident that he laboured under great
depression of spirits and bitter indignation, and was determined to have nothing more to do with public affairs,
which had fallen into the hands of those three chiefs, their
creatures and dependants.f Nor, remembering the light
in which he always regarded the period of his own administration, can we wonder at his mortification.
* We have twenty-three letters of this period, all addressed to rAtticus,
except one to Quintus. In the early months of this year, we find Cicero
on his estates, and the first letter is dated from Tusculum ; from the second
to the sixth, from his villa at Antium ; the seventh from Tres Tabernse ; the
eighth from Forum Appii; the ninth to the fourteenth from his house at
Formise ; and the remaining nine from Rome.
f JEp. 30, 5. (Att. ii. 4.) Statui nihil jam de republica cogitare. JSp. 33,
2. (Att. ii. 7.) Cupio istorum naufragia ex terra intueru

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Whether it were owing to this state of feeling, or
whether in consequence of the advice of Atticus, Cicero
quitted the city early in the year (perhaps in February),
!??-?°',t- and repaired to his villa at Tusculum 1 , to divert himself
(Att.u. 4.)

with his studies. He next visited and resided for a while
at some of his other estates. He wished to compose a
3 Ep. 32, i. geographical work 2 , in order to enrich the literature of his
country in this branch of science, as he had done in others/
and display the capacities of the Roman genius and language in a fresh field of knowledge. For this purpose he
had provided himself with Greek books treating on the
subject. His friend urged him to set to work; but he
lacked the energy and freedom of mind necessary for such
an undertaking. " I am become a perfect idler," he wrote
to Atticus from Antium, whither he had gone from Tus3
Ep.p, i. culum 3 ; " I amuse myself with reading, or with counting
the waves: the idea of composition is hateful to me." He
* Ep. 30,5. says further in the first letter of the present period 4 :
(Att.ii.

4.)

i.i

" 1 am firmly resolved to think no more about public
affairs. In these times the life of every good man is inse3 Ep.4o,<2. cure." Again he writes from his Formian villa in April 5 :
" S o utterly unnerved am I, that I feel I would rather
live under the sway of a tyrant^ in the idleness in which I
am now languishing, than engage again in public strife,
though with the best prospects of success." He studied to
assume an aspect of deep melancholy: and he accordingly
avoided the games which were held at Antium during his<
(Att.ii. 10.)
« Ep.M. residence in the vicinity.6
Caesar's grand design now approached its fulfilment.
Pompeius had played into his hands admirably; and, though
many might regard the elder statesman as Cicero once did,
he must have felt conscious in his own mind how insignificant a part he was beginning to act in public affairs, and
been the more induced to attach himself to the younger

A. u. 695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

and stronger. Caesar was a great gainer by his connexion
with Pompeius. His success in persuading the Senate to
ratify all that had been done in Asia, involved no sacrifice
whatever on his own part; while Pompeius, who had
nothing so much at heart, became in consequence firmly
bound to him. And now, his reputation once again enhanced in the eyes of superficial observers by this alliance,
Pompeius for a time felt renewed strength, and even ventured, at least in Cicero's opinion, to cherish dreams of
monarchy.1 Many influential men among his adherents l Ep.w, I.
supported Caesar's projects; and the latter, by effecting a
reconciliation between Pompeius and the wealthy and
powerful Crassus, begot a notion, that nothing could withstand the compact he had founded. He had won them
over by the argument that their mutual hostility could not
fail to enhance the influence of such men as Cicero and
Cato; while an union of interests would reduce them to
insignificance.2 He was conscious withal that his rivals 2 pint, crass.
.

would keep each other in check; while he, on his part,
reaped the fruits of their mutual alliance. On the other
hand, it was of small advantage to the Optimates that they
succeeded in giving him M. Bibulus for a colleague,
instead of Lucceius, whom he wished for, and with whom he
had made a compact for attaining the Consulship together.3 3 ^p.22,5.
This election, to obtain which bribery had been employed,
and that with the consent of Cato himself4, served in the4
Suet. Jul.

end only to afford signal proof both of the Optimates' i.'c. S " '
weakness and of Caesar's power. Gladly would Caesar
have gained Cicero too; but in this he failed: Cicero's
principles forbade such an alliance; so did the pride which
his Consulship had created and fostered in him. But he
felt himself now utterly powerless to swim against the
stream. The citizens, he perceived, were getting weary
of him 5 -—he should be compelled to stand by, a mere 5 EP.Z\,\.
1

(AtL ii. 5.)

L I E E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

spectator of the mighty events which were preparing; he
could no longer place confidence in those who called themselves Optimates, but who showed him no gratitude for the
» Ep.42, i. great services he had rendered their party* 1 : and hence resulted the despondency we remark in him at the beginning
of the year 695, How he came notwithstanding to offer no
opposition to this state of things is easily explained from
his character and circumstances. He was a man of lively
fancy, great in the toga, but no hero in the ordinary sense
of the term. When he wrote that letter to Atticus, the
Ep. 28. last of the past year (694) 2 , it might possibly have appeared
to him a grand and not altogether impracticable idea to
lift his arm against the possessors of power, and, if a higher
destiny so decreed, to bury himself in the ruins of the
Republic. But a lively imagination is wont to enfeeble
energy and resolution, and how deficient Cicero was in
these qualities f we shall have striking evidence in the
next portion of his letters. Besides, since the days of
Marius, all the chief concerns of State had come to be
decided by arms. Now Pompeius was the first captain of
the time; Csesar had trained himself to war in his province;
and the military reputation even of Crassus was such that
he might fairly connect himself with them. J But Cicero
was no warrior; and he might now feel that this single
circumstance must decide his future position in public
affairs.
Meanwhile, as they could not gain over Cicero, Ca3sar
and Pompeius wished to find some honourable means of
* Hortensius was, however, an exception to this.
f At least at this period; for at the close of his life, as well as during his
Consulate, he surpassed himself in respect of these virtues.
J [Pompeius, being summoned to bring the war with Spartacus to a close,
had snatched from Crassus laurels which he had already fairly gained; but
Crassus had distinguished himself in the contest with the Marians, and had
won for Sulla the victory of the Colline G-ate. ]

u. 695.

c. 59.

cic. 48.

getting rid of him. They entertained, it seems, at one time,
the notion of sending him to Egypt, to reconcile the king,
Ptolemseus Auletes, with his people, and to declare him a
friend and ally of the Romans.* Cicero, who had heard of
this, or some similar scheme from Atticusf, eagerly caught
at the idea. 1 He had long wished to visit Egypt; thei EP.Z\, i.]i
mission was an honourable one; it would remove him from '"" J
the scenes which had become so loathsome to him; and
(so spoke the flattering voice of self-love), perhaps, when
once he had left them, hi§ countrymen would desire to
have him back again. Yet, by thus complying with the
will of the Triumvirs, he felt he should incur reproaches
from the few who shared his sentiments in the Senate, and
principally from Cato.2 He was, however, spared the diffi-a EP. 31,1.
culty of deciding, for the whole scheme fell to the ground;
Ptolemaeus being forced by his people to fly to Rome.
He bestowed a transient thought on the office of Augur,
a vacancy having been caused by the death of Q. Metellus
CelerJ; but it does not seem to have occupied his mind
long, although he confesses to Atticus that this was the
* Alexander HI., king of Egypt, was deposed by his subjects, and Ptolemreus Auletes raised to his throne. The Egyptians found themselves no
better off under this vain and incapable monarch, who maintained himself
only by means of Pompeius, whom he loaded with presents. Pompeius
sought to get for him the title of Friend and Ally of Rome, and disposed
Csesar in his interests. The Egyptians, on the other hand, found a patron
in Bibulus, but he effected nothing for them. In order to collect the vast
rums he had promised his powerful allies, Ptolemseus oppressed his people ;
they rose against him, and he fled to Rome.
f Atticus, who had returned to Italy at the end of the preceding year,
spent the first month of 695 with Cicero in Rome, Ep. 30, 2. {Alt ii. 4.),
and remained there when the latter went into the country. Early in the
summer he returned to Greece, whither Cicero's first letter from Rome is
directed. Ep. 44. (Att. ii. 18.)
J See Cicero's lamentations on the death of Metellus, in the speech for
Caslius, c. 24.: quum parietem scepe feriens eum, qui cum Q. Catulo fuerat
communis, crebro Catulum, scepe me, scepissime rempublicam nominabaU

94
l

(Ip'"l'2i

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

^ ^ a ^ w ^ w n ^ c n ^ n e Triumvirs could tempt him.1
He made no effort to procure i t ; nor surely would the
Triumvirs have wished to retain him in such an office in
Rome.
But Cassar did not as yet abandon the hope of gaining
him, or, at least, of bringing him into a position which
would prevent him from obstructing the present and future
schemes of the Triumvirate. He courteously invited him
45?3.'A{Au\\.to be his legaius in his expected province.2
Cicero
1
8
> is-)
hesitated for a while, and felt more inclined to accept this
post than a legatio libera which wTas offered him at the
same time. Certainly it would have secured him more
effectually from the persecutions of Clodius; but he deemed
himself now sufficiently armed against that danger, and
3£p.44,3. even longed for an encounter with the demagogue.3
m.j'un.) '' Another proposition, that he should fill the place vacated
by the death of one of the twenty commissioners of Csesar's
agrarian law, he rejected with horror. " Nothing," he
4 ^B.45,3. writes to his friend4, " would have disgraced me more id
mfjul'.)9'' the eyes of the world."
, Cicero had .penetrated the design of the three confederates, and was convinced that it aimed at the entire subversion of the constitution, such as he and a few others had
endeavoured to preserve it. " What can be the object,"
» 2?/>.43, i. he writes to Atticus 5 , "of this sudden matrimonial conm.Mai!) " nection?* of this division of lands? and of this lavish expenditure of money ? Were this the end, it would be bad
enough; but this cannot, in the nature of things, be the
end. For what satisfaction can any such measures give
them in themselves ? They would never have gone so far,
had they not meant to prepare the way for further and
more ruinous undertakings." The concurring testimony of
historians leaves us in no doubt as to the nature of the
* Caesar had given his daughter in marriage to Pompeius.

u. 695.

c. 59.

cic. 48.

schemes entertained by the Triumvirs; and the events of
Caesar's Consulship sufficiently bear out their views* as
well as Cicero's surmises. Caesar leagued himself with
Pornpeius and Crassus, under the agreement that no
political measure should take place against the will of any
one of the three. l At the commencement of his Consul-120suet. Jul.
ship, Caesar affected great moderation2, and managed t0 2Dio.ca>s
xxx.vi.ii 1

throw on his colleague the suspicion of sowing differences
between them. 3 But his designs soon stood clearly forth.3 APPian, 1
Among the particular measures which Cicero perceived
were to prepare the way for greater projects, was that of
the division of lands, just mentioned, proposed in the first
month of the year. Pornpeius, we have seen, brought
forward a similar law, but had failed in carrying it. Caesar
knew better how to attain his object, and managed to invest his proposal with the most specious appearances. The
public revenues were not to be diminished. He pretended
to give inhabitants and cultivators to the desert tracts of
Italy; and to support, by agricultural labour, a number of
idle and turbulent citizens. The special provisions of the
law were these : — The portion of the Campanian territory
which belonged to the State, together with the Campus
Stellatis, which an ancient ordinance forbade to be alienated, should be distributed among 20,000 citizens, each
having three or more children, burdened, however, with
a certain impost; lands held by private proprietors were
to be redeemed and divided also among the people, f
|Cicero clearly perceived that Caesar's aim was to obtain
* See Dio Cass, xxxvii. 51.; Plut. Cess. 13.; Crass. 14.; Suet. Jul 20.;
Veil. ii. 44.; Appian, B. C. ii. 10. foil.
f See Ep. 43,1. (Att. ii. 17.), with the remarks of Manutius and the commentators on Suet. Jul. 20. The first division was effected: but the other,
that of the lands belonging to private individuals, was stayed the next year
by the Tribune P. Clodius. See some further obstructions, JEp. 90. (Qu,
fr. ii. 1.)

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

popularity by this enactment. This inspired him with
a feeling of dread; and, to tranquillize his fears, he tried to
discover some weak point on which the measure was assaili Ep. 42, i. able.1 He seems not yet to have appreciated the
m. Mai'.; ' mighty intellect of its author, who had taken care so to
frame the law, that nothing objectionable could be laid to
its charge; a feature wherein is exhibited a wide difference
from the former proposition of Rullus. But he soon recognised the genius of the man, who, in spite of the constant
opposition of his colleague Bibulus, of Cato, and others,
found means of carrying his law, by submitting it, after
long and fruitless debates in the Senate, to the vote of the
%A$?l?n{0, popular assembly.2 Pompeius delivered a speech on this
xxxvmfi*. occasion, in which he reviewed the measure in detail, and
enlarged on its merits. " I f any one," he said, in conclusion,
to Caesar, "should draw his weapon against you, I will
raise sword and shield in your defence." Crassus, on his
part, was not wanting: the Tribune Vatinius, with six
others, had been gained over entirely to Caesar's interests x
and thus the resistance of Bibulus, while it caused a tumult
on the day of the Rogation, which endangered his own life,
was of no avail to his cause; and equally fruitless was the
opposition of Cato in the Senate, for which Caesar had
actually ventured to put him under arrest.*
The agrarian law was carried. An additional clause
was appended to it, to the effect that every one who sued
for any public office should swear to propose no change in
[lu.'itSly lt* Caesar also caused the people to swear to its perpetuity (
and at the same time obtained from them the enactment
of another edict, compelling the Senate and every magistrate
to take a similar oath for its ratification. Refusal to take
* " It is not the law, I fear," said Cato, " but the reward which is expected
for the law." Cato's arrest was immediately afterwards withdrawn by Csesar
himself, who was ashamed of it. Dio Cass, xxxviii. 3.; Plut. Cat. min. 33.

A.u. 695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

this oath was to be punished with death or banishment.
The Tribunes, and even the Senators, who had opposed the
law most vehemently, took the oath accordingly; nor did
Cato himself resist, when Cicero represented to him that
he might well dispense with Rome, but that Rome could
not dispense with him.1 And now twenty men of the firsti piut. cat.
consideration were selected to divide the lands; Pompeius plan, B.'C.H.
L

32.; Dio

and Crassus being themselves of the number. From this^ass"xxxviiL
time Caesar paid no more regard to the Senate, to whom
he had recommended his law in its most specious aspect
only to give himself an appearance of moderation: henceforth he applied for all his objects directly to the people.
The senators, who could never assemble in a body unless
summoned by both Consuls, now resorted often to the
house of Bibulus, whom they urged to the promulgation
of edicts aimed against Caesar.2
2 Appian.i.c.
How grievously Cicero was vexed by these proceedings,
how little Caesar's many admirable regulations availed to
soothe him, appears from several of his letters. From
them also we learn that Caesar was doing his utmost to
recommend his law as salutary and unobjectionable before
the day of the Rogation arrived. The people in Rome and
in those parts of the country where Cicero was residing,
gave vent to some murmurs at the proceedings of Caesar
and his associates.3 But this signified little. The enter-s EP.Z%%%
prising Tribune Vatinius was entirely in the Consul's tiA^'isfli.)
interests; there were men enough ready to draw the sword
for him in the streets of Rome; he understood how to gain
the support of the upper class; Cato he had at least rendered powerless to injure him; and Bibulus, whom the
rabble had bespattered with dirt on the day of the Rogation, reaped small advantage, either for himself or for the
State, from the adulation bestowed upon him by the friends
of a constitution now doomed to irretrievable ruin.4 Foiled4 Ep. 41/1.;
T?

4 5 - 4 7 . {Att.
ii. 15-21.)

L I F E AND LETTEKS OF CICERO.

in his resistance to the agrarian law, he withdrew to his
own house, and proclaimed the remaining days of the year
1
1
Dio Cass, dies nefasti, disqualified, that is, for public business.
His
edicts were read with transport by the friends of the Republic : its enemies at first resented, but were now satisfied
with ignoring them.
The knights, in whom Cicero still continued to place
some confidence, whose interests he still tried, whenever he
2
Ep.43,3. could, to favour 2 , were gained to Caesar by his remitting
to them a third of their contracts with the State.* This
was just what Cicero wished two years before; but now
the knights were indebted for it, not to the Senate but to
Caesar, whom they made their idol accordingly.! Meanwhile he amused and conciliated the people by shows and
gladiatorial combats, with profusion and liberality of every
kind. In these efforts he far exceeded the limits of his
own resources; but he acted on the principle that he who
aims at winning the great stake, must not trouble himself
about minor matters. Nor does he seem to have been at
all scrupulous as to the means of procuring money for this
3 suet. jut. enormous expenditure. 3 Yet with all this, we must not
lose sight of the fact, that Caesar's ambition never excluded
a genuine zeal for the public welfare. Many admirable
laws and institutions, made during his tenure of the Consulship, give evidence of this, and do honour to his political sagacity. £
* Dio Cass, xxxviii. 7.; Suet. Jul 20. [The publicans in Asia had
besought the Senate to release them from the covenants they had unwarily
contracted as farmers of the provincial imposts. Cato thought they ought
to be kept to the bargains they in their blind rapacity had made, and this
refusal had irritated them against the Optimates, and threw them into the
hands of the enemy. See above.]
f Appian, B. C. ii. 13., Qe9eia£ov aMv.
% [These laws related principally to the government of the provinces
(e. g. Lex Julia de pecuniis repetundis, lex Julia judiciaria), and were

u. 695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

Pitiful, meanwhile, was the part played by the great
Pompeius, of whom, as early as in May, Cicero wrote :
" We have everything to fear: Pompeius affects the tyranny
and avows it."* Dio Cassius truly says of him: " P o m peius could now hope for no further extension of his power.
When he saw Crassus already in possession of considerable
influence, and Cassar on the way to it, he could not but
anticipate the probability of his being overthrown by the
united strength of both: but if he made common cause with
them, he might hope to rise again to his former consideration.1 But the history of all times and nations teaches i DIO cass.
how perilous is the man's position, whose political preeminence rests wholly on the support of others. He who
had been unable to carry his own agrarian law (for that
brought forward by Flavius was indeed his) found himself
now compelled to support Caesar's: he dared not even
refuse to be appointed one of the " Twenty," though theirs
was an office which Cicero, notwithstanding its external
dignity, rejected with indignation as degrading.2 He 2 Ep.jb. 3.
united himself in marriage with a daughter of Caesar,com'p 'veil'
.

ii. 45.

who had been at an earlier period betrothed to Servilius
Caepio; and thenceforth he was first asked his opinion by
his father-in-law in the Senate, instead of Crassus, who
had previously enjoyed that empty distinction.f As early
adapted to conciliate the subjects of the Republic, in which Caesar undoubl"
edly had a personal object.]
* Ep. 4 3 , 1. (Att.

ii. 17.) d/jLoXoyovixevcos rvpavvida crvo-Kevafcrcu.

Comp,

Ep. 42, 1. (AU. ii. 16.)
f Appian, B. C. ii. 14.; Suet. Jul. 21. [The form of conducting a
debate in the Roman Senate was this: The Consul, or Praetor in his absence,
called upon all the members successively to declare their sentiments, which
they did either in a speech or by merely assenting to the opinion of some
preceding speaker; in which case they rose from their place and went over
to him. At the conclusion of the debate the groups thus assembled were
counted. Comp. Plin. Ep. viii. 14. 19. The Consul usually called first
upon one of the Consuls elect, next upon the Consulars, the Praetors and other
F 2

100

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

as the beginning of May Cicero writes to Atticus:
" Pompeius is weary of the connexion, and sorely repents
> Ep. 48,3. having entered into i t ; " 1 and in a latter letter he says :
comp. 47, "2' " He wishes once more to regain the place from which he
j
has been forced to descend ; he imparts his distress to me,
» Ep. 49,2. and sometimes seeks openly to repair it." 2 His alliance
(Alt. ii. 23.}

with Caesar, in fact, brought him no other advantage than
the confirmation of his acts in Asia. The people, who
know how to discriminate between the real substance of
power and its mere outward semblance, now insulted him
as freely as they had before applauded him. At the games
of Apollo celebrated on the 5th of July, they compelled
the actor Diphilus several times to repeat, " Through our
misery thou art become great ;"* and hailed the words with
acclamations. Tremendous was the shout which resounded
in the theatre when he uttered the sentence: " The time
will come when this thy greatness shall cause thee to sigh
deeply."f And these are the words of Cicero: " Our
unhappy friend, who until now never knew what unpopularity was, who heard nothing but the voice of praise, who
dwelt in an atmosphere of glory, now wretched and desponding, knows not whither to betake himself. He sees
that he has proceeded too far, yet to recede were difficult;
the good being his enemies, the bad not his friends. But
how soft-hearted I am! When he harangued the people
high magistrates. But he was not bound to any particular order. In Sallust's report of the debate upon the punishment of the Catilinarians (Catil.'
51.) we find Catulus, a Consular, and Princeps Senatus, speaking after
Caesar, who was only Praetor elect. But whatever order the Consul assigned
at the commencement of his administration he was expected to maintain
throughout. Csesar's conduct, therefore, in this respect was noticed as an
innovation.]
* Ep. 45, 2. (AtL ii. 19.) Nostra mispria tu es magnus. These words are
from a tragedy, perhaps one of Attius.
f Ibid. jEandem viitutem istam veniet tempus quurn graviter gemes

u. 695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

101

on the 25th of July against the edicts of Bibulus, he who
formerly was wont to stand so proudly on the same spot,
and magnify himself and his own exploits, strong in the
people's love, and honoured with universal approbation,—
I could not restrain my tears! What a humble, abject
tone he now adopted, displeasing both to his audience and
himself! Oh, this truly was a spectacle at which none but
Crassus could rejoice ! * And as Apelles would have felt
severe pain could he have seen his Venus, or Protogenes
his Ialysus, bespattered with dirt, even thus it was with
real grief that I beheld him whom I had laboured to adorn
with all the colours of my art, now suddenly defaced." 11 Ef)m 47> 2.
Though Cicero's lively fancy, and the pain he really felt, ( ^ ,11,21,)
may have led him to some exaggeration in this passage,
he assuredly perceived the true bearings of the case; and
so he would have done, apart from his mortification at
Pompeius officiating as Augur on the occasion of Clodius's
adoption into a plebeian house; when he threatened in his
anger " to address a glorious Palinode " to him for whom
he had once delivered the most magnificent speeches.2 If2 Scil.pro leg.
he was sorely distressed at the conduct of Pompeius, h e ^ i . \AUAU
found no consolation in Cato, though he always continued
to respect and honour him: thus when the proposed embassy to Egypt was occupying his mind, he quoted with
reference to Cato the Homeric verse: —
HovXvSdfjbas fjboc irp&ros sXsy^stTjv dvaOrjast^

^.31,1.

(Att. ii. 5.)'

and affirmed that this one man was worth a hundred Hgm.z/.xxii.
thousand in his eyes. Yet he admitted that the patriot
whose words and deeds were worthy of Plato's republic,
could not maintain himself and his virtue in the Roman
* Whose old hostility to Pompeius had not quite yielded to the political
persuasions of Caesar.
F 3

102

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

world such as it then was. He even went so far as to
}J?." ?£'!.) ascribe partly to him the subversion of the State. 1 He
was probably thinking of the case of the knights, whose
claims, already mentioned, Cato was then opposing. And
Cato, in fact, found himself, after long refusing, forced at
last to swear adhesion to the agrarian law; after which
2
Dio pass. n e resisted the measures of Caesar no further.2
xxxviu. 7.

Thus had Caesar become master of Rome. "Believe
*" writes Cicero to Atticus 3 , " t h e whole State and
government have whirled gaily round, with less noise than
I could have expected, and swifter than they should;
partly through Cato's fault, but more from their iniquity
who set at nought laws and auspices, who squandered on
kinglings the estates of the Romans, and heaped enormous
treasures on their own creatures." We who are privileged
to survey the times that followed, and can see how Caesar's
mighty genius, born for dominion, was clearly developed
afterwards in his deeds, can pronounce, without hesitation,
that all hope of maintaining the Republic was already at
an ^nd. But, at the period of Caesar's Consulship, Cicero
cherished other ideas. At its commencement he was, as
we have seen, cast down and desponding. But a temperament like his rises again to hope as easily as it yields to
despair. He who in the beginning of the year 694 wrote,
< EP. 23,2. " T h e Roman Commonwealth can no longer endure," 4

L&i3.5?)'

{4tt. i. 18.)

now, when its condition had really become much worse,
was once more hopeful. After Caesar's Rogation, he thus
writes to Atticus: " One source of hope yet remains to
5
£.9.33,2. us — discord between the Triumvirs 5 ; and from what
Curio tells us, this would seem already to have begun."*
And soon afterwards: " Be sure that I have learned
* We do not know with certainty what this disagreement was. It was at
any rate of no importance, and of short duration; we find a few hints of it in
Ep. 33. (Ait. il 7.)

A,U.

695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

103

nothing, either from experience or from the writings of
Theophrastus*, if you do not speedily hear that people
are wishing for my days back again, f For though the
power of the Senate may have been hated formerly, what,
think you, are people likely to feel when this power is
transferred, not to the people, but to three arrogant chiefs ?
Soon you will see raised to power, not those only who have
never swerved, [meaning himself,] but even Cato, who so
damaged us." 1
i EP. 35,3.
But Cicero relied too much on the temper of the people.
Prone to murmur when the powerful rise and introduce a
new order of things, as easily do they suffer themselves to
be tamed when a transcendant genius undertakes to manage
them. The youth Curio, whom, but a short time before,
Cicero had treated with scorn, now, full of zeal for the
nobles and hatred of the Triumvirs, inspired him wTith
exasperated hopes.! 2 But a few years later he had to2Ep.33,2.?
*"

•

34 1 . ' 36 2. •

behold in this same Curio the most active friend and s u p - ^ L W . n'.
porter of Csesar. Rarely is the gift of divination bestowed
upon a party man in a period of party dissension. Had
Cicero possessed it, he assuredly would have continued to
think and feel as he did at the commencement of this
fatal year, when he said, " I have resolved to think no more
about the Kepublic;" 3 and would have abandoned himself3 EP- 30,5.;
r

comp. 39, 2.

entirely to philosophy and study. How much misery ( ^ ii - 4 - 13 >
would he have avoided had he continued of the same mind
* From his book on " The Republic," which Cicero greatly admired.
f [My days (nostra tempora.) He refers to his own Consulship, and the
three years which followed, in which he still fancied his authority paramount. See Ep. 148. (Div. i. 9.), nobis consulibus . . . . nobis privatis
usque ad Ccesarem et Bibulum coss, &c.
f [Caius, son of C. Scribonius Curio, a chief of the Optimates, at this time a
mere lad. Cicero had spoken of him most contumeliously, as the creature of
Catilina and the profligate M. Antonius. Ep. 19, 5. (Att. i. 14.)]

r 4

104

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i up. 42,2. as when he wrote in May to Atticus 1 : " Had I chosen to
[Att. ii. 16.)

resist my enemies, I could have round the means. .But
I have made up my mind — as your friend Dicawchus*
differs from my friend Theophrastus, in that the former
prefers the practical life, and the latter the speculative —
to pay a compliment both to the one and the other. Diesearchus, I fancy, I have fully satisfied: henceforth I will
devote myself to the school, which not only allows me to
repose, but blames me for having ever disquieted myself.
Therefore, my friend, let me turn once more to my
noble studies, and repair again to the port whence I should
2 comp. ^ . never have hoisted sail." 2 This is the proper place to
ii.4.>°* v 'mention the sentiment he so emphatically expresses to
Atticus: " No one is more unfortunate than I am, none
more fortunate than Catulus, both in the brilliancy of his
life and the opportuneness of his death." How indeed
could he, whose life was his love for Rome, fail to envy
the fate of Catulus, at moments when the cry was extorted
from him, " The Republic is ruined and undone." f
When Cicero penned this sentence about Catulus, he
was in Rome, whither he had repaired in June, after an
interview1* with Atticus, who was then on the point of
returning to Greece. Though in an hour of despondency
he might long for death, yet his natural temper still impelled him to the stage on which alone he could enact the
part assigned him, So true were the words he once wrote
to Atticus: " There is no other difference between you
and me, I have always thought, than the different kinds
of life we have respectively chosen: for while a certain
feeling has constantly urged me to strive for the high
places of the earth, a love of honourable ease, assuredly a
* Dicsearchus was an Aristotelian philosopher at Messana, the author of
some historical and political writings.
f Ep, 47, 1. (Att. ii. 21.) De republica quid ego tibi subtiliter? tota periit.

u. 695.

c. 59.

cic. 48.

105

feeling in no way blameable, has always actuated you.*
The labours of the Forum, which my ambition once made
endurable to me, I now sustain for the maintenance of my
dignity." 1 In the same spirit he now writes in his &r^\Ftp\2h2:
letter from Rome: " I bear myself pretty highly, considering the general humiliation of those about me, yet
abjectly enough for one who has done such fine things as
I have." 2 We see that the consciousness of his own 2 ^44,2.
.,,

(Att.il.

IS)

greatness still continued to inspire mm; — " 1 crave my
country's blessing," he exclaims: " if I have done less for
her than I ought, I have at least done more than she
uaimea.
^
^
^
{AtfAi 9»}
And now a juncture was at hand in which he needed
all his prudence and firmness; for a heavy storm was
gathering over him. Clodius by the use of illegal means
had accomplished the design of exchanging from the ranks
of the Patricians to those of the Plebeians; a project
which he had unsuccessfully endeavoured to execute the
preceding year.4 Cicero, when pleading for Antonius in 4 ac.pro
the beginning of the present year f, had allowed himself in
the heat of argument to give utterance to the feelings
which political events had excited in him. The expressions were repeated in an exaggerated and perverted form,
* This ease, this life of opulence and comfort, Atticus acquired after all
in a manner which does his character no honour. He was befriended by
Sulla, and he supplied the younger Marius with his money; the strictest
confidant of Cicero, he kept nevertheless on good terms with Clodius; he
connected himself at the same time with Cassar, with Brutus, and Cassius;.
nor did he fail to gain the favour of Antonius.
f I say in the beginning of the year, for in an early month we find Cicero
already out of Rome; nor is there any trace in his letters of his returning to
the city from his estates before June, while Clodius was already suing for
the Tribunate at the commencement of April. The quidam viri in the speech
pro domo (c. 16.) can only mean Csesar and Pompems.
F 5

106

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

by malicious persons, to Cassar and Pompeius. This was
at noon; three hours afterwards the adoption of Clodius
> cic pro was carried.1
Suet. Jul. 20.
The object of Clodius in becoming a Plebeian was to
get himself elected Tribune, and in that capacity to effect
the ruin of Cicero. Suetonius, Velleius, Plutarch, Dio
Cassius, and Appian concur in affirming that in this
design he was abetted by Caesar*; thereby bearing out
2
cic pro the words of Cicero himself at a later period.2 W e may
readily believe that Pompeius acquiesced in Caesar's plans
from weakness, and the desire of propitiating him. He
was certainly present as Augur at the assembly at which
3
Ep. 36, I. the adoption of Clodius was carried.3 I t is true he exacted from him a promise to take no hostile measures
* Ep. i5,3.; against Cicero during his Tribunate 4 , which post by
46, 2, 3. (Att.

ii 19,20.); Cesar's help he speedily obtained.5 He continued also to
< Dio cass. hold encouraging language to Cicero, and declared himself
•
xxxviii. 12.

e Ept ^ 2. his truest friend.6 But what could be expected from the
{AU. n. 20.) p r o m i s e s 0 f a Clodius, who no sooner obtained the Tribunate than he behaved like a madman ? f What from
the friendship of a Pompeius, who already played but a
second part in the State; which, as circumstances then
stood, was equivalent to no part at all. W e possess no
very clear insight into the conduct pursued by Cassar
towards Cicero at this period; partly owing to a break in
the correspondence with Atticus, which would otherwise
have given us a key to many matters affecting Cicero ;
partly to the circumstance that in the speeches delivered
subsequently to his banishment, in which he enters so
* See Suet. Jul. 20.; Veil. Pat. ii. 45, 2.; Plut. Cic. 30.; Cats. 14.; Dio
Cass, xxxviii. 10. 12.; App. ii. 14.
f Gic. Ep. 48, 1. (Att. ii. 22.) Volitat, furit, nihil habet certi; multis denunciat; quodfors obtulerit, id acturus videtur.

A. TJ.

695.

c. 59.

CiC. 48.

107

largely on the subject of Clodius*, motives of political
caution deter him from making more than a slight and
casual mention of Caesar. But comparing what we know
on this subject from other sources, with the speech here
referred to, we may arrive at the following conclusions :
Caesar, after he had founded the Triumvirate and entered
on the Consulship, could not fail to be discontented with
Cicero, who steadily refused to take any part in the alliance he had concluded with Pompeius and Crassus, and
was not sparing in his remarks upon these proceedings,
either in his speeches in the Forum or in private conversation with his friends, when he could not always suppress a
witty sarcasm. When in his speech in defence of Antonius, delivered in January or February, he touched upon
political matters, and his words were reported to Caesar in
a garbled form, Ca3sar in an ebullition of anger got Clodius adopted into the Plebs, and Pompeius as Augur
sanctioned that transaction, illegal as it was, by his presence. Caesar was by nature mild, and we possess indubitable proofs of his high esteem for Cicero: the step just
taken, though calculated to further his own designs, might,
he perhaps felt, be attended with awkward consequences.
Possibly, he might again have entertained, in spite of
what had passed, a hope of gaining Cicero over to his own
interests; or possibly Atticus may have been advocating
his friend's cause with him. He seems to have thought of
sending Clodius away on a foreign mission, and thus preventing him from suing for the Tribunate. 1 If we mayi^ < 3 3 2#
credit a letter from Cicero to Atticus 2 , Caesar endeavouredl At *' u ' 7}
z

Ep. 36 1, '

like Pompeius to shift from his own shoulders the blame (Att- "• *-•>
of having made Clodius a Plebeian. But the latter, intent
solely upon his meditated revenge against Cicero, was incensed at the proposition of being sent to a distance. He
* Most fully in the speech: De provinciis consularibus, 17. foil.
F 6

108

L I F E AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

preferred his claims to the Tribunate in April, and threatened, should he gain the office, to reverse all Csesar's meaJ Ep. 36,2 sures. 1 Meanwhile Csesar, as we have seen, persevered in
his endeavours to conciliate Cicero: he offered him one of
his own lieutenancies*; when that was refused, one of the
twenty commissionerships. But Cicero was still blind to
the danger impending over him. " I long to enter the
lists with Clodius," he writes in June to Atticus ; and in
later letters he expresses the same sentiment. Pompeius,
in fact, kept on encouraging him. Then at last Caesar let
him drop, and connected himself more closely with Clodius, who with his assistance became Tribune, f
When Cicero returned to Kome in June, the sight of
* Plutarch (Cic. 30.) says that Cicero had solicited such a post in order
to protect himself against Clodius, and received the promise of one: by and
by Clodius reassured him, and thereupon he threw it up. Caesar, irritated
at this, abandoned him to his enemy* But this account is contradicted by
Cicero's letters, 44, 45.
t Probably in July, as that was the season for the election of Tribunes.
In 689 the comitia for this election were held July 17. Cic. Ep. 10, 1.;
(Att. i. 1.) The new Tribunes entered on their office Dec. 10. Cicero enumerates the principal events here treated of in the following order;—
1. He is occupied with the idea of a mission to Egypt. Ep. 31. {Att. i i
5.) Probably in March.
2. He mentions the Vigintiviri. Ep. 32, 1. {Att. ii. 6.) Probably in the
same month.
3. He laments the disregard of the most important laws. Ep. 35, 3,
(Att ii. 9.) At the beginning of April.
4. Clodius sues for the Tribunate, and menaces CaBsar. Ep. 36, 2. (Att
ii. 12.) At the beginning of April.
5. Csesar gives his daughter in marriage to Pompeius. Ep. 43, 1. (Att
ii. 17.) Early in May.
6. Cicero invited by Caesar to be his legatus. Ep. 44, 3. (Att. i. 18.)
Early in June.
7. Again, to be one of the twenty commissioners. Ep 45,3. (Att.il.19.)
In July.
8. Affairs occasioned by Vettius. Ep. 50. (Att. ii. 24.) In August.
The last letter of this period (to Atticus) belongs to the same month.

u. 695.

B. c. 59.

Cic. 48.

109

the city filled him with profound grief and indignation.
" We are hemmed in on all sides," he says in his first
letter from thence to Atticus ; " and we no longer refuse
to be slaves, but death and exile inspire us with terror, as
if these were something worse than slavery, when indeed
they are far lighter evils, and the misery of these circumstances, which all with one sigh deplore, none ventures to
relieve by the utterance of a single word." 1 " Know,"i EP.U, I.
he says in his next letter, " that there was never anything u'u'18,)
more shameful, more disgraceful, more repugnant to men
of all ranks, ages and conditions, than the present situation
of the Republic. These popular men, forsooth, have
taught the very populace to hiss at them. Wretch that I
am ! Why are you not here ? Nothing would escape your
penetration. May be I am too purblind, too devoted to
justice and virtue." 2 W e lay stress on the latter words,2 EP. 45,1.
because they ought to weigh something in the scale (ML k 19.'
against the severe judgment so many have passed upon
Cicero both in ancient and modern times.
Unfortunately the month of August furnishes us with
scarcely any letters to Atticus. For at the earnest request of his friend, who began gradually to perceive the
extent of the danger which menaced him from Clodius,
Atticus had returned to Rome. Cicero had written to
him in the beginning of the month: " If you love me as
much as I am persuaded you do, wake if you are sleeping,
walk if you are standing, fly if you are running." 3 We3 Ep. 49,4.
have accordingly no expressions of the feeling with which
Cicero heard of the extraordinary proconsular powers
committed to Ca3sar, and the way in which they were
acquired.
The Senate of the preceding year, more cautious than
prudent, had assigned to the Consuls then to be elected
the supervision of the roads and forests for their pro-

110

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

vincesl: for it feared the enterprising spirit of Caesar
in a more important sphere. But he was well aware of
this object, And now, in defiance of the Sempronian
law *, which restricted to a single year the occupation of a
province, with the aid of his brother-in-law Piso, his sonin-law Pompeius, and the Tribune Clodius, and by means
of a Rogation of his creature Vatinius, Caesar obtained
from the people, who had no right to give it, but who*
were alarmed at the rumour of hostile movements in Gaul,
the government of the Cisalpine together with Illyricum,
with a force of three legions, for five years; and the
Senate, fearing lest he should still extort from the people
whatever else it attempted to withhold, consented to add
the Transalpine province, with another legion.f Caesar
had now attained the object of his most ardent wishes;
the stepping stone, as he regarded it, to the final goal he
aimed at. These were the provinces which, according to
the expression of Suetonius, offered him the fairest
opportunity for a triumph. J Here he might train himself
an army such as might conquer the Roman world: for in
one of these provinces alone could a standing force be
legally maintained on this side of the Alps. § " Now,"
* [This lex Sempronia was enacted by C. Gracchus (A. U. 630). It provided also that the provinces should be assigned prospectively before the
election of the Consuls. Sail. Jugur. 27.; Cic. de prov. Cons. 2. 15.; pro
dom. 9. In later times this was seldom observed in either particular.]
f Dio Cass, xxxviii. 8.; Suet. Jul 22. [The people possessed the original
right of assigning the provinces, as well as of electing the Consuls. The
prevalent custom, according to which the Senate enjoyed this patronage, wae,
in fact, a tacit usurpation. In some cases the people actually claimed and
exercised the right, as when they gave Numidia to Marius (Sail. Jugur. 73.),
and the Eastern command to Pompeius by the Manilian law.]
J Suet. 1. c. idonea materia triumphorum.
§ Cisalpine Gaul was the spot where a bold aggressor could best plant
his batteries against the city, and on this account Antonius, at a later period,
was so eager to occupy it.

A. u. 695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

Ill

said Cato in the Senate, " now you have made yourselves
a king by your own act and deed, and brought him, guards
and all, into your citadel." 1 Caesar himself, if we mayi pint. cat.
credit Suetonius, behaved with such arrogance after this
success, as to boast a few days after in the Senate-house,
that he had gained his demands against the will and to the
utter mortification of his adversaries; and now he would
boldly trample on all their heads.
We gain some insight into the practices which Caesar
and his party allowed themselves against the defenders of
the Republic, from Cicero's account of the proceedings
relative to a certain Vettius 2 ; the same whom he had 2 ^.50,2.
before employed as a spy in the Catilinarian conspiracy,
in which Vettius had been concerned. This man had promised Caesar to bring Curio the zealous enemy of the Triumvirs 3 , and certain others of their opponents, under sus- 3 ^.34,4.
picion of a plot against the life of Pompeius. But n e ^ W l u 8 >
spread his nets so unskilfully, that he became himself the
victim of his own arts. I t was believed that Caesar, or
perhaps Vatinius, to whom at a later period Cicero
ascribed the entire management of this transaction 4 , in4 cic.m
order to prevent any dangerous consequences from the dis- m' '
covery, had caused Vettius to be put to death in prison.*
The nobles were naturally exasperated to the highest
* The comparison of Cicero's letter with what Dion says about this affair
(xxxviii. 9.) will show how little the historian can be trusted when he speaks
of the orator. Appian, who makes Vettius affirm that he was bribed by
Cato, Bibulus, and Cicero, to assassinate Caesar and Pompeius, says that the
people, after that incident, allowed Caesar to guard himself against violence,
and that Bibulus from thenceforward shut himself up in his house as a private citizen. Vettius wanted, perhaps, to effect the second time the design
against Caesar in which he had previously failed. (See p. 61.) It is evident from comparing the passages, in Vatin. ii. and Ep. 50, 2., that Cicero
spares Caesar in his speech against Vatinius. Suetonius in speaking of the
affair of Vettius has no such tenderness for Caesar. Jul. 20.

112

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

degree when Vettius, the day after he had been committed
to prison for his false accusations, was by Caesar's command
brought forward to repeat them to the people from the
Rostrum—"from the very place which Csesar as Praetor
had forbidden Catulus to ascend when he wished to refute
the charges against him, and on which the Consul Bibulus
i Ep.bo,a. could never venture to appear." 1 Meanwhile he provided
(Att. i i . 24.)

l •

against the reversal or his measures the next year by procuring the election to the Consulship of two creatures of
2 Appian, his own, Aulus Gabinius, and Piso 2 , whose daughter
Calpurnia he had recently married.*
After his return to Rome, Cicero kept aloof from political affairs. " I do not mix at all in the concerns of the
Commonwealth," he writes to Atticus; " I devote myself
3 Ep.48,1. entirely to my pleadings:" 3 —and in the following letter:
" I attend no political consultations, but abandon myself
wholly to the business of the Forum; and the consequence
is, as you may imagine, that people often talk of what I
did in former times, and wish them back again." This
seems to have afforded him some consolation. " My forensic
labours," he says in the same letter, " are acceptable not
only to those whom I directly serve, but to people generally. My house is much frequented; I am treated with
respect; the memory of my Consulate is revived; a
friendly zeal is generally manifested in my behalf; so that
I begin to think sometimes that I ought not to avoid the
4 Ep. 23.) I. conflict which threatens me." 4 His activity was great, b u t
49,
(Att. ii.
few monuments of it remain. The two speeches he delivered
for the late Praetor Aulus Thermus, drew down warm
congratulations on the orator, while his client's acquittal
* With reference to this marriage, and the alliance of Pompeius with
Caesar's daughter, Cato had exclaimed, " Matrimony is. the pander to
tyranny:" 5tajUao"Tpo7ret>ecr0cu yd/iois TTJV ^ye^oj/iav. Appian, 1. c.

u. 695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

113

on two impeachments gave general satisfaction.* He was
equally fortunate in his defence of L. Valerius Flaceus,
who had been Prastor during his Consulate, at which time
he had done good service against Catilina; and who having
subsequently received Asia for his province, where he was
succeeded by Quintus Cicero, was now accused by D.
Laelius of malversation. He found a second advocate in
Hortensius. l
\ 5*-.?1*-2\
{Att. n. 25.)

The speech which Cicero delivered for Flaccus, and
which we possess in a mutilated form, is one of the great
orator's most brilliant efforts. I t is important, among
other reasons, because it gives his judgment on the
character of the Greeks 2 ; proving that he was by no2 proFiacc.
means blindly partial to that people; and also for a
curious passage relative to the Jewish nationf, in which
we perceive traces of the contempt the Romans entertained for their religion, and the importance they nevertheless possessed in Rome. In this composition Cicero
appears by no means to labour under timidity and apprehension, although the fate of the ill-timed expressions in
his speech for Antonius must have given him a presentiment of danger.3 On the contrary he alludes to the poli-3 see above,
.

(p. 105.)

tical circumstances of the day in a bold and unembarrassed
tone 4 : " Y o u r sentence, oh Judges, concerns not Lydians,* pr0Fiacc.
Mysians, or Phrygians; but it affects your own Republic,
the constitution of your State, the common weal, the hope
of all good men, yea, and whatever else can strengthen
or sustain the courage of worthy citizens. Every other
refuge of the good, every other safeguard of innocence,
every other support, counsel, help, privilege of the Commonwealth is overturned." The defence of Antonius has
* Cic. pro Flacc. 39. The speeches have not come down to us.
f Cic. pro Flacc. 28. Scis, Lceli, quanta sit manus (Judceorum), quanta
concordia, quantum valeat in concionibus.

114

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

already been mentioned. I t is no longer extant; it would
probably have afforded a remarkable, though not a pleasing
testimony of Cicero's art. I t was of no avail to his client,
who was banished, and retired to Cephalonia.*
i EP. 32, i.;
W e find from a letter to Atticus 1 , that when Cicero
comp. 34, 1.

{Att. ii. e. s.) W as residing at his estate at Antium, highly mortified at
the turn events were taking, he occupied himself in drawing up anecdotes relating to the secret history of the times,v
and of the men in power, after the manner of Theopompus,
who wrote a similar but more bitter commentary on the
history of Philip of Macedon. This work seems never to
have seen the light.f
The letters of this period furnish us with few particulars relating to Cicero's domestic life: but there is something very pleasing in the occasional mention of his son
which occurs in the midst of his details of political cares
and anxieties. If, however, his heart was gladdened
by observation of his child's opening faculties, his glance
into the future must undoubtedly have been troubled at
thinking of the times which his mature years were des2 Att. ii. r. tined tovvitness. Prom the thirty-third letter 2 we find that
he had procured, with the assistance of Atticus, a Greek
tutor for his own son, then six years old, as well as for his
3
AU ii. 9. brother's. The concluding words of the thirty-fifth letter 3,
Ki/cspcov 6 fjbiKpos aairaX^Tai

TITOV

'AOTJVCUOV, m a y

have

been added by the young Cicero to show that he had commenced Greek; a conjecture too pleasing not to be,
* On the impeachment of Antonius, see Dio Cass, xxxviii. 10. He was
accused by Laslius of complicity in the Catilinarian conspiracy, and of malversation in his province by another. He remained still in banishment when
his nephew, M. Antonius, recalled other exiles by Caasar's direction. He was
first summoned home by Caasar in his Dictatorship.
•j- It is a question whether the 'Aj/e/cSora, Ep. 698. (Att. xiv. 19.) are
identical with the work here mentioned. [See below.]

A.U.

695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

115

readily admitted. Doubtless it was with heartfelt pleasure
that the father wrote in his forty-second letter l9 Ktfcspcov \ AH. a. n.
apicrTOfcpaTiKG>TaTo$ irals. He saw perhaps his own principles
beginning to bud in his child. Nor can we fail to be gratified at observing a trait of affection for his birthplace in
one who admired Rome above all things, the imperial city
in which he had a stately dwelling, besides possessing
splendid and elegant villas in the fairest regions of Italy.
" W h y should I invite you to Arpinum?" he writes to
Atticus,
" T^PVX8^ a^^ ccyaOrj fcovpoTpoffios, ovro sycoys
f}9 yai7]$ BvvaaaL yXv/cspcorspov aXXo IBsaOat.^2

* Ep. 38,2.
{Att. ii. 11.);
Horn. Odt/ss.

A letter, written perhaps November, 695, to his brother15"27''
Quintus, whose government was then coming to an end,
contains some curious particulars, and gives us an insight
into the characters of the two. They were both, as we
have often had occasion to remark, of a sanguine temperament ; but there was this difference between them, that
the younger paid too little regard to men and their
opinions, the elder too much. Quintus had a lively sense
of right: but he wanted the conduct, calmness, and circumspection indispensable to one whose duty it is to administer justice, and to make his qualities appreciated
throughout a wide sphere of influence. Any violation of
right threw him into a passion, and his punishments
seemed inflicted to satisfy his own feelings rather than the
demands of justice. Nor was he always consistent with
himself; and his elder brother, usually so mild and forbearing, found occasion to reprehend him severely.3 Marcus 3 Ep. 52> 5.
hated injustice: yet he did not refuse sometimes to connive
at it from regard to those in power. There are instances
of this in the letter last referred to, when he is speaking

116

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

of Cassar and Pompeius, and of the Preetor elect, L. Flai Ep. 52,6. vius.1 Again, the manumission of Statius, a favourite
slave of his brother's, seems to have caused him no little
* EPp. 52,i.;vexation.2 This affair was much talked of in Rome,
(Q«.>.°f.2.;where it was thought that Statius possessed too much
Ait. ii. 18 19.)

influence over his master's mind. Marcus was convinced
himself that the matter was of no importance; but his
3
Ep. 45, l. words are remarkable 3 , when we reflect how considerable a
(Att.u. i9.) p a r t g } a v e s a n ( j f r e e d m e n played in later times: " Though
there should be nothing in it contrary to justice and
honesty, you should remember that there is always something repulsive, and not strictly in accordance with selfrespect and dignity, in a master showing excessive favour
to a slave or freedman."
The excitability of Cicero's character appears in all the
letters of this period. At one moment he is plunged in
profound melancholy, amounting even to despair; at the
next he indulges again in unwarrantable hopes. The dangers which threaten him personally he encounters at first
with careless contempt, openly bids them defiance, and
thinks himself quite secure in the promises and assurances
of Pompeius and others; all Italy he thinks will stand up
for him, and bring him out of his troubles with redoubled
« Ep. 52,9. glory.4 But as the danger approaches nearer, he becomes
anxious and cast down, and eagerly implores his friend's
assistance. One thought alone remains firmly fixed in his
mind throughout: and that is the consciousness that he
has laboured honestly for the good of the State, and the
memory of his glorious Consulate. " My folly," he writes
5 Ep.&, 2. to his friend 5 , " and what I must needs call my vanity,
(for it is a fine thing to know one's own faults) find some
satisfaction in one circumstance : — I used to be stung by
the idea that six hundred years hence the political deserts

u. 695.

B.C. 59.

cic. 48.

117

of Pompeius would appear greater than mine; I am now
for ever relieved from any such apprehension."
Comparing the letter quoted at the close of our second
division, with what we have learned from those of the present period, we must conclude that Cicero was born too
late to be capable of upholding the Roman Republic in its
true spirit. He was wise and great—but the foundations
of the Commonwealth were undermined: Caesar's star
shone too potently, and such a nature as Cicero's could
make no resistance to its conquering influence.

BOOK IY.

LETTERS

CICERO,

IN THE YEARS

696 AM> 697.

CICERO IN EXILE.

BOOK IV.
SURVEY OF HISTORICAL EVENTS.

A, U. 696. B. C. 58. Cic. 49.
L, CALPITRNIUS PISO CESONINUS ; AULUS GABINIUS.

CAESAR defeats the Helvetians at Bibracte, and brings
them into subjection.
He then compels Ariovistus to
leave Gaul and retreat beyond the Rhine.
A.U. 697. B.C. 57.

Cic. 50.

P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER ; Q. C^CILIUS METELLUS NEPOS.

Clodius had entered on his Tribunate in the December
of the preceding year; and it was evident that he would
employ every means in his power, to execute his projected
plan of revenge against Cicero. He had no resistance to
fear from Pompeius, who did not dare to take any step
independently of Caesar, or contrary to his views; and
that Caesar had now quite abandoned Cicero, and desired
his removal in order to the furtherance of his own designs,
is clear from the account of the latter in his oration for
Sestius.* Cato on his part was not sparing in remonstrances, and testified loudly against the method in which
Cicero was attacked: but he was unable to stand against
the Consuls and their powerful allies.1 Moreover, just1' cic.j»ro
at the time of Cicero's fall, he found himself obliged to
' * Pro Sest. 28. This speech, and others connected with it, must not, of
course, be regarded as conclusive historical documents.
G

122

1
Dio Cass,
xxxviii. 12.

2 Dio Cass.
xxxviii. 12.

Ep. 52, 9.
(Qu. fr. i. 2,

Cic. in
Pison. 5.

5
Appian,
JB. C. ii. 14.
Dio Cass,
xxxviii. 9.

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

accept a commission which was altogether at variance with
his principles.*
Clodius treated Bibulus on the last day of the year 695 in
the same manner as the Tribune Metellus had treated Cicero
on a former occasion l , and he now proceeded to his work,
strengthened by a party which he had formed for himself
among the people, the knights, and the Senate itself. I t
is not improbable that, as Dio remarks 2 , Cicero may have
made himself many enemies by his pride and love of satire.
When he makes mention of the Consuls, Piso and
Gabinius, in his letters and speeches, he depicts them as
men of the most corrupt and abandoned character. Yet
but a short time before their entrance into office, we find
him expressing a highly favourable opinion of them 3 , and
promising himself safety from the attacks of Clodius,
through their protection. One of them indeed had testified great respect for him at the commencement of his
Consulate 4 , and was highly valued by him at a later
period. W e must therefore suppose that the ill usage he
had received at their hands, led him to paint them in
colours of too dark a h u e ; and this supposition is borne
out by the violence of his oration against Piso, which is
by no means consistent with the dignity of a senator.
Piso, who was a man of distinguished family, may very
possibly have concealed the profligacy usual among the
nobles of that day, under the mask of a stoical gravity.
In treating Cicero as he did, he was furthering the plans
of his powerful son-in-law. Gabinius was a thoroughly
dissipated man, like many others in that age, and was unscrupulous in the choice of means for his ends. He was a
friend of Caesar and a favourite of Pompeius 5 , both of
* The commission was to take away the kingdom of Cyprus from
Btolemseus, a younger brother of Ptolemseus Auletes, and constitute it
a Roman province.

u. 697.

c. 57.

cic. 50.

123

whom had had an eye to their own interests, in procuring
his elevation, and that of Piso, to the Consulate. Clodius
too succeeded in securing their countenance and1 assistance
in his designs. Cicero asserts l that they concluded a» Pro se&t.
.

. 1 0 *

regular compact with the Tribune, on the understanding
that while they should obtain through his agency the
provinces they most coveted, together with forces and
money to the extent of their wishes, they should abandon
the Commonwealth to his discretion; and this compact
they mutually agreed to ratify by Cicero's ruin, That a
man like Clodius should have sworn irreconcileable hatred
against Cicero, is perfectly conceivable in itself, and events
leave no doubt that such was the case: revenge against
such an adversary must accordingly have been a great
gratification to him *; but besides this, it seems probable,
from a review of his whole course of action, that he cherished plans not inferior in extent and daring to those of
Catilina and Caesar f, and to the success of these designs
the removal of such men as Cicero and Cato was necessary.
Csesar felt the same with respect to his own schemes.
The first object then of Clodius was to gain the favour
of the people. He succeeded in this by enacting laws
calculated to flatter them, and place himself in the light of
their benefactor; while he set aside thereby many wise
institutions of antiquity. Nor did he omit to frame other
measures with the view of procuring himself friends among
* It is not necessary, in order to explain this hostility, to recur to the
scandalous anecdote in Plutarch. [Cic. 29. " Terentia had a grudge
against Clodius, on account of his sister Clodia, who was supposed to wish
to marry Cicero. . . . Now, as Terentia was of a sour temper and governed
Cicero, she urged him to join in the attack upon Clodius (in the affair of
the Bona Dea), and to give testimony against him."—Long's trans.]
f Cic. pro Sest 7. It is worthy of remark, that Clodius consecrated the
ground on which Cicero's house stood to the Goddess Liberty. Ep. 88, 1.
(Att. iv. 2.)
G 2

124

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

the upper classes.* At the same time he sought by other
enactments to ensure the success of his undertaking against
Cicero; for instance, as soon as the new Consuls had entered on their office, he abrogated the hex JElia Fiifia,
thereby removing the check upon tumultuous assemblies
of the people, which had subsisted for the last hundred
years, and which Cicero calls the bulwark and fortress of
VoXri5.'; P u kli c tranquillity. 1 According to Dio 2 , Cicero was aware
Dio Cass, of the object Clodius had in view, and gained to his side
ixxviii. 14.

Veil. Paere. 11. 45.

the Tribune Ninnius; Clodius however succeeded in deceiving him, and in tranquillizing the fears of both. He
then came forward with a Rogation, to the effect that
whoever had caused a Roman citizen to be put to deatl
without a 3regular hearing and formal sentence, should be
outlawed.

This proposal, which, without expressly naming him,
was clearly aimed against Cicero, so overwhelmed him
with surprise and grief, that immediately on its announcement, and while it was yet uncertain whether it wTould be
carried or not, he arrayed himself in mourning, to move
the compassion of the people. The law he might, as he
Mt.'iiLii) afterwards confessed4, have applauded as a good and just
one; or he might have given himself no concern about it,
as not affecting himself: but what alarmed him, was the
open declaration, on the part of Clodius, that he was acting
on the authority of Pompeius, with the consent and under
pro sest. the protection of Cassar and Crassus.5 In this state of
7, 18.

dismay and pusillanimous weakness, he had to endure the
most degrading insults from Clodius and the turbulent
i piut. cic. ruffians in his pay.6
* These laws are enumerated, in Pison. 4. foil.; Ascon. in or. C. Pis.;
pro Sest 15.; Dio Cass, xxxviii. 13. The law by which Clodius instituted
certain guilds and fraternities (collegia) which might easily assume a political character is especially worthy of attention.

U. 697.

c. 57.

cic. 50*

125

Such auxiliaries were necessary to the Tribune, in the
contest he had to maintain against Cicero's party; for
no sooner was the proposed law made known, than the
liveliest emotion was testified throughout Italy. Citizens
of every rank and age, as well as the Senate, assailed the
Consuls with pressing entreaties to take vigorous measures
for his protection, but they seemed indisposed to do anything. Immediately all the partisans of the accused, both
in the city and from every part of Italy, met in great
numbers in the Capitol, and unanimously agreed to put on
mourning, and leave no means untried to save him. The
Senate was at this moment assembled in the Temple of
Concord, a spot which recalled to mind the most glorious
of Cicero's exploits.* The fathers addressed themselves
one and all with urgent prayers to Gabinius, in the absence
of Piso: a procession of knights appeared in mourning
garments, like suppliants before him, but all were repulsed
with pride and contumely.
The Tribune Ninnius however ventured to propose that
the Senate likewise should put on mourning; and this was
agreed to. Gabinius, incensed, rushed out of the Temple,
called the people together, and denounced the knights in
violent language; declaring that they should pay dearly
for helping Cicero against Catilina. He next attacked the
Senate : " Those were deceived," he said, " who imagined
that body retained any influence in the State." He caused
L. Lamia, a knight who had shown particular attachment
to Cicero, to be banished two hundred miles from the
city.f
The mourning however was universal; and there was no
* On the 5th December, 691.
f Cicero faithfully remembered this man's devotion to him. See his
.recommendation of him to Decimus Brutus, when he sued for the PraetorShip in 710. Epp. 786, 787. (J)iv. xi. 16, 17.)
a 3

126

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

city or community of Italy which did not pass the most
gratifying resolutions in behalf of the persecuted statesman. The two Consuls now issued a command that the
senators should lay aside their mourning, while Clodius
and his band stormed against the knights and other nobles.
The great orator Hortensius narrowly escaped with his
life in one of their riots, and the senator Vibienus was
[ ;'comp.' so severely handled that he died of his wounds.1
4
Cicero still had some hopes of Piso, and repaired to him
in company with his son-in-law, who was his relative.
He found the Consul sick, or feigning sickness. His instances were unavailing: " Gabinius," Piso replied, " could
not maintain his position without Clodius; he for his part
would stand by his colleague, as Cicero had formerly done
iinPison.G.^y Antonius: every one must take care of himself."2
Two days after this interview, Clodius assembled the people in the Flaminian Circus, before the city gates, to give
Caesar, who had already assumed the command of his army,
the opportunity of being present. Here the Tribune presented the Consuls to the people, and begged them to give
their opinion on the affair that now agitated the city.
They expressed their approbation of all that had been done.
In reply to the question, what he thought of Cicero's
Consulship ? * Piso contented himself with saying, that
he had no pleasure in violent measures. Gabinius gave a
harsher answer, and pronounced a heavy censure upon the
Senate and knights. The same question being put to
Caesar, he replied, that the proceedings against Lentulus
and the other accomplices of Catilina were certainly ille* In Pison. 6. Dio Cass, (xxxviii. 16.) makes Clodius ask the Consul's
opinion on his law. But Cicero is here the best voucher of what really
occurred ; and we see clearly, in the way in which he makes the question be
put, what the machinations of Clodius were, and how he was already preparing a ground for his subsequent Rogation.

u. 697.

c. 57.

cic. 50.

127

gal; and this he had not hesitated to declare at the time:
still he thought it harsh, at this distance of time, to pass so
severe a sentence, and had always himself preferred mild
measures.1 Thus did he consent to Cicero's fall, while * Dio..9anssxxxvia. 9.

pretending to wish him no injury.
Cicero was aware that the Triumvirs feared lest all their
acts of the preceding year should be reversed, -if they
failed to secure a friend in the Tribune. 2 An attempt to^ProSest.
annul them had indeed already been made, but without
success, by the Praetors C. Memmius and L. Domitius.3323Suet-JuL
He had now to learn from the conduct of Pompeius, who
had given him such solemn assurances only the year before,
how weak are the ties of friendship, when power and dominion interfere. Pompeius had retired to his Alban
villa, not from fright at the warnings which the partisans
of Clodius whispered into his ear, that his life was threatened by the machinations of Cicero and his friends 4 ; but418ProSestfrom consciousness of the unworthy part he was playing,
and a desire to withdraw himself from the importunities
of the Optimates.
However, M. Lucullus, the elder
Torquatus, the Praetor Lentulus, and many other nobles,
found their way to him, and urgently implored him not to
abandon his friend, with whom the welfare of the Commonwealth was so closely connected. Pompeius referred
them to the Consuls, saying that he as a private citizen
would not venture to contend writh the armed Tribune;
but if the Consuls and Senate should openly oppose Clodius, and demand his services, he wrould not then refuse to
take up arms himself.5 Yet one more attempt did Cicero 5 *» Pis°n*
L

31.; comp.

make; he repaired in person to Alba, demanded access to^ 7 9;. 5 j 5<
Pompeius, and threw himself at the feet of the man for
whose advancement he had laboured and performed so
much. But this too he found fruitless; the only answer
G 4

.128

L I F E AND LETTERS OP CICERO.

he obtained from Pompeius was, that he could do nothing
i /?*>. 866,1. against the will of Cassar.* 1
Thus abandoned by all who had it in their power to
fdd him, Cicero took counsel with his friends as to his
best course: whether to oppose force to force, or, quitting
Some, withdraw himself by flight from the storm. Lucullus advised the former course. Nor was Cicero destitute of numerous supporters, quite prepared to fight for
him; but Cato f and Hortensius, backed by Atticus and
Cicero's own family, preferred the latter mode of proceed2^.69,4. ing.2 They flattered him with the hope that after a few
Pku.&c."3i).;;days he would be recalled with honour. The hour of
xxxviiu 17. danger shows of what stuff a man is really made. Caesar
(if we can imagine him placed in a similar situation)
would have stayed and conquered; but Cicero's nature
was little suited to deeds of strife and violence; accordingly, he gave way before his enemies, and quitted
the scene of his former glories before sentence was pronounced against him. Hence it might have been foreseen,
that even should he be permitted this once to return, he
must inevitably sooner or later fall a victim to the spirit
'of an age in which violence triumphed over justice. Before
turning his back on his beloved city, he took an image of
Minerva which belonged to him, and set it in the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus, thus placing Rome, as it were,
under the guardianship of the Goddess of Wisdom and
lDiugEio, Moderation. 3
Hit u.cc.
rpj ie g a m e <jay that Cicero quitted Rome, accompanied
part of the way by troops of his friends, Clodius convened
the people, the legitimate interval having elapsed between
* According to Plutarch (Cic. 31.) lie slipped out of the house by a back
door, without seeing Cicero.
f Cato had not yet quitted Rome for Cyprus, as appears from the speech
for Sestius, c. 28.

A. u. 697.

c. 57,

cic. 50.

129

the Rogation and the Voting. All whom he had cajoled or
intimidated were present; yet the Forum appeared empty.
I t was occupied by armed slaves and mercenaries. In this
assembly the law was carried* which Clodius had levelled
against Cicero expressly and by name*, and which the
Senate had arrayed itself in mourning to avert. In the
same assembly and at the same moment, the Consuls received the price for which they abandoned Cicero; the
provinces they coveted were assigned to them respectively;
to Gabinius, the wealthy realm of Syria; to Piso, Mace]
donia with Achaia. 1
PioSest.
24

The edict was so far modified, perhaps through the intervention of Caesar and Pompeius, that the ban was only
to extend to a distance of four hundred Roman m i l e s . 2 ^ ^ ^
Not a night was suffered to elapse after the decree wras
passed, before violent hands were laid upon Cicero's property ; his house on the Palatine was reduced to ashes,
his Tusculan villa plundered. His other country seats
fared no better f; the Consuls took their share of the
spoil, and on the spot where Cicero's house had stood,
Clodius consecrated a temple to Liberty.^
* Velitis, jubeatis, ut M. Tullio aqua et igni inierdictum sit. Pro domo, 18.
f We know from Ep. 88, 1. (Att. iv. 2.) that his Formian villa, for instance, was devastated.
J Dio Cass, xxxviii. 17. The above is chiefly taken from the speech for
Sestius, which, in spite of the rhetorical ornaments with which it is loaded,
must be considered our chief source of information for the circumstances of
Cicero's banishment. With regard to the date of Cicero's leaving Rome,
we remark that Caesar says the Helvetii proposed to assemble on the Rhone
on the 28th March, in order to cross over into Gaul : he left Rome in haste,
to reach Geneva in due time to hinder their invasion of the Roman territory,
and succeeded in doing so» Caesar therefore must have been in Geneva on
the 28th March; and accordingly must; have left Rome eight days earlier,
that is, on the 20th. For Plutarch says, that he performed the journey from
Rome to the Rhone (apparently when he was going to his first government
in Spain) in eight days. But when Cicero went into exile, Caesar was still
before the wails of Rome (pro Sest 18.); Cicero therefore must have gone
G 5

130

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

We have no letters of Cicero's during the first months
of the year 696. From the time of his banishment to his
return, there are thirty-four; all, except one, addressed
to his family and to Atticus, who remained in Rome till
the end of the year, and did not leave it till he had seen
the measures for his friend's recall progressing satisfactorily.
The first letter is addressed to Atticus from the road to
Yibo, in Bruttium (formerly Hippo, now Monte Leone).
I t bears witness to the distracted state of Cicero's mind,
and to the deep regret he now felt that he had not
followed the manly counsel of Lucullus. Thus it ever is
with the gentle and timid: without strength of mind to
resolve on extreme measures, no sooner have they decided
on the less daring course, than all the advantages on the
other side become apparent to them; they see only their
own weakness, and lose sight of all the grounds that
about the 20th. The first precise date occurs at the end of Ep. 54. (Att. iii. 2.)
dat. Id. Apr. (8th April) in oris Lucanice (the last words are an emendation
ofBosius). Accordingly I suppose the case to have been this:—About
March 20th, Cicero quitted Rome ; the same day Clodius carried the law
against him. Some time was spent in modifying it, though we are not to
suppose an observance of the Trinundinum in regard to a law which was
made in fact a Privilegium. In this affair, everything was done tumultnously and irregularly; and this explains why Cicero had received no account
of the modification when he wrote Up. 54., on the 8th April. Possibly he
did;not hurry himself on his journey in the south of Italy, nor had he any
occasion to do so, for the blow had not fallen at the time of his setting out.
Perhaps he tarried with some of his friends ; the Ep. 53. may have been
written when he had determined to go to Vibo. In that letter, the writer's
despondency is strongly marked: the words, adliuc quidem valde me pcenitet,
show that it was written some days after his quitting Home. [The day can
hardly be fixed so precisely. It is not certain that Cassar was at Geneva by
the 28th March, though it seems more probable that Plutarch, oydocuos iirl
'PoSavbv %Adei>, Cces. 17., refers to the first campaign in Gaul than, as
Abeken supposes, to the Spanish government. So Drumann and Fischer
(liomische Zeittafehi),]

A. u. 697.

B.C. 57.

cic. 50.

131

might reasonably be adduced in favour of their choice.
In the present instance it can hardly admit of a doubt,
that had Cicero remained in Rome, he would have fallen
a sacrifice to his enemies.* I n the letter last mentioned,
he expresses an ardent wish for Atticus to come to him,
and discuss the plans for his further journey.
In the neighbourhood of Vibo, Cicero had a friend
named Sica1, who with a generous disregard of the danger) ^-..5.4- ,
I

(Ate. in. 2.)

he thereby incurred, received the unfortunate man into
his house and gave him shelter. Cicero's object was to
repair to Sicily orMelita 2 ; for these islands, Sicily in* %&&particular^ had been long devoted to him ; the inhabitants
retained a grateful recollection of his administration as
Quaestor, and of his having taken their part against Verres.
The Praetor of Sicily, C. Virgilius, was his near connexion and friend; but his awe of Clodius, from whose
power he had himself once suffered, made him close the
island against him.3 Whilst he was with Sica, Cicero re- 3 ProPianc
ceived a copy of the Rogation, and heard of the mitigation of his sentence, which, however, did not permit him
to remain either in Sicily or Melita. In great alarm, on
his friend's account as well as his own, he instantly determined to leave Vibo; and the weather not allowing of
a sea voyage f, he hastened overland to Brundisium 4 , in-y°™ ^attending from thence to cross into Greece. All the places
he passed through were devoted to him, and offered him
shelter in defiance of his enemies' threats. Such proofs of
* It is very interesting and important towards a right estimate of Cicero's
character, to compare with the outpourings in these letters,-what he says of
his own conduct in later speeches, particularly that for Sestius (16—19.).
f It must he remembered that according to the existing state of the Soman Calendar the season here spoken of was still winter. [March 20th, A. U.
696 = April 8th, B. c. 58, according to the correction of the Julian Calendar.
All the dates therefore of this period are to be set forward nineteen days
to obtain the real time. Fischer Bom. Zeittafeln, p. 239.]
G 6

132

L1EE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

love and respect only increased his pain, and he still con'(Atf.'mX)
i t o regret that he had preferred life to death. 1 He
earnestly besought Atticus in every letter to hasten to
mm, that they might consult together what plans he
should next adopt. From Brundisium he would willingly
have crossed into Achaia, but he had enemies there, the
chief of whom was Autronius, Catilina's confederate,
2
*EPP*M* whose banishment he had helped to bring about.
tmue{

60, 1. (Att.

p/««c 'ii ^
3

same

"^ ^
reason, and also from its proximity to
Rome, he deemed it hazardous to go to his friend's estate
in Epirus; his thoughts took a wider range, and were for
Epp. 58,59, some time directed to Cyzicus, in Asia, on the Propontis. 3
J

2. (Att. lii. 6.;

Div. xiv. 4.)
\\r e h a v e a letter to Atticus, dated from Thurii on the
10th April, and another from the neighbourhood of Tarentum on the 24th. He was now forced to abandon all
hopes of seeing his friend in Italy. " I look upon this/'
he writes, " as an addition to the long catalogue of my
4^.68.
misfortunes."4 Atticus probably thought it wiser to remain in Rome, that he might watch his opportunity for
promoting his friend's interests, and protect his family.
I t was well he did so, for Terentia was cruelly harassed,
his son-in-law ill treated, and the lives of his children
« Epp. 57.76, threatened. 5
•
1. {Att. lii. 5.;

£n,.xiv.2);

On the 16th or 17th April, Cicero reached the neigh-

Vro Sest. 24.

bourhood of Brundisium, but abstained from entering the
city, which was well affected towards him, out of regard to
its welfare. He spent thirteen days in the gardens of his
friend, the knight M. Laenius Flaccus, who at the peril of
« EP. 59,2. his life granted a refuge to the exile.6 This noble-hearted
&

(Div. xiv. 4.);

Pro pianc. m a n , with his sons and aged father, of whom Cicero
41. j Pru Sest.

speaks with emotion, placed him, when he no longer felt it
safe to remain in Italy, on board a vessel which brought
him, after a stormy voyage as Plutarch relates, to Dyrrachium, where again he met with a favourable reception.

A.u. 697.

B.C. 57.

cic. 50.

133

Here, however, his fear of Autronius and other Catilinarians increased, and having abandoned the idea of residing
in Epirus, he hastened by the most northerly route to
Mcedonaia, where one of his friends, Cn. Plancius, was
Quaestor.1 This friend no sooner heard of Cicero's arrival1, Ep.m,s.
.

(Att. ni. 7.)

at Dyrrachium, than he hastened to meet him, without
lictors or the other insignia of his dignity, and clothed in
mourning. Tears flowed freely during their silent greeting, and Plancius carried his unhappy friend to his own
dwelling in Thessalonica. Here he arrived on the 22nd
Mav. 2

* Ep. 6i, i.

l n e state of Cicero s mind at this juncture, is best P™ Plane.
shown in a letter he addressed to his wife and children
from Brundisium on the 30th April. 3 At the beginning 3 ^.59,1.
&

(Div. xiv.4.)

}ie says:—
" I write to you less frequently than I might, for miserable as every hour is, yet, when I write to you, or receive
your letters, I am altogether dissolved in tears, and cannot
endure my misery. Oh ! that I had loved life less ! had
I then died, surely I should have lived a life of no suffering, or but little. If fate has in reserve for me the slightest
hope of recovering any of my former happiness, my error
has not been so great; but if these misfortunes are doomed
to last, then I long to see thee, my dearest, as soon as
possible, and to die in thy embrace ; since neither the
gods, whom thou hast so piously worshipped, nor men, to
whom I have devoted my services, have shown us any
gratitude." His sole remaining solace was the remembrance of his glorious life and actions. " I have lived in
honour, I have gained renown. My virtues, not my faults,
have caused my affliction. My only error was the not
relinquishing life itself when I lost its honours."4 But 4 Ep.w, 1.
.

such thoughts only resemble the lightning which for a
moment illumines the night, making the succeeding dark-

(Div. xiv. 4.)

134

L t F E AND LETTERS Otf CICER6.

ness more perceptible. '" I hate," he writes at the same
time to Atticus, iC all frequented places. I avoid mankind,
i Ep.6ot i. I can hardly bear the light of day." 1
The circumstance that his brother had just set out on
his return from his province, was an addition to Cicero's
troubles. Where should he see him? how tear himself
2 EP.m,z. from him again ? 2 A t Dyrrachium he was informed that
Quintus was sailing from Ephesus to Athens; other accounts said that he would travel through Macedonia. He
despatched a messenger to Athens, in case his brother
might have arrived there, to desire him to meet him at
3
Ep. 6i, I. Thessalonica.3 Arrived at this place himself, without
{Att. iii. 8.)

having received any certain intelligence about Quintus,
except that he had left Ephesus, he became uneasy lest he
should have been impeached at Rome. His enemies indeed might well consider their triumph but half complete,
till they had involved his brother in his ruin. Nor were
the accounts of Pompeius, which he received from Atticus,
calculated to raise his courage. The man who could
quietly suffer his prisoner, Tigranes, to be taken from him
by Clodius, was not likely to afford him any assistance
against the Tribune.* Thus the transactions of the month
of May failed to inspire him with the hope which Atticus
sought to impart to him. He still hesitated about remaining in Macedonia. Again his hopes turned to Pompeius, and he wrote a letter to him, although at the same
*jspp.67.;62,time he called him a hypocrite.4
3.; 63, 4. {Att.

"r" ISV'

* Ep- 61» 2. Tigranes, son of the king of Armenia of the same name,
who had been in alliance with Mithridates, was kept, after adorning the
triumph of Pompeius, as a hostage in Rome, under the care of the Praetor
Plavius. He bribed Clodius to aid his flight. He escaped, and set sail, but
was obliged, by contrary winds, to put back to Antium. Both Clodius and
Flavius hastened after him with armed men, and a combat took place between them, in which M. Papirius, a iloman knight, and a friend of Pompeius, was slain, and Plavius with difficulty escaped. Tigranes got off.
See Asconius ad Orat. pro Mil,

v. 697.

B.C. 57<

cic. 50.

135

Exhausted with doubts and anxieties, his strength
seemed utterly to fail him; and he gave full vent to his
iH-humour both against himself, and against an individual
in whom, he was convinced, he had too implicitly trusted,
and who had betrayed him 1 ; for he was firmly persuaded |\£$'${>h
that the envy his Consulate had awakened had caused his
ruin.2 Several passages in his letters seem to indicate * EPP. 63, i.;
Hortensius as the object of these suspicions, which were (Qu'fr.ji
however probably unjust. # 3
is-)
So crushed did he feel, that he actually declined a visit ^^(MtliL
from his brother, who arrived at Athens on the 15th May,i.'3.)M'
and whom a short time before he had longed to see.
The thought even occurred to him of putting an end to his
life. He already regarded himself as non-existent. He
Writes to his brother, excusing himself for having shunned
an interview with him. " You would not have seen your
brother; not him whom you left; not him whom you
know; from whom you tore yourself with mutual tears,
when he accompanied you on your way. No trace or
shadow of him would you have seen, but the image of a
breathing corpse."4 What wTonder, when he had thus 4 EP.Z\\:
given himself up, that he should also have abandoned his
trust in the gods ! 5 All that he had left behind and which5 ^.63,4 ;
cornp. 70 2«

he despaired of seeing again, now floated before his mind (^- ™- is-)
in the most alluring forms: " his brother, not a brother
only ; in the charms of intercourse, a friend; in devotion,
» * There is no trace whatever, bating the insinuations of these letters, of
Hortensius having betrayed Cicero. On the other hand, we may see in the
Brutus, c. 1., how heartily and honourably Cicero spoke of him at a later
period, when he had recovered from his suspicions. Quum e Cilicia decedens
Rhodum venissem et eo mihi de Hortensii morte esset allatum opinione omnium,
majorem animo cepi dolor em. Nam et, amico amisso, quum consuetudine jucimdatum multorum officiorum conjunctione me privatum videbam etc. . . „
dolebamque quod non, at plerique putabant, adversarium aut obtrectatorem
Jaudum mearum, sed socium poiius et consortem gloriosi laboris amiseram.

136

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

a son ; in wise counsel, a father." His daughter, " a
being of what piety! what modesty ! what intelligence!
the image of himself in person, speech and soul:" his son,
" the fairest and dearest of children; already only too
intelligent, for he felt the sorrows of his family: " * his
wife, " that most faithful partner, the truest of consorts,
whose society he must now forego, that some one might
remain to protect the beloved children, whom alone theitf
5
-EP-63J- misfortunes had spared to them." 1
(Qu.fr. i. 3.)

His beautiful house, now in ruins, was another subject
of grief to him. He writes to Terentia, " Then first shall
I regard myself as restored, when our house has been re2 Epp. io, 6.; stored to us." 2
7fi. (Jtt. in.

\o.; mv. xiv. For such complaints as these, Cicero has been charged
by many with unmanliness, while but few have been found
to excuse him. Doubtless he could exhort and console
3 Ep. 176. others in similar sorrows better than himself.3 The lancomp.vi79.'' guag-e of the first and second books of his " Disputations
(Biv. v. 18.) °

„

at lusculum sounds very nne; but these were the exercitations of the philosopher; at Thessalonica we have the
man, in perplexity and sorrow; a man too who was anything but a Stoic by nature. Two things are to be taken
into consideration: first, the excitable feelings and temper,
without which so much of Cicero's works would lose their
charm for u s ; secondly, his being a Roman citizen, devoted to the State by birth and circumstances, as well as
by inclination. To the Roman citizen his country was
something more than it is to us: it was the element in
which alone he could live; the air which alone he could
breathe; how much more must this have been the case
with a man who had done for his country what Cicero had
done! These reflections, though they may not suffice
fully to exculpate him, will still deter us from condemning
* The boy was at that time about seven years old.

A.U.

697.

B.C. 57.

cic. 50,

137

him so severely as some have done, who have allowed too
, little for his character and situation.
Whilst at Thessalonica, Cicero resided in the house of
Cn. Plancius. He experienced some inconvenience from
the crowd of people who flocked about the Quaestor; but
he found him a true friend in his distress. The Prastor of
Macedonia, L. Appuleius, though an upright and patriotic
, man, and well disposed towards Cicero, did not venture,
as the first magistrate in the province, to declare openly in
his favour or render him any assistance; but Plancius
forgot the Quaestor in the friend; and when L. Tubero,
the legate of Quintus, came to Thessalonica, and described
to the exile with friendly zeal the dangers which awaited
him in Achaia, endeavouring to persuade him to turn his
steps to Asia, he forced him to remain with him, and by
his gentle persuasions succeeded in diverting his cares and
soothing the anguish of his soul. There is an affecting
passage in the oration which Cicero delivered on a subsequent occasion in defence of this faithful friend, in which
he alludes to a certain night which Plancius had spent in
watching with him, and soothing him in his affliction; and
relates how ardently he then wished a time might come,
i
when he might repay such love and devotion.1
PmPianc.
However his friend's efforts may have tranquillized
Cicero for a space, and withheld him from extremities,
they could not avail to impart to him firmness and endurance, or give him hope for the future. Long did he
hesitate whether to remain in Thessalonica: his fears urged
him further. The representations of Atticus, however,
who was ever hoping for some favourable change of circumstances, prevented him from yielding to their suggestions. His friend Sestius, one of the new Tribunes, and
his son-in-law Piso, whose noble and honourable behaviour
had increased the love and esteem in which he held him3

138

L I E E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

* Epp. 69,2. - also advised him to remain in Thessalonica \ as they an,
81,2. (Qu.fr.

i . i . i

i.4.;Di». xiv. ticipated certain movements in Kome, which might perhaps result in his favour. Atticus and others, especially
Terentius Varro, endeavoured to give him confidence again
2 Epp. 70, I. in Pompeius ; they calculated also upon Ceesar.2 Accord4.; 73,1. (Att..

* ,

n •

i •

•

• •

in. 15. is.) mgiy (^uintus did all in his power to raise the spirits ot
his brother. But hopes such as these could take no root
in Cicero: he continued to indulge in wild abuse both off
himself and others, and even Atticus, who had done so
3 EP. 70,5.7.; much for him, did not wholly escape his reproaches.3 He
(X?iii.i5." carefully weighed however the ground of the hopes his
friend presented to him, and pondered on the idea, which
he and the Tribune Culeo, an adherent of Pompeius, had
conceived, of attacking the Rogation of Clodius as a
Privilegium.* The letter in which Cicero discusses this
point, depicts in the liveliest colours the shipwrecked
mariner, who menaced by the raging flood, sees the fragments of his vessel scattered round him, but has lost all
presence of mind, and while just able to keep his head
above the water, and perceive what can save him, has not
strength to seize it. When his friends hold out rational
grounds of comfort to him, he thinks of the clause in the
law of Clodius, which decrees, that " no one shall be
allowed, under a heavy penalty, to speak in the Senate in
the exile's favour," though he afterwards says himself that
4 Epp. 66, i.; such a clause no one need care much about.4 Then he is
(Att'ln. i2.' uneasy at the election of his former enemy Metellus JSTepos,
as Consul for the ensuing year, forgetting that his good
friend Lentulus is given him for a colleague, and that
Pompeius and Lentulus, who were both suffering from
* Ep. 70, 6. {Att. iii. 15.) A Privilegium (lex privo homini irrogatd) was a
law directed against a particular citizen, which was forbidden by the leges
sacratce and by the Twelve Tables.

A.U.

697.

B.C. 57.

cic. 50.

139

the insults of Clodius, had bound themselves strictly
tpgether.
In addition to all his troubles, he now heard that Quintus, though he had been received in Rome with great
favour1, and that on his brother's account, was about t o l p r o Sestbe accused by a nephew of Clodius of malversation in his
province; and that the management of the process would
devolve upon the Praetor elect, a brother of Clodius, upon
commencing his functions.2 He sank deeper than ever in lJj!f\?2\l'
dejection: on the 21st August he was again thinking of
Cyzicus 3 ; but before he repaired thither he was willing to*Jjp-.*K
wait for what the 1st September might bring forth in the
Senate.* His nature was peculiarly impatient of delay,
and utterly unable to persevere in hoping for the distant
results of time. The letter addressed to Atticus on the
16th September, is a living testimony of the deep despondency which had laid hold of him.4 He mentions his ^ J^ 4 *^
resolution to go to Epirus; he could not fail to observe,
that circumstances were inclining in his favour: yet the
melancholy which still haunted him may have suggested
to him, that on the overthrow of all his hopes he might
incur the penalty of disregarding the conditions of his
exile.f Accordingly he begs his friend for just soil enough
to cover his body.
The province of Macedonia having been assigned to
Piso, his troops began to pour into the country, and they
were reported to be already in Thessalonica, which was
* On the first day of each month the gravest affairs were brought forward
in the Senate. The 1st September this year would be more important, on
account of the Consuls, who had not long been nominated. [So A.U. 710,
after the death of Csesar, the senators were specially convened for September 1. During August they were mostly absent from Rome.]
f Ep. 74. (Att iii. 19.) Dyrrachium, where he soon after went, and his
friend's estates in Epirus, were strictly within the distance from Rome
assigned him by the edict.

