* The University of Chicaya 
 
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 a hn le nr NE ee pe 
 
 ‘THE DANEGELD IN FRANCE 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY 
 OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL’ OF ARTS AND LITERATURE 
 IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 ‘DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY 
 
 BY. 
 
 EINAR JORANSON 
 
 ROCK. ISLAND, ILL. 
 | . AUGUSTANA BOOK CONCERN, PRINTERS 
 An | : | 1923 . 
 
Return this book on or before the 
 Latest Date stamped below. A 
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 University of Illinois Library 
 
The University of Chicago 
 
 THE DANEGELD IN FRANCE 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY 
 OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND LITERATURE 
 IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF 
 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY 
 
 BY. 
 
 EINAR JORANSON 
 
 PRIVATE EDITION, DISTRIBUTED BY 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO LIBRARIES 
 CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 
 
 REPRINTED FROM 
 AUGUSTANA LIBRARY PUBLICATIONS, NO. ro 
 PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE BOARD OF DIRECIO™S OF 
 AUGUSTANA COLLEGE AND THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 ROCK ISLAND, ILLINOIS 
 
 1923 
 
HISTORICAL 
 
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 ASSOCIATION 
 
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 BAXTER ADAMS PRIZE IN EUROPEAN 
 
 HISTORY FOR 1921 
 
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 PAGE 
 RF CAEPIOR PRISE LAT Wonca o Warns ar Gag AN. LE «wal. che era, Once. tu aie vitals ¢ wile ot aaa 5—13 
 PPO COSTRGL OTE S cso chan a Vecurer a brane hk alk Forte ce ad ore onc Pee es 14—25 
 PART I. 
 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 CHAPTER (840-877) 
 liv Fities Danee ene oL ehh ase oe cies wee ee Bhat de eee re ee 26—38 
 TES PG, PENG SELIG SOS «obo ce sb te, bie eee nee Pe ees ee 39—44 
 Tito. Tie Danegela:- OL es 60-S6 Le, occ FS ek ee Oh oie Re oe a ee 45—58 
 IV. The Danegeld Paid by Robert the Strong in 862.......... 59—61 
 Vie -biiGhareserd: -O©. GGG. © os en's ace «0k sy ohcle Ogee oe ce ~ 6§2—92 
 Wis The. TwosDanereldscote STs. us, cae cine suck 8c ily ame eee 938—110 
 VII. Summary of the Causes which Forced Charles the Bald to 
 Resort: to ‘the ~Daneseld a eae ie ee eee 111—117 
 PART -AIL 
 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877. 
 Vill-~ The Danegeld. Paid . for: Carloman:in? $84. 2.3. 12a eee 118—140 
 IX. Payments Made to the Danes in Connection with the Siege 
 of? Paris’ (886-887) 223 35. esa sc ic a as, aa 141—152 
 ».-Odo’s. First. -Danegeld= (889) s-5 ee, ace a ee 153—157 
 xm&t.2eOdo’s Second Danegeld’ :.(897)o sine oe oe ee ee eee 158—162 
 <LI. Rudolph’s First’ Danezeld (923-924) acy.) snare eee 163—170 
 ail; > Rudolph’s: Second. Danegeld. (926). e0< vee seers eae 171—174 
 XIV. Summary of the Reasons for the Payment of Danegeld 
 After’*the Time of Chariles'the Baltic. ..>-..0n see 175—179 
 PART III. 
 LocAL DANEGELD: RANSOM. 
 may. tvansom: of. Places. = 00 \.. 1 f~ nce teste oN ere Pgtioelt a, one 180—184 
 ov tey -eAnsOm. Of Persons =... i ma'b puipie 5 inka habla meee tk ee 185—188 
 PART IV. 
 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 
 XVII. The Institutional Character of the Danegeld............. 189—204 
 XVIII. The Results of the Danegeld: Its Effect on the Political 
 and Economic Development of France................ 205—219 
 
 5407895 
 
CHAPTER 
 
 a: 
 
 II. 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 When and Where Was the Assessment For the Danegeld 
 Paid to the Vikings of the Seine in 877 Prepared?...... 220—229 
 
 The Two Tax Documents of 877 and the Capitulary of 
 LOLET SUL Gare Soba s Wis E> ahs Oe RRR ee SUIS BT Os eo eames 230—235 
 The Danereld tn Er isla... ces ueetenss 6 rete ean oe eee 236—238 
 The Danegeld in Lorraine and the East Frankish Kingdom 239—247 
 Then-Danegeld ind Brittany. ick oa ve seein tae ae 248 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 All works cited in this dissertation are included in the following list. 
 Certain others that have a more or less general relation to the subject as a 
 whole or to some important part of it have also been included, but many 
 secondary works that were found to be of slight value have been omitted. 
 It is confidently hoped that no printed source supplying information either 
 direct or indirect on the Danegeld in France has been overlooked. 
 
 ABBREVIATIONS 
 AA, SS. J. Bollandus (ed.), Acta sanctorum. 
 COLL. DE TEXT. Collection de textes pour servir a Vétude et a 
 Venseignement de Uhistoire. 
 FORSCH. Z. D. GESCH. Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte. Heraus- 
 
 gegeben von der historischen Commission bei 
 der koniglich bayerischen Akademie der Wissen- 
 schaften. Gottingen, 1860 ff. 
 JAHRB. D. D. GESCH. Jahrbicher der deutschen Geschichte. Published 
 under the auspices of the Munich Academy. 
 Berlin and Leipzig, 1862 ff. 
 MeGS HA -SS. Monumenta Germaniae historica, Scriptores. 
 , SS. RERUM MeErROv. Monumenta Germaniae_ Tlistorica, Scriptores 
 rerum Merovingicarum. 
 
 BT. Monumenta Germaniae historica, Leges. 
 , HPP. Monumenta Germaniae historica, Epistolae. 
 fe PORTS LATS Monumenta Germaniae historica, Poetae Latini 
 medii aevi. 
 MON. HIST. Brit. Monumenta historica Britannica. 
 Rey. HIstT. Revue Historique. Paris, 1834 ff. 
 SS. Rk. G. Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum schola- 
 rum ex Monumentis Germaniae historicis re- 
 cusi. 
 
 The other abbreviations used in this work will, it is believed, be self- 
 explanatory. 
 
 COLLECTIONS OF SOURCES, REGESTA, ETC. 
 
 BALUZE, ETIENNE, ED. Capitularia regum Francorum. Reédited by P. de 
 Chiniae. 2 vols. Paris, 1780. 
 BOuMER, J. F. Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern, 751— 
 918. Revised edition by E. Miihlbacher and others. Innsbruck, 1908. 
 Regesta chronologico-diplomatica Karolorum. Frankfort-am-Main, 
 1838. 
 
. de l’Ecole des Sartas: Paris 1886 ff. BN Se | 
 - Du Cancer, CHARLES pU Fresne. Glossariwm mediae et : infimae. 
 gi New edition by L. Favre. 10 vols. Niort, 1883—1887. 
 
 DUCHESNE, A., ED. Historiae Francorum scriptores. 5 vols. Paris, 1636—1649. 
 _ GALE, T., ED. Historiae Britannicae, Saxonicae, Anglo-Daniae, area XV. 
 nied 2 vols. Oxford, 1691. 
 
 _- Geschichtschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit. Second edition by W. Wattenbach, 
 
 ae . - Berlin and Leipzig, 1884 ff. 
 
 a GuizoT, M. F., Ep. Collection des mémoires relatifs ad Vhistoire de Vrdnee . 
 _ 81 vols. Paris, 1824—1885. : 
 KEMBLE, J. M., ED. Coder diplomaticus aevi Saxonici. 6 vols. London, 1839— 
 
 er eLS4 8, 
 MANSI, J. D., and others, Epp. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima col- 
 ~ lectio. 81 vols. Florence and Venice, 1759—1798. 
 
 ; Miene, J. P., ep. Patrologiae cursus completus. Series latina. 221 vols. 
 
 ie Do | Paris, 1844—1864. 
 
 ae ~Monumenta Germaniae historica. Edited by G. H. Pertz and others. Folio 
 
 nies: series: Berlin, 1826—1874; quarto series: ibid., 1876 ff. 
 
 oe M onumenta historica Britannica. Edited by H. Petrie assisted by J. Sharpe. 
 
 ie London, 1848, _ 
 
 _ MiiHLENBACHER, EK. See Bohmer, Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs, etc. 
 
 eae Se  Seriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum ex Monumentis Germa- 
 
 Rie Sha niae historicis recusi. Hanover, 1839 ff. 
 
 apd eee _ SrRMonD, J., ED. Capitula Caroli Calvi et successorum aliquot Franciae regum. 
 os Paris, 1623. 
 
 Pie 
 
 KS 
 
 NARRATIVE SOURCES 
 
 ~ ABBO (monk of St. Germain-des-Prés near Paris). De bellis Parisiacae urbis 
 3 Shee adversus Normannos libri III. M. G. H., Poet. Lat., IV, part i, | 
 
 ¥ pe (2 — 102 5 
 
 We Chronicon. M. G. H., SS., II, pp. 315—329. 
 Cow ite ADREVALDUS FLORIACENSIS. Miracula sancti Benedicti. M. G. TL GUNS, eee 
 aca ee Soren. 474-497: : 
 bie gees a ; AIMOIN oF Freury. Historiae Francorum libri V. Edited by J. Nicot. Paris, 
 AI SSS see 1567. . 
 : re eaet AIMOIN OF ST. GERMAIN. Miracula sancti Germani. AA. SS., May, VI, pp. 
 PRESS RN ae 786—791, , Sr 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 7 
 
 ALBERICUS MONACHUS TRIUM Fontrtum. See Chronica Albrici. 
 
 Anglo-Saron Chronicle. Edited with notes, ete, by C. Plummer. 2 vols. 
 (Vol. I: text, appendices, and glossary; vol. Il: introduction, notes, 
 and index.) Oxford, 1892—1899. 
 
 Annales Anglo-Saronici. M. G. H., SS., XIII, pp. 103—120, 
 
 Annales sancti Benigni Divionensis. Ibid., V, pp. 37—50. 
 
 Annales Bertiniani. Edited by G. Waitz. SS. 7. G. Hanover, 1883. 
 
 Edited by Abbé C. Dehaisnes (Les Annales de Saint-Bertin et de 
 
 Saint-Vaast). Paris, 1871. 
 
 Annales sanctae OColumbae Senonensis. M. G. H., SS., I, pp. 102—109. 
 
 Annales Fuldenses. Edited by F. Kurze. SS. 7. G. Hanover, 1891. 
 
 Annales sancti Germani minores. M. G. H., SS., TV, pp. 3—4. 
 
 Annales Maximiniani. Ibid., XIII, pp. 19—25. 
 
 Annales Mettenses. Duchesne, Hist. Franc. scriptores, II, pp. 262—333. 
 
 Annales necrologici Fuldenses. M. G. H., SS., XIII, 161—218. 
 
 Annales Nivernenses. Ibid., pp. 88—9. 
 
 Annales Rotomagenses. ILbid., XXV1, pp. 490—506. 
 
 Annales Vedastini. Edited by Abbé C. Dehaisnes (Les Annales de Saint-Ber- 
 tin et de Saint-Vaast). Paris, 1871. 
 
 Annales Xantenses. M. G. H., SS., II, pp. 219—235. 
 
 ASSER. Gesta Aelfredi regis. Ibid., XIII, pp. 120—122. 
 
 Chronica Albrici monachi Trium Fontium a monacho novi monasterii Hoiensis 
 interpolata. Ibid., XXIII, pp. 631—950. 
 
 Chronicon Britannicum. Bouquet, VII, pp. 221—222. 
 
 Chronicon Fontanellense (sive s. Wandregisili). M. G. H., SS., II, pp. 801— 
 304. 
 
 Chronicon Hermanni contracti. Bouquet, VII, pp. 282—237. 
 
 Chronicon sancti Mazentii. Ibid., p. 228. 
 
 Chronicon monasterii sancti Sergii Andegavensis. Ibid., p. 53. 
 
 Chronicon Namnetense. Edited by R. Merlet (La Chronique de Nantes). 
 Coll. de text. Paris, 1896. 
 
 Chronicon sancti Neoti. Gale, Historiae Brit., Saxr., A.—D., scriptores, I, p. 
 155. 
 
 Chronicon Normannorum. M. G. H., SS., I, pp. 582—536. 
 
 Chronicon sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis. Bouquet, IX, pp. 32—36. 
 
 Chronicon Sigeberti. Ibid., VII, pp. 249—253. 
 
 Chronicon Sithiense sancti Bertini. Ibid., pp. 266—270. 
 
 Chroniques de Saint-Denis. See Grandes chroniques de Saint-Denis. 
 
 Dupo. De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum. Edited by J. Lair 
 (Mémoires de la Société des antiquaires de Normandie. Série III, 
 t. 3). Caen, 1865. 
 
 EINHARD. Annales. M. G. H., SS., I, pp. 185—218. 
 Vita Karoli imperatoris. Edited by H. W. Garrod and R. B. Mowat 
 (Hinhard’s Life of Charlemagne). Oxford, 1915, 
 ERMENTARIUS. Miracula sancti Filiberti. M. G. H., SS., XV, pp. 298—303. 
 Ethelwerdi chronicon. Ibid., XIII, pp. 122—128. 
 
 FiLopoarD. Annales. Edited by P. Lauer. Coll. de tert. Paris, 1905. 
 Historia Remensis ecclesiae. M. G. H.. SS., XIII, pp. 409—599. 
 
8 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 FLORENTIUS WIGORNIENSIS MONACHUS. Chronicon ex chronicis. Mon. hist. 
 Brit., I, pp. 522—644. 
 
 Foutcwin. Gesta abbatwm sancti Bertini Sithiensium. M. G. H., SS., XIII, 
 pp. 607—634. 
 
 Grandes chroniques de Saint-Denis. Bouquet, VII, pp. 125—151. 
 
 Hariutr. Chronique de Vabbaye de Saint-Riquier. Edited by F. Lot. Coll. 
 de text. Paris, 1894. 
 
 HeELMOLD. Chronica Slavorum. M. G. H., SS., XXI, pp. 11—99. 
 
 HENRY OF HUNTINGDON. Historiae Anglorum libri VIII. Mon. hist. Brit., I, 
 pp. 689—763. > 
 
 HILDEGAR OF MEAUX. Vita sancti Faronis. Bouquet, VII, pp. 356—358. 
 
 HincoMAr. Annales. See Annales Bertiniani. 
 
 Opera. Migne, Patr. Lat., CXXV, CXXVI. 
 
 LIUTPRAND. Antapodosis. Edited by E. Diimmler (Liutprandi episcopi Cremo- 
 nensis opera omnia). SS. r. G. Hanover, 1877. 
 
 Loup (Lupus) OF F'ERRIERES. LEpistolae. Edited by G. Desdevises du Dézert. 
 (Lettres de Servat Loup). Paris, 1888. 
 
 Miracula sancti Bavonis. Bouquet, VII, p. 1538, note a. 
 
 Miracula sancti Bertini. Ibid., pp. 880—381. 
 
 Miracula sancti Dionysii. Ibid., p. 365. 
 
 Miracula (Translatio) sancti Germani in Normannorum adventu facta [845] 
 (written by a monk of St. Germain-des-Prés on the command of 
 Abbot Ebroin). M. G. H., SS., XV, pp. 10—I16. 
 
 Miracula sancti Martini abbatis Vertavensis. Ibid., SS. rerum Merov., III, 
 pp. 564—575. 
 
 Miracula sancti Richarii. Ibid., SS., XV, pp. 916—919. 
 
 MONACHUS SANGALLENSIS. De gestis Karoli Magni libri II. Ibid., Il, pp. 
 731— 763. 
 
 NiTHARD. Historiarum libri IV. Ibid., II, pp. 649—672. 
 
 PASCHASIUS RADBERTUS, ABBAS CORBEIENSIS. Jn threnos sive lamentationes 
 Ieremiae libri quinque. Migne, Patr. Lat., CXX, cols. 1059—1255. 
 
 PoreTaA Saxo. Annales de gestis Caroli Magni imperatoris libri quinque. M. 
 G. H., SS., I, pp. 227—279. 
 
 REGINO. Chronicon. Edited by F. Kurze. SS. r. G. Hanover, 1890. 
 
 RicHER. Historiarum libri IIII. Edited by G. Waitz. SS. r. G. Hanover, 
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 Sermo de relatione corporis beati Vedasti a Bellovaco ad proprium locum, 
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 THEGAN. Vita Hludovici imperatoris. Ibid., I1, pp. 585—604. 
 
 Vita sancti Faronis. See Hildegar of Meaux. 
 
 Vita sancti Romani abbatis Autissiodorensis. Bouquet, IX, p. 1385. 
 
 WULFSTAN. Homilies. Edited by A. Napier (Wulfstan, Sammlung der ihm 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 9 
 
 DOCUMENTARY SOURCES 
 
 Breviarium missorum Aquitanicum [789]. M. G. H., LL. Sectio II, t. i, pp. 
 65—66. 
 
 Capitula excerpta in conventu Carisiacensi coram populo lecta [877]. Ibid., 
 t. ii, pp. 361—363. 
 
 Capitula synodi Bellovacensis. Ibid., pp. 387—3ss. 
 
 Capitulare Carisiacense [June 14, 877]. Jbid., pp. 355—361. 
 
 Capitulare missorum in Theodonis villa datum secundum, generale [805]. 
 Ibdid., t. i, pp. 122—126. 
 
 Capitulare Vernense [884]. Jbid., t. ii, pp. 371—3875. 
 
 Cartulaire de Vabbaye de St. Sauveur de Redon. Edited by M. A. de Courson 
 (Collection de documents inedits). Paris, 1863. 
 
 Clotharii II Edictum [614]. M. G. H., LL. Sectio II, t. i, pp. 20—23. 
 
 Constitutio Carisiacensis de moneta [July, 861]. Jbid., Sectio II, t. ii, pp. 
 3801—302. 
 
 Edictum Compendiense de tributo Nordmannico [877]. IJbid., pp. 353 
 See infra, appendices i and ii. 
 
 Edictum Pistense [June 25, 864]. Jbid., pp. 310—828. 
 
 Epistola synodi Carisiacensis ad Hludowicum regem Germaniae directa. Ibid., 
 pp. 427—441. 
 