140

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

therefore no longer a safe abiding place for Cicero. He
accordingly abandoned this asylum, and arrived on the
16th November at Dyrrachium, which was a free town
and well disposed towards him, as he had often protected
Epp.n, i. ; its interests.1 Although at first compassion for Cicero's
<^«.'iii. 22.; unhappy situation makes us judge leniently of his com3.) ' ' plaints, unmanly as they often were, and find some excuse
for him in the peculiar bitterness misfortunes such as }.iis
must have had for a man of his temperament, it is impossible to overcome the painful impression made upon us
by his vacillation during his residence in Thessalonica, by
the faint-heartedness he displays in the midst of fortunate
omens and conjunctures, and the impatience and despondency with which he regarded a future that opened
under such favourable auspices. Nor less must we condemn the means he adopted to avert the consequences of
the unauthorized publication of a speech he formerly de*Epp.ee,2.;livered against Curio* 2 , and above all his behaviour
in! i2.15.) towards the friend who had testified such zeal and perseverance in his service. Yet his wife and son-in-law afforded
him examples of energy and endurance which it the morebehoved him to imitate, as their misfortunes, as well as
any hopes they might entertain of future prosperity, all
, * Ep. 66, 2. Percussisti autem me etiam de oratione prolata. Cut vulneri
ut scribis. medere, si quid potes. Scripsi equidem illi olim iratus, quod ille
prior scripserat; sed ita compresseram ut nunquam emanaturum putarem.
Quo modo exciderit nescio. Sed quia nunquam accidit ut cum eo verbo uno
concertarem, et quia scripta mihi videtur negligentius quam cceterce, puto posse
probari non esse meam. Id, si putas me posse sanari, cures velim. [ Abeken
supposes the subject of this speech to have been the younger Curio. In that
case he would surely have been qualified in Ep. 70. as adolescens, meus, or
iilius. See Billerbeck in he. Manutius and Schiitz refer it to C. Scribonius
Curio the elder (Consul A. u, 678). The speech itself is supposed to be cited
by Quintil. (v. 10. 92.), and entitled by him in Clodium et Curionem, a combination which makes us think rather of the younger Cimo than his father*

A . u . 697.

B.C. 57.

cic. 50.

141

centered in him.1 The strong affection for his family h e * ^ * ^
so repeatedly expresses, is at least refreshing, amidst the £D/^ ^f^
ebullitions of peevishness with which his letters abound.19"
"We feel moved to pity although we cannot excuse him
when we read: " One thing I assert, no man ever lost
such blessings as I, nor fell into such calamities. Time
not only does not diminish, but it increases my grief.
Other sorrows are mitigated by time, bat mine cannot fail
to be daily augmented by the sense of present misery and
the remembrance of my past life. I have lost not only
my family and my possessions, but myself also."2
comPP*. G°8, 2? j
We must now give an account of what had occurred in \iu'I1U15*
his affairs previous to his arrival at Dyrrachium. Pompeius had not borne the affronts he had received from Clodius, especially his interference with regard to Tigranes,
quite so patiently as Cicero imagined. This interference,
on the contrary, had converted him into an opponent 3 of x^lSif 30"
the audacious Tribune, whose attempts moreover to deprive him of his influence with the people he could not
fail to perceive. The flight of the Armenian prince took
place in M a y ; and Cicero had heard of it in Thessalonica
by the 29th. On the 1st June his friend the Tribune L.
Ninnius, in secret understanding with Pompeius, proposed
his recall in the assembly. The Senate resolved unanimously to recommend the measure to the people's acceptance; but the Tribune iElius Ligus, wT>n over by Clodius,
put his veto upon it. The Senate then resolved to postpone all business, till the Consuls should have made a new
motion in favour of Cicero : this, however, they declined,
pleading in their excuse the clause of the Clodian law.4 ^ f p ^ - ^ - '
Thenceforth, Pompeius, through the medium of his intimate friend Varro, began to make overtures to Cicero.5 L^-.674'L |
He was too dependent upon Caesar, to take, without his ™ tffA[f5'
180 '

142

(J?iii3'i8)

LIFE AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

consen

^ a n y <Ji^ct steps for the proscribed statesman i ;
but perhaps this very feeling of dependence acted as a
stimulus to induce him to exert himself indirectly for his
recall, in the hopes of gaining him to his own interests.
On the 11th August, discovery was made of an attempt
on the part of Clodius against the life of Pompeius*, who
thereupon shut himself up in his house till the close of his
enemy's Tribuneship. The Consul Gabinius considered
himself obliged on this ocasion to espouse the cause ©f
Pompeius. Piso, however, remained constant to the Tri^inPison. bune. 2 Caesar also appears to have been unwilling to
break with Clociius during his continuance in office: for
the Tribune elect, Sestius, who had travelled into Gaul
expressly on Cicero's account, could procure from him no
ro Sest
\£
- effectual assistance3 ; not such as Cicero or himself wished.
The Rogation he soon after proposed was not to Cicero's
(J?.'ii?.'i38.) liking.4 In July, P . Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, and
Q. Metellus Nepos, were elected Consuls. The first was
a friend both of Cicero and Pompeius, and had filled the
office of-ZEdile in the Consulate of the latter; and Metellus
no longer ventured to continue in hostility to Cicero from
fear of Pompeius, but was induced by Atticus to desist
sjsp.78, i. from his former persecution.5 When the proposition of
(Att. iii. 22 )

e E'P.80,i. Ninnius was renewed on the 29th October 6 , eight of the
pTo'sesuli;Tribunes voted in its favour. They proceeded to bring a
law before the people in accordance with it, to which
Lentulus gave his assistance. The law, however, was not
carried; nor would it have satisfied Cicero, as it wras
framed with too much deference to Clodius, and did not
restore to him his property, above all, his dearly loved
* Pro Sest. 32. Ascon. or. in Mil. p. 198. It has been suggested that
this attempted assassination was in fact an invention of Pompeius' own. This
is not very improbable : but that Clodius did undertake something against
him appears from the speech against Piso (c. 12.).

u. 697.

c. 57.

cic. 50.

143

house. Clodius had exerted all his influence to defeat the
measure; and he apparently again persuaded one of the
Tribunes to place his veto upon it. He had himself
caused the formidable clause in his Rogation to be affixed
to the door of the Curia 1 , but this could only have any1, ?/\?.°\£\
.

{.Ait. in. 15.)

effect while there were Consuls and Tribunes who would
enforce it.
Soon after Cicero's arrival at Dyrrachium, the Tribunate of Clodius was brought to an end, and the new
Tribunes entered on their office. His enemy had now
been compelled to resign the power which he had used so
much to his prejudice, and was succeeded by men from
whose friendship and ability he might hope the best.
Amongst the new Tribunes were T. Annius Milo, subsequently the slayer of Clodius; P . Sestius, who, as before
mentioned, had taken a journey to confer with Caasar in
his behalf, and whom at a later period he defended; T.
Fadius, who before this had proposed a Rogation in his
favour, with which he had been highly pleased 2 ; and * j ^ i K o
Q. Fabricius, who showed himself so zealous in his behalf
at the commencement of the following year : all these promised to use their authority in behalf of Cicero.3 The*^™ Sestt
two Consuls left Rome, and repaired to their respective
provinces before the end of the year 696.
Cicero had thus on his arrival at Dyrrachium a wellgrounded hope of attaining the object of his ardent desire,
and just before his departure from Thessalonica he writes
himself as follows 4 : "If, however, we have all the^- 7 ?> 2 \
7

(Div. xiv. 1

Tribunes on our side, if Lentulus prove as zealous as he
appears to be, and if we have also Caesar and Pompeius,
we need not despair/' His friend Atticus, who had supplied him with money at the time of his flight and afterwards 5 , besides spending^ good deal for him in Rome, had 5 ComP.
now come into a large fortune by the death of his uncle v^Attfi?'

144

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Cascilius*, and might therefore be expected to render
him yet farther assistance. Moreover, prudence would
now incline the majority of the senators to espouse his
cause. Nevertheless, he could not shake off his despondency and irresolution, or cease to torment himself with
anxieties. That Ca3sar, Pompeius, and Crassus did not
1
Ep.so.t. declare themselves more quickly and decidedly for him l:
(Att. iii. 23.)

that the Consuls elect had chosen their provinces without
waiting for the accession of the new Tribunes, whereby
( J f m2,24 these latter might be offended f2; and lastly, that Atticus
3
EP. 83. should leave Rome before the end of the year 3 , were cirCrftf.iii. 25.)

cumstances that occasioned him the utmost disquietude.
<2w?.'!iv.!3.)He writes to his wife on the last day of November 4 , " I
have almost blotted out your letters with my tears. For I
am pining away with grief; and my own misery does not
pain me more than yours and your children's: But I am
so much more wretched than you, as I alone am the cause
of our common misfortune. I t was my duty, either by
accepting a legatio to escape the danger, or by prudence and
vigour to resist it, or else to fall bravely. Nothing could
have been more miserable, more disgraceful, or more
unworthy of myself than this; and, accordingly, I am
overwhelmed with shame as well as grief. It shames me,
not to have afforded an example of virtue and diligence
to my best of wives, to my darling children. Day and
night your misery and destitution, your grief, and your
infirm health are before me. My hope of relief is very
small. Many are hostile to me, all jealous. I t was difficult to thrust me out; to keep me out is easy."
* From this time Atticus wrote his name Q. Cheilitis Q. fil. Pompomanus Atticus. See the address of Cicero's letter to him, Ep. 75. (Att. iii. 20.).
f According to the lex Sempronia, the future provinces of the Consuls
about to be elected, were to be determined before their election. After the
election, but still before their accession to office, these provinces were formally assigned to them, and this was called crnare provincias.

u. 697.

c. 57.

cic. 50.

145

A visit from Atticus, which he received towards the
end of the year at Dyrrachium x, must have been some1 ^.83.
comfort to him; but his friend had hardly left him when
his old anxieties began again to disturb him. The news
which reached him from Rome of a delay in his affairs, or
of any possible hindrance occurring to them, sufficed to
dash to the ground all hope and confidence.
T H E YEAR

697.

On the 1st January, after the completion of the religious ceremonies, the Consul Lentulus brought forward
in the Senate a proposal for Cicero's recall. The senators had assembled in great numbers, the populace was
in the highest state of expectation, and envoys flocked
to Rome from all parts of Italy. The Consul Metellus
expressed himself with moderation, and was favourable to
his colleague's proposition, which was also supported by
the Consular L . Cotta, who in a powerful speech urged
that Cicero should be recalled by the Senate, and that with
every mark of honour. Similar sentiments were uttered by
Pompeius; he was of opinion, however, that the resolution of
the Senate should be confirmed by a decree of the people.
All the senators assented 2 ; and in spite of the opposi- a p,-0 sr-st.
tion of the Tribune Serranus, who had been gained by
Clodius, the proposition was on the 25th January brought
before the people, with the active co-operation of the
Tribune Q. Fabricius. Upon this the friends of Clodius
raised a tumult with hired gladiators, which resulted in
bloodshed. The Praetor Appius Claudius took part with
his brother; the Tribune Sestius and Quintus Cicero
hardly escaped with their lives; and Clodius finally con3
quered by fire and sword.3
Proscst.
We learn from a letter to Atticus 4 , with what intense 4 Ep.u.
anxiety Cicero watched the issue of the resolution of the
H

148

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Senate. He determined on the strength of that decree
alone, to go to Rome, even if the law should not be passed
by the people; and rather to lose his life than suffer any
longer exile from his country. As might have been
expected, he did not carry out this intention, but his despair was unbounded when the intelligence of the occur\ f^-.8.5-^x,rences of the 25th January reached him.* l
(Att. m . 27.) j

For this act of violence, Clodius was arraigned by the
Tribune Milo ; but his brother the Praetor Appius, the
Consul Metellus, and Serranus the Tribune, sheltered him
2 Pro SesL
** with their edicts 2 ; and Milo now took in pay a band of
gladiators to defend himself against those of his opponent.f
The Senate upon this decreed that no other business
should be entered upon till that of Cicero's recall was
effected. Letters were issued in the name of the Consuls,
to every part of Italy, summoning to Rome all persons
well disposed towards Cicero and the Republic: all the
governors, legates, and quaestors of the provinces through
which he would pass, were enjoined to provide for his wel\*ro Sest' fare.3 Pompeius exerted all his influence, both within and
without the city, in his behalf, and Lentulus kept the
people in good-humour with public games. Cicero's recall
was again decreed in the Temple of Honos and Virtus,
iiPl<5Sest' which Marius had built with the spoils of the Cimbri.J 4
* The letters 84, 85, which Schiitz assigns to the year 696, seem to me to
belong to the period in which I refer to them. [Billerbeck also assigns them
to Jan. 69 7, In 84 Cicero speaks of Senatus consultum quod de me factum
est, evidently the decree proposed by the new Consul Lentulus Spinther.]
f De Off. ii. 17.; Dio Cass, xxxix. 7, 8. Clodius had hired these gladiators in the expectation of becoming iEdile, or at least under this pretext.
J The succession of events and decrees for Cicero's recall is not easily
made out, inasmuch as the speech for Sestius, which is the main authority, is
an unsafe guide for them. The 60th chapter of that speech, however, seems
to me to prove that the meeting in the Temple of Jupiter was later than that
in the Temple of Honos and Virtus. For the decrees which were meant to
secure the carrying of the law, and which were there added to those of the
former assembly, went quite as far as the Senate could legitimately go.

A. u. 697.

B. c. 57.

Cic. 50.

147

Clodius had done his best to hinder the decree being
passed, and he now succeeded in preventing its being carried into execution.* In May, the Senate being assembled 35Cp™ Sesiin the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, Pompeius made
a speech, in which he avowed that Cicero had saved his
country. The Consul Metellus at the same time solemnly
renounced all animosity towards him; and once more a
decree was passed, more strongly worded than before, and
so framed as to overcome any impediment that might be
thrown in the way of its execution, and the following
day vigorous measures were taken to ensure its adoption.2 l0p$SestTwo months, however, elapsed before the decree could be
presented to the people This was done at length on the
4th August, and on that day Cicero was recalled at the
comitia of the centuries, whither the people, and not only
the residents in Rome, repaired in great numbers, and
where the votes of all the centuries were unanimous.
The remonstrances of Clodius were disregarded.
Time, it is said, has a purifying effect; but Cicero's
letters, infinitely valuable as they are, counteract this influence, inasmuch as they make us live and move in the
period in which they were written, and place the man and
all his foibles before us. The picture he has presented of
himself in this period, is unpleasing, and we long to see
him again, in a more favourable light. Cicero however
was more completely removed from the eyes of the Roman
people during his banishment, than from posterity, who
have his letters by which to judge of him; and the period
of separation was long enough to remove the transient
spots which might have dimmed his lasting reputation.
We close the present period with the following scene
which occurred without premeditation. 3
3 ProSesit
On the day when the Senate was framing in the Temple"56,57,
of Honour and Virtue the decree for Cicero's recall, the
H 2

148

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

people were assembled in the theatre ; and there the art of
xEsopus the actor, and the words of the poet which he had
to deliver, excited the liveliest remembrance of the exile,
the warmest sympathy with him. When he spoke of the
Greek who " supported and upheld his country and stood
by it to the last, regardless of his own life, in its time of
direst need,"* every one thought of the Consul, whose
foresight, prudence, and perseverance had confounded the
frightful schemes of Catilina; the mention of the man
" endowed with the highest gifts of intellect," recalled to
their recollection the orator who had so often swayed the
populace from the rostrum ; and when the heroine of the
tragedy addressed her father in accents of grief, they
thought of the man whom Catulus had invoked as
" F a t h e r of his Fatherland." 1 The words " I saw all
this in flames," reminded them of the hour when Cicero's
house on the Palatine was destroyed, and when .ZEsopus
exclaimed with emphasis and deep emotion, " You allow
him to live in exile, you permitted him to be driven from
his home P the audience felt at once all the exile's exceeding merit, and the injuries he had suffered at the hands of
his countrymen.
* Fro Sest. 56. Tlie play was the " Andromache " of Ennius, and the
words referred to Telamon.
Certo qui rempublicam animo adjuverit,
Statuerit, stetcrit cum Aehivis . . . .
. . . . re dubia
Nee dubitarit vitum qfferre, nee eapiti pepercerii,
. . . . Summum amicum, summo in hello . . . .
summo ingenio prceditum . . . .
O paler . . . . . . . .
Hoc omnia vidi inflammari . . , „
O ingratifici Argivi, inanes Graii, immenwres benefice
Ejemdare sinztis9 sistis pelli, pulsvm patiminu

BOOK V.

LETTERS

CICERO,

IN THE YEARS

697 TO 702.

c. 57

TO O Z .

CICERO'S RESTORATION.

B O O K V.
SURVEY OF HISTORICAL EVENTS.

A.U. 697. B.C. 57. Cio. 50.
P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER.

Q. C^SCILIUS METELLUS NEPOS.

T H E Belgae unite against the Roman armies.
Caesar,
having penetrated into their country with eight legions,
compels them to submit. The Nervii alone remain in
arms, and are conquered in a hard fought battle. Ptolemseus Auletes, having been banished from Egypt, comes
to Rome to implore succour. M. Cato returns to Rome,
having, in pursuance of the Cloclian law, converted Cyprus
into a Roman province.
A.U. 698. B.C. 56. CiC. 51.
CN. CORNELIUS LENTULUS MARCELLINUS.

L. MARCIUS PHILIPPUS.

The Veneti and other Armorican tribes rise against the
Romans in Gaul. Having received liberal supplies of
money from the public treasury, Caesar equips a fleet?
beats the enemy at sea, and compels them to submit.
Meanwhile the Aquitani are defeated by Crassus, and the
remaining tribes by others of his lieutenants. Piso and
Gabinius carry on a shameful maladministration of their
respective provinces, Macedonia and Syria.
H 4

152

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.
A.U. 699. B.C. 55. Cic. 52.
CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS II.

M. LICINIUS CRASSUS II.

Caesar conquers the Usipetes and Tenctheri, German
tribes who had crossed the Rhine with the view of establishing themselves in Gaul. He compels them to recross the
river, and then leads his own army across it to carry on
the pursuit. The barbarians continuing to retreat before
him, he returns into Gaul after eighteen days; then conducts two legions into Britain; where, however, he does
nothing of importance, and spends the winter with all his
legions in Belgium. Gabinius conducts Ptolemseus back
to Egypt, and after some successful encounters with his
enemies, reinstates him in his dominions.
A. U. 700. B. C 54. CIC. 53.
L. DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS.

APPIUS CLAUDIUS PULCHER.

Cgesar crosses a second time into Britain, gains a victory
in the south of the island, receives hostages, and returns to
Gaul. The Eburones rise under their chief Ambiorix,
and destroy a legion stationed among them in winter
quarters.
Q. Cicero defends himself with difficulty against the
Nervii, and is saved by Caesar. Crassus prepares for war
against the Parthians, but after loitering for some time in
Mesopotamia, returns to Syria, where he enriches himself
and his troops with plunder, and especially wTith that of
the temple at Jerusalem. Pompeius places his province
of Spain under the government of his legates, L. Afranius
and M. Petreius.
A.U. 701. B.C. 53. Cic. 54.
CN. DOMITIUS CALVINUS.

M. VALERIUS MESSALA.

Caesar reduces all the revolted tribes in Gaul, and

A.u. 702.

c. 52,

cic. 55.

153

crosses the Rhine a second time to intimidate the Germans.
Crassus at length advances against the Parthians, but,
betrayed by Abgarus, king of Osrhoene, he is surrounded
by the Parthian army, and flies to Charrha?, while his son
falls gallantly with the cavalry. At Charrhaa Crassus
holds an interview with the Parthian general, and is
treacherously put to death. Scarcely the tenth part of his
army returns to Syria.
A.U. 702. B.C. 52. Cic. 55.
CN. CiECiLius METELLUS, PIUS SCIPIO from the 1st Aug. Up to that date
POMPEIUS alone, III.

Increased disturbances in Gaul. The Arverni rise
under Vercingetorix. Soon the whole of Gaul is in arms.
Cassar exerts all his strength, and Vercingetorix at length
surrenders himself. I n Syria, the Quasstor C. Cassius
drives back the encroaching Parthians. The Tribune of
the people, M. Caelius, carries a law empowering Caesar,
though absent, to sue for the Consulate.
FROM 697 to

699,

On the 4th of August 697, the same day that the law
for his recall was passed in Rome, Cicero, informed no
doubt of the favourable turn his affairs had taken, quitted
Dyrrachium, and the next day landing at Brundisium,
once more trod the soil of Italy. There he was met by
his daughter Tullia, whose birthday it happened to be.^J^-.s^i.
The colony of Brundisium was engaged in celebrating cs°e™p'6£10 '
the anniversary of its foundation; and on this same 5th
of August, 246 years before, the dictator, C. Junius
Bubulius1, had consecrated the Temple of the Dea Salus
on the Quirinal hill.2 These circumstances gave additional* ftf -hf ^ \
fervour to the. congratulations of the Brundisians ; and if S ^ ™
H

154

L I F E AND LETTEKS OF CICERO.

Cicero's heart was melted at the sight of his daughter who
i ProSest.3i.had recently lost her noble husband Piso 1 , his enthusiasm
might kindle at the thought that the Goddess who presided
over his country's welfare had recalled him as its representative. On the 8th, while still at Brundisium, he received
tidings from his brother of the extraordinary rejoicings
writh which the law for his recall had been accepted and
ra
L?fAvY) tifi e d by all the centuries.2 He could not have desired
a procedure more honourable to himself in form and substance. The Senate had issued a decree that no one
should observe the heavens* whilst they were sitting to
decide upon the law, nor attempt any hindrance whatsoever, on pain of being considered an enemy of the
State and severely punished. If the law should not be
carried within the five days to which its discussion was
confined, Cicero should be permitted to return to Rome,
and should be reinstated in all his dignities; the citizens
who had assembled from all parts of Italy to assist in his
recall were to be thanked, and requested to present themselves again on the day fixed for the ratification of the
3 Prosest. law.3 Then might Cicero call to mind the remarkable
61, 62.

<>
=

dream with which he had been visited during his flight
from Rome, and whilst he was still in Italy. In the
morning, when dreams are wont to be most vivid, he
fancied in his sleep that he was wandering mournfully in
a desert place, when his countryman C. Marius met him,
with his fasces decked with laurel, and asked him the
cause of his melancholy ; and on Cicero telling him how
he had been driven by force from Rome, Marius spoke
words of comfort to him, and caused a lictor to conduct
him into " the Monument," where he would find deliver* By the lex JElia Fufia an assembly of the people might he broken
np on the appearance of unfavourable signs in the heavens. This law,
abolished by Clodius, had been revived after his Tribunate.

u. 702.

B.C,

52.

cic. 55.

155

ance. The Temple of Honour and Virtue was called the
" Monument of Marius," 1 and in this temple had been ^ w«»^
passed the first decree of the Senate for Cicero's return,
2
which was ratified by that of May. 2
DeDivin.i.
He now left Brundisium where he had again found a
welcome in the house of Lsenius Flaccus, and where he
was vividly reminded of the sad days he had passed there
in the first bitterness of his exile.3 He longed to be in *Pro sest.
Rome, but he was retarded on his way thither by the
crowds of congratulators, who flocked to meet him, and by
the deputations to which he had to give audience, as well
as by the fetes which were everywhere held in his honour.
" All the towns on my road," he says in his speech for
Sestius4, "seemed to celebrate my return with festivals.* prosest.
The highways were thronged with deputations sent from «»'i,*^« 22.
all parts to meet me. On approaching the city, I was
joyfully greeted by an innumerable host of well-wishers.
Such was my way from the gate to the Capitol, such my
entry into my house*, as to touch me with grief, even in
the midst of my pleasure, at the thought of all the misery
and oppression under which this grateful city was groaning." f He arrived in Rome on the 4th of September.
* He must mean the house of a friend, or some other residence of his own
than that on the Palatine.
f Comp. Ep. 87, 1. " When I drew near the city, not a single citizen
whose name is known to a nomenclator, failed to come forth to meet me.
On arriving at the Porta Capena (through which the road to Capua lay) I
beheld the steps of the temples crowded with men of the lowest classes, who
expressed their sympathy with the loudest acclamations. By a similar stream
of people, by similar shouts of rejoicing, was I attended all the way to the
Capitol." The speeches in Senatu, and ad Quirites post reditum, which bear
Cicero's name, are held, it is well known, on strong grounds, to be spurious,
[The genuineness of these orations was first questioned by Markland in
the middle of the last century, assailed still more vehemently by Wolf,
and surrendered tacitly by Orelli. As usual in such cases, it is far easier to
point out internal grounds of suspicion, than to establish a plausible theory
H 6

156

LIFE AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

On the following day he returned thanks to the Senate,
(Jlfiv!'i2); anc ^ afterwards addressed the peo]}le in the Forum. 1 The
Sxijf.T' Senate was at this time engaged in deliberations touching
the supply of corn, as the citizens were suffering greatly
2 EP. 87,2. from scarcity.2 Clodius had endeavoured to make them
believe that Cicero was the author of their distress; but
his insinuations, it would appear, had had little weight, for
the rejoicing was great and universal at the public reading
of the edict to provide measures of relief, of which Cicero
3 Ep.%7,2. was announced to be the author. 3
The people were desirous that the supply of the city
should be entrusted to Pompeius, who on his part was
anxious for the office, since, in the position he then occupied, anything was acceptable to him which tended to
enhance his importance in the eyes of the people. In
consequence of his pressing solicitations Cicero proposed
in the Senate that he should be treated with on the subject, and that if he accepted the commission, a law conferring it on him should be framed and presented for
ratification to the people. Pompeius gladly consented to
for the existence of the speeches themselves on the supposition of their being
spurious. The objections to them however seem far from conclusive (at the
present moment the current of opinion seems to set again in their favour),
and in any case their value as historical documents is little impeached by
them. It is known that Cicero delivered speeches on the occasions to which
they refer, and that he was well pleased with them as specimens of his oratorical powers ; we may conclude therefore that they were published and
obtained notoriety in Rome. The impugners of the genuineness of the existing speeches allow that they must have been written, as rhetorical exercises,
no later than the Augustan age, being evidently the same as those on which
Asconius (temp Neron) commented. It is clear therefore that if they are not
Cicero's, the writer must have had the originals before him, and kept the facts
and details distinctly in view." Merivale, Hist. Bom. Emp. i. 368., note. It
may be added, that the feebleness in style and sentiment objected to these
speeches is no more than we might naturally expect from the mortification
and humiliation which lay at Cicero's heart at the moment, however much
he might disguise them from himself and the world.]

A.tr. 702. B.C. 52.

Cic. 55.

157

undertake the charge, but stipulated for absolute command over the public stores and corn-rents, and for the
assistance of fifteen legates to act under his directions.
The popular mind having been first prepared by a speech
from Cicero, the Senate, although many of the principal
members at first hesitated to increase the power of Pompeius, resolved to grant all his demands, and a decree
to that effect was accordingly presented to the people,
Cicero, who conducted the whole business, wisely refused
to second the proposition of the Tribune Messius, who,
influenced no doubt by Pompeius, moved that this charge
should be still further augmented by combining with it a
military command. Anxious, however, not to offend the
Great man whose countenance he still needed for his
own interests, he contented himself with remaining

silent.1

\ S'-.^V
{An. iv. i.)

In requiring his fifteen legates, Pompeius named Cicero
as the first whose services he was desirous of securing, and
promised that he should be his " second self."2 No doubt*\ftf\f\2:
it was a great point for him to have such a man on his
side. Cicero however would only accept the honourable
invitation on condition that if the next Consuls should hold
comitia for the election of Censors, he should be allowed
to sue for that office, or, should he desire it, for a legatio
votiva.* As he was unwilling to leave the city at this
time, he appears, with the approbation of Pompeius, to
have deputed his brother Quintus to discharge his new
* Ep. 88, 2. (AH. iv. 2.) After the words of the passage here cited, votivam legem sumere, some MSS. read : prope omnium fanorum ac sacrorum ?ocorum: which are supi^osed to be a gloss. The legatio votiva was the leave
got by a senator to fulfil avow. [i. e.to tiavel abroad on private affairs
under pretext of making offerings in holy places, with the privilege of
a legatus, or envoy of the Republic. Orelli regards the whole passage as genuine, and supposes the latter formal words to be introduced in jest.]

158

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

duties. Quintus accordingly went into Sardinia in December.*
Cicero's most engrossing care at present was the recovery of his villas and of his house in Rome. After the
demolition of the latter, Clodius had by the most daring
and shameful means appropriated to himself a large area
on the Palatine hill, and had besides caused the Portico of
Q. Catulus (a memorial of the victory over the Cimbri,
which abutted on the house of Cicero), to be destroyed,
and another erected in its place, destined to bear his own
name.f This was annexed to a Temple of Liberty which
he erected on a portion of this large space of ground,
hoping thus permanently to alienate the whole area from
Cicero. The restoration of the property became under
these circumstances a question to be decided on by the
Pontifical College. The cause was accordingly brought
before it, and Cicero delivered an oration on the occai Ep. 88,I. sion, on the 30th of September.1 They decided that " i f
Dio.' cass!' he who consecrated the temple had done it without the
xxxix. 11.

- *•

* Ep. 90, 2. (Qu.fr. ii. 1.) The chief authority for the above is the
speech pro domo (5, 6.), the genuineness of which is no doubt much suspected.
On the importance of the commission given to Pompeius, see Dio Cass.
xxxix. 9. [He was to receive the proconsular imperium, with authority superior to that of any provincial governor.
D i o r e m a r k s , Kal 6 {xkv, axrirep iirl rols KaraTrovrKXrous irpSrepov, ovroo tcaX
T6T€ inl T $ TrdffTjs aiiQis Tr/s olKOVfjiivrjS, TTJS vnb rots 'PcafxaioLS, Tore oxxrris,

ap^eip e^eAXe.]
-\ On the site of this monument stood, at an earlier period, the house of
M. Fulvius Flaccus. When this man was executed by command of the Senate, for his connexion with the attempts of C. Gracchus, his house also
was razed to the ground, and upon its foundation Catulus afterwards erected
his Portico. Of kthe speech which he addressed to the Pontiffs, Cicero
says, Ep. 88, 1. (Att. iv. 2.): Si unquam in dicendo fuimus aliquid, aut etiam
si unquam alias fuimus, turn profecto dolor et magnitudo vim quondam nobis
dicendi dedit. Wolf has shown that the speech pro domo which we possess
as Cicero's, by no means answers to this encomium.

A.U.

702.

B.C.

52.

cic. 55.

159

express authorization of the people, the area in question
might without prejudice to religion be restored to Cicero."
This judgment was laid before the Senate and received the
support of nearly all its members, especially of M. Lucullus and the Consul elect Marcellinus. But Clodius,
who had already tried to excite the minds of the populace
by an harangue, in which he called upon them to protect
their ic Libertas," l vehemently opposed the edict in a long' EP.8S;I*
oration, and got his faithful adherent the Tribune SerranusDioCak* '
'""

xxxix» 11.*

to interpose his veto. The Senate defended itself by means
which it then not unfrequently adopted.* I t declared that
if any violence were used against its decree, the man who
forbade it should be held responsible. The measure was
carried, and the sum of two million sesterces were voted to
Cicero for the rebuilding of his house, and half a million
and a quarter of a million respectively for the restoration
of his Tusculan and Formian villas, f2 The Portico of?S,-.88»11

(Att. iv. 2.)}

Catulus was to be forthwith reconstructed.
SxixTn8.'
Cicero was by no means satisfied with these sums, and he
recognized in the result of the transaction the work of his
ill-wishers, who had been striving ever since his return to
clip the wings they saw again about to grow; and here we
may discern the first seeds of that discontent which caused
him in the year following to throw himself into the arms
3
3
Ep. 106, I.;
n f PJjpcar
or -o^sai. ^
87,2. (Att. ivl
His vexation was the greater, as he was already suffer-5'1,}
ing under pecuniary difficulties which induced him to offer
* So in regard to the law about Cicero's return. The passage 88,1. is important. It shows us how the Senate had learnt at last to protect itself from
the obstinate opposition of the Tribunes, and their measures so often seditious,
t [The compensation for the Palatine house was fixed at H. S. vicies,
something less than 1800/. of our money; that of the Tusculan quingentis
mittibus, or nearly 4500/.; of the Eormican at half that sum ; certe valde illiberaliter. ]

160

LIFE AND LETTERS Otf CICERO.

Ep. ss, 2. one of his estates for sale l ; and the happiness which a few
{Ait. iv. 2.)

L l

weeks before he flattered himself he had at length attained,
was further disturbed by some domestic annoyances arising
probably from the want of harmony between himself and
2 EPp.*7,2.;his wife. 2
«8, 2. (^W.iv.

l 2

> -)
:
; EP.S9.
(Ait. iv. 3.)

Clodius, meanwhile, persevered in his violent proceedins;s.3 On the 3rd of November one of his hired gan^s
°

drove away the workmen from Cicero's ground, pulled
clown the Portico of Catulus which was completed nearly
to the roof, and set fire to the neighbouring house of
Quintus; Clodius himself rushed furiously through the
city endeavouring by promises of emancipation to get
slaves to join him; for even his own had abandoned him.
On the 11 th of November, Cicero was personally attacked
by him and his gang in the Via Sacra, and compelled to
take refuge in the house of a plebeian. The following
day they threatened the dwelling of Milo, and a bloody
conflict ensued.
Clodius looked forward to obtaining the ^Edileship this
year, and thus escaping the punishment due to these lawless acts. The populace was in great measure favourable
to him, and he was protected by his brother-in-law the
Consul Metellus, who still cherished his old dislike to
Cicero. Milo, however, by virtue of his office, could
hinder the comitia for the election of JEcliles, and this prerogative he vigorously exerted.* Clodius succeeded by
means of his party in exciting a tumult in the Senate, and
thus thwarting the proposition of Eacilius for a legal in4 ^.90,2. quiry into his conduct.4
i.)
'
This was in December. I n the beginning of the following year he was actually chosen JEdile. Amongst the
* Already in the course of these proceedings Cicero writes in November,
Si se inter viam obtulerit (Clodius), occisum iri ab ipso Milone video, Ep. 89.
(Att.iv. 3.)

A.u. 702.

B.C. 52* cic. 55.

161

Tribunes who entered upon office in December 697, Cicero
placed his best hopes on Raeilius, and after him on
Antistius Vetus; he could also securely count on the
friendship of Plancius, who had so warmly befriended him
in Macedonia.1
\&'$*:
In the summer of 697, soon after his return to Rome,
he wrote to his friend Atticus 2 , " I have recovered more 1%$;^^
fully than I ventured to hope, more than in my present
circumstances seemed possible, my ancient reputation in
the Forum, my influence in the Senate, and the favour of
all good men." To preserve all this, and thoroughly to
recover his position, was now his principal object; and
in the first months after his return, in the elevation of
spirits consequent upon that event, he felt he had strength
and courage for the task. 3 " M y courage is great," he 3 JS>». 89./«
writes in November, when he had already suffered many s-)
annoyances, " greater even than in my former prosperity."
Whilst writing in this strain, however, he must have
forgotten how totally different were his own position and
that of the State from what they had been in the days of
his Consulate. Appian says writh reference to the part
acted by Pompeius in his recall 4 , "Pompeius hoped that 4 Appian,
the experience of the last two years would have rendered g^p- ^ i0 /
Cicero more wise and cautious in his political conduct, 6,
whilst at the same time he was anxious to check the ambi«
tious attempts of Clodius, and he therefore effected Cicero's
recall from the banishment to which at his instigation
he had been sentenced," The same might be said of
Caesar, except that he could not fail to observe with satisfaction the enmity of Clodius against Pompeius. Thus
Cicero's position was far from one of freedom or independence.
As at the time he was aspiring to the Consulate he had
furthered the aggrandizement of Pompeius to secure his

162

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO,

own advancement, so now was he .forced in all his actions
still to consult that chief's interest in gratitude for his
recall. The brightest period of his own life now lay behind him ; and Pompeius, whose star was likewise on the
decline, used him to maintain as much as he could of his
own earlier lustre. If Pompeius on the one hand indulged
Gicero by letting him remove from the Capitol the tablet
on which the decree of banishment and other violent mea-v
suresofthe Tribune had been inscribed*, Cicero on his
part, by his first public act, when he got for Pompeius the
command of the corn supplies, in spite of the secret opposition of the nobles, had proved his own dependence upon
him, and let it be seen what part he must thenceforth play,
if he wished to mix in public affairs.
The next year (698) opens with a series of letters
differing considerably in character from most of those with
which we have been hitherto occupied. They are addressed
to statesmen by a statesman, and we may notice in them
a more artificial and laboured style of diction, together
with an ambiguity of expression, often throwing out significant hints of matters which it appeared hazardous to
speak of openly; whereas the earlier letters of Cicero,
addressed for the most part to Atticus and Quintus, were
familiar and confidential, and written in language answering to their contents, though they too are characterized by
a concise and careless brevity which often leaves more to be
inferred than is expressed.f
* Dio Cass, xxxix. 2 1 . ; Plut. Cic. 34. In his hatred to Clodius, Pompeius fprobably viewed this proceeding with satisfaction. It caused some
coldness between Cicero and Cato, who returned from Cyprus in 697. Cato
had discharged the commission imposed upon him by Clodius, miserable as
it was, with great diligence and honesty ; in money matters even with meanness ; and he now wanted to have his acts confirmed by the Senate.
Cicero's proceedings against Clodius seemed likely to obstruct this object.
Dio Cass, xxxix. 22.
f Of the period from Cicero's return to the end of the year 697, we have

A.U.

702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

163

In January 698 the Senate was busily engaged with
the question, whether the king Ptolernayus Auletes, who*
as a friend of the Komans and a fugitive from his own
subjects, had appealed to it for aid *, should be reinstated
in his dominions, and if so, in what manner this should be
effected. The honourable commission which had been promised to Lentulus, at this time Proconsul of Cilicia, was
.now ardently coveted by Pompeius, who had received the
fugitive monarch into his own house, and was anxious to
lead him back at the head of an army. He wTished to obtain a military command which might place him more on
an equality with Caesar; while the aristocrats, on the other
hand, dreaded to increase the power which his commission
for supplying the city gave him; and the more as his
union with Caesar and Crassus still subsisted.
Just at the right moment, an oracle was found in the
Sybilline books, which declared that " an Egyptian sovereign would seek the protection of the Romans. Assistance, it said, might be granted him, but not with force of
numbers." f
The Senate availed themselves of this circumstance, and
all idea of employing a military force was abandoned; the
only question now being, whether the king should be reinstated at all; and if so, whether the commission should be
three letters to Atticus and one to Quintus. That to the latter is directed
to Sardinia. Besides these a jocose letter addressed to Fabms Gallus, from
the Tusculanum, whither he had retired on account of sickness, probably
belongs to the same year. Ep. 91. (Div. vii. 26.)
* Ptolemseus had caused the envoys to be assassinated who were sent by
the Alexandrians to counteract his suit at Rome. Dio Cass, xxxix. 13.
f Ep. 92, 1. 3. {Div. i.) ; Dio Cass, xxxix. 15. [The phrase, it is said,
was sine multitudine, which was interpreted to mean, without an army ;
hence Cicero speaks of religio de exercitu. In his letter to Lentulus he does
not scruple to hint that this pretended oracle was a forgery (nomen inductum fictce religionis, Ep. 92, 2., Div, i. 1.). Hcec est opinioy he says,
pdpuli Rom.']

164

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

entrusted to Lentulus or to Pompeius and two others; or,
lastly, to three envoys of inferior note. Cicero was sorely
perplexed by this question. He felt bound to advocate
the cause of Lentulus, who had the voice of the Senate in
his favour, and had been instrumental to his own restoration, while, on the other hand, he dared not decidedly
oppose the wishes of Pompeius, who, whilst professing
indifference on his own account, and even advocating the;
claims of Lentulus in the Senate, was secretly endeavouring by the aid of his faithful adherents to secure the appointment for himself! Ptolemseus also desired that his
should be the agency employed on the occasion. Cicero
appears to have been misled for some time by the silence
of Pompeius, and the secret nature of his proceedings, of
i Ep. 100,2. which he complains in a letter to L e n t u l u s l ; though perhaps he was not altogether sorry for it, as he was thus
able to range himself on the side of Lentulus, together
with Hortensius and M. Lucullus, and to assert at the
same time that he was acting in accordance with the intimations made him by Pompeius himself. In this manner
we may explain a confidential letter to Quintus, in which
he tells him that he has fulfilled his promises both to
Pompeius and to Lentulus most satisfactorily, and without
2 Ep. 97,5. offending either party. 2 In the numerous letters however,
(^u.ji.n. ^flj.gggg^ t o Lentulus on this subject, we find manifest
3
Ep. 92_9r,, tokens of his embarrassment 3 ; and one cannot help sus100, 101. 113.

\2^(PivA'

pecting that the rhetorical style so often apparent in them4
was adopted to conceal a secret grudge against Lentulus,*
possibly for the inadequate compensation of his personal
^ Ep. 88. losses.4
The king's cause occupied the Senate for a long time.
Pompeius, not being supported by Caesar's party, saw his
5 Ep. loo. own hopes frustrated 5 , and then came forward without
reserve as the most zealous friend of Lentulus,,. whom he

A. u. 702.

B.C. 52.

crc. 55.

165

counselled, in conjunction with Cicero, to undertake the
restoration of the king on his own responsibility ! , for the * &P- J1^
Senate had begun to discourage the scheme altogether. I t
was of some importance to Pompeius to gain the good
will of so distinguished a personage as Lentulus. The
coveted honour fell, however, eventually to neither of
them. For the cause being long procrastinated, and
Ptolemseus, after a considerable loss of time and money,
finally placing himself under the protection of the Ephesian
Diana, Grabinius, who was Proconsul of Syria, took the
matter into his own hands, probably at the instigation,
certainly with the approval of Pompeius, and by force of
arms reinstated the king in his dominions, stipulating for
a large reward for his services.*
Clodius, who still continued to enjoy the favour of the
populace, was chosen .ZEdile on the 22nd of January f,
and on the 3rd of the following month he instituted a
process against Milo 2 , accusing him of violent conduct inJ^y^Vs
the transactions at the beginning of the year 697, which
produced Cicero's recall.
Pompeius came forward as
Milo's patron, but his speech to the people on the 6 th, as
well as that of Clodius, was tumultuously interrupted.
Nothing was effected on that day, and the process h a l no
decided result. The object of Clodius was indeed only to
irritate and affront the friends of Cicero and abuse his
defenders, especially Pompeius 3 , who was gradually losing 3 DioCass.
ground with the people through his means. In coming
forward in defence of Milo, Pompeius was probably actu* These proceedings are detailed by Dio Cassius, xxxix. 12—16. 55—62.
f This at least was the day appointed for the election. It should have
taken place before the close of the year. The delay is attributed by
Manutius to the intrigues of Clodius and his opponents, the one party
seeking to become iEdile before the impeachment de Vi with which he was
threatened, the latter to frustrate this object. Clodius succeeded, and
baffled his prosecutors, Ep. 97, 4. (Qu. fr. ii. 2.)

166

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

ated by his desire to bind Cicero as closely as possible to
his own interests; for it was becoming daily more apparent to him that Caesar was rapidly eclipsing him, and he
must have contemplated with alarm the lengths to which
his policy of flattering the populace might lead him. An
aristocrat by birth, as were all those whose early fortunes
had been founded upon Sulla, Pompeius needed for his
adherents men of weight and importance like Cicero and,
Lentulus, to balance the scales against Caesar. True, he,
like his rival, had flattered the people, and had risen
through their favour; but he wanted the art which enabled Ca3sar permanently to enchain their affections, so
that he could look down on their transient caprices with
indifference; as for instance, when, in the time of his Consulate, Bibulus withdrew, and the tide of popular favour
» Ep. 45, l. for a moment turned against him.1
(Att. ii. 19.)

Pompeius at this juncture had his old enemy Crassus
and the Tribune C. Cato against him, and it is not improbable that they and their adherents sought to disunite
2Ep.99,4. him from Cicero 2 , his alliance with whom might seem
dangerous to the opponents of the Optimates. The conqueror of Mithridates now saw himself compelled to bring
his country partizans into the city to ensure his personal
safety. He complained to Cicero that "his life was
threatened, that C. Cato was supported, and Clodius
bribed, by Crassus, and that both were encouraged by
him and Bibulus, as well as by Curio and his other
calumniators. I t behoved him to take care that he wal
not utterly ruined, for the common people were almost
entirely alienated from him, the Senate unfavourable, and
3£p.9M. the young men reckless," 3 Cicero was right when he
(aw /r 11,3,)
' '
exclaimed in a letter to his brother, "Pompeius is no
4£/>. 104,4. longer the same man." 4 How little he now expected
' from him is apparent from his confidential words in another

A.U.

702.

B.G.

52.

cic. 55.

167

letter to him.* " I did not go into the Senate" (after
the scandalous events consequent on the process of Milo),
" for I could not be silent on so grave a subject, and I
feared to offend the well disposed by advocating the cause
of Pompeius, wTho was attacked by Bibulus, by Curio,
Favonius, and Servilius the younger."
We are tempted to believe that Caesar fomented these
disputes at a distance t ; there can be no doubt that they
fell in with his own desires. Pompeius was well aware
of this, and his uneasiness and jealousy increased with
the acclamations which hailed the successive accounts of
his exploits.1 Time wras when he had himself reigned l r>i .°- S 3 3 e
•L

xxxix. 25.

alone in the applause of his countrymen.
U n d e r the
influence of such feelings., a change of relations came
to pass which just before had seemed in the highest
degree improbable: a close alliance was formed between
himself and Crassus, and they made common cause together, without however any formal r u p t u r e with Ca3sar.
The first object they proposed to themselves was the joint
attainment of the Consulate for the ensuing year. Clodius,
who hoped by serving Pompeius to secure his future favour, once more shifted sides, as did the Tribune Cato,
and ioined their party. 2
2 DioCass.
x x x i x . 26.

The Consuls of the year 698, Lentulus Marcellinus and 29.; comP.'
.

£/>. 120, 2.

Marcius Philippus, were excellent men, nor was it their (du.fr.n.9.)
fault if the authority of the Senate and Optimates was not
efFectually maintained. 3 They resisted to the utmost of3 Ep. 104,4.
their ability the unconstitutional attempts of 0. Cato, who
was now a devoted partizan of the Triumvirs, as well as the
extraordinary measures proposed for augmenting Caesar's
* Ep. 99, 2. (Qu. fr. ii. 3.) This letter is remarkable for the lively
picture it gives us of the proceedings of the popular assemblies at that time.
f Dio says (xxxix. 23.), " Ceesar, although absent, supported Clodius in
his fury against M. Cato, and furnished him, as some say, with charges."

168

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

power.* Marcellinus handled Pompeius so roughly as to
wound Cicero's feelings. Had the Consuls of the succeeding year proved equally zealous, and been vigorously
supported by the Qptimates, the Senate might yet have
succeeded in taking and keeping a strong position against
the Triumvirs.
The principal candidate for the Consulate in the year
699 was Domitius Ahenobarbus, a member of an old and
distinguished patrician house, and a decided aristocrat.
But his election was not desired by Pompeius, who though
an enemy to democratic power was no friend to an oligarchy of which he was not himself the leader; nor would
Csesar permit the advancement of a man, who had once
rashly threatened that the first act of his Consulate should
' suet jui. be to recall him from his government. 1 To the avaricious
24.

Crassus, a state of affairs which tended towards the restoration of the ancient order and discipline was anything
but desirable; and thus the three colleagues, impelled by
different motives, combined to oppose Domitius as their
2
EP. 117. common enemy.2
At Lucca, whither Ca3sar repaired from Transalpine
Gaul, the Triumvirs met and concerted measures for
crushing him, and forcing him to leave the field to Pompeius and Crassus.f Caesar could not hinder his colleagues
from obtaining their object, which they sought with the
view of emulating his greatness; nay, he had still so much
to demand from the next year's Consuls, that he was actually constrained to further their designs. The comitia
* Monstra de Ccesare.
f How eagerly men of rank and distinction crowded about the
Triumvirs, appears from the statement of Plutarch (Cses. 21.), that so
many official personages were seen at Lucca, that 120 lictors might be
counted there together. At the same time there were present more thaa
200 senators. Appian, B, C. ii. 17.

A.u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

169

were now violently interrupted, and their proceedings
obstructed, in order that, the year having expired, the
appointment of Consuls might devolve upon an interrex. The Tribune Cato 'rendered effectual assistance in
this transaction 1 , and Caesar sent his legate Publius, the 1 Dio. cass.
x x x i x . 27 •

son of Crassus, with an armed force to support his associates. comp. AP3

plan, 5 . C. ii.

Marcellinus could make no resistance. The Senate put17on mourning, and during the remainder of the year no
senator of the Patrician party made his appearance in
the Curia.2 But all was in vain. In the beginning of2 Di°- cas*.
°

xxxix. 28.31.

699, Pompeius and Crassus were elected Consuls by an
inter-rex. The positions which Csesar and Pompeius at
this time respectively occupied, rendered it necessary that
each should promote the interests of the other; the only
question was, which of them should first reach the summit ; which should most clearly perceive and most promptly
seize the fortunate moment.3 Pompeius when asked by 3 Dio. Cass.
Marcellus at the end of the previous year, whether he was foii.
in earnest in suing for the Consulship, had replied: " I do
not want it for the sake of those citizens who love order
and moderation; but on account of the restless spirits in
the State, I desire it with my whole heart." 4 In this we 4 Dio. cass.
xxxix oO

need not accuse him of falsehood; for history is not without examples of blind ambition going hand in hand with
a conviction of patriotism. But Pompeius had a very
indistinct notion of what the State required, and was
utterly deceived as to his own strength. Ca3sar laboured
under no such delusion; and in the attainment of his
own ambitious ends would have saved at the same time
the Koman world, had not a rash deed prematurely cut
him off.
For truly the condition of Rome was at this period
unspeakably wretched. The people were led astray, and
their interests abused by their representatives; by those who
I

170

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

should have protected their just rights, but who were
now fallen into the hands of the chiefs, and were tools
of their power, which increased every year. The Optimates, unmindful of their honourable name, were governed by their own selfish interests, and acted without
concert or system.* The Senate was broken up into
parties; and a Consul really worthy of his office, proved
nevertheless unable to maintain law and order.
Ep.wii,
To return to Cicero: writing at this time to Atticus ! .
\Att. IV. D.)

with reference to the death of Lentulus f, he says: . . . .
" He loved his country so well, that his being snatched
from its conflagration seems a special favour of the Grods;
for what is more degrading than our life? than mine
especially ? . . . . If I speak as duty urges me on public
matters, I am esteemed a madman; if as circumstances
constrain me, a slave; while if I keep silence, I am said to
be in durance; and I am the more grieved at this, because
I cannot complain for fear of being called ungrateful."
We cannot be surprised to find him exclaiming in a letter
to Atticus, some months before the election of the new
2 Ep.we. Consuls 2 : "Farewell to the principles of justice, truth,
and goodness! The falseness of those Optimates transcends
all belief; for Optimates they profess to be, and would be
were there any faith in them." And again: " A s those
who are not in power refuse to love me, I will cultivate
the regard of such as are."
Cicero had Cassar more especially in his thoughts when
he wrote this. He had just composed what he calls a
Palinodia in his honour. I t was very evident to him that
his own idea of the Republic could not be maintained
* See Cicero's complaints against the Optimates, Epp. 106, 1.; 113.
(Att iv. 6.; Div. i. 7.)
•f Not the Proconsul of Cilicia; the personage here mentioned was
Flamen of Mars.

A.U. 702.

c. 52.

cic. 55.

171

against the power of the Triumvirs, and the violence of
the age; he saw how ineffectual was the support on which
he could reckon from the so-called Optimates; and his
feelings were somewhat irritated against them moreover
at present, on account of the inadequate compensation they
had accorded for his loss of property. Nor could he
honestly help feeling that he was alone far too weak to
maintain himself in opposition to the chiefs. The letter
we have been quoting from is a remarkable one; but we
must not conclude that Cicero had finally abandoned the
maxims which had governed his conduct in early life, and
which were deeply engrafted on his nature. Time and
circumstances were now at variance with them, and his
susceptible and highly irritable temperament renders it
easy to account for the contradictory tone of many passages in his correspondence. The following extract from
a letter to the Proconsul Lentulus 1 , displays all the1, £?• m 2.
(Dev.i. 8.)

characteristics of its writer, particularly where he speaks
of politics, and at the same time discovers the dawn of a
sentiment which exercised a decided influence over his
whole life, and was destined to bring about its catastrophe:
" You are aware how difficult it is to lay aside the opinion
one has formed upon public affairs, especially when it is
well grounded. Nevertheless, I conform myself to the
wishes of him whom I cannot with honour oppose: and I
do this with no insincerity, as some may suppose, for so
powerfully is my mind attracted towards Pompeius, so
strong, I may say, is my passion for him, that all that is
profitable to him and agreeable to his wishes appears just
and right in my eyes." *
- * These expressions may surprise us, when we remember the numerous
passages in Cicero's letters in which he laments the weaknesses of Pompeius.
But sanguine temperaments do not suffer themselves so easily to abandon
the objects of their affection, even when they perceiye weaknesses in
I 2

172

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

However contrary such a course may have been to his
genuine feelings, Cicero adhered to the resolution he had
taken, and continued his double allegiance to Caesar and
Pompeius. He had soon occasion to testify his devotion
to them. The law for the allocation of lands in Campania
had not yet been carried in all its clauses; for part of the
land to be distributed was in the hands of private individuals, and it was a matter of difficulty to obtain a sum
of money from the State treasury sufficient to purchase it
from the proprietors. In December, 697, the Tribune
^QX'/VALI.)Lupus had spoken against the law *, and in the following
April there was a sharp debate on the subject in the
2
Ep 103,2. Senate 2 , on the same day that the forty million sesterces
(Qu.fr.ii.b.)

had been voted to Pompeius as manager of the supplies.
Cicero* who was adverse to the lawr, proposed that it should
be brought again before the Senate on the 15th of May;
imagining that after such an outlay it would be certainly
3 ^p.i48,3. rejected.3 Pompeius and Caesar however, who had just
bad their meeting at Lucca, were dissatisfied with this
proceeding: and the former having occasion to go into
Africa on the business of the supplies, paid a visit to
Quintus in Sardinia on his way, and reminded him of his
pledge that Marcus Cicero, in case he were recalled from
banishment, would attempt nothing contrary to the inthem. Those lamentations were indeed themselves immoderate, and even
in them we may recognize Cicero's love for Pompeius. [It will be observed that the author constantly speaks of the affection Cicero bore
Pompeius. Yet it must be remembered that already, in the earlier part
of this correspondence, Cicero had bitterly denounced his vanity, ambition,
selfishness and hypocrisy ; we shall find, at a later period, that he further
charges him with the most flagrant disloyalty to the Commonwealth. It is
a proof of the exceeding fickleness of Cicero's feelings and judgments that
he still allows himself, upon any show of favour from the great man, to warm
into expressions of personal regard; but I cannot recognize throughout
his letters any calm and consistent affection for the object of these capricious effusions ]

tr. 702.

c. 52.

cic. 55.

173

terests of the Triumvirs.* Upon this Quintus wrote to
Ms brother, who now perceived how hazardous was the
step he was about to take. He remembered the conflict
his mind had undergone, when on a former occasion he
had wavered between the Triumvirs and their opponents;
he reflected how little the support of the latter could be
relied upon: and the motion about the Agrarian law was

dropped, f
That Cicero should find it impossible to recover his former authority, however much he desired it, was under
these circumstances natural enough; equally natural was
it, that he did not entirely withdraw from public life in
consequence. The legal business of the Forum still furnished him the means of recovering and retaining the
favour of the people. Here he had the field to himself.
Ca3sar and Pompeius found it even conducive to their
interests, that the man through whom they had gained
their objects should possess the esteem of the populace.
I t seems they applauded him when he carried into effect
his intimation to his brother ] : " I willingly withdraw from \gv
the Curia, and all business of the State, but before the
tribunals I am still what I was."
* How effective this pledge of Quintus's was towards his brother's recall
we may judge from Ep. 99, 8. (Qw. Jr. ii. 3.)
f The circumstances and the corresponding letter are, as it seems to me,
thus best arranged. On April 5. Cicero made his motion about the
Agrarian law ; this offended Pompeius, who conferred about it with Caesar
at Lucca, and again with Quintus in Sardinia. Quintus thereupon wrote
to his brother and changed his note. Under this altered aspect of affairs
Cicero proceeded to write that remarkable letter to Atticus, Ep. 106. (Att.
iv. 5.) ; which accordingly, if my view is correct, cannot be of so early a
date as April 10., which is assigned to it, but must have been written
somewhat later. A careful perusal of Cicero's letters makes one often
suspect that the dates assigned them cannot be quite accurate, and that
they stand in need of a revision. We meet with proceedings about the
Agrarian law at a still later period. Ep. 225. (Div. viii. 10.), A.U. 703.
I 3

174

L I F E AND LETTERS OF ClCEKO.

The most important oration which Cicero delivered in
the year 698, was his speech for the late Tribune P .
Sestius, who had done so much towards his recall. When
in the commencement of the preceding year, while the
decree for his restoration was still pending, Clodius with
his hired rabble and gladiators had converted the Forum
into a field of battle, in order to prevent its passing,
Sestius and Milo found themselves compelled to repel
force by force, and hired gladiators of their own to oppose
those of Clodius. Many were the fierce and bloody encounters which ensued; and now, at the instigation of
.Clodius, Sestius was arraigned by M. Tullius Albinovanus
before the Praetor M. JEmilius Scaurus, on the 10th of
February, on a charge of riot.'* Cicero undertook his
defence, and Hortensius spoke also in his behalf, and he
was acquitted on the 13th of March. Cicero was actuated
by sincere affection and gratitude, and wished besides to
put down the cavils of his maligners, who called him
ungrateful. In this speech, he described in lively terms
the whole course of Clodius's hostilities against him, and
his own banishment and restoration: it is further remarkable as expressing his political principles, and his view of
the character of the true Optimate. I t does him the more
honour, inasmuch as Sestius, who was a man of a gloomy
and wayward disposition, seems often to have given him
1
EP. io2, i. cause for complaint.1 Cicero's speech against Vatinius,
who had made himself notorious during the Consulate of
Caesar, and now appeared as a witness against Sestius,
2 Ep io2,11. formed an interlude in the process.2 The orator com{Qu.fr. ii.4.)

* Ep. 99, 5. (Qu. fr. ii. 3.) By the lex Lutatia de Vi Seslius was at
the same time accused of ambitus by Cn. Nerius. [The law of Q. Lutatius
Catulus de Vi, that is against those who occupied public places and carried
arms (A. IT. 676), was perhaps a renewal or confirmation of an existing lex
Plotia. Cic. Att. ii. 24.; pro Cart. 29.; pro Mil 13.; de Har. resp. 8.J
Sail. Catil. 31. But see Fischer, Romische Zeittafeln (A. U. 676).]

u. 702.

c. 52.

cic. 55.

175

pletely crushed him amidst the applause of his audience;
at the same time he expressed himself with great freedom
about Caesar and his associates.*
Before this, on the 11th of February (in a speech no
longer extant), he defended L. Bestia, who was accused
before the Praetor Cn. Domitius of bribery in his suit for
the Prastorship. He thus laid, as he said, a good foundation for his subsequent defence of Sestius 1 ; but he was 1 EP. 99,,7.^
not successful in the attainment of his immediate object.f
He was more fortunate in his defence of L. Cornelius
Balbus, the Gaditane, who stood very high in Cassar's
favour, was now serving under him in Gaul, and afterwards became the manager of his household.
The
accuser disputed the franchise accorded to him. Cicero
also successfully defended his friend, M. Cselius, accused
of poisoning the notorious sister of Clodius, and of intending to assassinate the Alexandrian ambassador, Dio;
these charges were brought against him, under the Lutatian law de Vi, by Atratinus, whose father he had
himself once brought to just ice. $
* We possess this speech too, under the name of Interrogation " Questions
put to Yatinius." Cicero himself describes it, Ep. 148, 3. (JDiv. i. 9.)
Tota vero interrogatio mea nihil habuit nisi reprehensionem illius tribunatus;
in quo omnia dicta sunt libertate, animoque maximo, de vi, de auspiciis, de
donatione regnorum.
f See Philipp. i. 5., where he alludes to the result of this trial. Quid
Bestiam ? qui se consulatum in Bruti locum petere profitetur
Quam
absurdum autem, qui prcetor fieri non potuerit, eum petere consulatum ! JYisi
forte damnationem pro prcetura putat.
J I have refrained from citing here the speech de Haruspicium responsis,
which, if it is really Cicero's, was delivered after those for Sestius and Caslius,
and before those de prov. Cons, and for Balbus, on account of the strong
evidence it bears of spuriousness. The occasion of the speech was this :
when, in the year 698, a prodigium occurred in the Ager Latinensis, and the
Haruspices pronounced their judgment that it pointed to the sin of erecting
private dwellings on consecrated spots, the iEdile Clodius applied this
immediately to Cicero's house; Cicero thereupon delivered the speech
referred to.
i 4

176

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

The great orator's speech in the Senate, entitled " de
provincils Consularibus," is one of the highest importance.
Therein he urges the recall of Gabinius and Piso, the
Consuls of the year 696, from their respective governments of Syria and Macedonia. These provinces had
been assigned them in virtue simply of an edict of
Clodius, and not by a decree of the Senate, and they had
governed them with gross injustice and rapacity. In the
same speech he combats the proposition of the Senate to
deprive Cassar of one, if not both, of the two Gaulish
provinces; for the rapidly increasing power of the great
commander had begun to inspire that body with alarm,
and many of the senators were for recalling him altogether. Cicero thus prepared the way for the law which
Trebonius carried next year, decreeing him fresh supplies
< De prov. of money, and increasing the number of his legates.1
'
His conduct in this transaction will not surprise us if we
call to mind the letter before alluded to, in which he
appears in a moment of excitement to abjure all his
principles; but how ill at ease his conscience was is
2 E-p. ii3,6. apparent from a letter to Lentulus 2 , written probably in
May of this year 698, in which he observes a marked
silence respecting the part he had been taking for CaBsar
in these proceedings. After the significant words, " This
state of affairs does not please me," he continues, " I must
admonish you of a truth which, though addicted from my
youth to the noblest studies, 1 have learnt from experience
rather than reading, — no man can retain his security if he
loses, nor forfeit it if he retains, his dignity." Since he
could not be a Cato, how much more wisely would he
have acted, had he remained firm to this maxim! W e
find it consistent with the rest of his character that, in
order to maintain his dignity and the renown of his
former actions, he sought to exhibit himself in something

A. u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

177

of a becoming lustre by the side of Pompeius and Cassar.
His anxiety on this head is shown in a letter to Luceeius
(probably in May 698), in which he urgently requests
him to write the history of his life from the commencement of the Catilinarian conspiracy until his return from
exile.1 This letter, however we may be disposed t o 1 ^ . ios.
.

(Div. v. 12.)

palliate particular expressions in consideration of the
circumstances under which it was written, is a standing
monument of his vanity and of the self-esteem which
animated him, even at a time when his influence in the
Republic had dwindled to a mere shadow. He thought
highly of it himself, and in writing to Atticus mentions it
with complacency as " a very fine composition."*2
\Iu\fW'
In reference to his domestic affairs, we find that in the
spring of this year he gave his daughter Tuliia in second
marriage to Eurius Crassipes, one of Caesar's adherents.3Iffli'Til4'''
The repose of which he stood so much in need at home/*''il# 4 - 6)
was continually disturbed by the family disputes between
Terentia and his brother's wife Pomponia, and this made
him glad to remain at his country residences, where we
find him in the months of April and May 698. At his
paternal estate of Antium he enjoyed an interval of
agreeable leisure, during which he occupied himself with
his library.^
J J f ^
* [One passage at least in this letter ought to be quoted; the reader
must judge for himself how far it is susceptible of excuse. Neque tamen
ignoro quam impudenter faciamy qui primum tibi tantum oneris imppnam
{potest enim mihi denegare occupatio tua) deinde etiam, ut ornes me, postulem..
Quid si ilia tibi non tantopere videntur ornanda? Sed tamen qui semel
verecundice fines transierit, eum bene et naviier oportet esse imprudentem.
Itaque te plane etiam atque etiam rogo, ut ornes ea, vehementius etiam quam
fqrtasse sentis, et in eo leges historice negligas: gratiamque illam, de qua
suavissime quodam in procemio scripsisti, a qua te affici non magis potuisse
demonstras quam Herculem Xenophontium ilium a voluptate; si me tibi
vehementius commendabit ne aspernere; amorique nostro pluscidum etiam quam
concedit Veritas, largiare.^
1 5

178

LERE.AKD LETTERS OF CICERO.

Quintus Cicero, since the completion of his' business in
Sardinia, had been living partly at Rome and partly on his
estates till the year 700, when he was summoned to Gaul
by Caesar, to act as his legate. Atticus had returned to
(Itf'ivA.) I t a ly about the end of January 1 , and took up his residence
in Rome, where Cicero frequently addressed him during
his own sojourn in the country. In February Atticus
was married to Pilia, by whom he had a daughter Attica,
or Pomponia, who subsequently became the wife of the
celebrated Agrippa.*
W e possess twelve letters of the year 699, in which
Pompeius and Crassus were Consuls for the second time.t
During this period Cicero adhered firmly to the resolution
he had formed of offering no resistance to the Triumvirs,
but yielding passively to the stream of events. Resistance,
indeed, would have availed little at a time when, as he
himself writes to his brother, the Consuls, together with
2
£v 12^|"Ca3sar, had everything in their own power.2 But deeply
must he and the whole Senate have been pained when
Afranius brought about a decree encouraging ambitus, in
consequence of which the Prgetorships of this year could
be filled by the mere arbitrary will of those who now held
sway %; and Cato was excluded from that office, to which
he had been previously invited §, in order that it might
r
Attica and Agrippa had a daughter, Vipsania Agrippina, who was
the first wife of the Emperor Tiberius, and became the mother of Drusus.
f Viz., five to Atticus, two to Quintus, to E. Gallius and Marius one
each ; the single one to Lentulus is very important* The two which
remain are letters of recommendation.
% Ep. 120, 3. (Qu. fr. ii. 9.) Manutius (in he.) explains the object of
the law, iVe qui prceturam per ambitum cepisset, ei propterea fraudi esset;
[referring to Plut. Cat. min. 42. and Pomp. 52. The letter itself gives no
intimation about it.]
§ It was offered to him, on his return from Cyprus, to protect him from
being called to account for his conduct there: he however rejected it.'
Plut. Cat, min. 39.; Val. Max. iv. 1. 14. [The words of Val. Max. are,

u. 702.

c. 52* cic. 55.

179

be bestowed on the contemptible Vatinius. Though, in
attaching himself unreservedly to Pompeius> Cicero may
have followed the dictates of his heart, we cannot doubt
that the following words, in a letter to Lentulus, express
the genuine state of his feelings at the present juncture :
" The principles by which I guided myself when I was in
possession of the highest honours and had accomplished
the greatest undertakings, dignity in my speeches as a
senator, independence in administering the general interests, all are past and gone! But not for me more than
for others. I must either echo, without influence myself,
the decrees of individuals, or place myself in unavailing
opposition. The spirit of the Senate, of the tribunals, of
the whole State, is altogether changed. No senator who
is faithful to his principles, can now hope to obtain the
Consular dignity.1
i EP
J

(Div

The truth of this statement became evident when, in
accordance with the treaty which had been entered into
at Lucca between Pompeius and Crassus, the Tribune
Trebonius passed an edict giving to the latter the province
of Syria and to the former Spain and Africa, both for
five years, and with extended powers. At the same time,
to appease Caesar, his proconsular authority in Gaul was
Cypriacam pecuniam maxima cum diligentia et sanctitate in urbem deportaverit Cujus ministerii gratia Senatus relationem interponi jubebat ui
prcetoriis comitiis extra ordinem ratio ejus haheretur (before the legitimate
age, i. e. set. 40. Cato, born A. TJ. 659, was 39 in 698, but was of legitimate
age the year following.) Sed ipse id fieri passus non est, iniquum id fieri
esse affirmans, quod nulli alii tribueretur, sibi decerni. Instead of saying the
Prsetorship was offered to Cato, the writer should have specified that the
Senate proposed to make a decree in his favour releasing him from the restrictions of the lex Annalis. He must still have sued for the suffrages of
the tribes. The object of this intended favour is probably divined rightly
by Abeken. Cato had accidentally lost the accounts of his money transactions in Cyprus, and it was known that Clodius was watching an
opportunity to fasten upon him a charge of malversation in his province.]
I 6

180

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

prolonged for another five years, chiefly through the
influence of the Consuls. In vain did Cato and others,
who endeavoured to uphold the sinking State, oppose
these measures; and equally fruitless were Cicero's efforts
to dissuade Pompeius from so largely augmenting his
1
Phil.u. 10.;rival's power.: * 1
rivaVa i ^ n w ^ r
Suet.CVes.24
xxxixfS.
Cicero may have derived some consolation in this state
of affairs from the confidence shown him by Pompeius,
who visited him in April at his villa at Cuma3, behaved
in the most friendly manner to him, conversed at length
on the Commonwealth, spoke of his desire to obtain Spain
for his province, and did not conceal his dissatisfaction
] 8 W
4?i?9, i. ' ^ k n ^ s o w n conduct.2 All this might be true, but Cicero
Oitt.iv.io. pU£ n o £ 3 ^ i n such declarations; he elsewhere complains
/7?p'10?\2, of his reserve and reticence.3 He found a more effectual
(Div. i. 5.)

solace in the retirement of his villas, and in his much
loved studies, which, as he writes to Atticus, were always
4
{Alt. iv. 10) a refreshment and support to him.
Ep.m,2.
In another letter to
the same friend, speaking of his pleasure in the society of
the learned Dionysius f, he says: " There is nothing more
* Perhaps Cicero speaks in Ep. 129. (Att. iv. 13.) of the proceedings
(altercationes) in the Senate, upon the question of this increase of Caesar's
power. This letter is written from Tusculum. [Schiitz assigns for its date
the close of Nov. 698 (699). Crassus had just left Eome for the East, before
the completion of his year of office. Crassum quidem nostrum minore
dignitate aiunt profectum paludatum quam olim cequahm ejus L. Paulum,
iterum consulem. O hominem nequam. For the circumstances see the
historians. Plut. Crass. 16.; Dio Cass, xxxix. 39.]
f Dionysius was a freedman of Atticus, [particularly skilful in the
binding and decoration of books, for which Atticus had lent his services
to Cicero. Ep. 106. (Att. iv. 5.) Biblioihecam mihi tui pinxerunt constructions et sillybis. Ep. 111. (Att. iv. 8.) postea vero quam. Tyrannio
mihi libros disposuit, mens addita videtur meis cedibusi qua quidem in re
mirifica opera Dionysii et Menopkili tui fuit. Dionysius was also an
admirable scholar. Ep. 122. {Att. iv. 11.) Nos hie voramus literas cum
homine mirifico Dionysio. Cicero had also a slave of this name.]

u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

181

delightful than to know everything." l He spent this spring J 3^122.
at his villas at Cumse and Naples, where he was within
reach of the noble library of Faustus Sulla, whose father,
the Dictator, had brought most of it from Athens as the
spoils of war 2 : he had also for a neighbour a friend named* -p0-.118*21

(Att.

IV.

10.)

Marius, a man of wit and spirit, of whom he was extremely
fond3, and it is pleasant at this time to hear him3/*>. 121,2.
giving utterance to light-hearted jokes. At the close of 10->
November, while parties were hotly disputing in the
Senate, he writes from Tusculum to Atticus that he had
been working diligently on the books De Oratore.A The^J^-.J29^
following words, written to the same friend in April, ^^.'i1.4^8
spring directly from his heart: " I had rather seat myself on your little bench under the bust of Aristotle, than
in the Curule chair of our rulers; and I had rather walk
up and down with you in your hall, than in the company
of him [Pompeius] with whom I shall soon find myself
5
obliged to walk." 5
EP. m, 2
&

(Att. iv. 10.,

He derived his chief pleasure from literary labours,
such as the work above mentioned *; for at this time, as
he writes after his defence of Gallus Caniniusj, even
forensic speeches were distasteful to him. This lastnamed oration was delivered on the day when Pompeius,
who had before entertained the people with gladiators,
gave the celebrated games at the dedication of his magnificent theatre, and the temple connected with it, to
Venus Victrix. Very characteristic is the letter in which
Cicero gives an account to his friend Marius 6 of these « Ep. m.
games, the most costly and splendid, he says, which hadc°W- «»pt
* It was possibly at this period also that Cicero composed his poem De
Temporibus suis, which has not come down to us. Epp. 120. (Qu.fr. ii.
9.); 117. (AtL iv. 8.); comp. Ep. 148. (Div. i. 9.)
t Ep. 126. (Div. vii. 1.) Gallus Caninius was Tribune in the year 698,
and in the contest about the restoration of Ftolema^us had shown great zeal
for Pompeius. Ep. 97. (Qu. fr. ii. 2.)

182

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

ever been witnessed. I t shows how far he stood in learning and moral cultivation above the age and country in
which he lived. #
To this year belongs one of the most important of his
orations now extant, that against Piso, Caesar's father-inlaw, under whose Consulate he had been banished. H e
had previously, in his speech on the Consular provinces,
opposed Piso's longer continuance in the province of
Macedonia, which was suffering from his misgovernment.
And now Piso had returned in secret to Rome, flying
from his disorderly and ill-managed army. 1 Unbending
and arrogant, confiding in the protection of his powerful
son-in-law, he made his appearance in the Senate; he
insulted Cicero, who had ventured to utter reproaches
against him, and who now in return for his insults gave
vent to his hatred and indignation in a speech which, it
must be confessed, was hardly worthy of his own dignity,
comparing his Consulate with that of his opponent, their
respective departures from the city and returns to it, and
the general course of their lives and actions*f"
During this year, Gabinius, Piso's colleague in the Consulship, on his own responsibility and by force of arms,
* [Qui ne id quidem leporis liabuerint quod solent mediocres ludi. Apparatus enim spectatio omnem tollit liilaritatem . . . . quid enim delectationis
habent sexcenti muli in Clytemncestra ? aut in equo Trojano craterarum tria
millia? . . . . quae, popularem admirationem habuerunt, delectationem tibi
nullam attulissent, &c. Billerbeck suggests that this disparagement of the
show is assumed to console his correspondent Marius, who from the
weakness of his health could not come to the amphitheatre.]
•j- This speech was delivered shortly before the celebration of the Games.
Asconius in Orat. c. Pison. In the period embraced by our fifth section
Cicero made two other speeches; one on the affair of King Ptolemseus, of
which some fragments, together with a mutilated commentary, have been
lately made known by Mai (see De Republ. ed. Halle, 1824, p. 516. foil.);
the other for Cispius, which must have been at this time, Cicero himself
mentions, pro Plane. 31.

A. u. 702.

33. 0. 52,

ciG. 55.

i83

reseated Ptolemaeua on his throne 1 , for which enterprise 1 Ep.iis,i.
7

r
#

{Ait. iv. 10.)

he was menaced with a rigorous prosecution at Rome.
Two months before the year closed, the term of Grabinius's Proconsulate having expired, the rapacious Crassus
hastened to his wealthy province of Syria.* 2 His oppo-2 np.\w.
nents, and chiefly certain of the Tribunes^ placed all
possible impediments in his way; none were so urgent as
Ateius in seeking to hinder his departure by alarming
him with frightful prognostics. But Crassus disregarded
all their efforts, and gloomy denunciations attended him
as he set forth upon his journey. 3 Cicero, writing some- ^bL^S!-'
what later to Lentulus 4 , states that Crassus went almost ^is.fc^p.
directly from his own house (/. e. the gardens of his son-f^ 2 ^.
in-law Crassipes, where he had been supping in company { D w ' u 9 )
with Cicero) to his province, which might serve as a
proof to the citizens of their mutual reconciliation* For
the enmity formerly subsisting between Cicero and
Crassus on account of the Catilinarian conspiracy, which
had afterwards been healed over 5 , had broken out afresh* fv-.™>5:
7

(Att. l. 14.)

during the affair of Gabinius.f Now, however, a good
understanding with Pompeius and Cassar was important
to Cicero; and Pompeius urged him to reconcile himself
with the third Triumvir, whilst Cassar also in his letters
expressed his regret at their continued hostility. Cicero
resolved accordingly to comply with the wishes of his
powerful friends; notwithstanding which, we find him
designating Crassus as a "good-for-nothing fellow" in
writing to Atticus shortly after his departure. 6 So m u c h \ ? ^ ^ r
(Alt.iv

* Gabinius refused, at first, to deliver up the province to the legate
whom Crassus sent to demand it. He afterwards changed his mind, and
appeared humbly at Eome the next year. Dio Cass, xxxix. 60. 62,
f When the affair of Piso and Gabinius was discussed in the Senate, and
Cicero (de prov. Cons.) urged their recall, Crassus, who had spoken some
days before against Gabinius, took once more the part of the Proconsul, t&
Cicero's prejudice. JSpf 148, 6. (Div. I 9.)

I3.j

184

i Dio# Cass#

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

for political friendships! As for Pompeius, his interests
pointed to a very different course from that of his colleague. Far from wishing to betake himself to his province, whither he despatched a legate to act in his stead,
he was only too glad that the duty of superintending
the supplies of corn gave him a pretext for remaining in
Italy.
The election of the Consuls for the ensuing year had
been deferred to the close of the present, doubtless,
through the intrigues of the Triumvirs. They were
unable, however, to hinder the choice of L. Domitius;
Ahenobarbus, who had been forced at the last election to
give way to Pompeius and Crassus; and this was another
reason why Pompeius found it desirable to remain in
Kome. Appius Claudius Pulcher, a brother of the infamous Clodius and a connexion* of Pompeius, was selected as his colleague.1

x x x i x . 60.
T H E YEAR

700.

I t may have been partly prudence which impelled Cicero,
in the existing situation of the State, to look round for
some stay to rest upon; for his letters frequently express his
conviction that Rome can subsist no longer. His affection
for his brother, who had become a devoted adherent of
Caesar, may have had its weight also ; but most assuredly
paramount to every other motive, it was the recognition
of a loftier spirit which induced him to throw himself into
the great man's arms, and which dictated the following
2 Ep. HO, I. expressions in a letter to Quintus 2 : " You act like a true
(Qu.'fr. ii. '
15.)

* [The connexion was remote. Appius Claudius (the elder) married a
Cecilia Metella, and his sons were Appius and Publius, the Tribune.
Another Csecilia, married to Scaurus, was mother of iEmilia, second wife,
to Pompeius.]

A. u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

185

brother in exhorting me to this course [to seek Caesar's
friendship] : but you urge one who' is already straining
every nerve in that direction. Perhaps I may succeed at
last, like eager travellers, who if they chance to have overslept themselves, make such exertions to repair their error,
that they reach their journey's end sooner than if they had
travelled all night. Thus, if in spite of your frequent exhortations I have hitherto slumbered instead of using my
endeavours to cultivate this man's good will, I will now
atone for my tardiness by redoubled diligence." This resolution on Cicero's part could not fail to mature Caesar's
friendly disposition towards both him and his brother.
Quintus bad been attached to him from an earlier period.
He had been won over to his interests as far back as the
time of Marcus Cicero's Consulate, when Caesar had voted
for more lenient measures against the Catilinarians, and
through the intervention of Pompeius he had given security for Marcus. 1 The great commander had recently j 4 s # u ^- Jfoffered him the post of legate, upon which he entered in3- c-0^1^
the spring of the present year, greatly to his patron's satisfaction, as we find from several of Cicero's letters. The
principal cause of Caesar's pleasure was, doubtless, the
prospect of gaining the adhesion of the elder brother
through the influence of the younger. Balbus, who acted
for him in Rome, had informed him of the favourable disposition of the two Ciceros, and of Quintus's resolution to
repair to him, and with his despatch containing this intelligence he sent one from Marcus himself; but the bag in
which they were enclosed, was wetted through before it
reached Caesar; so that all he could decypher was the
agreeable information respecting the brothers contained in
the letter of Balbus. He writes in answer 2 , " I see you 2 Ep.m:
have written something about Cicero, which I could not12-)

186

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

make out. But as far as I can discover from conjecture,
it appears to be something that I had imagined was much
more matter of desire than of expectation." From this
time he wrote frequently to Cicero, and his letters were
\iu'JrA\. fu^ °f friendly interest and regard. 1 He assures him
15,)
that, " however he may be disposed to grieve at his separation from his brother, and to long for his society, he
shall have cause to rejoice at his being with Ca3sar rather
than with any one else."
The policy, if such it was, which induced Cicero to
attach himself more closely to Cassar, was sound and
well considered. Towards the close of the year he writes
2^.158. thus to his brother 2 : " I earnestly beseech you in all
so
' your cares, labours, and wishes *, to remember the object
we had in view when you went to join Caesar. I t was no
trifling or ordinary gain we sought. For what must that
advantage be for which our separation seemed not too dear
a price ? We sought to obtain, with the friendship of the
best and most powerful of men, a firm support for our
dignity, and our very existence in the State." Nor was
it less wise and politic on Caesar's part to gain over Cicero
to his interests. In him he made conquest of the great
Consular, the foremost among the Optimates in public estimation, formerly his opponent in the State, the reviler of
his administration. Cicero's banishment had already
shown the Optimates what they were to expect by continuing their opposition to Caesar; his present treatment
should show them what advantages they might reap by
espousing his cause. The ambitious leader perceived
moreover that it would enhance his credit in no small
degree, to count among his adherents one whose house
was still thronged with suitors, and whose appearance in
* Quintus had taken part in the campaign against the Britons.

u. 702.

c. 52.

cic. 55.

187

the Forum and the Theatre was hailed with acclamations
of applause.1 That it was not, however, policy alone t h a t * ^ - ^
prompted his advances to his new friend, was proved by
his conduct towards him at a later period, when he found
himself Dictator, and Cicero had lost every remnant of
his influence. W e do not need Cicero's rhetorical defence
of himself in his letter addressed to Lentulus in Cilicia2,2^P- ) ^
to make us excuse his conduct on the present occasion: on
the contrary, we fully agree with Wieland, in general no
favourable observer of his weaknesses, when in commenting upon the letter to Quintus cited above, he says:
" Had Cicero lived in the days of Scipio and Paulus
iEmilius, there would have been no better patriot in the
world than he. But could he at that period have been all
that he was, coming into the world midway in the seventh
century of Rome's existence? Where is the stoical barbarian, who would give up his writings that he might
have been a more stouthearted and resolute defender
of the Republic?" Of what avail was Cato's virtue?
What hopes could Cicero repose in Pompeius, who five
years before had suffered him to fall for Caesar's gratification, and whose reputation was now so far eclipsed by that
of his rival ? W e can hardly be wrong in thus interpreting
a few words in a letter addressed to Quintus in February:
<c
As for Pompeius, I cannot depend upon him alone, nor
is he the man upon whom we can establish our fortunes;
in this I agree with you, or rather I agree with my own
inclination : for as you know, I have long sung Caesar's
song: he is seated in my heart, and there he shall remain."*^ How far these last words were true as regarded ^ y j 3 ^
5the future, whether in fact Caesar was able altogether to p^-j^f
' * \_Nam ut scis jampridem istum canto Ccesarem. " Cassar has long been'
tlie hero of my song."]

188

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

efface from Cicero's mind the patrician principles which
had grown with the formation of his character, or to overcome his strong natural bias in favour of Pompeius, the
following history will in due course show.
The occurrences of this year were calculated to help in
withdrawing Cicero from the cause of the Republic, and
attaching him to Caesar. W e have often heard him at
former periods lament over the ruin of the State; but
never does he speak of it more frequently, or with more
just cause, than in the present year; and what is worse, he
speaks of it at times with a degree of coldness and indifference, which shows but too plainly that his sensibility was
deadened by the daily spectacle of sorrow. The judicial
tribunals were of the same sort as that which acquitted
Clodius. The insolent Tribune C. Cato, arraigned on a
i Ep. 142,4.; charge of corruption, was pronounced innocent. ] " W e
14y, Ot \Att.

^^^

iv. 15,16.)

see," Cicero writes to his friend " o u r Areopagites look
upon bribery, tumultuous Comitia, and an interregnum
produced by crime and sedition, as mere trifles. The only
thing we may not do, is to assassinate the head of a family
in his own house ; and even this is not very clearly established."* And again: " Since Cato is acquitted^ what
2 Ep.m,2. excesses will not a Tribune venture upon." 2 Corruption
had reached the highest pitch that had ever yet been
known. When the time drew near for the election of
Consuls, ten million of sesterces were promised to the
century which had to give the first vote.f In consequence
* This refers to the condemnation of one Procilius, who had committed
this crime, or had attempted to do so, which was passed by a majority of
only four voices.
f The century which voted first generally carried with it the rest. [Cic. pro
Plane. 20. Centuria prcerogativa tantum habet auctoritatis, ut nemo unquam
earn prior tulerit quin renuntiatus sit. The order in which the centuries
voted was decided by lot, and this remarkable influence exercised by the
first voters is only to be accounted for from the habitual deference of the

A. IT. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

189

of the enormous outlay, interest had risen from four to
eight per cent.1 The Consuls1 could do but little : D o m i - J ^ - 1 ^ ; ^
tius indeed frequently asserted that he could not even i^'iS.";.15'
create a military tribune 2 ; we feel strongly disposed t o j ' 14(K
excuse Csesar and Pompeius for limiting their power. [f%-Jr-iL
Appius, who as we have said was a brother of Clodius, was
an avaricious man. When Cicero in the Senate opposed
the petition of Antiochus king of Commagene, Appius
became uneasy lest the revenue of February should fall
short, if princes suffered such treatment* : and under this
apprehension, having already become reconciled to Cicero,
he now sought to bind him more closely to his interests. 3 32 5f£ i3.2'
But the most disgraceful transaction of this year Ye-^'nlvA.
mains to be told. Four candidates had presented them- 9,)
selves for the ensuing Consulate: Cn. Domitius Calvinus,
M.Valerius Messala, C. Memmius, andM. JEmilius Scaurus,
the step-son of Sulla and brother-in-law of Pompeius,
whose Quaestor he had been in Asia; the same man who
in his JEdileship had expended such enormous sums in the
public games, f4 The Plebeian Memmius was favoured by 4MPro SestCaesar; Scaurus, in the outset at least, by Pompeius. 5 5 EPP. 142,
Romans to authority in their deliberative assemblies. Hence the importance
attached to the distinction of being the first invited to speak in the Senate.
Compare the fluctuations of opinion in the Senate on the great Catilinarian
debate recorded by Sallust, and the rapid changes from the smallest
minorities to the most overwhelming majorities, and vice versa, in the
discussions on the recall of Csesar from his province, Jan. 705.]
* In February the affairs of foreign states and potentates were discussed; and so many of these were dependent upon Home, that the
magistrates and chief men of the Senate derived great emoluments from
this source.
f After his Praetorship Scaurus had been Propraetor in Sardinia, and
was afterwards, when suing for the Consulship, accused of malversation.
Cicero, Hortensius, and others defended him, and he was acquitted. We
possess some fragments of Cicero's speech in the work of Asconius, and
others have been since discovered by Mai.