 IRMINON. See Polyptyque de Vabbé Irminon. 
 
 Libellus proclamationis adversus Wenilonem [June 14, 859]. M. G. H., LL 
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 Pippini Capitulare Aquitanicum [768]. Jbid., Sectio II, t. i, pp. 42—48. 
 
 Polyptyque de Vabbé Irminon, ow dénombrement des manses, des serfs, et des 
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 Lippert, W. Geschichte des westfrinkischen Reiches unter Konig Rudolf. 
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 Lonenon, A. Atlas historique de la France. 2 vols. (Maps and text.) Paris, 
 1885—1889. 
 
 Lot, F. Etude sur le régne de Hugues Capet. (Bibl. de V’Ecole des Hautes 
 Etudes. Fasc. no. 147.) Paris, 1903. 
 
12 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Lot, F. “La grande invasion normande de 856—862.” Bibl. de VU Hvole des 
 chartes, LXIX (1908), pp. 1—62. ; 
 —_———. “La Loire, Aquitaine et la Seine de 862 4 866. Robert le Fort.” 
 Ibid., LXXVI (1915), pp. 473—511. 
 “Le monastére inconnu pillé par les Normands en 845.” Ibid., 
 LXX (1909), pp.’ 4883—446. 
 “Mélanges carolingiens. II. Le pont de Pitres.” Le Moyen Age, 
 IX (1905), pp. 1—2T. 
 “Une année du régne de Charles le Chauve. Année 866.” Jbdid., 
 VI (1902), pp. 893—488. 
 Lot, F., AND L. HALPHEN. Le régne de Charles le Chauve (840—877). Pre- 
 miere partie (840—851). (Bibl. de ’ Ecole des Hautes Etudes. Fasc. 
 no. 165). Paris, 1909. 
 LucHaireE, A. Histoire des institutions monarchiques de la France sous les 
 premiers Capétiens (987T—1180). 2 vols. Second edition. Paris, 1891. 
 Manuel des institutions francaises, période des Capétiens directs. 
 Paris, 1892. 
 
 MAITLAND, F. W. The Constitutional History of England. Cambridge, 1909. 
 Domesday Book and Beyond. Three Essays in the Early History 
 of England. Cambridge, 1897. 
 
 Marion, M. De Normannorum ducum cum Capetianis pacta ruptaque socie- 
 tate. (Dissertation.) Paris, 1892. 
 
 Mayer, E. “Zum friihmittelalterlichen Miinzwesen und der angeblichen Karo- 
 lingischen Bussreduktion.” Vierteljahrschrift fiir Social- und Witrt- 
 schaftsgeschichte, XIII (1916), pp. 887—860. 
 
 MontTe.ivus, O. Kulturgeschichte Schwedens von den iiltesten Zeiten bis zum 
 elften Jahrhundert nach Christi. Weipzig, 1906. 
 
 MULLER, SopHus. Nordische Altertumskunde. German transl. by O. L. Jiriczek. 
 2 vols. Strassburg, 1879—1898. 
 
 NEIESON, N. Customary Rents. . (In Oxford Studies in Social and Legal His- 
 | tory, ed. by P. Vinogradoff, II, no. IV). Oxford, 1910. 
 VON NoorDEN, C. Hinkmar, Erzbischof von Rheims. Bonn, 1863. 
 
 PALGRAVE, Sir Francis. History of Normandy and England. 4 vols. London, 
 1851—1864. 
 
 ParisoT, R. Le royaume de Lorraine sous les Carolingiens, 843—923. Paris, 
 1898. 
 
 PRENZEL, A. Geschichte der Kriegsverfassung unter den Karolingern von der 
 Mitte des achten bis zum Ende des neunten Jahrhunderts. Erster 
 Teil. (Dissertation.) Leipzig, 1887. 
 
 Provu, M. Les monnaies carolingiennes. (Catalogue des monnaies francdises 
 de la Bibliotheque Nationale.) Paris, 1896. 
 
 “De la nature du service militaire du par les roturiers aux XIe 
 
 et XIle siécles.” Rev. Hist., XLIV (1890), pp. 318—327. 
 
 RICHTER, G., AND H. Kony. Annalen des friinkischen Reichs im Zeitalter der 
 Karolinger. 2 vols. Halle, 1885—1887. (Part of the same authors’ 
 Annalen der deutschen Geschichte im Mittelalter von der Griindung 
 des frinkischen Reichs bis eum Untergang der Hohenstaufen [to 
 1137]. 4 vols. Halle, 1873—1898.) 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 13 
 
 Roos, W. “The Swedish Part in the Viking Expeditions.” JPnglish Hist. 
 Review, VII (1892), pp. 209—223. 
 
 Rotu, P. Geschichte des Beneficialivesens von den <dltesten Zeiten bis ins 
 sehnte Jahrhundert. Erlangen, 1850, 
 
 Rounp, J. H. Feudal England. Wondon, 1895. 
 
 “Danegeld and the Finance of Domesday.” In P. BE. Dove's (ed.) 
 Domesday Studies, I, pp. T7—142. : 
 
 Scuroérs, H. Hinkmar EBrzbischof von Reims: sein Leben und seine Schriften. 
 Freiburg, 1884. 
 
 Ste, H. E. Les classes rurales et le régime domanial en France au moyen age. 
 Paris, 1901. : 
 
 SEEMANN, IF’. Boso von Niederburgund. (Dissertation.) Halle a. S., 1911. 
 
 Sruson, B. Jahrbiicher des frinkischen Reiches unter Ludwig dem Frommen. 
 (Jahrb. d. d. Gesch.) 2 vols. Leipzig, 1874—1876. 
 
 SoreTBeeR, A. “Beitriige zur Geschichte des Geld- und Miinzwesens in Deutsch- 
 land. Vierter Abschnitt: Geld- und Miinzwesen im frinkischen 
 Reiche unter den Karolingern.” Forsch. 2. d. Gesch., IV, pp. 241— 
 354; VI, pp. 1—112. 
 
 SoMMERLAD, T. Die wirtschaftliche Titigkeit der Kirche in Deutschland. 
 Vols. I—II. Leipzig, 1900—1905. 
 
 STEENSTRUP, J. C. H. R. Normannerne. 4 vols. Copenhagen, 1876—1882. 
 
 Stupss, W. The Constitutional History of England in Its Origin and Develop- 
 ment. 3 vols. (Vol. I is in the sixth edition, vol. II in the fourth, 
 and vol. III in the fifth.) Oxford, 1896—1S97. 
 
 Sveriges historia. See Hildebrand, E. 
 
 THOMPSON, J. W. “The Commerce of France in the Ninth Century.” Journal 
 
 of Political Economy, XXIII (1915), pp. 857—SS8T. , 
 
 The Decline of the Missi Dominici in Frankish Gaul. (University 
 
 of Chicago Decennial Publications.) Chicago, 1908. 
 
 VANDER LINDEN, H. “Les Normands 4 Louvain (884—892).” Rev. Hist., 
 CXXIV (1917), pp. 6481. 
 
 VIoLLET, P. Histoire des institutions politiques et administratives de la 
 France. 8 vols. Paris, 1903. 
 
 VoceL, W. Die Normannen und das frdnkische Reich bis zur Grindung der 
 Normandie (799—911). Heidelberg, 1906. 
 
 Vuitry, A. Htudes sur le régime financier de la France avant la révolution 
 de 1789; 2 vols. Paris, 1S77—1883. 
 
 Waltz, G. Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte. 6 vols. Vol. III in the second 
 edition, Kiel, 1883; vol. IV in the second edition, Berlin, 1885. (The 
 other volumes are not referred to in this dissertation.) 
 
 Jahrbiicher des deutschen Reiches unter Konig Heinrich I. (Jahrb. 
 d. d. Gesch.) Third edition. Leipzig, 1885. 
 
 WARNKOENIG, L. A., AND P. A. F. Gerarp. Histoire des Carolingiens. 2 vols. 
 Paris, .1862. 
 
 [Wess, P. C.] A short account of Danegeld, with some further particulars 
 relating to William the Conqueror’s Survey. By a member of the 
 Society of Antiquaries. London, 1756. 
 
 WEINHOLD, Kari. Altnordisches Leben. Berlin, 1856. 
 
 WeNcEK, W. B. Das friinkische Reich nach dem Vertrage von Verdun (843— 
 861). Leipzig, 1851. 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 The political and economic importance of the English Danegeld 
 has long been recognized. Careful studies of its institutional 
 character by competent scholars have yielded a vast amount of 
 information concerning the rates at which the tax was levied, 
 its incidence, how often it was exacted, and the machinery by 
 which it was raised.’ 
 
 As much can not be said for the Danegeld on the Continent.?”# 
 Until recently it has only been very briefly referred to in politi- 
 cal, constitutional, and economic histories covering the ninth 
 and early tenth centuries.* If it is true, that of late there has 
 been a tendency to devote somewhat more attention to the sub- 
 
 1 As early as 1756 Mr. P. C. Webb, a member of the London Society of 
 Antiquaries, published a pamphlet entitled A short account of Danegeld, 
 with some further particulars relating to William the Conqueror’s survey. 
 Considering the time at which it was written, Mr. Webb’s treatise must be 
 regarded as a very complete and scholarly piece of work, and probably will 
 long remain the starting point for every detailed study of the English Dane- 
 geld (cf. Round’s estimate of its value in the work cited in the following 
 note, pp. 77 ff.). Though Mr. Webb’s pamphlet is at present very rare, es- 
 pecially in America, arrangements have recently been made for the prepara- 
 tion of several photographic reproductions of the copy owned by Harvard 
 University Library. 
 
 2 Perhaps the most notable recent study of the English Danegeld is 
 Round’s “Danegeld and the Finance of Domesday,’ in P. E. Dove’s (ed.) 
 Domesday Studies, I, 77-142. There is also a wealth of information on the 
 subject in Maitland’s Domesday Book and Beyond (consult the index s. v. 
 Geld). Freeman, too, has given considerable attention to the Danegeld 
 passim in the first two volumes of his Norman Conquest. 
 
 2a For a discussion of the applicability of the term Danegeld to the tribute | 
 
 paid on the Continent, see infra, pp. 23-24. 
 
 3 It seems unnecessary to support this statement by specific references to 
 all the older works that deal with the later Carolingian period. They are 
 all listed in the bibliography and are cited and referred to time and again 
 in the following pages. Suffice it to say here that perhaps Clamageran 
 (Histoire de Vimpét en France, I, 179 ff.) and Soetbeer (in one of his articles 
 on Carolingian coinage, Forsch. z. d. Gesch., VI, 538-56 and passim) recog- 
 nized more fully that did any of the other writers of the last century the 
 institutional and economic significance of the Frankish Danegeld. Yet even 
 they devoted only a few pages to the subject. Neither of them furnished a 
 complete statement of all the payments; nor was the information of either 
 very accurate. Soetbeer was concerned almost exclusively with the influence 
 of the Danegeld on the coinage; while Clamageran, in stating the principal 
 provisions of the assessments for the Danegeld, did little more than trans- 
 late and paraphrase some of the principal sources. 
 
 a A 
 
‘ 
 
 INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 ject,‘ the fact remains that no complete account has yet appeared; 
 and no attempt has been made, either to bring the Danegeld into 
 relation with the general political and economic development of 
 the later Carolingian period, or to estimate its influence on the 
 institutions of the feudal age. It may be hoped, therefore, that 
 the present work will at least serve to direct attention to an 
 economic and political factor the significance of which has so 
 far been overlooked or underrated by most scholars. 
 
 While this dissertation is intended to be primarily a study of 
 the Danegeld in France, with some account of the Danegelds 
 exacted elsewhere on the Continent, it seems desirable, before 
 taking up the discussion of the principal subject, to set forth in 
 broad outline the leading features of the English Danegeld, and 
 to compare it, in a general way with the tribute on the Continent, 
 but more particularly with the Danegeld in France. 
 
 The entry in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the year 991° 
 which states that Danegeld was then paid for the first time in 
 England is certainly not accurate. Danegeld was promised, if 
 not paid, in England as early as 865, according to the testimony 
 of the same chronicle. There were two payments in Alfred’s 
 time. And Edred (946—55) “left money for this purpose as 
 for a charitable and recognized object.”* Probably it is true that 
 from 991 onward the English Danegeld was levied more system- 
 atically than before. 
 
 Until 1012 the Danegeld in England was paid in the form of 
 tribute, as the purchase price of peace. But in that year the 
 English began to employ the Danes as their mercenaries; and 
 thereafter, down to the dismissal of the mercenary fleet and the 
 abolition of the tax, by Edward the Confessor about the year 
 1051, Danegeld was paid, not as tribute, but as a stipend to 
 
 4 For example by Thompson, Flach, Lot, Vogel, and Dopsch, whose re- 
 
 spective contributions to the subject will be noted infra in the proper places. 
 To Professor Thompson belongs the credit of having estimated, more fully 
 
 _ than anyone else heretofore, the influence of the Danegeld on the commerce 
 
 and trade of France (cf. infra, chap. xviii and nn. 38-41). 
 
 5 Ed. Plummer, pp. 126, 127. 
 
 6 Ibid., pp. 68, 69. 
 
 7 The quotation is from Plummer’s Notes to his edition of the Anglo- 
 Saxon Chronicle, p. 174. In the same place will be found full references to 
 practically all the evidence for the early English Danegelds (cf. infra, n. 13). 
 See also Round, op. cit., 77 ff.; Maitland, op. cit., .3 ff; Webb, A short account 
 of Danegeld. On the money left by Edred, see also Freeman, op. cit., I, 277, 
 Taps 
 
16 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Danish mercenaries in English service. The later Danegeld, 
 from the time of the Conqueror to that of Henry II — who 
 appears to have collected it as such for the last time in 1162 — 
 was not a Danegeld in any proper sense, but simply a royal tax, 
 “an ordinary financial expedient.’’s | 
 
 On the Continent the Danegeld appears somewhat. earlier — 
 
 than in England. The first recorded payment was secured by 
 the Vikings who swooped down on the Frisian coast in 810, four 
 years prior to the death of Charlemagne. During the reign of 
 Louis the Pious two similar payments (836, 837) were exacted 
 from the Frisians, and there were still others in 846 and in 852. 
 All these Frisian Danegelds, it may be noted, were distinctly 
 local in character, and none of them was authorized by any 
 emperor or king. On the contrary, Charlemagne and Louis the 
 Pious emphatically disapproved of the payments. How the 
 Frisians raised the amounts required of them cannot be deter- 
 mined from the evidence in our possession. 
 
 Before turning to the West Frankish, or French, Danegeld, 
 it may be well to state that tribute was paid also in the kingdom 
 of Lorraine and in Brittany. Lorraine was forced to contribute 
 on two occasions. In 864 Lothaire II, following the example set 
 by Charles the Bald in 860—61, raised what appears to have 
 been a stipendiary Danegeld, by levying a tax of four denarii 
 on all the mansi of his kingdom.’® In 882 Charles the Fat, after 
 having besieged the Northmen at Elsloo for some time, finally 
 came to terms with the invaders and agreed among other things 
 to pay them a large sum of money. The latter he raised, not by 
 taxation, but by drafts on the treasuries of certain churches. 
 
 8 Round, op. cit.,. 79 ff.; cf. Maitland, op. cit., 3-4. Plummer makes the 
 following significant statement (Notes, p. 174): “[The Danegeld], imposed 
 like the income-tax originally as a war measure, was continued, like the 
 income-tax, aS an ordinary financial expedient.” This, it will be found, is 
 not true of the French Danegeld considered as a tax levied by the state. 
 On the disappearance of the English Danegeld ‘‘as a distinct item of account 
 in the Pipe Rolls,” see Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, I, 500, 628. 
 Round has shown (Feudal England, p. 500) that “the last occasion on which 
 Danegeld €0 nomine was levied was in 1162.” However, there can be no 
 doubt that the old tax was continued under a new name (Stubbs, op. cit., 548, 
 623-24; Maitland, Constitutional History of England, 67-68; Neilson, Custo- 
 mary Rents, in Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History, ed. by P. Vino- 
 Prados, 00. LV, p.- 119). 
 
 9 On the whole subject of the Frisian Danegeld, see infra, appendix iii. 
 
 10 It is true that in 864 the Vikings received not. only Danegeld, but also 
 large quantities of-food supplies. See infra, appendix iv. 
 
 11 See ibid. 
 
INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 Though it is uncertain whether the Vikings ever secured a gen- 
 eral tribute in Brittany, there are some instances of the payment 
 by the Bretons of local Danegeld.”” 
 
 In the West Frankish kingdom Danegeld was paid oftener, and 
 for a longer period of time, than anywhere else on the Continent. 
 The first exaction took place in 845, and the last recorded tax for 
 the Danegeld was levied in 926. Between those dates there were 
 twelve, or possibly thirteen, payments. 
 
 Ordinarily the West Frankish Danegeld was tributary. In 
 that form it was paid more often than even the English tribute. 
 If we may trust the records, tributary Danegeld was paid in 
 England not more than nine times;? in France it was paid ten 
 or possibly eleven times. From 1012 to 1051, as we have seen, 
 the English Danegeld was stipendiary rather than tributary. It 
 was then paid, not as the purchase price of peace, but as a com- 
 pensation to the Danes whose fleet had entered the English serv- 
 ice. The West Frankish monarchs never permanently engaged 
 the Vikings as mercenaries. In 860—61, however, Charles the 
 Bald temporarily employed one group of Vikings to expel an- 
 other; and in 862 Robert the Strong, the vice-regent in Neustria, 
 engaged a Viking army to aid him against the Bretons. The 
 Danegelds paid on those occasions may perhaps be regarded as 
 stipendiary in nature. But they are the only examples we have 
 of this type of Danegeld in France. 
 
 The amounts of the Danegeld were in England much higher 
 than in France. Even when exacted in the form of tribute, the 
 English Danegeld ranged from 10,000 to 48,000 pounds;'* and 
 as a stipend it sometimes exceeded 80,000 pounds.'® The highest 
 Danegeld in France, that of 884, did not amount to more than 
 12,000 pounds. It should be noted, however, that we have no 
 
 12 See infra, appendix v. 
 
 13 In 865 (7), 872, 876, 991, 994, 1002, 1007, 1009, and 1011-12. For dis- 
 cussion and bibliography on these payments, see Plummer, Notes, pp. 84, 89, 
 90, 173-75, 178, 181, 185, 189; see also the discussion of Freeman in the 
 places cited infra, n. 27. Cf. Hodgkin (Hist. of England from the Earliest 
 Times to the Norman Conquest, pp. 381-82), who fails to note the payments 
 before 991 and inaccurately classifies the Danegeld of 1014 as a tribute. 
 
 14 See the references in the preceding note. A local Danegeld of 3,000 
 pounds was paid in East Kent in the year 1009. 
 
 15 For example in 1018, when Cnut the Great collected a total sum of 
 83,000 pounds. See Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond, p. 3; Round, 
 ee and the Finance of Domesday,” loc. cit., p. 80; Plummer, Notes, 
 pp. 201-2. 
 
 Danegeld. 2, 
 
18 INTRODUCTION 
 
 figures for any English Danegeld prior to that of 991, which, 
 according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, amounted to only 
 10,000 pounds.'® Perhaps, therefore, the earlier English pay- 
 ments — roughly contemporary with the Frankish — were not 
 so large as those of the later tenth or early eleventh century."’ 
 The high sums of the later period point unmistakably to a larger 
 supply of money, and of silver, the purchasing power of which 
 must in the meantime have decreased somewhat.*® 
 
 As regards the methods by which the tributary Danegeld was 
 raised in England, little is known save that usually a tax was 
 levied for the purpose.’® It may be presumed, however, that the 
 methods employed to raise the Danegeld when it was a stipend 
 and when, still later, it had become one of the regular revenues 
 of the state, represent a development of earlier practices.2? A 
 comparison of these later English methods with what is known 
 of the Frankish methods reveals the fact that they were, if not 
 identical in every detail, at least very similar in their essential 
 features. 
 
 Though it is true that on certain occasions the West Frankish 
 Danegeld had to be made up in part by drafts on the treasures 
 of the church, ordinarily it was, like the English Danegeld, 
 raised by taxation. Just as the ordinary tax unit in England 
 was the hide,”? so that on the Continent was the mansus. In 
 both countries the nobles or great landholders appear to have 
 been held responsible for the taxes levied on the tenures of their 
 dependents as well as for those laid on the demesne lands. Also 
 it is probable that, in England as well as in France, the peasantry 
 were forced to contribute not only what was due from their 
 
 16 It may have been higher; cf. Plummer’s Notes, p. 175. 
 
 17 It is interesting to note that the money left by Edred for the purposes 
 of the Danegeld (supra, n. 7) did not amount to more than 1,600 pounds. 
 Perhaps this was not intended to be more than part of a Danegeld. Charles 
 the Fat, however, was able to buy off the Vikings who were besieging Paris 
 in 886 for only 700 pounds; it is true that he also had to permit them to 
 accumulate plunder in Burgundy during the following winter. See infra, 
 chap. ix. 
 
 18 The contrary view of Hodgkin (op. cit., p. 382) is based on what in my 
 opinion -is a false assumption; namely, that all or most of the money paid 
 as tribute left England. Doubtless a very considerable part of it was used 
 up by the Vikings in trade while they remained in England (cf. infra, chap. 
 xviii and nn. 38-41). 
 
 19 See Freeman, op. cit., ae 289 and n. 1; Maitland, op. cit., ee 
 
 20 Cf. Plummer, Notes, p. 174; Maitland, op. cit., p. 4. 
 
 21 Stubbs, op. cit., I, 622: Round, op. cit., 82 ff.; Maitland, op. cit., 5, 120 
 Ta i) ak 
 
INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 own holdings, but also that which was due from the demesnes, 
 and which in justice ought to have been contributed by the lords 
 out of their own resources. Moreover, the lords in both lands 
 seem to have collected from their peasants a total amount which 
 was far in excess of the sum for which they (the lords) were 
 held responsible by the king, or the state.?? In other words, the 
 money collected from time to time as Danegeld was probably 
 never at any time paid over in full either to the officers of the 
 crown or to the Danes. Very probably a considerable portion 
 of it remained with the lords and their officials. In many cases 
 the exaction doubtless came to be regarded, partly as a tax for 
 the benefit of the state, but partly also as a source of seigneurial 
 revenue.”* 
 
 The English Danegeld, according to the Domesday Survey, was 
 exclusively a land tax.2* The West Frankish Danegeld, on the 
 other hand, was levied not only on holdings of land and the 
 seigneurial income from land, but also on the personal property 
 of merchants and priests and even, it would seem, on the incomes 
 of priests. Moreover, it was on one occasion exacted from ordi- 
 nary freemen in the form of heerbann. This latter provision 
 leads me to belive that the legal basis of the Danegeld in France 
 was the king’s right to demand military service, and that in 
 theory the West Frankish Danegeld was levied, not as a tax, but 
 as a substitute for military service. Whether this holds true of 
 the English Danegeld has been nowhere definitely stated, though 
 certain indications to that effect are not wanting.*® 
 
 In France the policy of paying Danegeld appears to have been 
 on most occasions the policy of the magnates, seldom that of the 
 king. Ordinarily the king was forced to resort to the Danegeld 
 by reason of the attitude of his magnates. They seem to have 
 preferred paying tribute to offering armed resistance. Probably 
 the chief reasons for this were the following: (1) the military 
 superiority of the Vikings; (2) the desire of the magnates to 
 
 22 On the English methods of assessment and collection, see Maitland, op. 
 cit., 24-25, 54-55, 121 ff. 325-26, and passim. 
 
 23 Cf. ibid., p. 121. 
 
 24 See supra, n. 21. 
 
 25 Cf. the following statement of Round (op. cit., p. 121): “I would even 
 throw out the suggestion that ... just as it was possible to ascertain from 
 the number of hides at which a town was assessed, the quota of military 
 service for which it was liable, so it might be possible from its military 
 service to infer its assessed hidage.” See also Maitland, op. cit., 160, 161 and 
 n. 3 
 
20 INTRODUCTION 
 
 weaken, or at least to prevent the strengthening of, royal power; 
 (3) the heavy drain on the resources of the magnates when they 
 took the field against the enemy; (4) their want of public spirit; 
 and (5) the profits they derived in collecting the Danegeld from 
 their dependents. This, of course, does not wholly relieve Charles 
 
 the Bald and his successors of all responsibility in the matter of — 
 
 the Danegeld. That the ambition of the French monarchs to 
 annex neighboring territories, or to compel distant vassals to 
 recognize their suzerainty, sometimes induced them to neglect 
 the defense of the realm and to rely on the venality of the 
 Vikings, is undeniable. But it must be insisted that this does 
 not in more than a few cases explain even in part why it became 
 necessary to buy off the invaders. On far the majority of occa- 
 sions when Danegeld was paid, the attitude of the magnates was 
 the determining factor. 
 
 As regards responsibility for the Danegeld, it is obvious that 
 a comparison between France and England can be drawn only 
 if we limit that comparison, so far as the latter country is con- 
 cerned, to the tributary Danegeld. Even so, it is perhaps best 
 not to attempt too much. Some things are clear, however. 
 Neither the English nor the French monarchs were exclusively 
 responsible for the policy of buying peace from the Vikings. 
 Though Ethelred (II) the Redeless has, inaccurately and very 
 unjustly, been declared the inaugurator of the Danegeld in Eng- 
 land, it is certain that he did not on his own initiative enter into 
 negotiations with the Vikings in 991. That was done “by the 
 advice of Archbishop Siric . . . and the two aldermen, Atthel- 
 weard and Aulfric, who besought the king that they might pur- 
 chase peace for their respective districts. . . . Clearly then the 
 lay lords must share with the archbishop the responsibility for 
 the treaty.”’® What holds true for the payment of 991, apparent- 
 ly also holds true for the remaining tributary Danegelds in 
 England. They were paid on the advice and with the consent 
 of the magnates assembled in the witan.?’ On one occasion it 
 appears that the king was not consulted in the matter at all.’* 
 
 The West Frankish Danegeld was levied by the king — some- 
 times, but not always, after consultation with the magnates — 
 in fact as a direct extraordinary tax, but in theory as a substitute 
 
 26 Plummer, Notes, pp. 173-74. Cf. Freeman, op. cit., I, 277-80. 
 
 27 Ibid., 289, 313 and n. 5, 333, 344-45, 350-55. 
 28 In 1012; ibid. 353. 
 
 2 Sn SP ge ge Tthe es 
 
 (a 
 
 > ai 
 
= 
 
 INTRODUCTION 21 
 
 for military service. Considered as a tax, and distinguished 
 from such customary taxes as the annua dona, censum, tributum, 
 etc., it was virtually the only impost of its kind during the Caro- 
 lingian period,*® and may be regarded as in most ways an inno- 
 vation in Carolingian public finance. Similarly, the English 
 Danegeld was perhaps the only true tax of the Anglo-Saxon 
 period. It appears to have been levied “by the king with the 
 counsel of the witan.’’*® 
 
 In England the collection of Danegeld was continued, for vari- 
 ous reasons, after the Viking invasions had ceased; and a strong 
 monarchy was able eventually to transform this tax into a 
 regular source of royal revenue. In France Danegeld was not 
 levied by the crown after 926. Locally, however, the West 
 Frankish Danegeld probably survived in its abuses. Undoubt- 
 edly the local authorities often raised ““Danegeld” on their own 
 account, sometimes perhaps to buy off a group of Vikings, who 
 otherwise would have subjected their district to plunder and 
 devastation, but at other times for purposes of a different nature 
 and having no relation whatever to the Vikings. In other words, 
 the need of buying immunity from the Northmen very probably 
 became one of the various pretexts under which the seigniors 
 levied the illegal and unjust exactions that are so often referred 
 to in the documents of the later ninth century and thereafter. 
 Qn this basis I have attempted to show in the following pages 
 that the Danegeld must have been an important influence in the 
 establishment of the seigneurial right to tax the unfree peasants 
 at will and in the development of the arbitrary taille; indeed, 
 I have even gone so far as to indicate a certain, more or less 
 attenuated, relationship between the Danegeld on the one hand 
 and some of the earlier feudal aids on the other. 
 
 The contemporary terminology for the Danegeld varies con- 
 siderably not only as between England and the continent but 
 also as between different sources for the same country; and even 
 in one and the same document or narrative account there is no 
 strict uniformity in terminology. In the West Frankish sources 
 the tributary Danegeld is usually referred to as tributwm;* but 
 
 29 A single exception to this statement is noted infra, chap. xvii and n. 52. 
 
 30 Stubbs, op. cit., I, 118, 148; Maitland, Const. Hist., 58, 92. Cf. Dowell, 
 History of Taxation and Taxes in England, I, p. 11. 
 
 31 Infra, chap. i, n. 26; chap. v, n. 65; chap. vi, nn. 17, 19, 47, 97; chap. 
 
22 INTRODUCTION 
 
 other names are also applied to it, as census,®? munus,** pecunia 
 pro pace,** pensum.> The stipendiary Danegeld is called locari- 
 um or dona.*® Exactio is the ordinary name for the tax levied 
 to raise Danegeld in France;** but often it is called conjectus*® 
 and sometimes conlatio.*® Nothing like the word “Danegeld”’ 
 ever occurs in the sources that have to do with the Continent. 
 
 Turning to England, we find the curious phenomenon that the 
 term “Danegeld” does not appear in any document or narrative 
 account until long after it had lost what may be presumed to 
 have been its original meaning: tribute paid to the Danes. In 
 the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the tributary Danegeld is almost 
 always called gafol (or gavol) ;*° and the equivalent in the Latin 
 chronicles and documents is usually tributum or stipendium." 
 The stipendiary Danegeld is given several different appellations 
 in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, such as gyld (and strang gyld) ,*” 
 gafol,* heregiold (and heregyld) :** all of which are rendered in 
 Latin usually as census or tributum.* The “accepted” or “‘tech- 
 nical” term for the later royal impost is said to have been geld, 
 or, in Latin, geldum regis.*® As far as Freeman*’ knew, “the 
 single appearance of the word [Danegeld] in Domesday,” was 
 the earliest instance of its use. Plummer,*® however, has called 
 attention to an earlier occurrence of the term in a charter of 
 
 Vili, nn. '39, .76, 825 chap. ix, n. 73; appendix 1, nn. 2, 3. 
 
 oa dnyjra, chap. i, nh. 453;- chap: ill, nna36,) 3937 Chap. Vv, al. 4.00: 
 
 33 Infra, chap. i, n. 45. For the expression, “Dani munerati,”’ see chap. 
 WAM es COA, 34) dst O. 
 
 34 Infra. chap. i, n. 45. 
 
 oo anjra, -chapi vy, 024136: 
 
 36 Infra, chap. iii, n. 54; cf. appendix iv, n. 1. 
 
 37 Infra, chap. iii, n. 32; chap. vi, n. 114;. appendix 1, n. 2. In the tenth 
 century we have the phrase, “exactio pecuniae collaticiae’; see chap. xii, n. 
 Ae rchap. xili, n.«L7, 
 
 38 Infra, chap. v, nn. 62, 186; chap. vi, nn. 44, 74. 
 
 39 Infra, chap. v, n. 65; cf. supra, n. 37. In one place the word expensis 
 also seems to refer to such taxes or contributions; see infra, chap. i, n. 46. 
 
 40 See ed. Plummer, pp. 127, 128, 133, 138, 142. In Wulfstan’s Homilies 
 (ed. Napier, p. 162) it is referred to as “‘scandlice nydgyld.” Cf. Hodgkin, 
 eA VEE OOF SD DR 0 Be 
 
 41 See for example Florentius Wigorniensis, Chronicon ex chronicis, Mon. 
 Hist. Britannica, I, pp. 580, 581, 583, 585, 587; Plummer, Notes, p. 89; Kem- 
 ble, Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici, No. 303. 
 
 42 Ed. Plummer, pp. 145, 160, 162. 
 
 43 Ibid., pp. 154, 155. 
 
 44 Ibid., pp. 161, 173. 
 
 45 See for example Henry of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, IV, Mon. 
 Hist. Brit., I, pp. 757, 758; Florentius Wigorn., Chron., ibid., p. 589. 
 
 46 Round, op. cit., p. 86; Plummer, Notes, p. 219. 
 
 47 Op. Cit, 11, 4616; 
 
 48° Notes, p. 219. 
 
 ’ 
 
INTRODUCTION 23 
 
 Edward the Confessor giving exemption “‘of daenegelde.”’ There 
 it must have been applied to the stipendiary Danegeld. Even so, 
 it will be agreed, our only evidence that ‘‘Danegeld” originally 
 meant “tribute paid to the Danes,” is the word itself. In the 
 sources of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, documentary as 
 well as narrative, the word is used sometimes to describe the 
 stipends paid the Danes during the first half of the eleventh 
 century, but more often to designate the tax levied for the sup- 
 port of the English government from the time of the Conqueror 
 to that of Henry Plantagenet. The fact is that the word ‘Dane- 
 geld” does not appear in any of the sources that are contem- 
 porary with the period in which Danegeld was paid as a tribute. 
 In spite of that fact, however, historians have not used the word 
 “Danegeld” exclusively for the stipends and the royal tax. They 
 have also referred to the tributes as “Danegeld.” The result is 
 that the word Danegeld has acquired three meanings: tribute, 
 stipend, tax.*® Whether this is fortunate or unfortunate, it 
 would now be useless to quarrel with what has become settled 
 usage. Furthermore, this usage serves a very useful purpose; 
 it indicates the relationship between one of the regular English 
 taxes of the twelfth century and the original tribute to the 
 Danes. 
 
 But can the term “Danegeld’” properly be applied to the 
 Frankish tribute? Obviously, there is nothing about the word 
 itself which would preclude its being used to designate tribute 
 paid to the Danes elsewhere than in England. On the other 
 hand, it might be misleading to apply a different name to the 
 tribute in each of the various countries in which it was exacted. 
 From what has been said above it is clear that on the Continent 
 and in England tributes were paid under similar circumstances, 
 and with a similar object in view, to the same race of invaders ;°° 
 
 49 One might go a step farther and say that in the general sense of a tax, 
 “Danegeld” may mean an impost for any one of three different purposes: 
 (1) to raise tribute; (2) to raise a stipend for mercenaries; and (3) to 
 raise revenue for the state. Hogdkin’s view (op. cit., p. 381), that the term 
 Danegeld ought to be used only in the sense of the tax, but not as referring 
 to the payment of the tribute itself, is probably correct in strict theory, but 
 it would be hopeless to attempt to follow it out in practice. 
 
 50 It seems hardly necessary for the purposes of the present discussion to 
 enter upon the much debated question as to the relative numbers of Danes, 
 Swedes, and Norwegians, respectively, in the Viking armies that operated 
 in western Europe during the ninth and tenth centuries. Steenstrup’s view 
 (Normannerne, I, 128-63; II, 319-26), that the leading element and by far 
 the majority of the Vikings in both France and England were Danes, seems 
 
24 INTRODUCTION 
 
 and that these tributes were raised by similar methods. They 
 
 are examples of what may be regarded as practically the same 
 thing in different places. Why, then, should they not be desig- 
 nated by the same name?*' I may add that this terminology has 
 already been to some extent sanctioned by usage. Freeman used 
 it over a generation ago;°** and it has been followed more than 
 once in recent publications.** 
 
 In this dissertation a distinction has been made between gen- 
 eral and local Danegeld. By the first is meant the tribute or 
 stipend that was raised throughout considerable portions of the 
 West Frankish realm by, or with the consent of, the central 
 authority —the king. The object aimed at, though not always 
 attained, by the payment of general Danegeld was either the 
 complete removal from the realm of one or more groups of 
 Vikings or, in the tenth century, the cessation of hostilities on 
 the part of the Normans. Local Danegeld, as the name implies, 
 was paid by the local authorities, to save towns, churches, and 
 monasteries from destruction, or to ransom prisoners from 
 
 captivity. 
 