(ku. iv. 15.
17.)

190

L I F E AND LETTERS OP CICERO.

Memmius and Domitius concluded a written compact with
the Consuls in office (in the month of August or earlier),
promising, in return for their assistance in the approaching
election, that they would produce three Augurs, who
should bear witness that a Lex Curiata had been issued,
conferring on the aforesaid Consuls the imperium in the
provinces assigned to them; and two Consulars also, who
should assert that a decree had been passed in the Senate
for the equipment of those provinces*, the whole being a
fabrication; for on the day when this decree was said to
have been passed, the Senate never assembled at all. The
two candidates pledged themselves to pay the Consuls forty
i Ep. 157,2. million sesterces if they failed to fulfil this engagement. l
(Att

iv 18 1

Memmius, at the instigation of Pompeius, laid the whole
transaction before the Senate with proper proofs. Pompeius no doubt was glad to seize this opportunity of
counteracting Csesar's projects. He hated the Consul
Domitius; and Appius, since he had attained that dignity,
2 Dio cass. n a d not acted agreeably to his wishes.2 He wished too that
xxxix. 60.

an interregnum might take place, and that he might be
3 £p. 158,3. appointed Dictator. Scaurus he had quite abandoned.3
s.)
' Cassar, on the other hand, was greatly displeased with this
4 Ep. 149,4. proceeding on the part of Memmius 4 : if his own creature
{Att. iv. 16.)

,-.,

-^-r*

could thus act m order to gratify 1 ompeius, what advantages might not the latter seek to ensure from the present
disorders, and the unprincipled conduct of the highest
authorities ? Memmius most certainly entertained serious
thoughts of a Dictatorship; and whom could he think of
* See p. 144. note. After the provinces were assigned and supplied
\ornatce] with officers, &c., the military imperium was conferred together
with an army at the Comitia Curiata, which required the presence of
Augurs. These Comitia were not held in the case of Domitius and
Appius, the latter of whom wanted the province of Cilicia. Epp. 148,
12.; 149, 6.; 151, 2. (Div. i. 9.; Att. iv. 16.; Qu. Jr. iii, 2.)

A.u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

191

to fill the office but Pompeius ? This would explain his
motive for consenting to take a step which exhibited his
own conduct in so bad a light, and must utterly have extinguished for him every hope of gaining the Consulship:
for if Pompeius were once Dictator, the loss could be
easily made up to him.*
Such was the behaviour of a Consul on whom, in the
year 698, the Optimates had placed all their reliance,
and who when driven from the chief magistracy to make
room for Pompeius and Crassus, had appeared in their
eyes to carry with him the very being of the old Republic.
" The Consuls," writes Cicero to Atticus, " have lost
their honour."f 1 " A n d now see," he adds in the same1
1

EP.M,2.

(Att. iv. 18.J

letter, " how tranquilly I regard these events ; and how I
rejoice in my close connexion with Caesar ; for that is the
only plank on which I can save myself— would I might
do so ! — i n this shipwreck." J
But let no man imagine that he can with impunity
\abandon the post which has been assigned him in life, and
turn traitor to himself for the sake of obtaining profit and
security, or for the indulgence of angry feelings. Cicero
had his own sacrifices to make in order to purchase that
security which he describes thus exultingly to Quintus:
" Next year will be one of complete repose to me : at all
* Memmius was, however, banished for bribery, and so was Scaurus,
although Cicero had defended him. Quintil. Inst. Orat. iv. 1. 69.
f At an earlier period, in August, Cicero dared not trust to a letter to
Atticus (142, 7.; Att. iv. 15.) the bargain between the Consuls and
Memmius and Bomitius : in November he related it without fear. Upon
this bargain see also Montesquieu, Considerations, 8fc, c. 10.
J Compare also Cicero's judgment on this bargain, Ep. 146, 7. (Qu. fr.
iii. 1.) ejusmodi pactiones, in ea coitione facted sunt, ut nemo bonus inter esse
debuerit He was for Memmius and Messala, as we learn from the passage
referred to. On the corruption at Rome at this time, see also Appian,
JB. C. ii. 19.

192

\£p')Al.:

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

events I shall have nothing to fear. This is proved by the
crowds which daily visit my house, and by the applause of
the Forum and the Theatre. I am in no want of troops for
my defence; moreover I possess the goodwill of Caesar
and Pompeius." 1 Great indeed were the sacrifices inL

(Qu.fr. u.
l5

volved in the maintenance of that principle of conduct
which he defends in his long apologetic epistle to Lentulus.
" Sines the posture of affairs," he there says, " and the
disposition of the Optimates [towards me] have changed, I
conceive that I also should no longer persist in my former
opinions, but must fall in with the prevalent tone of the
day. Distinguished men have never been praised for an
obstinate determination to abide under all circumstances
by the same principles of government. As in a shipwreck
the master shows his skill by yielding to the storm, even
though by so doing he should not reach the haven ; and if
the haven can be reached by a change of course, it would
be absolute madness to choose to encounter danger rather
than abandon i t ; so we, who all concur in making tranquillity combined with dignity the aim of our administration,
should not be required to hold invariably the same language,
as long as our endeavours are always directed to attain the
2 EP. MR. same object."2 To another man the sacrifices we are about
(Div. i. 9.)

•

to mention would not have seemed great, l o espouse this
or that party, to accuse one man or defend another, was in
Rome at this period only an affair of selfish calculation;
but Cicero possessed what was at that time uncommon, a
conscience; and however composedly he often speaks of
his deviation from former principles, passages are not
wanting in his letters where his higher nature breaks out,
and we can perceive that the advantages upon which he
congratulated himself proved deceitful, and not worth the
sacrifices they involved. We are ready to make excuses
for him, and to impute his errors to the age in which he

u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

193

lived; but we should also remember that we only sit in
judgment, and that at a wide interval of time, and after
the development of the great drama in which he played a
part,—he on the other hand felt, and was thwarted and
confined by the circumstances of the moment; and a great
genius has well said, the mightiest Ruler is the Present
Moment.
We have seen how Cicero became reconciled to Crassus,
in order to gratify his powerful patron. This reconciliation he followed up by vigorously defending him against
the Consuls, and several Consulars 1 , apparently with the 1 ^.131,1.
view of averting a sentence of recall which seemed likely
to ensue from the sinister forebodings of the Tribune
Ateius. Cicero subjected himself to a heavier reproach
by defending Yatinius, the Tribune, against whom he had
spoken so violently two years before, who had been an
uncompromising supporter of the daring schemes of Caesar's
Consulate, and through the employment of bribery and
the artifices of Pompeius, had obtained the Prsetorship
for which Cato had sued in vain.2 Lentulus, it would2 Piut.Pow^.
seem, reproached Cicero in strong terms for undertaking
to defend this man against the charge of corruption
brought against him. Doubtless the mere reconciliation
between them, after what had passed, was a pretty
severe test of the statesman's altered principles. His
undertaking his defence afterwards, at Caesar's solicitation, followed as a natural consequence. In his apologetic letter to Lentulus, Cicero passes very lightly over
the affair.3 " I entreat you," he says, "not to ask me 3 EV.U^%
why I have given testimony in favour of Vatinius, or of
any one else*; that I may not have to ask you the same
* Not only did Cicero defend Yatinius in a speech; he also came
forward to speak to his character. Vatinium scire te velle osiendis quibus
rebus adductus defenderim et laudarim. Ep. 148, 2. (Div. i. 9.) [Men of

194

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

question when you return, or even during your absence.
For, only consider the sort of character for which you have
taken the trouble of sending favourable evidence from the
ends of the world. Do not be afraid of owning it, for I
act in the same way and for the same description of persons, and so I shall continue to do. I besought the judges,
since certain very worshipful people loved my enemy
Clodius beyond measure, and embraced him affectionately
in the Senate before my very eyes, to let me have my
Pitblins also; that, when somewhat irritated myself, I
\£P-}A*\% might be able to give a slight sting in return." 1 Such
(Div. 1. 9 )

were the ways of the age and of the great men who lived
in i t !
The defence of Gabinius was a heavier charge against
Cicero than even that of Vatinius; and we may believe
how dear this second sacrifice to Pompeius cost him, for
he had told Quintus before, that a defence of Gabinius
* Ep.\w?\. would entail upon him everlasting disgrace. 2 I t would
4.)
surely require a great stretch of charity to agree with

* vftal-Max- Valerius Maximus 3 in regarding his services in behalf of
these two men as a striking example of placability and humanity. As far back as the month of February, the Publicans of the province of Syria had brought a grave accusa4
% 134. tion against Gabinius before the Senate 4 ; and Cicero in
( Qu. fi. ii.

->
his speech on the Consular provinces, had complained of
5 Be prov. the treatment these personages had received from him.5
No indictment ensued at that time, but the Tribunes of
the people, Memmius in particular, threatened a speedy
and more severe impeachment on the ground of Gabinius's
illegal conduct in his government.
On the 20th September Gabinius arrived before the
consideration used to come forward to give testimony in favour of (laudare)
the accused, a practice which Pompeius forbade by an enactment in his
sole Consulship, A. u. 701.]

A.u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

195

gates of Rome; and on the 28th entered the city secretly
and in the night, though on his road he had everywhere
boasted that he would demand a triumph, and even while
waiting without the gates continued to give vent to these
aspirations.1 Appearing in the Senate on the 7th October ^ ^ 4 6 ,
to render an account of his government and campaigns, [f™\fr-m"
(he seems by this time to have been persuaded that a
triumph was out of the question), he immediately encountered a steady opposition from the Publicans. On Cicero's
coming forward with a speech against him Gabinius
called him in reply, " this exile." " Then," writes Cicero
to his brother 2 , "all the senators rose against him, as* #p-1*6.7.
7

(Qu.fr. 111.

well as the Publicans, with loud exclamations—what could K>
be more honourable to me? — and behaved just as you
would have done yourself." Grabinius was awaited by
three sets of accusers, and three separate accusations.3 The 3 T>P. 146,7.
.

( Q u . f r . in.

first was a charge of high treason, for having, unautho-1-)
rized and for the sake of an enormous Bribe, reseated
Ptolemaeus in his kingdom by force of arms. Lentulus
was fixed upon to conduct this accusation; but he was
not a man fitted to carry through such an affair, and it
was asserted that he had been tampered with.4 Pom- 1 £;>. 149,5,
,

U«.iv.l6.)

peius spared no pains to avert a condemnation: the judges
were of the same stamp as those who had given sentence
in the affair of Clodius: and the result was that Gabinius
was condemned by thirty-two votes and acquitted by
thirty-eight. 5 " Y o u see," writes Cicero to his brother 6 , 5 Ep. 153,1.
J

(Qu. fr. in.

"that there is no Commonwealth, no Senate left, no self-4^; £omPrespect any longer existing among the Optimates." An 6 EP. 153,1.
hour after the acquittal of Gabinius, some other judges,4.;
indignant at the issue of the trial, sentenced one of his
freedmen, named Antiochus Gabinius 5 to banishment from
the city for having unlawfully assumed the rights of
citizenship. Cicero, on his part, was satisfied with him-

196

LIFE AND LETTEKS OF CICERO.

self, by reflecting that he had steadily resisted the demands
of Pompeius to defend the accused, and had even given
i Epp. 153, his own testimony strongly against him.1
iQu.fr. m. 4. The well-disposed and those who were hostile to Gabinius, believed that this acquittal would the more certainly
produce an adverse sentence in the two other processes
2 Ep. is3tu with which he was threatened for bribery and peculation.2
He had been impeached by P. Sulla for the first of these
crimes before the sentence had passed which acquitted
\ai.'fr\i! him of treason (majestas)* 3 ; the transactions respecting
3)
the last had been delayed, owing to the illness of Cato,
to whom, as Praetor, belonged the duty of presiding in the
7 M 9 446-' c a u s e * 4 This time justice won the day. Caesar exerted
4
\TAUAV]' himself in behalf of the criminal; Pompeius did all in his
^'E He P o w e r t° save him 5 , and even succeeded in persuading
lMo^ass'5 Cicero to come forward as his defender, notwithstanding
xxxix. 63. ^ e o r a £ 0 r ' s previous boast that he would do nothing for
« EPP.UG, Gabinius, even at the Triumvir's petition.6 All, however,
7 * 1 5 3 1 .*
•
• •
• *
*
pro Rabir. was ineffectual; and Gabinius was condemned to banishPosM2.; Dio

• T ^

i i •

Cass. I.I. ment, At a later period, Oaasar recalled him.7
!. i.10 ass'
Such was the price at which Cicero had to purchase
the protection of Pompeius and Caesar! Did we not
learn, from many passages in his letters, how painful these
sacrifices were to him, and how sharp the stings of conscience in spite of all his attempts to excuse himself in
the eyes of his friends, we should be almost tempted to
believe that all sense of justice was extinguished in him.
W e have seen his remarks on the compact between the
candidates and the Consuls. When the former were impeached for corruption, as well as the other two, Messala
* What was the result of the charge of bribery (ambitus) we do not find
stated in Cicero. Dio always speaks of both charges together. St. Jerome
has preserved a small fragment of Cicero's speech for Gabinius. (Apol.

adv. Ruff.)

A . U . 702.

B.C. 52.

cic.55.

197

and Scaurus, Cicero, after relating the circumstance to
his brother, adds: " I t is a difficult affair, but I will do
my best for our friend Messala: his escape will save
the rest." 1
)EP \B%I.
( Uu. fr. in.

Cato stands out in a finer light in contrast with the 3 )
depravity of the time. In a letter of Cicero's 2 , imme-'^v 1 4 ];
diately after a complaint about the prevalent corruption,15,)
we meet with the following information respecting him.
Each of the candidates for the Tribunate deposited the
sum of 500,000 sesterces with him, which they were to
forfeit if they used means which he should pronounce to
be unlawful.
" If," observes Cicero, " these elections
should end without bribery, it must be confessed that a
Cato can do more than all the laws and all the judges."
Cato was Preetor this year: the same in which Ahenobarbus could so disgrace the Consulship ! Cicero appears
at this time to have withdrawn himself as much as
possible from the meetings of the Senate. " I have
resolved," he writes to Quintus, when absenting himself
from an important discussion about the bribery of the
year, " not to join in any attempt to find a remedy for
the Republic without efficient protection and assistance." 33 Ep-144,2.
1

(Qu.fr. ii.

In the beginning of the year he gives his brother an16-)
account of a transaction relating to the king of Commagene, in which he took part, and which is interesting,
as showing how these monarchs were treated by the
Senate.*
Cicero employed himself all the more busily at this
period with his forensic speeches. He writes thus to
Quintus in October: " You must know that not a day
* Ep. 132. (Qu. fr. ii. 12.) Commagene was a small district of ancient
Syria, the chief city of which was Samosata. When Pompeius constituted
Syria a Roman province, Antiochus, the last of the Seleucidse, received
Commagene, with the title of king, under the Roman protection.
K 3

198

L I F E AND LETTEKS OF CICERO.

\i£'r*\i\" P a s s e s * n which I do not speak for some accused person." 1
3)
His defence of the Roman knight, C Rabirius Postumus,
may be regarded as a sequel to that of Gabinius. Rabirius was charged with having received a portion of the
sum obtained by Gabinius for restoring Ptolemaeus. Gabinius, being condemned, was not able to pay the fine, so
Rabirius was sentenced to supply the deficiency.* Cicero's
speech on this occasion has come down to us. Besides
2 Ep. 142,7. this he defended Messius 2, a legate of Cassar's ; the same
(Att. iv. 15.)

-i

' i

who had endeavoured to procure so large an extension or
Pompeius's power in the business of the corn supplies. He
3
Epp.iu, defended Drusus also 3 ; and his oration for JEmilius Scau(Qu.fk ii. rus has been mentioned above.! Now too he revised and
16.; Att. iv.

published a speech made the preceding year in defence of
Cn. Plancius, who as Quaestor of Macedonia had generously
assisted him in his exile, and who was now accused of
bribery in suing for the JEdileship. This admirable defence
is the more creditable to Cicero, as Plancius had done
^ EP. H6,4. but little for him in his Tribunate in 697.4
(Qu.fr. iii.
l

pianc°'6i

Towards the close of the year it appears that Cicero
supported C. Pomptinius in an application for a triumph.
Pompfcinius had been Praetor in Cicero's Consulate ; the
next year he had, as Propraetor, defeated the Allobroges;
and up to the present time he had remained beyond
the walls of Rome, vainly awaiting the reward of his
services. At length, after much trouble, he obtained
the coveted distinction, but could only celebrate his
* Both Gabinius and Eabirius were impeached by the lex Julia de
repetundis, by which restitution could be required.
f See above, p. 164. note 2. Abeken. Drusus was accused de prcevaricatione, which meant that he had accepted a bribe to betray the client
whom he had undertaken to defend. He was acquitted, as were also
Messius and Plancius.

u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

199

trmmph amidst contests and violence.1 When we s e e ^ ^ ^ 9 '
what exertions and sacrifices the great men of Rome were ^ 7 ^ ^
wont to make for the sake of this honour, we shall b e ^ v i ^ ^ "
inclined to judge Cicero leniently, when we find him also 45'.' xxxlv '
advancing a claim to it.
The more however he withdrew from public affairs, the
more closely did he connect himself with Caesar, who in
turn rewarded with peculiar kindness the adherence of the
two brothers, the younger of whom, indeed, did him
good service as his lieutenant. He not only wrote frequently to the elder Cicero, notwithstanding the press of
business in which his wars engaged him, but received
with favour every one who came recommended by him,
and even thanked him for introducing Trebatius to his
notice.*2 To a letter from Clodius, written in a bitter ^ y 4 ^ 2 spirit against his old enemy, he refused to return an J^: ^ ^ .
answer, though pressed to do so by Quintus 3 : he read &l^'U6 4
poem by the elder brother f;
expressed a flattering (£«•/> •"*•
opinion of it in a letter to the author, and likewise in
conversation with Quintus; and marked the passages with
which he was not quite satisfied.4 In return, Marcus \£%}fal}
Cicero celebrated in verse Caesar's campaign; chiefly*^'11,l0,1G'*
indeed in compliance with his brother's urgent request J,
for he seems to have entered on the task somewhat unwillingly, and at one time destroyed what he had written :
the poem, however, was subsequently completed.5 Here 5 H>.I4G,4.;
we have Caesar and Cicero in characteristic lights: the&c?".{?•'
0

in 1. 8, 9.);
comp. 140, I.

* A number of the letters of the years 700 and 701 are addressed to this
learned jurist. He is the same to whom Horace dedicated the first satire
of his second book.
f Probably the poem de temporibus suis.
f Quintus himself was a mighty poet: at one time, whilst acting as lieutenant under Ca3sar, he composed four tragedies in sixteen days. Ep. 1449
4.; 154, 7 /
K 4

200

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

one making preparations in Gaul for the conquest of the
world; the other singing his exploits in Rome. The connexion was one which might well gratify the great commander.
Ca3sar at this time was paying his court to the citizens
by the embellishment of the capital. He extended the
Forum as far as the Temple of Liberty, for which purpose
it was necessary to pull down several private houses: he
caused the enclosure for the Comitia of the tribes in the
Campus Martius to be constructed of marble, roofed over,
and surrounded by a portico 1000 paces in circumference:
a public mansion adjoined these edifices. In the execution
of these great works Cicero gave his assistance, along with
llu.\l?i6) OpP* us > a confidential friend and agent of their designer.*1
A t one time Cicero thought of going to Spain in the
capacity of legate for Pompeius; but this design he abandoned in consequence of Cassar's wish, which accorded
2 Epp. i33.; with his own inclination, that he should remain in Rome. 2
140, 1. (Div. ,-,,
.
.
vii.5; Qu. Xne same plan it may be remarked was in contemplation,
and very near being executed, towards the close of the
2
Ep. 157,2. vear. 3
(Ait. iv. 18.)

I t is evident from many passages in these letters, that
Quintus had brought his brother over to the conviction
he strongly felt himself, that their mutual interest lay
in espousing Cassar's cause.f The younger brother unquestionably exercised great influence over the elder:
and it is perhaps not uncommon to see men eminent
for talents, acquirements, and even political wisdom,
submitting to the counsels of others less highly gifted
than themselves, but possessed of a bolder temperament
* Suetonius says : Forum de manubiis inchoavit, cujus area super sestertium millies constitit. Jul 26. In the same chapter he mentions the
games and banquets which Csesar gave to the people in Jilice memoriam.
f Atticus also thought this alliance desirable. Ep. 201,3. (Ati. v. 13.)

u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

201

and a more impetuous will. Many of his letters during
his exile bear witness to this dependence of Marcus
Cicero upon his brother: and now, in opposition to
his ardent aspirations after repose, Quintus exhorted
him to secure and extend the favour he had already
acquired, and regain with additional lustre the reputation
of his former days. 1 6i You admonish me often," writes i EP. H4, I.
Cicero, evidently annoyed by these importunities, iS to ie"' r°"'
labour for station and dignity; but when will you suffer
me to
foe?"*
_
_
*^fFor now, more than ever, did the wearied statesman L)
sigh for the true life, a leisure ennobled by intellectual
occupation ; otium cum dignitate. " I have much consolation" (about the state of the times), he writes to Atticus;
" a n d I turn to that life which is most conformable to
Nature, my beloved studies and meditations. In the
pleasure which the science of Oratory gives me, I find
compensation for the labour of public speaking. My house
and my fields delight me. I think not of the height from
which I have fallen, but of that to which I have risen
again." 3 In May we find him at his Cuman villa; after- 3 EP. HO, 5.
wards at that near Pompeii, where he remained till the
beginning of June. 4 He passeoL September at his paternal 4 EPP. 137;
farm near Arpinum, where the coolness of the Fibrenus.^j ««•>•
refreshed his frame.5 Whilst at Cumas, he was employed5 EP.U%,\.
upon the books de Mepublica6, with which he was also*-)
engaged at Tusculum, towards the end of November.7m.1®' *'
The plan of the work was altered, and then again resumed. \i^:}^hl;
" I t is a comprehensive and laborious work," he writes6'6'*
to Quintus from Cumas or Pompeii; " but if it succeeds,
my labour will have been well employed: if not, I will
throw it into the sea, which I am looking at while
writing; and then I will begin something else; for rest
I cannot." 8
«EP.m.
K 5

202

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

His time was much occupied now in the education of
the young Ciceros (for he treated his brother's son as his
own) ; and in this work he availed himself of the help of
Dionysius, a learned freedman of his friend's, whose ini Epp. no, structions he found useful to himself also.1 He seems to
2." H'^ 9.

(Qu.fr. iii. have kept his son, now eleven years of age, hard at work.
1.; Att. iv.

35.)

I n October he writes to Q u i n t u s : "I am going t o T u s culum, taking my Cicero with me to a school of learning, not of play." * Quintus's son, who wras the elder of
2 Ep. 152,4. the two, already attended the lessons of a rhetorician. 2
3.)
"You know his talents," writes Cicero to his brother; "I
observe his diligence." B u t it would appear that the
severe method pursued with him was not pleasing to the
b o y ; for even at that early period he showed signs of a
*(QEu'f}b9iii s e n s u a l disposition. 3 W e shall see, at a later period, what
9,)
vexation he caused his uncle.
In the summer, Atticus made a tour in Greece and
\JttAvfi5.) &s™4> fr°m which he returned, greatly to his friend's
5
5 EPi 156i h joy, at the end of November ; for their mutual regard
(Att.iv.it.) c o n t J n u e ( j steadfast, in spite of the injustice Cicero had
been guilty of towards Atticus at the time of his exile
and after its termination, when he reproached him for
s Ep. 87, i. having counselled him unwisely.6 They did not separate
again till the period of Cicero's Proconsulate.
W e must now glance at the state of public affairs.
Pompeius, notwithstanding his professions, never seriously
intended to go to his province: on the contrary, he
seems to have been covertly aiming at the Dictatorship.
\iu'}r\t t ^ c e r o tells Quintus, in a letter written as early as June 7 ,
15)
that such a scheme wras even then in contemplation: he
s ea s
\a£'fr\n' P ^ °f fr again in October 8 , and towards the end of
4.)
November 9 ; and from another passage in his correspond(Qu.fr.p. e n c e of the same date, we find that this was an object of
* In ludum discendi, non lusionis. Ep. 153. (Qw. fr. iii. 4.)

A.U. 702.

B. c. 5%

cic. 55.

203

ardent desire to the well-disposed among public men; for
the conduct of the Consul Domitius had shown how
little was to be expected from the Optimates. 1 In t h e ; ^ . i % 3 .
passage just mentioned, Cicero says that Pompeius him-8-)
self at an earlier period had expressed his desire to
become Dictator, though he now disclaimed it. Yet he
had appointed a certain Hirrus to manage the affair for
him. Possibly the state of feeling among the majority in
Rome who, remembering Sulla, dreaded a revival of his
office2, may have rendered Pompeius timid and cautious ; ^ ^ Cassbesides which, we know what a thorough dissembler he
was.3 In the beginning of December, Cicero writes tolPufc'Js™T
his brother: " Nothing has yet been done about the
Dictatorship. Pompeius is absent; Appius intrigues
against him; Hirrus is preparing.* Many are named
who will object to him f; the populace cares for nothing
beyond the passing moment; our chiefs declare they will
4
have no Dictatorship; keep you quiet." 4
£>. 159,3.
9
And, in fact, no such Dictator was created. Pompeius -)
had, no doubt, ardently desired the office5; for he trusted y^fn2'0
that the possession of it would enable him at once to
outstrip the advancing fortunes of his too powerful rival
Caesar. He forgot the vast difference between a general
no longer young, who had for years reposed upon his
laurels, and one still in .the full vigour of life, who was
gathering fresh wreaths daily, and had created an army
fit to conquer the world. The connection between them
had naturally become less firm, and it was further
* Hirrus intended, on succeeding to the Tribuneship to which he had
been elected, to bring forward an edict for the Pompeian Dictatorship.
The Tribune M. Caeliiis Vinicianus also was in favour of i t ; he was
derided by Cicero and his friends. Ep. 206. (Div. viii. 4.)
f [MuJti intercessores numerantur. " Many Tribunes are named who will
intercede."]
K 6

204

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

weakened by an event which now occurred. This was
the death, of Julia, the wife of Pompeius and daughter of
9E(Qutf,7.' Cassar, who expired in childbed in the summer of 700. 1
in. i.)
rj^-g e v e n £ pl u n ged her father into deep affliction, though
8
(Qw^m ' ^ e b ° r e his sorrow with magnanimity. 2
H,)
The Senate, in the meanwhile, was occupied with inquiring into the excessive bribery of this year. I t was
in contemplation to erect a kind of secret tribunal; but
this being prevented by the veto of one of the Tribunes,
and the baseness of the Consuls*, accusations were brought
5 % ]29' * n ^' ie u s u a ^ manner against all the candidates.3 Other
a1/./r!r'iii.62.) m t r i g ° e s se ^ on foot by Pompeius came into play, and the
Consular Comitia were in consequence put off from
xiD45.Cass* raon^h to month 4 : an interregnum was evidently at
hand. Cicero foresaw, however, that Domitius and
5
EP. 151,2. Messala, although accused by Pompeius 5 , would obtain
the Consulship, and he became security to Caesar for the
good conduct of the last named, in the event of his sue\Qu'fth\\' c e e d m g« 6 The end of the year arrived, and Rome was
s,)
without her chief magistrates.
During this year the city had been visited by several
calamities. An inundation which followed a heavy fall of
rain, and did considerable damage to houses and gardens,
caused superstitious fears, and connected the disorders of
the State in the minds of the people with the anger of the
Gods. Concerning these disorders, Cicero writes thus to
Lentulus: " You will no longer find the Optimates in
the same disposition as at the time of your departure.
The State, which was strengthened by my Consulate, then
for a while shaken, and which, enfeebled previously to
your accession to power, had been by you again restored,
* The passage in which Cicero speaks of this affair in the Senate and of
the conduct of the Consuls is very remarkable. He says • Hie (in Senate")
Abdera, non tacente me. Ep. 149. (Att. ir. 16.)

A. u, 702.

B. c. 52.

cic. 55.

205

is now entirely abandoned by those whose duty it is to
uphold and protect it." 1 And he thus mourns over it * Ep. us, a.: i
again to Atticus: " We have lost every thing, not only
the sap and life-blood, but even the outward form and
colour of the ancient city. No Commonwealth now
exists, where happiness or repose may be found."2 With*^-.1^9^-1
the religious feeling which belonged to him, he regards the
inundation as a punishment for the acquittal of Gabinius,
and recalls to mind a pious sentiment of Homer.
Cicero's spirit must indeed have been oppressed by heavy
care?-, however cheerfully he jests in some of his letters,
and however secure he felt himself in the friendship and
protection of Caesar. A letter addressed to his brother
about the end of the year from Tusculum, where his
troubles and anxieties were generally forgotten, betrays
his real feelings : " I withdraw myself from all care about
public affairs, and devote myself to my studies; nevertheless I must confide to you something which from you,
of all men, I would most willingly conceal. I am grieved,
my dearest brother, I am grieved to the heart to think
that there is no Republic, no justice left, and that these
advanced years of my life, which ought to flourish in
senatorial dignity, are either harassed with labours in the
Forum, or if they seek relaxation, must find it in study at
home. That verse which from a boy I delighted in —
Aisp aptarsvscv ical virdpoyov ifjuasvaL aXXcov3—

3 niad.vj,
208.

has quite lost its significance for me.

I may not attack

* Ep. 155, 1. (Qu. fr. iii. 7.) Viget Mud Homeri:
"Hftar' oTrcopiv^ ure Ka.Sp6ra.Tov xeei vdeep
Ztvs, ore Br) p 'avfipecrai Korecrcrdfxeuos X a ^ 6 7 r ^T»
(cadit enim in absolutionem
Gabinii,)
Ot (Sir) slv ajyopfj GKOXIOLS Kpivooai frefito'Tas,
'EK Se diKTjv iXdacoort, &e«j/ omv OVK aXdyovres.

It, xvi. 385.

206

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

my enemies; some of them I must even defend. Neither
my inclination nor my hatred are any longer free; and of
all men Caesar alone regards me as I could wish; some
indeed think he is the only man who sincerely loves
1 Ep. 1M, 3. m A " 1
(tttt./j.iii. 5, lilt; *
6.)

T H E YEARS 701 AND 702.

We have very few letters of Cicero belonging to the
next two years, and what there are contain little that is
important, either to his own history, or that of the State.
Nearly seven months of the year 701 had elapsed* before the new magistrates were elected, and during this
interval the State was administered by Interreges. Great
disorder was the consequence of this unsettled state of
affairs, especially in the judicial business.f The adherents
of Pompeius, Hirrus in particular, chose this time to propose a Dictatorship, which in fact would have been justified, if ever, by actual circumstances. But the Senate
resisted it strongly, and none so vehemently as Cato.
Pompeius, who had been absent when the proposition was
brought forward, now returned to the city, and declined
accepting the proposed office, being ever cautious not to
push things to extremity. Through his intervention, Cn.
Domitius Calvinus and M. Valerius Messala were chosen
2 DIO Cass. Consuls, and entered immediately upon office.2 The
xl. 46.

* Dio Cass. xl. 45. Appian, B. C. ii. 19., says eight.
f There were in the interval at least thirty-five interreges; for each of
them held his office only five days. The disorder in the tribunals, however,
was not perhaps so great as is generally supposed. See Schiitz's note on
Ep. 167, 1. (Div. vii. 11.) [He believes that though, in the absence of
Praetors, there was a general cessation of legal proceedings, the interreges
themselves decided at least in ordinary suits of debt. The interrex, however, had jurisdictlo. Niebuhr, iii. 28., from Livy, xli. 9.]

u. 702. "fe.c. 52.

cic. 55.

207

popular favour their great liberality had won for them
during the preceding year, had led Cicero already in the
autumn to predict their success.1 Rome still continued in^g'ii^ieo
a state of anarchy, although it had recovered its chief
magistrates; and soon after their election, tidings reached
the city that the army of Crassus had sustained a defeat
from the Parthians, with the loss both of the general and
his son Publius.* This event must also have contributed to
weaken the connexion between Pompeius and Ca3sar; and
Cicero, in anticipation of the evil days impending, used
every effort to procure the Consulship for the ensuing year
for Milo, a man who gave some promise of being able to
re-establish tranquillity, and to whom he was himself
under 2;reat obligations.2 He was doubly anxious to 2 ^-* 78 '?&

(Div. 11. 6.);

achieve this object, because Clodius was canvassing for the ^^.J 5 ^ 5 ,
Praetorship the same year. From such a foe in such an 8,)
office what might he not fear! and on whom could he
place more reliance than upon Milo, should the latter
succeed in obtaining the Consulship! f Pompeius, who
had once been so powerfully supported by Milo against
Clodius, became now, however, one of his most vehement
opponents. He no doubt entertained a dread of his violent character; while on the other hand, from Metellus
Scipio and Hypsseus, the other candidates, he hoped
to gain assistance in his schemes for the Dictatorship,
to which Milo was opposed.3 Clodius also tried every 3 EP. ISS , SJJ
(Qu.fi.

means to prevent Milo's election, and was supported by -3
* The younger Crassus had before this served under Caesar in Gaul.
Crassus had undertaken the war without full powers; he had only the
authority which the law of Trebonius gave him.
f Cicero's efforts on Milo's behalf produced his speech JDe cere alieno
Milonis, which was directed against Clodius. We only possess some short
fragments of it, with a commentary ascribed to Asconius. Blood was shed
in the frays which occurred between the party of Milo and that of his rival
in the suit for the Consulship. Ascon, in or. pro Mil.

iii.

208

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i EP. 89.

three of the Tribunes, particularly by Munatius Plancus
Bursa. Tumults and bloodshed followed, and the Consul
Domitius was wounded in endeavouring to restore order.
Again the year came to a close without any elections for
the next Consulship or the other magistracies.
And now an event occurred which had been predicted
by Cicero five years before *, and which at once destroyed

<jtf.iY.a.)

h i g Q w n ho

pes

w e l l

thoge

o f

Mi|0>

tne2

0th

January, 702, Clodius and Milo encountered each other
on the Appian Way, in the neighbourhood of Bovillae.
The latter was on his road to Lanuvium, the former returning from Aricia to Rome. Each was accompanied by
a large retinue. An affray took place between their
followers, amongst whom wrere some gladiators, which
2 Ascon. in ended in the assassination of Clodius.2 The news of
cass. xi. 48.; this deed, and the spectacle of the corpse which was
Appian,

l
#

B. c. ii. 21 publicly exposed on the Rostrum, immediately excited a
great tumult in the city, which was inflamed still more
by the Tribunes adverse to Milo, especially by Bursa. The
people, roused to fury by the murder of their favourite,
vented their rage upon the Senate which took Milo's
part. The remains of Clodius were brought into the Hostilian Curia; a funeral pyre was erected with benches and
other combustible articles; and the Curia itself, as well as
a neighbouring Basilica, was consumed in the flames.
Further violence ensued. Milo's house escaped destruction by his care in fortifying and garrisoning it. H e
was himself absent; but soon returned, and gave occasion
to a fresh outbreak, which compelled him to leave the city
once more.
In this state of things, amidst disturbances fomented by
Pompeius himself, men's thoughts turned once more to a
Dictatorship.* But there were few to whom the name
* According to Appian, even the Senate also was inclined towards it.

u. 702.

c. 52.

cic, 55.

209

itself was not an object of dread; and a compromise proposed by the Consular Bibulus was now gladly embraced,
Cato himself supporting it. The three candidates for the
Consulship, Milo, Q. Metellus Scipio, and P . Plautius
Hypsasus, were all set aside, and Pompeius elected sole
Consul.*
Thus invested with extraordinary power,—ruler of Spain
and Africa, at the head of a large army,—sole Consul,
to avoid the name of Dictator, — Pompeius proceeded in
the first instance to issue a severe edict against ambitus,
which had in this year again been carried to its highest
pitch.f A t the same time he promulgated a law concerning tumults, aimed especially at Milo. He was fully
resolved that this man should fall, in spite of all the
measures effected by himself and his followers, under
cover of which they had proceeded to such extremities.11
The three Tribunes before named, Bursa as usual foremost, gave him their strenuous aid. The process against
Milo commenced in April. Appius Claudius, a nephew
of the murdered man, M. Antonius J the future Triumvir, who a few years later married Fulvia the widow
of Clodius, and P . Valerius Nepos, came forward as the
accusers. The Consular Domitius Ahenobarbus presided
* On the 25th February, under the auspices of the Interrex S. Sulpicius
Asconius.
f We learn from. Plutarch (Cces. 28.) in what a shameless and public
manner the bribery was carried on at the elections, and by what bloody
frays they were accompanied.
X I know of no other M. Antonius at this time. He was designated
Quaestor the year preceding, with the support of Cicero (JPhilipp. ii. 20.)
He was at that time an opponent of Clodius, and plotted to assassinate him.
We need not be surprised at finding him now among the accusers of Milo.
Fulvia may have instigated him to come forward in behalf of her murdered
tiusband, who had formerly been his associate. Soon after this Antonius
betook himself to Caesar. It is strange, certainly, that there should be
lothing in the second Philippic of Antonius as the accuser of Milo.

AC B
SQ.

vtu.

210

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

in the tribunal. Hortensius, Cato, and others were advocates for the accused, but Cicero alone spoke for hirn.
But, however courageous he had shown himself in undertaking the defence of Milo when assailed by such powerful
enemies *, even Cicero's accustomed resolution forsook
him in the defence itself. On ascending the Rostrum he
was frightened by the shouts of the Clodian party, and by
the appearance of the armed force with which Pompeius
by had surrounded the Forum, in order to secure himself
against violence, and give an imposing air to the proceedings^ Dio tells us that " He gave utterance to but little
of that he intended to have said. His words died on his
lips, and it was evident that he was glad to leave off
speaking." $ Milo was condemned to banishment by a
majority of thirty-eight votes over thirteen. He forthwith
quitted Rome and repaired to Massilia. Cicero afterwards
revised his speech, and sent it to him in his exile, and in
this form we now possess it. §
Cicero afterwards successfully defended M. Saufeius,
one of Milo's friends, who was accused in accordance with
the law of Pompeius mentioned above. He was said to
have been especially active in the murder of Clodius, but
i--jtsecm.ro was acquitted by a majority of votes.1 The subsequent
lone.

* Dicturum diem Ciceroni Plancus ostendebat, posted autem Q. Pompeius
idem minitatus erat. Tanta tamen constantia ac fides fuit Ciceronis, ut non
populi a se alienatione, non Cn. Pompeii suspicionibus, non futuri periculi
metu, si sibi dies ad populum diceretur, non armis quce palam in Milonem
sumta erant, deterreri potuerit a defensione ejus, quum posset omne periculuni
suum et offensionem inimicce multitudinis declinare, redimere etiam Cn. Pompeii
animum, si paulum ex studio defensionis remisisset. As con.
f In fact, some citizens were slain in a fray with the soldiers during the
hearing of the witnesses.
X Dio Cass. xl. 54. Dio was indeed an adversary of Cicero's; but the
account of Asconius is substantially the same.
§ Dio Cass. 1.1. Milo was condemned also by the law against ambitus.
Ascon.

A. u. 702.

B.C. 52.

cic. 55.

211

condemnation of Bursa, which the intercession of Pompeius
had been ineffectual to avert, afforded Cicero a higher
gratification even than this acquittal. He had himself
accused him towards the close of the year for his violent
conduct as Tribune, and especially for setting fire to the
Hostilian Curia, in the late tumult. 1 He had strong i Dio Cass.
xl. 55.

personal grounds of animosity against Bursa, from having'
been the constant object of his persecution and calumny.
6
' Believe me," he writes to his friend Marius, " this
sentence has caused me more joy than the death of my
enemy. . . . . I hated Bursa more than Clodius himself." The popularity of Pompeius was now on the increase. He had formed a closer alliance with the Senate
since he had become sole Consul, thinking that he might
soon wrant its authority to resist Caesar. On this principle also must we explain his- adoption of a colleague
for the last five months of the year, in P . Cornelius
Scipio *, whose daughter Cornelia, the widow of P u b lius Crassus, he married about this time.
He affected
the character of one who venerated the ancient forms
of the Republic. By ratifying a decree which the Senate
and people had passed, to the effect that no newly
elected Consul or Praetor should be sent to the government of a province within five years after he had been in
office, he sought to set limits to the unrestrained and lawless pursuit of the highest dignities, and he took some
stringent measures with regard to the tribunals. 2 Yets

D3o

c.iss.

xl 5(3. 52.

he did not shrink from the augmentation of his own
authority, even in contravention of existing laws, and he
consented to the prolongation of his Consulate in Spain for
* By adoption Q. Csecilius Metellus Pius. [He is more commonlycalled Scipio, there being at the time no other distinguished personage of
that name.]

212

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

five years, with an increased military force.*
O n the
other hand, Dio asserts t h a t Pompeius himself, dreading
t h e jealousy of his rival, caused a law to be proposed b y
his creature, Caelius, authorising Cassar to sue for the Coni suet. JUL sulship whilst absent from Rome. 1 Cicero took an active
x
26.; Ep. 294,
#
a. (i*«.vii. part in furthering this measure, and Cato's earnest opposi2 EP. 284,2. tion was fruitless. 2
(Att. vii. 1.);
rp
.
.
Appian,,B. c. I r u e xpatriots saw with &
grief to what lengths th&>
li. 25.; Liv.

Epit. cvii.

aspirations of the two rivals would lead. Cato, in hopes
of affording some support to t h e tottering Republic,
offered himself for the Consulate of the ensuing year ; b u t
his designs were too well known to both the contending
parties. M. Claudius Marcellus and Serv. Sulpicius Rufus
3 Dio cass. were elected. 3 Cato never sued again for this dignity.
A s for Cicero, he obtained the post of A u g u r , in t h e
room of P . Crassus, who had been the object of his great
esteem and affection, and had always looked u p to him with
1T5 P , 1 3 K 1 , admiration. 4 This office, rooted as it was in the original
(Dw. v. 8.)

constitution of Rome, and tenable for life, conferred great
lustre on its possessor. Cicero was presented to the people
agreeably to custom, and recommended to their choice, by
5
PMUpp. ii. Pompeius and H o r t e n s i u s 5 in their capacity of Augurs*
2
6
Brut. I. After his election he was consecrated by Hortensius. 6 f
Cicero's love of letters was still unextinguished; and in
this year, which was one of so much anxiety to him,—when,
moreover, the number of new laws enacted, and of trials
in which he took part, must have given him abundant
7 EP. 182,2. o c c u p a t i o n 7 , — h e appears to have written his treatise " d(e
(Div. vii. 2.) ,

* Dio Cass. xl. 56. Plutarch says that it was prolonged for four years.
Pomp. 55.
f Cicero himself speaks thus of the Augurate. Maximum et prcestantissimum in republiea jus est augurum, et cum auctoritate conjunctum. JDe legg.
ii. 12. The late Tribune Hirrus was his competitor. Ep. 203, 1. {Div.
viii. 3.)

u. 702.

C. 52.

cic. 55.

213

Legibus," in which he professed to take Plato for his
model.*
Among the few letters of 701, 702, some of the most
remarkable are those to C. Scribonius Curio, who had returned from Asia, where he had been Quaestor in the
former year. His father, Consul in 678, and subsequently
one of the most illustrious of the Consulars, had expired
.shortly before his son's return. 1 He himself had been d e - ^ ' i n scribed by Cicero as a partizan of Clodius at the time
of the affair of the Bona Dea, and had received from him
the contemptuous appellation of " Filiola Curionis" as
the reputed favourite of M. Antonius, his junior by a few
years.2 He is the same Curio whose name Vettius so*J^ ] 9 (^
shamefully employed in the pretended conspiracy against f£UiPP'"• 2Pompeius.3 This youth was richly endowed by nature, 3(jtf-^%h
and had attracted the observation of Cicero, through
whose intercession with his father he had been rescued
from the desperate situation into which his dissipation had
plunged him.4 From henceforth Cicero numbered him *8fW/*P-"•
among his friends; and his character being formed under
the Consular's eyes, great things might naturally be expected from him. He appears to have done his patron
considerable service during the period of the Clodian
5
persecution.5
%p-}66»: i
1

(Div. ii. l b . ) ;

It is a fine trait in Cicero's character, that, desperate as gi?also Brut'
he considered the prospects of the State to be, he could yet
devote himself with earnest solicitude to form the minds
and opinions of such among the rising generation as gave
promise of distinction, seeking to develope their mental
qualities, and to inspire them with a generous patriotism.
The same man who, not long before, had written to Atticus 5
" There is no longer a Republic in which I can find
pleasure or repose; but this I bear in the recollection of
* See Goerenz, Introd. ad Libros de Legg., p. xvii. foil.

214

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

(Ituivht) * ts P a s t b e a u t y m the days when I governed it," 1 now exclaims to Curio, then on his return, " Whether you nourish
any hopes for the Republic, or whether you despair of it,
so prepare yourself, so plan, and so determine, as one
destined to restore to its ancient dignity and freedom a
2 EP. 175. State oppressed and ruined by misery and corruption ;" 2
and again: " Such are the expectations entertained from
your genius and your heart, that I beg and conjure you/
to justify and fulfil them; let my advancing age find
p 6
re ose m
?2? ii i^ P
Jouv youthful vigour." 3 Such were the hopes
which Cicero placed in Curio, who, on his first arrival in
the city, joined his party, and for a considerable time, including the period of his Tribunate, supported the cause
of the Optimates and of the Senate, but finally went over
to the side of Caesar, and became the most zealous promoter of his schemes.*
* The whole of this fifth section comprises ninety-five letters, of which
twenty-five are addressed to Quintus, twenty to Atticns, ten to the Proconsul Lentulus, thirteen to Trebatius, six to Curio. Of the remainder
we may note particularly one to Julius Cassar, one to Crassus the Triumvir,
and two to Cicero's friend Marius. That we have lost many of Cicero's
letters is apparent as well from many passages in our collection as from the
testimony of other writers ; it is natural it should be so.

BOOK ¥ 1 .

LETTERS

OF C I C E R O ,

WRITTEN DURING HIS PROCONSULATE,

IN THE TEARS

703

AND

704.

B. c.

51. 50.

CICERO AS PEOCONSUL.

B O O K VI.
SURVEY OF HISTORICAL EYENTS,

A.U. 703. B.C. 51. Cic. 56.
SERV. SULPICIUS RUFUS ; M. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS.

T H E Consul Marcellus urges in the Senate the recall of
Caesar from his province before the expiration of his
appointed time; but the moderation of the other Consul
and the intervention of some of the Tribunes hinder the
passing of the decree. Csesar finishes the war in Graul,
after having defeated the Bellovaci, Trevlri, Carnutes and
Cadurci, and conquered the province of Aquitania. His
legions winter in Gaul, and he is occupied in endeavouring
to reduce the whole of the province into subjection.
A.U. 704. B.C. 50. Cic. 57.
L. -ZEMILIUS PAULUS ; C. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS.

Applus Claudius Pulcher and L. Calpurnius Piso, are
the Censors for this year; and these are the last appointed
by the people.
To the law mentioned above (p. 211.), by which five
years were to elapse before a Consul or Praetor should
assume in person the government of a province, was
annexed a clause, providing that such province should in
the meanwhile be administered by Consular^ and former
L

218

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Prastors, who had not been governors before. Of this
number was Cicero; and to him was now committed the
administration of Cilicia, together with the three districts
of Laodicea, Cibyra and Apamea in Asia, which had
been hitherto governed by Appius Claudius Pulcher, the
brother of Clodius, and the provinces of Pisidia, Pamphylia, Xsaurla, Lycaonia (united to Cilicia since the
victories of Pompeius), with the island of Cyprus, all of
which had similarly been included in the command of his
i Ep. 509. predecessor.1 The province of Syria fell at the same time
cu!)\'deriiv. by lot to the Consular Bibulus. Of the two Consuls for
i. 1.

the year 703, the one, Marcellus, a decided Optimate, was
vehement in his hostility to Csesar, while the other, Sulpicius, feared him too much to venture on any steps to
2 Ep. 202,2. diminish his power and influence.2
2.); hp. 2io, "We have already seen that the rupture between the two
viii. 5.);
comp. Suet.

jui. 29.

2. {Div.

leaders was preparing to break out.
1

Pompeius took his
i

measures accordingly, and it cannot be denied that he
conducted himself with prudent foresight during the term
of his Consulate, and for some time after. This third
Consulate had manifestly restored him in public estimation ; and we observe a great increase of respect and
confidence in Cicero's tone, when speaking of him at the
commencement of the present period. He writes thus,
3
-Ep/>.'i89,i.;after visiting him on his way to his province at Tarentum 3 ,
6
*7.)
' (where Pompeius was then residing for the benefit of his
health), and conversing with him for three days: " I can
assure you," (he is addressing Ca?lius,) " that Pompeius is
an excellent citizen; and that he is preparing himself with
spirit and wisdom to serve the State in whatever way its
4 Ep. 189,1. interests may require." 4 He strongly opposed the wish
Pompeius expressed, to assume the government of his own
province, which, if sincere, could only have been with the
view of opposing Cassar more effectually, in case of an

u . 704. B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

219

open rupture 1 ; and said he should consider the cause of! EP 198,3.
the nobles as for ever lost should Pompeius leave Italy.
On the other hand, we find Cicero seeking by every possible means to relieve himself from his liabilities to Caesar,
who had lent him a sum of 800,000 sesterces.2
lsf^lbs?4'5'
W e also find that Quintus was no longer in Caesar's9.f'v'
retinue, but accompanied his brother in the capacity of
legate to Cilicia. In short, circumstances were now in
the position to which they had long been evidently tending. For a time Cicero's mind might have been subdued
by the genius of Caesar, and his sympathies attracted by
his kindness and magnanimity; but not even a Caesar
could change his natural temperament; and this invariably
led him back to Pompeius after every temporary distraction of his affections. I t would seem also that Caesar was
less anxious to conciliate him than formerly, if we may
argue from the circumstance that Plancus Bursa, whose
condemnation had rejoiced Cicero more than even the
death of Clodius 3, was now living at Ravenna, liberally 3 EP. 182,2.
(Div. vii. 2.)

endowed by the great commander.4 Besides, if the bro- 4 E^ ^
thers had still had reason to rest all their hopes upon him,
is it likely that now, when he had just completed the
conquest of Gaul, and was preparing for yet greater
undertakings, Quintus should have discontinued his attendance upon him ?
The nearer the decisive rupture seemed to approach,
the more keenly did Cicero regret the necessity of leaving
Rome. What events might not take place during his
absence! and how important, in his own opinion, might
not his personal influence prove! Accordingly, we find
him, even before he set out, anxiously providing for the
speediest possible termination of the period of his government ; and the letters written on his journey, from the
very earliest to those of later date, contain urgent exhortt2

220

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

ations to Atticus and his other friends to prevent any
i F.pp. m, i.. obstacles to his return. 1 He left it in charge to Cselius,
&
185, 12.; 187.;
.
.
j9'o [A%')4 to send him the most precise and detailed intelligence of
2 EPp. 192, i ; political events. 2
200 2.' 201
»; W.; 207.
There was another reason why he disliked leaving: R o m e .
J

(Div. viii. L;

AH v 12, i35 The office of Proconsul was by no means to his taste*
14, 15 ) J

was not one of those who looked to the administration of
a province as the means of indemnifying themselves for
the expenses incident to their previous political career, or
ns a source of future wealth and influence. On the contrary, he detested the extortion and injustice in which"the
provincial governors so generally indulged. But to be far
from Rome, from the city he had saved, the scene of his
own labours and exploits, was almost more than he could
endure. "Nothing," so he wrote to Atticus after his
entry into his province, " was more ardently desired than
my arrival, and nothing can exceed the affection with
which I am everywhere greeted. But I cannot describe
how adverse to my inclinations are my present duties.(
My ardent spirit, which you know so well, and my active
energies, have here no field for exercise; here, my noblest
occupations must needs slumber. I have to administer
justice at Laodicea, while one no better than Plotius does
the same duty at Borne; and while our friend * has a whole
army under his command, I am forced to content myself
with a couple of legions, which in truth do not deserve
the name. But this, after all, is not what I miss; the
public gaze, the Forum, the city, my own house, these
are what my soul longs for. The panniers are strapped on
the ox's back: it is no fit burden for me; yet I will bear
3
Again,
3 E 207< s i t ; only, as you love me, let it be but for a year."
(Att.y.ib.) w r j ^ n g to- his friend from Athens, he says: " I cannot
* Eithei^Cassius, who had succeeded to the command of the vanquished
army of Crassus, or Bibulus.

A. u . 704. B . C . 50.

CIC. 57.

221

express how ardently I long to behold the city again,
and with what repugnance I discharge this vapid office." * < Jf/v19^1.
Undoubtedly, Cicero overrated his influence in the State, cw™\] f^lt.
but this was part of his peculiar character. A terrible v ' 10)
disenchantment was in store for him. Standing at the
gates of Home in January, 705, he must have wished
himself far away in his despised province of Cilicia.
In addition to these sources of vexation and anxiety he
had now to think of a new matrimonial alliance for Tullia,
who had been recently divorced from Crassipes. Several
plans offered themselves, and we see from many of his
letters how much this care for his beloved daughter
weighed on the father's heart. 2
2 EpP. m ;
Cicero had received, together with his province, the209;4-'^"-'
L

v. 4. 13, 14.

command of an army {cum imperio)3 to provide for itsp^
security and protect it from surrounding enemies. Two ( I ) ^ m - 2 )
legions with their quota of horse were stationed in Cilicia,
but this force had been considerably diminished under the
Proconsul Appius, so that in order to meet an apprehended war with the Parthians, a reinforcement appeared
necessary. He accordingly exerted himself to procure additional troops by enlistment in Italy, but the Consul Sulpicius opposed him 4 , and he was compelled to proceed on 4 Ep. 19L
his journey without them. The legates assigned him were, comp. 187,2.*
together with his brother Quintus, M. Anneeus, L .
Tullius, and C. Pomptinius, who had obtained a triumph
in the year 700. He could not make up his mind to part
with his son for so long a time, and accordingly took him,
as well as his nephew, along with him. Both youths were
consigned to the instruction and superintendence of the
learned Dionysius. When Cicero arrived in his province,
he gave them over to the care of Deiotarus, son of the
5
king of Galatia of the same name.5
EPP.\%^
0

195.; 209, 3.

He began his journey at the commencement of May. (^"-v-3-iJL 3

222

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

At Arpinum, his native city, he was joined by Quintus,
at whose Arcanum he partook of a noon-day repast, when
he had occasion to observe the unhappy terms on which
Quintus and his wife Pomponia lived together. On his
own Cumsean estate he was greeted by a numerous assem\Itf'v8l)' ^ a S e °^ n * s dependants l9 so that, as he writes, he found
himself surrounded by a Rome in miniature. Hortensius,
although sick, caused himself to be transported from a distant residence to meet him. At Tarentum, where he
1 P 18
A ' lh arriye& o n ^ i e 18th of May 2 , he had the long and important interview with Pompeius which has already been
mentioned. At Brundisium he stayed till towards the
middle of June, detained partly by indisposition and
partly by the expectation of being joined by his legate
(^jiP^l'Pomptinius, who however did not arrive.3 On the 15th of
.193. (AH. v. . ^ g month he landed at Actium, whence he proceeded by
wfT uit *an(^ t o Athens, arriving there on the 25th.4
v 9. io.)
Here he was received with great rejoicings ; his literary
attainments and his love for the Greeks were well known,
while the great simplicity and moderation he had observed
throughout his journey, contrasting as they did strongly
with the ordinary habits of a governor on his route to his
province, had gained him all hearts. He remained in this
city till the 6th of July, lodging in the house of Aristo
the academician, while his brother took up his abode in a
neighbouring one belonging to the Epicurean Xeno. He
passed some pleasant days in conversing with the philosophers of Athens, and in examining the monuments and
other objects worthy of note, and had also the pleasure of
rendering a service to the Epicureans, though by no means
favourable to their philosophy.* Pomptinius here joined
5

J5?-19?'i4o

llim 5

' Att. v. 11.)

* This was by interceding for them with Memmius, who having been
banished from Rome (see p. 191.), was then living at Athens. He had

A.U.

704. B.C. 50. cic. 57.

223

Leaving Athens, Cicero took ship at Pirseus, and after
a voyage of six days, the first part of which was somewhat
stormy, he landed at Delos, passing by Zoster, Ceos,
Gyarus, and Scyrus on his way.1 On the 22nd of July x Ep.mA.
he arrived at Ephesus, where he received three welcome
pieces of intelligence: first, that the Parthians, who had
caused him considerable anxiety, were then in a state of
repose: secondly, that the contracts with the Publicani in
his province had been concluded; and thirdly, that a
mutiny of the soldiers in Cilicia had been quelled by
Appius. 2 In Asia, and especially at Ephesus, he was re-2^p.2oi, i.;
ceived as warmly as in Greece. His next stage was (^"'v-13-9Tralles, which he reached on the 27th of July, and on the
last day of the month he entered his own province and
arrived at Laodicea. 3 " Make a mark against this day in L^v??5'.1.:5
°

207. (Div.m.

your calendar," he writes to Atticus 4 , with the desire that Jg^"-vhis friend should be on the watch to prevent the possibleJ ftp- 204.
prolongation, through any oversight, of his proconsular
year.
Great as had been Cicero's disinclination to undertake
the administration of a province, his distaste to the employment must have increased when he had entered upon its
duties. In the beginning of August, he writes in the following strain to Atticus: " T h e object of great expectation,
obtained from the Areopagus the grant of a piece of land on which
Epicurus had formerly resided, and where the ruins of his house were still
standing. Cicero now wrote to him and begged him to consent to a
revocation of the gift, as it gave offence to the philosopher's disciples. The
example of Memmius, Milo and others, evinces the indifference with which
many of the principal Romans regarded exile from the city; an indifference which is perhaps more unpleasing to us than Cicero's despair.
Cicero's letter to Memmius, then on a journey to Mitylene, exhibits his
respect for his distinguished countryman ; it is also a masterpiece of art.
Ep. 197. (JDiv. xiii. 1.); comp. 198, 5.
L 4

224

L I F E AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

I have arrived in a province which is utterly and for ever
ruined; . . . a province full of the frightful traces, not
(Jf v°i6) °^ a m a n ^ u t °^ s o m e w ild beast." 1 And again: " I have
enough to do to heal the wounds which have been inflicted
{Itl'^ii) o n my P r °vince." 2 I n the following month the Parthians
crossed the Euphrates and threatened Cilicia; and Cicero,
writing in consequence to the supreme authorities in Rome,
says: " The forces of our allies are so much weakened by
the injuries they have sustained at our hands, or are so
alienated from us, that we can neither expect anything
{Div'w'i) from them, nor place any trust in them." 3 Besides this,
the troops assigned to him formed a very inadequate force.
CD£' w36 Several cohorts were wanting to complete the two legions4,
which had with difficulty been brought back to their allegiance after the mutiny mentioned above. I n case of a war
with the Parthians he could only rely on the assistance of
Deiotarus, king of Gralatia, who was a firm friend to the
Romans. The State on the other hand seemed to think
that, having once despatched a governor into a province, it
had done its part, and expected him to do everything
•' EP. 210, i. without supplying the requisite means.5 Such was the
(Div. viii. 5.)

condition of the Commonwealth. Csesar and Pompeius
had gradually drawn within their own grasp the whole
of its resources.
Still Cicero's courage did not fail, and he at once set
about fulfilling the promise he had made his friend immediately after quitting Rome. " I will satisfy all parties
* Ep. 186. by my diligence and moderation." 6 Again, before his
{Att. v. 3.)

EP. 195.
(i*tf.v.9.)

arrival at Athens, he says: " I reflect daily upon your
exhortations, and impress them upon my followers. I
shall endeavour to perform the functions of my high
office with the utmost modesty and sobriety ;" 7 and from
.

T T

. ,

. .

Athens he writes: " Hitherto our journey has cost nothing,
either to private individuals or to the country through

u. 704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

225

which we passed. We have taken nothing from our
hosts, not even what the Julian law allows us. # All my
subordinate officers are actuated by the desire of maintaining my reputation, and as yet every thing goes on
prosperously. The Greeks have not failed to remark
this, and my praise is in every mouth.1 We cannot 1 sp.195.
wonder that feeling and acting thus, and endeavouring
most conscientiously, as he did, to make his subordinates
conduct themselves on the same principles throughout the
whole period of his Proconsulate, he was regarded by the
Greeks and Asiatics with sincere love and admiration.
This year may indeed justly rank among the fairest of his
existence. Remember how Verres ill-treated his province, in what a state Lucullus found Asia.2 And was2 EPP 198, A ;
Cicero's predecessor better than other governors who had i.;'209,2.;'
r

228. 2.; 250.

ravaged the beautiful regions of Asia? 3 The officials^(^"j^n.
under Appius seem to have been even worse than their 21,)
3 jpjp 252 2

master. Before his departure from Rome, Cicero had (^«-v*-1')
preferred a request to him, that he would in person deliver up to him the province in as orderly a condition as
possible. He looked forward with eagerness to this interview, to which Appius consented, though secretly intending to avoid it. At Brundisium one of his freedmen
told the new Proconsul that it would be most agreeable
to his master to meet him at Sida, on the coast of Pamphylia; and thither accordingly Cicero agreed to repair,
although it would have been more convenient to him to
have proceeded immediately from Ephesus to the Asiatic
districts of the province. At Corcyra, however, he learned
from a friend and companion of Appius, that it would be
better to have the meeting at Laodicea. Thither he now
directed his course, and more willingly than to Sida ; but
on his arrival he found that Appius was not there^ but in
* This was a law enacted by Julius Cresar during his first Consulate.
L 5

226

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO,

the remote city of Tarsus, where, contrary to all right and
precedent, he was holding courts and making regulations
with the full knowledge that his successor had already
gjf^-J^^6*5 reached the province.* 1
Subsequently to this, when
vr.i viv.in. Cicero was in,the camp at Iconium, Appius did really
come to that city, though under circumstances which lead
one to suspect that he was glad to avoid a personal interview with his successor. Well indeed might he shrink
from a public meeting with a man whose mere entry into
the province offered such a contrast to the whole period
of his own government. Nevertheless, after his return to
Koine, he made the most unjust complaints against Cicero
for not having come out of his camp to meet him with the
2 Ep. 244,3. customary marks of respect.2
3
EP. 208,2. Cicero remained three days at Laodicea 3 , and then
continued his journey, passing through Apamea and
Synnada. He spent three days in each of these cities
(which, together with Laodicea, were the chief places in
his province), hearing the complaints of the inhabitants,
and relieving them of their burdens as far as was then in
4 Ep. 238, I. his power.4 Greatly indeed was this relief wanted. " I
heard nothing," he writes to Atticus, " b u t that the
people are unable to pay the capitation tax imposed upon
them. Every one has sold his lands; the states sigh and
5 js?/>. 208, i. groan; life itself has become a burden to the people."5
(Att. v. 18.)

Before his departure from Eome he had framed his edict,
the public manifesto, that is, which set forth the nature
and method of his proposed government. Especial care
was bestowed on the head which treated of the outlay to
be made for the governor and his officials, and herein was
inserted much that was new and beneficial. The rate of
* According to the lex de provinciis ordinandis the ex-governor might
remain in his province thirty days after the arrival of his successor. But
he was certainly not entitled to act in the manner Appius was doing.

A.U.

704.

B.C. 50., cic. 57.

227

usury and interest was reduced to the least oppressive
amount, viz. 12 per cent.1 In accordance with t h i s j ^ - 2 ^ . 1
edict and its principles, he was anxious that neither him-^g 25 ( 0 ^-i
self nor his retinue should be costly to the province, and^)1"5 Att'v'
he exercised the same moderation that had characterized
his journey through Greece, exacting neither provisions
nor fuel, nor even such things as the Julian law entitled
him to demand. A lodging of four beds only was assigned
to the Quaestor and the legates, who indeed often made
2
shift with their tents. 2
EPP-MS, I. ;
209, 2. (Ait. v.

The Proconsul could devote but little time at first to 16>17*)
the administration of justice; this he reserved for the
winter, and hastened on to Iconium in Lycaonia, where
his army was encamped, intending to take advantage of
the summer for ordering his forces and making such expeditions as should be necessary.3 In the mutiny which3 EPP.^U
had occurred before his arrival, six cohorts had separated H.- DW.'XV.
themselves from the main body, and without a legate,
tribune, or even a centurion at their head, had encamped
near Philomelium. Thither Cicero had despatched M.
Anneius, who succeeded in inducing them to return to
their colours, so that on his arrival in the camp on the
36th of August after a ten days' sojourn in Iconium, he
found all his troops assembled there, and was able to review them.4 His strength was further augmented by a 4 EPP. 228,1 ;
,.

.,.

238,1.;

(Ait.

battalion or veterans and some auxiliaries irom the neigh- v. 20.; Div.
bouring kings and free states who now joined him. On the
30th of August an ambassador from Antioehus, king of
Commagene, brought tidings to the camp, that Pacorus,
son of Orodes king of Parthia, who had married a sister
of Artavasdes ruler of Armenia, was about to cross the
Euphrates with a powerful army, whilst his brother-inlaw invaded Cappadocia.5 This information caused an 5 EPP. 212..,
238 1 • 214

alteration in Cicero's plans; for had he adhered to his first 1. &*>- *v*.
1

JL 6

3, 4.: Att. v.
18.)

228

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

intention and proceeded by the shortest route to Cilicia,
though the mount Amanus would have sheltered him on
the side of Syria, he would have left the enemy a free
passage into the Asiatic province through Cappadocia,
which country had been commended to his protection;
and of this they would no doubt take advantage unless
Cassius should stoutly oppose them.* This officer, as
Quaestor to the late Proconsul Crassus, was commanding
the army in Syria, Bibulus not having yet arrived to
assume the reins of government, and was then occupying
Antioch.
Cicero could not venture to divide his army, which, in
i .Ep.221,2. spite of the assistance of the allies, was far from strong;.1
(Div. xv. 1.)

He resolved therefore to lead it at once into that part of
Cappadocia which bordered on Cilicia, in the hope of
alarming the Parthians and Armenians, and inducing them
?J?v2Sfd)' to abandon their design of invasion.2 His confidence was
further increased by the arrival of an ambassador from
3 Ep. 238. Deiotarus, with promises of ample aid from his master.3
(Div. xv. 4.)

On the last day of August, accordingly, he led his army
from Iconium towards the east, and encamped at Cybistra,
at the foot of the Taurus, in the friendly province of Cappadocia. He sent his cavalry into Cilicia, in order to
afford some protection to this country, and to acquire early
4 Epp. 2i3.; intelligence of what was passing in Syria.4
21<J. {Div. iii.

C X

E 2282*i;
^ e r ^ m a i n e ( i *n his camp at Cybistra for three days f,
{Att. v, 20.) c | u r i n g w hich he had an opportunity of displaying himself
in all the pomp of his Proconsular dignity. He was enabled also to render an important service to Ariobarzanes,
king of Cappadocia, and at the same time to the party of
* C. Cassius Longimis, afterwards one of the principal conspirators
against Csesar.
t In Epp. 228, 1. {Att Y. 20*); 238, 1. (Div. xv. 4.), Cicero says five
days.

A.U. 704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

229

Pompeius. The Senate, over whom the influence of that
statesman was then at its height, had commissioned Cicero
to take under the especial protection of the Romans the
aforesaid monarch J , who was supposed to be oppressedl Ep. 238,1.
(Div. xv. 4.)

by a party in his state, and whose father had been murdered by his rebellious subjects. He was desired to salute
him in the name of the Republic, assuring him that his
prosperity should be the subject of grave concern to the
Senate and people of Rome. The interview took place in
the camp, whither the king had repaired, in presence of
Cicero's principal officers. Ariobarzanes testified the utmost gratitude and satisfaction, at the same time assuring
the Proconsul that he was not aware of any conspiracy
against his own life or dominion. But the following day
he appeared again before Cicero, accompanied by his
brother Ariarathes and several friends and relations, and
told him that he had now been informed of the existence
of a conspiracy which no one had ventured to reveal to
him before the arrival of the Romans. A powerful faction, it seemed, wished to deprived him of his crown, and
to bestow it on Ariarathes; but the latter had declined
to become a party to the plot. Ariobarzanes begged for
the assistance of a part of the Roman army; but this
Cicero was not in a condition to grant.
He however
encouraged the friends of the king in their allegiance, reconciled to him some of his discontented subjects, and
suggested some wise measures for his adoption. He also
persuaded Archeiaus, the high priest of the Temple of
Bellona at Comana*, who possessed great wealth, and
the command of a strong force in the interest of the
disaffected party, to abandon Cappadocia.2 He thus 2 %PP- 21 9-;
238, 1. (Dw,
X7.2.4.)

* This temple enjoyed a great reputation amongst the ancients. Its
priest was possessed of considerable power, and was almost independent of
the king. (Hirtius, Bell Alex. 66.)

230

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

strengthened Ariobarzanes on his throne, and by so doing
laid both Cato and Pompeius under obligations to himself,
for Cappadocia was under Cato's protection, and Ariobarzanes owed large sums of money to Pompeius, who sought
by the acquisition of allies in the east to counterbalance
the formidable power which Caesar was establishing in
the west.
While thus engaged, Cicero learned that the Parthians
did not contemplate an inroad into Cappadocia, but were
rather threatening Cilicia from the side of Syria; accordingly, sending an urgent request for reinforcements to the
Senate and magistrates of Rome, he hastened through a
narrow pass of Mount Taurus to Tarsus, where he arrived
on the 5th of October, and thence proceeded to the
1,;
22f^238! Amanus. 1 Here he learned that the Parthians had been
Sv.Yd.?'5 driven out of Antioch by Cassius, and that Bibulus had
xv
2
A division of the barbarian force had
2 ^ 2 ' 26 ' 2 . arrived in Syria.*
ilfio!; xv!l\) before this penetrated into Cilicia, whilst the main body
of the army had advanced to Antioch; but they had been
driven back by the Roman cavalry and a praetorian cohort
stationed at Epiphania. Cicero was now so far relieved
from his anxiety, that he was able to write to Deiotarus,
already on his way to succour him with a large force, in«o?^,^'.2,; forming him that his assistance was not needed.3
238, 1. {Div.

ii. io.; xv. 4.) Resolved, however, that his expedition to Amanus
should not be wholly without effect, he set about exterminating the wild mountain hordes who inhabited this
district. These barbarians lived in a constant state of
warfare with the Romans, and their destruction would be
* Comp. Dio Cass. xi. 28, 29. Cicero says, " The news of my approach
raised the courage of Cassius, who was shut up in Antioch, and infused
fear into the Parthians, so that they quitted the city, and Cassius pursued
them successfully." Ep, 228, 1. (Att. v. 20.) In a letter to Cselius,
Ep. 226. {Div. ii. 10.), Cicero does not take the credit of this action to
himself.

u. 704.

c. 50.

cic. 57.

231

an immense boon to the neighbouring provinces of Syria
and Cilicia. Cicero made use of a stratagem to effect his
purpose. Leaving the mountains, he took a day's journey
homewards, and pitched his camp at Epiphania. In the
dusk of evening, on the 12th of October, he suddenly
turned round, and, after a rapid night-march, arrived on
the Amanus by break of day on the 13th. His legates,
amongst whom Quintus himself was present, displayed
great ability; and the enemy, taken completely by surprise,
were mostly cut to pieces; the remainder were intercepted
in their flight and made prisoners. Erana, their principal
stronghold, two other places, and six castles, after some
resistance, fell into the hands of Pomptinius; of these,
several were burnt and their defenders destroyed. Cicero
then conducted his troops to the foot of the mountain,
and caused them to encamp on the spot where the altars
yet stood which commemorated the victory of Alexander
at Issus. Here his soldiers saluted him Imperator. The
four days here spent were devoted to more thoroughly
exterminating the mountain tribes, and devastating their
country.1
* ^.238.1.-,
J

226, 1.; 228,

Encouraged by the successful result of his expedition\}$*\™'
to the Amanus, and eager, no doubt, by the acquisition of 4tt.v.w.)
fresh military honours, to ensure to himself a yet more
brilliant reception in Rome, Cicero now resolved to effect
the reduction of Pindenissus.
This stronghold, which
was situated on the summit of a hill in the " Free Cilicia,"
was inhabited by a wild and stubborn people, who, confiding in the natural and artificial strength of their
position, had never submitted to the sovereigns of the
country, and were wont to afford shelter to Roman
fugitives.
They now hailed with joy the anticipated
arrival of the Parthians. The honour of the Roman
people, Cicero thought, demanded the chastisement of such

232

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

insolence, and he accordingly proceeded to lay regular
siege to their fortress. He dug trenches, constructed
ramparts and palisades, erected towers for assault, and
was amply provided with missiles and catapults. The
place held out seven and forty days*, and many of the
besiegers wrere wounded; but at length, on the 19th of
December, it surrendered, and was utterly destroyed, and
the entire plunder, horses and all, given up to the soldiers.
Thus, far from their homes, did they celebrate the festival
of the Saturnalia. The inhabitants were sold for slaves,
and a sum of twelve million of sesterces was thus realized
by the State.f The Tibarani, a neighbouring tribe resembling in character the vanquished Pindenissians, gave
hostages, and the army now retired to winter quarters in
Cilicia ; Quintus Cicero receiving instructions to distribute
the troops throughout the regions whose fidelity to the
\®P\- f]£ • Romans was suspected.1
?
xv?4.;)Div'
Relating his exploits to Atticus, Cicero writes : " Pindenissus ! You will ask, ' W h a t sort of place is that? I
have never even heard its name before.' What can I do ?
Can I change Cilicia into iEtolia or Macedonia ? Or what
more mighty achievement can you expect from such an
\fv- ass, i. „ army as mine ? " 2 In the same letter he jestingly observes :
" F o r several days [after the reduction of the tribes of
Amanus] my camp was pitched on the ground which
Alexander occupied near Issus; a somewhat greater
general than you or I." When we find Cicero, notwithstanding the modest tone in which he here speaks of his
* Epp. 228, 1.; 238, 1. {Ait v. 20.; Div. xv. 4.) In the letter to Cato
lie assigns fifty-seven days to the duration of the siege. But the accuracy
of the earlier letter addressed to Atticus is more to be relied upon, and
the account there given tallies better with the other dates.
• The advantage which avaricious governors took of opportunities such as
f
these to fill their coffers maybe easily imagined. [12,000,000 sestertii —
about 105,000/.]

u, 704.

c. 50.

cic. 57.

233

services, soliciting for them a public thanksgiving, we must
remember that this, and the honour of a future triumph,
were all he looked for as the reward of the great sacrifice
he had made to the State in undertaking his provincial
government. Let us hear, also, his own declaration to Cato,
whom he had begged to second his request: " I f ever
natural disposition, reason and education combined to
render a man indifferent to empty praise and the idle
talk of the multitude, it is so with me. Witness my Consulate, during which I ever aimed at the pursuit of true
glory, although, for its own sake, I cared not for it. Thus,
I declined a province of the first rank and the certainty
of a triumph. I made no efforts to obtain the priesthood,
which lay within my grasp; but after I had been assailed
by that injustice which you persist in calling a public
calamity, but which I regard rather as the source of true
honour than as a misfortune, then I exerted myself to the
best of my abilities to earn the good opinion of both
Senate and people." 1 Notwithstandino; this assertion, it1, -EP-238, 2.
r
m

is very certain that Cicero was far from despising glory for
its own sake, and that he never mentions his own exploits
either in the letter before us or elsewhere, but in an exaggerated tone of self-laudation.
After his exile he
strained every nerve to regain his former ascendancy, and
doubtless, in so doing, he believed himself to be, at the
same time, benefiting the State. Of this, his letter to
Lucceius, amongst many others, affords abundant' proof,
whilst it also betrays his vanity. We are not inclined to
judge so severely of this failing as some do. Cicero erred
unquestionably in thinking it possible to regain the influence he had enjoyed during his Consulate ; for the times
were altered, and it was a Caesar who now held supreme
sway; but his grand mistake was that he continued to
believe in the Roman republic after its doom was sealed.

(Dzv. xv. 4.)

234

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Yet this error is, after all, more pardonable than the
presumption with which, after the event, we are apt to
judge of him.
Cato's letter, in answer to Cicero's request, in which
he wishes him joy of his supplicatio, after having himself
opposed the decree of the Senate by which it had been
i Ep.266. granted him, is well worthy of our attention. 1 I t is
(Div. xv. 5.)

J
e

written in the laconic style which we should expect from
Cato, but, at the same time, with a degree of artifice
for which we are unprepared. The characters of the two
statesmen could not be better pourtrayed than in these
two letters. W e behold, on the one hand, the zealous
republican asserting his maxims in contradiction to the
spirit of the age, and, on the other, the cautious Optimate seeking, by careful observation of times and circumstances, to win his way to the goal.
Csesar, who supported the demands of Cicero, rejoiced
in the adverse course adopted by Cato, which he hoped
would alienate the Proconsul, and indispose him to cooperate in any opposition Cato might raise to his own
schemes. Cicero, though he dissembled his feelings, was
in truth angry, and the more so as Cato had exerted himself to procure a supplicatio of twenty days for his son-inlaw Bibulus, though Cassius had in fact been the principal
author of the recent successes in Syria, while Bibulus had
; m
oaf*?:?OQI hi s o w n person sustained a defeat from the Parthians. 2
Atl vh\V3.?v. ^ e ^ na( ^ t n e services of Bibulus been of no slight import200
ance in the judgment of all unprejudiced persons. He had
succeeded in fomenting discord among the Parthians, and
had thus averted the war, which threatened to break out at
a season of the year highly disadvantageous to the Roman
arms; for the enemy with their leader Orodes remained
3 Ep. 250,2. throughout the winter in the territory of the Republic. 3
Dio'cass. ' We will conclude our observations on Cicero's conduct in

A.U..704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

235

this affair with an extract from Cato's letter. " I obey,"
he says, " with pleasure, the dictates of the State and of
our mutual friendship, which both call upon me to rejoice
in seeing your conduct in foreign command marked by the
virtue, zeal and integrity which ever characterized your
dealings in the highest matters at home." l If we are in- I n clined to distrust Cicero's praise of himself, these words of
Cato will at least carry their due authority.
We have been the more impelled to quote this testimony,
referring as it no doubt does more to Cicero's merits as
governor of a province than as a general, from the comparison which is forced upon us at this time between him
and the great commander of his day. Whilst by the chastisement of an insignificant tribe of mountaineers Cicero
deemed himself entitled to sue for a triumph, and had
received from his soldiers the title of Imperator, Caesar,
who was destined to give such a new and immense significance to the term, was in the act of completing the Gallic
war, and was thereby laying the foundation of his future
greatness. I t is not however fair to compare the two in
their individual character; we should rather reflect on the
relative positions they occupied, the one as the hero and
creative spirit of the present, the other as the champion of
the past, and that under every disadvantage. If the age
he lived in and the native superiority of his genius, gave
the palm of success to Caesar, yet does Cato's judgment
bear irrefragable testimony to the real greatness of Cicero,
destined though he was by circumstances to discomfiture.
The year 703, at the end of which we are now arrived,
was a critical era in the fortunes of Caesar and of the
Roman world. The Consul M. Marcellus, a leading
Optimate, made a decided stand against the great general,
and demanded his recall from Gaul before the expiration
of his term. The scruples of Pompeius and the modera-

236

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

tion of the other Consul combined with the intervention
of some of the Tribunes to prevent the adoption of this
> jEp.223,3, hazardous measure for the present. 1 But to Cicero, and
s.') w'vm' to all discerning men, it was evident that the long threatened storm would soon burst. Writing to Thermus, Proprietor of Asia, he says: " Who knows what times may be
* EP. 258. m store for Koine ? I look for stormy days." 2
But
(Dw. n. is.) g i o o m y a s m i g n t D e the forebodings awakened in his breast
by the tidings Cselius sent him from Rome, he was not
one to lose all presence of mind at the approach of danger.
There were moments when the state of affairs seemed to
him less desperate, and throughout this and the following
year he continued to discharge the duties of his office with
undiminished zeal. Nor had his natural cheerfulness forsaken him, as we see from many of his letters to Atticus
during this period, but especially from one addressed to
^p.246.r Partus 3 , the lively and amiable companion who had it so
often in his power to cheer him in after days. Very
interesting also is a letter he wrote to Volumnius, in which
he playfully reproves his friend for not watching assidu4 Ep. 229. ously enough over his " farm," the salt works of Rome.* 4
Referring to different witty sayings, the authorship of
which had been erroneously ascribed to him during his
absence from the city, he says: " I thought the various
characters of my wit were so well defined that every one
must immediately recognize them ;" and again: " My wit
is an estate I will sedulously maintain."
I t was well for him that he possessed so much natural
gaiety, for a new and harassing business awaited him in
the beginning of the year 704, whilst he was still appre5 j j ». 250,2.; tensive of a war with the Parthians 5 , who were wintering
B p
D
' 254.; 256, 4.

[?.u-v\?}-i in Cyrrhestica, a district of Roman Syria.
Div. x m . 57.;

On the 5th of

•'

Ait.vi.2.) January, having finished his campaign, Cicero broke up
* Possessio salinarum mearum.

u. 704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

237

from Tarsus, and, to the great surprise of the Cilicians,
and, above all, of the inhabitants of Tarsus *, proceeded
to visit the Asiatic cities of his province. By them his
coming was eagerly anticipated; for the beneficial effects
of his administration had penetrated to these regions ; and
during the five months of his government which had
already elapsed, the inhabitants had enjoyed an exemption
from any burdensome rescript, and had had no troops
quartered upon them—an immunity which the rich towns
had been in the habit of purchasing with enormous sums.f
It was now their turn to experience, in common with the
rest of Cilicia, how different their present governor was
from any of his predecessors. They witnessed his earnest
endeavours to lessen the burdens of the Provincials to the
utmost, and his careful attention to the interests of all
classes. In a letter to Atticus, recently quoted, he says:
" In Cyprus (I speak the simple truth, without exaggeration) not a single farthing shall be spent on my account." ' Jj^^g 0 ' 5,
The presents offered him by the native sovereigns were iffij: p1^.
all returned, and, in addition to his other benefits, he Cic ' 36,
averted a threatened scarcity, and established a moderate
and regular rate of interest. For all this, he would only
allow the people to testify their gratitude and admiration in
words. I t is thus we find him exemplifying, in his own
person, the character of the good and upright governor
which he had drawn, many years before, for the edification
of his brother.2
\&^u\.
* Ipse in Asiam profectus sum Tarso, Ep. 250, 5. (Att. v. 21.) The
line of the Taurus divided Cilicia Proper and Pisidia from Lycaonia and •
Pamphylia. The Cilician Proconsulate comprised all four districts, but
the two latter only were popularly included in the term Asia, which in
its restricted sense was confined to the western part of the great peninsula
of Asia Minor.]
t The Cypriotes, apparently under the administration of Appius, had
given 200 Attic talents.

238

L I F E AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

He now devoted himself to the administration of justice
and interna] affairs. During February and March he held
assizes in Laodicea for the inhabitants of Cybiratica,
Apamea, Synnada, Pamphylia, Lycaonia and Isauria.
Before his departure from Taurus, he had despatched
Q. Volusius, a man on whose integrity he could rely, to
Cyprus, to transact the legal business of the few Roman
citizens who traded in the island. Part of May and June
1
Ep. 250,7. he destined for the affairs of Cilicia.1 During his sojourn
amongst them, many of the cities were relieved, some entirely, but all to a great extent, of their burden of debt.
Justice was dealt to all according to their respective codes
of law, and their prosperity began to revive with the recovery of their freedom.
Not content with abstaining
in his own person, and that of his officers, from inflicting
any burden upon them, he managed quietly, and without
public scandal, to bring their native magistrates to account
for their embezzlements. By these means the cities were
enabled to discharge their debt of ten years' standing to
3
Ep. 256,3. the Publicans 2 , a class whose interests it was but natural
that Cicero should guard, belonging, as it did, to the
Equestrian orderc By another judicious enactment, all
those who were paying more than the now authorized rate
of 12 per cent, interest were to be let off with this
more moderate rate, provided they paid it within a given
time, while such as failed to do this were to be held to
their original compact. This arrangement was advantageous to the Publicans, who preferred a certain though
3 EP. 252, is. lesser gain to the risk of more exorbitant usury. 3
Cicero was accessible to all men, and unlike his predecessors caused everything to be brought immediately to
himself, without employing the medium of a confidential
slave. Before daybreak he walked up and down in front
of his dwelling, as he used to do in Rome when canvassing

A.U.

for honours.1

704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

239

His hospitality and munificence won all l EP. 256,3.1
.

. . . .