 The treatment in the following pages of the general Danegeld 
 is intended to be exhaustive. Each payment has been studied in 
 detail with a view to determining (1) the reasons for it, (2) the 
 methods by which it was raised, and (3) the effect it may have 
 produced. Summaries of the causes that led to the payment of 
 Danegeld in France are given, for the reign of Charles the Bald 
 in chapter vii, and for the subsequent period in chapter xiv. The 
 
 now to be quite generally accepted even by Norwegian scholars (see e. g. 
 Bugge, Vikingerne, I, pp. 28-29), though there is still considerable difference 
 of opinion as regards the nationality of individual Viking leaders, for ex- 
 ample Rollo. Also, it is practically settled that none of the various Viking 
 expeditions were undertaken exclusively by men of the same nationality; 
 that probably in every expedition all three Scandinavian countries were rep- 
 resented to a greater or lesser extent (ibid.; see also Roos, “The Swedish 
 Part in the Viking Expeditions,” Hnglish Hist. Review, 1892, VII, 209-23). 
 On the other hand, the Frankish and English chroniclers in most cases could 
 not, or at least did not, distinguish between Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes. 
 To them, all the Scandinavians were Nordmanni or, in England, Dani. Cf. 
 ‘Vogel, Die Normannen und das frinkische Reich, pp. 20-24. 
 
 51 Though Maitland (op. cit., p. 518) refrained from applying the term 
 “Danegeld” to the Frankish tax, he suggested that the latter may have been 
 the model of the English Danegeld. If that is true, it furnishes an addi- 
 tional reason for referring to both taxes by the same name. 
 
 52 See for example op. cit., I, p. 176; and “The Harly Sieges of Paris,” in 
 his Historical Essays, First Series, p. 243. 
 
 53 See Vogel, p. 255; Thompson, “The Commerce of France in the Ninth 
 Century,” Journal of Political Economy, 1915, XXIII, pp. 867, 874. 
 
INTRODUCTION 25 
 
 information we have on the methods used to raise the tribute, 
 and on its institutional character, is brought together in chapter 
 xvii. In chapter xviii is presented an estimate of the general 
 effect of the Danegeld on the political and economic development 
 of France. The two chapters on local Danegeld (xv, xvi) are 
 intended to be illustrative rather than exhaustive; and what is 
 said in the appendices concerning the Danegeld in Frisia, Lor- 
 raine, the East Frankish kingdom, and Brittany, is little more 
 than a brief statement of the established facts in each case. In 
 appendix i, I seek to prove that the Danegeld of 877 was assessed 
 at the Assembly of Kiersy on June 14, 877, and not at Com- 
 piegne on May 7 of that year, as heretofore believed; and in 
 appendix ii an attempt has been made to establish the relation 
 of the two tax documents of the year 877 to the famous Capitu- 
 lary of Kiersy. 
 
PART Is 
 
 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 (840—877). 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE DANEGELD OF 845. 
 
 In March, 845,' a Viking fleet of 120 ships,? under the Danish 
 chief Ragnar,*® entered the Seine and began slowly to ascend that 
 river toward Paris. Probably several stops were made on the 
 way, and the surrounding districts with their churches, monas- 
 teries, and villae, were thoroughly plundered and devastated.+ 
 Taken completely by surprise, the population of the invaded 
 regions utterly abandoned every thought of resistance.° Even 
 the military leaders, counts and seigniors, did not so much as 
 
 1 Annales Bertiniani, 845, ed. Waitz, p. 32: “mense Martio.” Cf. Miracula 
 sancti Germani in Normannorum adventu facta, c. 2, M. G. H., SS., XV, 10. 
 Aimoin (Miracula sancti Germani, I, c. 1, AA. SS., May, VI, 787) must be in 
 error when he places the expedition in 846. All the other sources agree that 
 it was in 845. 
 
 2 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “naves centum viginti.” Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit.: 
 “copiosus exercitus Normannorum ... cum valido navium apparatu.” 
 
 3 Annales Xantenses, 845, M.G.H., SS., II, 228; Chronicon Fontanellense, 
 845, ibid., p. 302; Miracula sancti Richarii, I, ¢c. 11, ibid, XV, 917; Miracula 
 Ss. Germani, c. 20, ibid,, p. 14. This may have been the famous Ragnar Lod- 
 brok of the Norse sagas. See Vogel, Die Normannen und das frdnkische 
 Reich, 105; Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 81, ff. 
 
 AMMATac, ss. Germant, e:-3;"Dp. 105 Mirdes. Richart: oC eciicwe ie Bert. 
 log cit: 
 
 5 Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit.: “Ubi [i. e. at the mouth and along the lower 
 course of the Seine] non invento populo ut antiquitus moris erat, qui eis 
 bellando resisteret.” This seems to be a reference to the coast guard for- 
 merly maintained by Charlemagne and to some extent by Louis the Pious, 
 but neglected by Charles the Bald, whose attention during the early years 
 of his reign was fully occupied by other matters. Aimoin, loc. cit.: “nemine 
 sibi resistente.” Cf. Vogel, 54-57, 61, 71, 80-87, 95, 96. On the coast guard, 
 see also Thompson, “The Commerce of France in the Ninth Century,” Jour- 
 nal of Political Economy, 1915, XXIII, 860, n. 1. 
 
CHAPTER I | 27 
 
 attempt to make a stand against the enemy.® Seized with un- 
 reasoning fear, they prepared only for flight. 
 
 The Vikings may have halted long enough in Rouen’ to become 
 convinced of the inability of the Franks effectively to oppose 
 them and of their own superiority over the Christians in the 
 matter of military tactics and prowess.° Thus encouraged, the 
 marauders continued and extended their depredations, mean- 
 while advancing slowly and cautiously in the direction of Paris.°® 
 At the news of their approach” the population of the city and its 
 environs, laymen and ecclesiastics, fled to safety, taking with 
 them their treasures and the bodies of their saints. The king, 
 Charles the Bald, was not at hand, and it was felt that there was 
 no one who might be depended upon to give protection against 
 the invaders.’ Not until the Northmen had reached a certain 
 place known as Karoli-venna (Charlevanne) ,** did Charles take 
 
 6 Mirac. s. Germani, c. 3, pp. 10-11: “Ibique [i. e. at Rouen] similiter non 
 reperto exercitu qui contra eos bella committeret. ...Omnes enim princi- 
 pes bellatorum qui ipsam incolebant terram ...magis se ad fugiendum 
 quam resistendum, nimia perculsi formidine, preparabant.” Vita Faronis, 
 c. 122, Bouquet, VII, 357: “nullo resistente.” Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “nullo 
 penitus obsistente.” Aimoin, loc. cit.: “regionis Principes ...ad_ bellan- 
 dum pigros timidosque.” Miracula sancti Bertini, Bouquet, VII, 381: “omnis 
 pene nobilitas istius terrae praeter paucos quos opum ac fundorum copia et 
 castellorum vel munitionum fiducia detinuerat oe dominos suos vel quo- 
 cumque tutius eis videbatur discedebant.” 
 
 7 Cf. Vogel, 84, 105. A sojourn of at least Several days in Rouen is in- 
 dicated by the author of the Mirac. s. Germani, c. 4, p. 11, and by Aimoin, loc. 
 cit.; ef. Chronicon Britannicum, 846, Bouquet, VII, 221. It is not impossible 
 that the hagiographical writers in describing this and the immediately pre- 
 ceding events have confused them with the events of 841. The same may be 
 said of the Chron. Britannicum, the chronology of which is confused. 
 
 8 Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit.: “Normanni ... christianum populum ad 
 bellandum pigrum atque inertem fore putantes ... nemine resistente. . 
 Cumque cernerent quoniam pugnando nullus eis resisteret, etc.” 
 
 9 Ibid.: ““Parisyus pedetentim propinquare coeperunt.” 
 
 10 Ibid., c. 5: “Nos vero cum iam certi essemus, missis nostris sepius nun- 
 tiantibus, quod nostras devenirent in partes, etc.” 
 
 11 The bodies of St. Denis and other saints interred in the monastery of 
 St. Denis were exhumed like the rest, but Charles the Bald, when he came 
 up, forbade their translation (ibid., c. 8, p. 12). According to one account 
 (ibid., cc. 5, 7, pp. 11, 12), a goodly part of the wealth of the churches and 
 monasteries was rescued from the hands of the Vikings. Cf. Mirac. s. Rich- 
 Gr14,) 10C, Git: 
 
 12 Charles the Bald was sojourning at Compiégne and St. Quentin just 
 then (Lot and Halphen, Le régne de Charles le Chauve, 131 and n. 1). Eb- 
 roin, the abbot of St. Germain-des-Prés, at this time was absent from his 
 monastery, having gone to Aquitaine for the purpose of aiding Charles in 
 pacifying that country (Mirac. s. Germani, c. 5, p. 11). The population of 
 Paris, especially the ecclesiastics, appears not to have expected help from 
 any quarter under those circumstances and, hence, prepared to seek safety 
 in flight. 
 
 13 For the location of Karoli-venna, see Vogel, 105; Lot and Halphen, op. 
 C1845 nS 
 
28 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 any measures to check their advance, but then, it is alleged, the 
 entire military force of his kingdom was summoned to arms.** 
 
 This resort to what may be termed a levée en masse was not 
 altogether successful. A large number of Franks obeyed the 
 royal command, but not all.*> The fact that part of those sum- 
 moned failed to come, is to be explained, partly by the suddenness 
 of the Viking raid, which precluded the bringing up of troops 
 
 from any distance, and partly perhaps by the unwillingness of. 
 
 some Franks to fight against the Northmen.'® The troops col- 
 lected by Charles seem, however, to have outnumbered the army 
 of the Vikings, and their military equipment is said to have been 
 better than that of their opponents.*7 Charles himself appears 
 to have been fully determined to engage the enemy, and he is 
 reported to have declared himself willing to risk his life, if need 
 be, in the defense of the church.'* He divided his army into two 
 
 14 Mirac. s. Germani, c. 12, p. 12: “Contra quos [Normannos] .. . Karolus 
 adveniens, iussit, ut omnis exercitus regni sui ad bellandum edwetus illuc 
 conflueret.” This can hardly be interpreted to mean the military strength of 
 the entire western realm; regni sui in this case probably includes only the 
 territories directly subject to Charles, i. e. Francia, Neustria, and Burgundy. 
 Cf. infra, n. 47; Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 134, n. 2. 
 
 15 Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit.: ‘“Multus quidem et innumerabilis populus 
 venit, sed non totus, ut iusserat, affuit.” See the following note. 
 
 16 Jbid.: “copiosum exercitum sed non omnem ad pugnandum volun- 
 tarium, etc.’ Aimoin, loc. cit.: ““Karolus quia propter subitaneum eorum 
 ascensum ex toto non poterat, convocata aliqua sui exercitus parte, etc.” 
 
 17 In the Mirac. s. Germani, c. 2, p. 10, the army of the Vikings is re- 
 ferred to as “‘copiosus exercitus Normannorum”; but that group of Vikings 
 which attacked the Frankish division on the south bank of the Seine, is 
 described (ibid., c. 12, p. 12) as “nudos ac pene inermes atque paucissimos 
 homines.” Since the Danish fleet numbered 120 ships, and each vessel 
 carried anywhere from forty to seventy men, the army of the Vikings prob- 
 ably consisted of not less than 4,800, nor more than 8,400, men (cf. Vogel, 
 37-39). For the size of the Frankish army, see the two preceding notes. 
 The author of the Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit., calls one division of the Frank- 
 ish army “infinitus exercitus’—a hyperbole, of course. This writer, ibid., 
 also refers to the military equipment of the Franks: ‘‘Christianus populus 
 galeatus et loricatus, scutorum ac lancearum munimine tectus.” The Vita 
 Faronis, loc. cit., is somewhat obscure: “Quantum ibi attraxerit hoc regnum 
 populum cum rege Karolo suo nequicquam, terra eum vix sustinente, coe- 
 lumque sub pelle sua obumbrante, incertum nobis scire miramur numerum.” 
 Chronica Albrici, M. G. H., SS., XXIII, 734: ‘‘occurreret eis [Nortmannis] 
 Karolus rex cum exercitu equitum et peditum.’ Thus there were knights 
 as well as footsoldiers in the army of Charles. That the Frankish power of 
 defense had been very much weakened by the civil wars which culminated 
 at Fontenay, and that the Danes knew this and intended to make use of the 
 opportunity, is indicated by the Chronicon Sithiense, Bouquet, VII, 267: 
 “Nortmanni ...in Franciam veniunt quam sciebant debilitatem per illud 
 bellum cruentissimum inter fratres, etc.” Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 134, n. 
 2, doubt the possibility of collecting an “innumerable people’ in so short 
 time, unless indeed this “people” consisted of inexperienced footsoldiers. 
 
 18 Mirac. s. Germani, c. 12, p. 12: “Karolus ... qui pro defensione s. Dei . 
 
 ecclesiae mori paratus erat, etc.” Aimoin, loc. cit.: “[Karolus] erat, uti 
 
 be ts 
 a | Ae 
 
 sit aed 
 
CHAPTER I 29 
 
 divisions, the larger of which was to remain with him to defend 
 the monastery of St. Denis, while the other, and smaller, division 
 was ordered to cross the Seine and hold the south bank of the 
 river. But all those who had been ordered to go across did not 
 obey the command, perhaps by reason of disloyalty to the king.’® 
 
 About this time the Danes terrified the Christians by executing 
 a number of captives under their very eyes; and when some of 
 the Vikings a few days later leaped out of their ships to engage 
 that division of the Frankish army which was stationed on the 
 south bank of the river, the Franks fled before them precipitately 
 and in utter confusion, without so much as striking a blow.”° 
 
 This poor performance of one of his divisions seems to have 
 convinced Charles that the Frankish levies were inferior to the 
 Northmen, and that it would be unwise to risk a further engage- 
 ment.*! He therefore retreated with what remained of his hastily 
 collected army toward the monastery of St. Denis, which he 
 determined to defend and protect at all costs. 
 
 The Vikings, more confident than ever of their military superi- 
 ority, hastened on to Paris, before which they anchored on 
 
 adolescens, animo armisque strenuus ... pugnaturus accessit.” Ann. Bert., 
 loc. cit.: “Quibus [Normannis] cum Karolus occurrere moliretur.” Vogel’s 
 picture, p. 106, of a monarch on his knees before the altar of St. Denis, trem- 
 bling with fear, etc., seems out of harmony with the statements just quoted. 
 We may also note, in passing, that if Charles made a vow at this time, it was 
 at the suggestion of Hincmar the priest, for the latter was not elected arch- 
 bishop of Rheims until in April. Cf. Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 1385 and n. 
 2, 143; Diimmler, Geschichte des ostfrdnkischen Reiches, second ed., I, 282. 
 
 19 Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit.: “non omnes quibus iussum fuerat abierunt, 
 non plenam, ut putamus seu credimus, circa eum fidem servantes.” Since 
 Aimoin, loc. cit., indicates that the division on the south bank of the Seine 
 was smaller than the other, Diimmler’s statement (op. cit., I, 282), that 
 Charles divided his army into two halves, is not quite accurate; at least they 
 were not equal halves. Vita Faronis, loc. cit.: “Cumque non tantam auda- 
 ciam in pectore concepissent Franci, ut utrasque partes fluminis bello ob- 
 sedissent, etc.” 
 
 20 Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit. According to Aimoin, loc. cit., the attack of 
 the Danes preceded the execution of the captives. Cf. Lot and Halphen, op. 
 cit., 135, n. 4; Vogel, 107. 
 
 21 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “Karolus ... praevalere suos nullatenus posse 
 prospiceret.”’ 
 22 Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit.: “Karolus ... cernens quod gestum erat, 
 
 qui pro defensione s. Dei ecclesiae mori paratus erat, tristis et merens ac 
 delicata pectora tundens recessit.” Chronica Albrici, loc. cit.: ‘““Karolus cum 
 exercitu ... non potuerunt prohibere eos, quin Parisius ...intrarent... 
 et Karolus apud monasterium s. Dionysii resedit.” Aimoin says, I, c. l, 
 p. 788, that when the people were slipping away from him, Charles decided 
 to defend St. Denis because he had been specially commended by his father 
 to this saint. Cf. Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 135, n. 3, 136, n. 1. 
 
30 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 Saturday, March 28, 845.7 The next morning, which happened 
 to be Easter, they entered and occupied the now deserted city 
 together with the neighboring monastery of St. Germain-des- 
 Prés on the south bank of the Seine.** | 
 
 Having reached their goal,?> the Danes soon gave evidence of 
 a willingness to come to terms with the Franks. They dispatched 
 envoys to Charles the Bald at St. Denis, offering to quit Paris 
 and the kingdom of Charles in return for the payment of 
 tribute.”° 
 
 The reasons for this policy on the part of the Danes are not 
 far to seek. Their object at this time was to secure plunder 
 
 23 Mirac. s. Germani, c. 14, p. 18: “[Normanni] cursu prepropero sabbato 
 sancto paschalis solemnitatis Parisyus venerunt.” Chron. Fontanellense, loc, 
 cit.: “Ragneri ... cum classe sua... usque Parisiis accessit, ac in vigilia 
 s. paschae, i. e. 5. Kalend. Aprilis, eandem urbem intravit.” Ann. Bert., loc. 
 cit.: “Loticiam Parisiorum, nullo penitus obsistente, pervadunt.” Cf. An- 
 nales Fuldenses, 845, ed. Kurze, p. 35; Chronicon Sigeberti, Bouquet, VII, 
 249. 
 
 24 Just how long the Vikings remained in Paris cannot be accurately 
 determined; according to the Mirac. s. Germani, c. 20, p. 14, it was only a 
 short time—‘“paucis diebus.”” The various miraculous events which they are 
 said to have experienced during their sojourn in the monastery of St. Ger- 
 main-des-Prés, and elsewhere, need not be described or discussed here. They 
 are related in full by the author of the Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit., pp. 13-16. 
 
 25 Cf. Lot and Halphen, op cit., 133, 134, n. 1. 
 
 26 Mirac. s. Germani, c. 20, p. 14: “‘[Normanni] legationis causa missos 
 suos ad regem... dirigunt Karolum, ut eos cum pace et absque inter- 
 necione sui ad propriam unde venerant redire permitteret patriam.” Aimoin, 
 1, c. 10, p. 789: “Interea simulato languore, [Normanni] legationis causa 
 dirigunt ad... Karolum, ut eos cum pace fideles suscipiens, ad propriam 
 dato Regni tributo redire permitteret patriam.” Vogel, 110, n. 3, claims 
 that in the passages just quoted the hagiographical writers wilfully mis- 
 represented the true course of events in the interests of their patron saint, 
 to whose intervention they wished to ascribe the deliverance of the realm 
 from further devastation. He insists that “nicht von den Normannen, son- 
 dern von Karl ging das Anerbieten zu Verhandlungen aus,” and bases his 
 opinion on the statements in the Annales Bertiniani, the Annales Xantenses, 
 the Vita s. Faronis, and the Chronica Albrici. I shall quote here the perti- 
 nent passages in these sources in the order indicated. “Karolus... 
 praevalere suos nullatenus posse prospiceret, quibusdam pactionibus et 
 munere septem milium librarum eis exhibito, a progrediendo compescuit ac 
 redire persuasit.”—‘Alia pars eorum Normannorum Galliam petierunt, 
 ibique ceciderunt ex eis plus quam sexcenti viri. Sed tamen propter desi- 
 diam Karoli dedit eis multa milia ponderum auri et argenti ut irent extra 
 Galliam; quod et fecerunt.”—‘“Cumque non tantam audaciam in pectore con- 
 cepissent Franci, ut utrasque partes fluminis bello obsedissent, consilium 
 inierunt ad ruinam et ad interitum per omnia labentia saecula, dato tributo 
 copiosissimo terrae.”’—‘‘dederunt rex Karolus et populus Normannis pecu- 
 niam multam, et reversi sunt in terram suam.’—So far as I can see, the 
 last three of these statements throw no light whatever on the question as to 
 who first suggested the payment of tribute. The words “a progrediendo 
 compescuit ac redire persuasit,” in the Annales Bertiniani, at first sight do 
 give the impression that Charles the Bald took the initiative. But it must 
 
 te 
 
CHAPTER I ot 
 
 rather than to conquer territory.*7 But in point of fact Paris 
 had not proved as fruitful a field of plunder as the Vikings had 
 anticipated. The inhabitants of the city and its environs, par- 
 ticularly the ecclesiastics, had been forewarned of the impending 
 danger, and had been able to remove to places of safety at least 
 a very large part of their money and valuables before the arrival 
 of the Northmen.*® It is clear, that the latter were not satisfied 
 with the amount of booty thus far secured, and that they were 
 determined to have more if that were possible.2® To attempt 
 plundering operations in the vicinity of Paris was not advisable, 
 owing to the presence of the king’s army at the monastery of 
 
 be remembered that they are a very compressed form of statement, and as 
 such they really do not contradict the much more detailed accounts of the 
 hagiographical writers. It is certainly true that Charles by accepting the 
 terms of the Northmen did restrain the latter from advancing and did per- 
 suade them to return, even if the Northmen had taken the first step on the 
 path of negotiation. As will be pointed out in the text, it is not probable 
 that the Vikings really intended to make any further advance; but, of course, 
 they did not reveal their actual plans to the Franks. They simply ex- 
 ploited the existing situation to the full. Vogel is doubtless right when he 
 says that the hagiographical accounts were written for the express purpose 
 of glorifying the miraculous powers of St. Germain. But it does not neces- 
 sarily follow that the writers of those accounts have given a totally false 
 presentation of the course of events. They may have mistaken or falsified 
 the motives of the Northmen—and this may explain why the first author of 
 the Miracula failed to mention the tribute—while giving a substantially 
 correct and truthful account of their acts. It probably was more or less of 
 a mystery to the Franks, why the Vikings had not continued farther up the 
 Seine, why they had changed their plans so soon and offered to retire in 
 return for the payment of tribute. Cf. Mirac. s. Germani, loc. cit.: “‘quati- 
 nus a finibus christianorum: tam cito discedere vellent [Normanni].” The 
 hagiographical writer himself admits that he was not aware of what he 
 regards as the real reason for the changed policy of the Vikings (the pesti- 
 lence, etc., sent by St. Germain) until it was revealed to him more than four 
 years after the event by Count Cobbo. Only with the aid of Cobbo’s story 
 was he able to clear up the mystery as to the motives of the Vikings and to 
 exalt the powers of his patron saint. There is, then, in the opinion of the 
 present writer, no sufficient reason for rejecting the hagiographical account 
 of the course of events, the details of which are, not contradicted, but passed 
 over in silence by all the other sources. Cf. Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 138, 
 whose view is similar to that of Vogel. The latter’s faith in the accuracy 
 of the Annales Bertiniani, by the way, is not unswerving; see infra, chap. ii, 
 11, 
 
 27 It was not until after the middle of the ninth century that the Vik- 
 ings began to establish themselves in fortified camps, where they sojourned 
 at first only during the summer, but later throughout the winter also. Cf. 
 Vogel, 38, 39, 127, 260, 261. The fact that the Vikings on this occasion. were 
 willing to depart on the payment of tribute proves, of course, that they had 
 no territorial ambitions as yet; or, in any case, that their principal object. 
 was the acquisition of money and treasure. After the Vikings under Oscar 
 had sacked Rouen, in 841, and had secured the desired amount of booty, they 
 put to sea in order to avoid an encounter with the Frankish levies moving 
 against them. Cf. Vogel, 83-85. 
 
 28 See supra, n. 11. 
 
 29 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “a progrediendo compescuit.”’ 
 
32 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 St. Denis.2° They might, indeed, have ascended to some other 
 point on the Seine and continued operations from there; but at 
 best this would have been a perilous adventure with an unde- 
 feated Frankish army left in the rear.*: Neither of these courses 
 would be necessary, if instead the Franks could be induced to 
 pay tribute. Accordingly, the Vikings chose what they must 
 have regarded as the wiser policy. 
 
 It is not unlikely that the demand for tribute had been accom- 
 panied by a threat to proceed farther inland in case of refusal.** 
 What the Vikings would have done if their demand had been 
 refused, remains problematical. It is improbable that they had 
 any serious intention of carrying out their threat, for that would 
 have permitted the Franks in the meantime to bring up reén- 
 forcements and to take various measures to cut off the retreat 
 of the Vikings.**? However that may be, it is certain that the 
 threat of Ragnar and his associates was effective, and that their 
 offer was accepted by the Franks. 
 
 These considerations seem a sufficient explanation of the policy 
 adopted by the Northmen, even though they are not mentioned 
 as such by the contemporary writers. According to the hagio- 
 graphical account, a mortal disease, to which the Vikings fell 
 prey while they were sojourning in Paris, and which seriously 
 depleted their ranks, was the real reason why they entered into 
 
 30 See supra, n. 22. When plundering operations were to be undertaken, 
 the Vikings would scatter in all directions and leave only a small guard at 
 their ships (Vogel, 38, 39). This, of course, could not be done with a hos- 
 tile army in the vicinity, which, while the Vikings were absent from their 
 ships, might have seized or destroyed the latter, thereby cutting off the pos- 
 sibility of retreat. 
 
 31 Vogel admits, p. 105, that even the ascent to Karoli-venna was a daring 
 exploit fraught with many dangers. Yet up to that time there had been no 
 resistance whatever. 
 
 Oe CLs SUnTa, No 29. 
 
 33 In my opinion, no small part of the success of the Vikings on this 
 occasion must be ascribed to their capacity for bluffing the Franks, who 
 doubtless believed that the freebooters would have ascended farther up the 
 Seine to plunder and devastate, if their offer had been refused. It would 
 have been practically impossible for the Franks to prevent them from so 
 doing. The real strength of the Vikings lay in their superior mobility. 
 In their ships they could easily outdistance their pursuers, especially if, 
 as has been asserted, the majority of the latter were footsoldiers (Lot and 
 Halphen, op. cit., 134, n. 2). It is true, as pointed out above in the text, 
 that the Franks might have opposed the Vikings on their return—they 
 might conceivably have been able to cut off their retreat—but in the mean- 
 time other places would have been plundered or destroyed. The latter con- 
 sideration must have been one of the chief reasons why the Franks accepted 
 the offer of the Vikings; it was better to pay tribute than to expose the 
 country to the possibility of further devastation. 
 
 —- 
 of tee ~ od 
 
 we. 
 
 ed 
 
CHAPTER I 33 
 
 negotiations with Charles the Bald.** If there is any element of 
 truth in this story, all that can be said of it is that it gives a 
 supplemental reason for the offer of the Northmen. There can 
 be little doubt that the Vikings would have acted as they did, 
 even if their ranks had not been thinned by the ravages of a 
 disease.*® 
 
 Charles the Bald, though at first unwilling, was finally induced 
 by certain of his magnates to accept the offer of the Northmen. 
 The magnates in question are accused of having accepted bribes, 
 which may or may not be true.**® In any case, the magnates 
 probably were not anxious to engage in battle with the Vikings 
 after what they had already seen of the outcome of such war- 
 fare.**’ It is generally admitted that the West Frankish nobles 
 and seigniors of this period were narrow, selfish, and unpatri- 
 otic.** To them, the payment of tribute must have seemed the 
 most convenient method of securing the removal of the Vikings. 
 The magnates well knew that if the king, in order to raise the 
 tribute, should find it necessary to resort to taxation, it would 
 be easy for them to evade the impost by shifting its burden on 
 the peasantry.*° 
 
 34 Mirac. s. Germani, ce. 19, 20, p. 14. 
 
 35 These words of Aimoin, I, c. 10, p. 789, help to explain the “contradic- 
 tion” referred to by Vogel (p. 110, n. 3): “Interea simulato languore, lega- 
 tionis causa dirigunt ad ... Karolum, etc.’ The Vikings were past masters 
 in the art of deception. Cf. Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 22-28, 366-67; 
 Vogel, 175-77. 
 
 36 Aimoin, loc. cit.: “Rege quidem nolente, Principibus tamen quibusdam 
 (ut fatebatur) muneribus laesis, ete.” Vita Faronis, loc. cit.: “Cumque non 
 tantam audaciam in pectore concepissent Franci, ut utrasque partes flumi- 
 nis bello obsedissent, consilium inierunt ad ruinam et ad interitum per 
 omnia labentia saecula, dato tributo copiosissimo terrae.” Vogel, 110, n. 3, 
 seems to believe that it was Charles, and Charles only, who wished to pay 
 tribute, and that the magnates exercised no influence on him at all in this 
 matter. He asserts, but of course cannot prove, that the story of the brib- 
 ing of the magnates was invented by Aimoin solely for the purpose of white- 
 washing Charles. The author of the Vita Faronis, however, does not agree 
 with Vogel. A few lines before the passage quoted above, he says: “terra 
 eum [Karolum] vix sustinente”’; and, according to the same writer, it was 
 the Franci—which certainly does not mean only the king—who chose the 
 disastrous policy of paying tribute. Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 138, n. 3, 
 accept with some modifications the statement of Aimoin. 
 
 37 See supra, nn. 6 and 16. Ragnar is reported to have described the 
 Franks to King Horich of Denmark in the following manner (Mirac. s. Ger- 
 mani, c. 30, p. 16): “populum ... plus omnibus aliis ad dimicandum tre- 
 mentem ac pavidum.” 
 
 38 Cf. Diimmler, I, 213-15, 221-23; Vogel, 82-83, 90-91, 95-97; supra, nn. 
 6, 8, 19. 
 
 39 According to Sée (Les classes rurales et le régime domanial en France 
 au moyen dge, 92, 116) and Flach (Les origines de Vancienne France, I, 
 341-43), the burden of taxation in this period always fell ultimately on the 
 lower classes of the population, i. e. poor freemen, coloni, and serfs. 
 
 Danegeld. 3. 
 
34 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 As for Charles the Bald, he probably came to realize that the 
 army which had been collected, nobles and freemen alike, was 
 not to be depended upon and that, in any case, it was not large 
 enough to inflict a decisive defeat on the Danes.*° And even if 
 it had been possible, there would have been no time to collect and 
 bring up more troops; for in the meantime the Vikings might 
 have proceeded to plunder and devastate other places farther up 
 the Seine and its tributaries.* On the whole, therefore, it was 
 safer and more prudent to agree to the payment of tribute than 
 to expose the country to further devastation or to build any 
 hopes on the very doubtful issue of an engagement with the 
 doughty Vikings.*? 
 
 A preliminary understanding having been reached and the 
 tribute agreed upon in principle, Ragnar and the other Viking 
 chiefs were conducted to the headquarters of Charles the Bald 
 in the monastery of St. Denis,*® where a formal and definitive 
 treaty was concluded. 
 
 According to the terms of this treaty, the Northmen agreed 
 to evacuate the kingdom of Charles and never to enter it again, 
 unless perchance as friends and allies;** in return for which 
 Charles agreed (1) to allow the Vikings to depart in peace, i. e. 
 without molesting them in any way on the return journey, and 
 (2) to pay them as tribute the sum of 7,000 pounds in silver 
 
 40 Vogel’s statement, p. 110, “‘Konig Karls Heer hatte sich inzwischen 
 noch bedeutend verstarkt” is purely gratuitous and contrary to the facts as 
 indicated by the sources. Aimoin, I, ec. 1, p. 788, claims that the people were 
 slipping away from Charles: ‘“populo...a_ se labente.’”’ That part of 
 Charles’s army which was to have defended the south bank of the Seine had 
 been routed and scattered, and it is very unlikely that this loss had been 
 compensated for by the arrival of reénforcements. There is certainly noth- 
 ing which proves their arrival. Just how large the Viking army was cannot 
 be accurately determined, but it probably numbered not less than 4,800 men 
 (cf. supra, n. 17). The statement in the Annales Xantenses, loc cit., that 
 more than 600 Vikings fell at this time, is not corroborated by any other 
 source, and, like several other statements in these annals, is at least inac- 
 curate. The writer’s information on the events in the West Frankish king- 
 dom was probably scant and of the hearsay variety. This also explains why 
 he attributes the payment of the tribute to Charles’s ‘‘sloth.” 
 
 41 That Charles did not have sufficient time to collect an army equal to 
 the occasion, is asserted by Aimoin; see supra, n. 16. 
 
 42 According to the Annales Bertiniani, Charles perceived that his men 
 would not be able to prevail over the Northmen; see supra, n. 26. 
 
 43 Miracula s. Germani, c. 20, pp. 14-15; Aimoin, I, c. 10, p. 789. 
 
 44 Aimoin, loc. cit.: ‘“nequaquam ulterius vel fines sui regni, nisi fortasse 
 auxiliatores, intrarent aut contingerent.” Cf. the similar statement in the 
 Mirac. s. Germani, c. 20, p. 14. Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “Karolus [Normannos] 
 ... &@ progrediendo compescuit ac redire persuasit.” Ann. Xantenses, loc. cit.: 
 “ut irent [Normanni] extra Galliam.” 
 
CHAPTER I 35D 
 
 (and gold?).*®° Nothing being stipulated as regards the booty 
 already in the possession of the Vikings, it follows that they 
 were permitted to keep that. 
 
 The evidence as to how this first Danegeld in the West 
 Frankish kingdom was raised is very incomplete. There are, 
 however, strong indications that it was obtained by means of a 
 general tax*® levied especially in Francia, which was the invaded 
 region, and probably also in Neustria and Burgundy.** The mag- 
 nates, or perhaps the missi, appear to have collected sums of 
 
 45 Aimoin, loc. cit.: “ut Karolus eos [Normannos] cum pace fideles sus- 
 cipiens, ad propriam dato Regni tributo redire permitteret patriam.” Mirac. 
 S. Germani, loc. cit.: “si [Karolus] eos [Normannos] inlesos abire permit- 
 teret, etc.” The Miracula does not mention the tribute. Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: 
 “quibusdam pactionibus, et munere septem milium librarum eis [Norman- 
 nis] exhibito.” Ann. Fuldenses, loc. cit.: “[Normanni] tam ab ipso [Karolo] 
 quam incolis terrae accepta pecunia copiosa cum pace discesserunt.” Cf. 
 Annales Mettenses, 845, Duchesne, H. F’.. S., III, 302. Ann. Xantenses, loc. 
 cit.: “{Karolus] dedit eis [Nortmannis] multa milia ponderum auri et ar- 
 genti.” Chronica Albrici, loc. cit.: “‘pecuniam multam.” Paschasius Radber- 
 tus, Lamentationes Ieremiae, Migne, Patr. Lat. CXX, col. 1220: “censum 
 plurimum.” Chronicon Hermanni contracti, Bouquet, VII, 233: “accepta 
 magna pro pace pecunia.” Cf. infra, n. 55. 
 
 46 Cf. Vogel, 111; Wenck, Das frdnkische Reich nach dem Vertrage von 
 Verdun, 124, n. 2. That the Danegeld was raised by means of a general tax 
 seems likely for the following reasons: (1) the Vikings appear not to have 
 left the Seine until late in June or early in July (see infra, n. 53); (2) the 
 Annales Fuldenses and the Annales Mettenses say, “tam ab ipso [Karolo] 
 quam incolis terrae accepta pecunia copiosa,’ while the Chronica Albrici 
 has, “dederunt rex et populus Normannis pecuniam multam’—which indi- 
 cates that the Danegeld was contributed at least in part by the people; (3) 
 Loup of Ferriéres, in a letter to Hincmar of Rheims written shortly after 
 the levy of the Danegeld, speaks of “his expensis quae maiores nostri con- 
 gregaverunt” (see infra, n. 48); (4) after his return to Denmark, Ragnar is 
 said to have boasted that he had laid the entire kingdom of Charles under 
 tribute (see infra, n. 55); (5) Paschasius Radbertus (see the preceding 
 note) speaks of ‘‘censum plurimum.” 
 
 47 At least that would seem to follow, if the entire kingdom of Charles 
 was subjected to tribute (cf. the alleged boast of Ragnar referred to in the 
 preceding note). Aquitaine and Brittany of course escaped the Danegeld 
 altogether, for Charles the Bald had not been able effectively to assert his 
 authority in either of those countries (see Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 72 ff., 
 84 ff., 112 ff., 126, 130, 149 ff.; and ef. Diimmler, I, 244 ff., 248). In fact he 
 was forced to recognize the independence of Pippin the Younger in Aqui- 
 taine in June or July, 845 (Lot and Halphen, 149 ff.; Diimmler, I, 288 ff.) 
 and that of Nominoé in Brittany in the summer of 846 (Lot and Halphen, 
 166-67; Dimmler, I, 297 f.). The rebel Lambert, who had allied himself 
 with Nominoé, might well have prevented the collection of any royal tax in 
 the counties (pagi) of Anjou, Maine, and Nantes (Lot and Halphen, 75 ff., 
 117 ff.; Diimmler, I, 244, 247, 289). In Septimania (Gothia) and the Spanish 
 March the authority of Charles the Bald had been at least in part restored 
 during the spring of 844 (Lot and Halphen, 97 ff., 120, n. 1; Diimmler, I, 
 246); but owing to their remoteness from the invaded portion of the realm 
 and also to the inadvisability of immediately burdening them with taxes, it 
 seems very doubtful that any Danegeld was collected there. We may assume 
 that Francia had to furnish the major portion of the tribute, since it was 
 
36 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 money from the great landholders,*® who probably obtained these 
 sums by levying extraordinary taxes on the peasants and others 
 subjected to their authority.*® Did the king demand from each 
 landholder a specific sum proportionate to the number and value 
 of his holdings? Such-at least was the plan according to which 
 many later Danegelds were raised,°® and, lacking evidence, we 
 may conjecture that a similar plan was used on this occasion. 
 We know that merchants and priests were taxed for some of the 
 later Danegelds,*: and that at certain times even the treasuries 
 of the churches had to be emptied in order to raise the sums 
 demanded.®? Were any such measures necessary in 845? That, 
 too, must be left to conjecture. 
 