(Att.vi.V.)

hearts.* "I see you/' he writes to Atticus, "rejoicing in
my moderation and forbearance. You would rejoice still
more were you here with me." And in another letter: " I
am in no way burdensome to the cities, although perhaps
I may be so to you whilst I go on praising myself. Bear
with me if you love me, for you wished me thus to act." 2
In the letter from Laodicea which was written on the 2, Ep. 250,5.
(Att. v. 21.)

5th of March, he says: " I am glad you approve of my
conduct towards Appius. He wrote me two or three
etters on his journey home full of reproaches for my
having abolished some of his regulations. As the physician who has to surrender his patient to another, resents
the adoption of a different treatment from his own, so
Appius is sometimes grateful^ sometimes angry, when he
sees the province beginning to revive after he had reduced
it to death's door. I do nothing, however, at which he has
any right to be annoyed. I t is the dissimilarity between
our course of action which offends him; and what greater
contrast can there be indeed than between my administration and his ?
What shall I say of his prefects,
legates and companions, and of their extortions and iniquities? But now no household can be governed with
more prudence and discipline, or can present a more
orderly appearance than my whole province does." 3
The late Proconsul behaved with the utmost arrogance •J,f'vl52n'
towards the successor whose merits so far surpassed his
own. One community having complained of a heavy tax
imposed by its magistrates for the erection of a monu* Plut. Cic. 36. " Cicero entertained the principal men of the province
every day at his own house, in a style of liberality though not of magnificence. ISTo porter was required to grant admission. The Proconsul
himself was never to be found in bed ; but always to be seen by early
morning standing at his door, or walking up and down before his house,
ready to receive every one with cordiality."

240

L I F E AND LETTERS OP CICERO.

ment in honour of Appius, Cicero caused the works to be
stopped, till he had taken the matter more fully into con* Epp.2u, 2.; sideration.1 With equal zeal he espoused the interests of
249, 1. (Div.

r
9

m. 7.9.)

the Provincials, on occasion of their sending an honorary
deputation to their late governor in Rome. The indignation of Appius was roused by the distorted accounts
given him of Cicero's conduct in both these transactions,
and he addressed angry remonstrances to him on his journey homewards, which, conscious of the integrity of his
2 Ep. 222, I. motives, Cicero emphatically repelled,2 He did not wish,
however, to bring their differences to a rupture, for Appius
enjoyed high consideration in Rome; his name stamped
him as a leading Optimate, and Pompeius was at some
3 Ep.256,6 pains to secure him as a partizan. 3 During his Proconsutt. vi. 2.) j ^ e Appius "would seem to have done his best to secure
that statesman's influence among the rulers of Asia.
Meanwhile, his conduct in the administration of his late
province could not remain either unknown or unblamed
in Rome, and as soon as he had arrived before the gates
of the city, Dolabella, an ambitious and enterprising patrician, and a zealous adherent of Caesar, impeached him,
first, of Majestas, as having acted on several occasions in a
manner derogatory to the dignity of the Roman Commonwealth ; and secondly, of bribery in his suit for the Consul* EP. 242,i. ship.4 Confiding, however, in the support of Pompeius
Q)iv. viii. 6 . ) f „ , .

i r » i

- I - I I

r^-

and of his own party, and firmly persuaded that Cicero,
who might have furnished the most convincing testimonies
against him, would abstain from producing them, he entered
the city, renouncing the triumph which doubtless would
Epp. 26i,i.;have been accorded him, and confronted his accuser.5
249, 2.; 242,

}- ^•. i .%,Dolabella had been recently separated from his wife, and
was now preferring his suit to Tullia.* His ingrati_ * Before Tullia's betrothal to Dolabella, Tib. Claudius Nero, afterwards
the husband of the celebrated Livia, had applied to Cicero in Cilicia for

A.V.

704.

B.C.

50.

cic. 57.

241

ating manners won her consent, to the no small embarrassment of her father, who did not wish to be considered a
party to the present impeachment. From the apologetic
epistle he addressed to Appius 1 , and another to C^elius2, JJg; g^|y
it appears how little it cost him, when a political friend- (SiJ'nuio.")
ship was at stake, not only to conceal his true sentiments, * $>• ?7 2.
*>
r

(Div. in. 10.)

but to express the very opposite. His testimony was of
the greatest service to Appius, who was honourably acquitted, and the upright governor of Cilicia sent his
congratulations on the event, as though the accused had
been the most innocent of men.3 Soon after this, Appius3EPP.205,i.\
m

•

275, 1. (Dit;,

was appointed Censor in conjunction with Caesars father-w.2.12.)
in-law Calpurnius Piso. -He exercised the utmost rigour
in the discharge of his new duties; and amongst the first
of those whom he turned out of the Senate was the
historian Sallust.4
nfi'fm,.
Our indignation at Cicero's flattery of Appius is in©"^ casst xi.
some degree modified by the following words addressed
to Atticus: " If, as it would appear from your letter to
Brutus, Appius expresses himself gratefully towards me,
I am pleased to hear it. But even on the very day I am
writing this before dawn, I am thinkino; of reversing
5E
many of his unjust regulations and edicts." 5
r>- 25 ?> 2*
Though the manners and exigencies of the times may
be allowed to form some excuse for Cicero's conduct *, it
is with pain we see others whose names adorn the page of
history, and whom we are wont to admire as the champions of liberty, not merely tainted but deeply imbued
his daughter's hand. The father was favourable to his suit, and sent
trustworthy messengers to his wife and_ daughter, hut the latter was already
betrothed.
* Sic vivitur is Cicero's expression to Cselius in speaking of his relations
with Appius. Ep. 273, 2. (Div. ii. 15.)
M

242

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

with the general corruption. A certain M. Scaptius who
had large pecuniary claims on the inhabitants of Salamis,
in Cyprus, and had been strongly recommended by Brutus
to Cicero's protection, presented himself before the Proconsul in the camp in Cilicia, in the autumn of the year
703, and urgently sought assistance in the recovery of his
debts. Cicero promised his aid, but refused the application for the prefecture which was made at the same time,
agreeably to the rule he had laid down, never to confer
that office on any one engaged in money transactions; for
a prefect of this kind received from the governor a certain
number of soldiers, and had it thus in his power by main
force to extort payment. Scaptius had himself received
the prefecture of Cyprus from Appius, who was father-inlaw to Brutus, and had employed his troop of horse to
shut up the senators of Sal amis in their Curia, until five
of them perished of starvation. Cicero having been informed of this barbarity by envoys sent to meet him at
Ephesus, had immediately recalled the troop of horse from
the island, a proceeding by which Scaptius considered
himself highly aggrieved. When other deputies from
Salamis appeared with Scaptius himself before the Proconsul in Taurus, Cicero urged them to liquidate their
debt, threatening compulsion if they refused. The Salaminians declared themselves quite ready to perform his
demands, and the more so as he had returned to them the
sum they had brought him as a present, which exceeded
the amount of their debt. Scaptius, however, and Matinius, his partner in the transaction, now demanded 48
per cent, interest, whereas by Cicero's late edict they
were legally entitled to no more than 12, with the compound interest in addition. They appealed to their compact with the Salaminians, and to former decrees of the
Senate, which had legalized transactions of this nature,

u. 704.

c. 50.

cic. 57.

243

rendering the law of Gabinius against usury in the province's inapplicable to that particular case. And now for
the first time Cicero discovered that Brutus was the real
creditor; that the Salaminians having some time ago
sought to raise a loan in Rome, and having met with
various repulses in consequence of the Gabinian law,
Brutus had at length agreed to furnish them with the sum
wanted, but at an usurious rate of interest, and under
cover of the names of Scaptius and Matinius. Cicero was
alarmed at this discovery. If Scaptius gained his object,
Salamis would be utterly ruined; on the other hand, after
carefully examining the decrees of the Senate just referred to, he found that they did generally declare the
demands of Brutus legal, and even allowed him to appeal
to them, but at the same time gave him no legitimate
authority to exact such exorbitant interest —at any rate
Cicero did not hold himself bound by them.* Represent* It is difficult to ascertain the exact nature of this transaction. In
Letter 250. the second decree passed by the Senate in favour of Brutus is
given. Non ut alio ea syngrapha esset quam ceterce, sed ut eodem. According to which it would appear that Brutus was entitled to claim the
48 per cent, interest. Cicero, however, continues, quum kcec disseruissem;
which Wieland translates, "After I had declared the true meaning and
intent of this decree." The words will not well bear any other signification, and as thus interpreted they agree with the following passage in
Letter 256.: Vetabat Auli lex jus did de ita sumta pecunia. Decrevit ig'dur
Senatus, ut jus diceretur ista syngrapha. Nunc ista habet juris idem quod
ceterce, nihil pr&cipui. I have given in the text what appears to me the
most probable version of the affair. [The author's language seems obscure.
I believe the case to be this. The Gabinian law restricted exorbitant
usury ; and Cicero, acting in its spirit, published in his edict the rate which
he would allow, namely 12 per cent., the interest if not paid to be
added to the principal, avaTOKi(Tfx6s. But the Provincials found it difficult
to obtain loans from the Roman capitalists on such terms; and Brutus,
through his agent Scaptius, had lent the Salaminians money at 48 per cent.;
while, in order to secure himself, he had got the Senate to pass a decree,
in contravention of the Grabinian law, to sanction his transaction and
M

244

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

ing this to Scaptius, he pressed him to come to an amicable
arrangement, which the latter appeared not unwilling to
do, although he sought to indemnify himself in another
manner. The Salaminians, he privately informed Cicero,
were under the delusion that they owed him two hundred
talents, whereas their debt did not, in truth, quite reach
that amount. He would be satisfied, he said, with the
payment of that sum, and the ordinary interest upon it.
Cicero, however, desired the deputies to produce their
account in his presence; and this having been formally
examined, it was discovered that their debt amounted only
to one hundred and six talents. The Salaminians offered
to pay this sum immediately, and implored Scaptius to receive the money, or at any rate to allow them to deposit it
in the Temple, by which a stop would be put to the
further accumulation of interest. Cicero took their part,
and remained firm to the rule he had laid down with respect
to the payment of interest. But so keen was his sense of
what the Romans called officia*, so anxious was he to
maintain his friendly relations with Brutus, that he consented, at the request of Scaptius, to postpone the decision
of the question, leaving it to devolve upon his successor,
i Epp. 252,4.; who might very possibly be less strict than himself.1 After
250, 8.; 256,

re a m

uu vi\' v ^ ^ g ^ affair to Atticus, he says: "There you have
jji.; vi. 2,3.) .£he whole matter. If Brutus disapproves of my conduct,
I shall cease to care for his friendship. Of his uncle's
approval I feel sure." It appears, however, from another
letter, that he did not really feel this boasted indifference
about the maintenance of his friendship with Brutus; and
for Cato, we can hardly believe that he would have let the
engage succeeding Proconsuls to respect it. This decree of the Senate
could not overrule a law of the Commonwealth, and accordingly Cicero
was justified in refusing to be bound by it.]
* [.Officia; social and moral duties, here used of the duties of friendship.]

A. u. 704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

245

matter rest, as Cicero did, when a single word from him
would have secured justice to the Salaminians.
Thus even Cicero's justly vaunted Proconsulate cannot
be exempted from censure. In his own estimation, however, he had acted with propriety, and he ventured to
appeal to the conscience of Atticus for advocating the
interests of Brutus. " W h a t ! " he writes, «you, the
panegyrist of all that is correct and virtuous! ' have I
heard from your mouth,' as Ennius says, the request that
I would furnish Scaptius with a troop of horse to enable
him to extort bis claims? .
.
. Do you, whose
image ever rises before me when I think on any thing just
and honourable, do you ask me to make a Scaptius my
prefect? . . . How could I, after that, ever again
read or even touch the volumes you so eloquently praise ? *
Ah ! my beloved Atticus, herein you show too much affection for Brutus, and too little for me."*
'EP. 25c
That Cicero was really anxious to retain the friendship
of Brutus, is evident from the pains he took to recover the
money owed him by Ariobarzanes, whom he engaged to
promise that the sum destined as a present to himself
should be transmitted to him. But the king had another
and a more formidable creditor in Pompeius; and though
be paid him a monthly instalment of thirty-three Attic
talents, this sum fell short of the simple interest due,t 2 2 EP> 252'3.

C4«.vi. 1.)

and he despaired of ever being able to refund the original
debt. Cicero nevertheless praised the clemency and forbearance of Pompeius, and though he commiserated the
* The work de Bepublica.
t [The king of Cappadocia was one of the poorest of monarchs. The
resources of his country lay chiefly in the captives made in mountain
warfare. Mancipiis locuples eget ceris Cappadocum rex. (Hor. Ep. i. 6.) He
had been placed on his throne, after many revolutions, by Pompeius, who
made him pay dear for his support.]
M 3

246

i JEP.L256,5.

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

unfortunate monarch, and saw how impossible it was for
him to satisfy the demands of his creditors, he did not
hesitate to urge upon him the claims of Brutus. 1 The
case of Ariobarzanes is an example of the wretched condition to which the smaller sovereigns of Asia were reduced
by the rapacity of their conquerors, and the enormous
burdens imposed upon them under the name of military
contributions and tribute.* By forestalments and the
accumulation of interest on their arrears of debt, their
affairs became more and more embarrassed, till they sank
into a state of hopeless and irremediable insolvency.
During the year 704 Cicero continued to display all
the activity required by his office. He carried on at the
same time a brisk correspondence with his friends, and
there are proportionably more letters belonging to this
than to any other period of his life. He was careful also
to preserve his interest with all the leading men in Rome,
besides those with whom he was on terms of friendship.
During his sojourn at Laodicea, in the months of March
and April, we find him writing to Atticus before daybreak ; and one of his letters to his friend in the year previous he dictated in his carriage, while hastening to the

2 ^pp. 252,2.; camp at Iconium. 2
^56, 6.: 209,

\.{Att.v\.\:
2.; v. 17.)

After his return to Cilicia in May, Cicero remained
#

for some time in the camp, for in spite of his exploits on
Amanus, the country was still harassed by banditti.
Anticipating the possibility of a renewal of the war by
the Parthians, he exerted himself to put the army in a
high state of discipline, and fixed his quarters where, in
case of necessity, he could most easily march to the assistance of Bibulus, of whose unfriendly conduct towards
himself he took no notice. In the end, however, his
3 EPp. 268,i.;anxiety about the Parthians proved groundless.3
\i^ivvl'
- ^ ^ i s activity on Cicero's part proceeded from a
17.)"

A. u. 704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

247

sense of duty, as well as from an honourable ambition, not
from any real pleasure in the functions of government.
" You cannot imagine how I long for the city, for my
friends, and for you especially," he writes to Cash*us from
Laodicea in the April of 704 : " I am heartily sick of the
province ; whether it be that my fame is already so high,
I have now rather to dread its falling than expect it to
rise ; or that the employment itself is unworthy of my
powers, competent and accustomed as I am to discharge
the more onerous duties attached to public office; or,
lastly, because a serious war is impending, which I shall
escape if I am able to leave my government at the term
assigned me."1 Though we may deem such complaints^-255, i.
unworthy of Cicero, we must admit it to be natural enough
that a man possessed of his refined cultivation, and used
to the intercourse of kindred spirits, animated too as he
was by the keenest interest in the gravest affairs of state,
should sigh for Rome, the seat of civilization, and the
centre of political movement.* In this frame of mind he
wrote to Cselius, " Venerate the city, my Rufus! and live
in its light. From childhood I have deemed all foreign
wanderings base and unworthy of those who can acquire
fame in Rome." 2 In his anxiety to return thither, Cicero 2^.263,2.
paid no heed to the storm which was lowering over i t 3 ; 3 Epp^m.and whilst still at a distance from the city, he appears to fS.2i?3'i8.';
have overlooked the rapid deterioration of public morals xv ' 6,; u*12'
which must have taken place, when a curule JEdile and a
Censor could openly accuse each other of the grossest
immorality, f 4
* EP. 279,1.
J

* Even the common talk of the day which formed the topics of discussion
in the social circles of the city was acceptable to Cicero. See Ep. 243.
(Div. viii. 7.)
f The Censor was Appius, the iEdile Cselius Bufus, who in his letter to
Cicero informs us of these charges.
M4

(D1v.viii.12.)

248

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Cicero's Proconsulate was at length drawing to an end,
and, much to his satisfaction, the term of his government
1
EP. 294,2. was not prolonged.1 He was now busily engaged in preparing a statement of his accounts, copies of which, according to the Julian law, must be deposited in two of
the cities of the province, and in the public treasury at
* EPp. 270.; home.2 His successor had not yet been named, and as
271, 1.; 302,

2. u«. vi.7.; the province could not be left without a governor, the care
v. 29.)
0 f nominating one in the interval devolved upon him.
His choice would have fallen upon Pomptinius, had he not
already left the province. For several reasons he decided
against Quintus, who had come there with reluctance, and
whom he was moreover unwilling to leave behind in a
situation full of danger and responsibility. He dreaded
also the animadversions such an appointment would excite
in Rome, where it would be said that he prolonged his
own government in bequeathing it to his brother; and
besides Quintus was a man of passionate temper, and
3 EP, 256, I. might at once undo all the good he had been effecting.3
His Quaestor Mescinius, on the other hand, was judged by
all unworthy of the office; and at last he was forced to
decide in favour of Caelius Caldus, who had been designated Quasstor, and had but just arrived in the province.
The choice was hazardous, for Cselius was young, and
gave no great promise, either moral or intellectual; but
resolved as he was under any circumstances to leave his
4 £/?/>. 264,i.; province on the appointed day 4 , Cicero had no alternative.,
4- u«.vj.3. He quieted bis conscience with the reflection, that many
15
->
governors had done the same thing, and, as is often the
case with those who undertake a charge at the call of
duty alone, he was disposed to place the strictest limits
to his self-sacrifice.
Cicero's office expired on the 30th of J u l y ; on the 3rd
of August we find him at Sid a, on the coast of Pamphylia,

u. 704.

B. c. 50.

cic. 57.

249

prepared to embark for Greece.1 He set forth cheerfully1 Ep.mtz
on his homeward journey. But unmixed joy never falls to c°W-2^, i.
the share of man, and we hear him complaining to Atticus,vi-3-5->
" Vain and transitory was all the glory which attended
my administration at the outset, and which you lauded to
the skies in your letters. How far from easy is the
practice of virtue! how difficult is it long to wear its
mask ! witness the discontent manifested by my followers,
because, agreeably to what I hold to be just and honourable, I have deducted the salary of the Quaestor Caalius
from the sum decreed to myself, and have deposited a
million sesterces in the treasury, which they imagined was
to be divided amongst themselves. . . . They could
not shake my determination, however, for my own fame
2
was dearer to me than their gratification."*2
EP. 284.
(Ait. vii. 4.)

Though considerations of this nature may have had
power to disturb Cicero's peace of mind, in the seasons of
despondency to which with his irritable temperament he
must have been liable, there was much to afford him satisfaction in his retrospect of the past year. He had made a
fresh and a great stride, and raised himself to a level with
his superiors both in birth and age. This he felt when he
wrote the remarkable letter to Appius, protesting against
his unjust reproaches. iC Before," he says, " I had reached
what men consider the greatest of honours, I never admired you for the names you bear; I judged the men
great who bequeathed those names to you. But after I had
myself attained the highest dignity of the Republic, and
* It appears that Cicero carried his disinterestedness so far as to live, for
a considerable time at least, at his own expense in the province. See Ep.
207. (Att. v. 15.) How conscientiously he acted with regard to booty we
learn from Ep. 271. (Div. ii. 17.) However, he gained no inconsiderable
sum during his government, as we find from Ep. 386. (Att. xi. 1.) [Such
is the interpretation we naturally put upon the words Habeo in cistophoro
in Asia H. S. bis et vicies, a sum equal to about 20,000/.]
M 5

250

L I F E AEJD LETTERS OF CICERO,

borne it as I imagined so as to exalt my reputation to the
utmost, I hoped to have ranked henceforth as your equal,
I will not say as your superior. And indeed both Pompeius whom I honour above all men, and P . Lentulus whom
i ^p.244,3. I prefer to myself, appear to have held the same opinion." *
He had another and nobler cause for satisfaction in the
consciousness of having performed a difficult duty. If we
are willing to allow him this merit, the following words
addressed to Atticus will not fail to afford us pleasure.
" Never in my life have I enjoyed so much satisfaction as
I now derive from the consciousness of my integrity. The
fame I have earned gives me less pleasure than the remem2 EP. 228,2. brance of the conduct by which I gained it." 2 Nor, after
(Jtf.v. 20.)

. .

„

...

examining the government of the Proconsul, can we disparage as mere idle boasting the words that follow : " What
I have done is worthy of the volumes which you esteemed
so highly.* Cities preserved — a rich tribute of gratitude
earned from the Publicans — no man outraged by lawless
acts — few even injured by the necessary severity of jus3
EP. m, i. tice — finally, exploits that deserve a triumph." 3 The
preparatory honour of a supplication he had already obtained under flattering circumstances, though, as we have
seen, against the wishes of Cato and his imitator Favonius;
* Epp.267, i.;and his friends now held out to him hopes of a triumph.4
263, 2.* 276

5. (Div. viu. We learn little of Cicero's domestic affairs from the
ML vi. 6.) ' letters of this period, beyond the fact of Tullia's marriage.
Unfortunately, none of those addressed to his wife or
daughter remain to us. The intercourse between Quintus and Pomponia had again become much disturbed,
as Cicero himself had occasion to observe during his
journey to the province ; and whilst Quintus was in Asia
a separation seemed to be impending. Their son, however, succeeded in once more establishing harmony between
* The books de Republica.

A.U.

them.1

704.

B.C. 50.

cic. 57.

251

This young man, though endowed with several1 EPP.m, 3.;
J

^ 256, 1.. 270.

great qualities, appears to have inherited from both his ^Y'coj/ 1,
parents a highly irritable temperament, and he already at ^f^* (Autimes occasioned his uncle much trouble. He and his
cousin Marcus agreed very well with each other, — all the
better perhaps from their difference of disposition. " The
boys are good friends," Cicero writes to Atticus; " they
study together, and perform the same tasks; but one requires the bridle, the other the spur. Their instructor
Dionysius I esteem highly, although the boys declare that
he is extremely passionate."2 The young Quintus re- 2 #/».252,1.
ceived the gown of manhood from his uncle's hands at
3
Laodicea.3
EPP. 228,4.;
T

•

n 1

252

» 9'

(MU

I t is pleasant to hear expressions or love and tendernessv- 20.; vi. 1.)
from the mouth of the Proconsul, in the midst of his
absorbing cares and anxieties; as, for instance, when he
speaks of his friend's little daughter *, whom he had not
yet seen 4 , and of his beloved Tiro, " t h e purest and most J J ^ 2 2 ^ industrious of young* men" 5 , whose health was matter of5 ^.270.
J

such grave concern to him. Philotimus, his wife's freedman, occasioned him much annoyance. Cicero had reason
to suspect his honesty in some money transactions f; nor
is it unlikely that the circumstances which led subse-*
* Pomponia, afterwards the wife of Agrippa and mother-in-law of the
Emperor Tiberius.
f These transactions were connected principally with the purchase of
some property of Milo's which Cicero had effected under the name of
Philotimus. Milo was himself at that time in banishment, and his estates
were being disposed of in favour of his creditors. He expressed himself
dissatisfied with this proceeding, under the impression that the freedman
was the actual purchaser (Ep. 193.); and Cicero has been suspected by
modern authors of not having acted altogether so disinterestedly as he
would lead one to suppose in the letter referred to above. (Comp. 203, 2.)
We cannot, however, presume to blame him for a transaction the exact
nature of which is so obscure.
M6

(4tt. yi. 7.)

252

L I E E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

quently to his separation from Terentia wrere already
beginning to operate.
There are eighty-three letters belonging to this period;
and these may perhaps be considered the most interesting
of the whole collection, on account of the circumstances
and events of which they treat, and the celebrity of the
persons to whom they are for the most part addressed, nor
less from the living picture they present us of the writer,
whose mean and noble qualities are equally laid bare in
them. Twenty-eight of the set are addressed to Atticus,
who was sometimes at Rome, and more frequently in Epirus during the years 703 and 704, and may be considered
as forming a complete diary of Cicero's journey and his
residence in the province. Whilst these letters afford a
specimen of the confidential and unreserved intercourse
existing between Cicero and Atticus, the twelve addressed
to Appius contain a living image of the political friendships of the time. The following passage is worth noting,
referring to the complaints made by Appius of the reproachful tone of some of Cicero's letters to him: " If, as
you say, these letters were ill expressed, then you need
only believe that they were not really mine. For, as
Aristarchus disclaims for Homer every verse in the
Homeric poems of which he disapproves, so I would have
you reject as not mine whatever displeases you in my
i Ep. 265,4. writings." 1 " These words," he adds, " are meant in j e s t ; "
but we accept them in earnest as a capital illustration of
the character of the class of writings to which Cicero's
correspondence with his political friends belongs.
Two pieces of the collection addressed " To the Consuls,
Praetors, Tribunes, and the whole Senate," are mere for* Epp. 2i9.; mal State documents.*2 The letters to M. Cato have
; 22l.

(Diw.xv.
3 . 1.)

* The account of his campaign in Cilicia, which, as we learn from Ep.
240. (I)iv. xv. 13.), he despatched to the Consuls, is unfortunately lost.

A. u. 704.

B. c. 50.

cic. 57.

253

been already adverted to. One to C. Cassius 1 evinces i Ep. 241.
the friendly relations which had for some time, subsisted
between him and Cicero. Another to Curio 2 congratu-«Ep.227.
lates him on his approaching Tribunate, in which office he v
so grievously disappointed his friend's expectations. Eight
letters are addressed to M. Cselius, whom Cicero had formerly defended, and who was Tribune in the year 702
(in which office he had proposed the decree in Caesar's
favour before mentioned 3 ,) and curule iEdile in the 3 see p. 212.
year following. The remaining twenty-eight letters are
less interesting, with the exception indeed of those to
Volumnius and to Partus, already described.4 They are4 Epp<M9-;y
addressed to a variety of persons; to the actual Consuls,32.; ix.25.)
to those designated for the year 704, to whom Cicero
found time to commend himself notwithstanding the
multiplicity of his avocations, and also to Thermus and
Silius, Proprietors of Asia and Bithynia. Some of these
are mere letters of recommendation.
Besides the letters above enumerated, there are fifteen
addressed to Cicero; fourteen of them by Cselius, not so
finely written as Cicero's (they rather serve by their triviality to convince us of the other's superiority), yet valuable
for their contents; and lastly, the characteristic note from
Cato before mentioned.* 5
5 Ep.m.
When it is considered that a part, more or less conspicuous, is taken in these letters by all the leading statesmen of the day f, the propriety of ranking them amongst
the most important of the whole collection will at once be
conceded. Yet we have hardly touched upon the circumstance which gives them the greatest interest of all,
* These letters, ninety-eight in number, were written, with the exception
of one to Appius from Home which is dated in April, between the beginning
of May 703 and September 704 inclusive.
f As Caesar, Pompeius, Cato, Brutus, Cassius, Curio, C^elius, Appius,
Bibulus, Dolabella.

254

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

namely, that in the two years in the course of which they
were written the relations between Caesar and Pompeius
were decided.
The letters of Caelius are peculiarly valuable for the
light they throw on this subject, and they constitute a
principal source for the history of Rome during this period. , We shall consider them more fully in the next
book. The last of the series concludes with words remarkable in themselves, and full of foreboding to Cicero:
" Unless one or the other (Cassar or Pompeius) turns his
arms against the Parthians, a grand struggle must ensue
between the two, in which the sword will decide. Both
are resolved and both prepared. A fine and (could it
be without danger to yourself) an interesting spectacle is
i EP. 280. in store for you." l
{Div.vm. 14.)

BOOK VII.

LETTERS

OE C I C E R O ,

FROM THE TIME OF HIS DEPARTURE FROM ASIA
TO THE BATTLE OF PHARSALIA,

IN T H E YEARS

704—706. B.C. 50—48.

C2ESAB AND POMPEIUS.

BOOK VII.
SURVEY OF HISTORICAL EVENTS.

A.U. 704. B.C. 50. Cic. 57.
L. -ZEMILIUS PAULUS; C. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS.

I N spite of the law of CaBlius, passed in 702, the Senate
deliberates on the recall of Caesar. On the pretext of a
war with the Parthians, two of his legions are withdrawn
from him and given to Pompeius. Extraordinary honours
, are paid Pompeius on occasion of a severe illness by which
he had been attacked at Naples. Curio the Tribune's
proposition that Pompeius shall also be required to surrender his military force, is favourably received by it.
The Consul Marcellus, however, prevents its adoption,
and Curio sets out to join Caesar at Ravenna.
A. IT. 705. B. C. 49. Cic. 58.
C. CLAUDIUS MARCELLUS, M. F . ;

L. CORNELIUS LENTULUS.

At the commencement of this year, on the motion of
Scipio, the Senate passes a decree that Caesar shall dismiss
his troops and enter the city as a private man. The intervention of the Tribunes M. Antonius and Q. Cassius
being disregarded, they go over to Caesar, who now crosses
the Rubicon. Corfinium having surrendered to him, he
advances to Brundisium, where Pompeius had assembled
his forces, and takes the town by storm; not however
until his adversary had gained the sea. After this, Caesar

258

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

marches to Rome, which he enters on April 1st, makes
some necessary arrangements, and on the 5th sets out
in haste for Spain, in order to crush the Pompeians in
that province. He leaves Trebonius before Massilia, subdues Afranius and Petreius, the legates of Pompeius,
near Ilerda, and Marcus Varro in the Further province.
Q. Cassius is left in command of the army in Spain.
Caesar returns to Massilia, which surrenders. On the
25th September*, while still absent, he is named Dictator
on the proposition of M. Lepidus. He recalls the exiles
of his party, extends the citizenship to the Transpadane
Gauls, and holds Comitia for the elections of the ensuing
year. He then lays down his Dictatorship. In the meanwhile C. Curio reduces Sicily, and crosses over into Africa,
where his army is cut to pieces and himself slain by Juba,
king of Numidia.
A.U. 706. B.C. 48. Cic 59.
C. JULIUS CAESAR, 2 ;

P. SERVJXIUS VATIA ISAURICUS.

Early in this year Caesar, with seven of his legions,
crosses over from Brundisium into Greece, takes Oricum
and Apollonia, where Pompeius had passed the winter,
and there joins M. Antonius, w7ho came to meet him with
four legions. The war is carried on in the neighbourhood
of Dyrrachium, and considerable enterprise and vigour
displayed on both sides. Ca3sar sustains some losses, but
no regular engagement takes place. Pompeius leads his
army, now increased in numbers, and double that of Caesar,
into Thessaly. His adversary follows him, and on the
9th August a pitched battle is fought between them at
Pharsalia. Pompeius is signally defeated; his camp is
taken; the vanquished army surrenders, and many of the
principal officers take refuge in Africa. Pompeius himself
* The dates are here given according to the calendar of that period.

A.U.

706.

B.C. 48,

cic. 59.

259

seeks shelter in Egypt, but is assassinated on first landing
on its shores; Caesar also betakes * himself thither, and
arrives on the 3rd October.
Meanwhile M. Caelius
attempts innovations in Rome; is banished the city by
the Praetor Trebonius ; joins Milo; is defeated, together
with him, and slain. The Consulship for five years, the
powers of the Tribunate for life, and the Dictatorship for
one year, are conferred upon Caesar; Antonius is his
Magister Equitum.

If we glance back at the periods of Cicero's life with
which we have been hitherto engaged, we find him, in the
first, in the full vigour of his youthful aspirations, becoming
initiated into the science of politics, and resting his fortunes upon Pompeius, with whom his future fate was
bound up. Letters he cannot renounce, though it is not
in them he is to find the presiding influences of his life.
In the second period we perceive those principles take
root in him to the maintenance of which he will henceforth devote himself; and the affair of Clodius leads
us to prognosticate the firm stand he will make for the
Optimates. I n the third period, that of Caesar's Consulate, it becomes manifest that Cicero is not a match for
the times ; and in the fourth we see him undergoing the
inevitable fate of the man who attempts to arrest the wrheel
of time in its progress. In the fifth we see him painfully
striving to regain the position he had once enjoyed ; but
he owes all his success to the generosity of Caesar, whose
ambitious schemes it has been the object of his life to
thwart. In the period last under review, we have beheld
him emulating the virtues of ancient Eome, and acting the
Proconsul so as to deserve the triumph. But at this
moment we grieve at seeing weapons thrust into Caesar's

260

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

hand, which must overthrow the maxims of Cicero, together with the Republic herself.
An alliance between two such men as Caesar and
Pompeius could not long exist; and many circumstances,
some of which have been already mentioned, conspired to
produce an actual rupture between them. With Julia,
the daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompeius, whom
» veil. Pater. Velleius calls the pledge of concord between the rivals 1 ,
ii. 47.; Ap-

pjan, B. c. ii. the guardian angel had departed who so often in the form
of woman watches over the passions of men; and her death
was soon followed by that of the son whose birth had occasioned it. The subsequent marriage of Pompeius with
the daughter of Scipio, a vehement Optimate, must have
been highly displeasing to Caesar, who could not fail also
to be dissatisfied with his third Consulship in proportion
as it gratified the Senate, which recovered, through his
power and devotion to it, a shadow of its ancient dignity.
Caesar was particularly irritated at the investigation which,
in the plenitude of his power, Pompeius now instituted
into all public offences during the last twenty years ; a
2
Appian, I . e . period which embraced his own Consulate.
Gabinius and
Memmius, both of whom he had favoured, were banished:
many of the accused immediately went over to him, and
he now became the rallying point for the adversaries of
Pompeius, whilst the Senate thanked their champion and
granted him two new legions. Caesar regarded" the right
of suing for the Consulship while absent from Rome,
which Pompeius accorded him in 702, as a necessary concession made by his rival in consideration of his own
enormous powers. He had obtained in 699 an extension
of his Proconsulate for five years, and had also, with the
sanction of the Senate, raised some new legions, partly at
his own cost, so that his whole number now reached
twelve. He doubled the pay of the soldiers: the people

u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

261

he had studied to gain by all kind of means, and the same
with the provinces and the kings in alliance with Rome. 1 » DioCas^
In the year 703 the developement of the grand tragedy JuL 26-28advanced apace. In the beginning of May, whilst Cicero
was still in Italy on his way to Cilicia, the Consul Marcellus, who was a determined opponent of Caesar and a
warm supporter of Pompeius, took the sense of the Senate
as to the recall of Caesar, and found it favourably disposed
towards the measure.2 Its adoption was, however, hin-\ftf-™^\ZJ
dered by the intervention of some of the Tribunes, and,
in fact, the period of Caesar's Proconsulate had not yet
legally expired.* The Consul resolutely ignored the law
of Caeliusf allowing Caesar to sue for the Consulship
while absent. In his violence, and to show his scorn for
Caesar, he caused a man to be scourged, who, as a citizen
of Novum Comum, a colony planted by Caesar in Transpadane Gaul, and having served a magistracy therein, was
entitled to Latin citizenship, and was under Caesar's patronage ; claims which Marcellus, however, refused to recognize.3 Whether, according to Appian, Caesar had again (J£v!9ii.)';
applied for a prolongation of office, or whether, as Suetonius ^ISet!'
relates, the uneasiness of Marcellus increased when he t^j. 29.'P*ut
saw kings, provinces, and citizens of note all drawn within
the sphere of his attraction, he once more urged his recall
in the Senate, the war in Gaul being concluded; and also
moved that he should not be allowed to sue for the Consulship while absent.4 I t was likewise in agitation to deprive \£*£i ?y

Appian, ii. 25.;
io Cass. x l .
59.; Suet.Jw*.

* Comp. Hirtius, de Bell Gall viii. 53., who says that the majority of 28?
the Senate were against Marcellus ; unless, indeed, there is some confusion
between this affair and that related by Cadius in Ep. 272, 2. (Div. viii. 13.)
f In fact this law of Cselius was in. direct contradiction to another passed
by Pompeius himself; but the copy of the latter, which had been deposited
in the treasury, contained an exception in favour of Caesar. This exception
however, Marcellus asserted to be of no legal force.

262

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i Ep. 223,3. him of some of his veterans l ; but Pompeius, though he
had thrown off the mask of friendship with Caesar^ could
not yet venture on such vigorous measures, and the Consul
Sulpicius, a sensible and moderate man, shrank from irritating Caesar. At lengthy on the last day of September,
it was resolved that the Consuls for the ensuing year
should again bring forward the motion on the 1st of March
following. Any intercession to thwart it was deprecated
with menaces, a clause to which some of the Tribunes
refused their consent.* Pompeius, who had been heard
2 EP. 206. to say that all men must obey the Senate 2, expressed
lv vm 4,)
- - himself to the effect, that before the 1st of March next
he could not without injustice come to any resolution with
respect to Caesar's provinces, but that after that time he
should no longer hesitate. To the question, " W h a t if
any one should intercede ? " he replied, " It would be the
same thing whether Caesar himself disobeyed the Senate,
or whether he instigated others to obstruct the decree."
" B u t what," suggested another, " i f Caesar resolves to
become Consul, and yet retains his army ?" €e What,"
exclaimed Pompeius, " if my own son were to threaten
me with the cudgel ? " We see plainly what a position
Pompeius conceived himself to occupy relatively to Caesar.
His wish was so to manage matters, as that the latter
should return to Rome as a private man, after resigning
his Proconsular power, and in that capacity sue if he
would for the Consulship. But he forgot how improbable
it was, that whilst he himself had been suffered as Consul
to retain possession of Spain, and was also still enjoying
* [The words of this decree are inserted in the letters of Ceelms, 223.
On this point it said : Senatum existimare neminem eorum qui potestatem
habeni intercedendi, impediendi, moram offerre oportere, quo minus de republica
ad Senatum referri, Senatique consultum fieri possit. Qui impedierit, prohibuerit, eum Senatum existimare contra rempublicam fecisse.']

A. u. 706* B. c. 48.

cic. 59.

263

the command of that province with its army, his rival
should quietly concede to him such an advantage over
himself; or that, after his exploits in Gaul, he should consent to forfeit all power and yield himself a prey to his
enemies, by resigning the devoted soldiers whom he had
brought to the highest state of discipline. To advance
his schemes, however, Pompeius procured the election of
two Consuls whom he regarded as decided opponents of
Caesar, C. Claudius Marcellus, and iEmilius Paulus.
Curio, who as yet continued to side with the Senate,
obtained the Tribunate. 1
* Dio
T h e first-named Consul was first cousin t o M . Marcellus, pjan»
and did n o t disappoint t h e hopes of t h e Optimates on
attaining office; b u t his colleague accepted a bribe of 1500
talents to do nothing contrary to t h e interests of Csesar.
Of t h e Censors, Caesar's father-in-law Piso was his open
p a r t i z a n ; and A p p i u s indirectly assisted him, by striking
out of the list several senators and knights, who forthwith
\flocked to his standard. W i t h a larger s u m than t h a t
expended on t h e Consul, Caesar succeeded in b u y i n g Curio,
whom dissipation a n d extravagance had deeply embarrassed, and w h o proved himself exactly t h e m a n he
wanted.*
Cicero's letters are interestino; on this account among*
others, t h a t they exhibit t o us m a n y of t h e most prominent
men of t h e day, as t h e y appeared in different scenes and
at different periods of their existence; thus as it were u n folding before our eyes t h e most remarkable occurrences of
the age. Curio was one of these men. W e have seen h o w
emphatically Cicero had claimed his talents for his coun* Appian, B. C. ii. 27.; Dio Cass. xl. 60—63.; Comp. Yell. Pat. ii. 48.;
Yal. Max. i. 1. Yelleius states the amount of his debts to have been
10,000,000 sesterces; and Yalerius Maximus, 60,000,000. Csesar appears
to have discharged the whole.

264

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

try's service two years before, and the Optimates placed
great confidence in him, assuming as he did the character of
an ardent patriot; but he possessed in a high degree the art
of dissimulation, and managed to deceive even Caesar, who
IDS'. viii.' 4.) deemed him at first not worth the winning.1 In October,
703, after the decree of September, Caelius writes to
\mv vm'.8.) Cicero, "Curio is exerting all his strength against Cassar."2
When, from his camp at Pindenissus, Cicero wrote to
congratulate him on his gaining the Tribunate, he added
to his good wishes an earnest exhortation to assert the
(zw?'i!?7'.) § 0 0 ^ c a u s e » 3 But even in this letter we can discern
symptoms of uneasiness; and when at the beginning of the
4 ^p.242,5. year 704, Caelius informed him 4 , that Curio had begun to
(Day. viii. 6.)

speak in favour of Caesar, he answered, " What say you ?
is Curio promoting the cause of Caesar ? who would have
thought it — except myself? for by my life I guessed it
would be so. Ye gods! how I regret we cannot laugh
5 j^.257,4. over this together."* 5
This merriment was soon, however, to be turned into
mourning. Having once decided for Caesar, Curio played
his new part in a masterly manner. The Consul M.
Marcellus insisted upon Caesar's recall, and, like his cousin,
refused to recognize the law of Caelius. Curio made no
open opposition to the measure, but, seconded by the
populace, he demanded that any general who had retained
the command of his army beyond the time appointed by
e ca?s. B. G. law, should be required to surrender it. 6 Pompeius, he
viii. 52.; Ap-

A
m #

27a"'s^etC*"' w e ^ knew, in his actual position, could do nothing of the
Jul 29.
* See Veil. Pat. ii. 48.; Dio Cass. xl. 60. According to Cselius, Curio
would not seem to have dissembled his intentions so long as Appian and
Dio state to have been the case. Velleius says: Bello civili non alius
majorem Jlagrantioremgue quam C. Curio Tr. pi. subjecit facem, vir nobilis,
eloquens, audax, suce aliencequce et fortunes et pudicitice prodigus, homo ingeniosissime nequam, et facundus malo publico^ cujus animo, voluptatibus vel
libidinibus, neque opes ullce neque cupiditates suffieere possent.

u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

265

kind. He was at this time travelling in Italy for the reestablishment of his health, and was receiving from all
parts the most flattering proofs of the sympathy excited
by the severe illness which had attacked him at Naples,
and which had nearly proved fatal to him. Vows had been
publicly offered for his recovery in all the cities of Italy,
an honour which, as it had never before been paid to any
individual, contributed not a little to increase his selfesteem.1 He wrote a letter, and on his return to Eomeipiut.2jo^.
delivered an oration to the Senate, in which, while he
extolled the deeds both of Caesar and himself, he insinuated
that the Gallic war being now ended, Caesar was bound to
disband his army. He promised to do the same himself,
without, however, specifying any time. For any more
decided step he felt as unequal as in the preceding year 2 ; [f^^tl]
but this conduct was easily seen through by Curio, who
made him rue the Tribunitian power, which, after being
broken by Sulla, he had himself restored. The Tribune was
not to be foiled. He insisted that Csesar's strength ought
not to be diminished, but suffered to remain as a counterpoise to that of Pompeius. He succeeded in causing great
part of the year to be wasted in fruitless discussions*, and
had also the satisfaction of seeing a majority of the Senate
vote for Caesar on some important questions.3 At length y?PP- f£.^
it was resolved that one legion should be withdrawn from ^[ji,71?,i Mu
each of the generals on pretext of the Parthian war.
Caesar made no resistance to this, but besides the legion
required by the Senate, even relinquished another which
Pompeius had formerly lent him, and which he now demanded of him. He dismissed them with a handsome
* There can be no doubt that Marcellus exerted himself both in March
and subsequently to cause the resolution of the Senate {Sen. auctoritas),
which he had obtained in September, to be converted into a decree (Sen*
consultum); but we are without distinct information on this point.

266

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

gratuity-, and an injunction to take the road through Rome,
in order that his liberality and affection for the army might
be made known there. The officers whom Pompeius had
sent to Cassar on this business, brought back a false account of the army of Gaul, which contributed to strengthen
l
BelL
his overweening confidence in himself.1 When asked how
c^'6
he proposed to meet his rival if he should proceed to hostilities with him, he replied: " I have only to stamp on the
ground, and soldiers will spring up for me every where."
The two legions received orders to remain for the winter
2 piut. Pomp, in Capua.2
57.; Appian,

Dio ba'ss 'xi When, towards the end of the year, the Consul Marti^ foil.
cellus again proposed in the Senate the two questions, —
Shall a successor be appointed to Caesar? and'—Shall
Pompeius be required to lay clown his command ? the last
was negatived by a large majority, and the recall of
Ca3sar was unanimously decreed. Curio, nevertheless,
renewed his motion. For the welfare of the State, he
said, it was necessary that both should return to the condition of private individuals; and when he demanded that
the question should be put to the vote, he had 370 voices
in his favour and only 22 against him. Upon this Marcellus broke up the sitting, exclaiming : " You have conquered; you will have Cassar for your master." And
then, a false report having arisen that Caasar was marching
upon Pome, he took the opportunity to require the Senate
to proclaim him a public enemy. Curio opposed this, and
declared the report to be untrue; whereupon Marcellus,
being unable to obtain the decree, in company with the
Consuls elect* repaired to Pompeius, who was then at his
country residence in the vicinity of Pome. Placing a
sword in his hand, he invested him with the command of
* This is Dio's account. Appian says that the Consul JEmilius also
accompanied Marcellus ; but this seems hardly probable.

A.U.

706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

267

the two legions in Capua, and whatever military force
remained in Italy. Pompeius professed his readiness to
obey the behests of the Consuls, " if," he added in his
timid, irresolute manner, " there is no help for it." Curio
however, whose Tribunate was drawing to a close, protested loudly against these proceedings, and left Rome to
join Caesar at Ravenna. l
kA^L3i.;
I t is evident that Caesar, as usual, had played the most ^.° Cass*xl*
prudent part at this juncture. He had taken no open
part against Pompeius; he had simply allowed the fruit of
every earlier concession which had been made him to come
to maturity, justifying Cicero's complaint in a letter
written in December 704 : " Too late we oppose the man,
whom for the last ten years we have cherished against
ourselves." 2 Caesar had made every preparation for a*J*%??%*\
successful struggle with Pompeius, who on the other hand, (°j7/pVn!77\)
confiding in his early fortune, his name, and his adherents,
professed to despise his adversary. Towards the end of
May 704 he arrived in the Hither province, and, accompanied by an army of 5000 foot and 300 horse, repaired
to Ravenna, where he was joined by Curio. He was well
aware that moderation and an apparent love of peace
would be likely to win him the esteem of the multitude^
and could in no case do him any injury. He continued
therefore to avoid any appearance of hostility, causing the
rumour to be spread by his friends in Rome that he was
prepared to relinquish his army, and the Transalpine province which he had gained for the Republic by so many
victories, and that he only desired to retain possession of
two legions and the Cisalpine together with Illyricum,
until he should obtain the Consulship. He insisted indeed
on making use of the permission which had been legally
granted him to sue for that office while absent from the
K 2

26S

i Appian,

city.* 1

B. C. ii. 32.

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

M u c h move than this had been conceded to P o m m

peius, but his enemies only saw that he was desirous of
remaining armed in the neighbourhood of Rome, with the
intention of using compulsion, should occasion require it.
Soon afl er his arrival at Ravenna, he despatched Curio
to the Senate with written proposals to the same effect as
2 Ep. 280,52. those he had made before 2 : namely, that he was ready to
&.? vm* resign his army and his office simultaneously with Pompeius ; but that if the latter persisted in retaining his command, he would forthwith enter Rome and proceed to
avenge his country and himself. This manifestof was
presented to the Senate on the first day of the year 705,
when C. Claudius Marcellus, the son of Marcus^ and L .
Cornelius Lentulus, entered on their Consulship; but it
was only the urgent appeal of the Tribunes M. Antonius
and Qu. Cassius J that prevailed on them to recite it. Its
contents excited alarm and displeasure in the Consuls and
a portion of the assembly: some days later, in spite of
their remonstrances, it was communicated to the people in
their assembly by Antonius, who had already been employed in Csesar's interests in Rome, and through his
influence had been appointed successively Augur and
3 Appian, Tribune. 3
< C ii 32.*^

DioCass."
Things were in this state when Cicero arrived before
Ccss.'io. the gates of the city on the 4th of January. On the 31st
of July he had first set foot in his province, and the
moment the law permitted, apparently on the very day
that his Proconsular year ended, he laid down the burdens
* Suetonius (Jul. 29, 30.) says that Csesar had endeavoured to come to
some agreement with his adversaries on this point, but that they refused to
make any concession.
f It was, according to Cicero, bitter and menacing in its tone. Ep. 301, 2.
Csesar himself says that it contained lenissima postulata. Bell. Civ. i. 5.
J A brother of Caius Cassius, who was subsequently one of the conspirators against Csesar.

A.U.

706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

269

of office. So great was his longing to return to Home,
the city of his affection, the theatre of his achievements,
the head of the Republic whose guardian angel he conceived himself to be, under the influence of a powerful
imagination which overlooked the Jimils of his strength I*
But fate dealt hardly with him, or proved, as frequently
happens, a severe master and chastiser; for when he
returned to Italy, after being delayed on his journey by
contrary winds and other circumstances, he fell directly
into the flames of civil discord j " ; and the long series of
letters which he wrote previously to taking his journey
into Greece to join Pompeius, afford proof that he was
neither capable of extinguishing the flames as he had
hoped, nor of manfully confronting them. If he erred in
overrating his strength, he must have become convinced of
his mistake when he had time and composuie enough for
self-examination, and a feeling of humiliation must have
added bitterness to his punishment. " Oh, how I wish 1 1
were once again in my province !" x he writes to Atticus, £p'2^>3°

•

{Ait. VII. 1 )

from Athens, while on his journey home, and sail ignorant
how much cause for complaining the ensuing months would
give him. Very characteristic, too, are the following
words which close another of his letters from Athens:
" What, I pray you, will become of us ? I am best here
in my watch-tower on the Acropolis." i 2 This was writ- 2 EP. 282,4
••
*

ten just after he had received intelligence that Csesar was
about to occupy Placen tia with a considerable army. §
For the sake of his son and nephew, Cice±o took Ilhodes
* Ego, in cujus causa reipublicce consisiebat Ep. 294, 1. (Att. vii. 3.)
f Incidi in ipsam fiammam civllis discordice. Ep. 301, 2. (Div. xvi. 11.)
f [In arce Athenis statio mea nunc placet. Travelling with an armed
retinue he was lodged, perhaps, in the citadel. See Manutius in loc.
I question whether Abeken has given the exact sense of the words.]
§ This was an exaggerated report. [Caesar had only one legion with
him in the Cisalpine.]
w 3

(Att. vi. 9.)

270

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

iis/>p.27o.; on his way.1 He was desirous of showing them that
vi.7,8-)" ' flourishing island, and of introducing them to the celebrated school of rhetoric where he had himself studied
with so much zeal and success under Molo. Here news
reached him of the death of Hortensius, in whom he had
to mourn a friend and associate in his present difficulties,
and a former colleague in office, with whom he had looked
« Ep. we, 3. to living henceforth more familiarly 2, as the suspicions he
had harboured of him during his exile had long ago
vanished. " I was deeply affected," he says ; u for I had
lost, not an adversary or a detractor from my merit, but
3 Brut, i, 2. a companion who sympathized in my honourable labours." 3
From Rhodes Cicero sailed to Ephesus, where he
arrived towards the end of September, after a tedious
voyage of twenty days. Here an acquaintance of his,
Battonius by name, met him, with a letter from Atticus,
who had gone to Rome on the 20th September; he also
brought him tidings of Caesar, whose daring ambition had
so long caused him deep uneasiness. He now heard of
his absolute refusal to disband his army, and of the favour
g£w-281.i-in which he was held by many of the highest magistrates.4
o«*.vi.8,9.)On the 1st October he left Ephesus, and, after being
again delayed by contrary winds, landed on the 14th in
the Piraeus, from whence he proceeded to Athens. Here
he received more letters from Atticus. as well as some
from Terentia, and gained further intelligence respecting
Caesar's movements ; intelligence which, as we have seen,
cast a gloom over his residence in his beloved city of
5 Epp. 283, i.; Minerva.5 His disquietude was enhanced by the arrival
282, 1.4.

(Div. xiv.5.; 0 f letters from both the contendino; chiefs, each of whom
Att. vi. 9.)

was now prepared for the approaching struggle and
« Ep 284,2. anxious to secure his adherence.6 In the midst of his
cares and perplexities, however, Cicero enjoyed a momentary gratification in pointing out to his youthful com-

A.U.

706.

B.C. 48.

eic. 59.;

271

panions the monuments of the former glory of Athens,
and introducing them to her celebrated teachers of philosophy and rhetoric. After a short sojourn in this city,
he went to Patras in Achaia, where his favourite Tiro,
whose health had already been a subject of anxiety to him
in Cilicia, became so ill that he was forced to leave him
behind

. ^iffi.

His regard for this freedman is one of the most beautiful \;} Dtv-xvitraits in Cicero's life. Let us think of him as he is represented to us in his works, his letters, and in history.
His energy and perseverance have achieved for him the
highest possible reputation for eloquence, and the death
of Hortensius has left him without a rival in this department, whilst Rhodes and Athens have borne flattering
testimony to the position he occupies. His Consulate has
placed him on the highest pinnacle of fame, and he is
now returning from the province, his administration of
which has even increased his reputation. Yet, in the
midst of these gratifying circumstances, in the midst
also of the anxiety which oppresses him in the threatened
dangers of the Commonwealth, we find him full of the
most tender affection for his freedman, and appearing as
though this were the absorbing passion of his soul. We
cannot indeed read without emotion the letters addressed
to Tiro, dating from the 3rd November. A father could
not express more tender interest in a beloved son. Three
of these letters bear the same date. We detect in them
the writer's ardent longing to be rejoined by the object
of his interest, though the dread of his venturing to sea
before his health would safely admit of it always preponderates. His brother, son and nephew all share in
these sentiments. He sends a slave to Patrae to inquire
after Tiro's health, and writes himself to the sick man's
physicians.
Omitting nothing which sincere affection

272

LIFE A^D LETTERS OF CICERO.

could suggest to cheer him and alleviate his sufferings,
he exerts himself, in the midst of the most harassing
i Ep.30]. cares, to write him a long letter full of minute details.1
n.)'
No doubt he painfully- missed Tiro's assistance in his
business and literary avocations, but his tenderness towards him was caused by purer motives. Whilst he was
still lying sick at Patras, Cicero, writing about the middle
of December to Atticus, says, " I see you are anxious
about Tiro. Though, his services are invaluable to me in
all my pui suits and occupations when he is in health,
yet it is his intrinsic worth and excellence, rather than the
consideration of my own interests, that make me long for
a 7?p.296.2. his recovery."2 That his letters to Tiro convey a true
expression of his feelings towards him, is proved by the
3
Ep. 293,3. tenor of those addressed at the same time to Atticus. 3
His care for Tiro remained undiminished even when his
4
#pp.358,2;anxieties had reached their climax.* 4
ix.'i7'.; x. i) Cicero qui tied Paine on the 2nd November, and passing
through AJyzia in Acarnania, and Leucas, reached the
5 EP.292, i. promontory of Actium on the 7th 5 , wherehe was detained
(Diu. xvi. 9.)

by stress of weaiher till the 9th. On that day he sailed
to Coreyra, but was here again detained by storms till the
16ih, and was then kept, from the same cause, at Cassiope,
a harbour of the Corcyrseans on the main land. Tie set
sail for Italy on the 23rd, and landed safely on the following day at Tlydruntum. On the 25th he reached Brundisium, and bis wife Terentia, whom he had begged to
come as far as she could to meet him, entered the city by
the gate of the Appian road at the same time that he left
* According to the common opinion Tiro did not get his emancipation
until after Cicero's return from his province; but Schiitz assigns an earlier
date to this event, because in the letter Quintus wrote expressing his joy
upon it he appears to have been for some time separated from his brother,
on which account Schiitz imagines it to have been written during the time
that he was acting as Caesar's legate in Gaul, perhaps in the year 700.

u. 706. B.C. 48. cic. 59.

273

the harbour, and husband and wife rejoined each other in
thp "Forum

Uitf J} O I U K l ,

' EPP

283 3

' -

292, 1.; 293, 2.

Cicero now trod the soil of Italy as Imperator; and, ^"'xli'.'t;
accompanied by his lictors with their fasces wreathed in xvl '
laurels, aspired to enter Rome in triumph.
This was an honour eagerly coveted by every Roman
who conceived himself qualiiied to play a part in the
mighty Republic, when he returned from the administration of a province. I t was the surest passport to power
and favour, displayed as it was before the eyes of a sympathizing and all-powerful populace. Cicero was the more
entitled to expect it, as it had been accorded to Lentulus,
formerly a governor of Cilicia, for achievements exactly
similar to his own 2 ; and his immediate predecessor Appius 2 EP. 250,3.
was also secure of obtaining it.* W e have seen in what
terms Cicero wrote to Cato, early in the year, when he
was soliciting a supplication. Probably, he regarded this
honour as the forerunner of a triumph, and such Cato
seems to have considered it. 3 On this occasion, however,3 Ep.zm.
.
. .
.
. (Div-xv-5-)
his friends in Rome anticipated the expression of his
wishes.4 After Cicero's arrival at Athens, when the a c - 4 ^ . 263.
counts which he received irom Rome announcing the
approach of the open rupture between Csesar and Pompeius
became daily more alarming, causing him to look forward
with the greatest apprehension to the 1st of January, the
solicitation for a triumph appeared to offer him a convenient excuse for absenting himself from Rome and the
Senate on that critical day.5 Although in his heart he 5 EP> 284*2-:
(Alt

had decided for Pompeius, he feared having to declare
* It is worth remarking that Caesar first learned the art of war in
contests with the savage Cilicians. Suet. Jul. 3. Tacitus mentions a
certain Sulpicius Quirihius who, in the time of Augustus, received the
insignia of a triumph for the conquest of the castles of the Homonadenses,
wild mountaineers in Cilicia. {Ann. iii. 48.)
w 5

vii 1 }

274

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

himself openly, and give his vote against Caesar, and it
wras probably this dread which caused him to loiter over
the latter part of the journey he had begun in so much
haste.
In a letter to Atticus from Brundisium, he says: " I
had no ambition to obtain a triumph before those impudent letters of Bibulus were written and followed by so
splendid a supplication.* Had he really achieved the
deeds he wrote of, I should rejoice in his honours, and seek
to promote them; but that they should be conferred on a
man, who, as long as the enemy was on this side of the
Euphrates, never set foot outside his door,— and denied to
me, in whose army he placed all his hopes of his own,—
this would be a disgrace to us,—to us, I say, including you.
For this reason, I shall try every means, and shall, I hope,
i EP. 293,5. succeed in gaining my desire." l I t was not the distinction
Att.xii.

2>)

T»«

•

i^»

conferred on Bibulus alone that stimulated Cicero; he
would have considered himself degraded also by the side
of Lentulus and Appius had he not permitted himself to
sue for a triumph.
These expressions betray a susceptible and irritable temperament, but they hardly justify the severe condemnation
some writers have passed upon him; whilst the passionate
tone of the passage just quoted, which is apparent also in
that immediately following, testifies at least to the sincerity of his feelings. His wish to enter Rome in triumph
was met by Pompeius, whose policy it was, by supporting
the leading Optimates, to bind them more closely to his
own interests.! But Cicero's anxiety on this point soon
* This was a supplication of twenty days, granted by the Senate at the
instigation of Cato. [Such honours were of course generally conferred or
withheld from motives of policy. Bibulus, as well as Appius and Lentulus,
was a warm partizan of the Senate.]
f Ep. 295, 2. (Att. vii. 4.) [Pompeium vidi iv. Id. Decembres. Fuimus
una duas horas fortasse. Magna Icetitia mihi visus est affici meo adventu;

A. u. 706.

c. 48.

crc. 59.

275

came to an end, and after his interview with Pompeius
we find him distinctly declaring his indifference with
regard to a triumph.1
* EP. 298,5.
The dangers which now threatened the State might
indeed well have extinguished all aspirations after its
highest honours, even in a more ambitious man. In the
midst, however, of the agitations with which the new year
opened in the Senate, several voices demanded a triumph
for Cicero 2 , and the Consul Lentulus promised that he 2 EP 381» &
r

(.Div. xvi. 11 )

would himself propose it, as soon as the more urgent
business of the State should have been despatched. Cicero,
after informing Tiro of this, adds: " For myself, I show
no eagerness for anything, and my influence is so much
the greater."
To preserve this influence in the present state of
affairs, now that he wras once more in Italy, wTas his chief
anxiety. The year 705 was rapidly approaching. C.
Claudius Marcellus and L. Cornelius Lentulus were about
to assume the Consulate, and soon the Senate would have
to decide on Cassar's proposals. Cicero's embarrassment
is vividly portrayed in the letters he addressed to Atticus
during his journey, and before his arrival at the gates.
W e will quote a passage from one of those written from
Athens. " I conjure you by my fortunes, by all the love
you bear me, by your uniform prudence, to consider the
situation I am placed in. I foresee such a struggle in
de triumpho hortari, suscipere partes suas; monere ne ante in Senatum act
cederem quam rem confecissem, ne dicendis sententiis aliquem tribunam
alienarem. Immediately afterwards, however, we find Pompeius proposing
to send Cicero with the imperium into Sicily, much to his mortification, and
allowing the question of the triumph to drop. It is probable that Appius
and others were jealous of Cicero's obtaining the honour, and exerted their
influence against him. It may be suspected, also, that the advice given him
not to enter the Senate was meant to obviate the moderate counsels he
would doubtless have given in the impending crisis.]
N

276

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

reserve for us, as we have never yet had to undergo,
unless the Deity, who relieved me more effectually than I
dared hope in the Parthian war, now extend his succour
to the Republic. But this misfortune touches me in common with all, nor is this what I would commend to your
consideration, but rather the problem which I individually
have to solve. You see how, in accordance with your
advice, I connected myself with both chiefs: with one
because he deserved so much from me; with the other
because he was so powerful. By the friendly devotion I
manifested to their interests, I succeeded in obtaining the
affection of each as much as any man. So close was at
that time the connexion between the two, that while I
conceived that in allying myself with Pompeius I should
not be called upon to do anything against the good of the
Republic, I did not expect that in adhering to Caesar I
should be required to fight against Pompeius. At this
moment however, as you point out to me, and as I can
myself discern, a mortal contest is impending between
them. Both reckon me among their adherents, unless indeed one of them only feigns to do so: for Pompeius does
not hesitate to believe, wThat is the truth, that I entirely
approve of his present sentiments towards the Republic.
I received letters from each of them at the same time
lu^Att^ii ^^ ^ o°* y o u r s 19 a n d I am led to believe that they value
3>)
my adherence above everything. 'Now what am I to do ?
I speak not with reference to the final result (for if the
affair is to be decided by arms, I would choose to be
conquered with Pompeius, rather than to conquer with
Caesar), but of the question which will be in agitation
when I arrive*, whether Caesar's claim of absence is to
be respected, or whether he shall be required to dismiss
* Cicero expected, at that time, to reach the termination of his journey
yet earlier.

A. u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

277

his army ? * When I hear the words, ' Speak, Marcus
Tullius,' what shall I say ? * Wait, I beseech you, till I
have consulted with Atticus.' There is no room for compromise. Shall I speak against Cassar? Where then are
all my solemn promises? For this claim of absence I
supported at his own request. At his request do I say ?
At that of our Cnseus also, preferred to me in that glorious
third Consulate of his. Shall I now be of a different opinion ? I fear not Pompeius alone, but —
Tpebas, fcal TpomSas:
TlovXvhdfjLas? fiov Ttpmros iXsy^si^v fcaraOrjosL.^
Whom do I mean ? You, yourself, the panegyrist of my
actions and of my writings." l
i EP. 284,2.
On the 6th December Cicero reached Herculanum 2 ,2 Ep. 294,1.
whence he repaired to the Trebulan villa of his friend
Pontius Aquila. On the 10th he had an interview with
Pompeius, who had undertaken a journey through the
south of Italy, hoping by bis absence from Kome at that
juncture to avoid the appearance of being implicated in
the transactions of the Senate. l i e incurred the blame
of many of the knights and senators for this conduct 3 , 3 EP.296,4.
which, however, was of a piece with the wish to save
appearances which be continually manifested. Meanwhile
the opponents of Csssar siiU looked to him for countenance, and he in reality directed all their machinations.
Cicero had an interview with him for two hom*s. Pompeius, who was evidently anxious to secure his adherence,
* In the last letter Cicero received in Asia from Caelius, he says:
"Pompeius is firmly determined that Csesar shall not become Consul,
unless he gives up his army and provinces; Csesar, on the other hand, is
convinced that he is lost if he does not retain his army."' Ep. 280, 2.
(JDiv, viii. 14.), written in September.
f Iliad, vi. 442.; xxii. 105.

278

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

manifested the most friendly disposition towards him,
expressed great joy at his return, and advised him to sue
for a triumph, promising to use every effort himself to
promote his success. A war with Csesar he seemed to
\Atf'vh5,i) ^0°k u P o n a s inevitable after what had recently occurred.1
Cicero's irresolution was now at an end. Obeying the
dictates of his nature, he determined to espouse the cause
of the Republic, or rather of the Senate and Optimates.
The letter he wrote to Atticus from the Trebulanum,
shortly before his interview with Pompeius, is very re2 EP. 294. • markable.2 I t proves that, as Cicero plainly perceived,
the strife between the two generals was only for supreme
power. But yet, though he still endeavoured to preserve
Caasar's good will, he could hardly avoid espousing the
interests of Pompeius, inasmuch as the Senate and the
Optimates were ranged on his side. Besides this, he had
latterly conceived a more exalted idea of the character of
fEpp.i99,i.;Pompeius3, and the feelings of friendship and devotion he
i.; 264,2.;' had for many years cherished for him, now spoke loudly
ioV^tt" * n k*s Phalli " What then will you do? do you ask? "
vi.»
YIQ says in a letter to Atticus written some time later: " I
will do, even as the cattle do, who, when they are
scattered, follow their own kind. As the ox follows his
herd, so will I follow the Optimates, or those who are
A
*»- 298,5. called by that name, even if they run wild." 4
(Att. vii. 7.)
Gloomy indeed must have been the thoughts which
occupied him when he could write in such a strain ! But
still more melancholy are the terms in which he speaks of
the party for which he had declared himself, in the same
letter (of the 20th December) : " You say that I am the
object of vast expectations, and that none of the welldisposed, or of the not ill-disposed, have any doubt of my
sentiments and opinions. I do not understand whom you
mean by the well-disposed, for I know of none myself;

u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

279

at least of no such class. Can the Senate be said to be
well-disposed, through whose means the provinces remain
without governors ? * Or the Publicans, who have never
been constant to any one except now to Caesar ? Or the
Usurers ? Or the husbandmen, wTho are actuated solely by
their desire for peace ? Unless, indeed, you imagine that
they dread a king, who for the sake of tranquillity have
never yet shrank from one."
For the rest, he for his part desired nothing more
ardently than peace, for he plainly foresaw on whose side
victory would declare itself in the impending conflict, and
trembled for the consequences. Rather indeed than stake
everything on the chances of war, he would have acceded
to the demands of Caesar, extravagant as he deemed
them.1

Epp.2M,2.}

296 4.* 297.

From the Trebulanum, Cicero went to his villa near (Att vn. 3. 5.
6.); Veil.

Formiae 2 , intending to proceed on the last day of De- Pat - "•48cember to Terracina, and thence to the Alban villa of (Au.\aX)
Pompeius. He hoped to reach the gates of Rome on the
3rd January, his birth-day 3 , but was delayed till the 4th.^J^? 6 ;. 3 He had another conversation with Pompeius, who overtook him at Lavernium on the 27th, and they proceeded
to Formise in company. Their discourse turned chiefly
upon a speech which the Tribune M. Antonius had
delivered on the 23rd, in wThich he had violently attacked
the whole public career of Pompeius.f Cicero perceived
that his companion dreaded, above everything, Caesar's
* When the Senate was deliberating on the question of superseding the
governors in the provinces, and Curio protested against it, the Consul
M. Marcellus endeavoured to take measures against his intercession, but
was overruled by a majority of voices. This was in Caesar's favour. Ep.
272, 2. (Div. viii. 13.)
t Possibly this speech may have served as the model for Cicero's second
Philippic.

280

\EP.299.

(Ate. vii. 8.)

LIFE AND LETTEKS OF CICERO.

gaining the Consulate a second time *; and that he felt
confident that he could easily get rid of him, if he were
treated as an enemy. His words seem to have inspired
Cicero with courage, and made him feel as if he were once
more listening to the great general of former times.1
&

' .

On the 4th January he arrived before the walls of
(2^'xvi!2* ^ o m e « 2 At length he had reached the place where for
1L)
twenty months he had so constantly and passionately
longed to b e ; where alone, as he imagined, he could live
*,£p*y\>?i and breathe. 3 In what condition did he find the city?
J

(Div. li. 15.)

And what were his own feelings now that he stood before
its gates ? Such is the caprice of fortune, that when a
man has attained the object of his ardent desire, it generally proves but an empty bubble, or something even worse.
We have seen what grief and anxiety Cicero had been
suffering for months past, though he could sometimes recover courage wheu he remembered the tutelary Goddess
< Ep.294,2. of the city, the protectress also of his own fortunes 4 : but
(^W.vii.3.)

what now weighed most heavily upon him was the consciousness that much of the blame he imputed to the
rulers of the State, attached also to himself for having
assisted in making Caesar so powerful f; and thus he was
denied even the miserable consolation of accusing fortune.$
* Turn, (in priore consulatu) plus valuit quam tota respublica. JEp. 300.
(Att vii. 9.)
f " If the Republic is to be defended, why was it not defended when
Caesar was Consul ? . . . Why was his imperium prolonged, and in
such a manner ? Why was there such a struggle for it, that ten Tribunes
brought forward the proposal that he should be permitted to sue for the
Consulship while absent." Ep. 294, 3.
f [Cassar had tried to ensnare Cicero among others by a loan of money,
for Cicero himself, after the dilapidation of his fortune by Clodius, was
reduced to pecuniary difficulties. The patriot was too honest to surrender
his political principles to his necessities ; nevertheless, there is something
ludicrous in his complaint to his faithful Atticus, that he must sacrifice the
funds he had reserved for the expenses of his triumph to the repayment of

A.U.

706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

281

" I torment myself day and night," he says, at the conclusion of the last letter before his arrival.
His reception was as warm and honourable as he could
have desired; but his attempts to mediate between the
contending parties were utterly fruitless1, for various were l %VP>301,2.;
0

302, 1. (Div.

m i

the conflicting interests which stood in the way. The™-11* 12«)
Consul Marcellus was a determined aristocrat; whilst his
colleague Lentulus, who was dependent on his creditors,
looked forward to a civil war in the hope of becoming
a second Sulla. He urged the strongest measures, disregarding all the proposals of the more moderate party,
and threatening, should he be opposed, to throw off the
authority of the Senate, and betake himself to Caesar, who
would gladly receive him.2 Scipio, the father-in-law of^cses.mi.
Pompeius, hoped amidst these civil broils to escape from a
trial which menaced him. Cato regarded Caesar as even
a worse foe to liberty than Pompeius. None heeded
Cicero's recommendations of peace and concession.3 Its viut. Ges.\
r

31.; Pomp.

was now carried by vote in the Senate, that Caesar, against g ; 5 ^ - ^
whom Cato and Scipio declaimed the most violently, 1L)
should lay down his arms immediately, or be declared a
public enemy. L . Domitius was named his successor in
Cisalpine Gaul, and appointed to command an army;
while the Consul, Praetors, Tribunes and Consulars were
charged to watch over the safety of the Republic. These
decrees were passed on the 6th January- 4 Pompeius took4 c&s.BeiL
n

•

Civ.i.b.

part m all these transactions, principally through the
medium of Scipio; and the Tribunes Antonius and Cassius,
finding their protests disregarded, hastened secretly and in
disguise to Caesar's camp, accompanied by Curio and
his debt to the enemy of his country. Mihi autem Mud molestissimum est,
quod sohendi sunt nummi Ccesari el instrumentum triumphi eo conferendum.
Est enim'd/nopcpovavTiiroXLrevoijJvov xpew^giAeVrjs esse. Ep. 299. (Att. vii.

8.)1

282

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

M. Cselius, who had likewise declared for him in the
i Bio cass. interval.1
xll. 1—3.;

%?v.\B\-5.< Here let us pause for a moment to reflect upon the posture
cJvAiw*11' °f affairs, and the aspect they presented to Cicero. We
have already seen that he had lost all faith in the Commonwealth as it then existed, and was fully aware that Pompeius aimed at supreme dominion, whilst he could not fail
to perceive the miserable condition to which his govern?
ment had reduced the State. On the other hand he saw,
that amid the baseness and selfishness of the so-called
Optimates, and the utter nullity of what was once the
people, the Republic could maintain itself no longer;
wThereas under Pompeius it seemed yet possible to preserve at least its outward semblance. Full, moreover, of
aristocratic prejudices, he saw in Caesar the destroyer
of time-hallowed institutions, and failed to discern in him
2 Ep. 3oo.; the creator of a new order of things 2 : while he regarded
304, 1. (Att.

vii. 9. u.et his followers as a set of upstarts, strangers to the ancient
L

passim.)

decorum. " A new system produces new men." He felt
the truth of this axiom; and from the high rank which
his unceasing exertions had gained for him amongst the
Optimates, looked down with abhorrence on these " new
men," to whom all his feelings were so much opposed,
while he affected to believe that the crowd which flocked
to Csesar's standard was composed exclusively of " voluptuous youths," " a good-for-nothing populace," and " insolent Tribunes." * The horror with which he regarded
them is conveyed in the description he wrote of them,
when he beheld them assembled around their victorious
/^•• as9 ;^ leader.3
{Att.

IX.

18.);

(SJJ'vm 3';

He had soon to acknowledge that he had been led astray

14.) *

* Caesar could not afford to be very particular in his choice, and there
were, no doubt, many characters of this description in his camp. And after
all what was the character of many of his opponents ?

u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

283

by his imagination, which caused him to regard Caesar,
once the object of his adoration, as a second Cinna or
Sulla, if not an actual Phalaris. 1 He had doubted whether ^f^^M.;
he should not be called a Hannibal rather than a Roman [£*%$'7*
Imperator 2 , and would not allow in his character even a2 ^.394,1.
shadow of goodness.* But in a short time he had to
stand in the presence of this very Cassar, and in his own
person to experience his clemency, and had then to confess,
if not utterly blinded by prejudice, that the virtues of a
great man march hand in hand with his wisdom towards
the goal which fate and his own will have set before him.
There was nothing, indeed, of Sulla or of Cinna in Caesar's
composition; he desired to rule, and nature had formed
him for a ruler. In his road to sole dominion, for which
Eome was then ripe, and which alone could save her,—for
without it she could no longer exist,— many ancient forms
must of necessity be trampled on, many ancient rights
must be violated. His motto was : —
" Si violandum est jus, regnandi gratia
Violandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas." f

We may not arrogate to ourselves the liberty of judging
such a man, but let him who would adopt his maxims first
examine whether he be himself a Caesar. $ Timoleon is
* When Cassar had crossed the "Rubicon, Cicero wrote to Atticus: O
hominem amentem et miserum, qui ne umbram quidem rod /caAoO viderit!
Ep. 304. In another letter he says of him: Ne simulare quidem poteril
quidquam TTOALTIKCCS.

Ep. 307, 6. {Ait. vii. 13.)

f The words of Eteocles in the Phssnissse of Euripides, 534, 535.:
Enrep yap aducsiv XP^t Tvpavvidos irepi
KaKkiGTOv adiKeTv * r'&Aka 5' iv(re€tlv xpewr.

Suet. Jul 30.; Cic. de Off, iii. 21.
J In his speech against Vatinius Cicero asks him: Si jam violentior aliqua
in re Ccesar fuisset, si eum magnitudo contentionis, studium glorice, prcestans
animus, excellens nobilitas aliquo impulisset, quod in Mo vivo et turn ^erendum

284

LIFE

AND LETTERS OF

CICEKO.

perhaps without a counterpart in history, but even he
stands at a vast distance from Cassar in respect of intellectual greatness.
And what was Pompeius in comparison with him ? " He
betrays the utmost timidity and perturbation of mind,"
i ^p.307,2. Cicero writes of him to his friend on the 20th of January. 1
J

(Att. vn. 13.)

As soon as the news reached him that Ca3sar had crossed
the llubicon and was advancing rapidly through Picenum,
he hastened to leave Home, in order to escape the tumultuary concourse of the citizens about him, and reach
his two legions in the south of Italy, which constituted his
only hope for the moment; whilst Favonius sneeringly
observed, it was time for him now to stamp upon the
2 Appian, ground.2 Cicero was wrong in blaming him for abandoning:
3eU.dv.iU

. . .

7.
liome at tins juncture* 5 ; lor he was not m a position to
u 3 ?
304/2'.'; 32 4.; maintain the city: his real fault consisted in not having
vii.'iofii*.; prepared himself in time to encounter such an adversary

viii. 1, 2.)

CSS,M

Civ. i. 14.

as Cassar, who, on his part, could venture to commence
hostilities with a single legion, in the conviction that
soldiers would join him at every step, and that the troops
he had left beyond the Alps would follow him with the
celerity he had himself taught them.* Meanwhile Lentulus, in too great consternation to execute the orders of
Pompeius, and carry off the public treasure and offerings
in the temples, fled the day after his chief, and neglected
even to lock the inner sanctuary of the treasury. 4 He
J

was followed by the other Consul, and most of the au^
thorities. Pompeius had declared that he would regard as
5
Dio Cass, enemies any that remained in Rome 5 : he required the
pian, Bell.
Civ. ii. 37.

essct, et maximis rebus, quas postea gessit obliterandum : id tu iibL furcifer,
sumes et Vatinii latronis ac sacrilegi vox audielur, hoc postulantis, ut idem
sibi concedatur quod Ccssari ?
* T h e twelfth, legion overtook him after he had taken Cingulum (Cses.
Bell. Civ. i. 12.). Many soldiers h a d joined him befoie this, and he had
levied recruits in all directions.

A.U.

706.

B.C,

48.

cic. 59.

285

magistrates and the Senate to join him in Campania. In
the present posture of affairs he was regarded as a Dictator.
No attempt was made at enlistment in the city; the moment for action was lost; nothing appeared safe this side
of Capua. " The abandonment of the city by her magistrates, above all the flight of Pompeius,5' writes Cicero
to Atticus, "has made an amazing impression on men's
rmnd<3 " *

*
~

1 E

302 2

' -

minus.
utf.vii. ii.)
Immediately after this, he quitted his own residence in
the neighbourhood of the city*, and proceeded to Campania. Pompeius had committed io him the superintendence of the Campanian coast 2 , where he was charged to2nPp.301,4.;
levy troops, to provide for the tranquillity 01 the region, VP. 11.•, Bw.
and to watch over the interests of the Pompeians generally. The Consul Lentnlus and other leading personages
met him at Formiae. All were alike in alarm and perplexity.3 His own anxiety increased daily. " Shall ^"Ifa.'^ifh.)
he writes from hence to Atticus, " embrace without reserve the cause of Pompeius ? I am not alarmed by the
danger, but I am distracted with grief. Everything has
been done so inconsiderately, and so entirely against my
advice!" 4 He had, besides, begun to suspect that Pom-\ftf'^\2>
peius was meditating a flight beyond the sea, and his
distress was further augmented by his fears for the females
of his family, who had remained in the city. What treatment might they expect from Caesar ?
How would
Pompeius interpret his conduct in leaving them there ? " 5 '^f^fc6"'
Pompeius was now traversing Apulia and the adjacent i2V)14,; xvL
districts with a show of activity, but in reality undecided
how to act. His hopes rested solely on the two legions at
* On Jan. 19th, according to the date assigned to Ep. 303. This letter
was written either on his journey from Rome, or immediately before his
departure from the city. In the next letter, of the 21st Jan., we read that
Caesar was already besieging Ancona. Atticus informed Cicero of this
from Rome.

286

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Capua; for the new levies were pressed unwillingly into
the service, and showed no readiness to fight against Cassar's
3w^3o3805*; veterans.1 Cicero derived some encouragement from the
13*/140*'12' desertion °f Labienus, one of Caesar's ablest lieutenants 2 :
2 Epp. 304.; but what was the good of this desertion, since he in whose
307.; 308.

{£'**•?}*' U- favour it was made could make no use of it, at least in
7

13, 14.); Dio

Cass. xii. 4. Italy ? A gleam of hope presented itself to Pompeius,
when Lucius Caesar, a relative of the Imperator, who had
been sent to Rome to persuade him to peaceful measures,
returned with an answer to the effect that he was willing
to cease from hostilities, if Pompeius, on his part, would
retire to his province, and restore entire freedom to the
Republic, Cicero saw the ambassador at Minturnae, on
the 25th of January, and sneered at his insignificance,
whilst the terms offered by Caesar appeared to him in3 Ep.307,6. tolerable.3
(Att. vii. 12.
Div. xvi. 13.);

Pompeius, encouraged by the acquisition of Labienus,
returned the following answer in the presence of the
Consuls at Teanum : — " Caesar's terms shall be granted,
on condition that he retreats beyond the Rubicon and
relinquishes all the cities he has taken : when this has been
done we will return to the city, and leave all further
4 Ep. 308, I. negotiations in r the hands of the Senate 4 ; but until Caesar
VIM-TIG"'

(Alt. vii. 14.)

. °

n i

T-»

gives security for the performance of these terms, Pompeius
5 pees.Beii. and the Consuls will not suspend the levy of troops." 5
Caesar was incensed at the conditions required of him, nor
was it likely he would consent to disband his army, while
his adversary continued to augment his own. The negotiation proved fruitless, and Curio laughed at the whole
<*£;>. 3i6. affair.6 I t seems probable that Caesar himself was not in
(Att. vii. 19.)

•

earnest m the proposals he made, or that at any rate he
did not wish them to be accepted. But the fact of his
having proposed terms of accommodation placed him in an
advantageous position, and enabled him to appear innocent

A. u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

287

of the blood of his countrymen which was soon to be shed.
After despatching his proposals, which were equitable in
themselves, he continued to display the same activity in
his movements. " Out upon the accursed robber!" Cicero
exclaims; " shame upon the Republic! whose disasters
can scarcely be repaired by any amount of future tranquillity." # l
> ^p.315,2.
(Att

vii 8 "
1

No dependence could be placed either on the Consuls.
They had appointed Cicero to meet them at Capua on the
5th of Februar}'. He had gone there before this, on the
27th of January, to expedite the levy of troops, and had
found the Campanian colonists little disposed to take part
against Caesar, to whom they owed their estates.2 But2^p.3os, i.;
311 • 314.*

now, in obedience to the Consuls, he hastened thither c^«'vii. i4.
lb, 17.)

* Caesar's account of this negotiation does not quite harmonize with
Cicero's. (Cses. Bell. Civ. i. 6—14.) According to the former L. Caesar
and the Praetor Eoscius met him at Ariminum (c. viii.), bearing proposals
from Pompeius (privati officii mandata) of a nature he could not accept;
and he sent them back to Pompeius, with his own terms. The envoys
found Pompeius at Capua (c. x.) ; not at Teanum, as Cicero relates. And
the unfavourable answer he returned was received by Csesar at Ariminum,
where he still was (c. xi.), who then first proceeded to occupy Ancona and
Pisaurum, and to advance himself upon Auximum (c. xii.). After his
successes there, Pompeius and the Consuls fled from Rome (c. xiv.)'; which
would imply that Pompeius had returned there from Capua, after his first
flight in consequence of the passage of the Rubicon, which is out of the
question. On the other hand, Cicero, as related in the text, saw L. Csesar
on his way to Pompeius, at Minturnae on the 25th Jan., after the flight
from the city; and the siege of Ancona had commenced before the 21st*
(Ep. 304, 1.) According to this, Caesar must have left Ariminum before
receiving the answer of Pompeius, whose interview with the ambassador
must have taken place after his flight from Rome. (Comp. Dio Cass. xli. 6.)
As, however, Cicero's letters were written on the spot, and his accounts are
corroborated by the historians of the time, we must assume that Caesar has
been guilty of some inaccuracy [if not wilful misstatement], and by
narrating the negotiations with Pompeius in connexion with the first
mission of Lucius has given rise to the impression that his departure from
Ariminum did not take place till after they had been brought to an unsuccessful issue.

288

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

again from the Formian villa, where he then was, in the
most inclement weather, and on his arrival found neither
of them there. Late in the evening, however, Lentulus
made his appearance ; but Cicero soon found that nothing
was to be hoped for either from him or from his colleague.
The recruiting was everywhere unsuccessful. Those employed in the service scarcely dared to show their faces;
for while Pompeius continued to wander up and down,
doing nothing to any purpose, Csesar was near at hand.
By the beginning of February the whole of the Picenum
\?jT„317,.:.",was in his power 1 ; a fact known however only to Cicero,
318. (Ait. vn.

?
m

2o,2i.)i

^ 0 w h o m it had been communicated by Dolabella, then
with the advancing general. " Our Cnseus ! " he exclaims,
" who wrould have believed i t ! is completely overthrown !
Pie is totally without sense or courage : he has no troops,
no activity: he is ignorant not only of the enemy's force,
but of his own also." The Consuls themselves scoffed at
his commands. When he desired them to return to Rome
and possess themselves of the money in the treasury,
*• i:p. 318. Lentulus recommended him to go first himself to Picenum. 2
(Ait. vii. 21.)