 To determine accurately the length of time required to raise 
 this tribute is out of the question. Since in all probability the 
 Danegeld was not paid before June—it may have been paid 
 much later — we may assume that two months or more elapsed 
 before the entire yield of the tax was in the hands of the royal 
 officials.** 
 
 the invaded district; and it is probable that the neighboring parts of Neus- 
 tria and Burgundy also were taxed, for the royal authority was maintained 
 in those regions by the itinerant missi. (Note the following in a document 
 of Charles the Bald for the year 845: “missis nostris. per universum im- 
 perium nostrum discurrentibus.’”—Bouquet, VIII, 482. Loup of Ferriéres 
 tells us that he was a missus in Burgundy in the year 844. Cf. Levillain, 
 “tude sur les lettres de Loup de Ferriéres,”’ Bibl. de Vécole des chartes, 
 LXIII, 75-78, 116-17; Thompson, Decline of the Missi Dominici in Frankish 
 Gaul, 8-9). Eastern Neustria certainly contributed, as is evident from the 
 testimony of Loup, who was abbot of the monastery of Ferriéres in the 
 extreme eastern part of Neustria (see the following note). 
 
 48 Loup of Ferriéres, Hpistolae, XLII, ed. Desdevises du Dézert, D. 116: 
 
 “hoc turbulente Reipublicae tempore, his expensis quae maiores nostri con- 
 gregaverunt.”’ This seems to.be a reference to the Danegeld. Desdevises du 
 Dézert dates this letter for the beginning of the year 846, but Levillain, op. 
 cit., p. 88, has demonstrated that it was written late in August, or in Sep- 
 tember, 845. 
 
 49 This method of raising taxes and other contributions was very com- 
 mon at the time (see supra, n. 39); and there can be little doubt that the 
 Danegeld, too, was obtained in this way. Cf. infra, pp. 81 ff. 
 
 50 See infra, chap. xvii. 
 
 51 See ibid. 
 
 52 See ibid. 
 
 53 In the Ann. Bertiniani, 845, pp. 32, 33, the departure of the Vikings 
 from the Seine is not mentioned directly after the negotiation of the treaty 
 providing for the payment of tribute. Between the description of these two 
 events Prudentius refers among other things to the treaty by which Charles 
 the Bald recognized Pippin the Younger as the almost independent ruler of 
 Aquitaine. Accordingly we may believe—for there is no reason to suppose 
 that Prudentius here departed from his habit of rough adherence to chrono- 
 logical sequence—that the Vikings did not quit the Seine until-after Charles 
 had concluded the treaty with Pippin, which event took place late in June 
 or early in July (Lot and Halphen, op. cit., 149 and n. 3; ef. Diimmler, I, 
 
CHAPTER I 37 
 
 Having received the tribute money, the Vikings in truth sailed 
 out of the Seine, but they could not resist the temptation to 
 plunder and devastate a number of places on the seacoast.** After 
 various adventures and experiences they eventually returned to 
 Denmark with their booty. The hagiopraphical account repre- 
 sents Ragnar proceeding to King Horich, to show him the vast 
 amount of gold and silver he had brought with him, and to boast 
 not only that he had captured the wealthy city of Paris but also 
 that he had subjected the entire kingdom of Charles to tribute.*® 
 
 What happened to Ragnar and his associates later, is largely 
 a matter of speculation and need not detain us long. It may be 
 true that this particular group of Vikings fell prey to a mortal 
 disease of some kind, which prevented any of them from ever 
 enjoying the fruits of their expedition.®® But what of that? The 
 success of their bold enterprise probably interested their country- 
 
 289). Even after allowance has been made for a possible interval of several 
 weeks between the payment of the Danegeld and the final departure of the 
 Vikings, the date of the payment can hardly be placed prior to the begin- 
 ning of June. That the total proceeds of a tax levied in March (cf. supra, 
 nn. 23, 24) could have become available before June, i. e. in less than two 
 months, does not seem probable (cf. Lot and Halphen, 139, n. 1). 
 
 54 Whether these operations really constituted a violation of the treaty 
 just concluded, cannot be determined, for we do not know the exact location 
 of the devastated region. If it was outside the West Frankish realm, the 
 Northmen were of course not guilty of any breach of faith. Ann. Bert., 845, 
 p. 33. Cf. Vogel, 111 and n. 3; Levillain, op. cit., pp. 90 ff.; Lot and Halphen, 
 an. Cit... 139 > pn 1; 
 
 55 Aimoin, I, c. 12, p. 789: “Ragenarius Dux, ... ante profanum Horich 
 Nortmannorum Principem cum ingenti superbia veniens, ostendit ei quod 
 secum hine asportaverat aurum argentumque multum: dixitque quod opina- 
 tissimam Parisius civitatem captam haberet; ...insuper et quod omne 
 Karoli Regnum sibi ratione tributi subjugatum haberet.” The Mirac. s. 
 Germani agree substantially with Aimoin, except that they do not mention 
 the tribute. The Ann. Bertiniani, loc. cit., tell of a misfortune which befell 
 the Vikings on their return journey and of its influence on King Horich of 
 Denmark; cf. Ann. Xantenses, loc. cit. Chronica Albrici, loc. cit.: “[Nor- 
 manni] reversi sunt in terram suam.” 
 
 56 According to the Mirac. s. Germani, c. 31, p. 16, those Vikings who 
 finally got back to Denmark either died of disease or were executed by King 
 Horich, who thereby hoped to prevent the pestilence from spreading. Four 
 Vikings were said to have escaped the king, but it was believed that they 
 too died very soon. Cf. Aimoin, loc. cit.; Vogel, 112; Steenstrup, op. cit., I, 
 97-104. The Ann. Bertiniani, loc. cit., tell us that King Horich, after he had 
 learned of what was regarded as the judgment of God on the followers of 
 Ragnar, sent envoys to Louis the German, offering to free all Christian cap- 
 tives and to restore the stolen treasure so far-as possible. His envoys did 
 in fact appear at the court of Louis the German in October (Ann. Fuldenses, 
 loc. cit.) and he may have freed the captives (Ann. Xantenses, loc. cit; 
 Mirac, s. Germani, c. 30, p. 16; Aimoin, I, c. 13, p. 790), but whether he ever 
 returned the treasure is not known. If any treasure actually was returned, 
 it very probably was the booty obtained by Horich’s own men in the sack 
 of Hamburg this same year, and not that which was brought to Denmark 
 by Ragnar. Cf. Vogel, 100-2, 114—-15. 
 
38 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 men vastly more than the mystery of their death. For these 
 pioneers had made a veritable discovery,*’ a discovery full of 
 fascination for the Viking spirit and pregnant with dire con- 
 sequences for the fortunes of the Franks. 
 
 Charles the Bald’s policy of paying tribute was to prove hardly 
 a palliative, much less a cure, for the malady with which the 
 West Frankish kingdom had become afflicted. In point of fact, 
 this first Danegeld had revealed to the freebooters of the North 
 certain very important facts concerning the western realm of 
 the Franks: prosperous economic conditions, lack of prepared- 
 ness against invaders coming by sea, and inability or reluctance 
 to fight on the part of the aristocracy — on the whole, a most 
 satisfactory state of affairs from the Viking point of view. The 
 first Danegeld, therefore, did not deter other Vikings from 
 adopting the methods and continuing the operations of Ragnar’s 
 men; on the contrary, it encouraged and invited them to emulate 
 their example.’*®. 
 
 57 It is true that the Vikings had, before this, been levying tribute in 
 Frisia (see infra, Appendix III), but the Frisian payments were of a local 
 character and probably were small as compared with those secured in the 
 West Frankish kingdom. It was the West Frankish kingdom and England 
 that were destined henceforth chiefly to attract the Vikings. 
 
 58 The following in the Vita Faronis, loc. cit., is significant: “Franci.. . 
 consilium inierunt ad ruinam et ad interitum per omnia labentia saecula, 
 dato tributo copiosissimo terrae.’’ Paschasius Radbertus, loc. cit., also ap- 
 
 pears to have realized that the Danegeld never would bring security against 
 Viking raids. 
 
THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 39 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE DANEGELD OF 853. 
 
 After his first payment of tribute, in 845, Charles the Bald did 
 not again resort to the Danegeld until 853.1. While there can be 
 little doubt that Danegeld was actually paid in the latter year, 
 it must be admitted that our information concerning the payment 
 and the circumstances that made it necessary is very scant. 
 
 On October 9, 852, a large fleet of Danish Vikings, led by the 
 two chieftains Sydroc and Godfrey, son of Harold, entered the 
 Seine and ascended that river beyond Rouen as far as Augustu- 
 dunas.2. Though an army made up exclusively of West Franks 
 had succeeded in expelling another group of Vikings from their 
 lodgment on the lower Seine earlier in the same year,’® Charles 
 the Bald did not deem it advisable to move against the undoubt- 
 edly larger force under. Sydroc and Godfrey* without some 
 auxiliaries. He therefore appealed for aid to his elder brother, 
 Lothaire I, with whom he happened to be at this time on a 
 friendly footing.© | 
 
 Having mobilized their available fighting strength,® the royal 
 brothers advanced with their armies toward Jeufosse, to which 
 place the Northmen had in the meantime ascended, and where 
 they had established themselves for the winter.’ The Franks 
 
 1 Favre (Hudes, comte de Paris et roi de France, p. 223) inaccurately 
 states that the Danes were bought off in 852. The following discussion will 
 make clear that the Danegeld was paid in 853. 
 
 2 Ann. Bertiniani, 852, ed. Waitz, p. 42 and note g); Chron. Fontanel- 
 lense 852, M.G.H., SS., II, 304; ef. Ann. Fuldenses, 850, ed. Kurze, pp. 39-40. 
 For the location of Augustudunas, see Vogel, 134, n. 3. 
 
 3 Chron. Fontanellense, 851, p. 303; Ann. Bert., 851, p. 41. Cf. Vogel, 133. 
 
 4 The Ann. Bert., 852, do not mention Sydroc, but refer, p. 42, to the forces 
 collected by Godfrey in Denmark as “manus valida,’ and to his fleet as 
 “multitudo navium.’ The size of the contingent under Oscar, which the 
 Franks had expelled in June, 852, is nowhere indicated; but since a West 
 Frankish army ventured to engage these Vikings and forced their with- 
 drawal from the Seine, it is safe to conclude that their number was small 
 compared with that of the followers of Godfrey and Sydroc. 
 
 5 Ann. Fuld., 850, p. 40: “Ad quorum [Nordmannorum] expulsionem Hlu- 
 tharius in auxilium vocatus.” Ann. Bert., 852, p. 42; Chron. Fontanellense, 
 852, p. 304. Cf. Diimmler, I, 347-49; Vogel, 134. 
 
 6 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “occurrentibus Lothario et Karolo cum omni suo 
 exercitu.” 
 
 7 Chron. Fontanellense, loc. cit.: “Nortmanni aqua freti deputatam sibi 
 hiemem exegerunt in loco qui vocatur Ghivoldi fossa.” For the location of 
 the latter place (Jeufosse), see Vogel, 135, n. 1. 
 
40 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 invested both banks of the Seine at this point,® but they probably 
 did not succeed in completely isolating the Northmen.® However 
 that may be, it is certain that the siege was continued through 
 the winter into the next year (853), and that an attack by storm 
 was eventually proposed. But this plan proved incapable of 
 execution, because the army of Charles the Bald for some reason, 
 refused to fight.*° Charles therefore opened negotiations with 
 Godfrey and was able to conciliate him by making certain con- 
 cessions the nature of which is not entirely clear." After this 
 pact had been made it appears that Godfrey and his men retired 
 from Jeufosse.*” 
 
 The treaty with Godfrey did not, however, secure the with- 
 drawal of Sydroc and the other Danes. Rather it made them 
 more troublesome; they now began to pillage, burn, and make 
 captives, without restraint. It was not until early in March that 
 the Vikings were induced to desist from these operations.'* The 
 inducement appears to have come in the form of an agreement 
 
 8 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “utramque ripam ... obsident.”’ Cf. the preceding 
 note. 
 
 9 That seems to be implied in the words of the Chron. Fontanellense 
 quoted in note 7, supra. Certainly the Vikings could not have remained in 
 Jeufosse throughout the winter unless in the meantime they had been able 
 to secure provisions. The statement, infra, n. 12, that they pillaged more 
 freely after the departure of Godfrey, implies that the Franks had not been 
 able wholly to prevent them from pillaging in the preceding period. | 
 
 10 Ann. Fuld., loc. cit.: “Hlutharius ...cum sibi pugnandum esse cum 
 hoste putaret.” Ann. Bert., 853, p. 42: “nolentibus qui ex parte Karoli erant 
 inire bellum.” 
 
 11 Jbid.: “Karolus ... Godefridum quibusdam pactionibus sibi conciliat.”’ 
 Ann, Fuld., toc. cit.: “Karolus clam mutato consilio Godafridum cum 
 suis in societatem regni suscepit et terram eis ad inhabitandum dele- 
 gavit.” Vogel, p. 135, is inclined to accept the testimony of the Annals of 
 Fulda in this case despite the erroneous chronology of those annals; he be- 
 lieves that Prudentius, by reason of a desire to shield Charles the Bald, did 
 not tell the whole truth in the Annals of St. Bertin. This view, it must be 
 admitted, is certainly tenable; but Vogel’s distrust of the statements of 
 Prudentius in this case, does not harmonize with his great faith in the 
 accuracy of what that writer said for the year 845 on a similar subject (see 
 Supra, chap. i, n. 26). Why should Prudentius have withheld in 853 the 
 kind of information which he did not hesitate to divulge in 845? Is it not 
 possible that what he says for 853, instead of being intentionally ‘‘verbliimt,”’ 
 is simply a concentrated form of expression and in that respect very similar 
 to his entry for 845? Vogel thinks also that the Danegeld of this year (853) 
 was paid to Godfrey; for a discussion of this question, see infra, n. 24. 
 
 12 That Godfrey and his men left before the other Vikings, is clearly 
 implied in the following statement (Ann. Bert., loc. cit.): ‘“‘Ceteri Danorum 
 usque ad mensem Martium inibi absque ulla formidine residentes, cuncta eo 
 furiosius quo liberius diripiunt, cremant atque captivant.” 
 
 13 See the preceding note. Since Charles the Bald signed a diploma at 
 Kiersy on March 21 (Bouquet, VIII, 522), it seems probable that he had 
 come to an agreement with the Danes earlier in the month. 
 
CHAPTER II Al 
 
 by Charles the Bald to pay tribute. That monarch had for the 
 second time found it necessary to resort to the Danegeld because 
 
 his men were not willing to risk a determined onslaught against 
 the Vikings." 
 
 This reluctance to fight on the part of the West Franks, seems 
 very strange, especially when contrasted with the apparent 
 willingness of Lothaire’s men to engage the enemy.'® Were the 
 West Franks lacking in courage? It is difficult to convince one- 
 self of that, in view of the fact that they had attacked and 
 routed a group of Vikings in the spring of the previous year 
 (852).1° Were the Danes so superior in numbers that it was 
 hopeless to engage them? That may, indeed, have been the case 
 sometimes,*? but seems improbable in 852—853, when they were 
 confronted by two Frankish armies, that of Lothaire as well as 
 that of Charles. 
 
 The most satisfactory solution of this rather knotty problem 
 will probably have to be sought in connection with the relations 
 existing between Charles the Bald and his magnates. It was 
 upon the latter that Charles really had to depend, if he was to 
 have an army at all. The resisting part of the West Frankish 
 army at this time consisted, not of the freemen fighting on foot, 
 but of contingents of mounted knights, each under the leader- 
 ship of some magnate or seignior.’*® If, therefore, the army of 
 Charles the Bald refused to enter into conflict with the Danes, 
 
 14 See infra, n. 24; cf. supra, chap. i, nn. 19, 22. 
 
 15. Cf; supra,- nn. 10. 
 
 16 Cf. supra, n. 3. Of course, it cannot be denied that when taken by 
 surprise or outnumbered, the Franks usually fled before the Vikings; but 
 since the Vikings ordinarily did likewise under similar circumstances, that 
 really proves nothing. What we wish to know is why the Franks refused 
 to fight when that would apparently have been the wiser thing to do. In 
 the winter of 852-53 the Frankish armies had come to Jeufosse for the 
 purpose of fighting; Lothaire and his men never thought of anything else, 
 if we may believe the Annals of Fulda, 850, p. 40. It seems anomalous to 
 think that the West Franks refused to fight, simply because they were more 
 cowardly than their neighbors. 
 
 17 On many occasions the success of the Vikings was largely due to their 
 superior mobility, which enabled them to reach their destination before a 
 Frankish army could be summoned to oppose them, nay before anyone knew 
 of their approach. See Vogel, 43 and n. 3; cf. infra, chap. vii. 
 
 18 Baldamus, Das Heerwesen unter den sptteren Karolingern, in Gierke’s 
 Untersuchungen zur deutschen Staats- und Rechtsgeschichte, IV, pp. 17 ff., 
 60 ff., and passim; Roth, Geschichte des Beneficialwesens, pp. 415-16. Vogel, 
 p. 13, calls attention to the fact that the most energetic and successful re- 
 sistance to the Vikings was made by the people of those regions where the 
 system of commendation and vassalage was least developed, i. e. by the 
 Frisians and the Saxons. 
 
42 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 we understand that this was due to objections raised probably 
 not so much by the ordinary freemen as. by the magnates and 
 seigniors. And since it is improbable that the Franks were 
 either cowardly or outnumbered on this occasion, we must per- 
 force conclude that: the unwillingness of their leaders to engage 
 the Vikings was due to the fact that they had no interest in 
 driving them off. 
 
 But why not? Because the expulsion of the foreign enemy 
 would have enabled the monarch to give his undivided attention 
 to the reduction of the power of the aristocracy ; a power which, 
 since the days of Charlemagne, had never ceased to make inroads 
 on the prerogatives of the crown. There can be no doubt that 
 Charles the Bald wished to increase, or at least to rehabilitate, 
 the. power of the monarch. In this effort he was supported by 
 most of the higher clergy, who recognized in him the protector 
 of their interests and their property against the greed and un- 
 scrupulous avarice of the lay nobility.1® The lay nobles, or at least 
 a large number of them, bitterly opposed the policy of Charles 
 and, in order to gain their point, were willing, not only to make 
 indirect use of the Viking invasions, but even to ally themselves 
 with the Northmen when necessary.”° If sometimes these mag- 
 nates were not averse to securing the removal of the Vikings by 
 the payment of Danegeld, it was probably because they them- 
 selves did not have to bear the burden of the tax levied to raise 
 the tribute, and because in collecting the impost from their peas- 
 ants they were able to retain a considerable part for them- 
 selves.*! 
 
 When this general situation is kept in mind, the apparent 
 helplessness of the West Frankish armies before the Vikings 
 becomes more intelligible. We begin to understand that the 
 Danegeld was often the only means whereby the king might hope 
 to rid his realm of the invaders from the North.” Also, we may 
 perhaps be able better to appreciate the attempts that have 
 
 19 Fustel de Coulanges, Les transformations .de la royauté pendant Tl’é- 
 poche carlovingienne, 640-66; Diimmler, I, 222, 295, 380-81. 
 
 20 Ibid., 381 and n. 1, 412-16, 420-21; cf. Vogel, 151-52. 
 
 21 See supra, chap. i, nn. 39, 49. 
 
 22 This seems to have been understood by Lothaire, who, despite the fact 
 that his expedition had proved useless, remained on very friendly terms 
 with Charles. Evidently Lothaire realized that Charles had done the only 
 thing possible under the circumstances. Cf. supra, nn. 10, 11, 16; infra, n. 27. 
 
CHAPTER II 43 
 
 recently been made* to clear Charles the Bald of the old charges 
 of cowardice and pusillanimity. 
 
 The amount of the Danegeld of 853 is unknown, and very little 
 can be said concerning the method by which the tribute was 
 raised. All we know is, that the king prescribed certain con- 
 tributions to the Northmen, and that these had been paid before 
 April 22, 853.°* It would seem that the contributions were fur- 
 nished chiefly if not exclusively by the prelates of the church.”° 
 
 The Vikings had ceased plundering probably early in March; 
 but they did not sail out of the Seine until in June or July.” 
 In the meantime Lothaire I had returned home from what must 
 have seemed to him a fruitless expedition.*’ 
 
 23 For example by Lot and Halphen in Le régne de Charles le Chauve; 
 even Vogel (see especially pp. 256-57) has at least to a certain extent ven- 
 tured to depart from the traditional German point of view as represented 
 by Dtummler and others. 
 
 24 Capitulare Missorum Suessionense, M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, p. 267: 
 “Inbrevient [missi] ... quid etiam Nortmannis per nostram commendatio- 
 nem sive sine nostra commendatione datum sit.” It is true that this clause 
 does not appear in all the extant manuscripts of the capitulary, and that 
 the editors of the Monumenta have relegated it to the obscurity of a foot- 
 note. But the clause is included in most of the manuscripts, and whether 
 it ever was an integral part of the capitulary, is a matter of only secondary 
 importance for our purpose. In any case, the words in the clause prove 
 beyond peradventure that Charles had ordered contributions to be made to 
 the Northmen. If the clause was part of the capitulary, the contributions 
 must have been made before the capitulary was issued, i. e. before April 22, 
 853. Since the Danegeld had probably been agreed upon early in March (cf. 
 supra, n. 13), there was ample time to raise the tribute before the issuance 
 of the capitulary.—I cannot share the view of Vogel, p. 135, that the Dane- 
 geld was paid to Godfrey. It is not likely that he received both lands and 
 money. Moreover if the Danegeld was paid to Godfrey, what did the other 
 Danes receive that induced them to cease plundering in March? Baldamus, 
 op. cit., p. 29 and n. 71, assumes that the quotation given at the beginning 
 of this note refers to land, but the context does not bear out his interpreta- 
 tion. 
 
 25 This may be inferred from the position in the capitulary of the clause 
 referred to in the preceding note; it follows directly after a provision re- 
 quiring the prelates to submit an inventory of the property of their churches. 
 The clause indicates also that some of the payments to the Northmen had 
 been made without royal authorization. These may have been voluntary 
 contributions to the sum promised by the king; but more probably they 
 were payments made directly to the Danes, in the form of ransom, by indi- 
 vidual churches or monasteries, which thereby escaped pillage or destruc- 
 tion in the period before Charles came to terms with Sydroc and his fol- 
 lowers. 
 
 26 According to the Chron. Fontanellense, loc. cit., in June; but according 
 to the Ann. Bert., loc. cit., in July. 
 
 27 Vogel, p. 136, seems to imply that Lothaire returned home immediately 
 after Charles had come to an understanding with Godfrey (see supra, n. 
 11); but the Annals of St. Bertin, 853, p. 42, give the impression that he 
 did not depart until after the Danes had ceased plundering in March (see 
 supra, n. 12), and this impression is not weakened by the vague and chrono- 
 
44 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 While the Danegeld of 853 apparently secured a temporary 
 removal of the Vikings from the Seine,” it did not prevent them 
 from continuing their devastations with increased fury on the 
 Loire in the same year;?? and within three years Sydroc had 
 returned to the Seine.*® It is impossible to determine whether 
 the Vikings by virtue of these operations were guilty of bad 
 faith, for we do not know the terms on which they had accepted 
 the Danegeld.** 
 
 logically inaccurate statement in the Annals of Fulda, 850, p. 40. We have 
 no certain indication that Lothaire was back on his own soil until July 3, 
 when he signed a diploma at Teodonis villa (Bohmer-Mtihlbacher, Die Reg- 
 esten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern [1908], p. 475, no. 1159) 
 
 28 Sydroc may have gone to Ireland at first. The so-called Annales Inis- 
 fallenses, 853, O’Connor, Rerum Hibernicarum scriptores veteres, II, 34, 
 Codex Dubl. (quoted by Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 113, n. 5), state that 
 two brothers, Sitricus and Ibarus, came with an expedition to Ireland in 853. 
 However that may be, Sydroc was again operating in the West Frankish 
 realm before very long; he was there at least as early as the summer of 
 856 (see infra, p. 45 and nn. 1-8). 
 
 29 See Vogel, 137 ff. 
 
 30 Supra, n. 28; ef. Vogel, 150 ff. So far as known, Godfrey did not return 
 to the Seine, and he is not mentioned in the sources after 855 (Vogel, 408). 
 
 31 Cf. supra, n. 24. 
 
THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 45 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE DANEGELD OF 860—861. 
 
 In the year 860 Charles the Bald for the third time found it 
 necessary to have recourse to the Danegeld in order to secure 
 the removal of Viking invaders from his realm.t Since the 
 summer of 856° the Seine had been continuously occupied by 
 several large forces of Danes, who under the leadership of Bjorn 
 and others*® had established and fortified themselves on the 
 island of Oscellus, in the Seine, near Jeufosse.t | From this place 
 they subjected the whole valley of the lower Seine to plunder 
 and devastation without mercy.’ Paris itself was invaded,°® 
 and only those monasteries and churches escaped pillage or 
 destruction for which the ecclesiastics were willing to pay large 
 sums of ransom money.’ The payment of ransom, moreover, 
 did not in all cases save a place from being ultimately destroyed.*® 
 
 Throughout the year 857 the king was unable to offer any 
 resistance whatever to the Vikings, owing to the fact that the 
 nobles of Aquitaine and Neustria were in revolt.° And by the 
 close of that year many of the magnates in Francia had made 
 common cause with the insurgents to the south of the Seine.’° 
 The rebels were in communication with Louis the German, who 
 
 1 The most complete and certainly the most satisfactory discussion of the 
 great Viking invasion of France which began in 856, is that of Lot (“La 
 grande invasion normande de 856-862,” Bibl. de Vécole des chartes, 1908, 
 LXIX, 5-62). In describing the events leading up to Charles the Bald’s 
 agreement to pay Danegeld in 860, I find myself more in harmony with the 
 conclusions, and in particular the chronology, of Lot than with those of 
 Vogel (153-55, 160-71, 179-88). 
 
 BaloOt,-Op:.ctt:; .p. 6;.n;. 1. 
 
 3 Sydroc came first, on July 18, 856; Bjorn arrived on August 19, of the 
 same year; and another band probably entered the Seine early in 858. 
 Sydroc left the Seine in 857. See ibid., 7, 18. 
 
 4 Ann. Bert., 856, pp. 46-47. Cf. Lot, op. cit., p. 6, n. 4, pp. 11, 25, n. 5. 
 
 5 Ann. Bert., 856-61, pp. 46-54. Cf. Lot, op. cit., pp. 11 ff. 
 
 6 Paris appears to have been invaded twice within the space of a few 
 months, first on December 28, 856, and again in the spring of 857. See Lot, 
 op. cit., p. 11, nn. 3, 4. Lot proves, ibid., p. 12, n. 1, that the Northmen 
 invaded not only the environs, or faubourgs, of Paris on these occasions, 
 but the Cité itself. Cf. Thompson, “The Commerce of France in the Ninth 
 Century,” Journal of Political Economy, 1915, XXIII, p. 864, n. 7. 
 
 7 Ann. Bert., 857, p. 48; Aimoin, Mirac. s. Germani, II, c. 10, AA.SS., May, 
 VI, p. 793. Cf. Lot, op. cit., p. 12 and n. 1, p. 13 and n. 4; and see infra, 
 chap. xv and nn. 11, 12. 
 
 Sant) One cite Dp. 18) 21,) n: 1, p.836; 7 
 
 9 Ann: Bert., 857, p. 47. 
 
 10 Ibid., p. 48. 
 
46 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 secretly supported them, and who probably was even then re- 
 volving in his mind the project of invading the territories of 
 his brother.*: In spite of these threatening conditions, Charles, 
 in the spring of 858, succeeded in winning back at least part of 
 the disaffected nobles;!2 and with the aid of his nephew, Lo- 
 thaire II, the king now undertook to expel the Vikings by force 
 of arms from their camp at Oscellus.? This fact should be 
 emphasized, for it goes to show that Charles did not always 
 prefer diplomacy and tribute to fighting, as some scholars would 
 have us believe.‘* Indeed, why should he? 
 
 The Viking camp on the island of Oscellus was besieged by 
 the armies of Charles and Lothaire for some twelve weeks, and 
 there is reason to believe that the Danes might have been brought 
 to terms if Charles had been permitted to continue the opera- 
 tions. That, however, was precisely what the lay magnates 
 of the West Frankish realm wished by any and every means 
 to prevent. And since this attitude on the part of the nobles 
 is characteristic of them in the period under discussion, it is 
 worth while to inquire into the reasons for it. 
 
 The nobles realized that if Charles triumphed over the Vikings, 
 he would be in position to stamp out the revolt in his realm. 
 This accomplished, he would hardly fail to follow up his ad- 
 vantage; he would proceed to consolidate and magnify the royal 
 power at the expense of the privileges and independence of the 
 aristocracy.*®° And the nobles well knew that in an undertaking 
 
 11 See Calmette, “Etude sur les relations de Charles le Chauve avec Louis 
 le Germanique et Vinvasion de 858-859,” Le Moyen Age, 1899, idee i 2s tit, 
 Cf. Dummler, I, 412 ff.; Lot, op. cit., pp. 16, 17. 
 
 12. .M.G.H. BE Sectio II, t. 2, p. 295, no. 269; Libellus proclamationis 
 adversus Wenilonem, C55 ,\4010. Ds ASL OL. Calmette, Op. Cit,,, 137,01: 135 Lot; 
 ODOC a20, 20. 
 
 13 Ann. Bert., 858, pp. 48, 50; Chron. Fontanellense, 855, M.G.H., SS., II, 
 304. Cf. Lot, op. cit., 24 ff.; Vogel, 164. The attack of the Vikings on the 
 two monasteries of St. Denis and St. Germain-des-Prés at Easter, and their 
 capture of the abbots Louis of St. Denis and Gauzelin of Glanfeuil, of course 
 strengthened the king in his determination to expel the Vikings. Immense 
 sums of ransom money had to be paid the Danes for the release of these 
 captives, Louis of St. Denis in particular. On this see infra, chaps. xv, xvi; 
 cf. Lot, op. cit., pp. 19, 20. 
 
 14 See for example Vogel, 106, and Diimmler, I, 428, III, 55, 58. 
 
 15 Aimoin, Translatio ss. Georgii, Aurelii et Nathaliae ex urbe Corduba 
 Parisios, II, c. 5, Mabillon, Acta sanctorum, saec. IV, part. II, p. 53 (quoted 
 by Lot, op. cit., p. 28, n. 3): “sed et victoriam, me dolor!, veluti jam prae 
 manibus susceptam. ” Cf. Vogel, 164; Lot, op. ee ABOU, RES tere 
 
 16 Ann. Fuld., 858, pp. 49-50. Cf. Lot, op. cit., oe and n. 4; von Kalck- 
 stein, Robert der Tapfere, Markgraf von Anjou, 43 ahs 
 
CHAPTER III AT 
 
 of this nature the king would probably have the almost undivided 
 support of the higher clergy, who looked to him to protect the 
 property of the church against the encroachments and spolia- 
 tions of the lay magnates.‘* The attitude of indifference or 
 negligence on the part of the lay nobility as regards the Viking 
 invasions, may be explained by the fact that the magnates suf- 
 fered little or nothing from the ravages of the Northmen at 
 this time. Since the operations of the Vikings were chiefly 
 directed against towns, churches, and monasteries, i. e. against 
 the possessions of the king or the clergy, the magnates were 
 quite willing by their inactivity to play into the hands of the 
 Danes, particularly if in so doing they might hope to force the 
 hands of their opponents, the clergy and the crown." 
 
 It is, therefore, not surprising to find that the revolt among 
 the nobles began to gain ground again in proportion as Charles 
 pressed the operations against the Danes with more vigor and 
 determination.*® Many of the fideles who had thus far proved 
 loyal to the king now joined the ranks of the insurgents. Charles 
 had hardly gotten the siege operations under way, when repre- 
 sentatives of the disaffected nobility of the western realm ap- 
 peared at Frankfort, imploring Louis the German to rescue 
 the West Frankish kingdom from the “tyranny” of his brother. 
 Easily persuaded to undertake an invasion which he had pro- 
 bably been planning for some time, Louis prepared to act at 
 once, and by September of the same year (858) he had entered 
 West Frankish territory.*° After that the loyalty of the army 
 
 17 Calmette, op. cit., 136-37, 147-49; Duimmler, I, 434-35, 290-95; Thomp- 
 son, Decline of the Missi, pp. 11-12. 
 
 18 This attitude of the West Frankish nobility is well set forth by Gfrorer 
 in his Geschichte der ost- und westfrankischen Carolinger, I, 281 ff. It is 
 true that there is plenty of evidence which indicates that the Vikings plun- 
 dered the rural estates, i. e. the villae and the mansi, as well as the towns 
 and the ecclesiastical establishments. But the villae and mansi in question 
 must have been, in the majority of cases at least, those of the church, for 
 these were. most likely to be left without defenders. It is not conceivable 
 that the lay nobles would have been as indifferent as they were regarding 
 the expulsion of the Vikings, if they had suffered from the devastations of 
 the freebooters to the same extent as the church and the crown (a passage 
 from the Miracula s. Bertini is very illuminating on this point; see supra, 
 chap. i, n. 6, end). On the contrary, it is highly probable that the magnates 
 often regarded the Vikings as their allies. See M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, 
 p. 284, ¢..'3; <p. 286, c. 1. Cf. Diimmler, I,; 420. 7. 
 
 19 Ann. Bert., 858, p. 50: “Interim comites ex regno Karli regis Ludoicum 
 Germanorum regem, quem per 5 annos invitaverant, adducunt.” Cf. Cal- 
 mette, op. cit., p. 187; Lot, op. cit., 26 ff. 
 
 20 Ann. Bert., 858, p. 50. Cf. Calmette, op. cit., 137-40. 
 
48 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 besieging Oscellus began rapidly to wane. Discovering evidence 
 of treason and treachery on every hand, Charles finally gave up 
 the siege and took hasty measures to secure himself against 
 falling into the hands of his hostile brother.?* 
 
 Louis the German’s invasion of the West Frankish kingdom, 
 which had as its ultimate object the dethronement of his brother, 
 need not be described here.?? The invasion ended in fiasco, 
 and on January 15, 859, the king of the East Franks deemed it 
 advisable to begin a somewhat precipitate retreat back to his 
 own territories.*?> Meanwhile, however, the West Frankish reb- 
 els, by securing the intervention of Louis in their behalf, had 
 furnished the Danes with an opportunity to ravage the basin of 
 the Seine unchecked.** After the expulsion of his brother, Char- 
 les was for a long time unable to take any measures against the 
 Vikings ;?> most of the magnates continued to exhibit the spirit 
 of refractoriness ;*° and the discouraging if not dismaying ex- 
 periences of the king at the siege of Oscellus must have deterred 
 him from attempting a new offensive against the freebooters. 
 These, in consequence, waxed ever bolder in their work of pillage 
 and devastation.*’ 
 
 Meanwhile, in the summer of 859, another group of Vikings, 
 under Weland, had entered the Somme and were now ravaging 
 the districts in that vicinity.2? The situation was becoming 
 critical. All of western and northern Francia was menaced by 
 the Northmen. A large number of the fideles were stili in re- 
 volt, and as yet good relations between Charles and his brother 
 had not been reestablished.*® Though the king in his predic- 
 ament put forth special efforts to bring some of the magnates 
 
 21 On this see Lot, op. cit., 27-28; Calmette, op. cit., 140. 
 
 22 On the invasion of Louis the German, see ibid., 140 ff.; Cf. Duimmler, 
 I, 430 ff. 
 
 43° Ann, Bert, 859,\p. dL: ch Lot, op. eit... pa 30: 
 
 24... Lord. 
 