D
#

Corfinium, a city in the country of the Marsi, still held
out, under the command of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus,
the Consul of the year 700, to whom the province of Gaul
had been recently assigned. He had hoped that Pompeius
3 Ep.336. would ioin him as he had seemed at first inclined to d o 3 :
iAtt. viii. 12.)

and had he done so they might have saved Rome, and prevented Caesar from pressing forward into southern Italy.
But Pompeius dared not risk an encounter with his rival,
and urged Domitius to join him with all speed in the
south. Domitius, however, still lingered at Corfinium,
and still hoped to receive aid from him ; for which obstinate disobedience Pompeius thought fit sharply to relJEpp.336. prim and him.4
-ffiik) if> After wasting all this precious time in Campania and

A. u. 706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

289

Apulia, Pompeius, whose thoughts were now evidently
directed towards Greece, proceeded about the end of
February to Brundisium. The failing state of his health
must serve for his excuse. Cicero writes: " All our hopes
rest upon the health of one man, who falls sick once
a-year." l Caesar could triumph even over bodily sufferings.l Ep.ws.
He laid siege to Corfinium about the middle of February,
and after a week's resistance the place surrendered on the
22nd.2 The cohorts of Domitius went over to him and 2 #p/>.326.;
338. {Ait. viii.

gave up to him their commander. All who submitted he^J^JY 3 *
treated with the greatest clemency.3 Then with winged 2»3&

Ep. 337.

speed he advanced to the shores 4 of the Adriatic in quest (>*#• vi»- is.)
of his antagonist; but he, hard pressed, and finding him-(^«!'vii.22.)
self hemmed in on the land side, took ship in the harbour
of Brundisium, and set sail for Greece. This was on the
17th of March: the next day Caesar entered the city.55 EP.356,
i

copy; comp.

Thus the great Pompeius, flying before the face of the sj51 (-*#•ixman whom a short time since he had affected to despise,
abandoned Italy, the theatre of his former exploits, never
again to behold it. He probably already felt that which
a later poet thus expresses, —
" Provida Pompeio dederat Campania febres
Optandas ; sed multee nrbes et publica vota
Vicerunt; igitur Fortuna ipsius et urbis
Servatum victo caput abstulit." *

During this time Cicero remained in Campania engaged
with the duties assigned him there. He would not undertake any office of more importance, that there might be
no obstacle to his efforts for obtaining peace.6 Every- 6 ^.3io,i.
where he met with the greatest indifference7, and out of12-)
heart as he himself was with the undertaking of Pompeius, {Ati.vwiz.)
whose abandonment of the city he could not cease re* Juvenal, Sat x. 283—286. Lucan gives an admirable portrait of the
two rivals. Phars. I 129—150.
O

290

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

gretting, harassed also by the suspicion that he sought his
safety out of Italy, he performed his task with lukewarmness. He says ^himself that there was nothing for him to
d o ; and he let Caesar know that he was residing quietly
Epp. 336.; on his own estates, generally at Formiaa.1
314. (Att.vih.

i2.; vii. i7.)

I t was not only because Pompeius was destined to be
the loser in the struggle, that Cicero was so much injured
by his close connexion with him. The unhappy consequences of the first false step became now more than ever
apparent. So tenaciously had he clung to Pompeius, that
he had frequently allowed his feeling for him to overcome
his reason and discretion; but now disgusted with his
leader's blunders, and with the little attention which his
advice had received, he was seduced into practising deceit
towards the man whom he had once so highly honoured;
for we can give no milder name to his conduct towards
Pompeius, when we compare the letters addressed to him
2 Ep. 334, B. from Formiae2 with those he wrote to Atticus on the same
ii.) ,vni 'subject. 3 While he led Pompeius to conclude that he
m f 33|f.'; was discharging his commission on the coast of Campania
2,3?)vm' ' with zeal and success, he communicated the real state of
the case to Atticus, as we have just described it. Again,
from Cicero's second letter to Pompeius, in answer to his
summons to join him without delay at Brundisium, the
latter could have entertained no doubt of his determination
to fly with him into Greece, with entire devotion to his
interests; whereas, from many of his letters to Atticus,
we discover that he strongly condemned this flight, and
had not the slightest intention of quitting Italy. " I was
deceived,9' he afterwards confessed to his friend, " by the
hope that peace might yet be effected, and, if so, I did
not choose that Caesar should be angry with me after he
Ep.m. had become reconciled to Pompeius." 4 And this was all
(Attt x 8 )

the result of his former boundless devotion to Pompeius,

A.U.

706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

291

now that his opinion of him had suffered such a change.
" The bad cause he has never failed to maintain successfully." W e read in another letter to Atticus: " In the
]
best of causes he has succumbed." l
EP. 322.
.

(jft&vii.250

Of this good cause Cicero had more and more despaired ;
and when he recalled to mind the whole course of the administration of Pompeius, he could not but observe how
it had been calculated to bring about the existing state
of things. In one of the letters which we have just described as so contradictory to those addressed to Pompeius,
he writes: " Our Pompeius has acted without either discretion or courage, and, I may add, entirely in opposition
to my advice. Of his former acts I do not wish now to
speak; how he encouraged and supported Caesar, and
placed arms in his hands against the Republic; how he
caused laws to be passed by compulsion, in express contradiction to the Auspices; how he added the Further
Gaul to Caesar's province, and connected himself with
him by marriage; how, as Augur, he countenanced, by
his presence, the adoption of Clodius; how he testified
more anxiety to procure my recall to Rome than he did
to retain me there; how he prolonged the term of Caesar's
government, and contributed, in various ways, to augment
his power during his absence; or, finally, how the same
Pompeius, who in his third Consulship undertook the
preservation of the Republic, suffered ten of the Tribunes
to procure a law allowing Caesar's claim of absence, and
even sanctioned it by a decree of his own; how, moreover,
he opposed the Consul Marcellus when he required Caesar's
recall. Passing over all this, what could be more disgraceful, what, more ill advised, than this retreat, or rather
this shameful flight from the city?" 2 It is curious to*• EP.326,2.
observe in this passage how his old wrongs recurred to ?°mP-29^ 3.'
x

his mind after so long an interval, and how completely
o 2

(Att, vii. 3.) .

292

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

he forgets, while detailing all these grievances, the active
part he himself had taken in most of the transactions he
blames. H e resented not having been taken into counsel
1
JP- sis- b y the Pompeians in any of their m e a s u r e s 1 ; and this
(-Att* Vll» /I.)

i •

feeling, to which was added his indignation at t h e flight
from Kome, is plainly discernible also in the letter he
wrote to Pompeius with the express design of removing
2 Ep. 334. D. all doubts of his devotion. 2 T h e Imperator himself must
(Att. vm. 11.)

. .

have divined what was in his correspondent's mind when
he read the words : " I recollected that, in return for the
important services I had rendered the State, I had been
made to suffer the most wretched and cruel of punishments."
Nevertheless, his aifection for the m a n was not extinguished. " I was moved to indignation against him," he
wrote, while Pompeius was besieged by Caesar in B r u n disium, " when I reflected upon the errors of the last ten
years ; which period embraces the year of my own great
affliction, from which, to say the least, he made no attempt
to shield me. N o w , however, I have forgiven all that,
and allow myself only to think of his good deeds and the
dignity of his character. L i k e t h a t man in H o m e r , who
to the words of his divine mother —
AVTLKCL <yap TOL sirsiTa fis8* "J^/cropa 7T6TJJLO$ STOC/JLOS, —

replied,
AVTIKCL TsOvacrjv, S7rsl ov/c aft S/JLSWOV sraipcp
K.T£LVOfjusv(i) brafjuvvai3 —
so say I , and with how much more reason, since P o m peius is not only my friend, b u t m y p a t r o n ? Such a
4^.346. nian too as he i s ! and engaged in such a c a u s e ! " 4
Cicero's position was, in fact, a melancholy one ; he hated
where he should have admired, and loved where his j u d g 5 comp. Ep. ment offered him only an object of compassion. 5
96-99!' xviii '

337. {Att.vui.

ia>

u. 706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

293

"Whilst Csesar was rapidly advancing to Brundisium,
Cicero was in a state of intense uneasiness, and undecided
how to act. Should he repair to Pompeius whilst he was
yet in Italy ? In obedience to a summons from him he
had already set out to join him, when, on a false report of
Caesar's approach, he was induced to retrace his steps. 1 ^ f / ^ / ' j ^ .
Again he hesitated whether to follow Pompeius in' the
event of his leaving Italy. In this distress he determined
to occupy himself with the discussion of various theses
and questions suggested by the actual position of affairs.22Ep.ub.
At other times he called up to his imagination the ideal
hero whom, in his treatise on the Republic, he had pourtrayed as its supreme director.3 Had he not been morally 3 EV. 334,1.
I T

(iitf.viii.il.)

blind, he must have confessed that Caesar was the man, as
nearly as human imperfections allow; that Pompeius was
not so he was now sufficiently persuaded. Caesar, indeed,
he acknowledged to be (i a prodigy of vigilance and
energy." 4 " Have you ever," his friend Cselius asks, * Ep.m, 3.
"read or heard of a man more vigorous in action, or
more moderate in the use of victory than our Ca3sar ?" 5 5 Ep. 335.
Ca3sar, meanwhile, since his passage of the Rubicon,^-)
had made several attempts to gain Cicero. He was
annoyed at finding that so many of the leading men had
quitted the city with Pompeius, and on January 24th he
sent Trebatius to Cicero to entreat him to return, assuring
him that his so doing would afford him the highest satisfaction.6 To this Cicero made the reply before adverted < Ep.su.
*
to, namely, that he was residing quietly on his estates/
Caesar then wrote with his own hand, and repeated his
request, and his confidential friend Balbus likewise addressed him to the same effect.7 Cicero replied, as pru-? EPP. 325.?
dence and the respect due to Caesar's position demanded, 1.15.)
but gave no hope of acceding, contenting himself merely
with an exhortation to peace.8 The great Imperator knews ^.332 j
0

(^«. viii.'9.)

294

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

well the advantage to his cause of the acquisition of such
a man as Cicero; nevertheless he evinced great moderation
on this occasion, and made no attempt at coercion. He
expressed himself pleased at his remaining neutral, and
1
J T9 334,2. begged him to continue so.
E /.
Again, during his hasty
march to Brundisium, he found time to write him another
friendly letter, begging him to come to Rome, where he
hoped soon to profit in person from his advice, while he
thanked him for keeping away from the camp of Pompeius.
Cicero next received the copy of a missive from Caasar to
his friends Balbus and Oppius, in which he still threw out
hopes of a reconciliation with Pompeius, and distinctly
explained the maxims on which he intended to govern.
" I will endeavour," he says, " to win the favour of all
men by moderation, and to secure a lasting victory.
Others have incurred odium by their cruelty, and yet have
not been able long to maintain their conquest; Sulla
only*excepted, whom I have no intention of imitating."*
But all Caesar's efforts were in vain. Cicero's imagination
too vividly depicted to him the anticipated consequences
of his victory ; the proscription of the Optimates and the
promotion of the conqueror's creatures; the abolition of
debts ; the confiscation of property. " Laws, tribunals,
Senates, no longer exist: no property, public or private,
* EP. 348. will suffice to satisfy the cravings of those needy upstarts, 2
(Att

ix 7 )

«/

How can this man act otherwise than wickedly ? His
life and manners, his former actions and present undertakings, his companions, and even his steadfastness of
purpose, are so many pledges of what we have to expect
Ep.343,2. from him." 3 In reply to Cassar's last letter, Cicero exAtt. ix. 2 )

* These letters of Caesar, addressed to Cicero, Oppius, and Balbus, have
come down to us enclosed in Epp. 347. and 348. {Att. ix. 6, 7.) In Ep
350, 3. {Att. ix. 9.) Cicero comments in his own manner on Caesar's kindlyletter.

A. u. 706.

B. c. 48.

cieu 59.

295

pressed his willingness to use all his efforts for the promotion of peace, but begged that he might be permitted
to retain his gratitude to Pompeius.1 I t was this strong l EP. 352,
CODV (Alt

feeling of gratitude which impelled him still to adhere to11-)
his ancient benefactor, notwithstanding the frightful threats
he held out of what he would do if he gained the upper
hand; how he would reduce Rome and Italy by starvation;
how he would devastate the country with fire and sword;
and give up to plunder the possessions of the wealthy,
" Our Cnseus," Cicero writes, " is terribly ambitious of
such a royalty as Sulla's." 2 He was deterred from imme-2 EP.ZW.<,
diately following him by these forebodings. " Shall I," Tltli*. 7'.
he writes, " who have been called the Saviour of the city,
the father of my country,— shall I lead into it an army of
Geta3, Armenians, and Colchians ? * Shall I bring famine
and devastation into Italy? 3 He shuddered at the bare 3 &P> 351.
J

{Att. ix. 10

idea; but when premature tidings reached him of Pompeius' departure from Italy, he was seized with regret at
not having accompanied him. In the same letter to
Atticus he says: " He had performed no great action
which should have made me wish to follow him; but now
my old affection for him revives. I cannot endure the
longing desire I have to be with him ; books, studies,
philosophy, cease to interest me : like the bird of Plato, I
gaze day and night on the sea and long to fly over itlf
. . . . As they say the sick man has hope whilst he has
breath, so I refused to abandon myself to despair as long
as Pompeius remained in Italy; but now the sun seems
to have disappeared from the horizon." 4
4 ^.351.
To follow Cicero through the mazes of his ever shifting
aims and purposes is no easy task; and yet more difficult
* Cicero plainly perceived that the hopes of Pompeius rested on the
Eastern provinces and the allies.
f See the ninth of the letters ascribed to Plato.
o 4

296

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICEKO.

would it be to give in a short space any adequate picture
of these alternations. At one moment he rests his hopes
on the terror inspired by the mere name of Pompeius;
£p.329,3.; and in the next despairs of him altogether l;—now calling
330. (AU.yin.

6,7.)

to mind all that he had suffered from him, he bitterly
inveighs against the man he had once so highly extolled ;
and then again overflows with gratitude for past benefits.
By turns he admires and despises Caesar; at one time resolved to adhere faithfully to Pompeius, his determination
soon gave way before his distrust and indignation. Now
he seems to forget himself in his love of his country and
his leader; and then allows himself to be swayed solely by
iIt?.'\m! 12.)^ selfish interests.2 Never was there a nature more
susceptible or more guided by impulse than that of Cicero;
and often as our indignation is roused against him by
many of the letters of this period, we cannot help feeling
compassion for him, and gladly recall to our remembrance
the magnanimity which shone in him so brightly in former
times ; while we linger upon the traits of love and friendship which even now are not wanting.*
Caesar quitted Brundisium soon after its surrender, with
the intention of reaching Borne by the 1st of April. The
number of his adherents had been much increased by his
late brilliant successes; and many of the leading citizens,
who had left Borne some weeks before, now returned
thither. On the 27 th of March he was at Sinuessa. The
day before, Cicero had received another letter from him,
couched in the most flattering terms, and repeating the
request to join him at Borne.
" Y o u have augured rightly of me," such were his
words, " and have proved your knowledge of my character,
* Thus we find him in his direst perplexity constantly remembering his
dear friend Tiro, and even anxious to extenuate, in addressing him, the
excessive wretchedness of his own feelings. See Epp. 301.; 310.; 313.;
328, 2.; 329, 3.; 358, 2.

u. 706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

297

in deeming that nothing is more alien from my nature
than cruelty. This in itself gives me much pleasure: I
rejoice, I triumph in having my actions approved by you." ] | Jf/f7,
The praise which Caesar bestows upon Dolabella in this
letter, and his assurances of regard for him, seem to have
been intended as a bait to allure his father-in-law to
Rome. But Cicero could not justify it to himself to
accept this invitation, and had even power to resist the
yet stronger temptation which Caesar's actual arrival at
Pormiae on the 28th offered to his vacillating nature. In
this interview, Caesar once again urged him to return, on
the plea that his continued absence from the city would
be taken as implying condemnation of his measures. But
he remained unshaken. His case, he said, differed from
that of the others. " Well then, propose terms of peace,"
Caesar suggested: and to Cicero's question, whether this
should be based on his own principles ? he answered: " I
desire not to prescribe to you in anything." " Then,"
said Cicero, " I must declare to you that your intention
of repairing to Spain, or of transporting an army into
Greece, is against the will of the Senate." " I will not
hear of that!" exclaimed Caesar. " I knew it," said
Cicero, "and therefore I will not appear in Rome: for
I have no choice, but to speak of this, and much more
on which silence is impossible." Caesar then endeavoured
to break off the conference amicably, for he was determined not to provoke a rupture with a man whom he
esteemed so highly; and merely begging him to consider
the matter, he took his leave. Cicero was highly satisfied
with himself for having remained firm to his character
and principles in this trying interview; and he breathed
more freely now that it was over. In the letter to Atticus
in which he relates the circumstances of it, he says: " I "
am pleased with myself, which has not been the case with
o 5

298

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

me for a long time."* Speaking of the effect of his language upon Cassar, he says: " I have spoken in such a
manner as to give him more cause to think well of me
than to thank me." We have already seen what sort of
impression the followers of Caesar made upon him. Raised
as he himself had been by his own exertions to the rank
he now enjoyed, and placing himself, as he aspired to do,
1
£p. 244,3. on an equalitv with the most ancient families1, he stiff ma(Div< in. 7.)

2 EP Z

- 2?A}

com p. 360.

tizes with the opprobrious epithet of a " kingdom of the
dead " [troop of shadoios] f these men who were destined
to stamp a new character on the Roman world.2
±

{Att. ix. is,
From Formia3 Cicero repaired to Arpinum, and there
bestowed upon his son, who had now attained his sixteenth
year, the gown of manhood. His fellow citizens testified
their gratitude for the honour he conferred upon them in
selecting his native city for the ceremony, which he was
lmP.P(Attixlprevented from performing in Rome itself.3
17.19.)
Still under the influence of his inextinguishable affection for his old patron, he was now fully resolved to follow
him into Greece. " L e t me go," he writes from Brundisium, " where my desires draw me; and abandoning all
my possessions, let me follow him to whom my appearance
at this juncture will occasion more joy than if we had
continued together. When we were together last, we
had great cause for hope; but now, I at least am in utter
despair. Except myself, no man has left Italy that does
not regard Caesar as his enemy." His determination to
join Pompeius was hastened by the persuasions of his
* Ego me amavi; quod mild jampridem in usu non venit.
f NeKvta. [The Same expression occurs in previous letters, and Cicero
himself ascribes it to Atticus. It alludes to the grisly phantoms which
thronged about Ulysses when he poured the libation of blood into the
trench:
Tovs 8' iirel ivx&hfj<n Xirfjcri re, %8vea vettpobv,
'EA\i<Tdjii7)vy p4e 8' alfxa Ks\a.tv€(p€$ • at 8' a/yipovro
Vvxal vnet; 'Ep4§ev$ VSKVVW Ka.rareQv^KaTwv.']

706.

A.U.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

299

brother, at whose villa he spent some days in the beginning of April. 1 Quintus had himself now broken with : %pp 36i_
&

364.

(Alt.

Caesar, whose favour he had formerly enjoyed chiefly onl4~^\fPP-'
his brother's account. Still, Cicero hesitated before taking ^ ^2.^*"'
the decided step; and the urgent entreaties of Terentia D w ' x m ' 2 9 }
and Tullia, who had joined him at Formiae early in
February 2 , induced him at one time to think of going to*Epp.315,1.;
Melita, and there awaiting the issue of the Spanish cam- is- 20.)
paign 3 , for he felt it impossible to remain in Italy under 3^EPP. 374.;
Caesar's government; though he continued to receive9-)
assurances of forgiveness for his refusal to return to the
Senate, and of Caesar's readiness to put the best construction upon it.4 He was apprehensive of harsher\ftf*^h
treatment: and to others, in fact, Caesar seems to have
expressed himself less tolerantly in regard to his conduct.5 5 EP. zm.
r

(Dw.viii. 16)

But neither fear nor respect for the master of Italy could
now work a change in his resolution. He was strengthened
in his previous opinion of Caesar's cruelty and disregard
for the laws by a conversation he had with Curio, who,
being sent with three legions to Sicily, visited him on the
way at his villa near Cumae. Curio informed him of the
desperate condition of Pompeius; of Caesar's violence
towards the Tribune Metellus, who had opposed his seizing the public treasure; and expressed at the same time
his expectation that the Imperator would restore all who
had been condemned by the Pompeian law.*G At this 6 EP- 366, s.
,"

- i l l

time Cicero was deeply pained by the conduct of the
younger Quintus, who went to Rome, and informed Caesar
of his father's and uncle's intention of leaving Italy.
^Notwithstanding his affection for his nephew, he had
always treated him more austerely than his indulgent
* " Could I endure to behold Gabinius sitting by me in the Senate, and
to have to vote with him ?" Ep. 374. (Att. x. 8.) With what pain must he
now have recollected his own former defence of this man I
o 6

(Att.x.4.)

300

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

father, and was now convinced that he had been induced
370T uV'
^ e *^ S s t e P ^ V ^ e n o P e °^ a m p l e remuneration.1
x. 3.7.)
More and more urgent became the admonitions he now
received to remain in Italy. Caelius, who was obliged to
accompany Caesar into Spain, gave him reason to apprehend the worst from his master's anger if he were too far
provoked; Caesar could not, he said, brook his continued
absence from Rome, and he painted in the liveliest colours
the irritation he displayed on leaving the Senate previously
£p.3R7.; to his departure for Spain.* 2
(Dto.Viii. i6.; Antonius, who acted with the title of Propraetor as
;to t a

Att. x. 9.)

Caesar's vicegerent in Italy, and scandalized Cicero by
making his progress through the cities, accompanied by the
(Att'^ib) dancer Cytheris and other profligate women 3 , went so far
as to declare, though in courteous terms, that he would
not permit him to leave the country: and referred him to
Caesar, who himself wrote him a letter to the same effect
4 jEpp. 374, whilst on his march.4
{AU. x. 8.'
Cicero remained at his Cuman villa, whither he had
10.)

gone on the 14th April, till the middle of May, when he
left it for his estate near Pompeii, and there remained till
* Ep. 366.; quitting Italy. 6

4- lb.) ' '

All this time he was a prey to distressing reflections.
Tullia, who was with him and expecting her confinement,
joined her entreaties to those of Terentia to induce him
to remain; and Atticus also wished to retain him in Italy,
at least to the close of the Spanish campaign. Of Tullia,
whose instances were generally very influential with him,
he writes: " Her virtue excites my admiration. How
nobly she bears the public calamities, and her own domestic -troubles! f With what courage does she contemplate my approaching departure ! Great as her love for
* Cassar quitted Rome for Spain on the 9th April.
f Her marriage with the spendthrift Dolabella had proved unfortunate.

A. u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

301

me is, and entirely as she is wrapped up in me, she only
wishes me to act in a manner worthy of myself and of
good men's approbation." 1 His friend the Consular Sul-J Ep.m.
picius, who had held out hopes of accompanying him to
Greece, was still undecided when he joined him at Cumae.22 EPP* 371.5
The letters of Antonius, which Cicero denominates a2-?'"*"• */i4.)
Spartan Scytale 3 [an official order], led him to anticipate 3 EP. 376.
violent measures from him, should he disregard his admonitions ; and besides all this, it was not the right season
of the year for sailing.*4
(Jf*x.8i7.t
At one time Cicero conceived the idea of venturing on
an enterprise similar to that of Caelius in the time of
Sulla f; but under existing circumstances, such an at* Cicero dates this letter the 16th May, according to the calendar of that
time, which was not yet altered. This date falls in March. [The following
time table, from Fischer's Rcemische Zeittafeln, p. 221., will be useful for
reference.
A. u. 691 1 Jan. = 14 March 63 B. c.
692 ,, = 4 March 62 J»
11
„ 693 ,, = 22 Feb. 61 5>
694 , , = 11 Feb. 60 J?
11
695 ,, = 1 Feb. 59 »
11
696 ,, = 22 Jan. 58 11
11
697 ,, = 12 Jan. 57 11
11
698 ,, = 1 Jan. 56 >1
If
699 ,, = 22 Dec. 5Q 11
11
700 , , = 12 Dec. 55 11
11
701 , , = 2 Dec. 54 „
11
702 ,, = 21 Nov. 53 11
11
703
, = 3 Dec. 52 11
11
704
, = 23 Nov. 51 If
11
705
, = 13 Nov. 50 „
11
706
, = 2 Nov. 49 11
11
» 707 „ = 23 Oct. 48 11
708
, = 13 Oct. 47 11
11
After the reformation of the cal endar in this year, Jan. 1 A. u. = Jan. 1 B. C ]
f In conjunction wi th Carb o who commanded the remnant of Marius
and Cinna's armies, this Cseliu s collected an army m the south of Italy to
oppose Sulla, by whom he was soon crushed.

302

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

tempt would have been little short of madness, and, as
soon became evident, he was not the man to abide by a
!£/>?• 3078-; daring resolution.1 He also flattered himself with the
\iU\6)'12' n o P e tna/ k Ca3sar would not long be able to maintain his
authority; a hope which was strengthened by the popular
2 Ep. 374. murmurs at his seizing the treasure. 2 Cato, who held
(Att. x. 8.)

e*=>

Sicily for the Pompeians, had abandoned the island to
3^.382,3. Curio, which excited Cicero's vehement displeasure 3 ;
l

(Att. x. 16.)

though we cannot imagine that he would himself have
displayed more firmness.* Thus harassed and perplexed
he adhered to his purpose of leaving Italy, and at length,
on June 11th, accompanied by his son, he set sail from
Cseieta with the intention of joining Pompeius, and was
^p.385.; followed by Quintus both father and son.4
(Div. xiv. 1.)

Thus he once more turned his back upon Rome and
Italy, and all that was dearest to him. One consolation
accompanied him, which he thus expresses in writing to
his friend: " My mind dwells not upon the honours and
dignity I have lost, but on my past achievements; the
deeds I have accomplished, the reputation I have enjoyed.
My conscience sustains me when I reflect that while I
was able I served the State to the best of my abilities,
that my intentions towards it were the most honourable,
and that I foresaw, fourteen years ago, the storm which
has overwhelmed i t : with such a conscience for my com« Ep.366, l. panion I take my departure." 5
From the time of Cicero's departure from Italy till the
beginning of the following February we are without any
letters; and there are but four letters to Atticus written
6£p?>.386.; from Epirus and from the camp of Pompeius 6 , besides a
o87.; 391.}
392. {Att. xi.
1-4.)

* Cicero was unjust towards Cato as he had been when, in the month
of January, he wrote: " Cato would sooner submit to the tyrant than
fight." JSp, 309. {Att, vii. 15.)

u. 706.

c. 48.

Cic. 59.

303,

few brief notes to Terentia, from that month till the
middle of July.*
Caesar, meanwhile, was making rapid strides in his
career of victory. Leaving Rome on the 9th of April V A-u-?05and taking Graul in his way, where he entrusted the siege
of Massilia to Trebonius, he pressed forward into Spain,
and in forty clays annihilated the power of Afranius and
Petreius the legates of Pompeius.2 In the middle of ju^re°™ |sth
August Massilia surrendered, and was made to pay dearly j£u.'c?vTiL
for its long resistance. Csesar then returned to Rome, 32,
where he had been created Dictator during his absence.
Not choosing to recall the memory of Sulla, he only
retained this title eleven days, during which time he
made use of its extensive powers to cause himself to be
elected Consul for the ensuing year, with a colleague of
his own naming. After making several important regulations, especially as regarded debtors and creditors, he
started on the 27th December f for the final struggle with
his antagonist in Greece. And now once again Pompeius
appeared in the character of a great general, and many
were the dangers and difficulties his adversary had to
encounter, and which his good fortune alone could have
enabled him to overcome, before his final victory at Pharsalia on the 9th of August 706.
* For this seventh book we have 135 letters. (These are from Ep. 281.
to 394. in Schutz's edition.) Of these eighty-seven are addressed to Atticus,
seven to Terentia and Tullia, four to Tiro, two to Mescinius Rufus, Cicero's
former Quaestor, two to the Consular Servius ?Sulpicius, one to Ceelius ; from
the latter to Cicero we have three letters, and one from Dolabella. Besides
these 114, there are twenty copies of letters; two from Pompeius to Cicero,
and as many from the latter to him; three from Caesar to Cicero, with one
from him in answer ; three to Domitius, and one to the Consuls Lentulus
and Marcellus from Pompeius ; two from Cassar to Oppius and Balbus;
five from the two latter and from Matius and Trebatius to Cicero; and two
to the same from M. Antonius.
f We must make allowances here also for the disordered calendar.

304

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

On reaching his Imperator, Cicero saw realized before
his eyes the errors he might have anticipated from his
previous conduct. The period of Cesar's absence in the
west, which Pompeius might have used to recover his
fortunes in Italy, had been lost in preparations, considerable indeed, and calculated to check the enemy on his
arrival, but not finally to overthrow him.
" You ask for letters from me," Cicero writes in the
beginning of July, when the decisive battle was approaching ; " but there is nothing worth writing about; neither
the events which happen nor the measures which are
}
i?P,392. adopted are such as to give me any sort of satisfaction." l
He could not fail to observe that his presence was useless to Pompeius. He would undertake no duties of any
kind, because, as he himself confessed, there were none
Lf'xf 4 ^ l a t su * te( ^ n m l - 2 The language of the Pompeians ter*
rified him, and he shuddered at the thought of their gaining the ascendancy when he heard them breathing fury
3 Ep. 452. against their opponents.3
(Di-ti.vii.3.)

PI*

The rew letters of this period to Atticus which remain
to us evince the mental dejection into which he had fallen.
< piut. cw. If we may believe Plutarch 4 , whose account agrees well
with our knowledge of the man, Cato even reproved him
for having come over into Greece; saying, that for himself it would not have beseemed him to abandon the
cause to which he had devoted his life but that Cicero
ought to have maintained his neutrality, in order, that
after the event he might have been able to take part in
public business; adding, that for his own sake it behoved
him to have avoided making Caesar his enemy.*
* According to the same author Pompeius did not desire Cicero's
presence, and reproached him for going about the camp peevishly, and
deriding the arrangements which were not agreeable to his opinions. We
may see from the second Philippic (c. 16.) that there was some truth in
this.

A.U.

706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

305

Cicero himself only tells us, that as the exhortations to
peace which he had not ceased to urge ever since his arrival in Greece were unheeded, he recommended Pompeius
to protract the war. The advantage gained over Ca3sar
at Dyrrachium might have led to more important results
had Pompeius followed his advice ; as it was, it only
served to increase his self-confidence, and his partizans
urged him on to a decisive conflict. " From that time,"
Cicero says, " the greatest of men became nothing of a
general.
(D^.vii.s
His own anxieties were at this time enhanced by pecuniary embarrassments.
His gains from his province,
amounting to 2,200,000 sesterces *, which sum he had deposited in the hands of the Publicani at Ephesus, had been
appropriated by Pompeius, who was now in great distress
for money 2 ; and, besides this, the time had arrived
for^-J9^.
the payment of a second instalment of Tullia's marriage
portion to Dolabella, and as a divorce between them
* We find, from comparing Ep. 386. with 387. (Att. xi. 1. 2.), that this
was not the entire amount of his gains, as he writes to his former Quaestor,
Rufus, Ep. 302, 5. (Div. v. 20.) See the remarks in Schiitz's edition on
this Ep. [On this subject Cicero's statements are confused. His affairs
were embarrassed, his calculations of income from his estates inaccurate,
and he knew perhaps very little about the state of his accounts. To Rufus
he states {Ep. 302, 5.) that the whole of his gains from his province, deposited at Ephesus (2,200,000 sest.), had been extorted from him by loan
by Pompeius as early as Jan. 705 ; but, in speaking of his resources to
Atticus, Eeb. 706, he reckons a similar sum, meaning apparently the same,
in Asia. Ep. 386. Again, in Ep. 387., he states that he has withdrawn
one half of this sum. I am inclined to suppose, in opposition to Abeken,
that Cicero had realized no more than the single sum of 2,200,000 sest.
from his province ; that Pompeius had borrowed, or perhaps only proposed
to borrow it, Jan. 705, but if borrowed had repaid it the same year; and
that Cicero forgets in Ep. 386. that he had already withdrawn half the sum
he there mentions as belonging to him. Abeken's view would fix upon
Cicero a direct falsehood, besides the crime of realizing twice the sum from
his province which he himself allows to be legitimate.]

306

L I F E ANP LETTERS OF CICERO„.

seemed not improbable, Cicero was in some perplexity
iom^*4 i6'2 k ° w t o a c ^ X ^ n e P a ^ t n e m oney, it would in all pro{Att xi. 4. lability soon be squandered by his spendthrift son-in-law,
and there would be small hope of his ever recovering it
in the event of a separation ; at the same time it was by
no means desirable to come to an open rupture with Dolabella, as he was high in Cassar's favour. Under the
%Z
\AS I \ P r e s s u r e of all these troubles he at length fell seriously ill.2
At this juncture he felt little inclined to sympathize
with Caelius, who*expressed the bitter regret he now felt
at having yielded to Curio's persuasions and embraced
3
(Di%'fiti Caesar's cause.3 Much greater was the effect produced
17<)
upon him by a letter from Dolabella at Rome, while
Caesar was at Dyrrachium, exhorting him, in the most
earnest and friendly manner, to abandon the Pompeian
4 Ep.389. cause, and remain quietly at Athens or elsewhere 4 ; it was,
9 ;

(Div. ix. 9.)

in fact, in reliance upon a similar letter from his son-inlaw, containing assurances of Caesar's favour, that he soon
after returned to Italy, not knowing what might there
> Ep. 400, i. await him.5
•
(Ati. xi. 7.)

After the battle of Pharsalia, at which he was not
yiut. cic. present *, being detained by sickness at Dyrrachium 6 ,
without waiting for an express permission he crossed over
7^.395. to Brundisium, whence he wrote, Nov. 4., to Terentia, 7
y

(Div. xiv.

i2,)

At Brundisium he was informed of the death of Pompeius. " I never doubted," he writes to Atticus, " that
such would be his end; such utter despair of success possessed the minds of all, both kings and people, that, go
where he might, this I was convinced must ensue. I
cannot but lament his death, for I knew him to be a man
8
Epp.398,i.;of virtue, sobriety, and integrity." 8
J

400, 1. (Att.

„

xi. 6,7.)

This book we will conclude with a general survey or the

• i

* His son seems to have been engaged in the action as a cavalry officer,
at least if the passage De Off. ii. 13. refers to the battle of Pharsalia.

A. u. 706.

c. 48.

cic. 59.

307

period it treats of. I t forms a part of one of the most rer
markable epochs in the world's history; an epoch in which
men, whose names rank amongst the most illustrious of
any age, appear upon the scene; men such as Caesar and
Pompeius, and many others to whom we assign a second
rank only because their lot was cast in the same age
with these extraordinary characters. From the contemplation of an epoch like this, in which the highest interests
of nations were at stake, and the most powerful springs
of political action opposed to one another, even our own
times may derive instruction. As regards Cicero himself,
this period is also one of great importance; and, fortunately for us, it is more prolific in letters than any other,
and these too for the most part addressed to Atticus,
and consequently giving us an insight into his inmost
soul.# We may indeed account it a rare good fortune
that documents relating to an age of such infinite grandeur
and importance should have come down to us ; documents,
too, in which the characters and actions of its leading personages are fully revealed to the eyes of the intelligent
reader. Of the intelligent reader, indeed, alone; for it
must be confessed that, except in the few letters of a
Csesar, a Pompeius, or an Antonius, the characters exhibited are only reflected in the mirror of Cicero's own
mind, troubled and distorted as it frequently was. Even
Pompeius, whom he knew so intimately, is placed at times
too high—at others, too low; nevertheless, we can recognize, in the delineation, the heir of Sulla's power and
principles, f Cicero's faith in the old Republic, of which
he could never divest himself altogether, renders him still
* We have twenty-two letters to Atticus alone, written in Feb. 705.
There are twenty-four written in March.
f In reference to Pompeius the Epp. 352., 348., and 398. (Att ix. 11. 7
and xi. 6.) are highly important.

308

L I F E AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

more blind with regard to Caesar, who nevertheless stands
out in bold relief as the greatest statesman and hero of
his day, and whose conduct towards Cicero himself cannot
fail to interest and please us. The main interest, however,
of these letters, consists in the light they throw upon the
character of the writer himself, which, notwithstanding
his false views and ever varying sentiments and resolves,
is distinctly exposed to our view. In his letters to Atticus
he does not spare himself. We discern throughout them
his weak side, his prejudices, his irresolution, and frequently
his overweening and mistaken self-confidence; we are
more than ever assured that, however refined was his
mental culture,—-such, indeed, as no earlier age could
have given,—however great were the special acts he performed for the Commonwealth, he was deficient in the
moral force and grandeur indispensable to one who aspired
to control the age, or even to keep his proper place in it.
Cato, though not entirely exempt from blame, had at least
the glory of remaining true to his own views, and following them even to death; but what period is there in the
life of Cicero in which he may not be taxed with feebleness, with shuffling, with shrinking from his principles ?
Non omnia possumus omnes.

Cicero was endowed by nature with a keen susceptibility to the noble and beautiful; and with a mind peculiarly alive to every impression. Cherishing, moreover, a
deep reverence for morality, justice, and order, he gladly
turned his thoughts from the corruptions of the age, and
took refuge in the contemplation of the nobler past.*
* How far was Rome at that period from, the ideal of a well-constituted
State, such as Cicero describes in his treatise de Legibus (iii. 12.) ! Ita se
res habet, ut si senatus dominus sit publici consilii, quodque is creverit, defendant omnes, et si reliqui crdines principis ordinis consilio rempublicam
gubernari velint, possit ex temperantia juris, quumpotestas in populo, auctoritas
in senatu sit, teneri ille moderatus et concors civitatis status.

u. 706.

B.C. 48.

cic. 59.

309

To a spirit thus appointed, so delicately bred from its
youth upward, the principles of aristocracy were no more
than natural. In the society of the Optimates or the
Best Men he found his congenial elements: through them
he had attained greatness, and them he wished to bear
rule. Accordingly, we must not reproach him with his
incapacity for understanding Caesar, and with finding in
Caasar's followers " a kingdom of the dead." l His was * see p. 298.
not a nature which could endure being torn up by the
roots; and nobler motives for his enmity to the great
Dictator might be found in his gratitude and regard for
Pompeius, and his fond adherence to a constitution which
had been the glory of centuries. On this all his greatness
was founded: this had been the object of his life-long
care; and it was not therefore possible that he whose mission it was to destroy it should ever gain his real affections.
In this one point he remained true to himself amidst all
his wavering.
Unhappily for him, the Optimates of his day were for the
most part no longer in reality the "Best Men," and thus
it was impossible but that in pursuing the course he considered right, he should frequently become involved in
inconsistencies and error. Living, too, in a degenerate
age, he could not remain wholly untainted by the surrounding corruptions, while his habit of living by imagination in the past and the ideal only served to cloud the
present, and cripple in him the energy which seizes the
moment. That even in this respect he was often success
ful; that he vanquished as Consul a Rullus and a Catilina,
and saved the State from utter ruin; that his whole career
was signalized by many noble exploits, the last year of his
life by glorious energy,—all this he owed especially to the
circumstance of his being born and bred a Roman. Had
he been endowed, on the other hand, with a less exquisite

310

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

sensibility, we should have lost the sublimest creations of
his intellect. If as a statesman he was forced to succumb
to Caesar, it is refreshing to learn with what mildness the
conqueror treated him, and we rejoice to think that he was
destined at last to fall in a worthier struggle with Caesar's
less worthy successors.

BOOK VOL

LETTERS

OE C I C E BO,

FROM THE BATTLE OF PHARSALIA TO
THE DEATH OF C^ESAR?

IN THE TEAKS

706—710. B. c. 48—44.

CICERO DURING CESAR'S SUPREMACY.

BOOK VIII.
SURVEY OF HISTORICAL E V E N T S .

A.TJ. 707. B.C. 47. Cic. 60.
C. JULIUS C^SAR, Dictator;

M. ANTONIUS, Magister Equiium.

C-2ESAR entrusts the government of the city and of Italy
during his absence to M. Antonius. He encounters great
difficulties in Egypt where he has espoused the cause of
Cleopatra, but is finally successful in the month of March.
He remains three months in Egypt, and then proceeds to
Asia, where he conquers Pharnaces, son of Mithridates,
who had usurped the throne of Pontus, and regulates the
internal affairs of the country. On his return to Rome he
causes Q. Fufius Calenus, and P . Vatinius, to be made
Consuls for the few remaining months of this year, and
himself to be elected for the next, resigning at the same
time the Dictatorship. After this he again leaves Pome
and proceeds to Africa to vanquish the division of the
Kepublican army which had allied itself with Juba king of
Numidia.
A.U. 708. B.C. 46. Cic. 61.
C. JULIUS C^SAR III.;

M. JEMILIUS LEPIDUS.

At the head of an inconsiderable force Caesar encounters
the ten legions of Scipio* and the four of Juba, at Thapsus. He gains a complete victory. Juba follows the
p

314

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

example of Cato in ITtica, and puts an end to his own life.
Scipio, Faustus Sulla and Afranius perish in their flight.
Cassar reduces Numidia to a Roman province. On his
return to the city, he enjoys a quadruple triumph in
honour of his victories in Gaul, Egypt and Asia, together
with his recent successes in Africa. He is named Dictator
for ten years, and JPrcefectus Morum for three. Meanwhile
Cnseus aud Sextus, the sons of Pompeius, assemble a
powerful force in Spain; and Caesar having been appointed
Consul, marches against them without delay. His reform
of the calendar was effected in this year, which gained
three additional months.
A.IT. 709. B.C. 45. Cic. 62.
C. JULIUS CiESAR IV., sole Consul and Dictator; M. -ZEMILIUS LEPIDUS,
Magister Equitum.

The Pompeians are routed at Munda on the 17th of
March; Cnaeus Pompeius perishes in his flight. Cassar
enters Rome in triumph. His person is declared inviolable,
and the Dictatorship together with the title of Imperator is
decreed him by the Senate. Two Consuls are however
elected as usual — Q. Fabius Maximus, {$ujfectus> C.
Caninius Rebilus,) and C. Trebonius.
A.U. 710. B.C. 44. Cic. 63.
C. JULIUS CAESAR, Dictator; M. JEMILIUS LEPIDUS, Magister

Equitum;

C. JULIUS CAESAR, Consul V. ; M. ANTONIUS.

Brutus and Cassius, with others of the Republican party,
form a conspiracy against Caesar, at this time engaged in
preparations for a wTar with the Parthians, and assassinate
him on the 15th of March.

A.U.

710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

315

The following letter which was written by Cicero in the
December after his arrival at Brundisium, in deep dejection
of mind *, betrays a degree of weakness which even his \^;
increased afflictions cannot excuse. " The greatest allevi- xi.V)2'
ation you could afford my sufferings, would be to tell me
that I have not entirely forfeited the esteem of good men.
Thisj alas! you cannot now do. But should you ever have
it in your power to give me such an assurance, it will be
the greatest possible comfort to me. I see indeed no prospect of it as y e t ; but the course of events may bring
about this change in men's opinions, as it has with regard
to my refusal to follow Pompeius into Egypt. For this I
incurred universal opprobrium, till now that the fatal issue
of that journey has induced men to moderate their disapproval of my conduct. At the present time, I am censured for not having gone into Africa, my reason being
that I did not approve of seeking aid for the Republic by
applying to the most faithless of all barbarians, and that to
lead them against an army accustomed to victory. My
motives are probably not appreciated; for I hear that
many of our best men have gone into Africa *, and many,
I know, have long been there.f I am sorely perplexed by
all £his. My sole chance of relief is in some, if not all of
them, thinking better of their enterprise and consulting
their own safety. For if they persist, and actually gain
the day, only think what will become of me! 'What,' you
will say, c will become of them if they are defeated ?'
Why, their failure will be at least honourable. This is
* Cato in particular.
f Several Pompeians had collected in Africa under the former Praetor,
Attius Varus, and the Numidian king, Juba. Curio marched against them,
after having made himself master of Sicily, and defeated Varus ; he was,
however, afterwards vanquished by Juba, and lost his life in the battle.
This took place as early as the year 705. Dio Cass. xli. 41, 42.
p 2

316

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i EP:m, i.; what distracts me." 1 We must here make a remark
(Att.'xi.i * equally applicable to all the passages in Cicero's letters
which excite our disapprobation. He is a rare instance of
a man who can expose in his confidential outpourings to a
friend the most secret feelings of his heart, and all the
workings of an imagination which sooner or later was sure
to yield to the sterner dictates of reason. Many a great
man has probably been assailed in his weaker moments by
similar thoughts and feelings, but he has not exposed them
to the view of his fellow men, either from being more reserved than Cicero, or from having no Atticus to whom to
confide them. But there is this great difference: that the
weaknesses of the really great man are stifled and forgotten
in his actions; whereas Cicero was subject to frequent
recurrences of the constitutional dejection which was the
main source of his errors.*
We have seen how greatly he valued the esteem of the
good; and this he conceived himself to have forfeited by
his return to Italy, which wTas looked upon as equivalent
to a declaration of submission to the conqueror. In a
later letter to Atticus, however, he says : " You wish to
know what people feel and say about me. I have found
2jsp.408. I. n o o n e estranged from me." 2 To many of his contemw$t'ten'ii3the poraries, Cicero's character was as well known as it is to
ourselves, and his vacillation did not surprise them. Some,
* In considering Cicero's unhappy frame of mind and self-reproaches,
Hamlet's words have often occurred to me: Cicero might at times have said
with him, " I am myself indifferent honest; but yet I could accuse myself
of such things that it were better my mother had not borne me
We
are arrant knaves, all." Act iii. sc. 1. [The real complaint against Cicero
is, not that he was weak in character or allowed himself to acknowledge
weaknesses of which he was ashamed, but that his moral sense did not
revolt against the inconsistency of his conduct and principles. Hamlet
accuses himself; Cicero seldom or never. It is to be feared that he felt
nothing of the disgrace which his admirers lament and extenuate.]

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

317

also, may have shuddered at the probable consequences of
a victory gained by the infuriated Pompeians ; as a specimen of which, Lentulus # had already claimed the house
of Hortensius, and Caesar's garden and villa at Baiee, as
his share of the booty.1 They did not wonder that Cicero^ E(pjtfl\1'
should entertain some dread of the ascendancy of such &f?l.c™£'
party. Writing on this subject to Atticus, he says : ^ v i] x ' 6,;
(e
True it is that Caesar's followers make similar stipulations;
but these men are insatiable."2 On this account chiefly2 EP. 398,3.
.

(^«.xi.6.)

he was anxious tor peace; and this anxiety was redoubled
after the battle of Pharsalia. The following is the
account given by Plutarch 3 : " W h e n the news of the*™-Cicdefeat of Pompeius arrived at Dyrrachium, where Cicero
and several of the leading Pompeians then were, Cato
offered to resign to Cicero, as his superior in rank and age,
the command of the fifteen cohorts which garrisoned the
town. Cicero, however, declined to assume the command,
and continued to urge his pacific counsels, till Sextus, the
son of Pompeius, became so exasperated against him, that
he called him a traitor, and drawing his sword, would
have murdered him, had not Cato interfered." Whether
it was this occurrence, as some assert, that drove Cicero
to separate himself abruptly from his party, and to return
into Italy, trusting to Cesar's generosity; or whether he
was moved to this step, wThich he speaks of himself as
sudden and hasty 4, by other circumstances unknown to us/(^f*x?6g V
one thing is clear, that he had now proved by the bitterest
experience how little fitted his nature was for the times
in which he lived. His lamentations and self-reproaches
when speaking afterwards of this error, move our pity 5 : c0^'IJiVi*
nor can we greatly blame him for the error itself, for^f x L i 5 ,
steadier politicians than himself might have now discerned
* Consul in the year 705.
p 3

318

L I F E AND LETTEKS OE CICERO.

that the struggle had become purely a party question, and
that the State could look for salvation to the Cassarians
alone; but we do blame him, when we find him seeking
by unworthy excuses to justify his desertion of a cause he
had once so warmly espoused.
The letters to Atticus written from Brundisium, from
the beginning of November, 706, to the end of the following August*, are the most melancholy of the whole
collection. During the period of his exile, Cicero had
been harassed by the dread of a reckless and uncompromising adversary; but now he had a nearer and more
formidable foe than Clodius in his own uneasy conscience.
Thus, while the letters of the former period are more
passionate and querulous in tone than those we have now
to consider, they do not betray the same painful state of
discontent with himself. Then, he had been deserted by
a powerful friend in whom he trusted; but now, it was
himself who had proved false to that same friend. Then,
he was living in banishment from his beloved country, but
was supported in the moment of his deepest despondency
by the hope of being yet again restored to i t ; now, he
was indeed residing in his own country, but it was no
longer the same to him, and the contemplation of its
present condition added a sting to his self-reproaches.
Besides this he was under constant anxiety as to the rei Ep. 398, i. ception his conduct would meet with from Caesar l ; and this
andi. i.' ' made him fearful of leaving Brundisium to rejoin his family
and Atticus, notwithstanding their urgent appeals and the
2^.396,2.; longing he felt for their society.2 He could not flatter
397. (Att.-ai.

J
#

*.; Dw.xiv. himself that Antonius, left by Csesar at the head of affairs
3 Ep. 404, I. in Italy, entertained any friendly disposition towards him.3
* We possess of this period of time twenty-one letters to Atticus and
twelve brief ones to Terentia, besides one to C. Cassius who was with
Cassar.

u, 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

319

When Caesar, deceived by false intelligence, imagined Cato
to be in Italy, and expressed his displeasure at it to Antonius, the latter wrote to Cicero, and in the same polite
terms he had used before the battle of Pharsalia, informed
him that he was to leave Italy ; and it was only on Dolabella's assurance that his father-in-law had come there in
accordance with Caesar's wishes, that he at length consented
to frame ail edict expunging Cicero's name from the list of
those who were forbidden to remain in the country. This
edict was in itself a cause of vexation to Cicero, inasmuch
as it openly represented him as a deserter from his party.*
Whether Caesar had expressed such a wish before the
battle of Pharsalia, or whether Cicero so interpreted
Dolabella's letter from Greece in his favour l , we cannot J EP. m.
with certainty decide; but it is evident from many of his
letters that he still harboured distrust of the conqueror,
whose clemency he had so often experienced. He feared
that some one might have whispered to Caesar that he
repented of having returned to Italy; that he was dissatisfied with the new order of things. 2 He might appre- 2 EP. 400,2.
hend that the opposition Caesar met with in Egypt had
had the effect of further irritating him. From December,
* Ep. 400, 1. (Att. xi. 7.) {Turn ille edixit ita ut me exciperet et Lcelium
nominatim.
Quod sane nollem. Poterat enim sine nomine res ipsa excipi.
See Manutius, in he.
Quo modo poterat sine nomine re ipsa fieri Ciceronis
exceptio ? Si sic videlicet Antonius edixisset: Ex omnibus Pompeianis ne cui
liceat esse in Italia, nisi quorum causam Ccesar cognoverit, aut de quibus
Ccesar scripserit.
Quo edicto Cicero non nominatus re ipsa quidem exceptus
esset, siquidem DolabellcE Uteris gravius offendi Pompeianos intelligeret tarn
aperta significatione : eos porro iratos habere nolebat, si forte, ut incerti sunt
bellorum exitus, victores domum revertissent; deinde quod exceptio ilia nominatim facta quasi legem et necessitatem Us qui excipiebantur imponebat, ne
discedere ex Italia possent, ne scilicet Ccesaris beneficium aspernari, aut
etiam renuntiare viderentur; unde illud in Ep. 404. (Att. xi. 9.) " exceptionibus
edictorum retineor,"~\
p 4

320

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

706, to June, 707, no letters had been received in Italy
from the victorious general, fully occupied and embarrassed
i Ep.412. a s n e was.1 At last in July Cicero received one 2 , but
{Att. xi. i7.) ki n( j a g w a g j | . g f0ne ^ did n o t remove his anxiety. " What

Ep. 423.

(D/y.xiv. a master gives, a master can take away," he writes to
s EP. 425. Atticus. 3 Pie suspected also the goodwill of his friends
iA!?'x!n?y Balbus and Oppius, Caesar's vicegerents in Rome 4 , who
4

l l

Ep. 404,1.

;

{AU. xi. 9) {ia(j encouraged him to hope the best from their leader.5
{Att.'xi.i)' The tidings of Caesar's hazardous position in Egypt, and
of the strength of the Pompeians in Africa, the general
expectation moreover of their speedy return to Italy, news
at which he would have rejoiced a few months earlier, now
served only to increase his disquietude. He cordially
hated Caesar's cause, and indulged no hopes of personal
advantage from him; while from his own party he could
anticipate only injustice, and in the event of their success
how could he venture to meet them? " I can discover
nowhere any ground for hope," he writes to Atticus 6 ,
6

Ep. 411, 1.

{Ait.xx. 16.) "especially since Caesar has met with this repulse;"* and
in bitter repentance of the false step he had taken in
returning; to Italy, he says in another letter 7 : " My own
&

7 Ep. 404, 1.

{Att. xi. 9.) error has been my rum. 1 cannot attribute my mislortunes to accident. I have brought them all upon myself."
But nothing grieved him so much as the unjustifiable
conduct of his brother. -Quintus it was, who in the preceding year had urged him to leave Italy and repair to
Pompeius; upon which Caesar, who in reality disliked the
8
9 Ep 407, 1. vounffer brother , and had shown him favour solely on
8 Ep. xi. 12 ) "•'
(Att. 404, 2.

{Att. xi. 9) Marcus's account, remarked that he had sounded the trumpet for the latter's retreat into Greece.9 After the battle
* The disasters which Caesar met with at this time are mentioned in
Ep. 411, 1. He says in the same place: Mora Alexandrina causam illorum
(Pompeianorum in Asia et Grecia) correxit, meam evertit.

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

321

of Pharsalia, however, Quintus sent his son to the conqueror*, for the double purpose of securing his own
pardon^ and accusing his brother, who he fancied was
labouring to prejudice Csesar against h i m x : indeed he \£f'^\
seems himself to have sought him in Asia, and to have
had a personal interview with him at Antioch. 2
« ^.425.
These machinations were however ineffectual; for
Caesar knew and respected Cicero, and indeed for his
sake pardoned his brother 3 , who as soon as he saw that 3 EPP.425.;
1

426.

(Att.SLi.

Marcus was safe, wrote him a warm letter of congratula- 20>21)
tion.4 From our contemplation of the weak side
^\Jtf'J%\
Cicero's character, we gladly turn to the nobler aspect in
which the following trait presents it to us. On hearing
that Csesar regarded Quintus as the instigator of his
brother's hostility towards him, he wrote to mollify his
anger and implore forgiveness for him, notwithstanding
he had treated himself so ill f5; he also took care that 5 EP. 407,1.
.

(Att. xi. 12.)

certain of Qumtus's letters, which fell accidentally into
his hands, and which he found to contain odious reflections
upon himself, should not operate to his disadvantage.^ 6/J;f'^4$\m
* Probably from Patrae in Achaia; whither several Pompeians, and
Quintus among them (Ep. 396, 5., Att. xi. 5.) had repaired.
j* Cicero was not at that time aware of the full extent of his brother's
baseness; but the latter had used violent language against him after his
arrival at Brundisium. (Comp. Ep. 407, 1. with 404, 2.) Cicero's immediate inducement for writing this letter to Caesar was the fear lest he should
imagine he had not followed his own opinions in the choice of a party.
His fraternal affection, however, is also clearly apparent in it.
J [A packet of Quintus's letters, directed to his friends, came it seems
into Cicero's hands. Some of these he transmitted at once to the persons
for whom they were intended, who presently came to him full of concern
at the atrocious things they contained against him. Thereupon, Cicero
opened the remaining letters (hoc ego dolore accepto volui scire quid scrip'
sisset ad cceteros), and sent them to Atticus for his inspection, leaving it to
his judgment whether they should be resealed (nam quod resignatce sunt,
habet, opinor, ejus signum Pomponia) and conveyed to their destination.
p 5

322

L I F E AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

He forwarded to Atticus a copy of his intercessory letter
on this occasion, and added these words: " Should I ever
again find myself in Caesar's society (although I have no
doubt that he will as he promised show clemency to my
brother), I shall be the same as I have always been."
Thus could Cicero write, although in a previous letter he
[Itt.'iiX) n a ^ declared *: u My brother has acted in a manner of
which I could not have deemed him capable; and he has
caused me more pain than I ever felt before."
He had now another cause of anxiety in the serious
illness of his beloved Tullia, whose marriage with Dolabella had turned out most unhappily. She was now at
a £/>/>.397.; Rome 2 , and on her account Cicero denied himself the
y

398, 2. (Div.

xjv^i9.; AU. pleasure of a visit from Atticus. " A l a s ! " he writes 3 ,
3 EP. 4oo, 2. €C what a calamity ! What can I say ? I must be brief,
for my tears gush forth as I write. I leave everything to
you; do you advise me
Excuse more, for my
grief and tears warn me to dwell no longer on this subject. I can only add that nothing affords me so much
gratification as your regard for Tullia."
Much as he disliked Brundisium, which place he fancied
disagreed with his health, he appears to have prolonged
4 Epp. 410, u his residence there for ten months.4 During this time he
414." 426.;

42772. ('AU. received accounts of certain proceedings of his son-in-law
xi 15 18 21

which greatly vexed him. Dolabella, who was of the
Equestrian order, had got himself adopted, as Clodius had
done, into a Plebeian family, for the sake of obtaining
the Tribunate, a circumstance which must in itself have
caused Cicero some bitter recollections. He had been
favoured by Caasar; but embarrassed by his extravagance,
This is a curious trait of the morality of the times, not so much as regards
the act itself, which may perhaps admit of some excuse, as from the evident
unconsciousness of the writer that it requires any.]

A. u. 710.

a 44.

63.

GIG.

323

and desirous of popularity, he aimed at a violent measure
for the reduction of debts, against the policy of Caesar's
and his lieutenant's regulations. Tumults arose in Rome*
and the blood of citizens was shed; nor was tranquillity
restored until Caesar's return. Dolabella himself was
however pardoned.
The antagonist of Catilina and Rullus could not witness such proceedings without distress; but the father
suffered not less concern. The marriage portion of Tullia,
the second instalment of which had been paid *, her disso-1 %P- 41 6,2.
1

(Att. xi. 25.);

lute husband had squandered; and now when it was morecomP-P-*305than ever apparent that a separation between them must
eventually take place, the time had arrived for the payment of the remainder of the money.2 Cicero still shrank2 EV. 417,2.
however from urging on this separation, on account of ' '
Caesar's continued favour towards Dolabella 3 ; but it took3 EP.m.
(Ih'z/..xiv. 13.)

place at last, though at what period we are not informed.
Cicero's domestic peace was further disturbed by disagreements with his wife, which ended in a divorce. Terentia
appears to have incurred debts, and to have acted dishonestly by her husband's property. The name of Philotimus, of whom whilst in his province Cicero made such
bitter complaints 4 , occurs in connexion with that of4 see p. 251.
Terentia. He had been heard to say that she had behaved
abominably.* 5 Tullia's means depended in some measure5 EP. 411,3.
1

•

(Att.xi. 16.)

on her mother, and on this account Cicero urged his wife
to make a will, and was impatient at her delay.6 Having 6^.417,2.;
lent large sums to Pompeius, he was himself now in such xi. 23] 24.) \
want of money that he had parted with a valuable estate.77 Epp.zw,;
T

394

In such circumstances he was unable to derive anv -'
6

. .

- (Att.-sX.

Biv xiv

- -

-); comp.

solace even from his daughter's visit to him at Brundisium f^f ^Atu
in June. One from his wife he had already declined.8 8 Ep. 395.
J

* \Auditum ex Philotimo est earn seelerate qucedam facere. ]
p 6

{Biv. xiv. 12.)

324

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i f xl12iV With reference to his daughter's visit, he writes *: ss I
do not derive all the pleasure I might expect from the
society of a daughter of such rare virtue and merit, so
pure and noble in nature, and so tender in her affection
for me. On the contrary, it grieves me to see so much
excellence involved in misery, and this owing to no fault
of her own, but solely to my own unpardonable errors."
He was now fully convinced that he had sorely deceived
himself in trusting to Pompeius for the Republic; but
still he could not regard Caesar in any other light than as
the cause of her ruin and of his own misfortunes. " You
2 Ep.sm. compare," he writes to Atticus 2 , " the present times with
those of Sulla. There was less moderation then, but men's
aims were loftier and nobler." But Caesar was now about
to return, flushed with his recent successes in Greece,
Egypt and Asia. The manner in which he had conducted
himself towards Cicero during his absence, the disregard
he had paid to the accusations of Quintus, the friendly
tone in which he had addressed him, and, lastly, the permission he had accorded him of retaining the title of Impe3 Pro Lfgar. rator with the laurelled fasces 3 might have reassured him;
but he could feel nothing but distrust. Caesar had sent
on the abusive letters of Quintus to his confidants Oppius
and Balbus, and this, which he did only as marking his
disapprobation of their contents, Cicero misinterpreted as
* EP. 427, i. a spiteful publication of his calamities.4 Now that the
(Alt. xi. 22.)

chief's return was expected, he would fain have sent his
5 Epp. 412.; son to meet him 5 ; but his intentions were frustrated by
J
413. (Att.xi.
.
17.; Diir.ix. s o m e delay in Caesar's movements, Gladly would he have
6
Ep. 426. avoided a personal meeting 6 , but he dared not keep aloof.
(Att. xi. 21 )

-n

•

Caesar landed at Tarentum m September. For the circumstances which follow we must quote Plutarch; for,
unfortunately, Cicero's letters give us no information relative to the first meeting. " W h e n news came that

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

325

Csesar was landed at Tarentum, and was coming round by
land to Brundisium, Cicero went to him, not being altogether without hope, but feeling shame in the presence of
many persons to make trial of a man who was his enemy
and victorious. However, there was no need for him to
do or say anything unworthy of himself; for when Caesar
saw Cicero coming forward to meet him at some distance
from his attendants, he got down and embraced him, and
talking with him alone, walked several stadia. From this
time he continued to show respect to Cicero and friendly
behaviour." J
39F
Cicero now left Brundisium. Of his lictors or of a
triumph we hear nothing further: the sight of Csesar had
put all such ideas to flight. In the beginning of October
he was at Tusculum. In December we have a letter from
Rome; the first cheerful one after so many gloomy epistles
of the preceding months.

T H E YEAR

708.

The effect of Csesar's return upon the spirits of Cicero
may be likened to the influence of the sun, when it dispels long gathering clouds, and restores serenity to the
heavens. In the letters which now follow, the great
orator appears like one just 'awakened from slumbers oppressed with frightful dreams. Undeceived at last as to
his hopes and confidence in himself, submitting to be
flattered and protected by the man whom he regarded as
iris opponent, and against whom he had so loudly and
openly declared himself, he now sought in his darling
studies the peace and consolation to which he had been so
long a stranger.
From a letter to his friend Partus, written in the summer

326

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

of 708, we may gather in what manner he comported himi EP.4m,i. self under Caesar's rule. 1 " I have nothing to fear from
(Div. ix. 16.) ,

, '

, .

the autocrat, except in so tar as everything is uncertain
when once the right has been departed from, and no one
can answer for what the future may bring forth, which is
at the pleasure, not to say at the caprice, of a single individual. However, I have avoided giving him offence,
and, on the contrary, take care to conduct myself with
the utmost moderation. For as once I deemed it my
business as member of a free State to use freedom of
speech, so now with the loss of liberty I feel it my duty
to say nothing which may excite the displeasure either
of Ca3sar or his associates
Those philosophers who alone appear to me to understand the true
signification of virtue, hold that the wise man is answerable for his faults only. Of such I am doubly innocent;
first, inasmuch as my sentiments were just and right; and
secondly, because when I saw right could no longer be
maintained, I advised against contending with superior
force. Thus, in the performance of my duties as a good
citizen, I am certainly free from blame. I t only remains
for me to do nothing foolishly and rashly against the men
in power, and in this, it appears to me, I shall be acting
the part of a wise man
As the records of
the Greeks are full of instances of how the wisest men
of Athens or of Syracuse submitted to the yoke [of
tyrants], and while their country was enslaved, preserved
in a certain sense their personal freedom, shall I not
deem myself capable of maintaining my position so as
neither to offend the pride of any one, nor injure my
own dignity?" # We have certainly no right to blame
* Est aliquid in nostris consiliis, licetque inter abruptam contumaciam et
deforme obsequium pergere iter ambitione et periculis vacuum. Tac. Ann.
Iv. 20.

u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

327

these sentiments as long as Cicero could view those of
others without intolerance, and could honour and appreciate a greatness which was foreign to his own nature*
That he had this merit we see from the judgment he pronounced upon Cato (who had put an end to his own life in
Utica that he might not survive his country's freedom),
whose panegyric he undertook to write. " Cato cannot be
praised without signalizing his firmness and earnestness of
purpose, and this must needs be displeasing to Caesar's
friends. For he foresaw the state of things wThich has
come to pass ; he strove with all his power against it, and
he gave up life that he might not witness its accomplishment." 1 And now Cicero experienced abundantly the 1 ^.45,1.
truth he so beautifully expresses in his speech for the poet
Archias.2 " Letters nourish the young, gladden the aged, 2 Pro Arch.
add grace to prosperity, and afford in adversity a refuge
and a solace." In the interval between his return to Rome
and the assassination of Caesar, he wrote works of great importance ; and although he could no longer shine in the
Forum as a statesman and a free citizen, his eloquence was
frequently exerted in the cause of humanity, and sometimes
succeeded in vanquishing the victor himself. In the
beginning of the year 708 he writes to his learned friend
Varro, whose position was politically much the same as
his own 3 : " Be it known to you that no sooner had I re- 3 Ep. 431.
-1

•

• i

(Div. ix. 1.)

turned to the city, than 1 renewed my connexion with my
old friends—my books." Again, in another letter, he
, says 4 : " Although nothing can be sadder than the present 4 Ep.m.
times, I know not how it is, but my favourite occupations
seem to produce richer fruit than formerly; whether it is
because I can now take refuge in nothing else, or because
the virulence of a disorder makes us appreciate medicines
we set little store by in health." And again 5 : " I lookup-*&-'
J

upon these Tusculan days of yours as the model of a true

{Div. ix. 6.)

328

L I F E AND LETTEPwS OF CICERO.

life* and gladly would I give up all I possess to be able to
lead such a life without hindrance myself. I do imitate
you as far as I can, and I find a welcome repose in my
studies. Why, indeed, should it not be permitted me,
since my country either will not or cannot avail itself of
my services, to return to that course for which, though
perhaps improperly, some would authorize us to renounce
all public action ? " Cicero moreover was proudly conscious
that his studies might prove serviceable to the State, should
it not disdain to profit by them. " L e t us," he writes
iEp.uo._ as;ain toVarro 1 , "resolve to pursue, in common, those
(Div.

IX.

2.)

*•

studies whence in former times we sought pleasure only,
but to which we must now look for all our welfare, yet not
refuse to hasten at call to build up the Republic, not as
architects only, but even as plain workmen. Will none
employ us ? Yet, let politics be the subject of our writings
and of our studies; and if not in the Curia or the Forum,
let us, like the most learned men of old, serve the State
amongst our books and letters, and investigate the principles
»comp.d<? of civil society."2
It was very natural that a man of Cicero's disposition,
who even in early life had been charmed by the attractions
of philosophy, should fly to it in his present distresses, and
seek by these means, above all others, to forget them. To
3 EP. 469. Sulpicius3 he writes: " Although from my youth all liberal
arts and sciences, and philosophy especially, have been a
source of happiness to me, my pleasure in them increases
daily, and I believe it is from the experience of age, as
well as from the unhappiness of the times, that I find
comp. Ep. nothing else can now alleviate my anxieties."4 I t was in
46i. (Dw. iv. ^ ^ ^ a r .^ W J 1 J C J 1 g r g ^ for a j o n g time, he had enjoyed
any tranquillity, that he commenced the treatise De Finibus
* Epp.m,A.iBonorum et Malorum? He had before this composed the
xb&^6.flt' De claris Oratoribus> which he dedicated to M. Brutus, to

A.u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

329

whom Cassar had given the government of Cisalpine Gaul.
The Partitiones Oratorio? and the Orator1, likewise d e d i - * 5 | ^ ; ^ . ;
cated to Brutus, were produced the same year.* Of the^^p.^.*
" Panegyric on Cato" we reserve a more particular mention J?.1 it){Dw'
to a future page. Abandoning more and more all idea
of public activity, and resolved, should Csesar permit it,
to withdrawT entirely from politics2, his love for oratory« 7 |PP.gu
was still ardent 3 , and he was pleased with instructing^ i, ) 33,; ix*
others in the art in which he thought no more to exercise3 Ep. 437. , a
himself.4 He compares himself in this to Dionysius of 100
Syracuse, who, after he was expelled from his dominions, (Divl VH.'M.)
kept a school at Corinth.5
IDWAXIIS.)
In the cause of a friend, however, or of any one who
shared his political views, he could not but recall the power
his words had once possessed, and found it impossible to
adhere to his resolution. Thus he defended Q. Ligarius,
who had incurred Csesar's hostility by the activity he had
displayed on behalf of his adversaries in the African war.f
Before this too, when Cassar, yielding to the petition
of the whole Senate, had pardoned one of his bitterest
opponents, M. Marcellus, the Consul for the year 703,
Cicero seized the opportunity to move Cesar's natural
kindness in behalf of others, on a day " when the old
^Republic appeared to live again." " I had made up my
mind," he writes to Sulpicius6, " n o t from indolence, but^;* v 6 ;^,
* This date is assigned in preference to an earlier one from the words
cap. 1., Quoniam aliquando Komce exeundi potestas data est. The priority
of the Brutus to the de Finibus, appears from Ep. 449, 4. compared with
Brut. 26. See also Ellendt's edition, p. 9. The Orator was begun immediately oirthe completion of the Panegyric on Cato, Or. 10. The Paradoxa
were written, as we may infer from the introduction, before Cato's death,
perhaps at the beginning of 708.J
f Cicero addressed to Ligarius, before his public defence of him, two
letters of consolation, which have come down to us. (Epp. 465. ; 475.
Div. vi. 13, 14.) Schiitz proves that it is not the oration pro Ligar. which
is mentioned in the latter letter. This is spoken of in Epp. 603, 2.; 610, 2.

330

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

from wistful remembrance of the reputation I once enjoyed, to be from henceforth silent. But the magnanimity
of Caesar and the courteousness of the Senate have shaken
my resolution. Accordingly I thanked Caesar in a long
speech *; and now I dread lest I should be deprived, on
other occasions, of the honourable leisure which has been
my sole consolation in my misfortunes. Since, however,
I have escaped offending him who perhaps might have
construed my continued silence into a declaration that this
was no Commonwealth at all, I will for the future be
moderate, and even submissive, so as both to obey him
and indulge my own desire for study."
To those who seek it so nobly and so wisely, consolation is never denied. We find Cicero soon, not only
cheerful, but gay, as his letters to Paetus in particular
bear witness. Writing to his friend from Tusculum in
i Ep.m. June, he says 1 : " T h e resolution I have formed to give
(Div. ix. 18.)

lessons in rhetoric gives me much satisfaction, for I shall
gain much by it. First of all, it will serve to fortify me
against the times, of which I have at present the greatest
need. How far this will be so I know not, but 1 see as
yet no reason to prefer any one's advice to this; unless,
indeed, I had better have died — in my bed I mean —
* Wolf, as is well known, has endeavoured to prove that the speech we
have under the title Pro M. Marcello is not Cicero's, and Spalding has
adduced additional arguments on the same side. Many critics, ^however,
maintain its genuineness. [There is no doubt that the speech was held to
be Cicero's by Asconius, i. e. within the Augustan age; and the internal
arguments against it are shown by Drumann and others to be anything but
conclusive. The strongest circumstance against it, such as it is, is Plutarch's
anecdote that Caesar, on occasion of Cicero's speech for Ligarius, said he
had not heard him " for a long time ;" whereas, if Cicero really addressed
him for Marcellus, there could have been but a few months' interval. But
it is sufficient to reply that Plutarch's anecdotes are not always to be relied
on. Among the most recent critics, Nobbe and Bruckner admit the oration
without difficulty.]

u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

331

which I am willing to allow, but no such fate was in store
for me. I was not present at the battle. Some indeed,—
Pompeius, your friend Lentulus, Scipio, Afranius, perished miserably.* Cato had an illustrious end ; and such
an end may be my own should I desire it, but I shall
take care that it be not so necessary for me as it was for
him. So much for the first advantage which will accrue
to me. Secondly, the occupation conduces to the recovery
of my health, which suffered from want of exercise; and
then again my oratorical talents, such as they are, would
have withered away without employment. Lastly (which
perhaps you would have placed first), I have partaken
already of more peacocks •)• than you have even of pigeons."
Again: " I have thrown off all my care for the Republic,
all my meditations on wThat I was to speak in the Senate,
all study of causes, and have thrust myself into the camp
of my adversary Epicurus." x He describes, also, with con-1 Ep. 456.
siderable humour, a banquet which he, the man "Quern adspectabant, cujics ob os Graii ora obvertebant sua"% enjoyed
at the house of Volumnius, in company with the courtezan
Cytheris.2 Vast indeed is the difference between these 2 Ep. 474.
J
m

letters and those written from Brandisium! It was not
only to Partus that he exhibited himself in this cheerful
* Lentulus, the Consul of 705, was seized and put to death by command
of the Egyptian king Ptolemasus, after the death of Pompeius. Scipio, the
father-in-law of the latter, perished in his flight, after the overthrow of the
Eepublicans in Africa. Afranius, who had fled to Mauretania after the
battle of Thapsus, was made prisoner, and, according to Dio (xliii. 12.),
murdered by Caesar's orders. Hirtius gives a different account. (Bell.
Afric. 95.)
f At the tables of Hirtius and Dolabella, whom he instructed in the art
of oratory.
J A verse from Telamon, a tragedy of Ennius. We meet with it also in
the Tusculan Disputations, iii. 18. This Cytheris was the woman with
whom Antonius made his progress through Italy. See Ep. 376. (Att.
x, 10.)

{JJiv. ix. 26.)

332

LIFE AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

light; nor was it a mere passing mood expressed in
isolated letters. Many others, written in no jesting vein,
show that he enjoyed peace and resignation, while he took
i.Ep.441. a wholesome interest in life, his occupations, his family \
(Alt. xii. 1.)

and in nature.
Cicero was now, too, once again enjoying the society
of his beloved Atticus. He had written to him from
Tusculum in J u n e : " As I live, neither this darling villa,
no, nor the Isles of the Blest themselves, would ever.
a Ep.444. compensate me for losing your society days together." 2
And again: " When I was in Rome, and in immediate
anticipation of seeing you, the hours of waiting seemed
3 Ep.449,6. insufferably long to me." 3 How must Atticus have
{Att. xii. 5.)j

rejoiced in the friendship of such a man, who confided
to him every thought, every whim and caprice of his
rich and noble nature, and who, vacillating and sensitive
as he was, to him at least remained always the same !
*Ep.us. Tiro also had rejoined him 4 : and how keenly he still
(Att. xii. 4.)

relished the sweets of friendly intercourse appears from
his words to Partus: " Although I cannot but confess that
I am loved and honoured by many, yet of all my friends
none is dearer to me than yourself That you love me,
and have loved me from the beginning, is one great cause
of my partiality, perhaps the chief cause: but this is the
case also with many others, while your amiable disposition and your agreeable qualities are peculiar to you
*Ep.m, i alone."5 This period is more fertile than any other in
(Div.

IX,

15.)

r
#

familiar letters addressed to a variety of friends. As
Cicero had himself experienced how invaluable are the
consolations of true friendship in times of public calamity,
so he now did all he could by word and deed to comfort,
assist, or save such of his friends as were suffering from
e Epp. 434.; the hardship of the times.6 Cseeina wrote to him from
437."-'465.;' hi s banishment: " You have been so much in the habit of
514. (Div.

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

333

exerting yourself for your friends, that they do not merely xm. 29.78.
.
. . .
79. 10.; vi. 13.
hope for your assistance, but demand it as their right." 1 12.)
Quintus was again in Rome 2, but his brother makes ] ^p' ^' 5 *
only cursory mention of him. Harmony could not have(^"-xii,1->
been entirely restored between them, and the feelings of
Marcus must have been shocked by seeing the part which
Quintus took in promoting his son's entrance into the
college of the Luperci 3 ; his object in so doing being to z EP. 449^1.
flatter Caesar.* Cicero continued to live on friendlyuterms
with Dolabella, as, although the separation between him
and Tullia had now taken place, he could not venture to
break with him on account of the favour shown him by
Caesar. He sent Tiro to meet him on his return from the
African campaign 4 ; and after this time saw a great deal * EP. 449, §.
of him, both as a guest at his luxurious table and as his instructor in the art of rhetoric. 5 A friendship such as this, 5 EPp.450,2.;
.

471- (Div.

of a purely political nature, could not satisfy the cravings^.16.; vii.
of his heart, but for these he found ample solace in other
members of his family. How touching are the following
words, written to Atticus from the country: " O that I
might hasten forthwith to the embraces of my Tullia and
of your own Attica! Let me hear, whilst I remain at
Tusculum, what the child prattles about, or, if she is in
the country, what she writes to you." 6 He was also pecu- 6 %P- *4U;
liarly alive at this time to the beauties of nature, a taste for (£"•xii-!which is frequently associated with such strong domestic
affections as his were. He would gladly have left Rome,
sa place calculated to awaken only sad recollections, but
he was afraid of doing so lest such a step might be
* To the two ancient colleges of the Luperci a third was added in
honour of Caesar — the Julian. Many of the Eoman youth, particularly
from the higher ranks, sought, out of flattery to Caasar, to be received into
this association, which as well as the whole Lupercalian ceremonial gave
scandal to respectable and enlightened persons.

334

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

construed as a sign that he contemplated leaving Italy.
He did not therefore go into the country till May. Part
of June and July he spent at Tusculum; and in August
and September we find him in his villas near Cumas and
i Ep. 459. Antium. ci Nothing" he writes l9 " is more to my taste
(Att.X3i.9J

•

than solitude; nothing can be pleasanter than this abode,
the shore, the view over the sea, and everything else."*
When again compelled to return to Rome he met friends
there who were clear to him, and, with his old love for
the city still strong within him, he found his residence
there as agreeable as under the circumstances it could be.
He thus describes his manner of life to Peetus: " In the
morning I receive visits from many of the dejected Optimates, as well as from the exulting conquerors, who
always observe the most marked respect towards me.
When these visits are over, I bury myself with my
books, and read or write. Then men, slightly my in*
feriors in learning, come to be instructed by me. All the
rest of my time is given to the things of the body.f I
have mourned over my country more deeply and more
2 Ep.466. constantly than ever mother did for her only son."2
(Div. ix. 20.) j>u£ a jj these enjoyments would have failed in restoring
Cicero's peace of mind, had he not attained a consciousness
that, though his conduct had been erroneous, and in single
instances he had swerved from duty, still, in the great
catastrophe of his country, in heart and purpose he had
remained true to her. Neither in Greece nor at Brundisium had he been blessed with this conviction; but nowTime had exerted its usual softening influence, and en* The words following this passage deserve notice : Sed neque hcec digna
longioribus Uteris, nee erat quod scriberem; et somnus urgebat.
f [Inde corpori omne tempus datur: a phrase implying all the care a man
hestows upon the preservation of his health ; his meals, his exercise and his
relaxation.]

A,TJ.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

335

abled him to forget his weaknesses in the sense of his
purity of intention. We learn this from a letter to his
friend Marius, written in the summer.x Even in the 1 Ep. 4 2
5
beginning of the year 708 we find him telling his former
Quasstor, Mescinius, that he derives comfort from the
purity of his intentions and principles as well as in
letters. 2 To Sulpicius he thus expresses himself: "Al- 2 ^.438.
though I yield to none in my sorrow for the public
misfortunes, I have nevertheless much to console me,
especially in the rectitude of my past conduct; for long
ago I discerned, as from a watch-tower, the impending
storm." 3 And doubtless he was sincere in his words to 3 Ep.46i.
(Div. iv. 3.)

Marius: " I saw no cause to resolve upon death, but much
to wish for it; for it is an old saying, ' When you can
no longer be what once you were, you have no reason to
wish to live.' I t is, however, a great consolation to be
free from blame*; especially as in my case I possess two
sources of comfort, in the enjoyment of the highest kinds
of knowledge and in the fame of my glorious deeds. As
long as I live nothing can rob me of the first; death
itself will not deprive me of the second."4
4 EP. m.
His words to Mescinius mark the difference between his
own character and that of Cato : u I will speak the truth ;
you appear to me to possess that more gentle and tender
disposition which belongs to most of us who have been
bred in personal and public freedom."3 To Varro, who 5 Ep.438. ?
1

•

-1 1 •

- r » « i

• i

com

P- &75.

had invited him to J3aia3, he replies: " I s that the right (-P^-y.'21-*
7

Att. xii. 46.)

place for us whilst our country is in flames?"6 To 6 Ep.439.
Partus he wrrites: " I must rest satisfied with what is
granted me. The man who cannot content himself with
this ought to die. They are measuring [by Caesar's
orders] the domains of Veii and Capena. The latter
* If Cicero extends this expression to earlier years, he certainly flatters
himself too much.

336

L I F E AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

place is not far from Tusculum. I fear nothing, however *, but abandon myself to present enjoyment, only
hoping it may last. Should it be otherwise appointed,
hero and sage as I am, having deliberately chosen Life, I
must needs give my affection to the man by whose
i Ep, 455. generosity life is secured to me." 1
Never, in truth, did the citizen of a Republic lose his
freedom to a nobler master than to Caesar. His clemency
proceeded as much from his native generosity as from
views of policy, though unfortunately it yielded in the
end to the passion of self-aggrandizement. Cicero brings
it forward as a ground of consolation to his friends of the
Pompeian party who had not yet been pardoned. Thus,
writing to Ligarius, whose fear of the conqueror kept him
at a distance from Rome, he says: (e Caesar will not be
harsher towards you than towards others; for circumstances, the lapse of time, public opinion, and, I believe,
his native disposition, concur in rendering him daily more
2 Ep.m. lenient." 2 To Caacina, who was also in banishment, he
writes : " Caesar is mild and merciful by nature
Besides, he delights in men like you of distinguished
talent. He yields to many whose petitions are just and
dictated by a sense of duty, but not to the vain and
3£P.47o.; ambitious."3 Again to Marcellus, so magnanimously
(Div.'vi. 6. pardoned by Caesar, he says : " The autocrat favours men
of genius, and sets as high a value upon true superiority
and dignity in others, as circumstances and his own f
* In this respect Cicero certainly had nothing to fear from Caesar. [The
land measuring refers to a projected assignment of estates to Caesar's veterans.]
f [I consider the key to much of Cicero's recent despondency, and the
sudden rebound of cheerfulness we observe at this time, to be the apprehension he was led by his study of earlier Roman history to entertain of
slaughter and confiscation upon the establishment of Caesar's authority, now
falsified by the remarkable mildness he exhibited. It is the extreme
surprise he felt at this unexpected moderation that accounts for the ex-

A.u. 710.

B.C. 44.

oic. 63.

337

interests permit." 1 In fact Caesar united in his o w n 1 ^ . ^ .
person all the qualities that the Roman world then needed.
Nature herself had stamped him for a ruler at the period
when Rome could no longer exist without one. As a
soldier and a general he ranked higher than any of his
countrymen, and had won for himself the admiration of
the progeny of Mars. His love of literature and of art,
and of all that conduces to refined civilization, commended
him to an age highlv sensible of their attractions. 2 His^fp-4?9°

(l)iv. vi. 5,

humanity is testified by the honourable manner in which
he invariably mentioned the name of Pompeius 3 , and b y ^ j - ^
his forgiveness of Ligarius, from whom he had received
many provocations, and whose subsequent treachery was
probably not unsuspected by him. When Q. Tabero
brought forward his accusation against this Ligarius*,
who had been long languishing in a species of banishment,
Ca3sar resolved upon his full condemnation, and made no
secret of his intention to his friends, though at the same
time he consented to hear Cicero's public defence of him
in the Forum. He believed himself fully armed against
the pleadings of his natural clemency, and he held papers
in his hand relative to the accusation, by referring to
which he trusted to secure himself against any impression
which the orator's eloquence might produce upon his mind.
When, however, the speech turned upon his own noble
qualities, and mention was made of the battle of Pharsalia,
his firmness forsook him. He thought of Pompeius, and
of the uncertainty of fortune, and every consideration at
travagant panegyrics, as they seem to us, he lavishes upon it in the speech
for Marcellus, which have even induced some modern critics to question
its genuineness. It requires no little insight into the frightful character of
the Roman revolutions to appreciate Cassar's merits in this respect, and the
deep and lasting sense his countrymen entertained of it.]
* De vi. What is ahove related is taken from Plutarch (Cic. 39.). See
also Quint. Inst. Or. ix. 2. 38.
Q

338

L I F E AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

length was borne down by the impulse of his native
generosity. His colour changed, he trembled violently,
and the papers fell from his hand. Ligarius was pardoned.
The words by which Cicero had worked upon the conqueror's mind were these: " No quality is so popular as
kindness; for none of your numerous virtues are you more
beloved and admired than for your merciful nature. It is
in conferring benefits on mankind that men approach
nearest to the level of the gods. The greatest gift which
fortune has bestowed upon you is the power, the noblest
attribute of your nature is the will, to do good to the multitude." In the letters of this period we have evidence of
Cassars desire to console Cicero for the fall of the Republic. " At that time," says the orator, writing to Figulus,
" no wish occurred to me which Caesar did not anticipate.
. . . . I have met with the kindest treatment from him."
Again to Caacina he says: " Every day Caesar's regard for
me seems to increase." How much pleasure Cassar
derived from the treasures of his wit and intellect, we see
from the following passage in the letter to Partus above
referred to : " If I am altogether to avoid giving offence by
my sharp or witty sayings, I must resign all pretensions to
be considered a wit, which I should be ready enough to do
were it possible. Caasar himself, however, has a nice sense
pf discrimination. I hear that he has already collected
some volumes of Apophthegms, and that he rejects any
which are brought to him falsely ascribed to me; and this
he is the better able to do now, as his intimate friends live
almost daily with me. In the varied course of our conversation many things which I may have said perhaps
appear to them not wanting in wit or pungency. These
are retailed to Cassar along with every thing else which is
done in Rome, in obedience to his express commands*;
* Cassar had not yet returned from his African campaign.

A. u. 710.

c. 44.

Cic. 63.

339

and thus it happens, he pays no attention to any thing
which he may hear of me from any other quarter."*
This letter and many others of the same period prove
how good an understanding existed between the writer and
Csesar's confidential friends. Thus he says to Ampius "f:
" All Csesar's friends are bound to me fortunately by ties
both of friendship and of old habit, so that I stand next to
their chief in their estimation. Pansa, Hirtius, Balbus,
Oppius, Matius, Posthumius, all testify the greatest regard
forme." 1 His presence often graced the splendid tables I2f^i14f91
of Hirtius, Dolabella, and others of the foremost Csesarians, ^ ^ ^
and they on their part did not disdain to appear at his 6,; 1X*20,)
more simple board.2 Balbus was so intimate with him3^p.454.
r

(Div. ix. 19,

that on one occasion, returning to Rome from some journey,
he repaired in the first instance to his house.3 In fact the 3 Ep. 432.
partizans of the autocrat appear to have felt with him how
important an acquisition Cicero was likely to prove, and
even if his active services could not be secured, his mere
presence in Rome, and his neutrality were advantages they
could not overlook. Like their master also they could
appreciate the refinement and wit displayed in his conversation.
Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that the great orator
had lost much. He who could once with reason boast that
he had saved Rome, whom a grateful people had once
* [Duruy, Hist des Romains, ii. 532., has a few biting words on this
part of Cicero's conduct: '* Content de la royaute qu'il avait toujours, cello
de resprit, il ne laissait percer ses regrets qu'en de malignes plaisanteries.
Ce role de frondetir spirituel plaisait a Cesar; il se delassait de l'adulation.
Chaque matin ou lui apportait les bons mots de Ciceron et il wa faisait nn
recueil. L' ancien consulaire, le pere de la patrie, devenu le bouffon de la
tyrannie!"]
f T. Ampins Balbus (who must not be confounded with L. Cornelius
Balbus) had done much for Pompeius in his struggle with Caesar, and had
obtained the appellation of the Trumpet of Civil War. He is mentioned,
Ep. 334, B. and 372, 1. (Att. Tui. 11.; Biv. ii. 16.)
Q2

340

L I F E AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

hailed as Father of his Country, who had afterwards upheld
for a brief period the dignity of the Senate and the power
of the Optimates, and whose very banishment proved his
importance in public estimation, was now compelled to
Efv vf222.) sa7> " •• ^ e e l t n a t •• c a n ^° b Llt ^ile;"* and again, in a letter
"
"
Ep.473,2. to Partus 2 : " You talk to me of Catulus and those times.
Wherein do they resemble these? Then I refused to
withdraw from the guardianship of the Republic, for I sat
at the helm and held the rudder* ; but now there is scarcely
a place for me in the hold of the ship. Would one decree
the less be passed if I were at Naples ? Now that I am
in Rome and constantly present in the Forum, the decrees
of the Senate are enrolled in the presence of your favourite
and my friend (Caesar). When he chooses, my name is
affixed to them, as if I had been present; and I hear of such
an one having been carried into Asia or Armenia, purporting to have been framed in accordance with my advice,
before I have even been told that it was in contemplation. I would not have you think that I am jesting,
for it is a fact that I have received letters from the sovereigns of the most remote districts of the world, thanking
me for recognizing their titles — men of whose very existence I was ignorant." (Caesar was induced to take these
liberties with Cicero's name by his anxiety to preserve
the appearance of respecting ancient forms).
Nor could Cicero regard without emotion the fate
which had befallen many of his companions among the
Pompeians, though well aware that if successful they
would have been even far less merciful than their opponents. He saw their property confiscated, and distributed
amongst the adherents of Caesar. He had to mourn also
many of his most distinguished countrymen, many of his
*• This refers to Cicero's refusal to undertake the government of a
province immediately after the conclusion of his Consulate.

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

341

private friends who had fallen in the civil war.1 We r e - 1 ^ - ^ member how he shuddered on first seeing Cesar's retinue.
Custom had probably blunted the edge of the feelings he
then experienced, and he knew that many men of honour
and reputation, and favourably disposed towards himself,
had joined their destiny to the conqueror's. Yet, he
writes to Sulpicius in the autumn of this year: " Y o u
regret your determination (to undertake the government of
Achaia), and fancy us, who abide in Rome, more fortunate
than yourself. I, on the other hand, think you, if not
quite free from trouble, yet happier than myself. You at
least can venture to bemoan yourself in letters, whereas I
cannot even do that with safety: and this is no fault of
the conqueror, who is as moderate as can be desired, but
of his victory; for in the case of civil wars victory must
needs be intemperate." In a later letter he says: " The
end of civil war is necessarily not only obedience to the
conqueror's will, but submission to his associates also, by^J-^ 5 - 1 8
whose hands he has got the victory.2
The society of Csesar's friends was, no doubt, agreeable
as well as useful to Cicero, but still they were not his old
associates, and his intercourse with them was not grounded,
in the genuine Roman sense, on an equal participation in
the affairs of the Commonwealth. He writes to Mescinius:
" N o w that some of my friends are dead, others absent,
and others changed towards me, I had in good faith rather
spend one day in your society than all this time with niost*0^-443683;Jt
of those whom circumstances have forced upon me." 3 He£??3'J*2i,i
was doomed also to encounter many an unfriendly face in
the streets of Rome, whose sight he would gladly have
avoided by escaping to the country. " Let us," he writes
to Varro, cc avoid the eyes of men if we cannot escape
their tongues; for those who pride themselves on their
victory look down upon us as the vanquished; and those
Q 3

342

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

who grieve at our defeat cannot endure that we should
^tl 4 °2.) still exist." i
But Cesar's magnanimity and apparent deference to
Cicero failed after all to establish a feeling of real confidence between them. This is clearly intimated in a
2
ID$AVS.) letter from the orator to the Consular M. Marcellus ,
who was then living in exile. " My sorrow and concern
for you nearly equal your cousin's *, though I come behind
him in my pleadings for you. For I have not the same
freedom of access to Caesar, and have need of intercession
in my own behalf. Anything I can do I owe to his
indulgence only, nor can I forget that I am a vanquished
45oT?4^ man." 3 That the conqueror himself recognized the footing
fx?i6.'i7>'ir.on which they stood respectively to each other, appears
130
from his exclamation on hearing that the great Consular
was waiting in his ante-chamber for the moment when
he might be admitted to his presence. " Can I be simple
enough to expect that this man, complaisant as he is,
should feel like a friend towards me, when he has to sit
* Ep. 680. so Ions: waiting for my convenience ? " 4 Cicero's feelings
{Ait. xiv. 2.)

must have been severely tried when the conqueror of
Pompeius and of the Republic celebrated his fourfold
triumph, and was created Dictator for ten years.
Thus, in spite of the sportive gaiety which at times
characterized his letters, he had his hours of heavy disquietude, and the general tone of his mind at this period
was probably grave and serious. It was well for him that
his sensitive nature made him so open to the impressions
of kindness. " Although in my own person," he wrote to
* The word in the Latin is frater, which may also denote the son of a
paternal uncle. The brother of M. Marcellus, Cains, during whose Consulate the civil war broke out, perished in it, following Pompeius. His
uncle, Caius, was Cicero's colleague in the Augurship; and his son of the
same name, Consul in the year 704, is the one here meant.

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

343

Figulus 1 , " I have met with no great harshness, and 1 Ep.463,i.
indeed in such times as these have no wish which Cassar
has not freely gratified, yet am I so tormented with grief
that it seems a sin to remain alive. For, together with
many of my intimate friends who are scattered in flight,
or have been torn from me by death, I have lost all
those whose friendship I acquired in the days when, with
your assistance, I saved the Republic from ruin*, and
I find myself involved in the shipwreck and total loss
of property which they have sustained. I not only hear
(which of itself were miserable enough), but, far more
distressing, I see with my own eyes the fortunes of men
with whose aid we once extinguished the flames of civil
discord scattered to the winds: and in that same city
where once I flourished in honour and renown, I now live
in destitution. True, I experience great kindness from
Ca3sar, but this cannot make up for my sense of restraint
and the universal change around me. Thus, deprived of
all that nature, habit and inclination had made necessary
to me, I feel vexed not with others only but with myself.
Born for noble exertion, I have now no motive, either for
action or for thought; whereas once my intercession was
powerful to serve the obscure or even the guilty, I cannot
now hold out a hand to Figulus, the wisest and best of
men, once the most highly considered, and my own true
friend besides."
We see from hence that he did not deceive himself as to
his true position; but was fully aware that his political
existence was now nothing more than a name.2 Plancius 2 EP. 45g.••
°

{Div. ix.'l7.)

had congratulated him on having retained his former con* Plutarch, in his life of Cicero (cap. 20.), and in the treatise, 'Ei irpeaSvTepcp TroXLTevTeov, informs us that Cicero when Consul, and especially on
occasion of Catilina's conspiracy, had made use of the counsel of his friend
Figulus.
Q4

344

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

sideration (dignitas). " If," he replied, " this consists in
desiring the welfare of the Republic and approving this
wish to good men, then I do indeed still enjoy consideration ; but if it consists in carrying out any such wishes in
deed, or defending them without reserve in words, not a
i Ep. 5i6, I. vestige of what I once enjoyed now remains to me." l
<•
His character and principles still bound him to the
vanquished party. " I do not repent my decision," is his
, E 448 frank confession to his confidential friend Varro 2 ; " for I
(Div. ix. 5.) w a g i m p e ii e d n o t by hope b u t by duty; it was a hopeless cause and not a duty which I abandoned.
Thus,
I was more patriotic than those who remained at Rome in
the first instance, and more prudent than those who, when
they had lost all, refused to return thither." So steadfast
indeed was his adherence to his political principles, that,
when the news of Cato's suicide reached him, he composed
a treatise in praise of the Republican, whose actions he had
3
though he thus exiE
445# not always cordially approved of ;
xii\'4%o^' posed himself to the danger of offending Cassar. But
the generous Dictator contented himself with writing a
pamphlet which he called Anti-Cato> in which he extolled Cicero's eloquence and course of life, and compared
him to Pericles and Theramenes.4 In a letter to Balbus,
4 Plut CiCt
39

written the following year from Spain, Ca3sar observed
that Cicero's Cato, which he had often read through, had
given him lessons in eloquence, but when he read the

5 Epp.628,2. Cato of Brutus he fancied himself an orator.5
460; compConduct so magnanimous as this, whilst it could effect
xii.'4or)*, Tac. no change in Cicero's views or disposition, serves to explain the principles by which he was now guided, and on
which he grounded his admonition to M. Marcellus, who
refused to revisit Rome after he had received his pardon.
" No place ought to be sweeter to you than your country.
You should pity it, rather than love it less, because its

A.U.

710.. B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

345

beauty is diminished; and robbed as it now is of so many
of its most illustrious citizens, you should not deprive it of
your presence also. If your greatness of soul refuse to
bend the knee to the conqueror, let not your pride reject
his liberality ; and if it be philosophy to endure life without your country, not to long for it is a proof of hardheartedness."* Although on his first return and before \ %?• ?68^

(Div. lv. 9..

he had become settled in Rome, or begun again to taste
repose, he often wished himself away from the city, where
the sight of the conqueror oppressed him, though the
fear of giving offence withheld him from quitting i t ; —
although he could then say with truth, " Let us shun the
sight of men; " 2 yet subsequently there can be no doubt 3 EP.UO.
that he really entertained the sentiments he expressed to
Marcellus, for his words bear the stamp of sincerity.*
We honour these sentiments all the more from the
freedom with which he avowed them at a time when the
[Roman world was completely in Caesar's hands. What
danger was then attendant upon writing or speaking we
frequently hear from Cicero's own lips.3 We have seen3 e. g. EP.
that he had boldness enough to expose himself to the
conqueror's wrath by writing a panegyric upon Cato.
" I t is an Archimedean problem," he writes with reference
to it to Atticus; " I cannot imagine how I am to write
what the company at your table f will read with pleasure
or even with indifference." He certainly was influenced
hy no consideration for the conqueror in the composition
of this work; he was not therefore deterred by any fear of
him from publishing the treatise de claris oratoribus, the
introduction to which affords such a noble proof of the
* There is no contradiction here with the gloomy picture Cicero draws
of his life in Rome in his letters of the year 709, Epp. 517, 1.; 526, l.j
{Div. vi. 1.4.) In these he is addressing a friend whom he wishes to console
for his absence from the city. Comp. Ep. 521, 5. {Div. vi. 18.)
f Cesar's distinguished friends, who frequently supped with Atticus.
Q 5

346

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

author's ardour. It first treats of the death of Hortensius,
upon which Cicero proceeds: " After the enjoyment of
uninterrupted prosperity he quitted life at a moment as
unseasonable to his fellow-citizens as it was seasonable to
himself. Had his life been prolonged he would have had
to mourn over the Republic without the power to succour
it. He lived as long as it was permitted to him to be
happy himself and useful to his country. . . . Were
Hortensius still alive, he would deplore, in common with
every good and faithful citizen, all that we have lost; but
in addition to this he would experience one sorrow peculiar to himself, or shared but by few, that, namely, of
seeing the Forum of the Roman world, the theatre of his
talents, bereft of the polished eloquence, not unworthy
of Greek or Roman ears, which once adorned it. I t
torments me to think that the Commonwealth can dispense
with the weapons of wisdom, genius and authority, which
I had learned to wield; the proper weapons for an eminent statesman, and for a virtuous and well-constituted
State. To me, especially, there is this cause of grief,
among so many greater ones, that having reached the age
when, after all I had done, I hoped at length to escape
into the haven not of indolence and uselessness but of a
moderate and honourable leisure, when my eloquence
itself was already ripe and began to mellow, at that very
moment arms were resorted to •—arms, I say, which even
they who had wrorn them well could no longer use with
* Brut. i.2. advantage." 1
To return to Caesar. In the beginning of this eventful
year he defeated the Republicans at Thapsus in Africa *,
and was compelled by prudence to adopt severity in his
treatment of the enemy. He returned to Rome about
* On the 5th of April according to the calendar as it then stood, which
•vvas not regulated until later in the same year (708, annus confusionis). It
was at that time sixty-seven days in advance. [See below.]

u. 710. B.C. 44. cic. 63.

347

midsummer *, and celebrated his splendid fourfold triumph, 1%P> 454.
on which occasion his munificence towards the soldiers
and citizens was in keeping with the pomp which surrounded him. At the close of the year he was forced to
go into Spain in order to subdue the sons of Pompeius,
and with them the last remnant of the Republicans.2
LIT o>/J';
V1 8 lv H,)
Besides upwards of thirty recommendatory epistles of ' '' *
inferior interest 3 , there are forty-eight letters belonging3 ^.435.;
9

-i

36.; 481

to this year, addressed for the most part to distinguished Jia. g>^
men who played a prominent part in the great drama then 67}
enacting.*
Seven are addressed to the learned Terentius Varro.
This celebrated writer had joined in the unsuccessful resistance offered to Caesar by Afranius and Petreius in
Spain; but one of his legions having deserted him, he
gave in his submission to the conqueror with a second
legion at Corduba, and was now living quietly under his
protection on his estates in Italy, devoting himself to his
literary avocations. He was about ten years older than
Caesar, but had attained no higher office in the State
than the Praetorship. Eventually he was preferred by
Augustus to the superintendentship of the library founded
by Caesar and enlarged by himself.
There are two letters to Servius Sulpicius the great
jurist, who was Consul in the year 703, when he opposed
the efforts of his colleague, M. Marcellus, against Caesar.
* We must here also mention a letter to C. Trebonius of the end of the
year 707, Ep. 429. (JDiv. xiv. 20.) Trebonius had joined Caesars party,
and he it was who conducted the siege of Massilia with such brilliant
success. In 707 Caesar entrusted him with the government of Spain.
Before his departure for that province, he sent to Cicero a work in which he
had collected the orator's witty sayings and speeches, accompanied by
suitable prefaces ; this gave occasion to the letter here mentioned. Trebonius became afterwards one of the conspirators against Caesar's life. See
also Phil. ii. 14.
Q6

348

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Deeply impressed with the misery of the times, and
mourning over the subversion of the old Republic, he yet
took part against Pompeius in the civil war; and after
the battle of Pharsalia was made Proconsul of Achaia.
Three letters are addressed to M. Marcellus, who after
the battle lived an exile in Mytilene; eight to Papirius
Paetus, the accomplished, witty and good-natured Epicurean ; who, though of patrician birth, had never, from
choice we may suppose, filled any public office, but lived
as a wealthy citizen in agreeable idleness, and enjoyed
Caesar's special favour.* We have already seen how fond
Cicero was of him, attracted, we may suppose, by the
charm of his wit, "not Attic," he says, " but old Roman,
which is more pungent still. As I live, I know no man
but yourself in whom I recognize the character of the old
i Ep.m.i. genuine humour of our country." 1
Three letters are addressed to Aulus Carina, a Roman
knight of an old Etruscan family, who had wielded his pen
as well as his sword against Caesar, and had therefore some
difficulty in obtaining pardon. He was probably the person whom Cicero defended in 685. He wrote an erudite
treatise de Etrusca disciplina, which has unfortunately been
2 suet. Jul. lost, and also a book against Caesar.2
75.

To M. Marius, whom we met with at an earlier period
Ep.45% of this work, there are two letters, the first of which3 is

(Div.

vii. 3.)

i l l

• •

very valuable as containing a detailed exposition ot the
principles which had governed the writer's conduct during
the last few years. The colours in which he pourtrays his
course of action betray indeed the art of the rhetorician,
and prove how time had blunted and obscured his recollection of his real views and sentiments.
* x In Ep, 473, 2. (Div. ix. 15.) these words occur. Roma quum sum et
urgeo forum, senatus consulta seribuntur apud tuum amatorem (Ccesarem),
mewn familiarem.

A. tj. 710.

B. C. 44.

Cic. 63.

349

The following letters of this period are also generally
important; those to L. Mescinius, Cicero's former Quaestor,
to Nigidius Figulus renowned for his extraordinary learning ; to Q. Ligarius whom he afterwards defended (two in
number); to M. Brutus, entrusted at that time by Caesar
with the government of the important province of Cisalpine
Gaul; to Cnaeus Domitius son of the Consular L. Domitius, who had defended Corfinium against Caesar, and
afterwards fell at Pharsalia; to L. Munatius Plancus,
then with the Imperator in Africa, whom we shall find
playing a considerable part in the next period; to Plancius
the friend of his exile; to Volumnius (two), his witty and
jovial boon companion, whose social qualities procured for
him the nickname of Eutrapelus; to Curius, to wrhose care
he had commended Tiro during his illness at Patrae; to
Ampius Balbus, who had been pardoned by Caesar; and
finally to P. Servilius Vatia, Caesar's colleague in 706, and
now by his appointment Governor of Asia. A letter to
Fadius Gallus, Cicero's Quaestor in his Consulship, deserves
mention as an example of the strong language he could
make use of when provoked. Only nine letters addressed
to Atticus in this period are preserved to us; they are
dated from Tusculum, Antium, or some other of his country seats.
We have often remarked, in regard to the earlier periods
of our work, the importance of the letters belonging to
them; in general interest, perhaps, those of the year 708
surpass all the rest. I t is a melancholy though grand
spectacle to behold a man of lofty genius and generous disposition struck down by the resistless stroke of fate, and
dragged from his accustomed sphere. But it is encouraging
on the other hand to find that such a man, not unmindful
of the lot of humanity, can yield to destiny with submission, and find the legitimate sources of consolation within

350

L I F E AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

his own breast, displaying virtues in his adversity which
under other circumstances might have remained unknown.
The peace which breathes in the letters of this year, and
their equable frame of mind, the calm regret for what is
lost, give them a peculiar charm, especially if we read
them immediately after those written from Brundisium,
and they are widely different from most of the letters not
addressed to Atticus, which are, generally speaking, of a
political character. A wise and sympathizing nature cannot fail to be moved when the good sense, moderation, selfdevotion and human feeling of a great man speak to us as
they do in the letters of this year.
T H E YEARS 709

AND

710.

In the years we have now been examining, Cicero appears in a situation and frame of mind the most congenial
to his nature, and the most favourable to his happiness.
W e have seen him resigned to the course of events, tranquil, nay, even cheerful. But melancholy impressions again
fill the mind on the perusal of a letter, which meets us as it
were accidentally amongst the rest. It is addressed in the
middle of the year 709, to Lucceius, and its import soon
convinces us that some new sorrow must have assailed the
long afflicted citizen. " My life," such is its tenor, " has
fallen upon times so evil, that now, at a period when it ought
to be crowned with all honour, I am even ashamed of living
at all! For what haven now remains for me, deprived as
I am of all glory and satisfaction, public or domestic?
The pursuit of knowledge, it is true, still remains, and
unceasingly do I occupy myself with it: what else indeed
can I do? But I know not how it is; knowledge herself
seems to close her sheltering portals against me, and almost
to reproach me for continuing longer in a state of existence

A. u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

351

which holds out no prospect but that of protracted misery.
And are you then surprised that I keep at a distance from
the city, when joy has abandoned my dwelling, when the
times and the personages, the Forum and the Curia, are
alike odious to
rae?"1
\*fcmf^In the same month he writes to Atticus: " You ask
whether the love of knowledge has quite lost its power
over me? In my present circumstances, I fear its influence is even pernicious. Without my attachment to intellectual pursuits, I might perhaps have been of harder
mould. For a refined temperament has no affinity with
what is stern and coarse." 2
\AUI^\.'A%:
Too true were these words. Cicero must needs have
been made of sterner stuff than he was to have been able
to resist the overwhelming calamities which the year
brought down upon him. In his own home, that hallowed
spot where the bowed and stricken spirit can most securely
look for rest, and is most easily softened to submission, no
joy, no rest, remained for him. Between himself and his
wife Terentia, whose society he had so fondly pined after
when in exile, a misunderstanding had recently, as we
have seen, arisen, which, probably at the close of this last
year, ended in a divorce.* If this event, both in itself
and in the causes which led to it, may justly be regarded
as a heavy misfortune to Cicero, his new choice of a partner was assuredly not less of a calamity. By the advice
* See p. 323. Ep. 516, 2. (Div. iv. 14.); Plut Cic. 41. According to
this historian, Terentia was again married more than once, and, if we may
"believe Valerius M. viii. 13. 6., attained the age of 103. [St. Jerome has
preserved a statement that Terentia married the historian Sallust for her
second husband, and Messala for her third. Dio Cassius gives her a
fourth, Yibius Rufus, who was Consul in the reign of Tiberius, and valued
himself for the possession of two things which had belonged to the two
greatest men of the age before him, Cicero's wife, and Caesar's chair, in
which he was killed. Dio Cass. lvii. 15.]

352

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

of Tiro, he sought to make a second marriage the means
of repairing his dilapidated fortunes. Various ladies were
passed under review by himself and his friends; the daughter of Pompeius among them; but Cicero feared to enter
into this alliance on account of Caesar. Of another lady
recommended by Atticus, he says with a shudder, " h e
5
!J?xu ii) ^ a ( l n e y e r beheld an uglier person." l His choice finally
fell upon Publilia, a young, fair and wealthy maiden, who,
Plutarch says, was his ward. But the marriage was not a
happy one. Publilia possessed none of that intellectual
cultivation which Cicero required in the partner of his
home; and besides, he was sixty-two years old.*
I t has been conjectured, and not improbably, that
Cicero's son, now twenty years of age, disliked his father's
new connexion, and on that account desired to leave the
lltt.'£n?7.) paternal roof. His wish was to join Caesar in Spain 2 , but
Cicero objected to such a step, as too inconsistent with his
own principles: moreover, the younger Quintus, who still
continued to entertain hostile feelings against his uncle,
was now' in Caesar's camp, and had through the offices of
Hirtius acquired his favour to such a degree, that his
cousin might feel himself in an unpleasant position if
p 5
g6f 2\ 6oo. 1. treated with less consideration.3
Young Cicero next
38?XUL9.) thought of setting up a separate establishment of his own;
but at his father's desire consented to betake himself to
Athens, there to continue his studies. He was handsomely equipped for his journey and residence there, and
was accompanied by two freedmen, Martianus and Montanus Tullus. It was not long, however, before he gave
ssofiftl'i?*''his father cause for vexation.4
632.' (Att'/xii. But the heaviest blow fate had reserved for Cicero was
24. 32. 52.;:
siii. 1. 47.)'

* Cicero was reproached for marrying a young maiden, himself being
a sexagenarian. " To-morrow," he answered, " she will be a matron."
Quint. Inst, Or. yi. 3.

A.u. 710.

B.C. 44.

CIO. 63.

353

the loss of his daughter. After she had been parted from
Dolabella in the preceding year, and while still under his
roof, as Plutarch relates, in the month of January she
gave birth to a son. At first her strength seemed to return satisfactorily; but appearances were deceitful: the
conduct of Dolabella, the misfortunes of her beloved
father, her mother's divorce from him, and his subsequent
re-marriage, had all affected her deeply. She died, as it
would appear, in February, at Cicero's Tusculan villa.1 ^.^pf5211,
The grief of the bereaved father was unbounded, as his fv! ?o.t ML'
letters written in the following month testify; for of the x n '
first few weeks succeeding the sad event we possess no
memorials. " I t is all over with me, Atticus," he writes,
" i t is all over with me! I have long felt it, but now I am
indeed convinced of it, now that I have lost the only
being who still bound me to life."2 Immediately after this 2 EP. 541,1.
&

. .

(^«. xii.23.)

event, he went to join Atticus on a small property the
latter possessed near Rome, where he remained thirty days.
But here he saw too many people: he longed for solitude,
and accordingly repaired to a peaceful secluded estate on
the island of Astura, formed by the river of that name
where it flows into the Tyrrhene sea, not far from Antium.3
T

£p/>.567,3.

i •

n 1

•

35, I-; (Att.

" In this desert, he writes to Atticus, " I am not dis-xii.40.19.)
turbed by the sight of any human being. Early in the
morning I bury myself in a wild and dreary wood, and do
not leave it till evening. Next to yourself there is nothing
I love so well as solitude. In solitude I can hold quiet
converse with my studies; though not without frequent
interruption from my tears. I strive against my grief as
much as I am able, but my strength is not equal to the
contest." 4
*isp.s!t\,2.:t
We cannot reproach him with utterly abandoning himself^"'Xl1,15,):
to his sorrow; for in an early letter addressed to Atticus

354

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

from Astura we find, that while yet residing at his friend's
suburban abode near Rome, he had read all the works he
could find calculated to assuage immoderate grief, and that
he did not avoid the visits of friends and others kindly disposed towards him. He composed for his own use a work
bearing the title De Consolatione, which he characterizes
* #p.53o,3. as more powerful than any other then extant.* 1 " I write
(Att xii 14 V

comp.EP. 'all day long," he says in his letter: " not that I really acxii.4o.)
complish much, but it serves in some measure to divert my
grief: it is far from doing all I could wish, for my wToe
presses too heavily upon me; but I can discern some slight
alteration, and I exert myself to the utmost to recover my
external appearance at least, if not my mental tranquillity.
Sometimes I fancy I do wrong in resisting my sorrows,
sometimes in giving way to them." He had an idea that it
was a point of duty to feel the full bitterness of a calamity,
and would have considered himself committing an injustice
to Tullia's shade had his sorrow not been commensurate
with her worth. " When you say," he writes to his friend,
" that people wish me to come to Rome, I would have you
know that your opinion is of more weight with me than
that of all the world besides. Nor do I hold my own
opinion in slight estimation : and what I think of myself
is of greater consequence to me than what all the rest of
mankind think. But I go no further than the wisest have
warranted; for I have not only read all they have to say
(and it is no small proof of the patient's firmness when he
consents to take medicine), but have examined and commented on their maxims in my own writings. Thus, it
would not appear that my spirit is wholly crushed and
broken; and I will not abandon this course of healing to
plunge into yonder crowd, lest a worse relapse should be
2^.538,5. the consequence." 2
* Of this work only a few fragments remain to us.

A.u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

355

No one who shares in the tender sympathies of humanity
will blame Cicero for feeling thus acutely, but will rather
honour him for the above expressions, and admit the further truth of his words when writing (in May) to his
friend Ser. Sulpicius.* I blame myself for not bearing
my sorrows as so wise a man as you thinks I ought to bear
them: but at times I am almost overpowered by my anguish,
and can hardly support myself, for I have not those sources
^f consolation to which others, whose example I place
before me, have turned in similar calamities.
Even
Quintus Maximus f, who lost a highly distinguished
son, one who had filled the office of Consul, and had
achieved memorable actions ; and Lucius Paullus, who
was bereaved of two sons in the course of a week, and
your Gallus and M. Cato, who had also to deplore the loss
of a son of great endowments and eminent virtues ^ : all
these lived in days when the honourable consideration they
enjoyed in the State could afford them some grounds of
comfort. But for me, when I wTas deprived of all those
honours you speak of, the rewards of rny own strenuous
exertions, one sole source of comfort was still left, which
now, alas! is torn from me. Not in zealous labours on
behalf of my friends, not in political occupations, did I
seek tranquillity for my mind: I might have nothing to do
in the Forum : the Curia I could not bear to look upon.
I thought, and was it not true ? that all the fruits of my
(Jiligence and good fortune were lost. But when the
Reflection that the same fate had befallen you and others
made me resolve to bear my reverses with fortitude, one
spot was still left me whither I could turn for shelter
* In answer to his famous letter of consolation, Ep. 557. (Div. iv. 5.)
f Quintus Pabius Maximus, Cunctator, De Senect. 4.
J Cato Censorinus. Gallus belonged to the Sulpician family. L.
Paullus was the conqueror of Perseus. Liv. 45. 40.

356

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

and peace. A daughter I had, in whose attractions and
conversation I forgot all my cares and anxieties. But
since this last wound pierced me, the others, which I
thought were healed, seemed to open afresh. All is
changed. Formerly, when the Commonwealth dismissed
me sorrowing, my home received me with solace; but now,
when the aspect of that home fills me with sadness, no
solace, no peace, do I find in the Commonwealth. Thus,
neither at home nor in the Forum can I rest: my home
offers me no consolation for the state of public affairs* and
i jsp.565. public affairs afford no relief from my domestic sorrows." *
From the month of March to that of May Cicero remained in the retirement of Astura, from whence many
of his letters to Atticus are dated. Already in the earliest
of them he mentions an idea which had first occurred to
him at his friend's suburban residence, and which occupied
him busily the whole summer through. He talks of it
eagerly in all his letters to Atticus, and it would appear to
have kept him more than anything else from utter despair.
He desired to erect a monument to his daughter's memory.
I t was to be a temple, and was to be erected on a spot
where it might attract general observation. No cost
should be spared in the purchase of an appropriate piece
of ground. I t was nothing short of an apotheosis he
meditated, and he regarded the scheme in the light of a
vow, which burdened his soul till it; should be put in
2 £pp.528,2.; execution.2 " Regard no expense,"* he writes to Atticus :
569,2.; 561,1.

(Au. xii. i2.

-n

silver utensils, costly carpets, elegant villas, 1 can dispense
with; but this one object is a necessity to me." And
again: " I need not large revenues; I can, live con* This refers to some gardens in the vicinity of the city, which he was
desirous of purchasing for the monument. There are allusions to this
subject in almost all the letters 528—613, which are for the most part
addressed to Atticus. The temple is also mentioned in Ep. 727.

A. u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

357

tentedly on small means; but what I desire is to raise a
monument which, as though dedicated to a deity, shall
survive all the changes of property which distant futurity
may entail." 1
'
_
ktfffi'
Various plans were proposed and rejected, and manyX11,23,19,)
sagacious advisers applied to. All the writings of the
most cultivated ages, Greek and Roman, were consulted,
that the monument might be everything that could be
desired.2 Cicero seems to have thought of nothing else. J^'xif/iV.)
^ Atticus, however, to whom he had entrusted the purchase of the ground and other business connected with it,
found many difficulties in his way. Possibly he thought
the prudence of the whole affair questionable. His inactivity called forth frequent admonitions from his friend.
The monument, it would appear, was never erected. The
times, indeed, were not favourable to an undertaking for
the success of which order and tranquillity were requisite.
For at least half a year Cicero continued to avoid
social intercourse, and resided on his country estates ; first
at Astura, and subsequently at Antium, Arpinum and
Tusculum.* His friends did all they could to divert and
console him, and endeavoured to persuade him to return to
Rome, where his presence was ardently desired by many. 3 *^^ 5 ^ 3 -!
But their entreaties were in vain. If he had conceived a j ^ ^ , ™ ;
distaste for public life before, he now regarded it with IfjAtL xii#
perfect abhorrence'. Some of the letters of condolence
addressed to him in his solitude are extant. Besides the
celebrated letter of Sulpicius f 4 , we have one from Luc- 4%P- ,557ceius 5 , the same friend whom he had urged so warmly5 EP. 568.
to write the history of his Consulate. We regret the loss
* Till the month of April Cicero's letters are dated from Astura; and
from that time till the end of August or the beginning of September from
his other villas.
\
" The Boman friend of Rome's least mortal mind."
Byron, Childe Har. iv. 44.

358

LIFE AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

of one from Brutus, dated from his province of Gaul.
Cicero says it was sensible and friendly, but cost him
*£/>/>. 529,2.; many tears, and failed, at the time, of its intended effect.1
J

530,4. (Att.t

xu. 13. i4.) ifi[e s e e how reluctant he was to mix with others, from
his expressions of dissatisfaction at the visit of Varro,
with whom he had become intimate the preceding year.*
Atticus was the only person, at least in the earlier days
2 Epp. .579.; of his sorrow, whose society was welcome to him. 2 " I
xii.'50'.j xii wish for you alone," he says in his second letter from
Astura. A n d in a later one we have the words already
531^2'fl«3';(luo*e(^ : " N e x t to you I love nothing so well as solitude. 3
x». 13.15.) _ 4 g a ] n : <c Jf there is an alleviation for my sorrow, it is to
be found in you alone." B u t even this sentiment was
not without disturbance. The following words express a
painful feeling : " You can no longer be to me what you
have been, for all that you loved in me has passed away."
A n d in J u n e he writes: " T h e cheerfulness with which
I helped myself through the troubles of these times has
4jspp.53o,3.-,abandoned me for ever." 4 Of this feeling he could not
567, 3. (Att.
°
xu. 14.38.) divest himself.
I n a letter to Lucceius he confesses that his stoicism
(which was in reality never very genuine, though he magnifies it in this place) had been shaken by all the storms
he had experienced. B u t in April he speaks more tran5
EP- 5.60- v quilly 5 : by that time he had begun to recover himself.
Utf. x u . 35.) ^-

Possibly, the self-complacency derived from the recollection of former days may have conduced to t h i s ; but
there can be no doubt, in spite of what he himself says,
that he was mainly indebted for this slight degree of
amendment to his intellectual pursuits.f " I write here
* Att. xiii. 33. We find from Att. xiii. 19. and other letters, that their
friendship never became very intimate.
f He writes to Lncceius, Ep. 558. (Div. v. 13.) : Prcestitimus patrice non
minus certe quam debuimus, plus profecto quam est ab animo cujusquam aut
consilii hominis postulatum.

A. u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

359

(at Antium) for days together/' he says to Atticus ; " not
that my grief is thereby lessened, but it is partially diverted : " and again : " It is incredible how much I write,
all day., and on into the night also; for sleep does not
l
visit my eyes.* *
Epp.m,u
J

570,3. {Att.

It was to be expected that philosophy would be his™-38-; xiii*
principal study; and accordingly we owe to this period of
mournful leisure the completion of the work begun the
year before, JDe Finibus bonorum et malorum, and also the
Academicce Qumstiones. The latter treatise was originally
comprised in two books 2 , but these on a subsequent revi-^j^'l^ 1 sion were expanded to four. Varro having expressed a
wish to appear in the character of one of the interlocutors,
Cicero dedicated the work to that learned friend.f 3 Toeofff;.5^'5
the same period probably may be referred the Horten-m. (ktu
sius, a dialogue, in which he set up a defence of Philoso-13/19.25.)
phy in opposition to the exaggerated estimation in which
Eloquence was held; and recommended its cultivation.J
Besides these writings, he planned others; and proposed
to dedicate a work to his former son-in-law 4 , but seemst£f-??.1»2\
3

to have abandoned the idea. But what we most regret
is the loss of a treatise on the future government of the
Commonwealth, addressed to Caesar by the advice of
Atticus, but destroyed by the author on changing his
mind. He had sent this essay to Hirtius and Balbus,
Csesar's friends, for their opinion; but they suggested so
,s * Compare what has been said in earlier letters, 530, 3.; 546, 3. (Att.
xii. 14. 28.)
f Of the work in four books we possess only a part of the first. The
sixteenth letter of Schiitz's collection is the dedicatory epistle to Varro.
The second book (Div. ix. 8.) of the original work, which bears the title of
Lucullusy has been entirely preserved.
[See Smith's Biogr. Diet, art.
Cicero, i, 734.]
X Tusc. Qu. ii. 2.; De Div. ii. 1. The Hortensius has been lost, with
the exception of a few citations. [See art. Cicero."]

(Att. x m . 10.)

360

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

many alterations, that Cicero, if he had attended to them,
must have rewritten the whole work. They thought its
tendency too aristocratic: the author on the contrary was
only glad to have the opportunity of suppressing it, because
he considered it too flattering to the conqueror. In a
letter to Atticus, he says; " I have passed sentence on the
epistle I had addressed to Caesar. My advice to him was
indeed the same, according to his friends, with his own
expressed intentions. He said he should not march against,
the Parthians until he had set the State in order; and this
is what I recommended also: but if it should please him
to act otherwise, I gave him permission to do so. For of
course this was what he was waiting for: he would hardly
venture to undertake anything without my approval.*
But come, pray let us have no more of this folly; and let
us secure ourselves a partial freedom at least, which we
1
^p.psM.; may manage to do by silence and concealment." *
580'T-'58b' While we regret the loss of this treatise, so characterJjJS8xii?.'3i.. istic of its author, it must be owned that it was his good
2G!; 4x°ii;. 49!1, genius which cautioned him against sending it to Caesar,
280Xm* * for it bore no doubt the strong impress of the Optimate.
He now turned anew to his philosophical studies, and felt
the truth of what his friend Lucceius had said. " I f you
are happy in solitude, and can write and pursue your
wonted occupations, I am satisfied, and I do not blame your
resolution. For nothing strengthens and revives the mind
more than study, not in dreary times like these only, but
in bright and prosperous seasons likewise. More especially
beneficial is it to a mind like yours, seeking rest after the
* We may guess what the style of this epistle was from this ironical
remark. It appears to have suggested to Cicero the idea of his more
comprehensive work " de Republica" the materials for which we find him
busied in collecting in Epp. 589, 3.; 591, 4.; 592, 4.; 593, 5. (Att. xiii.
30. 32, 33. 6.)

u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

361

Exhaustion of noble efforts, and capable from its own rich
endowments of producing what may delight others, and
acquire for yourself praise and repute." l In the month of1 EP. SGS, «.
J

(Div. v. 14.)

August we find Cicero employed upon the second of the
Tusculan Disputations.2 The treatise addressed to Csesar2 Ep.en.
.

(Att. xiii.38.)

was composed in June.
Intellectual occupation was the more necessary to him,
as his own home and family afforded him no comfort.33 *^-568'6J

(Div.

15.)

How unsuitable was his second marriage, may be gathered
from his annoyance when the mother and brother of his
young wife offered to visit him at Astura, and she humbly
begged to be allowed to accompany them.4 It soon came4 EP- 55_0:?
to a divorce; the ground of which, according to Plutarch, [iy'^^ic
was the joy Publilia testified at the death of Tullia. It 4 1 ,
appears from certain indications in the letters, that this
happened as early as the summer of the present year.
Cicero had to refund the marriage portion, which had
been his only motive for the match. Atticus transacted
this business for him with the wife's brother. 5
^fTe'sof^
We hear little of Quintus at this time. Probably 4^20"'M'
Cicero's relations with his brother were not very cordial.
The younger Quintus returned to Italy after the close of
the Spanish campaign. His father who went to meet him,
received him at first with displeasure, but, changeable in
all his moods, soon adopted a milder tone towards him.
With his mother and with Atticus, the impetuous young
man was not on the happiest terms. His uncle received
him coolly.6 On the other hand, Cicero found a soothing;6 Epp.cm.^
J

° 624.; (551, J.

occupation in watching over the little grandson bequeathed [f1^1'40,
him by Tullia.* In the midst of his gravest cares, we
*
findThis grandchild was named Lentulus, after hischild, Lentulus Dolahim anxious for the welfare of this father and there is

bella. Whether this was an elder son of Tullia, or the child in giving
birth to whom she died, is uncertain.

362

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

something touching in t h e mention he makes of it in
1^^.533,8.; his will, and his recommendation of it to his friend. 1
546,7.; 548.
'
m
28'so 3 )"' 1 8 ' ^ e w a s m d u c e d to make this will m consequence of t h e
embarrassment and confusion of his pecuniary affairs,
arising from his divorce after so many years of conjugal
union, his second marriage, and the separation following
thereupon: the thought of death, moreover, had been
brought before his mind more vividly by his recent loss.
Several letters at this period are occupied with the sub2
e g. Epp. -ject. 2
538,8.; 617,
J^1"
21 -Idiiflk)

The aspect of public affairs would seem to have given
him occasionally some faint hopes of seeing the restoration
of the Republic in a form not altogether dissimilar from
that of his cherished ideas. Thus, in the commencement
of the year 709, he writes to Trebonius, then in exile:
" H e who now has all the real power in his hands, approaches every day nearer to the principles of justice and
n a t u r e ; and our cause must of necessity lift its head and
flourish again, when the Republic rises from t h a t prostration to which it cannot for ever be condemned. Liberal
3
'om>'5529762'; a n c ^ m ° d e r a t e views are daily gaining ground h e r e . " 3 Y e t
my. vi. io. ]3 e f ore long, all is despair again. " E x a m i n e all the parts
and members of the Commonwealth," he -writes to L u c ceius, " and you will not find one that is not broken or
enfeebled. W h a t is there amongst us which is not in fact
4
(D?v fvV) destroyed ? " 4 N o doubt his hopes and fears varied with
the frame of his mind. W e remark an increasing cordiality
in his relations with Brutus, who had returned this sum» Ep.520,4. mer from the Cisalpine Gaul, where P a n s a succeeded him. 5
(Diu. xv. 17.)

A s yet indeed .Brutus was on terms of amity with Caesar,
having been favourably treated b y the conqueror after the
battle of Pharsalia, where he had fought on Pompeius's
side, and had been entrusted by him wTith the administration of that important province. After the defeat of the

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

363

Pompeians in Spain, Brutus made a journey on purpose
to meet Caesar, and seems thereby to have somewhat
checked the ardour of Cicero's friendship. However, he
made up for it by writing a panegyric on Cato*, and
having divorced himself from his wife Claudia, daughter
of Appius, he married Cato's daughter Portia, lately the
wife of Bibulus. This event caused Cicero the greatest
satisfaction.1 Henceforth he testified the utmost consider\^:6^
;6
ation for Brutus, and dedicated to him his lately finished 6oi, 3°/ 602.
work De Finibus. This summer too he composed a pane-s^xiS!1^.;*
gyric on Portia, the sister of Cato, who had married then.)
Optimate Domitius Ahenobarbus, slain in the civil war.2 cif^fxhii
Here again we see how little he would stoop to any base 37,48,)
surrender of his personal feelings and opinions.
That he was conscious of a wide separation between
himself and Caesar, is manifest from the cold manner in
which he speaks of a letter of condolence addressed by the
busy Imperator to the afflicted father.3 It was dated from* j ^ ! ^ )
Hispalis, on the last day of April. To us there is something touching in beholding Caesar, after the hard-won victory which was to secure his dominions, turn his thoughts
immediately to his suffering friend. But Cicero felt that
he could not consistently with honour unite heartily with
one whose sway becoming each day more firmly riveted,
shut out every hope of the re-establishment of the Republic
he longed for: and the horror he had experienced four
years before on seeing the upstart minions of Caesar was
fresh in his memory.
After he had destroyed the treatise intended for Caesar,
* Cicero was not altogether satisfied with
erroneously asserted that Cato had been the
favour of the execution of the Catilinarians ;
discovery of the conspiracy were, besides, not
forward. Ep. 538, 1. (Att xii. 21.) ,
B 2

this panegyric. Brutus had
first to give his sentence in
and Cicero's services in the
brought prominently enough

364

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICEKOi

which we have before described, he wrote to Atticus: " Do
not you know that the pupil of Aristotle, the man most
distinguished for genius and modesty, when once he had
obtained the appellation of king * became proud and vindictive, and no longer knew how to bridle his passions ? How
then can you imagine that he whose statue has figured
amongst those of the Gods, he who has dwelt under the
same roof with Quirinus, will take any pleasure in a work
which preaches moderation ? " f
And now honours were lavished on the conqueror of
Pompeius's sons, most revolting to Cicero's mind. Csesar
celebrated a gorgeous triumph; and it was decreed that the
robe which adorned him on this occasion should be worn
by him at every festival, and that his head should always
be encircled with the laurel wreath. He was honoured
with the title of Deliverer; and the word Imperator, prefixed to his name, acquired a signification never before
attached to it. The State, moreover, presented him with
a public residence; and the Dictatorship was prolonged for
i Dio cass. the term of his life.1 His statue inscribed with the words
Liv. Epu. ' " To the invincible God," having been placed in the temple
of Romulus which stood next to that of the Dea Salus,
on the Quirinal hill, Cicero observed to Atticus: " Would
he were indeed a neighbour of Quirinus, rather than of
Salus."\ And in another letter he begins thus: "Does
Brutus really say that Caesar wishes to ally himself with
the Optimates ? A joyful piece of news truly ; but where
will he find any Optimates? unless he should be good
* i. e. the great king, the king of Persia.
f Ep. 587, 2. (Att. xiii. 28.) In one of the processions with which the
games of the Circus were opened, the statue of Cassar was carried among
those of the Gods. Suet. Jul 7.; Ep. 626, 1. (Att. xiii. 44.)
J That is, were withdrawn from the land of the living. Ep. 574, 4.
(Ait. xil 45.); comp. 587, 2.; 626, 1. {Att. xiii. 28. 44.)]

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

365

enough to go and hang himself;"1 after which he proceedsi Ep.m.
to express in no ambiguous terms, his wish, rather than his
expectation, that some Brutus or Ahala might be forthcoming. He was wholly unqualified himself to act such a
part. When the younger Quintus, seeking to do him an
ill turn, maliciously observed in Caesar's camp, that " i t
would be well to be on one's guard against him," Cicero
wrote to Atticus: " This might give cause for apprehension, did not Caesar know that I have not a spark of
courage in me." 2 True it was, that apart from the free2 Ep. 620.2.
utterance of his principles in his writings, Cicero's courage
only showed itself in occasional jokes and sarcasms upon
Caesar's conduct.3 There was nothing indeed for him but 3 Suet. Jul.
.

-. ,

39 ; Macrob*

to submit to the conqueror, and hope patiently for the sat. a. 3.
continuance of his favour. Two letters which he sent to
Caesar in Spain, from his retirement at Astura 4 , are not a4 Epp.bsu
555.

(Div.

little remarkable in this point of view. Their purport was xiii-15-16-)
to recommend to him a young friend of his own, and a
freedman of P . Crassus. In the first of them he says:
" The father of the young man I recommend to you
(PraBcilius) used to laugh at me and reproach me because I
did not connect myself more closely with you, especially
when you urged me to it in so honourable a manner;
a W sfjbbv owiroTS Bdfjiov svl arrjOaaaiv S7rsc0sv 5, for the voice 5 0dys$t vii#
of our great ones continually sounded in my ears,
WfCLfJbos icrcr', Ivd ris as /cat byfnyovcop sv slirrj.6
6 0d
u
303.

Admonitions such as these could not fail to soothe and
console m e ; and when they repeated
M.rj fiav aairovBei ys zeal cucXslco? aTroXoLftrjv,
' A \ \ a jjiiya ps%as n, Kal SGGOJJLSVOIGL 7rv6sa6ac7,
they were like to set on fire one who had already
B

7 n , XX ii.

304. 5.

366

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

scorched himself before the flame of empty glory. But
you see I am not to be moved by them. And thus I turn
from Homer's magniloquence to the sage precept of
Euripides:
MiCTCO CT0(j}LGT7]V} OGTIS OV% 0LV7(d (TO(f)09.%

L 343

2 II. xi. 733.

The elder Prsscilius commends this verse highly ; and he
says that a man may look ' both before and behind him/
a/jia irpocraco /cat oTricraco *, and none the less,
"AlBV apLCTTSVSLV KCll VlTSipO^QV

S/JbflSVaC aXkcDV."

Whoever has learnt to understand Cicero from his
letters, will not accuse him in this passage of flattery, but
will rather recognize in it a curious mixture of honesty,
sagacity and simplicity. The sagacity is shown in the
peculiar style adopted, for it is well known that Csesar was
fond of quotations from the old poets.
Though Cicero continued on amicable terms with the
Imperator's friends, he could not, during this year of
sorrow, live with them as familiarly as he had done before:
and hence his intimacy gradually declined, both with them
and with Caesar. He was annoyed too with Hirtius for
writing in disparaging terms of Cato, and paying no
3 Epp.m.i regard to his own panegyric.3
1. {Att. xiii.
We find him in a more tranquil frame of mind towards
4o.) ' ' the autumn of this year, when Csesar was expected in
Rome after the close of his war against the sons of Pompeius. H e no longer refuses to comply with the wishes
of his friends when fitting occasions arise for him to take
a part in public affairs; as for instance, when Lepidus, the
Master of the Horse, invites him to come from Tusculum
and be present in the Senate on the 1st of September, a
* It is not known to what tragedy of Euripides this verse belongs.

u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

367

proceeding, he said, which could not fail to gratify Caesar.11J^. 632.
When Ariarathes, brother of the king of Cappadocia, was
about to visit Rome, Cicero, who had cultivated very
friendly relations with him ever since the period of his
Proconsulate, wrote to him from Tuscnlum in June, requesting him to make use of his own residence.2 Atticus 2 EP.m, 2.
{Alt. xiii. 2 )

having urged him to address a forcible epistle to Caesar,
then on the point of returning, he accordingly set himself
to the task, and Brutus, on occasion of a visit he paid
him at Tusculum, approved of what he had done. However the epistle, which consisted of remarks upon Caesar's
Anti- Cato, was finished, and the author sent it to Oppius
and Balbus, who wrote in reply that they had never read a
better composition. They caused it to be forwarded to the
Dictator. When it was despatched, Cicero wrote to Atticus: " It was mere forgetfulness in me not to send you a
copy of my letter to Caesar. I t did not proceed from the
cause you surmise, i. e. that I had adopted so ridiculously
subservient a tone that I was ashamed to let you see it.
I assure you I have written just as if Caesar were my
equal. Bat I do really think well of his work, as I have
before told you. I have addressed him then without flattery ; and yet I think he will never have read anything
more to his liking." *
Caesar gained the victory of Munda on March 17th, the
festival of the Liberalia. Cnaeus, the eldest son of Pompeius, whom Cassius on a former occasion writing to Cicero
calls a "fool," 3 wTas slain in the pursuit; the younger 3 ^p.523,2.
Sextus made his escape. T. Labienus was amongst the
30,000 Pompeians whose dead bodies strewed the field of
battle.4 In October Caesar wras in Rome, and Cicero ap- 4 m Ben.
1

* Ep. 037, 1. (Att. xiii. 51.)
thought of this epistle ?

What must Cato's real friends have
R 4

Risp.Zl.

368

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i Veil. P. ii. pears to have gone to meet him on his disembarkation,1 On
5.'(Attxm! his Dictatorship being prolonged for life, he laid down the
office of Consul, in which Q. Fabius Maximus and C.
Trebonius were appointed to succeed him.
And now Cicero once more took up his residence in
the city, whence he writes in October to his friend Cornificius: " The utmost tranquillity prevails here ; yet I would
rather witness a healthy activity, worthy of our Commonwealth ; and I am not without hope of it, for I see Csesar's
2 Ep. 6io. thoughts also tend that way.2 The partition of the promised lands amongst his veterans now engaged Caesar's
attention; and Cicero exerted what influence he possessed
with those charged with the business, on behalf of certain
p
41
L? ?v^ ~~ districts and individuals.3 At this time also he made a
644.

(Div.

xiii. 4-9. speech in defence of King Deiotarus 4 , for whom Brutus
(Dw. ix. J4.) had before interceded with Caasar.5 This defence, though
(Atl'%iv.\) it did not immediately produce an acquittal, doubtless
helped in determining the Imperator to defer the final
sentence till he could institute a regular inquiry into the
circumstances on the spot.*
But if Cicero appears on the whole more reconciled to
life, the posture of affairs could assuredly give him no
ground for real satisfaction. " Here is peace," he writes
again to Cornificius, " b u t such a peace as would not
please you greatly were you amongst us, and which certainly does not please Caasar. For the close of the civil
war brings with it not merely the absolute supremacy of
* Deiotarus, Tetrarch of the greater part of Galatia, was a faithful ally
of the Roman people ; and, after the Asiatic wars of Sulla, Lucullus and
Pompeius, he had received an addition to his territories with the title of
king. He adhered to his patron Pompeius till after the battle of Pharsalia,
when he went over to Caesar, and assisted him against Pharnaces. Caesar
had deprived him of the Lesser Armenia, but had left him the regal title.
He was now accused by his grandson, Castor, of an attempt against Caesar's
life, and the Imperator was consequently prejudiced against him.

A.IT. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

369

the conqueror's will, but a necessity likewise of submitting
ourselves to those who have helped him to gain the victory." 1 Many an edict which Caesar now fearlessly puti EP. 645.
forth without any regard to old prescriptive forms, ran
sorely counter to his feelings. Such were the partition of
lands amongst the veterans; the final triumph in commemoration of a victory gained over Romans 2, and the a piut. c<est
shows that followed thereupon, when Laberius, an aged
member of that Equestrian order so highly esteemed
by Cicero, was compelled to enact his own Mimes 3 ; the 3 EP. 645.
,

(-DM*, x i i .

18.)

extension or the Jromcenum at the suggestion ot a w e e k ;
and the establishment of a body-guard for personal attendance on the conqueror.4 But what principallv annoyed4EPP.§\%U
650. (Att xiii.

him was Caesar's arbitrary conduct on the last day of the 35. '520 '
year, when, the Consul Q. Maximus having died that
morning, he had Caninius Rebilus appointed to hold the
office for the remainder of the day.5 This act might indeed 5 EP. 652,1.
,

., ,

(2i». vii. 30.)

have borne a milder construction; but Cicero was angry;
and though he allows some jests to escape him upon
the Consul "under whose rule no one had ever breakfasted," and who was so watchful that " he had not once
slept during his Consulate," he adds in the same letter:
" This may appear laughable to you. But you are not
here. If you were to see it with your own eyes, you
would hardly refrain from weeping. How, if I were to
tell you of other things ? For I could relate many more
of the same kind. Indeed I could not endure this state
of things myself, had I not taken shelter in the haven
of Philosophy; and had I not Atticus the companion of
my studies with me."
With these views, he would have been glad to keep
aloof from Rome, which in his eyes seemed to have lost all
the polish and refinement of former days.6 Had he been « EP. 656.
less prejudiced, he might have brought himself to acknowB 5

370

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

ledge that true refinement had still its representative in
Caesar: not the same indeed with that which was the
natural product of the manners of the old Republic; but a
quality adapted to the civilization of more recent times,
and of which Cicero's genius might have made him one of
the brightest models. He left the capital as soon as he
was permitted to do so. At the end of December we find
him at his Tusculan villa, from whence he unwillingly
obeyed the summons of Lepidus to be present as Augur at
the consecration of a temple to Mars built by Caesar. The
earlier part of the same month found him on his estate
near Puteoli, where he entertained the Dictator during the
6 5 ^ ^ ' 3 ' ; Saturnalia.1 He describes this visit to Atticus. The
% . 42.52.) } 3enaY i 0ur 0 f Caesar, " who forbore from entering into
m
any conversation of a serious or political character, and
confining himself to literary topics only, enjoyed himself
greatly, and appeared highly content with his host,"* was
calculated to make Cicero take a new survey of his
relations with the ruler of the Roman world, and decide
on his future line of conduct accordingly.
From the commencement of the year 709 to the close of
* " On the third day of the Saturnalia," says the letter, " Caesar was with
Philippus at his Puteolanum (L. Marcius Philippus, husband of Caesar's
niece Atia, stepfather of Octavius). He kept quite private; I fancy he was
looking over his accounts with Balbus. He took a walk on the beach at
one; came to me and had a bath at two, when he heard a lampoon about
himself and Mamurra read to him, at which he showed no vexation. After
anointing he lay down to supper. He intended to take an emetic, so he
eat and drank freely, and much to his satisfaction. Indeed I feasted him
sumptuously,
" ' Nor was wanting
The sauce that savours food, good conversation.'
Moreover, I entertained his retinue liberally in three rooms; even his
freedmen and slaves were not uncared for. In short, I acquitted myself
handsomely. But the guest, after all, was not the sort of person one Would
say, Call again on your way back, to. Once is enough."

u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

371

the period with which we have now been occupied, we
have 141 letters; of which ninety-five are addressed
to Atticus, and these, with two exceptions only, are all
written between March and the beginning of September.
"We have already given an insight into their principal
contents. Perhaps there was no period of his life when
Cicero felt more fully the happiness of having such a
friend.
The remaining forty-six are chiefly addressed to various
persons of consequence. We have mentioned the two to
Caesar. There are four to Dolabella, who was with him
in Spain. Cicero's intercourse with his former son-in-law
continued outwardly on the same footing as before. A
letter of the preceding year shows that it was then carried
on in somewhat of a jocular strain.1 Nor was it inter- l Ep.,519.
rupted by subsequent events. A letter of Bolahella's,
written soon after Tullia's death, contains some touches of
true feeling; and he visited his late father-in-law at
Astura immediately after his return from Spain.2 Cicero,2 EPP.5V.;
who was naturally peaceable, had besides an interested U'; Atu xiiimotive in not wishing to quarrel with one who was making
daily advances in Caesar's favour. Dolabelia, moreover,
would really appear to have possessed many ingratiating
qualities.
Three of the letters are to Co Cassius, who was then
residing at Brundisium: and we have his replies to two of
them. He had combated by sea on the side of Pompeius,
and even after the battle of Pharsalia he might at the
head of seventy triremes have attacked and taken Csesar;
but his energies seemed to succumb before the hero's
genius and good fortune, and he surrendered to him at
discretion.3 In these letters we find him renouncing his 3 App. Bent
°

Civ. ii. 88.;

former Stoical tenets and professing Epicureanism, which c°aTsP'x?i°
gives Cicero occasion to rally him. The following words 13,
B

372

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

in one of his letters are remarkable, coming from the pen
of one who fourteen months later was amongst the foremost
of Caesar's murderers. " I am now under real apprehension*, and would far rather have our own gracious
master, whom we are accustomed to, than a new and
i Ep. 523,2. savage one."1 From the first of Cicero's letters to Cassius,
(Div. xv. 190

we find that a friendly intercourse had subsisted between
2 Ep. 518. them from early times.2
(Dw. xv.

lliSc-Ti)i:v. Besides the celebrated letter of condolence from S. Sulxv 14)
*
picius, we have another from the same correspondent, in
which he relates the assassination of his former colleague
in the Consulate, M. Marcellus, on his way home from
lm?(Dto'L e x ^ e * 3 Ik took place at the Piraeus, in May, and many
5,120
people thought that it had been instigated by Caesar.
Atticus ever warned Cicero to be on his guard; and
Brutus wrote to him for the purpose of removing any such
suspicion from his mind, but Cicero declared it to be un4 Ep. 601 5.; necessary.4 Of his own letters at this time, only one is
comp. Val.

^^i'Jio.) addressed to Sulpicius, which is in answer to the abovementioned letter of condolence. One is to Marcellus,
written some months before his assassination, and urging
(D^ifio.) n m l t o n a s t e n his return to Rome.5
There are two letters to Lucceius, and one from him.
These are amongst the most interesting of our collection.
They relate to Cicero's heavy loss.
The four beautiful letters to A. Torquatus, and two to
Torannius and Trebianus, show how solicitous he was, in
the midst of his own sufferings, to convey comfort and
hope to the minds of such of his friends as were enduring
the pain of banishment in consequence of Caesar's victory, f
* In allusion to the war in Spain, then waging between Caesar and
the young Cnseus Pompeius.
f A. Manlius Torquatus, to whom Cicero was greatly attached (De Fin.
ii. 22.), was Praetor under the third Consulate of Pompeius. After the battle

A,U.

710.

B.C. 44.

Cic. 63.

373

On the other hand we read with dissatisfaction three
letters from P . Vatinius to Cicero, and one from Cicero
to him.
Vatinius was the notorious Tribune who
during Caasar's first Consulate had excited Cicero's vehement enmity by his audacious and unprincipled conduct ; until, at the instances of Csesar and Pompeius, the
orator consented to come forward with a speech in his
defence. Having been Consul for the last few months of
the year 707, Vatinius now administered the Proconsular
government in Illyricum. At the head of a small army
he had obtained some military successes for which he
claimed the honour of a public thanksgiving (supplicatio),
and he requested Cicero to assist him in obtaining it.
Cicero complied, and Vatinius obtained his object. Ambitious of more distinguished honours, the Proconsul next
undertook a campaign against some independent tribes of
Dalmatia; but his enterprise failed, and fearing Cassar's
displeasure, he again applied to Cicero to intercede for
him. 1 In a subsequent letter Vatinius thus expressed his 1 EVp.m%.°,
T
1
-XT'
1
I T T
1
' &iV. V.
anxiety and embarrassment: "You make too hard demands 654.io'.); comp.
9. (Div. v.
648

upon me. Can you indeed take such clients and such10-)
causes under your protection ? (he alluded to C. Atilius) *
the most atrocious of men, one who has murdered, imprisoned, or plundered so many free-born subjects, matrons
and citizens, and has wasted so many districts. What can
I do? I would gladly satisfy all your demands. The
criminal shall be excused the penalty of death for your
sake. But what answer can I give to those who bring
of Piiarsalia lie lived in exile at Athens; he was afterwards permitted to
return to Italy but not to Eome. Torannius had been Praetor in the year
695; he was an adherent of the Pompeians, and lived as an exile in Sicily.
The name of Trebianus is uncertain.
* Atilius was apparently a proscribed Pompeian, who in desperation
made piratical expeditions on the Illyrian and Dalmatian coasts.

374

I^IFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

accusations against him for the plunder of their goods, the
seizure of their vessels, the slaughter of their brothers,
children and parents ? Truly, if I had the effrontery of
my predecessor Appius, it would not avail me here. 5 '*
Vatinius tried various means to secure Cicero's favour.
When Dionysius, the orator's slave and librarian, notwithstanding the forbearance with which he was often treated,
ran off one day, carrying several of his master's books
with him | , Vatinius made great endeavours to get him
power and send him back to Cicero; but he does not
64f^65418,1 a P P e a r *° n a v e succeeded.1
7?-Vli'
Among the remaining letters we would specify as most
10,)
deserving; of notice, one to Varro 2 , beins; the dedication of
2 EJB.616.

(DM/, ix. 8.) the Academics Qucestiones, of which Cicero himself declares,
Jjff'xii^l) " Never shall I accomplish anything equal to it again; 5 ' 3
^ Epp.635.; then, two letters to Fabius Gallus, his Epicurean friend4,
G38. {Div.

vu.24.25.) relating to Tigellius the great singer and flute player, and
Csesar's household friend, whose displeasure Cicero had
'•• Epp. 634 j drawn upon himself.5 Comparing; these letters with some
636,4.; 637,

, .

. -,

3 ( W UI

" 5o sn * ^ ° - ^ t t l c u s o n t n e s a m ^ subject, we are struck with the
writer's sensitiveness about the disposition manifested
towards him by one whom he professed to despise : and
we are equally struck with the compound of frankness and
timidity, so characteristic of this great man, which the
second of his letters to Gallus brings before us. Finally,
we would mention three letters to Cornificius, who administered the province of Africa, and two to Curius, the
faithful attendant upon Tiro at Patrse.J
* JEp. 654. (Div. v. 10.) This Appius was not Cicero's predecessor in
Cilicia, but another who is unknown.
f This man is not to be confounded with Dionysius the freedman of
Atticus.
J Besides these there are also belonging to this period two letters to
Lepta, Prcefectus Fabrorum to Cicero when Proconsul, with whom he was
on terms of friendship; one to P. Sulpicius, who was associated with

A. u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

375

During the two months and a half of the year 710
which preceded Caesar's assassination, four letters only of
Cicero's are extant, of which the only remarkable one is
that where he informs his friend Curius of the appointment
of Caninius Rebilus, the Consul of a day. At this period
Cicero was residing in Rome : and hence there is a break
in his correspondence wTith Atticus just at the time when
his letters would have been most welcome to us. How
gladly would we have heard what he had to say upon the
projected expedition against the Parthians, or the outpouring of his feelings on occasion of the offer of the
diadem to Caesar by the Consul Antonius 1 : and besides,1 PMI. 11.34,
is it likely that the schemes over which his friends Brutus
and Cassius were then brooding., should altogether have
escaped his penetrating glance ? Living at Rome during
those months, the gloom of his feelings must surely have
acquired a deeper hue. Caesar, who now looked upon his
authority as securely established, ventured upon many
acts of power which must have appeared monstrous to an
Optimate of the old Republic. In his letter to Curius,
Cicero says: "Willingly would I fly from hence, and seek
a spot c where neither the name nor deeds of the Pelopidae
might reach my ear.'"* What must have been his sensations then on hearing Caesar called the Father of his
Country! f He was still in Rome when the fatal Ides of
March arrived : and from a passage in one of his letters to
Vatinius in the command of Elyria; one to Auctus, the Proconsul of
Achaia ; and four to Valerius Orca, M. Rutilius, and Cluvius, the commissioners for the distribution of lands. There is also one letter from
Curius to Cicero.
* This is apparently a quotation from an ancient tragedy no longer
extant.
f Liv. Epit. cxvi. Even if he had known the line, Boma Patrem Patrice
Ciceronem libera dixit, he might have added, Nunc dicit dominum serva
Patrem Patrice.

376

LIFE AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

Atticus we might perhaps infer that he was a personal
(Jtt^xi?? 14.) w ^ t n e s s °** *ke terrible deed.* l
This deed a great genius of our own times has designated " t h e most absurd that ever was committed,"f while
Cicero, condemned to see the frustration of all the hopes
he had built upon it, yet found consolation in the reflection
L?pp; 6?S t n a t he had witnessed the Ides of March. 2 Surely it is to
503. et al. el.

•
>

{Mt. xiv. 6.| the former view we shall feel compelled to yield our assent,
when we read the following lamentation from Cicero's
pen a month after the event: " One cannot imagine
anything more absurd than to praise the Tyrant's murderers to the skies, while we defend the acts of the
Tyrant. O merciful Gods! the Tyrant is slain, but
tyranny yet lives. A thousand times better were it to die
than to bear what is now going on and promises to
3 EpP. 684. continue." i 3
688. (Att.

xiv. e. 9.)

^ n ( ] Cicero writes this still unshaken in his political
prejudices, nor yet recognizing the truth, that of all men
Caesar alone could have succeeded in guiding Rome to the
destined goal, whither for a century past she had been
tending, and in averting the evil of those fearful days to
come, in which he was himself fated to fall a victim.
* [Quid mihi attulerit ista domini mutatio prceter Icetitiam, quam oculis
cepi justo interitu tyranni ?]
f Goethe, Farbenlehre, Th. 2. s. 126.
J [Contend Idibus Martiis simus: qui quidem nostris amicis, divinis viris,
aditum ad ccelum dederunt, libertatem populo Romano non dederunt. (Att xiv.
14. 2.)]

BOOK IX.

LETTERS

CICERO,

WRITTEN IN THE LAST FIFTEEN MONTHS OF HIS LIFE, FROM
CESAR'S DEATH TO HIS OWN,

IN TKE TEAKS

710

A*D

711.

B.C. 4 4

CICERO, ANTON1US,

AND

43.

OCTAYIUS,

B O O K IX,
CICERO, ANTOOTUS, OCTAVIUS.

A.U. 710. B.C. 44. Cic. 63.
Consuls: MARCUS ANTONIUS ; P. CORNELIUS DOLABELLA, sufF.

T H E rash precipitation with which Caesar's murder had
been resolved on is evident from the want of purpose
which appeared among the conspirators immediately after
the deed was committed. They seem to have imagined
that, the blow once struck, every thing else would follow
as a matter of course ; and that the people, exulting in
their recovered freedom, would declare at once in favour
of their deliverers. But it was not so. The people and
the Senate were alike confounded and dismayed; and the
Fathers sought safety by flying from the Curia. The
Consul Antonius, whose life had been spared by an illjudged caprice of mercy, casting off his robe of office,
took refuge in his own house, which he closed and
fortified. But while the conspirators were losing time
in the contemplation of their exploit, he recovered his
self-possession, and perceived the advantage he might
reap, by dexterous management, from the present posture
of affairs. Some of Caesar's veterans were in the city;
and Lepidus, who had been master of the horse the
preceding year, and had been since nominated to the
government of the Hither Spain and Narbonensis, possessed a considerable force in the suburbs, which he

380

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

stationed in the Forum the night after Caesar's assassination, in readiness to support all Antonius's measures.
Both resolved to conceal their real views till the temper
of the people was ascertained, and their adhesion and that
of the army secured. The Consul, in order to bind
Lepidus more firmly to his interests, promised to give his
own daughter in marriage to his son, and likewise obtain
for him the Chief-Priesthood, vacant by Caesar's death.*
As soon as the deed was done, the conspirators had
called out Cicero's name, and hailed him as the man from
whom were to emanate the measures necessary to the
i*'"z.ii. 12. restoration of the Republic.1 From the Curia, the scene
of the murder, they repaired to the Forum; their left
hands wrapped in their togas as if for defence, their right
hands still grasping their bloody daggers; the cap, the
symbol of liberty, elevated on the point of a lance, preceding their steps; and here they summoned the people
to rise for the cause of Freedom. Several persons of
consequence, Dolabella for instance, Lentulus Spinther,
son of the Consular, and Favonius, joined them to share
in the glory of the day. But the populace made no sign.
Beginning now to distrust it, and apprehensive for their
own safety, the conspirators betook themselves to the
Capitol, as to a fortress, and from thence scattered money
among the multitude; whilst Caesar's corpse was conveyed
by three slaves, in a litter, to his own house.
Cicero, who was doubtless among the first who repaired
2
^oCass, to the Capitol 2 , urged that the Praetors, Brutus and
Cassius, should summon the Senate thither that same
day. " W h a t might not then have been accomplished,"
he writes, a month later, to Atticus, " when all the welldisposed, and even the lukewarm, were rejoicing, and the
3 Att.xiv.IO.power of bad men was crushed?" 3 But his counsel was
* Both these promises were fulfilled.

A. u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

381

not followed. On the other hand, the conspirators requested him to go to the Consul Antonius and stimulate
him to undertake the cause of the Republic l ; this he very * Pha. a. 35.
sensibly refused to do. " I replied," he says, in the letter
above cited, " that Antonius would promise every thing
while he was in fear for his own safety, but as soon as
that was over he would be himself again." The courage
of the Republicans began to rise when the Praetor Cinna,
son of the notorious Consul, and for a moment Dolabella
also, declared in their favour, and a portion of the
populace came over to their side. At the demand of
their partizans, Brutus and Cassius now quitted the
Capitol to deliver a public justification of their deed in
the Forum, and to propose a plan of action for the
future. They made propositions, likewise, with regard
to Sextus Pompeius, and then returned again to the
Capitol, which was surrounded by a guard of Decimus
Brutus's gladiators; showing thereby how insecure they
felt themselves, and that their cause had as yet made no
progress. They next made proffers of peace to Antonius,
who meanwhile had recovered his presence of mind and
resumed his Consular authority, and also to Lepidus.
But these maintained their resolution of dissembling,
being secretly afraid of D. Brutus, who had under his
orders a considerable force intended for the province of
Cisalpine Gaul, to which he had been recently appointed
by Caesar, They replied that they could not hold intercourse within the walls of Rome with the murderers of
the Dictator, whose person the Senate had declared inviolable, and to whom they had pledged themselves by
an oath: it was not for them, however, to decide this
point on their own responsibility; the Senate should issue
a formal decree on the subject. A meeting of that body
was promised for the following day, March 17, to be held

382

L I F E AND LETTEKS OF CICERO.

in the Temple of Tellus, near the dwelling of Antonius.
The night before this was to take place, or it may have
been two nights before, Antonius caused Caesar's treasure
and papers to be removed to his own house.'*
The conspirators, though invited to this meeting of the
Senate, did not appear. The Temple of Tellus was surrounded by Csesar's veterans. Cinna was present among
the senators, clad in his Praetorian garb, which he had
for the moment laid aside. He had been roughly handled
by the populace as a traitor to Caesar, and barely escaped
with his life. Now, however, several in the assembly
took the part of the conspirators; and there was even
some talk of bestowing marks of public favour upon them.
* This treasure, which Caesar had deposited in the Temple of Ops,
consisted chiefly of the confiscated spoils of the Pompeians. The accounts
of its amount differ, though all agree in stating it as considerable. Cicero
(Phil. ii. 37.) gives 700 millions of sesterces as the sum which, according to
the books of accounts, should have been forthcoming. In addition to this,
Antonius received from Calpurnia, Caesar's wife, his private treasure,
twenty-five million denarii, which Octavius afterwards demanded from him.
(Plut. Cic. 43.) In the above narration, as well as in what is next to be
related, I have followed Appian principally (Bell Civ. ii. 118. foil), as his
account appears to be most consistent, but I cannot agree with him in the
date he assigns to the meeting of the Senate in the Temple of Tellus, i. e.
the 16th of March. Cicero expressly names the feast of the Liberalia,
which fell on the 17th. (Ep. 689. (Att. xiv. 10. 14.); comp. 693, 2. and
Phil. ii. 35.) The resolutions of Antonius were not so rapidly taken that he
could contrive his schemes on the very morning following the eventful Ides.
It appears to me that the 16th was the day on which Brutus and Cassius
left the Capitol to make their propositions to the people. Plutarch Cccs. 67.;
comp. Dio Cass. xliv. 20. foil.; Plut. Cces. Brut. Ant. Phil. ii. [Drumann
(Gesch. Bom &c. i. 84.) coincides with Abeken in the arrangement of these
dates. He concludes that the transfer of Ceesar's papers and effects to
Antonius took place on the night of the 15th—16th; thinking it hardly
probable that Calpurnia would have thrown herself so unreservedly into his
hands, except in the first moment of alarm, and before she could be
reassured by the moderation of the conspirators, the tranquillity of the city,
and the military attitude of Lepidus.]

A. u. 710.

JB,

c. 44.

cic. 63.

383

But Antonius employed every artifice to weaken the
faction of the Republicans. What, he asked, if the other
party should gain the upper hand, would become of all
the State officers whose appointments were derived from
Caesar's authority ? How would the soldiers get their
promised lands, if his decrees were to be reversed ? Dolabella had been nominated to the Consulate for the period
while the Parthian war was expected to keep Caesar at a
distance from Rome, and he had already assumed the reins
of office.* By these means Antonius succeeded in gaining
over all the veterans, and many persons of distinction,
Dolabella amongst them, to his schemes. Next, whilst
the Senate was sitting, he endeavoured, in concert with
Lepidus, to work on the feelings of the still irresolute
populace; and a demand of vengeance for the murdered
Dictator was at last excited. Meanwhile, however, the
Senate decreed an amnesty for the murderers* which
Cicero was strenuous in advocating l: the edicts and ap- 1 PML \. \z.
pointments of the late Imperator were to remain in force.
Another decree was passed in favour of the veterans.
Then Lucius Piso, Caesar's father-in-law, pressed for the
public reading of the will which the Dictator had made in
the preceding autumn, and had committed, according to
custom, to the care of the College of Vestals 2 ; at the 2 suet. Jui.
same time he recommended that a public funeral should
be solemnized. Both requests were acceded to.
Brutus and Cassius, on their part, summoned the people
the same day to the Capitol, where the speech of the
former had some effect even upon the veterans themselves,
to whom he promised to secure the lands destined them by
Caesar. The following morning the Consuls convened the
people in the Forum, where after a long speech from
* This was not agreeable, however, at first, to Antonius. Dio Cass. xliv.
53.

384

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

i veil. rat. Cicero*, the amnesty of the Senate was ratified.
ii. 58.

Antonius

and Lepidus sent their sons as hostages for the safety of
the conspirators; and thus encouraged, the latter quitted
the Capitol and joined the Senate. Brutus supped with
Lepidus; Casshis with M. Antonius.* They were present
also at a subsequent sitting of the Senate, where they
received the ratification of their appointment by Caesar to
s^piut. Ant, their respective provinces 2 , Macedonia being allotted to
Brutus, and Syria to Cassius. But the mutual professions
of amity which passed between the leaders were false and
hollow. Antonius and Lepidus had in their hands the
means of determining the populace in their favour.
Caesar's will, which contained the most liberal bequests to
the Roman people, was publicly read: his funeral was
solemnized. Antonius exerted all his eloquence, and
every method he could think of, to inflame the minds of
the multitude on the occasion. The corpse was consumed
in their presence. Then a tumult arose; the conspirators felt that they were no longer safe, and their apprehension was the greater as they knew that the city was
filled with soldiers who idolized Caesar.f
* [" While they were at supper, in the course of conversation Antonius
asked Cassius whether he had still got a dagger under his arm (in the folds
of his toga). ' Yes,' replied he, ' and a big one too, in case you too aspire
to the tyranny."' Dio Cass. xliv. 34.]
-j- The Tribune Helvius China was murdered in the tumult. The flames
of the funeral pile caught the neighbouring houses. Dio Cass. xlv. 23.
[The details of this famous .ceremony are given with more than usual
minuteness by Appian and Suetonius. The principal features and colour of
the scene have been seized with marvellous felicity by Shakspeare in the
third act of his " Julius Caesar." But the great dramatist overlooked, or
more probably refrained purposely from marking, the religious feeling
which animated it. The mass of the Roman people, amidst all the
scepticism of the upper classes, was still deeply imbued with a corrupt and
perverted sense of religion. The general admiration for the mighty
Imperator had grown into a morbid sentiment of actual devotion, and the

A.U.

710.

B,C.

44.

cic. 63.

385

Cicero was in E-ome on the day of the murder; and, as
we have already observed, may possibly have witnessed
the terrible deed with his own eyes. Plutarch 1 , however,1 Piut. cic.
.

42.;

expressly affirms that he was not taken into the secret
beforehand; and this author's remark is probably true,
that Brutus and his friends were too well aware of his
utter want of resolution to venture on entrusting him
with it. Thus, he said of himself on a former occasion:
" Csesar knows I have not a spark of courage in me."
And in the second Philippic he defends himself on very
plausible grounds against Antonius, who had reproached
him with participation in the plot.2 But the best proof of 2 FlliL a n.
his innocence is afforded by his words to Cassius and Trebonius (Feb. A. u. 711): " O h , that you had invited me
to that noble banquet on the Ides of March! Assuredly if
you had, no fragments would have been left." But that
he most truly rejoiced in the event, appears not only from
various passages in his letters, but also from a short note
decrees of the Senate which declared him " a god" were no more than a
time expression of the popular feeling. The law forbade burning or burying
the dead within the city ; the first, perhaps, for fear of conflagration amidst
the wooden tenements of which old Rome mostly consisted, the second from
considerations of health. But it was a prevalent idea that a city was
hallowed and secured by containing within its walls the tomb of its tutelary
divinity. The same feeling which prompted the Christians to raise churches
over the relics of their saints incited the Romans to consume their hero's
body in the centre of their capital, in order that the ashes might hallow the
spot, the spot the future temple, the temple the city and the State itself.
The Senate, the priests, and the Republican party generally, opposed themselves in vain to this inchoate apotheosis. The agents of Antonius promptly
availed themselves of the sentiment, and contrived the appearance of the
martial youths, who with a javelin in one hand should apply a torch to the
pyre with the other. The spot where they appeared was hard by to
that on which the Divine Twins were said to have shown themselves to
announce the victory at Regillus. Thus a divine sanction was given to the
popular sentiment, and the subsequent deification of the Roman emperors
owed its first origin to the frenzy of a genuine enthusiasm.]
S

386

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

he addressed to Minutius Basihis, one of the conspirators,
immediately after the assassination.*
He seems to have quitted the city shortly after the
funeral. Early in April we find him at a country resii £>. 679. dence, not far from Kome 1 , whence he writes to Atticus,
(Att. xiv. 1.)

describing a visit he had paid to Matius, one of the late
Imperator's most trusted friends.f Gloomy were the truths
he had to learn from this man's lips: " That the condition
of Rome is utterly desperate ; that no way remains of extricating it from its miseries, for if Caesar's mighty genius
could devise no remedy, who else shall discover one!" At
the time, Cicero thought these expressions too strong; but
in the course of the next few weeks, as the schemes of
Antonius developed themselves, he found more and more
reason to concur in the opinion of Matius. Soon after the
above conversation, he writes to his friend: " What grieves
me is that with the recovery of Liberty, there is no
appearance of our getting back the Commonwealth. I t
was never thus in any other State." And again : " Alas! I
fear that the Ides of March have brought us nothing more
than the momentary gratification of our hatred and our
* Epp 68-2; vengeance.2
091.; com p.
701. (Att.
xiv. 4. 12.

is )

* Ep. 677. (Div. vi. 15.) This letter does not contradict the supposition
that Cicero was present at Caesar's assassination. As soon as the deed was
done he fled, with the other senators, from the Curia. He now seeks for
more certain information respecting the issue and the plans of the conspirators, with which he was unacquainted. This note to Basilus looks as if
it were intended to be sent from house to house. Basilus is mentioned
among the conspirators by Appian, Bell. Civ. ii. 113.
•f Ep. 680. (Att. xiv. 2.) is written in answer to one from Atticus, in
which he described the applause with which the populace greeted Brutus
and Cassius in the Theatre. This must have been at the Megalesia, the
festival of the great Mother of the Gods, which was celebrated on the 4th or
5th of April, at which time the conspirators were still in Rome. On the
12th of that month Cicero mentions an interview between them and Antonius
as if it had just taken place. Ep. 684. (Att. xiv. 6.)

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

387

And now he thought with regret of the fault that had
been committed by Brutus in not putting Antonius to
death at the same time with Csesar 1 ; of the neglect with* PMIAI.H.
which his own advice had been treated, of assembling the
Senate in the Capitol on the yery day of the murder; and
of the warning words of Atticus, that all would be lost if
once a public funeral were permitted. 2 He called to mind2 Ep.689.
r

(^«.xiv. 10.)

the meeting of the Senate in the Temple of Tellus, while
a guard of Caesar's veterans kept watch around i t ; and the
apparently desperate situation of the conspirators, who
were unable at that most important juncture to sustain
their cause either by money or by military force.3 Of whatl$pp('jf*'2,;
avail were the demonstrations of joy, with which the xiv - 14,2i)
various Municipalities received the news of the Tyrant's
death4, or the acclamations which greeted Brutus and^^-J^4Cassius at the Festival of the Megalesia? Cicero now
felt what might indeed have occurred to all observing
persons: " The deed has been executed with the courage
5
of men, but the plan was only worthy of children." 5
Ep. 7o<i.
A letter written from Home by Uecimus to M. B r u t u s
and Cassius, shows clearly enough the embarrassed position
in which the heads of the conspirators found themselves. 6 6 EP:GS\
1
m

Decimus's first thought was to retire into voluntary exile,
but as soon as the Senate's decree passed, confirming
Cesar's dispositions, he changed his mind, and proceeded
to take the command of the three legions destined for
Cisalpine Gaul, and to possess himself of the government
of that province, upon which Antonius seemed already to
be turning his eyes.* C. Trebonius was forced to take a
* Ad AtL xiv. 13.; Ad Div. xi. 1. Caesar seems to have assigned the
Hither Gaul to D. Brutus, as having been Praetor, and at the same time to
have named him Consul for some future year, Yelleius calls him Consulem
designatum, ii. 58. 60.
s 2

(Biv. xi. 1.)

388

i Fp.m.

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

circuitous route, in order to reach his province of Asia in
safety. Tillius Cimber repaired to Bithynia, the province
allotted him. 1 Of Marcus B r u t u s . Caesar had once said:

(Att. xiv.

i?'(7 n p p o a n ' " ^ 1S °f g r ^ a t consequence what this man sets his mind
u p o n : when once he wills a thing, he wills it in good
2^.679. earnest." 2 This indeed was true of B r u t u s as regarded
feeling and temper, rather than energy in action, or
practical sagacity. A t the present moment the duties of
the Prastorship detained him and Cassius in Rome. T h e y
3
Appian, endeavoured to secure Caesar's veterans 3 , b u t Antonius had
B. C. iii.2.

more effectual means at his command. T h e Consul persevered in his plan of dissimulation. T h e r e was a certain
Amatius, a farrier by profession, who called himself a
grandson of Marius, and had applied to Cicero the year
before, begging him to befriend him on the ground of their
* Ep.m, i. mutual relationship. 4 This man had since made a figure
L

{Alt. xii. 49.)

in the riots which took place at Csesar's funeral, and had
set up an altar on the spot where his body was consumed.
H e now gave out that it was his purpose to assassinate
B r u t u s and Cassius, in revenge for t h e death of his relation the Dictator. F o r this announcement, notwithstanding a commotion of the populace in his favour, Antonius
esfT^r*5 caused him to be executed. 5 B r u t u s expressed his appro^pianj']?mC.bation of the Consul's act. A conversation he bad had
m 6
'' '
with him shortly before, would seem to have already
*EPp.GMi increased his confidence in him. 6 Antonius also proposed
687. {Att.

I I

xiv. 6.8.)

to recall Sextus Pompeius and give him the command of
the naval force of the State. The Senate readily acceded;
and Cicero applauded him thereupon.
A t the suggestion of the same wily adviser, the Dictatorship was
7 PMi. v. 4.; declared for ever abolished. 7 B u t all this was only to
Uv.Epit.

cxvi.

conceal his real intentions.*

The

Senate,

completely

* See the admirable speech of Antonius to the veterans, in Appian iii. 5.,
which contains, however, some errors.

A. u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

389

deceived as to his views, granted him for the defence of
his person against the disaffected populace, a body-guard,
which soon amounted to six thousand men, mostly veteran
centurions of Caesar's school. This was exactly what he
wanted. Then his brothers Caius and Lucius were
chosen, the one Praetor, the other Tribune. Next, having
gained over Paberius, Caesar's private secretary1, he pro-*-EP-*oi.
ceeded on his own responsibility to make sundry additions to ^ App^an,
those provisions of the late Imperator which had received
the sanction of the Senate, and professing to carry out his
yet unfulfilled intentions, caused several new members to
be received into that body. Having possessed himself of
the treasure accumulated by Caesar, he now employed it
in securing more partizans to his interests. 2 He projected2 Epp. 692,2.;
T
,
1
1
' '
a new and dangerous agrarian ,law; o
granted- .the . - rightxiv. 1 Phil.' 9
3 (u.y
£>
»
'
.
comp.
693

Att

of appeal to the people even in the case of a criminal \47'sf\^ <
seized in open act; arid brought subordinate officers
into the decuries of the judges- Caesar had granted the
Latin franchise (Latinitas) to the Sicilians; a step which
appeared highly objectionable to Cicero, notwithstanding
the partiality he entertained for those provincials. But
now Antonius having accepted a valuable present from
them, posted on the Capitol a law purporting to have
emanated from the late Imperator, but of which nobody
had ever heard before, bestowing upon them the right of
Roman citizenship. Another circumstance, repugnant to
the feelings of all honest men, was the recovery by
Deiotarus of the territory of which he had been deprived
by Caesar; a result accomplished by the most shameless
bribery, of which Fulvia, wife of Antonius, was the
channel.*
* Ep. 691. (Att xiv. 12.) ; Phil ii. 36, 37. Caesar had taken Lesser
Armenia from Deiotarus, who endeavoured to regain possession of it
s 3

390

lEn.m.

L I F E AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

Amidst schemes and intrigues like these, Brutus and
Cassius perceived that Rome was no place of security for
them. They had not ventured to leave the city as yet,
on account of the office they held. But no obstacle was
now opposed to them, when they withdrew as far as
Antium and Lanuvium, there to await the course of
events in the city.* Antonius did more: he procured
a decree of the Senate releasing them from the official
necessity of remaining within the walls. Their chief
reliance, in case of an open contest, rested upon Decimus,
and they entered into secret negotiations with Trebonius
and Cimber for the levy of money and troops. For a
while they remained, hesitating and uncertain, in the
neighbourhood of Rome ; but were indignant on receiving
a commission to supply the metropolis with provisions,
conferred on them by the Senate, possibly with the view
of giving them a decent pretext for leaving the capital
where they were no longer safe, but undoubtedly brought
about partly by the agency of Antnrius. For this
purpose Brutus was to go to Crete, Cassius to Cyrene. f
They remained, however, in Italy until the autumn.
Under these circumstances, Cicero regretted that he
had not exerted himself to procure a legatio libera from
the Senate.1 He had felt a disinclination to absent

{Ad Att. xiv.

himself from public affairs in the present critical juncture,
hoping still to find some means of saving the State. But
through the intervention of his envoys at Rome ; but the negotiation was
interrupted by Caesar's assassination. Fill via, Antonius' wife, was daughter
of the freedman Bambalio.
* Cicero had heard that Brutus was seen at Lanuvium about the middle
of April Ep. 686. (Att. xiv. 7.); Phil ii. 13.
t Appian, B. C. hi. 6. 8. This decree was issued in the beginning of
Jane, as we learn from Ep. 721. (Att xv. 9.) As to the distribution of
the provinces I have followed Appian, for Cicero's letter contains no precise
information respecting it.

A.IT. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

391

what now remained in his power? Whatever hopes he
had ventured to entertain were before long undeceived.
"Look at our public authorities/' he writes to Atticus,
on the 11th of April, " if they indeed deserve to be called
so. See the satellites of the Tyrant filling our offices ; see
his army, his veterans, marshalled in attendance on our
chief rulers. I foresee the conflagration which all this will
one clay kindle.1 , . . What is baser than to maintain 1 Ep.esz.
(Aft xiv 5 1

the very same system for which we hated Ca3sar? The
very same Consuls and Tribunes whom he chose are retained in office for two years." And hence he came to the
conclusion: " I find no point from whence I may direct
my energies for the public good."2
Accordingly h e 2 ^ - ^ .
betook himself to some of his more distant estates, and
entertained the idea of a journey to Greece, his parental
affection being an additional inducement to him to visit
that country.3 In the months of April and May, while3 E^ 686.;
Antonius was making a tour through Southern Italy for (^-*iv-7the purpose of securing the adhesion of Caesar's veterans,
we find Cicero at his Tusculan villa, and also in the
neighbourhood of Lanuvium, Fundi, Formias, Sinuessa,
Puteoli, Pompeii, Naples, and other cities. In regions
such as these nature spread before him all her charms,
and Atticus it appears counselled him to yield himself
up to her delightful influences. But he did not possess
that tranquillity of mind which is indispensable to the
enjoyment of such scenes. To his friend's question,
whether he would prefer more hills and distant prospects,
or a voyage by sea (he was then at Puteoli), he replied:
.

'AAAa

A X \ ' OV ScUTOS £7T7]pdTOV Spjd fJbifJbTjkeV.
XCT]V

ASLSIJJLSV

fisya 7rrjfia, StoTps^h,
slaopocovrss
craojorsfjbsv, rj a/iro'fX&vOai.4'

SV SOLTJ SS

His greatest anxiety arose from the apprehension of a
s4

iuad,\^

392

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

civil w a r ; for there appeared small probability t h a t
Sextus Pompeius would lay down his arms.
" What
I shall do in that case I know not," he writes in the same
letter; " for neither on the one side nor the other shall I be
allowed the same freedom of action that was granted me
in Csesar's wars. W h e r e v e r these rascals can discover a
man who has expressed joy at his death,— and this we have
all of us done in the open light of day, — t h e y will regard
him as an enemy, and not be satisfied without his blood.
I t remains for me, then, either to betake myself to the
camp of Sextus, or, should circumstances render it more
advisable, to that of Brutus, — an odious alternative, b y
no means suitable to my years, and the less so as the
issue of the war is so uncertain. I t seems to me that you
and I may say to each o t h e r :
Oi) TOL TSICVOV sfiov, dehorat iroXspbrjla spy a,
'AXXa crv y IjjLsposvra pbersp^so spy a \6yoto.*
B u t all this accident will determine; which, in such
matters, is a more efficient umpire than reason and re3 EP. 692,i. flection."1
(Att.xiv.l3.)

Besides the comfort afforded him by the recollection of
the Ides of March and by his correspondence with B r u t u s
and Cassius, he found solace at this time in the philosophical studies so congenial to his nature. To the above
outpourings of his heart he adds the w o r d s : " I will endeavour to acquire that strength which it must rest with
ourselves to possess; the strength to comport ourselves
wisely and steadfastly, remembering t h a t we are men on
whom these reverses have fallen. Then will we fly to
letters, which will be powerful to console us, and the
remembrance of the Ides of March will afford us no
* Iliad, v. 428. 9. Cicero changed the words, in the last verse, epya ydfioio into ipya \6yoiot

A. u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

393

small comfort." Accordingly, it was at this time probably that he wrote one of his most pleasing works,
the " Cato " or " De Senectute," which he mentions in
a letter of May l l . 1 He appears also to have em-1.Ep.704.
ployed himself on the composition of the history of his
own times, which unfortunately has not come down to
us.* 2 He was cheered by letters from his son at Athens: * £p>698.
J

' (Att. xiv. 1

but his pleasure on his account soon gave place to
anxiety.3 His relations with his brother had changed 369fpfA^'
again, as we gather from the manner in which he speaksX1V*7*16)
of him, but were still far from cordial. Quintus had
been separated from Pomponia, and was highly mortified
at this time with the conduct of his son, who having at
first behaved very undutifully to his mother, now espoused
her cause against him, and declared himself a warm
partizan of Antonius, as he had already been of Ca3sar.4g8|^96892»'
Greatly to Cicero's annoyance, he appeared crowned with [i%™'l:
a garland at the festival of the Parilia, which had acquired increased importance in connexion with Caesar,
openly declaring that he had placed it on his head in
honour of the late Dictator, and now laid it aside in token
of sorrow for his death; willingly would he bear " the
reproach of still loving the murdered man."f 5 Yet more 5 EPP. 693, \
.

° - (•<*«• xi

grievous was it to Cicero to have to designate the youth 14.19.)
as Antonius's right hand.6 His animated correspondence6 %P- ?03,3
0

* It has been assumed that Cicero's son published this work, entitled
'Az/e'/c&oTa, after his father's death ; but it is hardly probable that he would
have ventured to do so in defiance of OctaYius. It appears, from the letter
just referred to, that Cicero was occupied with another yet more secret
work, perhaps the 'HpaKAe&iov. See below.
f The Parilia, or Palilia, the festival of Pales and of the foundation of
Borne, were celebrated on the 21st April. In the foregoing year, the
intelligence of Csesar's victory at Munda arrived on the eve of that day,
and thus the recollection of the conqueror was now connected with the feast.
s 5

(Att. xiv. 20

394

LIFE AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

with Atticus was one of his chief sources of consolation ,
but Atticus had his own anxieties and apprehensions, and
did not wish to compromise himself with any party in the
*.E;>.695. State. 1 Cicero, therefore, had to summon all his phi(U1V.

XVI,

23>)

losophy to his aid to carry him through the troubles of
the times.
Antonius's real designs, which the conspirators were
not long in penetrating, became gradually evident to
Cicero likewise; in fact it was not easy to keep them
concealed under the profession with which the Consul set
out, of acting only in strict conformity with the duties
and prerogatives of his office. Early in April Cicero
wrote to Atticus: " Try to discover Antonius's thoughts.
I believe he troubles himself more about banquets than
^ Ep.mi. about matters of dangerous import." 2 But only two days
(Ait. xiv. 3 )

later he complains of the tumults excited by the " dice
s&>683.! player." 3 H e found causes of disquiet in the military
force of the tyrant, in the unbridled licentiousness of
himself and his associates, in the bad use he made of
Caesar's treasure and ordinances, and the spectacle of
inconsiderable men and Caesarian soldiers still in possession of the property lawfully belonging to members of
the Pompeian faction, with which the Dictator had en* Epp. 684.; dowed them.4 H e might fear too for his own friends
xiv'. a io.) under the present order of things; for Antonius had
6 PM. ii. 40. already confiscated some property belonging to Varro. 5 Nor
could the meeting between Antonius and the two leaders
of the conspiracy, which was mainly intended to lull the
e EP. 686. latter into security, long deceive him.6 But what most
irritated him was a letter from Antonius in April, requesting him not to make any objection to the recall of
7 Ep. 692. a. Sextius Clodius.* 7 H e easily saw through the profes(AU.xiv.V6.)

* A brother of the notorius Tribune Clodius, who had been banished
on account of the tumults which took place after Milo's murder, and

A . u . 7 1 0 . B.C. 4 4 . c r c . 6 3 .

395

sions of friendship with which t h e petition was accompanied, yet he felt powerless to refuse his assent to a
measure which in fact t h e Consul would have carried
through whether he approved it or not. Again, Caesar's
name was borrowed t o give authority t o t h e transaction.
" Antonius has written to me," Cicero informs his friend,
" i n honourable terms as relates to myself; b u t with so
total a disregard of what is right or beseeming, that a t
times one could almost wish Caesar back again. F o r his
papers are tampered with, and then we are told he that left
injunctions in his will about measures to which in reality
he would never have consented." 1 Antonius and Caesar U EP. 692,2.;
,
.
T/Y»
• i •
PI
comp. 693, 2.
there was indeed a vast uiixerence m t h e import 01 these(Au.rdv. 13.;
xiv. 14.)

two names; a difference to which Cicero himself was not
insensible. Under the sway of the former even freedom
of speech now seemed fettered; the very thought of him
roused feelings of indignation in Cicero's breast: and in
such a moment it was that he paid this well-merited
tribute to the shade of the murdered Dictator: " I believe
that I could speak against that accursed faction with less
danger to myself whilst the Tyrant lived than now that he
no longer exists. For Caesar, I know not how, treated
me with great forbearance. But now, turn where we
may, we are rebuffed, not only by Caesar's acts, but by his
very thoughts." 2
2 EP. 698. ^
Notwithstanding all this, he indulged in t h e vain hope
of maintaining his good understanding with A n t o n i u s ,
whom Antonius, who was connected with him through ITulvia, now hoped
to employ for his own purposes. It may be easily conceived how much
this proceeding must have wounded Cicero. We possess the letter of
Antonius (692. a.) and Cicero's reply (692.&.). This last is highly remarkable, as showing how easily Cicero could assume an appearance of
cordiality against his real feelings. He dared not complain when Antonius
at a later period made use of this letter, as we find in the second Philippic.
s 6

396

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICEEO.

which, based on an acquaintance of many years' standing,
(sfy.'xvf.* had never yet been openly interrupted. 1 He purposed to
fg 693 appear in the Senate on the 1st of J u n e 2 , when the
{Att.xiv. 14.) Consul was to present a general scheme for the government of the Republic, and for that of the provinces in
particular.
Meanwhile a youth had made his entrance on the stage,
whose first appearance showed that he was destined to
play a chief part in the great drama. This was Octavius*,
the grandson of a sister of Caesar, by whom he had been
3 suet. Jul. adopted and made heir to three-fourths of his property. 3
Octavius had been with his uncle the preceding year,
subsequently to the battle of Munda; and afterwards
resided at Apollonia in Epirus, applying himself to the
completion of his studies, more especially oratory and
the art of war. Here he awaited the arrival of Csesar,
intending to accompany him on the Parthian expedition.
He was now in his nineteenth year, having been born in
Cicero's Consulate. At the news of Caesar's death he
quitted Apollonia and his studies, and was already in
Italy on the 11th of April. He reached Naples on the
18th, and announced that he had come to claim the
l£pp-mi Dictator's inheritance.4 At Puteoli he had an interview
xiv. 5. io) w ^ n Cicero, and testified the utmost respect and devotion
* The subjoined table will show at a glance the relationship between
Caesar and Octayius:
C. Julius Caesar=Aurelia.
I
Julia=l. L. Pedius. =2. L. PiI
I narius.
I
|
L. Pedius,
L. Pinarius.
Consul, 711.

C. Jul. C8esar,=Cornelia,
Dictator. j dau. of
Cinna.
|
Julia, wife of Pompeius.

Julia=C. Marius.
Julia=Atius Balbus.
|
Atia= Octavius.
|
C. Jul. Cass. Oct. Augustus

Atia married, secondly, Philippus, of whom mention is frequently made in
Cicero's letters. The father of the Dictator had a brother, L. Julius Caesar,
whose daughter Julia married M. Antonius Creticus. The Triumvir M.
Antonius was the only son of this marriage.

u. 710.

B.C. 44.

to the experienced statesman.1

cio. 63.

397

But Cicero did not like l EPP. 69O.;
691.

(Att.

to hear him called Caesar by his adherents; for he wasxiv-n-12.)
surrounded by many who threatened death to the perpetrators of the late deed.
The young man seemed
disposed to act with too much precipitation; so that his
mother, whom he visited at the estate of her second
husband Philippus near Puteoli, urged him to conduct
himself with moderation and duplicity. But he appeared
confident in his own position. Many soldiers, including
some of Caesar's veterans, joined him, and pressed him to
take into his own hands the execution of the vengeance
so long delayed by Antonius. At Terracina, on his way
to Rome, he heard of the alterations that had been made
in the Dictator's provincial arrangements, of the honourable recall of Sextus Pompeius, and of the other arbitrary
measures adopted by Antonius. 2 All these were so mmy'2BAv&??>
spurs to his impatience. Before the end of April he wasfo11- in Rome ; Antonius being then absent in Campania. He
went instantly to the Consul's brother, the Praetor, and
told him he had come to claim his inheritance: he then
caused L. Antonius, the Tribune, to present him to the
people.3 As soon as the Consul himself returned he went 3 EP. 703,3.
to him, and upbraided him with his delay in exacting
vengeance for the late deed, at the same time demanding
Caesar's treasure and the confirmation in due form of the
act of his adoption. The young man's audacity was far
from agreeable to Antonius, so greatly his superior in
age; and his demand of the treasure placed him in the
utmost embarrassment. He replied, in an angry and
scornful tone, that Caesar's treasure appertained to the
State, and had been applied to its service. The truth
was, however, that he had made use of it to pay his own
debts and those of his colleague Dolabella, and to secure
partizans to his own interests. 4 The ratification of 1]\Q^ PMIAIZI.

398

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

act of adoption he did his best to hinder by delays. And
thus Antonius and Octavius found themselves placed in
a position of mutual hostility.
Antonius had been making a tour through Southern
Italy for the purpose of gaining over Cesar's veterans:
he had left Dolabella in Rome, being secure of his fidelity.
Octavius sold his own patrimony and made use of the
property of his mother and step-father, in order to pay the
people Caesar's legacy; for Antonius pertinaciously withheld the repayment he claimed; and so far did he now
belie his former professions of desiring to see all Caesar's
dispositions ratified, that he even set on foot an inquiry
^Appian, into the legality of his acquisitions.1 The favour of the
20
people, however, was won by Octavius, and his claims to
his uncle's inheritance were declared valid. This was
particularly manifested at the celebration of the games
which Caesar had vowed in honour of " Venus Genitrix"
2 Ep. 708. and which now Octavius solemnized in his stead 2 , and
suet. Oct. id. afterwards during the magnificent spectacles given by the
Pra3tor C. Antonius in the name of his absent colleague
Brutus.* And now the downfall of the conspirators in the
popular favour was complete; while Octavius on the other
hand continued to gain room for the execution of his vast
and daring projects; leading the Optimates to believe, by
his dexterous policy, that he belonged to their party, and
3 piut. etc. causing Cicero to express satisfaction in his devotedness.3
Antonius, who returned to Rome probably about the middle
of May, had however still some friends in the Senate, and by
their means he succeeded in obtaining his own appointment
to the province of Macedonia, with the command of the
* These were the Apollinarian games, which commenced on the 5th
July. Comp. Ep. 723. (Alt. xv. 11.) It was during the celebration of the
games held in honour of Venus Genitrix that the comet appeared which
was supposed to announce the deification of Csesar.

v. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

399

legions quartered there, which had been originally destined
for the Parthian war.* * He had previously procured from ^f^V. 3 ;
the people Dolabella's appointment to Syria, with the ^/WxVxl2.Vv,
conduct of that enterprise. . The legions which Antonius m. ?1.an' "Ct
withdrew from that service he got Dolabella to grant him,
on the plea that Syria was not threatened with invasion.
His real object was to employ them in the Cisalpine, for
which he meant to exchange Macedonia with Decimus
Brutus. The Senate objected to the exchange; but he
gained his point by applying to the people.f He had long
intended to act as Csesar had done before him, in making
Gaul the basis from which to conduct his -operations for
the attainment of supreme dominion.2
\£ft.WiL
Cicero did not make his appearance in the Senate on xiv!'^.")"*
the 1st of June, though he had repaired to his residence at
Tusenium in the full intention of proceeding thither. He
received warnings, from his friends and from Hirtius likewise to absent himself, and was informed that armed men
had been despatched on the road to Tuscuium to secure
his person.3 He was unwilling besides to see Antonius; 3 Epp.iv.;
n

i •

•

T 1

718. \Att. XV »

ior bitter was the feeling with which he wrote: " 1 have 5.8.)
resolved to keep at a distance from the city, where I not
only once enjoyed the highest honours, but retained some
dignity even in my slavery." He had continued to maintain
amicable relations with Csesar's friends, though without
giving them his confidence 4 ; while they, like their great 4 ^.688. ;
0

690.; 704.

leader, had good reason for desiring to count so distin-[f *%*}*•dguished a man as one of their party. W e find him giving
* Cassius was to receive the province of Cyrene as a compensation for
Syria, and Brutus Crete instead of Macedonia, which had been already
assigned to Dolabella, on the 17th May, as we learn from Ep. 688. (Att.
xiv. 9.)
f The refusal of the Senate took place probably on the 1st of June.
Ep. 693, 2.

400

Ep. 69i.

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

instructions in the art of rhetoric to Hirtius and Pansa the
Consuls elect for the ensuing* year.1 The hatred they

(Att. xiv. 12.)

entertained for Antonius led him at one time to form some
hopes of gaining them to the interests of the Republic;
but he was soon forced to confess the groundlessness of
* EPP.7ou such a project.2 He may possibly, however, have thought
21.5 xv. 5.) ' of securing himself a refuge in their protection in case of
the total annihilation of his political visions. His next
step was to apply by letter to Antonius for a legatio libera ;
and he was greatly pleased when Dolabella, who was preparing for his departure to Syria and the war against the
3^.723. Parthians, appointed him his legate. 3 This gave him
liberty to leave Italy, without imposing on him any duties
beyond what his taste or convenience might incline him
to undertake.
His political hopes were in fact already at a low ebb.
Once again they had been somewhat raised, when Dolabella in the absence of Antonius destroyed the altar and
column erected to Caesar's memory by Amatius and his
4
EpP. 696.; crew, and caused the ringleaders to be put to death.* 4
697.; 711, 1.

(ML xiv. is. J" or this act of iustice Cicero greeted his son-in-law as a
16.; Div. x n .

«J

i2.\ Apptan,2'" second B r u t u s ; " and L. Cassar, the uncle of Antonius,
B. c. m. 3. c o n g r a tul a ting him on the event, said that Dolabella " was
the only Consul worthy of the name since the man who
5 .Ep.699. had put clown Catilina.5 Yet this very Dolabella was soon
(Div. ix. 14.)

won over by the bribes of his colleague to give himself up
6
Ep. 775,1. unreservedly to his service.! 6 And as for Antonius, the
(Att. xvi. 15.)

* According to Appian, Dolabella even proposed in the Senate that the
Ides of March should be declared to be the day which saved the country.
•j- It is curious to see, in the midst of the extravagant praise which Cicero
heaps upon Dolabella and the joy he really experienced at his change of
parties, that he cannot refrain in his confidential letters to Atticus from
sarcastic hints at his delay in restoring Tullia's marriage portion. JEpp. 700.
701. 702.

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

401

measures he proposed and carried through in the Senate
on the 1 st of June only served yet more to incense Cicero
against him.1 All Cicero's hopes now centered in Brutus 1 PMALi
and Cassius ; yet even his confidence in them was not
unshaken., as appears from the following w7ords in a letter
to Cassius, written probably about the end of M a y :
"You have done better service to the State than I
could have ventured to hope: but she is not yet satisfied.
She measures the demands she has yet to make upon you
by the greatness of your mind> and of the deed you have
wrought. HithertOj all she has gained by the murder of
the Tyrant is vengeance for her injuries. What has she
yet recovered of her former glories ? Or shall we indeed
account it one of her glories that she obeys him dead5
whom living she could not brook? that she receives his
written memoranda as laws, whose formal edicts she ought
to have cancelled." * *
*,#>. f.n.;
{Div. x n . 1.

* It is difficult to trace the sequence of the events which followed Caesar's
death in the authors who have described them. I set down here the circumstances mentioned in Cicero's letters with the true or probable date of
the documents themselves. As most of the letters are addressed to Atticus,
and are immediate replies to his advices from Borne, we may conclude that
they refer to events which had only just occurred. These dates, then, may
be taken as nearly the earliest assignable to each. The date of some events
is stated with precision.
Cicero journeys from Astura
April 11 Ep. 683.
Arrival of Octavius in Italy
„ 11
Conference of Antonius with Brutus and
Cassius, probably in Koine 12 „ 684.
Cicero at Eundi
12
Brutus at Lanuvium
15 „ 686.
Cicero at his Puteolanum 16
Brutus satisfied with the act of Antonius in
putting the pseudo-Marius to death
„ 18 „ 687.
Lepidus in the Eurther Gaul
„ ,18
Dolabella appointed to Syria -.
-.
„ 19 „ 688.
Octavius at Naples ^
*
„ 18 „ 689.

402

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Meanwhile Brutus and Cassius lingered in the neighboured of Lanuyium and Antium, with feelings embittered
by the disrespectful and arbitrary manner in which they
had been treated. When Dolabella overthrew the altar
erected by the demagogues, as before mentioned, Cicero
indulged the confident hope that the moment had come
when they might effect something for their cause in
\Itt *x?v7'i6) ^ o m e l > a n d they proposed to appear there on the 1st
of June and show themselves to the people from the
Rostrum. But on hearing that Antonius was assembling
Trebonius repairs to his province
- April 19
Octavius with Cicero; Balbus, also Hirtius
and Pansa 20 Ep. 690.
?)
The Sicilians have received the franchise „ 22 5> 691.
Decimus Brutus with his legions in the
Cisalpine
„ 26 > 692.
>
Rehabilitation of Sextius Cloclius
„ 26
Cicero is convinced that Sex. Pompeius will
remain under arms
- - - - » > 26
Further spoliation of the Temple of Ops „ 27 it 693.
Antonius applies for the Cisalpine
„ 27
Octavius in Rome
„ 27
Dolabella overthrows the column in honour
of Caesar
May 1 JJ 696.
3 » 698.
Cicero at his Pompeianum
„
Antonius at Capua, on his journey into the
3
south of Italy
„
7 „ 700.
M. Brutus meditates voluntary exile
„
Antonius at Misenum
» 11 J) 703.
Antonius arms some of Caesar's veterans
„ 11 5» 704.
Games exhibited by Octavius
„ 18 » 708.
Trebonius at Athens
„ 22 » 714.
Octavius successful in his appeals
„ 23 J» 710.
Cicero at his Tusculanum
„ 27 > 718.
»
Remarkable meeting of the Senate under the
presidency of Antonius (Phil. ii, 42., i. 2.) June 1 „ 719.
Cicero's interview with Brutus and Cassius
at Antium «
„
8 „ 723.
Brutus meditates going to Asia „ 10
,,724.

A. u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

403

many of the veterans round his person, and had appointed
others to be in Rome on that day, they became frightened,
and wrote to him to ask whether he could ensure their
safety. This address1 while it bears witness to their great 1 Ep.nz.
apprehensions, shows their folly in complying with the
advice Antonius gave them in reply, and discharging the
followers who might have proved a defence to them.
At the meeting of the Senate on the day above-mentioned, the Consuls elect did not venture to appear; the
well-disposed portion of the aristocracy kept aloof from the
city ; and the measures that were passed were carried more
by the agency of the people than of the Senate. The
veterans proved the most effective instruments for giving
the weight of authority to the Consul's enactments; and
he found himself in a position which enabled him to execute, alter, or reverse Caesar's decrees iust as he chose,2 2 PML \ 2.;
On the 8th of June Cicero went from Tusculum to visit
Brutus and Cassius at Antium. He found them extremely
angry at the edict of the 5th, by which they were charged
with the commission of supplying the city with corn.
Cicero also expressed his indignation at it. 3 He found with^p-^i.;
them Portia the daughter of Cato and wife of Brutus, [$*'{*?'9*
Tertulla sister to Brutus, married to Cassius, and Servilia
mother of Brutus and half-sister of Cato*; the ardent
Republican Favonius was also present. Cicero advised
them to submit to the odious decree. He saw that totally
.' * Servilia had been Cs&sar's mistress long before, and it was even
supposed that Brutus was his son. Caesar made her rich presents, and
bestowed on her some of the confiscated goods of the Pompeians and of the
Tribune Pontius Aquila. Ep. 704. (Ad Att xiv. 21.); Suet. Jul 78. We
learn from Ad Att. xv. 11. the influence which she possessed over the
Csesarians, and the suspicion with which Cicero regarded her. [These
scandalous stories will hardly bear sifting. Servilia was probably older than
Caesar, and must have been between sixty and seventy at the time when he
is said to have shown her such favour. Brutus was only fifteen years his
junior.]

404

L I F E AND iLETTEES OF CICEEO.

unprepared as they were for any important enterprise, they
ought at present to think only of their personal safety:
the salvation of the Republic depended upon it. But he
could not persuade them. Cassius, who was the most
vehement, wished to go to Achaia, where many of the
Pompeian faction had betaken themselves. Brutus, full of
confidence in the justice of his cause, was for proceeding to
Rome, where the old Republic could still reckon upon
some adherents among the populace. Cicero employed all
his eloquence to dissuade him from such a step: it was, he
said, to rush upon certain ruin. Brutus was obstinate, and
it must be allowed, that what with the excitable passions
of the conspirators, their gross negligence of all ordinary
precautions, and his own wTant of consistency, Cicero had
at this time no easy part to play : but his business was to
advise for the future; and therefore it was hardly becoming
in him so dwell as he did on the recollection of all that
ought to have been done on the Ides of March, however
true such considerations might be. Servilia at length
engaged to contrive that the charge of the supplies should
be expunged from the decree, so that Cassius might be
enabled to leave Italy at once, as he desired, and go to the
province already assigned him. I t was not difficult after
this to make Brutus abandon his rash project; he now
proposed to remain where he was, whilst the games which
he was bound to give in his quality of Praetor should be
celebrated in Rome by deputy, and after they were over
he would set out for Asia. " Apart from this proof of
affection and duty," writes Cicero to his friend, after
relating the above transactions, " I cannot help asking
myself
e

H SsOp' 6869 (TOL rl Svvarac vvv, SzoTTpoTcz; *

* This, according to Valckenaer, is a verse of Sophocles. Diatr. ad Eur.
Fragm. p. 192.

u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

405

" I found the vessel altogether unsound, or I might say
actually shattered: no plan, no rational deliberation, no
method of any kind. I am therefore the more firmly
resolved as soon as possible to take my flight from hence
where,
u c

Neque Pelopidarum facta, neque famam audiam? " x

Ep- 723."

Hence it appears that all he had effected by his intervention was to prevent Brutus from rushing headlong on his
own destruction. The chief pf the conspiracy remained
as before, utterly inactive 2 , and shortly after the meetings Ep.-M.
above described, he writes to Atticus: " When 1 saw
clearly at Lanuvium, just as you do, that our friends had
only just so much hope of their lives as Antonius chose
to allow them, I gave up the cause for lost. Now listen
to my words uttered with calm deliberation: the death
which our enemies design for us is in my estimation an
ignominious fate, and the more so as it is dictated to us
by Antonius. This impending misery then I am resolved
to fly from, not through fear of death itself, but because
I hope to encounter death some day in a worthier shape.
This is all the fault of Brutus:" 3 and in an earlier letters ^.731.
he observes: " He (Brutus) has taken more pains to secure
the immortality of his own name than our welfare."4
4 EP.706.
I t is obvious that the cherished vision of Cicero's mind
had been the reversal of all the late Dictator's obnoxious
decrees, and the reestablishment of the Republic in the
same condition precisely as during his own Consulate and
the period immediately following. Never had his imagination been more active than on the Ides of March. The
hopes he then indulged in at another time he would have
pronounced impossibilities ; for the next hour after the
murder gave plain proof that no scheme of political re-

406

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

volution had been previously concerted by the conspirators;
and from the fact of their instantly calling out Cicero's
name, it would seem that they relied entirely upon him for
the restoration of the ancient government. But allowing
for an instant the practicability of such a restoration, it is
very evident from the general tenour of his life, especially
after his exile, that Cicero was not calculated to be its instrument. To overthrow Antonius in the full career of
his ambition, together with Dolabella, his creature and colleague, or to induce them of their own will to lay downv
the Consular authority ; to purge a Senate chiefly consisting of Csesar's partizans ; to hold the veterans in check
and at the same time satisfy their demands; to kindle the
enthusiasm of the people for a cause they had forgotten—
all this was no slight or easy task. In moments of great
excitement impossibilities may be overlooked; but a reaction speedily occurs in minds of less energetic order.
Already, in the assembly held in the Temple of Tellus,
Cicero was well pleased at finding himself able to obtain
an amnesty for his friends, and was fain to consent without
opposition to the ratification of Caesar's measures. Soon
after he turned his back on Rome, he begins to speak disparagingly of his beloved Brutus and Cassius, whom he at
least had no right to blame ; and after a few weeks have
passed away, we find him once more quietly occupied with
the composition of philosophical treatises,
Some faint hopes, though mingled with doubt and
anxiety, he still rested on the young Octavius. On the
10th of June he writes thus to Atticus: "' He possesses,,
as I have not failed to recognize, intellect and courage;
and the disposition he has testified towards our heroes is
just what we could wish. But how far he is to be trusted,
considering his immature age, his name, his inheritance
i Ep. 724. and his flatterers, is an anxious question." l
(Ati. xv. 12.).

u. 710. B.C. 44. cic. 63.

407

When a man no longer young finds himself circumstanced as Cicero now was, his natural habits and disposition are wont insensibly to reassume their sway.
As early as the commencement of April we find him
occupied in building at his Tusculan villa; at Puteoli,
where he spent a great part of the spring, he gave lessons
in rhetoric to Hirtius and Pansa; then again we find him
recurring to the subject of the temple which he designed
to dedicate to Tullia; and above all his literary pursuits
continued to employ his time and thoughts. 1 His noble ggf?-^8.1-"'
treatise "De Senectute" has been mentioned already. ^lll'\7]ff';
was succeeded by another with the title u De Amicitia^f^'i^1^;^^
He composed also the work entitled " De Gloria" un- 14 °
fortunately no longer extant, but of which he thought very
highly himself.2 To this period likewise we may probably ^f^-775484';
refer the composition—or at all events the completion — iH^l'/7''
of the work " De Natura Deorum" dedicated to Brutus;
the treatise "De Divinatione? that " D e Fato" part of
which is lost, and probably the commencement of the

"Be Officiis"*

\»$!^t

Before setting out on the journey he had so long con- ^Atu xv*14,)
teniplated, he had the satisfaction of seeing his nephew
join the Republican party, and of presenting him in person
to Brutus 4 , who was at this time at the island of NesisJJ^ff.7*^;;
near Puteoli, having continued to li nger on board his vessel xv^! 5.f * V
x.
near the coast, after leaving Lanuvium. Cicero had quitted 19 '
Tusculum at the end of June, and was now likewise in
the neighbourhood of Puteoli, where he continued to reside up to the time of his departure for Greece. Parental
affection had made himfixupon Athens as the object of
his journey, his appointment by Dolabella* to the office
of honorary legate for five years, giving him the option
of residing or travelling wTherever he chose.5 H e purposed5 EP. 723.
* On the 2nd of June.

408

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

however to be In Rome again by the 1st of January,
when Hirtius and Pansa were to enter on their Consulate,
and a favourable crisis in public affairs might be antici1^^.748.; pated in consequence.1
758

(Att.

xvi.5.6.); u

At length, after much delay and hesitation, the eve of

Phil. i.2»

his departure arrived, and feelings of gloom and despondency took possession of his mind. e( My departure," he
wrrites to Atticus, "brings with it many disquieting
thoughts, especially that of leaving you. I dread too the difficulties of the voyage, which seems alike uncongenial to my
age and dignity, and there is something rather perverse in
choosing such a moment for i t : for I quit my country in
peace to return to it in a time of war * ; and the moments
I might so pleasantly occupy in my rich and smiling domains, I must now spend in a distant and laborious expedition. But one thing cheers me — I shall be able to be
of use to my son, or at least to find out what may be done
for him. And then I hope you will come to Greece as you
promised, and if so, everything will wear a brighter coloura Ep 754,2. ing," 2 It must be confessed that his courage and manliness
compfS.' 'were at a low ebb when he wrote this; but ere long wTe
shall see the nobler part of his character again in the
ascendant, and the lofty sentiments of his better days
accompanied by a corresponding energy of action. The
tenderness of his attachment to his friend is in itself a
pleasing trait; it was duly reciprocated by Atticus, who
3 Ep.744.^ wept wThen they took leave of each other at Tusculum.3
" Had you shed those tears in my presence," writes Cicero,
" perhaps I should have given up my voyage altogether."
He extended the same affectionate interest to his friend's
i Epp.743.; little daughter Attica.4 Nor was their mutual regard a
754, 2.; 758.
and else-

*>
=

xv^s'-^i'
* Cicsro could not fail to apprehend war when he reflected on the
3. 6.)
bearing of Antonius towards Octavius, and on his determination to wrest
the Cisalpine from Decimus. Ep. 732. (Att, xv. 21.); comp. 720. 729.
(Att. xv. 7. 18.)

A.U.

710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

409

mere matter of sentiment. It displayed itself in works of
active zeal; and we observe with pleasure Cicero's indefatigable efforts to save the property of Atticus at Buthroturn, which was threatened by the depredations of Caesar's
veterans. Many letters are occupied with this subject,
some being addressed to other individuals concerned in i t . 1 ^ ^ ^
Atticus was equally zealous in the service of Cicero, and753,
it was to his counsel that the latter had recourse when his
pecuniary affairs became embarrassed, as seems to have been
the case at the present period.2
\Iit'™i
Cicero had at first intended to set sail in company with *nhdef^e"
Brutus, but the latter delayed his departure too long on
account of the games which C. Antonius, his colleague in
the Praetorship, was exhibiting in his name at Rome. 3 3 ^-^ 8 ^
Cicero had frequent interviews with him, and visited him
in the island of Nesis a few days only before his own departure. 4 He found him highly pleased at the manner in \ftf;^\;
which the games had been received.5 Loud acclamations' Phu.n.i
°

comp. Flut

had attended the delivery of certain passages from Attius's-*'*'-21play of Tereus, expressing hatred of tyrants, and this consoled him for not having been allowed to represent the
tragedy of Brutus by the same author, and also for his
disappointment in Cicero's absence on the occasion.* 6 Libo, 6 Epp- US,
father-in-law of Sextus Pompeius, joined them at Nesis,5-s xv- 26.)
bringing intelligence that Sextus was ready to lay down his
arms, provided his patrimony were restored to him, and that
the chiefs of the Caesarian faction would disband their troops.7 7 Ep. 749,1
The matter he said was already in treaty; Lepidus hadcomp.x3io4'
acted discreetly in this affair in concert with Antonius ; for io?ss'x v'
* These were the Apollinarian games, which were partly dramatic and
partly gymnastic, and included also combats of wild beasts. The PraBtor
C. Antonius was brother of the Consul. Brutus was also hurt at the games
being announced for the Nones of Julius; the name Quintilis should have
been used, he thought, for the other recalled the memory of Caesar. Epp.
749, 1.; 747, I. (Att. xvi. 4. 1.)
T

410

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

to him it was of great moment that Spain, which he
governed conjointly with Asinius Pollio, should be evacuated by the six Pompeian legions. Lepidus had the
neighbouring division of Gaul likewise under his command;
Asinius and Plancus, the latter of whom held the rest of
Transalpine Gaul, were yet to be gained, and then if
Antonius should succeed in getting possession of the
province assigned to Decimus Brutus, who would be able
to oppose their schemes ?
At Nesis, Cicero likewise met Cassius, who was lying
Utt.'lvi.'l) W ^ n n * s vessels off Naples.1 He and Brutus exhorted
each other to adopt a more decided line of resistance to
Antonius, and the fruits of their resolution afterwards
appeared in a document they addressed to him on the 4th
of August, in reply to a hostile edict and letter on his part,
a.Ep.757. the purpose of which was to frighten them out of Italy. 2
But it was too late: they had already wasted five important
months, which Antonius on the other hand had employed
with the utmost dexterity for the furtherance of his
designs. What could they venture to hope from Octavius ? Or what from the people ? of whom, when speaking of the applause bestowed on the Apollinarian games,
Cicero complains: " A l a s ! that the Roman people can
only use their hands for public acclamations, instead of
performing with them any deed for the defence of the
3 EP. 7 0 3 Commonwealth!" 3
5
{Ait. xvi. 2.)

And now, saddened by the spectacle of all that followed
on Caesar's assassination, by the intrigues, the party animosities, the short-sightedness of those whose aims were
purest, and the demoralization of those whose talents
placed them foremost in the struggle, we turn with a sense
of relief to linger for a while amid scenes which awaken
the purer sympathies of humanity. Such we find in a
letter addressed by C. Matius to Cicero at the end of

A. u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

411

May. Our pleasure, indeed, is purchased at some cost:
for the letter to which this is a reply forces us to acknowledge with pain that obstinate devotion to a party will too
often induce men, great and honourable in every other
respect, to forget all the sentiments of moderation and
mercy. More especially is this the case in a Republic.
Cicero had been treated by Ca3sar with singular magnanimity. The reflection upon the Ides of March, which he
had found so consoling amidst the first disappointments
thereupon ensuing, gave way before long to a sense of vain
regret for " the man who treated him with admirable kindness." l And now that the schemes of Antonius had gra- l EPP. cm
698.

(Alt.

dually unfolded themselves, we find him (at the end ofxiv-13- wMay) writing thus to Atticus: "Think of me as.you will;
if things go on as they seem likely to do, the Ides of March
will comfort me no longer. For, possibly he (Cassar)
would not have returned among us *; we should not have
found ourselves constrained by fear to give our sanction to
all his ordinances ; or again, favoured as I was by him, I
might very well have borne him for a master in my old
age, since now having got rid of him, we are not any
nearer to freedom."2 Yet even in this passage he cannot*fp-710<
help uttering a bitter curse upon him f; and assuredly his
heart remained unreconciled to his memory, while he
* This may be taken as referring either to the probability that Caesar,
who was in ill health at the time of his assassination, might have perished
in the campaign for which he was then preparing against the Parthians;
or, which seems a more probable supposition, Cicero intended to say that
had things been conducted more prudently, and had the life of Antonius
not been spared, another Caesar would not have risen in his person to act as
a still more pernicious foe to the Eepublic. [Abeken follows, apparently,
Schutz's reading; llle enim [aut] nunquam revertisset. But, omitting the
conjectural aut, the meaning is, " He might never, perhaps, have returned,'*
and can only refer to the chance of Caasar's death in his Parthian campaign.]
f Gratiosi eramus apud ittam, quern Dii mortuum perduinL
T 2

412

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

assailed even the generous friends of the deceased with
sneers and vituperation. One of these was C. Matius, a
Roman knight; a man of refinement and susceptibility.
He was warmly attached to Caesar, whom he had attended
in Gaul; and doubtless when there he had helped to confirm the good understanding between his leader and Cicero.
Though faithful to Caesar, he declined any active participation in the civil war, and, conducting himself with good
sense and moderation, did his utmost to restore general
tranquillity. Caesar reciprocated his feelings of attachment ; and Matius employed the credit he enjoyed with
the chief of the State, in doing good offices to many individuals, Cicero among the number. He continued firm in
his friendship to Caesar during the period of his dominion;
and how deeply he lamented his death we have already
72 ; s e e i 1 , 1
3sf^5i4 '
^ t n a * t m i e Cicero failed to recognize the truth
jttix^'i1^ °f ^ s w o r ( ^ s 5 i n writing to Atticus he even blamed and
Biv. vi. 12.) a]3Used him.2 He reproached him, moreover, for concur683. (Att "' ring in the ratification of an earlier edict of Caesar's, which
xiv. 2. 5.)

the circumstances had demanded; and above all, for
promoting the public games given by Octavius in his
\i6PP(At?'* h ° n o u r ' 3 Matius complained of his language; and Cicero,
xl' 28.?iv' l W ^ ° c 0 1 1 ^ not afford t o forfeit so great a man's regard,
4 Ep. 715. wrote to h i m in excuse. 4 H i s eminent talents and cornCD^, xi. 27.)
.
mand of language were n o t wont to desert him on occasions like t h i s : y e t how cold and artificial does his letter
aw?' xi6,28 s o u n d when compared with t h e reply of M a t i u s ! 5 In this
we behold the merits of Caesar set forth in attractive
colours, and the whole breathes an atmosphere of pure
sentiment, both delightful and refreshing. Could Cicero,
who was assuredly no stranger himself to the softer
emotions, read without a sense of shame the following
words: " I was conscious I had done nothing which could
offend the feelings of an upright man. How little then

u. 710.

c. 44.

cic. 63.

413

could I imagine that any one would have brought you to
believe such things against me, without the slightest proof,
great and various as are your mental endowments, and
faithful as I have ever been in my partiality for you ? I t
is charged upon me as a crime that I lament the death of
one who was bound to me in the closest friendship; that I
find it hard to bear the reflection that the man I loved has
been murdered. For they say, our country ought to be
more to us than any private friendship, Thus they take
it for granted that Caesar's murder was beneficial to our
country. But I will be honest: I confess this is altogether
a height of wisdom to which I have not attained. In the
civil war I was not, properly speaking, of Caesar's party;
I did not regard his cause with favour; yet I would not
abandon my friend. These dissensions and their origin I
alike condemned; and I sought to stifle them in their
birth. When my friend proved victorious, no temptation
of honour or of wealth seduced me. On the contrary, I
even suffered loss of property in consequence of one of his
laws; a law which gave many the power of remaining in
this State, who are now rejoicing in his death. I exerted
myself in behalf of many who were in the conqueror's
power, as zealously as if it had been for my own safety.
Thus, the deliverance and well-being of all being the object
of my desire, how can I do otherwise than grieve most
deeply at the murder of him in whom all hope of the
general welfare centered ? And to see those very men the
perpetrators of the deed, who were the subjects of general
envy on account of the favours they received at his hands!
< Then you shall suffer,' they say, ' for your presumption
in daring to disapprove of our exploit.' O unexampled
arrogance ! And shall one man then be allowed to glorify
himself for a deed of violence., while another may not
even grieve for it with impunity? But they can do
T 3

414

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

nothing with me. No danger nor terror shall turn me
aside from the duties of friendship, or from indulging in
the natural feelings of humanity. I could wish that
Csesar's death were lamented by all the world. And as
for my own patriotism, if the whole course of my life
hitherto, and what remains of it hereafter, do not bear
witness to it, I will not attempt to prove it by any lengthened demonstration."
While acknowledging that in the correspondence which
passed between Cicero and Matius on this occasion, the
latter appears in by far the most advantageous light, we
must remember that Cicero stood somewhat in the position
of the hero of the ancient Tragic Drama, whose destiny
was to struggle against time and circumstance. And, if he
erred in failing to recognize the great mission of Caesar,
was not his error human ? Once he had been himself the instrument of saving the State from destruction, and had
been called the Father of his Country. Let not blame then
be cast upon him by any who have known what it is themselves to have embraced a political party, and fought and
laboured for it with all their strength. I t is true his letters
to Atticus at this time exhibit no marks of enlightened
statesmanship, or of the qualifications requisite in one who
might have averted the ruin of the State : but he disarms
us by his own words after relating the incapacity of Brutus
and Cassius, and the treatment they submitted to from
\ ?p' 721« x Antonius. " I am worn out," he says. " with sorrow." 1
(Att. xv. 9.)

On the 16th or 17th of July, he set sail from his residence near Pompeii, with three small vessels. He kept
along the coast as far as Rhegium, ready to land any
where he might like. He came to shore at Velia, and
visited the estate of his friend Trebatius, then absent; to
7 *>.755. whom he addressed a letter from the spot (July 20.). 2
This letter and another to the same written from Rhegiuiii

A. IT. 710.

C. 44.

Cic. 63.

415

on the 28th, are in a cheerful strain. The last is accompanied by his treatise entitled Topica, which he had
completed on the voyage.1 I t was occasioned by a \ Ep.im.
former request of Trebatius, who having met with Aristotle's work so entitled in Cicero's library at Tusculum,
asked for explanations on the subject. Cicero advised
him to study the work itself, but Trebatius could not
master it, nor did he derive any effectual assistance from a
certain Rhetor to whom he had recourse. At that time
Cicero was too much occupied to attend to his wishes, but
promised his aid at some future period; and now in his
friend's own home he bethought himself of his engagement. As he pursued his voyage to Rhegium he wrote
down his observations, which form an excellent introduction to the work of the Greek philosopher. Cut off as he
was from all literary assistance, and assuredly not in a
state of mind favourable to sustained mental exertion, the
execution of this treatise may well astonish us by the idea
it conveys of the clearness of his intellect, the retentiveness of his memory, and his facility of expression.2
2 Topka, 1.
Before arriving at Khegium, he stopped again to pay a
visit to another friend at Vibo. This was Sica, who had
received him hospitably at the time he was quitting Italy
as an exile. From hence he again wrote to Atticus, requesting him to settle some debts for him. At the same
time he sends him an introduction to prefix to the treatise De Gloria which he had before presented to him ; for
happening to read over the Academicce Qucestiones on his
voyage, he discovered that the preface originally sent with
the De Gloria had also been used for this latter work.
iC
I keep," he says, " a volume of introductory chapters,
ready written, from which I make a selection when I
want one for any new work. Thus it happened that at
Tusculum I gave you this preface along with the book,
T

416

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

not remembering that I had used it already. As soon as
I discovered my mistake, I composed another instead of it,
i Ep. 758. which I now send you." J Assuredly did we not know
(Alt. xvi. 6.)

what Cicero was in his public and official career, the
occurrences of this voyage would make us imagine he was
born to be an author only.
The remainder of this letter is written in a dissatisfied
and melancholy strain. " Truly my Atticus," he says,
" I often ask myself, rj Ssup' 686? aoi rl Svyarac: why
am I not with you? why am I not beholding those
jewels of Italy, my own delightful villas? 1 must not
say too much about it. But, not to be with you! and
wherefore? to avoid danger? If I am right, there is
none near at hand; and you wish I should be back
again by the time it really comes; for you say my journey is every where highly approved of, but only on the
understanding that I am to appear in Rome again on
the 15th of January. I will indeed do my best to return
by that time; for I would rather be in Rome, encompassed with fears, than free from alarm at your beloved
Athens."
He desired to avoid the usual route to Greece, which
lay from Brundisium across the sea, fearing to encounter
the Macedonian legions which Antonius had ordered into
if7"!'^ 33#i -fr^y*2 He accordingly directed his course to Sicily, and
(^.xvi.5.) entered the harbour of Syracuse on the 15th of August.
But he only remained a day or two in that city, believing
that a longer sojourn in so important a place would give
rise to unfavourable surmises. As he was pursuing his
voyage, however, adverse winds drove him back to Leucopetra, a promontory not far from Rhegium. From
thence he made another attempt to get into the open sea,
but had scarcely sailed three hundred stadia* when he
* [Among the Romans the mile was strictly a land measure. At sea

A.U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

417

was a second time driven back to Leucopetra. "Whilst
waiting for a favourable wind, at the neighbouring residence of his friend Valerius, certain citizens of Rhegiurn
arrived there, men of consequence, who had just left
Rome, bringing the intelligence that there appeared every
prospect of a reconciliation between Antonius and the two
chiefs of the conspiracy, from whom they likewise brought
an edict expressed in energetic yet reasonable terms.
The Senate, they said, was to assemble in great force
on the 1st of September, and Brutus and Cassius had
earnestly requested that the former Consuls and Prastors
would be present on the occasion. There was reason to
hope that Antonius would dismiss his evil counsellors,
relinquish his designs on Gaul, and conform to the wishes
of the Senate.1 One of these men had lately conferred i ma. i.
with Brutus at Naples, having been his guest there.
They showed Cicero at the same time a speech addressed
by Antonius to the people, which pleased him so much,
that he immediately began to think of returning to Rome.
In this design he was confirmed by hearing from the
same informants that his presence was ardently desired in
the city, where his journey had been the subject of much
animadversion. When his resolution was taken, without
reference to the sarcastic observations of Atticus in a letter
which greeted him in the Straits of Messina, his friend
now blamed his journey (of which he had before expressed
approbation), saying it was very suitable to the views of an
Epicurean, but little worthy of a Stoic philosopher.2
» JEP. 759.
Cicero reached Velia on his w a y back o n t h e 17th of
August. Brutus no sooner heard of his arrival there,
than he hastened on foot to meet him, from three miles'
distance where his ships were lying at anchor. " O ye
they used the Greek measure stadium, equivalent generally to an eighth of
a mile, which was employed indifferently hy land and water.]
T 5

418

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

J F.P.759. gods!" exclaims Cicero writing to Atticus 1 ; "how sin(Att xvi. 7 •}

cerely did he rejoice at my return! all that he had
hitherto concealed in silence, he now poured forth from
the fulness of his heart.* But what he most regretted
was my absence from the Senate on the 1st of August."
On that day, the Consular L. Calpurnius Piso, father-inlaw of Csesar, had had the courage to come forward with
a spirited and patriotic speech in opposition to Antonius;
but he had been feebly seconded by those in the Senate
2 pkii. i. 4. who ought to have given him their support.2 This
example was calculated to arouse Cicero's emulation; and
the more so as his self-esteem was wounded on hearing
from Brutus that it was currently reported he had gone to
Greece to amuse himself with the spectacle of the Olympic
Games.
Cicero and Brutus never met again after this interview.
The latter quitted Italy together with Cassius, shortly
after; and from Athens they departed to the provinces
which had been assigned to them respectively by Caesar,
having no regard to the subsequent exchanges decreed by
j. veil. Fat. the Senate and people.3
Thus it was that the caprice of the elements, the entreaties of his friends, and his natural inclinations, concurred in bringing Cicero back to Italy; once more to
tread the soil on which the fabric of his glory had been
reared, on which it was destined yet again to appear
conspicuous in the eyes of the world, and then to be cast
down to ruin.
On his arrival in Rome on the last day of August, he
found all the anticipations verified which his last conversation with Brutus had awakened in him; and he
experienced the truth of his own words to Atticus within
* Namely, how much he was grieved that Cicero should leave Italy just
at that time.

A.u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

419

a fortnight before : " And so it is, that having withdrawn
myself when the danger appeared less imminent, I am
now about to throw myself headlong into the fire."* Joy- )]$%™f\
ful acclamations, indeed, greeted him when he appeared
before the gates of the city, and the people loudly testified
their eagerness for his return 2 ; but he did not venture to^plut-Cicshow himself in the Senate on the very next day, as
Antonius requested, having heard that a proposition was
to be brought forward for paying divine honours to
Caesar; for Antonius now openly professed himself a
partizan of the late Dictator, and the executor of all his
designs. Cicero excused himself on the plea of fatigue,
upon which Antonius publicly declared he would send
workmen to pull down his dwelling.3 His interview with 3 PM:L5.;
Brutus had already convinced him that nothing was to be
expected from the edict of which the Ehegian messengers
had informed him, or from another issued by Antonius in
the same strain: and it was evident that no prospect
whatever existed of an accommodation between the Consul and the Praetors. On the following day, which was
the 2nd of September, he made his appearance in the
Senate, and delivered against Antonius, who was absent,
the first of the Philippic orations. He spoke, as he afterwards said, " with less freedom than was his wont, yet
with more than the dangers impending over him, and the
threats of Antonius, rendered prudent." 4 " I t was to* pku. v. 7.
follow the example of Piso," these were his words, " who
spoke so courageously on the 1st of August, but which
was not imitated by the other senators, that I hastened to
Rome. I t was not that I expected to do good to the
cause (for of this I had no hope, nor was my strength
sufficient for it), but that in case I should meet with a
fate befitting humanity (for monstrous and unnatural
are some of the ills with which I am threatened) the
T

420

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

words I this day utter may remain an imperishable
witness of my love to the Republic." He then proceeds
to relate the whole course of his conduct since Caesar's
death; explains the motives which had led to his departure
from Italy and return thither; complains of the reception
he had met with from Antonius, and of the posthumous
honours decreed to Caesar; at the same time declaring his
acquiescence in all the late Dictator's enactments^ providing
they had not been falsified or added to by Antonius,
against whose edicts he protests in decided and vehement
terms. He concludes with exhorting Dolabella, who was
present, and Antonius, also, to remember the paths of
true glory, and to aim at acquiring the love rather than
the fear of their fellow citizens. Moderate as was the
tone of this speech, especially when compared with those
that followed, it sufficed to inflame the ire of Antonius,
and rendered all reconciliation at once impossible. Speaking of it afterwards, Cicero says: " I attacked Antonius so
vigorously — for I was the only freeman in an assembly
of slaves — that he could not endure it, and his whole
wrath, heightened by the fumes of wine, was poured out
i Ep.m,2. upon me." 1
The circumstance thus alluded to took place at a sitting
of the Senate on the 19th of September. Cicero had been
summoned by Antonius to attend it, but did not choose to
appear. For seventeen days, at his residence near Tibur,
Antonius had brooded over this speech.* In his reply, he
seemed, as Cicero wrote to Cassins, " not so much to
2/?P.862. speak, as to vomit words."2 Cicero was confident that
had he not, at the urgent request of his friends, stayed
* Phil, v. 7. In a letter to Cassius, Cicero says : In villa Metelli
(Scipionis) complures dies meditatus erat. Div. xii. 2. This Metellus was
father-in-law to Pompeius, and after the battle of Thapsus had thrown
himself into the sea. Antonius now possessed his villa.

A, u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

421

away from the Senate and taken measures for his personal
security, he would have fallen a bloody victim to the
enmity which Antonius then declared against him.1 The l EP> 762.
(Div. xii. 2.)

substance of the Consul's harangue we learn from the PM - v - 7 second Philippic which Cicero composed soon afterwards,
as though with the intention of delivering it, face to face,
in reply to his antagonist: it was, however, never really
spoken.* It must be confessed that Antonius dealt some
forcible blows at certain failings of his opponent. H e
read aloud a letter he had received from him in the affair
of Sextus Clodius, expressing the utmost devotion to his
interests; but his principal charge against Cicero was that
he was the author of the conspiracy against Cassar, and the
instigator of all the subsequent proceedings of the conspirators. He hoped by these accusations to excite the wrath
of the veterans against him. " The madman," writes
Cicero to Cassius, " asserts that I was the author of your
glorious deed. Would I had been so! He would not
then have been able to tyrannize over us." 2
2 Ep. 763.
s~*.

{Div. xii. 3.

Cicero s indignation against Antonius now knew no
bounds. Through him he beheld himself deprived of all
he most highly valued, his Consular authority and his influence in the State. He thus writes to Plancus at the
end of the month : " Since I have been summoned back by
the Republic, the schemes of Antonius have given me no
rest: for to such a length does he carry, I will not say his
effrontery, since that is a crime every where prevalent, but
his despotism, that he cannot endure even a free look,
much less a free word: " 3 and soon after he writes to Cas- 3

EP.IW.

(Div.x.

* The second Philippic was probably composed at Puteoli, whither
Cicero repaired towards the close of October. He sent it from thence to
Atticus, with these words: " When will the day come when you will deem
it expedient to make this oration public?" Att. xv. 13. And he writes
again, on the fifth of November: " Oh that I might live to see the day
when tins speech may range freely among men !"

1.)

422

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

sius: " The fury of Antonius augments daily: he has had
inscribed on a statue which he has erected in the Rostrum,
Patri optime merito, so that you see you are to be stigma(zw»'x!i3'3) ^ ze( ^ n o t o n ty a s m u r derers, hut as parricides."1 Again in
the second Philippic, when describing the earlier life of
Antonius, he gives vent to his embittered feelings in terms
of unrestrained and immoderate abuse.
His return to Roine at once convinced him how utterly
groundless were the hopes he had allowed himself to entertain at Rhegium, and in how critical a position the Republic was placed. His great care now was to confirm the
principal military officers and provincial governors in their
loyalty to the Commonwealth. From Sextus Pompeius
there was not much to expect, at all events for the present.
He had actually quitted Spain on receiving from Lepidus
the promise that his patrimonial inheritance should be
restored to him, and had taken up his residence at Massilia,
where he watched the course of events, and assembled a
2 Bio Cass, naval force.2 But much depended at this juncture upon
piln, B\ C?" Decimus, who with the Senate's approbation had taken possession of Cisalpine Gaul as a Praetorian province, and
kept his soldiers in martial training by making incursions
upon some Alpine tribes, while by distributing booty among
3 Ep. 76i. them he secured their good will.3 At the time of Caesar's
(Div. xi. 4.)

death, Q. Cornificius was governing Africa with Consular
authority. Antonius wished to appoint a new governor in
his place; but the Senate having decreed the prolongation
of his command, Cornificius found means to maintain himself there, and there was reason to hope that he would now
prove faithful to the cause of the Republic.* 4 M. Brutus
4 E 764>
l?e/Vaiso779!);had gone into Macedonia, where Q. Hortensius as Procon(Dto.xii.22.)

* Cornificius proved faithful; after the Triumvirate was established,
however, T. Sextitis was sent by Octavius to take his place, and a battle
took place between them in which Cornificius was slain.

A. u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

423

sul was actually commanding*; Cassius to Syria, where he 1 T>\O cass.
might expect a struggle with Dolabella. I t was especially
important to secure L. Plancus, who was posted with a
considerable force in Transalpine Gaul i for he might be
able to hold in check the wary Lepidus, who was now
more closely bound to Antonius by the ties of family connexion "*2 ; while on the other hand should Antonius sue- 2 EP.%%
,

{Div, xii. 2.)

ceed in making himself master of that province, and unite
his forces with those of Lepidus, all would be lost.
Asinius Pollio who governed Baetica and Lusitania, would
doubtless side with whichever party proved strongest.
At the end of September Cicero writes to Plancus: " I
live in the greatest apprehension, not for the safety of my
life, which is neither barren of years nor of deeds, nor
(were that anything) of glory. But it is for my country
I feel this anxiety; and most especially do I long for the
period of your Consulate!; but that appears so distant as
yet, that we must think ourselves fortunate if we can keep
breath in the body of the Commonwealth till it arrives.
What can we hope for in a State where all things are held
in subjection by the weapons of the most atrocious and
abandoned of men ? where no power remains in the hands
either of Senate or people? where no laws are held binding, no judicial authority is recognized, — in a word no
shadow or trace of a Commonwealth can anywhere be discovered?3 But he wrote in a somewhat sanguine strain of l^'lmY\
the young Octavius, in a letter to Cornificius about the
middle of October : " Great expectations,", he says, " are
centered in him. I know not what he may not be capable
of undertaking for the sake of fame and honour."4 H e 4 EP.i^a
°

* The earlier connexion of Lepidus — for he and Cassius had married
the sisters of Brutus — was thrown into the background.
f L. Plancus had been already nominated by Cassar to the Consulship
for 712, together with Decimus,

(Div. xii,
23.)

424

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

was not, however, so dazzled by the young man's abilities
and promise as to place unreserved confidence in him.
From the depressing spectacle which the actual aspect of
affairs presented, he raised his eyes to more remote contingencies. " The Roman people," he writes to Cassius at
the end of September, " can perceive that there are three
Consulars, who because they mean honestly and dare to
utter their sentiments freely, can no longer return safely
* Ep. 702. within the precincts of the Senate." l By these he meant
L. Piso, P . Servilius, and himself. L. Cotta rarely took
heart to attend the assembly, " where soldiers were a closer
2 Ep.im. and more vigilant audience than senators."* 2 L. Caesar,
uncle of Antonius, " the best and most steadfast of citizens,"
* Ep.im. was labouring under illness. S. Sulpicius was absent.3
(Div. xii. 2.)

The other Consulars were not to be depended upon; nor
at this time could much reliance be placed on Hirtius and
Pansa the Consuls elect, f " Thus," exclaims Cicero to
Cassius, " all our hopes rest on you and Brutus."
Towards the end of this year, Dolabella prepared to go
into Syria J, intending to suppress the Republican party
there, and to conduct an expedition against the Parthians.
The latter design was however little more than a pretext
for getting a considerable force under his command, and
especially the troops collected under Trebonius in Asia,
with which he might be able to make head against his
political foes.
The Macedonian legions which Antonius had artfully
contrived to lay his hands on, as we have before seen,
landed at Brundisium in the autumn, led by Caius the
* \_Nec nostrce dignitatis videtur esse ibi sententiam de republica dicere, ubi
me et melius et proprius audiant armati guam senatores.~]
f See Quintus Cicero's words on this subject in writing to Tiro, Ep. 780.
{Div. xvi. 27.), and compare Cicero's expressions, Ep. 747, 4. (Att. xvi. 1.).
% At the end of October he was at Baiae. Ep. 766. (Att. xv. 13.)

u. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

425

Consul's brother. They proved the occasion for an open
breach between Antonius and Octavius. A short and superficial reconciliation1 between these two personages had ^A£pi?£'30>
been succeeded by a return of their former hostile dispositions. When the people desired to elect Cassar's heir
to the Tribuneship, Antonius had interfered to prevent ^2'2B^c?m!h.A report was allowed to circulate that Octavius had at- xiv°. 46.ss'
tempted to procure his rival's assassination. There was
probably no truth in the story.* 3 On the 9th of Octobers Ep.iu.
Antonius repaired to Brundisium, to ioin the Macedonian 23.);' suet.
0ct 10
.
.
.
.
- legions; he designed to procure their fidelity by a distribution of money, and then to lead them to the capital: his
ultimate intention was to employ them against Decimus
Brutus, but he wished first to overawe the Senate by their
presence. Octavius meanwhile had not been idle. When
the Consul addressed the legions at Brundisium, he was
encountered by reproaches for having so long delayed to
take vengeance on Caesar's murderers; and his attempts to
work upon them by gifts only excited them to mockery.
Two legions shortly afterwards went over to Octavius,
who was more splendid both in his promises and his performances, and who had already succeeded in establishing
his influence over the Caesarian veterans in many cities in
vSouthern Italy.f 4 Thus deceived in his expectations, ^ ^^67.?
Antonius fell into transports of rage, and caused a great xvi - 8 - 9->
number of the centurions (Cicero says three hundred J) to
* That Cicero was himself aware of such a design has been concluded
from his words : Prudentes et boni viri et credunt factum et probant. Others
are satisfied that the story was a fiction of Antonius, who sought thereby to
excuse his retention of Caesar's inheritance. Appian doubts its truth, and
on reasonable grounds.
f Appian, B. C. hi. 40.; Dio Cass. xlv. 12.; Liv. JSpit cxvii.; Cic. Phil.
iii. 2. 4.; Phil. v. 8. The legions which went over to Octavius were the
fourth and the Martian (Ad Div. xi. 7.); some soldiers from the second
and the thirty-fifth also joined him.
J Phil. iii. 4. 12., v. 8. According to this account the sufferers could not
have been all centurions, for there were only sixty of these to each legion.

426

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

be put to death before his and Fulvia's eyes. He then
sent on the troops to Ariminum.
Cicero did not think it advisable to be in Rome just at
this time. He quitted it towards the end of October.
(i&'xvfk) ^ n t-'ie 2 5 t a w e fi11^ n ^ m a t Puteoli. 1 Matters had now
indeed been pushed to extremities. What he was to expect from Antonius he had fully learnt from the Consul's
speech of September 15th, announcing open war against
him; he had entirely broken off with his son-in-law Dolabella, who was devoted to Antonius, and who besides angered him now by refusing to restore Tullia's marriage
2 Ep. 775 i portion 2 ; little was to be hoped from the Senate ; the real
(Ati. xvi. 15.) L

7
#

views of Octavius remained still to be discovered. No
sooner had he escaped from the city than he hastened to
his beloved studies. He wrote much at this time. u You
exhort me to write," he says to Atticus : " your advice is
\fu'xvi'l' fr*endly> but I assure you I do nothing else."3 He com110
pleted the books De Officiis, which he dedicated to (his
uff'xv^ii' son * 4 ^ o w > to °? n e fe^ niore I inclined than formerly to
xvi. ii.)
enter on the work recommended by Atticus, in imitation
of the anecdotes of Heraclides: he was quite impatient
to undertake an historical composition.* The second
Philippic was a product of this period. Now, too, the
Cicero speaks under the influence of passion, and paints with the darkest
colours. Appian says that Antonius decimated the legions as the rigour of
the law demanded, but did not permit the execution of all upon whom the
lot fell.
* Ad Ait. xv. 13. 4., xvi. 13. We must distinguish between two of
Cicero's works relating to the history of his times. With the one which he
calls 'AveicSoTa, on the model of the Philippics of Theopompus, he was
occupied in the year 695 (Att. ii. 6.), and it was not completed in 710 (Ep.
698., Att. xiv. 17.)j that is if the work mentioned in this letter is the same
with that mentioned in the former one. The other book he called cHpaKXe'&Lov, which is the one here treated of. It was so named after Heraclides
Ponticus, a disciple of Plato, who wrote a work upon the State, which contained several anecdotes of contemporary sovereigns and statesmen.

A. IT. 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

427

consolations of Philosophy were doubly welcome to him.
From Puteoli he writes to Atticus: "1 have thrown
myself into the arms of Philosophy (for what else remains
for me?) and I am investigating the subject of moral
duties in a noble essay."1 Again, writing to Cornificius 1%P- ?66.
before he left Rome, he says; " This (the unfortunate
condition of the State), and all the evils that can befall
a man, I endure with resolution; so that truly I owe
many thanks to Philosophy, which transports me from the
midst of my cares, and furnishes me with a defence against
the storms of fate. Follow my example, I entreat you,
2
and look upon crime as the only evil."2
jEp.7u.
If we knew nothing of Cicero but from these and simi- 23.)"
lar declarations, we should imagine him to be in practice,
if not in doctrine, a thorough and consistent Stoic. But
his letters afford the clearest evidence how far this was
from the truth; and if Philosophy did really at times
afford him the support he boasted, it often left him defenceless when most he needed help. Yet, while refusing
him our admiration as a rigid Stoic, we feel that his susceptible temperament, so finely attuned to every change
of influence, renders his character all the more attractive.
I t was his inextinguishable sense of goodness and beauty
in every form, that at times makes him appear almost
unconscious of the evils and disorders by which he was
surrounded. I t is really pleasant to find that the conduct
of his son, which had caused him frequent anxiety ^ now
afforded him sincere gratification; and indeed, a letter from
this young man to Tiro, about this time, brings him before us in a very amiable light.3 He was considered3 Ep.*m.\
worthy to serve under Brutus in Macedonia, and distin- 21.)'
guished himself in the cause of the Republic.4 Nor could4 -PM.X.6.
Cicero fail to regard with satisfaction the conduct of his
nephew, who was exerting himself to make Antonius

428

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICEEO.

3 Ep. 774. render an account of his application of the public trea(Att. xvi. 14.)

r r

sure.
To his friend's daughter, the little Attica, his heart
was ever open. Thus he ends a letter to her father on the
2
\AII'1V\.' ^th °f November : " A s my Attica is always good and
1L)
happy, which I like children to be, kiss her heartily for
me."f He appears now to have resumed with his brother
the friendly intercourse of former times. But Atticus remained ever the trusted friend with whom his inmost
thoughts were shared. We are extremely fortunate in
possessing ten letters addressed to him during these im3 Epp. 766- portant months of November and December.3
775. {Att. x v . 1

13.; xvi. 8.

When he retired into the country at the end of October \ , all that he had determined as to his future course
was, that he would oppose Antonius to the utmost of his
power. He shrank from the prospect of taking up arms;
yet Octavius had now surrounded himself with so strong
a military force, that a struggle between him and Antonius
appeared inevitable. " I agree with you," he writes in
his first letter to Atticus, after leaving Rome; " w e will
not assemble forces, or take any military command, but
lend our countenance and support to the cause." " I am
quite of your opinion in what you say about the main4 Ep. 766. tenance of freedom. I t is the sweetest of blessings."4
{Att. xv. 13.)

It was during the period of Cicero's absence from Home,
that the arrival of the Macedonian legions at Brundisium,
and the successful machinations of Octavius among the
xvi. 8. 9.)
P
L¥ ?'1®J''* This was to veterans, on the Nones5of December, quibus nos magna on
Caesarian take place occurred.§
He writes to Atticus
768, 1. {Att.

f Atticce, quoniam, quod optimum in pueris est, hilarula est, meis verbis
suavium des.
£ He resided successively at his villas near Puteoli, Sinuessa and
Arpinum.
§ In the beginning of November Octavius had already 3000, and this
was before the two legions which have been mentioned went over to him.

A,U.

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

429

the 1 st of November: " I have had a letter from Octavius.
He is doing great thiDgs. He has gained all the veterans
at Casilinum and Calatia. And no wonder; for he presents every soldier with 500 denarii. He purposes next
to try the other colonies. His design is very evidently to
begin a hostile movement against Antonius. And thus
it appears that we shall certainly have war within a few
days." Yet how could he persuade himself to obey without reserve the guidance of a youth, who up to this time
had paid him the respect due to a father, and whose actions
now were wholly unauthorized by the Senate 1 : who, as 1 ^w» 774.?
J

778. (Att.

Caesar's heir moreover, could hardly by possibility feel ^ ^ • j , ^ '
heartily inclined to the cause which Cicero held so pre- PML v*16cious? These are his own words on the subject, to
Atticus: " Whom shall I follow ? Consider his name,
his age. And now he demands a secret interview with
me, either at Capua or in the vicinity of this city. This
is itself a proof of childish inexperience, to think that any
such interview could remain secret." 2 A g a i n : " Octavius 2 EP.767.
&

(Att. xvi. 8.)

conducts himself very sagaciously. He means to advance
to Rome at the head of a large body of troops. Yet he
is but a youth after all. He fancies the Senate will
immediately assemble for his sake. But who will appear ?
Who will venture to offend Antonius in the present
doubtful posture of affairs? I receive letters from him
daily. He says I must do something; must come to
Capua; must be once more the instrument of saving the
State. At all events I must betake myself to Rome without delay.
ALSS<T0£V /JLSV avyvaaOai, Ssicrav S* v7ro§i')(dai"*

V^w93
(Alt. xvi. 11

" You make many just remarks on political matters, particularly where you say: « Though at present Octavius is
keeping Antonius in admirable restraint, it is to the future

430

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

we must look.' What a speech was that of his to the
people ! *—' As he hoped to attain the glory of his father/
— that was his oath; and therewith he stretched forth his
i ^p.775, i.; right hand to Csesar's statue." 1 Yet more remarkable are
comp. Plut.

St' is') Atu n * s w o r ( is in the following passage: " In this I am quite
of your mind. When once Octavius gets the upper hand,
the decrees of the Tyrant will receive a sanction far more
powerful than was awarded them in the Temple of Tellus,
2
EP. 774. and in this case in opposition to Brutus. 2
Considerations such as these could not fail to cause
Cicero much embarrassment and hesitation. He writes
to his friend from Puteoli, in the beginning of November:
" Octavius presses me, but I try to find excuses. I cannot
trust his youth; nor do I know what his real views are.
I shall do nothing without your friend Pansa. I fear
Antonius is too powerful. I do not like to be far from
the sea-coast; and yet I am apprehensive that in my
s Ep. 768. absence from Rome they will take some important steps." 3
And in another letter, written from Arpinum about the
middle of the month, he says: " I t grieves me to think
that I am absent at a time when perhaps it would be fitter
for me to be present: but I am afraid of venturing to the
4 Ep. 773. city." 4 But he advised Octavius to advance thither, in
(Att. xvi. 13.)

order to counteract the designs of Antonius. ihere was
every probability that the people would come over to him,
and if he should succeed in inspiring confidence in his
intentions, he might make his way with the Optimates
s Ep. 767. likewise.5 In any case a check would be given to the
machinations of Antonius, the enemy alike of Cicero and
of the Eepublic. The scruple did not occur to him that
* Having raised an army of veterans in the south of Italy, before the two
Macedonian legions had declared for him, Octavius hastened with them to
Kome, in accordance with Cicero's advice. He made his appearance in one
of the popular assemblies summoned by the Tribune Canutius (Dio Cass.
xlv. 12.), and there delivered a vehement speech against Antonius.

A. u, 710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63.

431

he was acting in contravention of the legitimate Consul,
and was throwing all his influence on the side of a youth
who up to that time had been acting without any legal
authority. But it was the curse of that age, and the
great cause of the ruin of the State, that there was no
longer any institution possessing the principle of vitality;
that the laws were insufficient; that the parties which
divided the Commonwealth were grounded far more on
personal jealousies than on real political differences; that
those whose intentions were purest were too often misled
by passion, and snatched at any means that offered, in
order to secure the ends which they esteemed holy and
just.
Amidst these doubts and perplexities Cicero passed the
month of November; and perhaps he would have gone on
doubting, had not Antonius quitted Rome 1 , and circum-* EP. 793.
-i

i •

T I

•

i •

(Dw.x.2*

stances and his own feelings alike impelled him to a
determination. In characters like his, action is rarely the
result of calm deliberation, or of a sagacious observation
and management of events. His speeches and political
correspondence, indeed, might lead us to conclude otherwise ; but, whether for his advantage or disadvantage, at
all events for our better appreciation of his character, we
happen to possess, together with the records of his fame,
those familiar letters which unfold every secret working of
his heart. Such minds are often led by some slight and
accidental motive to adopt the resolution to which their
inclination has long been tending. The immediate occasion which brought Cicero to Home may provoke the
sneer of unfriendly criticism, and cast a slur upon his
otherwise magnanimous conduct during the closing year of
his life. But we prefer to judge him by the analogy of
his whole character; and so judging him, wre believe that
his conduct was natural and consistent. His hatred of

432

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Antonius had been continually increasing in bitterness ;
of this we have clear evidence in the second Philippic;
and every scruple he had felt on account of Octavius's
youth and his relationship to Caesar, gradually gave way
before the influence of this feeling. Still he hesitated.
As long as Antonius remained in Rome, he dared not
show his face there. All at once his enemy quits the
city; and then Cicero's desire to return grows stronger.
Atticus counsels him to await the issue of events. But
pecuniary embarrassments press upon him; there is a
large sum to be paid to Terentia; Dolabella has never
refunded Tullia's marriage portion ; his son is a source of
great expense to him. Here then is the pretext with
which he meets his friend's objection, and doubtless at the
moment he really meant what he said. The words are
contained in a letter dated from Arpinum; it was the last
letter he wTrote during his absence from Rome, and the last
Atticus ever received from him. " You advise me sensibly,
and as a friend, to remain where I am until we learn the
result of the present movements. But, my friend, it is
not the condition of the State about which I am now
anxious. Not that there is, or ought to be, anything
dearer to me; but Hippocrates tells us not to take medicine when the disease is desperate. So let that pass!
But my concern now is for my private affairs; my affairs,
* EP.775,2. did I gay? my honour, rather." 1 And he goes on to
{Att. xvi. 15.)

speak of the temporary difficulties in which the necessary
payment of certain debts was about to place him. " Thus,"
he concludes, " I must come to Rome, though it were to
throw myself into the fire. It is worse to go to ruin
alone, than in company with the entire Republic." *
* Schiitz dates this letter late in November, though it appears to have
been written later still, immediately before Cicero's departure from Arpinum. It concludes with the words Adsum igitur; and on the 9th of

A,U,

710.

B.C. 44.

cic. 63,

433

And here we have another remark to make on the
peculiarities of Cicero's character. It was often a matter of
great difficulty to him to come to any decision on a subject, and this difficulty increased with his years. But
once brought to action, once convinced that a certain line
of conduct was right and beneficial for the State, from
that moment he would show himself active, indefatigable,
firm and enduring.
A noble contrast to his earlier
letters is presented to us by the concluding series of his
correspondence, and the twelve speeches against Antonius,
which we shall have now to examine.
Scarcely had he arrived in the city, when he repaired to
Pansa the Consul elect (Hirtius was now ill), and learnt
from him that Decimus Brutus was holding himself in
readiness to oppose the entrance of Antonius into Gaul.11 Epp.in.-,
.

776. (Div.

The latter, after his failure at Brundisium, had returned f ^ 2 2 - ; xito Rome about the middle of November, in a state of
violent irritation. He had heaped abuse upon his young
rival, had forbidden the three Tribunes, Cassius, Carfulenus, and Canutius, the first of whom was brother of the
conspirator, the last an active partizan of Octavius, to
enter the Senate under pain of death; and with angry
threats had announced a meeting of that assembly for the
28th of November.2 But while every one was expecting 2 PMI. m. 6.
that he would take that opportunity of exposing the proceedings of Octavius, and present a scheme for the arrangement of affairs, he was thunderstruck on hearing that two
of his legions had deserted to his rival, and were encamped
at Alba. After hastily assenting to a decree granting a
Supplication to Lepidus, he broke up the assembly, and
hurried off, to prevent, if still possible, the threatened
December he was in Rome. It is possible, however, that Cicero may have
remained some days at his Tusculanum, and have here been informed that
the moment was tolerably favourable for his appearance in Rome.
U

434

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

defection. In this, however, he was unsuccessful; whereupon, returning to Rome he called the Senate together
again the same evening, made a distribution of provinces,
among which Macedonia fell to his brother Caius, and set
off to join his army which was quartered at Tibur. Then,
with four veteran legions under his command, he marched
»A£p!?.n»,,. against D. Brutus.* l
B. C. iii. 46.;

PM. iii. 10.; While still at Arpinum, Cicero had received a visit from
Oppius, who earnestly entreated him to declare for Ocavius. But he held back. " Never," he writes to Atticus^
llu.'xvi'ik)" C 0 1 1 ^ I persuade myself to accept deliverance from him." 2
He consented, however, to let the events of the 10th of
December decide him. On that clay the new Tribunes
were to enter on their office, one of them being Casca,
whose dagger gave Csesar his mortal wound. Should
Octavius oppose no obstacle to Casca's assumption of his
duties, it might be regarded as a token that he did not
intend to adopt hostile measures against the conspirators
generally.
Thus in fact it happened, and Cicero was
deceived. His hatred of Antonius confirmed him in his
delusion, and for the moment he saw no salvation for the
Republic save in the army which Octavius had collected.
Thus he writes to Trebonius: " Had he not quickly
assembled the veterans, and been joined by two Antonian
legions, and had not Antonius been thoroughly frightened
in consequence, what crimes and cruelties would not the
3
3
E/J.793. Consul have perpetrated!"
And now, if the youthful
chief could be brought to coalesce with Hirtius and Pansa,
and if they should conscientiously fulfil their duties as
Consuls (and of Pansa Cicero entertained a very favourable
(^;x7^22.)opinion)4, the 1st of January would see the soldiers duly
placed under the auspices of the Republic.
The new Tribunes convened the Senate on the 20th of
December to consult for the personal security of the
* Subsequently he had six legions.

Phil yiii. 8.

A.U. 710.

B.C. 44.

Cic. 63.

435

Consuls on the day of their entrance upon office. Cicero
went early to the Curia. I t had been his intention not
to appear there before the commencement of the new year;
but when the edict of Decimus was made known, forbidding
Antonius to enter Gaul, and threatening him with war
should he disobey, he thought it would be unjust that the
assembly should allow the great services of Decimus to
his country to be passed over in silence, as but for him
would have been the case.1 I t was requisite likewise to 1 EP. 777.
\

urge the adoption of measures
the provincial governors, and
yielding up their command to
the Senate to succeed them.2

(Liv. xi. 6.)

for securing the fidelity of
for preventing them from
any one not appointed by
He therefore changed his ?,£/»•*??.
°#

(Dw. xn. 22

purpose. He had sent a message to Decimus immediately on his arrival at Rome, urging him to hold out
vigorously against the public enemy. " I conjure you, in
the same words as the Senate and people of Rome," he
said, " to deliver the Republic for ever from the yoke of
kingly tyranny, that the end may answer to the beginning."3 3 Ep. 776.
Every thing depended upon harmony of action between
Decimus, Octavius, and the Consuls.
When it became known that Cicero was in the Curia
the senators collected in numbers; the Consuls designate
were absent however, Hirtius from sickness.4 The great 4 -PA&V.JI.
orator delivered the harangue which has come down to us
under the title of the third Philippic. Its aim was to
induce the Senate to authorize all that Octavius had
hitherto done without its sanction, and to kindle enthusiasm for the spirited and patriotic conduct of Decimus.
He succeeded in procuring a resolution that thanks should
be rendered in the name of the Senate to that commander,
and to the cities in his province which had given proof of
their fidelity; further, that the same honour should be
conferred on Octavius and on the veterans who had esu2

436

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

poused his side, particularly on Egnatuleius, who had
brought over to him the fourth legion. L. Plancus and
all the other provincial governors were to b.e exhorted to
keep their subjects in obedience to the Senate's authority,
and to resign their charge to none but such as it might
1
Phii. iii j appoint to succeed them.1 Cicero launched into violent
comp. Ep.

779. {Div. invectives against Antomus.
xii. 22.); Ap-

. .

Writing alter wards to
&

Sl 51^01?' Trebonius, he says : In my speech to the Senate on the
20th of December I took a comprehensive survey of the
Republic: my language was powerful, and I recalled the
languid and feeble assembly to something of its former
virtue, more by energy than argument. My efforts this
day gave the Roman people the first ray of hope that
2 EP.793. freedom might be restored." 2 As soon as the meeting
comp.XEp8');broke up he repaired to the Forum, where he announced
xii. 250
the decree of the Senate to a numerous assemblage of the
people, and sought to excite their ardour for the maintenance of the constitution, proclaiming Antonius virtually,
3 Ep.777. if not in express terms, to be the enemy of his country. 3
jphu'.iv.'i.'' This oration is known as the fourth Philippic*
The
resolutions pronounced by the meeting were, that the
Consuls should be ordered to provide for the security of
the Senate on the 1st of January ; that the conduct of
Decimus merited commendation; that Cicero's proposals
respecting the provinces should be agreed to; and that the
Consuls should, as soon as possible, bring before the
i p/^.iv.2. Senate a measure on the subject of Octavius.4
Cicero forthwith sent to Decimus an account of the
meeting of the Fathers and the speech he had delivered in
his favour, and, in another letter soon after, exhorted him
not to await with cautious hesitation the commands of the
Senate where the welfare of the Republic was at stake
* The second Philippic, it is probable, was first published upon the
delivery of this oration.

A.u. 710. B.C. 44*

cic. 63,

437

and circumstances called for action, but to imitate herein
the example of Octavius.1 He sought also to inspire ^ ^ 7 . ;
him with confidence in the young man, whom Decimus xi-6-7>
naturally regarded with suspicion. Decimus had sent his
legate Lupus to Cicero, in whose house a few trusty
friends now assembled to consult on the state of affairs.
Decimus had thrown himself into the city of Mutina and
was there besieged by Antonius. 2
BAc?lii!h.
Octavius, again, not waiting for the Senate's orders,
had broken up from Rome before the close of the year to
march against Antonius 3 ; it seemed as though he were 3 PJHI.V. 17.
desirous of showing how ready he was to act by Cicero's
advice. Nor did he fail thereby to remove much of the
Consular's distrust of him- Yet was Cicero far from
trusting in him alone for the success of the cause; and he
wrote repeatedly to Decimus, Cassius, Plancus and
Cornificius, exhorting the latter not to surrender the
government of his province to Calvisius, who claimed it
by the appointment of Antonius.4 Most welcome to h i m j ^ - ^ .
was a letter which he received before the close of the year2'20
from Plancus, who, if any one, was in a position, as
Cicero imagined, to ruin or to save the State. Were
Antonius defeated at Mutina and prevented from joining
Lepidus, the State was saved: the other alternative it
was for Plancus, by his most earnest endeavours, to
avert.*
Cicero had been on intimate terms with his family
before the birth of Plancus himself, whom he had loved
from childhood, taking a kindly interest in his education
and tastes; and the youth had requited his affection with
corresponding gratitude and reverence.5 Cicero had o b - ^ J - ^ served with some anxiety his devotion to Cassar's interests, '29,)
* Plancus had, three legions, Asinius Pollio two, Lepidus four.
B. C. iii. 46.
u 3

Appian,

438

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

and the trust reposed in him by the usurper. But circumstances had now changed. Caesar's place was occupied by Antonius, who was openly endeavouring to
bring the whole State into subjection: could Plancus be
made to consider him as an enemy, the year 712, which
Caesar had assigned for his Consulate, might prove an era
of salvation for the Republic. To secure this end was the
i Ep.im. object of an earlier letter to Plancus 1 ; and the reply was
as follows: " I cannot neglect the smallest duty towards
you without committing a grave fault. Your intimate
friendship with my father, my own devotion to you from
my youth up, and your affection for me, conspire in
producing this feeling. And therefore be assured that
you are the only man whom I am resolved to honour with
filial reverence. Such a sentiment befits alike your age
and mine. Your advice appears to me a proof, not only
of sagacity, but of an uprightness which my sense of
moral excellence teaches me how to value. What inducement should I have to espouse the opposite cause?
To the good qualities and advantages I possess, from the
favour of fortune or my own exertions, though, indeed,
your affection leads you to prize them too highly, yet,
by the admission of my enemies, I need no other addition
but an honourable fame. Rest assured, then, that whatever my strength can perform, my prudence foresee, or
my influence effect, shall be consecrated to the service of
Ep. 788. the Republic." * 2
(Div. x. 4.)

* We have 116 letters belonging to the period which elapsed between
Caesar's death and the end of the year 710, seventy of which are addressed
to Atticus. The most important of the remainder are — one to the Consul
Antonius, two to Dolabella, three to C. Cassius, five to Deeimus Brutus, one
to Trebonius, two to Munatius Plancus, five to Cornificius, to Matius and
Trebatius one each, two also to Tiro, to whom here are likewise three
addressed by Q* Cicero and the younger Marcus. Besides these, there is
one letter from Antonius to Cicero, and the same number from Hirtius,

A. u. 711. B. C. 43. cic. 64.
T H E YEAR

439

711.

A.U. 711. B.C. 43. Cic. 64.
Consuls; C. VIBIUS PANSA ; AULUS HIRTIUS.

The commencement of this year was important for
Rome, most important for Cicero. The new Consuls
were to prove whether they were sincere in their professions of devotion to the Republic, or whether their old
attachment to ; Ca3sar and his party was to be transferred
to Antonius, the enemy of freedom. Hirtius, though no
friend to Antonius, had loved Csesar, and gave evidence,
soon after his murder, that he entertained no friendly
disposition towards its authors. But he contented himself
with directing Cicero's attention to the acts of the Consulate on which he was now entering, and upon which he
said he might form his own judgment. 1 Cicero did not^ 0 |^* 05 -;
feel easy, apprehending that Antonius might gain him ^J*22,; xv*
over by his unscrupulous use of Caesar's treasures; and of
Pansa's firmness he had strong doubts.2 The earnest]^f'^%,
endeavours, also, of Hirtius to dissuade Brutus and
Cassius from taking up arms, might admit of an unfavourable construction.3 Cicero spared no pains to secure3 Ep.iw.
(Alt. xv. 6.)

their fidelity; he continued to live on friendly terms
with both of them, and gave them instructions in his art.
But his letters to Atticus show how little he dared expect
from them, especially from " him who was given up to
wine and sleep."* 4
lltll\%
Still, hope was by no means abandoned. Immediately
upon his last return to Rome, we find Cicero visiting
Dec. Brutus, Trebonius, Plancus, and Matius; as well as one from Decimus
to M. Brutus and Cassius, and two from the two last to Antonius.
* Pansa. Hirtius was possessed of considerable talents. The letter of
Quintus, addressed to Tiro, contains still stronger expressions with reference
to the Consuls elect.
u4

440

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Ep. 776. Pansa 1 , and in their declaration on assuming office on
oomp.768. ' the 1st of January, 711, the Consuls distinctly professed
their adhesion to the cause of the Republic, and their dis* Pha.v. I. approbation of the conduct of Antonius.* 2 But though
encouraging to a certain extent, their expressions were not
strong enough to satisfy Cicero, not strong enough indeed
to meet the political exigencies of the moment. Perhaps
they felt that to proclaim Antonius in distinct terms a
public enemy, was to disparage Caesar's memory. Not
only did they avoid taking this step, but he was even
allowed to receive from the people the formal appointment to the government of the very province he was now
striving to acquire by force of arms. They were reluctant
to pursue warlike measures against him, and required as
a necessary preliminary the consent of Fufius Calenus.
This was little relished by Cicero. Calenus had been
Consul four years before by Csesar's appointment: he was
Pansa's father-in-law, and a personal friend of Antonius,
whose wife and children were now residing under the protection of his roof: a moderate course was therefore the
utmost that could be expected from him. But moderation in dealing with Antonius promised no safety to the
State. Calenus pronounced that before proceeding to open
hostilities, an embassy should be sent to Antonius, requiring him to desist from his actual invasion of Gaul. Cicero
rose to oppose the motion; and in a speech known as the
fifth Philippic, showed by circumstantial proof that Antonius had been already in fact declared a public enemy; that
to send an embassy to one in such a position were to act
in {e contravention of the constitution of the Republic, of
the usages of war, and of all former precedent; that it would
be an offence against the majesty of the Roman people and
* On this account they are called in Ad Div. xii. 4., written in January,
egregii Consules,

A.U.

711. B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

441

the dignity of the Senate;" 1 and that any hesitation or 1 ^^•••9.
delay in their proceedings would be giving a certain
advantage to him. The proper course, he said, would be
to command him instantly to raise the siege of Mutina,
and to enforce this command by the authority of arms.
In a second division of his speech he demanded rewards
and honours for Decimus Brutus, for Lepidus, whom he
hoped by these means to deter from offering any opposition to the Senate, for Octavius, Egnatuleius, and all the
veterans and other soldiers who had given their adhesion
to Octavius and the Senate. In the course of this
harangue we meet with the following remarkable words:
" O that Caius Caesar—I mean the father—had in the days
of his youth made the regard of the Senate and the Optimates the object of his ambition! But, neglecting this,
he wasted the whole vigour of his genius (and no man
ever possessed more) in gaining the arfection of the fickle
multitude. His son (Octavius) pursues a different course.
H e is dear to all, but chiefly to the best and noblest. On
him rest all our hopes of Freedom. His labours in the
affairs of the Republic are directed to strengthen, not to
undermine its foundations. I know the inmost thoughts
of the young man. Nothing is more precious to him than
the Commonwealth; nothing more important than your
dignity ; nothing more desired than the good opinion of
worthy citizens; nothing dearer than true glory." 2 He2 P ^„ v L 1 8 .
concluded thus: " Despatch is necessary: had we been
more prompt in our movements, we should not have had
war at the present moment."
The deliberations of the Senate lasted into the night,
and were continued the following day: and notwithstanding the vehement opposition of the other party
Cicero would have triumphed, had not the Tribune Salyius interposed to prevent the final resolution.
The
u 5

442

L I F E AND LETTERS OE CICERO.

sitting was adjourned, and in the meanwhile the mother,
wife and friends of Antonius employed their utmost
endeavours in his behalf. In the end his interests prevailed, though for three successive days Cicero had conli Phii. vi. i.; manded a majority in the Senate.1 The testimonials
comp. Ap-

R-*^,0, of honour were voted as Cicero had recommended, and
ill. 50, 51.

with further additions: the command of the army was
formally conferred on Octavius, together with the dignity
of Propraetor, which elevated him at once to the rank of a
senator, and he was allowed the privilege of suing for the
Consulate without having filled the office of Praetor the
previous year. But on the other hand it was decided that
a deputation should be sent to Antonius consisting of
Servius Sulpicius, the first jurist in Pome ; L. Pi so, who
notwithstanding his former spirited conduct on the 1st of
August, did not desire his adversary's total overthrow,
and had just spoken effectively in his favour; and L. Philippus. The terms of their commission were strongly
drawn, and by Cicero himself.* Antonius was to engage
not to make war upon Decimus, the Consul elect; he was
to raise the siege of Mutina, to make no levies of troops,
and to conform himself in general to the commands of the
Senate and people of Pome. The envoys were then to
visit D. Brutus in Mutina, and to inform him that the
Senate were highly satisfied with his conduct, and that
a pwz.vi.2, due honours were in store for him.2
3.

This decree was passed on the 4th of January. From
the Senate Cicero went straight to the Forum, and was
3 ma. vi. I. presented to the people by the Tribune Apuleius. 3 Here
* It is impossible to believe Appian's account, which is that Cicero
altered the terms of the decree, so as to make it stronger against Antonius*
We meet with inaccuracies in many passages in his history, especially
in matters which concern Cicero, as is apparent on comparing them
with the Philippics.

v. 711.

c. 43.

cic. 64.

443

before an unusually large assembly he delivered the sixth
Philippic, in which he gave an account of his late proceedings, and explained the decree just pronounced by the
Senate. He strove to excite the passions of his audience,
assuring them that it was not an embassy that wTas sent,
but a declaration of war. Antonius he prophesied would
refuse to comply with the demands of the Senate. " Let
then the envoys make all haste, and do you get your
accoutrements ready. For the word has gone forth — if
he obeys not, it is war. He will not obey ; and we shall
have to regret the loss of so many days in which we
might have been acting. But who will not be stimulated
by your concord, your unanimous determination ? I t
will be for you to confirm the resolution of the Senate,
steadfast as it already is. I t is not the will of the
Gods that the Roman people should be slaves. The Immortals have decreed that your dominion shall extend
over all the nations of the earth. Let others bend beneath
l
the yoke; freedom is the birthright of the Romans." l
rhii.vi.7.
The exaggerated praise which Cicero bestows upon
Octavius in his speech of January 1st rather startles us
when we remember the apprehensions of him expressed in
his last letter to Atticus; and we are tempted to consider
it as meant rather for a rhetorical display than for an expression of his real sentiments. We may indeed suppose
it to have been uttered partly with the view of stimulating
the youth to fulfil the prophecies and expectations of which
he was the subject. But it is also true that he had really
acquired Cicero's confidence, and that principally by
affecting great zeal in his service and deference to his
opinion^ in addition to which his energy and resolution in
acting against Antonius were just what Cicero desired to
see. Writing to Trebonius in February, Cicero says:
" W e have admirable Consuls; Decimus behaves nobly;
u6

444

iBp.793.
(Div. x. 28.)

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Csesar is excellently disposed, and I expect everything from
him." 1 And in a previous letter to Brutus he speaks of
r
B

3 Ep. 790. him as u my Csesar."*2
Nor was it a mere empty boast when immediately after
his speech he wrote thus to Decimus: " Levies are made
at Rome and throughout all Italy; if levies they can be
called where all offer themselves voluntarily; so great is
the passion of men for liberty — so great their abhorrence
3 Ep.790. of this dreary slavery," 3 He speaks so frequently and so
conTp.?92.-' naturally in this strain, that we cannot believe him to have
794.. 796.

(biv.xii.4. been using exaggerated language merely for the sake of
keeping up the courage of his correspondents.
Thus full of hope and energy, although the course of
events had not been such as altogether to satisfy him,
Cicero entered upon this year (711), the last of his life.
He was not insensible to the many dangers which were
likely to beset him during its course, and he stood in need
of all his courage and of all the proud consciousness of
merit which animated him, when, writing at the commencement of the year to Cornificius, he said: " I have defended the Republic after my old fashion, as opportunity
offered. I have placed myself at the head of the Senate
and people; and since I have undertaken to lead the cause
of freedom, I have not let a moment pass which could
4 Div. xii.24.be employed in providing for the general welfare."4 H e
was strong also in the conviction thus expressed in the
eighth Philippic : " I who used always to oppose the rashness of the multitudes, am now by this glorious cause
5 Fha. vii. 2. converted into a popular leader." 5
Most difficult was the task now before him, and it required no ordinary effort to maintain within himself the
* It is worthy of remark that Cicero here gives Octavius the name of
Csesar. In his last letter Plancus says: " Scis tu, mi Cicero, quod ad Ccesaris
nomen attinet, societatem mihi esse tecum. Ep. 854. (Div. x. 4.)

A.u. 711. B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

445

courage and endurance necessary for its accomplishment.
In the Consulars, who should have been his surest allies, he
found no support; they were either disinclined to the
cause, or they were timid, and did not venture to approve
of such revolutionary measures against one who after all
was acting wTith the semblance of legality. L . Caesar
alone, the uncle of Antonius, behaved honestly and consistently; nevertheless for his nephew's sake he too contented himself with giving a moderate vote on the question. ! i3?v7|42,;
The party which favoured Antonius, headed by Calenus, xfj&.fxih'5
were making every exertion to gain over the Senate andf;); PM-V111'
people, and to guard against the unfavourable influence
which a hostile vote might have upon their cause. To
secure their ends they were diligent in circulating letters
in which the late Consul's views and objects were represented in a more favourable aspect. The seventh Philippic, delivered by Cicero in the Senate shortly after the
departure of the envoys, brings before us the machinations
of this party and the hard struggle he had to maintain
against them ; but we also learn from it that Hirtius,
though not yet recovered, had already set out for Gaul,
to give the weight of his personal authority to the demands of the envoys.2 He intended to join Octavius2 PMI. VU. 4,
and assume the chief command of the army ; while Pansa
should remain in Rome to make further preparations for
the war and superintend the affairs of government. I t
was the lukewarmness evinced by Pansa and his evident
disinclination to the war, instead of which he occupied the
Senate with less important matters, that was the immediate
occasion of Cicero's speech.
The more opposition he encountered in the Senate, the
greater was Cicero's anxiety to keep the provincial
governors faithful to their duties. He was indefatigable
in his exhortations to D. Brutus, Cassius, Plancus, Tre-

446

L I F E ANB LETTERS OF CICERO.

bonius, Cornificius *; and the long series of letters he
wrote after his return to Rome all bear the same stamp —
that of a man devoted heart and soul to the task of saving
his country. And assuredly when we read these letters in
conjunction with the fourteen Philippics, we have as
striking a display of Cicero's political greatness as at the
period of his Consulate. But again and again we have
cause to lament that the residence of Atticus in Rome
afforded no opportunity for his familiar correspondence
with this most confidential of his friends. One letter only,
JEp.1%. not occupied with the public concerns, is extant. 1 I t was
Div. ix. 24.)

addressed at the end of February to his lively and facetious
friend Paetus, and it proves that in the midst of his cares
and anxieties and the vast schemes which occupied his
mind, he had not lost the amiable gaiety of his disposition.
How pleasantly he rallies his friend for giving up his
intellectual banquets and evening assemblies! and how
earnestly he entreats him not to renounce social intercourse
with "honest, pleasant, and friendly men"—the true
solace of life ! But the letter is invaluable to us on account
of the closing words : " Do not — I entreat you by your
* We may certainly add M. Brutus; but unhappily the letters to him
are not extant. [In the edition of Cicero's works we find two books of
Epistolce ad Brutum, purporting to contain a correspondence between
Cicero and M. Brutus during the course of the year 711. Middleton, in
his Life of Cicero, made use of these letters without suspicion; but their
genuineness was soon brought in question by Tunstall and Markland, and
hare since been generally rejected. Schutz, Abeken, Billerbeck and
Drumann pass them over in silence. I understand, however, that they have
recently found a defender of the name of Hermann ; and Bruckner, in his
Life of Cicero published 1852, refers to them without scruple. They contain,
unquestionably, several statements that seem irreconcileable with known
dates and circumstances; the occurrence of three or four presumed unCiceronian words and phrases is of less weight; but the whole character of
the letters is frigid and scholastic, and it seems hardly possible that the real
correspondence of such men at such a time should contain so little of the
slightest interest either in fact or sentiments.]

A.u. 711. B. c. 43.

cic. 64.

447

love to me — do not believe because I write thus playfully
that I have abandoned rny solicitude for the Republic. I
assure you that I think of nothing, day and night, but the
welfare and freedom of my fellow citizens. I neglect no
opportunity of exhorting, of acting, of warding off dangers;
and I am strong in the feeling that if all this zeal should
cost me my life, I may well deem my lot a glorious
one."*
The envoys returned, it would seem, about the end of
January, but without the noble Sulpicius, who had fallen
sick before seeing Antonius, and died not far from his
camp.1 This was a cause of sincere grief to Cicero. T h e ^ ^ j ^
answer of Antonius fully justified all his objections to the 28,; xli,8,)
embassy. " Odious above all," he writes to Cassius, " I
might say criminal, is the conduct of Piso and Philippus:
they were sent to deliver certain distinct demands from
the Senate. In no one point did Antonius comply; and
now they bring back the most outrageous requisitions on
his part." 2 These requisitions were, that the Senate 2 EP-792.
i

(.Div. xii. 4

should grant lands and other rewards to his soldiers; sanction all the decrees he had passed, founded on Caesar's
directions; demand no account of his expenditure of the
public money; and confer on him the province of Transalpine Gaul for five years: on these conditions he would
relinquish his claim to the other Gaulish province.3 I t 3 Phil. viii.
is easy to see that his object was, by protracting negotia- "'
tions, to gain time for reducing Mutina. He would not
allow the envoys to have an interview with Decimus, but
sent his Qua3stor Cotyla to accompany them back to
Kome, and to watch over his interests there. Cicero had
the mortification of seeing this man allowed to appear in
* This letter prove* that Antonius and his adherents aimed at Cicero's
life, as also appears from some passages in the Philippics.

44:8

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

the Senate, when, according to his views, he ought to have
8Mo! ' ^ e e n turned back from the very gates of the city.1
Again Cicero pressed for an immediate formal declaration of wTar, and that Antonius should be pronounced a
public enemy. But Calenus and his party were still
strong in opposition; and L. Caesar, who was also unwilling
to proceed to extremities, carried a motion, now that the
answTer of Antonius had rendered war inevitable, to make
use of the milder term tumult, in speaking of the approaching contest, and to call Antonius the opponent
2 PAtv.viii.i. instead of enemy of his country. 2 A second message to
him was proposed by the moderate party, but this motion
Cicero succeeded in getting rejected; and at his instance
it was ordered, that the citizens should exchange the garb
of peace for that of war. He himself renounced the Consular privilege of retaining the Toga, and appeared in the
Senate wearing the Sagum *, when he delivered his
speech, known as the eighth Philippic, against Calenus
3 phu.vni. and the other advocates of peace.3 At that time hostilities had actually commenced with the movement of
* Pha. viii. 2. Hirtius. 4 The day following, again in the Senate, Cicero
spoke the eloquent ninth Philippic, and in it requested
extraordinary honours for the deceased Sulpicius, whichr
were accordingly granted to that distinguished patriot.f
The winter retarded the operations of the war; nevertheless, in February, Hirtius had made himself master of
the city of Claternre; Octavius was encamped at Forum
Cornelii; Pansa was occupied in raising troops as far as
7,viii

* In one of the fragments of Cicero's letters to Octavius he says: Prid
Non. Febr,, cum ad te liter as mane dedissem, descendi ad forum togatus, cum
reliqui consulares sagati vellent descendere. The words togatus and sagatus
would appear to have been here transposed.
f The statue which was erected to him before the rostrum of Augustus
was still in existence in the third century A. D. Pompeius, in the Digest, i.
tit. ii. s. 43. ch. 46.

A. IT. 711.

B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

449

Bononia, Parma, and Regium Lepidi, which Antonius
had in his hands*; the whole of Hither Gaul was in the
power of the Eepublic and well affected to its cause.1 {^fv]7^;^)
In Syria, Cassius, who was preparing for a struggle with
Dolabella, had been joined by L. Murcus and Q. Crispus
with their legions; one legion belonging to Caecilius
Bassus had also gone over to him, and four others which
Dolabella's legate A. Allienus was bringing from Egypt,
did the same 2 , so that Cassius soon beheld himself at the 2 Epp.766.;
head of a considerable army ; and he wrote to Cicero o n ( ^ . xv. 13.;
.

. .

XH 1L12

the 7th of March from Tarichea in Palestine, describing ^^.cass.
his position. In Macedonia, M. Brutus, having been ££pJ|n'1L creceived by Hortensius the late Proconsul as his legitimate
successor, had driven C. Antonius before him, forcing him
to shut himself up in Apollonia, and had brought Macedonia, Illyricum and Greece under the yoke of the
Republic.f 3 Plancus and Asinius Pollio were reputed \^[ x?u>.)
friends to the cause; and assuredly, though we cannot
class them as Republicans in the same rank with Brutus
and Cassius, a sufficiently wide distinction is to be drawn
between them and Lepidus. A letter from Asinius to
Cicero from Corduba on the 16th of March represents him
in a very favourable light.4 What he says of his devotion \^fv''^%]
to Julius Ca3sar reminds us of Matius, and in the desire
he expresses for peace and literary pursuits we recognize
the friend and future protector of Virgil and Horace. Nor
can the lofty spirit of reflection, and the liberal and humane sentiments displayed by one who afterwards became
so distinguished, fail to command our reverence, though we
should look in vain for any expression of that ardent love
* Claterme is now Quaderna; Forum Cornelii — Imola; Regium Lepidi
— Reggio.
t L. Antonius was second in command in the army of his brother
Marcus.

450

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

of freedom which was no longer in harmony with the tendencies of the age.
While affairs seemed thus prosperous beyond the bounds
of Italy, and the united efforts of the Consuls and Octavius gave room to hope for a1 favourable issue to the
contest with the chief enemy of the State, Cicero did not
remit his activity in Rome. In the tenth Philippic he
successfully opposed the proposition of Calenus, that
whereas M. Brutus was acting without the Senate's authority, he should give up his army to C. Antonius and
Vatinius, the regularly appointed governors of Macedonia
and Illyricum.* And in the eleventh Philippic, delivered
about the middle of March, he urged that the province of
Syria should be formally assigned to Cassius, writh the
orders to carry on the war against Dolabella.| For news
had arrived in Rome that the latter, on his march to
Syria, had made an atrocious assault upon Trebonius who
held the government of Asia, and after torturing him for
two days, had caused him to be ignominiously put to
death. He had laid his hand on the public revenues, and
had committed various other acts of a most unwarrantable
character. J This intelligence caused great excitement in
the capital. Pansa called the Senate together. Dolabella
was declared a public enemy, and his property confiscated.
Cicero, glowing with indignation at the flagitious conduct
of his former son-in-law, turned the public feeling to
* Cicero's proposal was that Brutus should receive the thanks of the
Senate for his achievements, and his army be left under his command;
while Hortensius should remain as Proconsul in Macedonia until the Senate
appointed him a successor. Phil, x. at the end. We learn from Phil, xi.
11. that Cicero carried this motion.
f It was not known at Rome at that time how well the affairs of Cassius
had prospered in Asia. Ad Div. xii. 7.
J See Phil, xi., and compare the letter of Cassius. Ep. 816. (Div. xii.
12.)

A.u. 711.

B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

451

account by depicting in lively colours the fate which
awaited the Republicans should Antonius and his party
prevail.
The condemnation of Dolabella involved the question, to
whom should the government of Syria be committed?
The secret opponents of Cassius divided themselves into
two parties, one of which desired the appointment of
Servilius, who had been associated with Csesar in the
Consulate of the year 48 ; while the other, at the head of
which was Calenus, wished that Hirtius and Pansa should
draw lots for the two provinces of Asia and Syria,1 Bothi PM.XI.D*
projects were strongly combated by Cicero in his eleventh
Philippic, delivered before the Senate. He saw that their
real object was to divert the attention of the Consuls from
the great business before them; and in fact Pansa showed
himself very ready to lend an ear to these propositions.
When the sitting of the Senate was over, Cicero was presented to the assembled citizens by the Tribune Servilius;
and disregarding alike the objections of Pansa, and the
prayers and entreaties of the mother, the mother-in-law,
and the brother of Cassius, who feared the Consul's resentment, he spoke again in eloquent and glowing terms
on behalf of the leader who had with such signal success
brought Syria under the orders of the Republic. Cassius,
he doubted not, would act as the public welfare demanded,
without waiting for a decree of the Senate. 2 And thus 2 .Ep. 803.
in fact it happened. Cassius maintained his position, and
named himself Proconsul 3 ; although the provinces, having) Ep. 8i6.
been granted to the Consuls, ought legally to have beenv
governed by their lieutenants until they could themselves
assume the duties of administration.4 Cassius indeed l^'lf\l\
could not well have acted otherwise; but all these transactions show how completely the constitution of the Republic was at this time unhinged.

452

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

Cicero had to keep a watchful eye on Lepidus, as well
as on the party of Calenus. He had procured great
public honours for him, hoping to retain him in the interests of the Republic, although he had done nothing
deserving such distinction, except in pacifying Sextus
1
phii. v. H. Pompeius. 1 Nor did he now testify any gratitude
for the favour; on the contrary, he strenuously urged
2 EP. 8oo. measures of conciliation towards Antonius 2 ; and his inin March,
stances had such effect on Plancus, that he too now began
to talk of peace, while Cicero was grudging every minute
that delayed an open rupture. The treacherous acts of
Lepidus are related in the letter of Asinius of which we
7 ;
tnf^ "' have before had occasion to speak.3
798. (Dw. x .

6.3i.)

-por one single moment Cicero's firmness was shaken.
But it was the hesitation of a noble spirit, no sooner felt
than overcome, and leading only to more vigorous efforts
for the future. Decimus was hard pressed in Mutina;
the fate of Trebonius had struck terror into the hearts of
all his friends, of the great orator more especially. Various artifices were employed to produce the impression
that Antonius in his present difficulties would assume a
more humble deportment. Fulvia and her children put on
the appearance of deep affliction. And Cicero was assailed on his weak side by a decree which passed the
Senate at Pansa's suggestion, ordering that his statue of
Minerva, which had been thrown down by a storm, should
4
zip- 8 !?» L x be re-erected in the capitol where he had placed it.4 The
(Div. xii.25.)

proposal for a fresh negotiation was then renewed, and
seconded by Pansa. Antonius, it was said, would listen
to reason this time, and Cicero with four other Consulars
should be sent to treat with him. Cicero acceded. But
no sooner had he done so than a sense of his error flashed
upon his mind, and undeterred by any feeling of false
shame he delivered a speech in the Senate, the twelfth

A.U.

711. B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

453

Philippic, in which he confessed his mistake, and in
energetic terms refused to countenance the embassy. He
represented that supposing such a measure were resolved
upon, he, at all events, was the last person who ought to
be sent to negotiate with Antonius; nor could he be
contradicted, or accused of a display of vanity when he
uttered the words, " Do you think I am to pay no consideration to the safety of my life ? Truly I set little value
upon it now, especially since the acts of Dolabella have
made death a thing to be desired; only let it be death
unaccompanied by torture! But to you, senators, and to
the people of Rome, my life ought not to be quite indifferent. For, unless I greatly deceive myself, my care, my
vigilance, my speeches in the Senate, in the midst of all
the dangers with which the hatred of bad men threatened
me, have been the means of saving the Republic from
total ruin. On this account I remain in the city, and will
still remain here if I may. This is my proper post — this
my appointed charge. Let others devote themselves to
the camp, levy war, and defend kingdoms. I, in accordance with the aim of all my former actions and of the
words I am now uttering, will continue with you to protect the city and all that belongs to it." l
Probably, if we possessed any letters from Cicero* to
Atticus at this period, we should find in them symptoms
of the vacillation we have so often had occasion to remark
in him; and, as has been said before, to look for stoical
consistency in a man of his susceptible nature would be
unreasonable. But no momentary expression of doubt or
despondency could outweigh the effect produced by the
incontestible facts before u s ; his speeches *, his letters, his
* The Philippics in particular were looked upon, even by the ancients, as
masterpieces. Liv. Fragm. ap Sen. Suasor. 7., says, Caput Ciceronis in
rost?Hs positum, ubi eo ipso anno adversus Antonium quanta nulla unquam
humana vox cum admiratione eloquentice auditus fuerat.

454

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICEEO.

noble confession of error, his pride in denominating
himself the treasure of the Roman Commonwealth, all
bear witness to the sincerity of his patriotism; and none
could controvert the language of his appeal from the
Forum to the assembled people: " Am I ungrateful ? "
(for our present purpose we will substitute the word
vacillating ;) " Who is less so than I am ? seeing that after
I have attained the highest honours of the State, I again
subject myself to those laborious duties in the Forum of
which such honours wrere the natural reward and completion. Am I inexperienced in the administration of
the Commonwealth? Who, on the contrary, is more
experienced than myself, who for twenty years have been
occupied in waging war upon those citizens who are the
1
PMLVL6. Republic's enemies?" 1 And we will add the following
passage from a letter to Cornificius: " There is but one
vessel now for all good men to embark in; and I am
doing all I can to keep it afloat. Might but its course
be prosperous! But, whether prosperous or not, my skill
shall not be wanting to it. What more can virtue
% Ep. 812. * r q n ? " 2
(Div. Xii. 25.) U U *

And here let us throw a glance over his productions at
this period. The documents before us are the fourteen
speeches to which the appropriate name of Philippics has
been given *, and of which the last twelve were delivered
between the 20th of December 710 and the 22nd of
April 711. During the interval between his return to
* See the JSpp. ad M. Brutum, ii. 4, 5. [Brutus is here made to accede
to Cicero's wish that the speeches should be thus denominated. Whether
the letters he genuine or not, they are unquestionably of great antiquity, and
may serve to prove that this name was popularly used from a very early
period. We have no other authority, except Plutarch, for the notion that
Cicero himself called these speeches Philippics (see Cic. 48.), and the
notion itself may have been merely suggested by an allusion to the orations
of Demosthenes so called, in a letter to Atticus (ii. 1., A. U. 694.)]

A. u. 711. B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

455

Rome and the commencement of July, which is the date
of the last letter he ever wrote, we have fourteen letters
to D. Brutus, eleven to Plancus, together with two to his
legate Furnius, seven to Cassius, nine to Cornificius, and
one each to Trebonius and Lepidus. Though all having
the same political object, and thus bearing in some measure
the character of State papers, we must not expect to find
a uniform business-like tone pervading them. They are
the effusions of a mind quickly moved to love and hatred,
and full of enthusiasm for the public cause; while the
diversity of the personages to whom they are addressed,
the different relations in which these stood to the State
and to the factions which divided it, and the changes
occurring in their positions and circumstances, combine to
give the interest of variety to this important collection.
But it is the same Cicero who is always brought before
us, whether we read his words of encouragement to the
stern and energetic Decimus, on whom for a while all the
hopes of the Republic appeared to rest; or his paternal
exhortations to the youthful Plancus; or his praises of
the eager, fiery Cassius; or whether he narrates the
progress of events to Cornificius, urging him to remain
fixed at his post; or whether he addresses in reserved
language the crafty, treacherous Lepidus. Everywhere
we see in him the lover of his country, the man of genius
and courage, the master of Latin eloquence. And interspersed with his letters are others addressed to him
by cotemporary actors in the great drama; by Decimus
Brutus, Plancus, Asinius, Pollio, Lepidus, Caius and
Lucius Cassius, Galba, Lentulus ; some of which are
formal accounts, to be transmitted to the Senate, of
various important events; so that these letters, like many
belonging to the earlier periods, may be regarded as the

456

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

principal sources of information for one of the most remarkable epochs in the history of the world.*
And now to resume our narrative. Although Cicero
was not able at once to overthrow the project for a second
deputation to Antonius, it remained unaccomplished, and
doubtless chiefly owing to his speech. At the end of
March the Consul Pansa marched forth with his newly
i Ep.soi. raised legions to ioin Hirtius and Octavius.1 Meanwhile
{Biv. x . 10.)

Antonius and his partizans ceased not to carry on their
intrigues. I t was about this time that Lepidus, as we
have seen, was strenuous in his recommendations of peace.
Antonius himself wrote a letter to Hirtius and Octavius,
professing to direct them to the course which was really
for their advantage, and to turn them aside from following
the counsels of Cicero, whose object, he said, was nothing
more nor less than to revive the defunct party of Pompeius. Hirtius, however, forwarded this letter to Cicero,
who read it aloud to the Senate in his speech entitled the
thirteenth Philippic, commenting on it sentence by sentence, and taking occasion to exhort the Senate to caution
and steadfastness. In the same harangue he rejected the
pacific propositions of Lepidus, to whom he also addressed
a laconic letter, with these words : " I am rejoiced at your
wishing to re-establish peace among fellow-citizens. Should
it be a peace involving no danger of slavery, you will have
acted with due regard to the Republic and your own
honour. But should it be calculated to reinstate the
most iniquitoiis of men in the possession of unlimited
power, then be assured that all citizens of sound mind are
* We have in our collection, belonging to the year 711, eight letters
from D. Brutus to Cicero ; nine from Plancus to him, with one to the
Senate and people ; three from Asinius Pollio; one from Lepidus to
Cicero, and another to the Senate; two from C. Cassius; one from Lucius;
besides one from Galba and one from Lentulus, with a dispatch from the
latter to the Consuls, &c.

A.u. 711. B.C. 43. oic. 64.

457

resolved to choose death in preference to slavery. My
opinion, therefore, is that you will do best not to make
any attempt to bring about a pacification of this nature;
which can satisfy neither the Senate nor the people, nor
any one else who means well." 1 The less he felt inclined [jf^;^%t)
to trust Lepidus the more anxious he was to secure the
fidelity of Plancus, and he tried to induce the Senate to
pronounce a panegyric upon him; but in this he was
unsuccessful.^
_
_
^;x8%
The Antonians persevered in their machinations and
calumnies against him. A rumour of disasters at Mutina
having got wind, it was given out that Cicero was aiming
at making himself Dictator, and the propriety of assassinating him began to be mooted. The Tribune Apuleius,
who ever since the period of his Consulate had been his
firm friend and ally, undertook to justify him from this
charge before the people; but his audience cried aloud
with one voice, " Cicero has never had a thought but for
the welfare of the Republic." A few hours afterwards
the most favourable intelligence arrived from the theatre
3
of war.3
Phu.xiv.6.
The Consul Pansa had reached Bononia with the four
newly-raised legions. Antonius broke up from his camp
on the 15th of April with two legions, several Praetorian
cohorts, and all his cavalry, hoping to prevent the junction
of the two Consuls; for Hirtius was posted at a short
distance from him, awaiting the arrival of his colleague.
But Hirtius had meanwhile sent on first Sulpicius Galba*,
and afterwards the Martian legion, which having deserted
from Antonius, seemed now the fittest to oppose to him,
together with two Praetorian cohorts under the command
* Galba was at first Caesar's legate, but became afterwards one of the
conspirators against him,
X

458

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

of Carfulenus, and these troops joined Pansa on the
night preceding the 15th. On that day an engagement
took place at Forum Gallorum.* The Martian legion
attacked too soon and too eagerly, carrying along with
it the Praetorian cohorts, and thus brought Pansa's forces
into the greatest danger. Unable to resist the onset of
Antonius, they fled to their camp. But the enemy was
prevented from pursuing them thither by the Martian
legion, which had now recovered itself; and Antonius
in the act of retreating fell back upon Hirtius, who
was hastening with the fourth and seventh legions to support his colleague. With much loss Antonius succeeded
in regaining his camp. Pansa, who had been dangerously
wounded early in the day, was carried into Bononia.f
Octavius was not present at the engagement, having staid
behind to protect the camp of Hirtius against an attack
i pMi.Ts.vr. from L. Antonius. 1
When the news of this victory reached Rome on the
21st of April, the people rushed to Cicero's dwelling.
With joyful acclamations, as though the occasion were a
triumph and he its hero, they escorted him to the capitol
2 phi.™.5.and back again to his own house.2 The next day, at the
summons of Cornutus, Praetor of the city, who in the
absence of the Consuls occupied the chief post in the
government, the Senate was called together to hear the
despatches of Hirtius, and to pass measures in consequence.
A suggestion was made that after this event the citizens
might be allowed to lay aside their military garb. But
Cicero rose, and in his last Philippic spoke in strong
terms against this. Antonius, he said, was not yet crushed ;
it were shame to adopt a peaceful attitude while Decimus,
* Now Castel Franco, seven miles south-east of Mutina.
f The chief authorities for the details of this battle are a letter from
Galba to Cicero (ad Div. x. 30.), and the fourteenth Philippic. Appian
must also be consulted.

u. 711. B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

459

the object of their solicitude, lay beleaguered by his forces.
He dwelt on the merits of the Consuls and of Octavius;
said that the latter deserved at their hands the title of
Imperator *, and proposed a festival of grateful commemo-1 Dio cass.
ration to last for fifty days. He then spoke of the rewards
due to the soldiers who had fought so bravely, and proposed that the State should raise a monument to the slain,
to whose friends and relatives he likewise addressed some
words of consolation.* His suggestions were accepted and
ratified by the Senate.
A few days after this battle Hirtius and Octavius attacked Antonius in his camp. He was compelled to lead
out his shattered legions, and was routed in a bloody combat. But Hirtius, in his zeal, had ventured too far; he
had penetrated to the centre of the hostile camp, and was
slain near the Praetorium. Immediately afterwards the
Consul Pansa died of his wounds at Bononia.f
And now Cicero seemed to have attained the reward of
his endless labours and anxieties. The people loudly rejoiced, and recognized in him the deliverer of his country,
as he had been twenty years before; his opponents were
silenced, the commanders in the provinces vied with each
other in assurances of their devotion to him and to the
Republic. How different his position now from the moment, four years ago, when he stood before the victor of
Pharsalia. To his one great error, the belief that Rome
could still be a Republic worthy of the name, he clung to
the last. But now, instead of following the lead of Pompeius as formerly, he had ventured to trust to himself;
* It is interesting to compare this speech with that of Pericles (Thucyd.
ii. 34.) on a somewhat similar occasion, which Cicero evidently had before
his eyes in his peroration.
f See Appian, B. C. iii. 71.; Dio Cass. xlvi. 38. This second battle
must have been fought on the 25th of April at latest; on the 28th Decimus
was at Rhegium. Div. xi. 9.
x 2

460

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

and his virtue was rewarded with the privilege of doing
"mightier deeds in the toga than could be effected by
I^'xii'i3) a r m s , M 1 ^ n ( ^ ^ i e P ro °f that n e deserved the glory which
had fallen upon him was given by his still unremitting
efforts in the cause. At the end of April he writes to
Cornificius: " We have lost at a most unseasonable crisis
Hirtius and Pansa, men whose Consulate brought with it
the promise of salvation to the Republic ; for though the
State is delivered from the rapacity of Antonius, it is not
yet restored to its proper position. If fate permits, I will
uphold its dignity according to my own ideas, though I
am sorely wearied. No weariness ought to stand in the
(zwS'xi?'25)way °f duty and conscience."2
But Rome had in reality forfeited her freedom. Whilst
Cicero and all the friends of the Republic thus appeared
triumphant, circumstances had fallen silently into a position which might well have tempted one less adroit than
Octavius to take the great game into his hands, and play
it out to his own advantage. Antonius, though beaten,
was not annihilated; Lepidus held himself in readiness
to make common cause with him ; Asinius and Plancus,
though as yet faithful to the Senate, cherished the memory
of Csesar, and had been once the companions of Antonius;
Brutus and Cassius, though confirmed by the Senate in
the possession of their provinces, were at a great distance
3 veil. pat. from the scene of action 3 ; the two Consuls were dead,
and Octavius saw himself at the head of the warriors
formed in his illustrious uncle's school.
And now it was seen how different were the elements
of opposition to Antonius around Mutina and within its
walls. Forced to relinquish the siege, he had immediately
broken up with the rest of his army, the cavalry of which
< Ep.8i8. had suffered little 4 , and had taken the nearest road over
the Apennines to the southern part of Transalpine Gaul,

u. 711.

B.C. 43.

e r a 64.

461

meaning here to effect a junction with Lepidns on whom
he relied as Cesar's friend and adherent. He had alreadyreceived aid from him secretly while engaged in the siege
of Mutina, and the camp of Lepidus, who occupied the
country between the Rhone, the Isara and the sea, would
afford the best place of refuge for his shattered forces. To
reinforce his weakened infantry he opened all the prisons
on his way.1 At Vada, not far from Genua, whither he 1 Ep. s<3.
• .

{Div. xi. )0.)

had arrived in haste and disorder, he was joined by his
legate Ventidius with three legions from Picenum. 2
aS'x1il"i5)
Decimus, though burning to make an end of Antonius
in Italy, had lost two invaluable days. After the enemy
had broken up from Mutina, he found himself destitute of
cavalry and cattle. He could not trust Octavius, or at all
events he wished to confer with him before venturing on
any further step, in order to ascertain how far he might be
relied upon. The day after the decisive battle, Pansa
summoned him to Bononia; but on his way thither he
was met by the news of the Consul's death*, and returned
accordingly to his little army. 3 He had an interview with * EP.M\.
Octavius; and urged him to take the road over the
Apennines, prevent the junction between Ventidius and
Antonius, and pursue the latter across the mountains;
whilst he should himself march in a contrary direction and
hinder the escape of Antonius over the Alps.4 But54^p-813. x
whatever Octavius might promise, his mind was engaged
with very different schemes. Writing somewhat later to
Cicero, Decimus says: <c Caesar will not be commanded
himself and cannot command his army." 5 The old war- 5 Ep. 813.
riors of the great Imperator's school refused to serve under
his assassin's orders, and held fast to Octavius, who was
* On comparing this account, derived from the authentic source of a
letter of Decimus himself, with that of Appian (B. C. iii. 73, 74.), we see
how little the latter is often to be depended upon.
x 3

462

LIFE AND LETTEES OF CICERO.

well pleased to witness their devotion to him. Decimus
had only seven legions, and those much weakened by the
late contests : they consisted partly of his own troops, and
partly of the new levies which Pansa had brought to him.
(j^'xi13- He was also in great straits for money.1 Under these
circumstances he could not make a speedy movement in
advance : he distrusted Lepidus: and it is evident that he
desired to avoid risking a battle on the other side of the
2 E
3 Ti)811';- •^•lps#2 Accordingly he marched by Regium Lepidi,
9.20.)
Dertona, Vercellas, Eporedia and Pollentia, to the foot of
the mountains *9 whilst Octavius remained in the vicinity
of Mutina: but Antonius, taking a shorter route, got
before him, and after encountering the greatest difficulties,
passed the Alps and on the 29th of May joined Lepidus,
who now sent word to the Senate of his own treason,
i7?^' Jui • °ff er i n g some trifling pretexts in excuse.3 Plancus, at his
w%$iv' x" instances, had crossed the Isara on the 24th of May, under
the belief that their united forces were to be opposed to
)EP-W7.
Antonius 4 ; but all at once he became aware of the
(Div. x. 18.)

treachery practised upon him. His legate Laterensis, who
had suffered himself to be the dupe of Lepidus, slew him> EP. 847. self in despair.5 On the 4th of June Plancus recrossed
(Div. x 23.}

the Isara, and posted himself in readiness to effect a junction with Decimus, who might be with him in three days'
G
Ep.8i7. time.6 After a Ions; and difficult march across the Alps,
(Div. x. 23.)

in which his troops suffered severely, Decimus came,
bringing one legion of veterans, one of soldiers who had
served two years, and eight of newly raised levies to join
* The letters of Decimus to Cicero, which were written from the places
above mentioned, give us the exact details of his march; they are dated as
follows:—Eegium Lepidi, 28th April, Ep. 811.[(Div. xi. 9.); Dertona [Tortona], 5th May, 813. (Div. xi. 10.); Vercella?, 21st May, Ep. 824. (Div. xi.
19.); Eporedia [Torea in Piedmont], 24th May 837. (Div. xi. 20.); that
from Pollentia Ep. 841.) was apparently written about the end of the same
month.

u. 711. B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

463

the forces of Plancus, which consisted of three legions of
veterans, and one of younger soldiers, but well trained and
efficient: all of them had suffered severely on their march
from hunger and sickness.1 The union of these two com- l EP. 854.
&

(Div.x.24.);

manders could no longer avail to sustain the sinking cause of ^ ^ B-cthe Kepublic. Lepidus and Antonius wTere too strong for any
resistance they could offer; and Pollio who appears to have
been slighted by the Senate, had begun to yield to the
seductions of Octavius.2 The last letter of Decimus to 2 EP.79S.
.

{Div. x. 31.)

Cicero, dated the 3rd of June, bears witness to the
writer's despondency.3 Plancus indeed as yet remained ^ j - ^ ,
faithful, and for some time longer continued to hesitate
between Cicero and the Caesarians.'*4
1.^11,Pat11. 63.

On the 6 th of June he still hoped for assistance from
Octavius and his powerful legions 5 : but this hope became 5 ^- ^
weaker and weaker. On the 28th of July he writes to
Cicero: " I have addressed the most urgent solicitations to
Octavius; and he failed not to assure me that he would
come without delay ; but I see his mind is occupied with
other plans, f You well know that [hitherto] I have
participated in your regard for him: partly because as long
as Caesar the Dictator lived I was his friend, and naturally
extended my interest to the young man also, partly
because, from what I could observe, I judged him to be of
a mild and humane disposition; added to which, loving
Caesar as I did, it seemed hardly consistent with honour not
to recognize the son of his adoption. But—I speak more
in sorrow than in anger—the existence of Antonius at this
moment, his alliance with Lepidus, the force they both
possess, their daring hopes and enterprises — these are
G
things for which we have to thank Octavius." 6
^P- ^
Nevertheless, Plancus still thought it possible that Oc* The expression of Velleius, JDubia, id est sua, fide, is too severe.
| That is, about the Consulship. See the conclusion of the letter.
x 4

464

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

tavius would of himself return to a sense of his duty, o
that the influence of Cicero whom he pretended to venerat
so highly would have some effect upon his mind. Mean
while he sent his own legate Furnius to do all he could ij
Iniv'Tu) ^ i e w a y °^ P e r s u a s i° n * 1 Cicero, however, had by thi
time penetrated the real views of the young Caesar. Afte
the month of June he makes no more mention of him ir
his letters ; all his hopes henceforth rest on Decimus anc
lm*pm?'' Plancus, and yet more on M. Brutus and Cassins.1
(Dtv. xii.
9.; xi. '25.
" There is nothing nobler," he writes to the latter, " thar
June I8J1.)
your valour and magnanimity. And therefore we woulc
fain see you as soon as possible in Italy. If we only had
you here, we should think we had the Kepublic back
(zS&x'S'io., again." 3 This desire as he said himself, was unappeasable.
earlym July.) a n ( j the same letter gives evidence of tbe gloom and
anxiety which clouded his mind. It concludes with these
words, the last of his writing, which have descended to
u s : " There are still many things to be set to rights, even
though the Republic should seem to be delivered from the
iniquitous projects of its enemies." And truly the conduct
of Octavius after the battle of Mutina was such as to
justify this feeling. In spite of the urgent entreaties of
Decimus, he refused to stir a step in pursuit of Antonius;
while even supposing he had it not in his power to make the
veterans act, still there were other soldiers under his com4
Epp.si\\ mand on whom his ally had every claim.4 But the fact
837. (Dfv.

xi. io. 20.)

J
m

J
t

w a s ^ h e required an army for his own purposes, and he
now found himself possessed of a considerable force at a
most important juncture. For this was the moment to
show that he was in good truth the inheritor of Caesar's
power, and nothing could conduce more effectually to the
furtherance of his designs than the conduct of the Senate.
The aristocratic party had begun to lift its head again ; it
had persecuted Antonius as Csesar's champion and succes-

A. u . 711.

B.C. 4 3 .

Cic. 64.

465

sor, and desired now to thrust aside his adopted son after
having availed itself of his services as long as they could
be useful. The troops of the late Consuls were assigned
by a decree of the Senate to Decimus.1 Decemvirs were ] DIO cass.
J
m

xlvi. 40.

chosen for the business of apportioning lands to the
victors at Mutina, and among the number, in spite of his
remonstrances, was Cicero himself. Octavius was not
named : an omission which greatly incensed the veterans.2 l^l'uw'h.
A commission of ten was also appointed to inquire into the 2 1 ' 2 0 )
public acts of Antonius, which, as Appian observes, was a
preliminary step towards the reversal of Caesar's decrees.
Thus in reference to the present temper of the Senate, or
at all events of a considerable party in it, Cicero could
with sincere joy write to Decimus in the middle of May:
" The Senate adopts a resolute mien, and has resolute
leader*.
^DiVm xi> 18# >
In the beginning of July if not earlier, as we see from
the last letter of Plancus, Octavius sought by means of
his veterans to intimidate the Senate into giving him the
Consulship. Cicero, it seems, tried to dissuade him. I t
is evident that the good understanding between them had
been disturbed as far back as the month of May # , when
Octavius complained of the following words ascribed to
Cicero : ci The young man must be praised, honoured and
advanced;" f4 a saying which was diligently propagated,4 EPP. 837.;
When, under the pretext of announcing that the leg-ions20- 2l-);?
x

•,

comp Suet.

refused to be led against any one who had formerly served veVpat a
under Caesar, four hundred veterans appeared and demandedfi2,
the Consulship for Octavius, the Senate hesitated, and
one of the soldiers striking his sword said, " If you do not
* After this month the name of Octavius never occurs in Cicero's letters.
f That is, into the other world. Juvenem esse laudandum, ornandum,
tollendum. The play upon words is quite in character with Cicero's other
witticisms. [It cannot be literally rendered either in English or German.
We might speak, with a double meaning, of overwhelming with honours.]
x 5

466

L I F E AND LETTERS Ofl CICERO.

xi?]i042a4:i' £ l v e Caesar the Consulship, this shall." Cicero replied,
6i
If this is his way of asking, no doubt he will obtain it.''* l
When the troops, consisting of eight legions besides
cavalry and auxiliaries, heard of the Senate's refusal, they
demanded to be led to Rome. Octavius assented, this
demand being in fact but the echo of his own wishes.
The Senate, thus constrained, declared itself willing to
accept him while yet absent as Consul, and dispatched
envoys to announce his elevation.f The landing of two
legions from Africa revived hope for a moment; but they
went over at once to Octavius. In vain did the eyes of
the Republican party turn to Brutus and Cassius. Octavius made his entry into Rome; a day was appointed for
the election; and the youth of twenty was chosen Consul
together with his relative Q. Pedius.
M. Brutus was master of Macedonia and Greece, and
2 Dio cass. had shut up C. Antonius in Apollonia 2 ; Cassius had
xlvii. 21.

united under his command all the forces of Syria : and
Dolabella, who had penetrated into that province after the
murder of Trebonius, having made a fruitless attempt to
Epp. 8i6.; take Antioch, had thrown himself into Laodicea 3 , where

842.; 812.;

]4J-'yxM3)2' Cassius besieged him ; while Lentulus, the Quaestor of
Trebonius, endeavoured to keep Asia faithful to the Senate, and defended it., against the fleet of the intruder. {-.
* These words, Dio adds, cost Cicero his life.
t Suetonius says that Octavius gave his riame to the month Sextilis, in
preference to September, in which his birthday fell (ou the 23rd), because
it was in the former month that he attained his first Consulship. {Oct. 31.)
Velleius (ii. 65.) says: Consulatum iniit Ccesar pridie quam viginti annos
impleret X. Kal. Octobres: i. e. the 22d of September. Dio states that
Octavius died on the 19th of August, " the anniversary of the day on which
he entered upon his first Consulship." (lvi. 31.; comp, Tacitus, Ann. i. 9.)
These dates may be brought into harmony, by placing the declaration of
the Senate on the 19th Aug., and the actual election on the 22nd Sept.
J This Lentulus, — from whom we possess two letters, one addressed to
the Consuls, Piaitors, &c, the other to Cicero, both dated from Perga on the

A. u. 711.

B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

467

Dolabella's army soon began to suffer from hunger, while
the enemy's ships cut off all access to him.1 Early in July {^p'^\
a rumour became rife in Rome that his whole force was
annihilated.2 So much was true, that reduced to despair 2 /" ss3.
.

[Viv. xii. K

by the vigorous blockade of Cassius, he had put an end
to his own life.3 But all these prosperous occurrences3 njocass.
were useless to the cause of the Republic. Brutus kept
hip eyes fixed on the progress of events in Italy, but he
had let slip the favourable opportunity when a bold stroke
might have changed the face of affairs. Had he been on
the spot at the moment after the battle of Mutina, his
presence might have been the salvation of the State. As
for Cassius, he was too much occupied with the contest
against Dolabella to be able to oppose any obstacle to the
schemes of Octavius.
The latter now assumed the name of Caius Julius
Caesar Octavianus in consequence of a decree of the
Senate confirming his adoption by Caesar. He then caused
two edicts to be passed: one releasing Dolabella from the
stigma attaching to his name as a public enemy, and the other
(Lex Pedia) summoning all Caesar's murderers to trial.
As they did not appear, sentence was passed upon them in
their absence, and this condemnation was extended to
Sextus Pompeius also. After this Octavius quitted Rome
at the head of his eight legions, apparently with the intention of marching against Antonius and Lepidus, but
really hoping to win them over to his interests ; for he felt
that if they continued hostile, he could not possibly maintain his position in face of the twenty legions of Brutus
and Cassius. When he had left the city the Consul Pedius,
2nd of June, Ep. 842, 843. (Div. xii. 12,, xi. 13.)—was a son of Lentulus
Spinther. After the death of Trebonius he endeavoured to obtain from the
Senate the Proprietorship of Asia. L. Cassius, probably a nephew of
Cuius, took also an active part in the enterprises against Doiabella's fleet,
x 6

468

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

doubtless by his directions, proposed that Antonius and
Lepidus (for the latter had also been declared a public
» EP. 853. enemy after his junction* with Antonius 1 ) should both be
(Div. xii. 10.)

relieved from this proscription. The motion was passed.
The reconciliation between Antonius and Octavius was
effected by the mediation of Lepidus. Plancus had up to
this time remained faithful to Cicero and to the Republic;
but when he beheld Decimus condemned and outlawed, knd
Asinius Pollio had in consequence gone over to Antonius
and Lepidus, he could hold out no longer, but repaired to
2 Appian, the standard of the Caesarian leaders.2 What must have
v
}°- c£?*' * been Cicero's feelings on hearing of his defection I There
v^eii. Pat.ii. j s something melancholy in the thought when we call to
mind the letters that had passed between them ; yet would
we not judge Plancus so harshly as some have done. To
hold out against the memory of, the great Cassar—against
the revival of his power in the persons of the four associates, to do this in reliance upon Cicero, (whose sentiments
Plancus respected, indeed, yet hardly made them altogether
his own,) in reliance upon the already failing power of
Brutus and Cassius—such devotion seemed no longer
within the reach of the virtue of the age, since Cato had
perished in its name.
Decimus Brutus had increased his seven legions to ten;
but these were mostly young recruits. His first wish
was to pass the Alps, escape to Macedonia by way of
Aquileia, and join Brutus and Cassius. But on this
route he had to fear encountering Octavius. He therefore resolved on the longer and more difficult way across
the Rhine and through Rhoetia.* His army lost heart
* [If we rely upon the geographical accuracy of Appian's statement, \?e
may suppose that Decimus intended rto take the route of the Bernardin or
Splugen Pass, descend into Helvetia by the upper valley of the Rhine, and

A.u. 711.

B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

469

at the perils they had to contend with, and gradually
abandoned him; first the new levies, who went over to
Octavius, then the soldiers of older standing, who joined
Antonius. The Gaulish cavalry, which composed his
body guard, still adhered to him. He now gave them
also permission to disperse, ^nd dismissed them laden with
all the money he had with him. Three hundred men,
however, refused to quit him; and with this small remnant
he pursued his way to the banks of the Rhine. Overcome
with their hardships, all but ten left him. Thereupon,
disguised as a Gaul, he fled to Aquileia. Being taken, he
was brought bound before Camillus, a Gaulish prince,
who, at the command of Antonius, cut off the head of his
l
former benefactor.1
App.m. 98.
In Decimus Brutus the Republic lost the most able and
resolute leader that had upheld its cause since Caesar's
death. His correspondence with Cicero gives us some
insight into the character of the man; and it is impossible
not to feel our sympathies awakened for his fate. Yet,
when we reflect on the manner of his death, as well as on
that of Trebonius and of so many others of Cassar's
assassins, on the fate also which afterwards befel M.
Brutus and Cassius, we cannot help exclaiming in the
words which the great poet puts into the mouth of Brutus
at Philippi: —
" O, Julius Caesar, thou art mighty yet!
Thy spirit walks abroad, and turns our swords
In our own proper entrails ! " 2

Shakespeare, Julius
Ccesai, Act ft.

And now, leaving their legates behind them, Antonius Sc ' 3,
and Lepidus, with their allies, broke up from Gaul. At
Bononia they were joined by Octavius, and on the 2"*th
then cross to the right into the valley of the Inn. A director and not more
difficult route would have been that by the Soglio and Maloya Pass.]

470

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

of November, on a little island in the river Klienus *, was
concluded the Triumvirate, of which Cicero was destined
to fall the most distinguished victim.
CicerS had not ceased to encourage and exhort, by his
letters, the absent Imperators. The last in our collection
^To8gassius'is dated at the beginning of J u l y 1 ; but it is certainly not
(Div. xii. 10.) ^ e j ag £ fa wrote, and there is strong ground for the
supposition that Octavius or his partizans may have de^
stroyed or suppressed some later letters addressed to
M. Brutus, Cassius, Cornificius, Plancus, Asinius, and
possibly to Octavius himself also, describing his conduct.f
One from Plancus, dated the 28th of July and separate
from the general collection, has been accidentally pre*Ep.m. served.2 It speaks of the endeavours of Octavius to
(Dtv. x. 24.)

procure the Consulship, and gives some insight into the
schemes of the future sovereign. Immediately after the
compact at Bononia, he had betrothed himself to Claudia
the daughter of Antonius; and this lends some colour to
the suspicion that it was on her account he consented to
surrender Cicero to the vengeance of his new father-inlaw and of Fulvia, who had formerly been the wife of
Clodius.
We know little of the five last months of Cicero's life,
and that little is of doubtful authority.
Appian and
Plutarch relate that, after the battle of Mutina, Octavius
induced him to acquiesce in a plan of sharing the Consulship between them, and was desirous himself of getting
an honourable pretext for laying down the command of
the legions; that, by this arrangement, Cicero was to
* Others call the stream the Lavinius. [The ancient authorities are :
Appian, B.C. iv. 2.; Plut. Cic. 46.; Ant. 19.; Dio. Cass. xlvi. 54. See
Mr. Banbury's article Bononia in Diet. Gr. Bom. Geogr.~]
f It is there that the whole collection of Cicero's genuine letters to
M, Brutus may have perished.

A.U.

711.

B.C. 43.

cic. 64.

471

have the sole direction of affairs, Octavius promising to
follow his advice as that of a father.1 Cicero, he adds,' Appian,
listened to these proposals, and incurred the ridicule ofriut.'c/c.s.
the Senate thereby.
This account will hardly find
credence with any impartial person who has followed the
course of Cicero's actions during this year, and can form
a judgment on the respective characters of him and Octavius: besides, how would it tally with the words
uttered by Cicero, according to Dio, on occasion of the
demand of the Consulship by Octavius, words which
certainly bear the stamp of genuineness. According to
Appian 2, Cicero was taking an active part in the Senate 2 Appian,
at the time of the arrival of the African legions. This is
what we should naturally expect. Appian adds, that he
obtained access to Octavius on the entry of the latter into
Rome; whether he then apologized for his conduct in the
terms the historian ascribes to him, or whether indeed
there is any truth in the circumstance at all, we must
leave undecided. He is stated to have been again active in the Senate when a rumour got abroad that the
two powerful legions, the fourth and the Martian, had
declared for the Republic; and, on discovering its falsehood, to have quitted the city. 3 It is not probable that 3 Appian,
he ever returned thither. In vain did he turn his eyes
towards Brutus and Cassius, whom the Senate summoned
in all haste to its aid as soon as the plans of Octavius
became fully developed. He was doomed to learn the.
death of Decimus and the defection of Pollio and Plancus*
Cicero was at his Tusculan villa with his brother, when
the news came of the formation of the new Triumvirate
and of the proscription it decreed.*
They hesitated
* The authorities for the closing days of Cicero's life are : Plutarch (Cic.
47, 48.); Appian (B. C. iv. 19. foil); Dio Cassius (xlvii. 10, 11.); Livy
(Fragm. apud Sen. Suasor. 7.); Valerius Maximus (v. 3.); also Aufidius

472

LIFE AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

whether to fly to Sextus Pompeius, to Cassius, or
Brutus, and at last decided on the latter. They set out
in separate litters for Astura, intending from thence to
take ship for Macedonia. While on the road they frequently allowed their litters to approach, when they
would indulge in mutual lamentations. Then it occurred
to them that they were not provided with money sufficient
for so long a journey. Quintus accordingly resolved to
return to Rome. Marcus was to continue his journey.
Their parting was sad in the extreme. Quintus, on his
arrival in Rome, was discovered by the hired assassins of
the Triumvirs and put to death, together with his son,
whose filial love in these last moments cast into oblivion
the many errors of his life.*
Marcus arrived at Astura, placed himself on board a
vessel immediately, and got as far as the Circeian promontory. But when the sails were spread to continue the
Bassus and Cremutius Cordus (apud Senec. ibid). I have collected from
their narratives what appears to me to be the most probable account. I
have been guided particularly by these words of Livius : Unde (a Caieta)
ALIQUOTIES in altum provectum, &c. This author mentions the Formian
villa so decidedly, that I cannot follow Appian, who speaks of one near
Capua. Valerius has Caietanum, a villa which is mentioned once, Ep. 9>
3. (Att. i. 5.) ; and it seems to me not improbable that it was here, close to
the sea, that he spent the last night of his life. Livy might easily confound
the two villas which lay so near together. Capua is too far from the sea.
* Dio (xlvii. 10.) says: " The younger Quintus Cicero did his utmost to
save his father from the assassins who were tracking him. He not only
concealed him so that he could nowhere be found, but would not suffer the
most cruel tortures to extort anything from his own lips. On learning this,
the father came forth, unsought, from his hiding place and delivered himself
up, bewailing and admiring his son." Appian's account is: " Quintus
Cicero was seized, together with his son, by the assassins who had been
sent after them. He implored them to put him to death before his son,
who, on his part also, requested to be slain first. The murderers, replying
that they should both be satisfied, divided themselves into two parties, and
slew the father and son at the same moment."

u. 711. B. c. 43.

cic. 64.

473

voyage, a fit of irresolution came over him, and he caused
himself to be set on shore again, and went some way on
foot in the direction 'of Rome. Again he turned, however, and passed the night at Circeii. The thought of
Octavius's treachery gave him no rest. At one moment
he entertained the idea of going to Rome, stealing privately into the dwelling of Octavius, and plunging a
dagger into his own breast on the domestic altar, in order
to bring the vengeance of the gods upon the traitor. But
his constitutional indecision and his dread of torture deterred him. On the morrow after this melancholy night*
he yielded to the pressing entreaties of his slaves, and once
more embarked. But adverse winds and a rough sea
causing him to suffer from sea-sickness, as soon as he
reached the harbour of Caieta he got on shore again, and
though oppressed by sinister forebodings, betook himself
to his Formian villa, which was at no great distance. To
the warnings of his attendants he replied: " Let me die
in my own country, which I have so often saved." Once
more he laid himself down to sleep; but his slaves, anxious
for the safety of their beloved master, and frightened by
omens of coming disaster, forced him to get into a litter,
and hurried with him through a thick forest towards the
sea-coast. Meanwhile, a troop of soldiers, eager for the
reward set on his head, arrived at the Formian villa,
which they found closed and barred. The band was commanded by Herennius a centurion, and by the Tribune
Popilius Lama, whom Cicero had once successfully defended in a hazardous process, at the intercession of Ca>
lius. The road which the fugitives had taken was revealed
by the treachery of a countryman. As soon as he perceived the troop approaching, Cicero made his slaves desist
from any attempt to defend him. He commanded them
to set down the litter, and having drawn back the curtains

474

L I F E AND LETTERS OF CICERO.

stretched forth his head, calling out to Herennius, " Come
on, old soldier, and strike, if you understand your own business." Most of the soldiers covered their faces when they
saw Cicero's countenance disfigured as it was by the mental sufferings he had undergone, his disordered hair, and
the fixed glance which he cast upon them. But Herennius stepped forward; and after three strokes the head
» Taciww. fell.* The 7th of December was the fatal day.1
J

de clar. Or.

The assassins brought the head to Antonius, who was
sitting on the tribune. He received it with undissembled
joy, paid the stipulated price ten times overf, and after it
had been treated with great indignities by FulviaJ, placed
it, with the hands which had likewise been cut off, on
the Rostrum, the spot whence his victim had so often
fulminated against him all the powers of his eloquence.
Men could scarcely raise their eyes in tears and lamentations, to behold these beloved relics.
Such was the end of Cicero, of whom Julius Caesar had
once said, " his triumph and his laurel wreath are so far
nobler than those of warriors, as it is a greater achievement to extend the bounds of Roman intellect, than the
2 vvm.fftst. dominion of the Roman people.5'2

Nat. vii. 30.

And we, in conclusion, reflecting how our hero controlled, in the toga, a Verres, a Rullus, a Catiline, and an
Antonius, and again, what was the fate of Rome after the
establishment of the Imperial despotism, may add the words
of-Cicero himself eight months before his death: " I t is my
fate never to conquer without the Republic, nor to be
3
Phti. xiii. conquered but with her." 3
15.)

* According to Appian it was Lsena who dealt the mortal stroke.
f He added 250,000 Attic drachmas to the usual reward. Appian, B. C.
iv. 20.
% She took the head on her lap, insulted it with the bitterest words, spat
upon it, pulled out the tongue and bored it through with her needle.

COMPARATIVE

TABLE

CICERO'S LETTERS.
•
The numeration in the first column is that of the ordinary edition ; in the
second that of Schiitz's chronological arrangement and of the author's
text.

L E T T E R S TO

i j°

2
11
3 I
8
4
9
5
1
2
6
3
7
8
4
9
5
10
6
11
7
12
16
18
13
19
14
21
16
22
17
23
18
.24
19
25
20
II.

1
2
3
4
5
6

26
27
28
30
31
32

7 1 33 1

8 |

9
35
10
37
11
38
12
36
13
39
14
40
15
41
16
42
17
43
18
44
19 | 45
20
46
21 i 47
22
48
23
49
24
50
51
25
in.
2
54
3
53
55
4
5
57
58
6
60
7
8
61
9
62
10 !

1n
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
22
23
24
25
26
27
IV.

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
64 1 11

ATTICUS.
65 1 13
66
14
68
15
67
16
70
17
71
18
V.
72
73
1
74
2
75
3
78
4
80
6
82
7
83
8
84
9
85
10
11
87 j
12
88
13
89
14
98 !
15
106
16
109
17
111
18
117
19
119
20
118
21

122 1

129
137
142
149
156
157
184
185
186
187
189
190
193
195
196
198
200
201
204
207
208
209
214
220

228 1
250

1 VL
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9

252
256
264
268
269
276
270
281
282

VII.

1
2
*
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17

284
293
294
295
296
297
298
299
300
303
304
305
307
308
309
311

314 1

476
LETTEKS TO ATTICUS — Continued.
VII.
18
19
20
21
22
25
YIII.
1
2
3
5
6
7
9
11
12
13
14
15
IX.
2
4
5
6
7
9
10
11
14
15
16
17
18
19

10
12
13
14
16
17
18
XI.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
20
21
22
23
24
25
XII.
1
3
4
5
6
7
9
11
12
13
14

315
316
317
318
319
322
324
325
326
328
329
330
332
334
336
337
338
339
343
345
346
347
348
350
351
352
355
356
357
358
359
360

x.
1
3
36
4
7

361
363
364
366
370
374
375

376
378
379
380
382
383
384
386
387
391
392
396
398
400
402
404
405
407
408
409
410
411
412
414
425
426
427
417
421
416
441
444
445
449
453
539
459
515
528
529
530

15 j 531 j

16
18
19
21
23
24
28
30
32

532
533
535 |

38 1

39
40
41
42
44
46
47
48
49
50
51

621 j
622 1

623
624 I

9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
26
27
28
XVI.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
11
13
14
15
16a
165
16c
16rf

538
651
626
541
542
628
632
546
548
633 1
550
634 I
!
34
636
556
35 | 560
637 1
36
52 ! 650 I
561
38
563
xiv.
40
1
567
679 I
680 1
2
41
569
45
3
681
574
46
682 I
4
575 i
49
5
683
578
50
684
6
579
580
51
7 686
52
8
581
687
688
9
XIII.
689
583
10
1
690 1
584
2
11
691
593
12
6
692 1
600
13
9
693 I
601
14
10
602
11
15
696 J
604 ! 16
13
697 I
610
698
19
17
701
20
611
18
19
700
617
25
703
570
20
26
21
704 I
27 j 586
22
705
28
587
589
30
XV.
1
590
706
31
16c
2
708
32
591
16/
592
4
710
33
5
629
34
717
719
6
35
619
37 1 620 1 ? 1 720 j

LETTERS TO QUINTUS.
I.
1
2
3
4

II.
1
2
3
4

29
52
63
69
I

6 ] 104
90
9
97
io !
99
12
102
13
103 i 14

120
121
132
134
138

140
15
144
16
III.
1 | 146
151
2
3 | 152

4 l
5, 6

7
8
9

477
I. 1

1
2
3
4
5
5
6

7
8
9
ii.

1
2
5
6

7
8
10
11
12
13
15
16
17
18
IIT.

2
3
4
5
6

7
8
9
10
11
12
13
IV.

2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
12
13
14
15

LETTERS TO AND FROM DIVERS MUENDS.
43
i V. I
1 5 | 210 I XI. |

242 j
6
1
243 j
7
2
8
3
223 I
211 j
95 1
9
4
10
225 |
5
96 I
598 | 11
100 J
267 I
6
101 I
654 1 12
279 J
7
113 I
646 I 13
272 1
8
280 j
9
125 S
108 J 14
335
10
148 I
558 I 15
568a j 16
13
367
166
388
16
5686 1 17
IX.
176
168
17
1
431
175
179
18
2
302
440
178
19
3
439
438
20
1227
VI.
4
413
21
199
1
5
226
25
517
448
4
255
526
6
446
26
616
263
5
479
8
27
6
470
9
389
28
257
273
8
10
519
476
XII.
372
10
11
1
527 j
537
12
514 |
12
649
2
271
13
465
14
699
3
258
473
14
475
15
4
183
15
450
16
5
677
18
521
455
191
17
7
596
18
451
194 ! 21
8
22
432
205
454
9
19
VII.
213
20
10
456
1
126
24 , 795
244
11
222
2 ! 182
25
246
12
452
3
249
26
474
13
133
261
5
X.
14
145
780
265
10
1
15
2
11
275
765
167
16
170
12
4
788
277
17
796
13
5
171
18
172
799
371
15
6
22
756
461
10
804
23
19
755
818
469 I 2 0
15
24
635
18
827
557 I 2 4
25
1 XIII.
638 1 2 3
565 I 2 5
847 8
652 j 24
854 1
464
30
1
3
1
626
466
656 I 2 5
4
27
800
468 I 32
229
5
793 1
525
33
471 I 28
7
566 | VIII.
809
I 30
8
192 I 31
463 I
798 I 10
1
516
2 202 1 33 833 | 15
433
3 1 203 I 35 840 j 16
f 29
I
4 i 206

92 I
93 I
94 I

1
2
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
17
18
20
21

1
1

13
14
15
12
131

I
1
I
I
1

1
1
1

685 1

713 j

757 J
761
776
777
778
790
811
813
843
786
787
823
824
837
845
852
844
715
716
711 ;
762
763
792
794
803
849
850
853
797
816
t 851
842
841
714
640
645
779
764
789
812

57
67
68
77
78
79

| 669
254
509
462
618
435
436

XIV.

1
2
3
4
5
6

79
76
81
59
283
394
7 385
8
390
1 1 i 413
12
395
13
419
14
306
19
397
20
429
23
423
XV.

1
2
3
4
5
6
13
14
16
17
18
19
21

221
219
212
238
266
278
240
241
522
520
518
523
430

XVJ.

1
2
3
4
5

16
7
197 1 8
641 1 9
642 I n
644 I
1
2
643 1 16
I
437
2
i
554 1 23
1
555 1 26

285
286
287
288
289
290
291
313
292
301
310
668
781
695
855

1 434 I 27 1 780

I N D E X.

A.
JEMILIUS PAULUS, Consul, 263.

AFEANIUS, L., Consul, 69. 178.

ANTIOCHUS, king of Commagene, 189. 227.
ANTONIUS, M., is called Teucris, 57. 209. Augur and Tribune, 268. Aids
Caesar, ib. Propraetor and Vicegerent to Caesar, 300. Consul, 379. His
acts after Caesar's death, ib. His speech at Caesar's funeral, 384. His measures
at Eome, 389. His reply to Cicero's first Philippic, 420. His quarrel with
Octavius, 425. Besieges Decimus at Mutina, 447. Is declared an enemy
by the Senate, 448. Is defeated by Hirtius and Pansa, 459. Joins Lepidus
in Cisalpine Gaul, 461. Is reconciled to Octavius, 468.
APPIUS CLAUDIUS PULCHEE, Consul, 184. 189.

Proconsul of Cilicia, 209.

226. 239. Is impeached by Dolabella, 240. Is appointed Censor, 241.
AEIOBAEZANES, king of Cappadocia, 229. 246.
ATTICUS, 26. Comes to Eome, 42. His character, 105. Inherits a fortune,
143. Aids Cicero, ib.
AUTEONIUS, P., nephew of Sulla, 36. Consul, 44. Proconsul of Macedonia,
45. Is prosecuted by Caesar and Bibulus and defended by Cicero, 58.
B.
BALBUS, 185.

BELG^D, The, conquered by Caesar, 151.
BIBULUS, M., Consul with Caesar, 91. Opposes Caesar's Agrarian Law, 96.
Proconsul of Syria, 218. 234.
BEITAIN invaded by Caesar, 152.
BEUTUS, DECIMUS.

See DECIMUS.

BRUTUS, M. JUNIUS, 243. Governs Cisalpine Gaul, 349. 363. Praetor, 380,
His acts after Caesar's death, 387. Leaves Rome, 389. His progress in
Macedonia, 449.

480

INDEX.

C.
CELIUS C ALDUS, Governor of Cilicia, 248. His letters to Cicero, 253.
C^JSAR, C. JULIUS, supports Pompeius, 27. Is suspected of joining Catilina,
36. 61. Opposes Cicero as Consul, 44. Is made Pontifex Maximus, ib.
His ambitious schemes, 54. Is divorced from his wife Pompeia, 65. Is
Proprietor of Spain, 84. Sues for the Consulship, ib. His Agrarian Law,
95. His acts as Consul, 98., et seq. His conduct towards Clodius, 107.
He assumes a province, 110. Defeats the Helvetians, 121. Drives Ariovistus
from Gaul, ib. Defeats the Belgae and the Yeneti, 151. Overthrows* the
Germans, 152. Invades Britain, ib. Eeduces rebels in Gaul, 153. Defeats
and takes Vercingetorix, ib. Sues a second time for the Consulship, ib. 212.
Meets Pompeius at Lucca, 172. Continued as Proconsul of Gaul, 180. 199.
Embellishes Home, 200. Finishes the war in Gaul, 218. Comparison between Csesar and Cicero, 235. Causes of his quarrel with Pompeius, 260.
His recall agitated in the Senate, 261. 266. Declared an enemy by the
Senate, 281. Crosses the Rubicon, 284. Endeavours to gain over Cicero,
290. 297. Overthrows Pompeius, party in Spain, 303. Is appointed Dictator, ib. His kindness to Cicero, 338. His fourfold triumph, 347. Defeats
Pompeius' sons, 367. Is created Dictator for life, 368. Is murdered,
376.
CESAR, C. JULIUS OCTAYIANUS.
CALENUS PUFIUS, 440. 448.

See OCTAVIUS.

450.

CASSIUS, C, 153. 228. 234. 371. 380/449. 451.

CATILINA, L. SERG-IUS, excluded from the Consulship, 36.
by Clodius, 37. Is acquitted, 40. His conspiracy, 47.
CATO, M. PORCIUS, 32. 65. 75.196. 206. 212. 234. 302.

Is impeached

327.

CICERO, M. TULLIUS, Praetor, 27. Supports Pompeius, ib. Political views?
28. Speech on the Manilian Law, 35. Refuses a province ; sues for the
Consulship, 37. Prepares to defend Catilina, 39. Elected Consul, 43.
Opposes Rullus' Agrarian Law, 45. Defe ds Murena, 47. Joins ^the
Optimates, 52. His opinion of Pompeius, 53. His oath on resigning the
fasces, ib. Exculpates Csesar from charge of joining Catilina's conspiracy,
61. His feelings and conduct on the acquittal of Clodius, 66. His political
system, 73. His Consular Orations, 77. His history of his Consulship, 78.
His private character, 79. 81. His doubts as to joining the Triumvirate, 84.
He refuses posts offered by Caesar, 94. Is persecuted by Clodius, 124. Is
banished, 128. His recall, 146-7. Becomes legate to Pompeius on the corn
commission, 157. His speeches—" de provinciis consularibus" 176.; and against
Piso, 182. Joins Caesar, 183. His defence of Milo, 210. Is made Augur,
212. Proconsul of Cilicia, 218. His government, 229,, et seq., 237., et seq.
Applies for a triumph, 234. 274. Comparison between him and Csesar, 235.

481

INDEX.

Leaves his province, 248.; and returns to Rome, 268. Sides with Pompeius,
278. 304. Meets Csesar at Brundusium, 324. Goes to Rome, 325. Devotes
himself to literature, 328. His friendship with Csesar and his party, 339.
His grief at his daughter's death, 353. His annoyance at Caesar's measures,
369. Peelings at his death, 376. 385,, et seq. His dislike of Antonius, 395.
His advice to Brutus and Cassius, 404. His correspondence with C. Matius,
411., et seq. His Philippic Orations, 419. 435-6. 440. 443. 445. 448. 450-1.
453. 456. 458. Penetrates the schemes of Octavius, 464. Sides with Brutus
and Cassius, ib. His flight from Rome, 472. His irresolution, 473. His
death, 474.
CICERO, Q., JEdile, 40. His character, 80. Propraetor of Asia, ib. Legate
of Csesar, 152. 178. 184. Legate of M. Tullius Cicero in Cilicia, 219. His
disagreements with his wife, 250. Breaks with Csesar, 299. Intrigues
against his brother, 321. 333. His death, 472.
CLODIUS, PUBLIUS, his sacrilege, 63. Acquitted for it, 65. Adopted into
the Plebs, 105. His Tribunate, 106.123. His persecution of Cicero, 124.,
et seq. Opposes his recall, 145., et seq. Is made JEdile, 160. Prosecutes
Milo, 165. Slain by Milo, 207.
CORNELIUS, C, Tribune, law against usury, 29. Accused of treason and
acquitted, 30.
CORNELIUS SCIPIO, P., associated in the Consulship with Pompeius, 211.
CRASSUS, M. LICINIUS, 35, 36. Opposes Cicero as Consul, 44. Aids Csesar in
his suit for the Consulship, 84. Joins him and Pompeius, ib. Consul a
second time, 178. Goes to Syria, 179. 183. Defeated and killed by the
Parthians, 207.
CURIO, C, 103, 213. 263, 264.

268.

D.
DECIMUS BRUTUS, 387. 422. 434. Besieged in Mutina, 447. 452. Meets Octavius, 462. Who does not aid him, 463. Is deserted by his army, 468.
Is slain, 469. His character, ib.
DEIOTARUS, 221. 228.

389.

DOLABELLA, CN., 240. 305. 322. 371. 383. 401. 424. 450,
DOMITIUS AHENOBARBUS, L.,

127.

168. 281.

467,

Consul, 184.

189.

209.

288.

Taken by Csesar ad Corfinium, 289.
DOMITIUS CALVINUS, CN., 189*

206.

G,
GABINIUS, A., Consul, 112. His character, 122. Proconsul of Syria, 151,152.
Restores Ptolemseus to his kingdom, 165, 183. Is defended by Cicero, 194.
Banished, 260.
Y

482

INDEX.

H,
H I R T I U S , 439, 440, 457. 459.

HORTENSIUS, 27, 65. 75. 210. 212. 222, 270.

Cicero's character of him, 346.

J.
JULIA, wife of Pompeius, her death, 207.

K.
KNIG-HTS, their privileges and appointments, 68. Gained over by Caesar, 98.
They intercede for Cicero against Clodius, 125.

L.
LiENIUS ELACCUS, M . , 1 3 3 .
LENTULUS MARCELLINUS, Consul, 167. 193.

LENTTJLUS SPINTHER, P., Consul, 122. Proposes Cicero's recall, 145.
LEPIDUS, master of horse to Caesar, 379. Joins Antonius, 380.
L E X FUPIA repealed, 124. Revived, 154.
L E X MANILIA, 27. 35.
L E X SEMPRONIA, 110. 144.

LUCULLUS, L. LICINIUS, his reverses in Asia, 26. 28.
dates and Pharnaces, 44.

Triumphs over Mithri-

M.
MARCELLUS, C. CLAUDIUS, Consul, 263.

MARCELLUS, M. CLAUDIUS, Consul, 218.
329. 372.

Demands Caesar's recall, 235. 261.

MEMMIUS, C , 127. 189, 190. 222. 260.
MESSALA, M. VALERIUS, 189. 206.

METELLUS NEPOS, as Tribune, forbids Cicero to speak, 54. Proposes the
return of pompeius and his army, 55. Joins Pompeius, 56. Consul, 121.
MILO, 165. 174. 207. Slays Clodius, 208. Is banished, 210.
MITHRIDATES, king of Pontus, 27, 28. Killed, 44.
MURENA, L. LICINIUS, 47.

O.
OCTAVIUS, 44. His projects, 396. His quarrel with Antonius, 425. His
intrigues, 460. Obtains the Consulship, 466. Takes the name of Julius
Caesar Octavianus, 467. His reconciliation with Antonius, 468,

INDEX.

483

P.
PACORUS, the Parthian, 227.
PANSA, 439, 440. 456, 457.

459.

PARTHIANS, the, 153. 207. 228. 234.

236.

PHARNACES kills his father Mithridates, 44. King of Bosphorus, ib.
Piso, Consul, 112. His character, 122. 126.
PLANCTUS, CN., 133.

137.

POMPEIUS MAGNUS, CN., Consul, 26. Restores power to the Tribunes, ib.
Placed by Gabinius over the Mediterranean, 27. Conducts the war against
Mithridates, ib. Conquers Syria, 43. Takes Jerusalem, 44. Returns from
the East, 62. Triumphs, 70. Joins Caesar and Crassus, 84. Marries
Cesar's daughter, 99. His diminished popularity, ib., et seq. Proconsul of
Spain, 152. Given extraordinary powers to demand supplies of corn, 156.
Meets Caesar at Lucca, 176. Consul a second time, 178. His magnificent
theatre, 181.- Conduct at the election for Consuls, 190. Loses his wife
Julia, 204. Elected sole Consul, 209. Associated with P . Cornelius Scipio,
211. Causes of his quarrel with Cassar, 260. His measures with regard to
Cesar's recall, 261. Leaves Rome on the approach of Caesar, 284. His indecision, 287. Leaves Italy, 289.
POMPTINUS, C , 198.

221.

PTOLEMJEUS AULETES, king of Egypt, 151, 152. 162. 165.

R.
RABIRIUS, C , 46.

198.

ROME, its corruption, 28. 189. Its wealth, 32. Catalina's conspiracy, 47.
Its state, 76. 170. Its calamities, 204. State of parties, 282. Events after
Cassar's death, 380., et seq.
RULLUS, P . SERVILIUS, Tribune, his Agrarian Law opposed by Cicero, 45.

S.
SERVIUS SULPICIUS,

347.

SENATE, the, neglected by Caesar, 97. Its intercession for Cicero, 125. Votes
his recall, 146. Restores his house, 159. Inquires into cases of bribery,
204.
Opposes the Dictatorship, 206. Declares Caesar an enemy, 281.; and
Antonius, 448.
SEXTUS POMPEIUS, 367. 382.

409.

T.
TEUCRIS.

See

ANTONIUS.

TERENTIUS V A R R O ,

347.

484

INDEX.

TIGRANES, king of Armenia, 28,
T I R O , Cicero's freedman, 271. 332.
T R I U M V I R A T E , the first, 84. 89.
T R I U M V I R A T E , the second, 470.

V A T I N I U S , P . , 193. 373.

V E N E T I , the, conquered by Cassar, 151.
V E R C I N G E T O R I X , 153.
V E T T I U S , L., 6 1 . 111.

T H E 1LND.

LONDON:
A. ami G. A. SPOTTISWOODE,
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