 ZOstias, DP. od: 
 
 26 Calmette, op. cit., 149 ff. 
 
 27 The only resistance offered to the Danes at this time came from cer- 
 tain groups of peasants between the Seine and the Loire. These peasants, 
 however, were not sufficiently well organized to be successful in their under- 
 taking, and they were soon cut to pieces or dispersed. Ann. Bert., loc. cit.; 
 cf. Lot, op. cit., p. 32, n.°2, pp. 33. ff. 
 
 28 Ann. Bert., 859, p. 52; ef. Lot. op. cit., p. 38. Presumably these Vik- 
 ings were under the leadership of Weland, though in point of fact he is not 
 mentioned until 861 (Ann. Bert., 861, p. 55). 
 
 29 Lot, op. cit., 40. 
 
 ee - 
 
CHAPTER III | 49 
 
 of Neustria back to allegiance,*® this move appears ta have been 
 only in part successful and in any case did not malerially im- 
 prove the situation as a whole. Fortunately, however, the two 
 groups of Vikings respectively infesting the basins of the Seine 
 and the Somme, were not on friendly terms with each other. 
 Early in 860 the latter group made a proposal to Charles** which 
 under the existing circumstances must have been very welcome 
 to him. In return for the payment of a tribute of 3,000 pounds 
 of silver, they offered to move against the Vikings of the Seine 
 and either expel them or annihilate them.*? Though there were 
 those who regarded it as precarious policy to enter into relations 
 of this nature with the Vikings,** Charles probably felt that he 
 had nothing to lose and consequently accepted the offer of We- 
 land’s freebooters. - 
 
 It will be noted that the Danegeld to which Charles had now 
 agreed was of a different character than those paid by him here- 
 tofore. In 845 and also in 853 the king had entered into direct 
 negotiations with the particular group of Vikings that he wished 
 to remove from his realm and had paid them a certain amount 
 of money as the price of their evacuation of Frankish territory. 
 But now Charles engaged one group of Vikings as his mercen- 
 aries and agreed to pay them for the services they were about 
 to render in driving out another group.** This Danegeld there- 
 fore, was stipendiary rather than tributary in character. Even 
 
 30 Lot, 40-41. Bishop Wenilo of Sens, the only one of the higher clergy 
 who had supported the cause of Louis the German, was reconciled to Charles 
 before the close of 859 (Ann. Bert., 859, p. 53). 
 
 31 I cannot agree with Lot (op. cit., 41, n. 3) when he says that the initia- 
 tive to these negotiations may have come from Charles. Lot himself ad- 
 mits (ibid., 49, n. 1) that the Somme Vikings were determined to enrich 
 themselves in the kingdom of Charles. The fact that they took hostages 
 before departing to England in the spring (see infra, n. 39), indicates that 
 the Vikings wished to hold Charles to his agreement and, therefore, that 
 their interest in the contract was greater than the king’s. Nothing is said 
 of any hostages retained by Charles; evidently he regarded them as unnec- 
 essary (cf. infra, n. 43). Vogel, p. 179, seems to agree with Lot. 
 
 32 Ann. Bert., 860, p. 53: “Karlus rex inani Danorum in Somna consis- 
 tentium pollicitatione pellectus, exactionem ... fieri jubet; nam idem Dani 
 promiserant, ut, si eis tria milia librarum argenti pondere examinato tri- 
 bueret, se adversus eos Danos qui in Sequana versabantur ituros eosque inde 
 aut expulsuros aut interfecturos.” 
 
 33 By referring to the offer of the Somme Danes as “inani . . . pollicita- 
 tione” (cf. supra, n. 32), Prudence, the author of the second part of the 
 Annals of St. Bertin, reveals that he was one of those who disapproved of 
 the policy of Charles. | 
 
 34 Lot, op. cit., 50, nn. 1, 2, compares Weland and his companions to the 
 Swiss and German mercenaries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. 
 Vogel, p. 179, likens them to the foederati employed by the Romans. 
 
 Danegeld. 4. 
 
5Q THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 if Weland and his men had agreed, as they probably had, that 
 they themselves would quit the realm after they had forced the 
 Seine Vikings to withdraw,** the money they received must be 
 regarded as a payment for definite services to be rendered and 
 not simply as the. price of their own withdrawal; essentially 
 it was not a tribute but a stipend. Stipendiary Danegelds, it 
 is well known, were very common in England at a later period ;°*? 
 but for the West Frankish kingdom only two payments of this 
 kind have been recorded, the other one being the Danegeld of 
 862, which will be discussed in the next chapter. 
 
 Finding it necessary to resort to taxation in order to raise 
 the sum named by Weland, the king ordered an exaction to be 
 levied on (1) the church treasuries, (2) all holdings of land 
 designated as mansi, and (3) the property of all merchants, 
 even the poorest. Though the rates of the tax are not specified, 
 we know that an inventory was to be taken of the houses and 
 the movables of the merchants, in order to determine the amount 
 each of these ought to pay.*® Charles probably intended to 
 collect the exaction only in those parts of his realm which were 
 directly subject to his authority, viz. Francia, Neustria, and 
 Burgundy.** As for Aquitaine, that had long been regarded 
 as a separate kingdom®** and in any case was not plundered from 
 the Seine; which makes it very doubtful that this Danegeld was 
 levied there at all. 
 
 But it proved impossible or seemed inadvisable to raise the 
 entire amount of the Danegeld by the time agreed upon.*® The 
 
 35 Lot states, op. cit., 52, that Weland had promised Charles not only that 
 he would expel the Vikings of the Seine but also that he and his companions 
 would depart. The basis for the latter statement appears to be these words 
 from the Life of St. Faro (c. 126, Bouquet, VII, 357): “Ita quoque est ab illis 
 actum, et fide vana illorum acceptum est promissum, ut discedendo utraeque 
 partes jam ultra nescirent finium nostrorum introitum.”’ 
 
 352 Cf. supra, pp. 15, 17. 
 
 36 Ann. Bert., 860, p. 53: “Karlus rex ... exactionem de thesauris ec- 
 clesiarum et omnibus mansis ac negociatoribus etiam paupertinis, ita ut etiam 
 domus eorum et omnia utensilia adpreciarentur et inde statutus census ex- 
 igeretur, fieri jubet.”’ ; 
 
 37 Lot, on. cit., 41, seems to think that the Danegeld was to be levied only 
 in Francia, but gives no reason for this opinion. It appears legitimate to 
 conclude that the entire kingdom of Charles the Bald (cf. the following 
 note) was to be taxed, since there is no statement to the contrary. Cer- 
 tainly the removal of the Danes would affect Neustria as much as Francia, 
 and even Burgundy would become more secure as a result. 
 
 38 Cf. supra, chap. i. n. 47. Charles, the son of Charles the Bald, had 
 been crowned king of Aquitaine in 855 (Ditimmler, I, 455). 
 
 39 Ann. Bert., 860, p. 53: “Dani in Somna consistentes, cum eis non dare- 
 
CHAPTER III 51 
 
 reasons for this can only be conjectured. In the first place, 
 the territories on either side of the Seine must, as a result of 
 the numerous payments of ransom money and the immense 
 booty obtained by the Danes on Oscellus in the recent years, 
 have been nearly emptied of resources.*® In the second place, 
 a considerable number of the magnates involved in the recent 
 revolt against Charles were probably still more or less hostile ;** 
 and we may suppose that until these had become reconciled to 
 the king they were not likely to lend him any aid in raising the 
 Danegeld. Whatever the reasons, Charles certainly was unable 
 to conclude his bargain with the Danes of the Somme at the 
 appointed time.** The latter, however, instead of breaking off 
 relations with the king, took hostages from him and then, in 
 the early spring (860), departed for England.** The fact that 
 the Vikings demanded hostages signifies unquestionably that 
 they meant to hold Charles to his contract, though they were 
 willing to allow him more time for procuring the sum agreed 
 upon.** 
 
 After an absence of over a year,*? Weland, towards the end 
 of the spring of 861,*° returned to France, ready to fulfill his 
 engagements with Charles the Bald and to demand his compen- 
 sation.** In the meantime the Vikings encamped on the island 
 
 tur supradictus census, receptis obsidibus, ad Anglossaxones navigant.” 
 Soetbeer (Beitrdge zur Geschichte des Geld- und Miinzwesens in Deutschland, 
 in Forsch. z. d. Gesch., VI, 54, 55) seems to have overlooked the passage 
 just quoted, and thus arrives at the unwarranted conclusion that the Dane- 
 geld of 861 was a new tribute, levied and collected after that of 860. He 
 may have been misled, in part at least, by the erroneous dating of a docu- 
 ment dealing with the Danegeld of 877. Cf M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, p. 353. 
 
 40 See supra, nn. 5, 7, 13; Lot, op. cit., p. 18, n. 4, pp. 18, 19. 
 
 41 The following statement does not appear in the Annals of St. Bertin 
 until 861, p. 55: “pene omnes qui nuper a Karolo ad Hludovicum defecerant 
 ad Karolum revertuntur et ab eo familiaritate et honoribus redonantur.”’ 
 
 ae Cts supra, n.-39. 
 
 43 See Lot, op. cit., 41, n. 6. 
 
 44 Cf. supra, n. 31. There may have been another reason why the Danes 
 took hostages. In this way they prevented Charles from attempting to expel 
 the other group of Danes from Oscellus in the meantime; if Charles had 
 succeeded in doing that independently of the Somme Danes, the latter would 
 have lost not only the money promised them as Danegeld but also the booty 
 which they hoped to compel the Danes on Oscellus to disgorge and share 
 with them (cf. infra, n. 63). Whether or not any such considerations en- 
 tered the minds of Weland and his followers, it is quite certain that Charles, 
 for the present at least, had no thought of commencing a second siege of 
 Oscellus. Cf. Lot, op. cit., 49, n. 1. 
 
 45 Ibid. 
 
 46 Ibid., n. 2. 
 
 47 Ann. Bert., 861, p. 55: “Dani qui pridem Morinum civitatem incen- 
 derant de Anglis revertentes, duce Welando cum ducentis et eo amplius 
 
52 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 of Oscellus had made another raid on Paris and had ascended 
 the Seine as far'as Melun, to which they set fire.** Weland’s 
 fleet of over two hundred ships now proceeded up the Seine and 
 laid siege to the Viking stronghold on Oscellus.*® By this time 
 almost all those nobles who deserted Charles in 858 had returned 
 to allegiance,®® a fact which may at least in part explain why 
 the officials of the king now succeeded in obtaining the sum 
 which it had proved impossible or impracticable to raise during 
 the early months of the preceding year. And that is not the 
 whole truth. In point of fact, Charles paid much more to the 
 Danes in 861 than he had promised them in 860. The reason 
 for the augmentation of the tribute can only be surmised, for 
 there is not the slightest attempt at explanation in our sources.” 
 It seems probable that Weland’s army had been increased in 
 numbers during its absence, and this may have been urged in 
 justification of a higher price for its services.*? In any case 
 there was nothing for Charles to do except to pay what was 
 demanded, if he wished to save his realm from plunder and 
 devastation.®® Accordingly, instead of receiving only 3,000 
 pounds of silver, the sum originally agreed upon, Weland and 
 his men were paid 5,000 pounds of the precious metal and in 
 
 hevibus per Sequanam ascendunt et castellum in insula quae Oscellus dici- 
 tur a Normannis constructum et eosdem Normannos obsident.” 
 
 48 Ibid., p. 54; Loup of Ferriéres, Epistolae, CX XVII, ed. Desdevises du 
 Dézert, p. 211. Cf. Lot, op. cit., 46. 
 
 49 See supra, n- 47. 
 
 50 See supra, n. 41. 
 
 51 It is true that the amounts of Danegeld demanded in 860 and 861, re- 
 spectively, are not stated by the same writer; Prudence furnishes the fig- 
 ures for 860, and Hincmar those for 861; yet I can find no reason to suppose 
 that either committed an error on this point (Ann. Bert., 860, p. 53; 861, 
 Dp. bb. 
 
 52 The quotation given at the end of this note seems to indicate that some 
 further negotiations took place between Charles and Weland before the latter 
 laid siege to Oscellus, and very probably these negotiations had to do with 
 the higher stipend demanded by the Vikings for their services. Lot, op. 
 cit., 48, n. 1, credits Charles with having taken the initiative to these nego- 
 tiations as well as to those of the preceding year (cf. supra, n. 31). I find 
 it difficult to agree with Lot in either case because (1) our sources attribute 
 the initiative to the Danes on both occasions; (2) those sources—the Annals 
 of St. Bertin (Prudence) for 860, and the Miracles of St. Riquier for 861— 
 are independent of each other; and (3) the Vikings under Weland had an 
 interest of their own in the continuation of the negotiations. Cf. Vogel, 183. 
 Mirac. s. Richarii, II, c. 16, M.G.H., SS., XV, 918: “Qui [i. e. quidam Ansleicus 
 de propagine Danorum progenitus, christianitatis sumens insignia, contuber- 
 nalis palatii d. Karoli regis] dum legationem praedictorum Danorum, quos 
 hactenus vis marina in Anglorum sedibus detinet, pro suis negotiis d. regis 
 orabundos clementiam duceret, ac inde cum congruis responsis redirent, etc.” 
 
 53 Ann. Bert. (see the following note): “ne depraedaretur.” 
 
CHAPTER III 53 
 
 addition were furnished with large quantities of grain and 
 cattle.** 
 
 Presumably this Danegeld had been procured partly from the 
 proceeds of the general tax prescribed in 860° and partly per- 
 haps by additional levies.°° While a considerable part of the 
 tribute doubtless came from the church treasuries, it must be 
 assumed that the bulk of it was obtained from the proceeds of 
 the extraordinary taxes levied on the mansi and on the property 
 of the merchants. The holders of the mansi were probably also 
 required to contribute the supplies of cattle and grain demanded 
 by the Northmen. 
 
 Unfortunately, our sources give no details with reference to 
 how the various taxes levied for the purposes of this particular 
 Danegeld were collected. It is, however, not improbable that 
 the method employed on subsequent occasions, and concerning 
 which we have considerable information, represents a develop- 
 ment of an earlier practice. On this basis we may assume that 
 the method of collecting the Danegeld for example in 866 or 
 in 877 did not differ essentially from that which was employed 
 in 860—861.°" This would mean, that the great landholders — 
 the ecclesiastical and lay seigniors — were held responsible by 
 the king for the taxes levied on the mansi within their domains 
 or their jurisdiction; that the amount of money which each 
 seignior was expected to furnish, would vary according to the 
 number of mansi over which he exercised any sort of control; 
 and that the officials of the great seigniors — their ministeriales 
 — forced each holder of a mansus to contribute toward the Dane- 
 
 54 Cf. supra: n. 32. Ann. Bert., 861, p. 55: “Ad quorum obsidentium vide- 
 licet locarium quinque milia libras argenti cum animalium atque annonae 
 summa non modica de regno suo, ne depraedaretur, exigi Karolus praecepit.” 
 Vita s. Faronis, Bouquet, VII, 357: ‘“Priores [Nortmanni] vero a sequentibus 
 Nortmannis, obsessi, nomine regis Caroli sunt devicti, statutis tamen donis 
 gravissimis auri et argenti ex regno, immensaque adhibita ad haec pro ob- 
 sidione prioris multitudinis victus abundantia.” It will be noted that ac- 
 cording to the hagiographer, the Danegeld was paid in both silver and gold. 
 Some gold may possibly have been obtained from the church treasuries, but 
 most of the Danegeld was probably paid in silver, for there was very little 
 coinage of gold in this period. See infra, chap. xviii and n. 55; cf. Soetbeer, 
 loc. cit., IV, 354; VI, 45 ff.; Guérard, ed., Polyptyque de Vabbé Irminon, first 
 ed. [1844], I (Prolégoménes), pp. 129-30. 
 
 55 Cf. supra, nn. 36-38. 
 
 56 See supra, n. 54. 
 
 57 A summary of what is known concerning the usual method of collect- 
 ing the taxes levied for the purposes of the Danegeld, is given infra, chap. 
 
 xvii. 
 
54 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 geld whatever he was able to pay. It is probable that the seig- 
 niors paid their respective quotas to the counts or the missi. 
 The latter may also have been charged with the collection of 
 the taxes levied on the church treasuries. To whom the mer- 
 chants paid their taxes is nowhere indicated. We know, how- 
 ever, that merchants were under the special protection of the 
 erown and that in return for this benefit they were obliged to 
 make an annual, or biennial, contribution, consisting ofa certain 
 percentage of their profits, to the royal treasury.®* It is not im- 
 possible that those royal officials who received these regular 
 dues of the merchants, also collected their taxes toward the 
 Danegeld. 
 
 That the raising of the Danegeld led to abuses and hardships, 
 will surprise no one who is at. all familiar with the customs of 
 the period with which we are here concerned.®® Beyond a doubt 
 more money was collected from the tax-payers than was turned 
 over either to the king’s officers or to the Vikings.®° The fact 
 that the Danes insisted on weighing the money before accepting: 
 it,°* compelled the Frankish tax collectors to refuse all coins 
 which were not of proper weight or fineness. It seems too, that 
 the collectors declined to receive money which had been coined 
 elsewhere than in the local mint; this practice was not in accor- 
 dance with the wishes of Charles, but it was profitable to the 
 counts and bishops who were in charge of the various mints of 
 the kingdom, for they received a certain share of the revenue 
 obtained through recoinage.*? The Danegeld, therefore, so far 
 from being an aid to the king in his efforts to secure the univer- 
 sal acceptance within his kingdom of the money coined in each 
 and all of the royal mints without distinction, rather encouraged 
 the increasing tendency in the different localities to use only 
 those coins which bore the stamp of the local mint. 
 
 58 Cf. Waitz, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, IV, second ed. [1885], pp. 
 44, 45, 586. 
 
 59 Cf. Sée, Les classes rurales et le reg. dom. en France, p. 92. 
 
 60 Cf. infra, chap. xvii and n. 11. 
 
 61 In 860 the Vikings had demanded 3,000 pounds of silver pondere exam- 
 inato (supra, n. 32). Evidently they had reason to suspect not only the 
 weight and fineness of the Frankish coins, but also the good faith of the 
 Frankish officials in the process of weighing. See the following note. 
 
 62 Constitutio Carisiacensis de moneta [July, 861], M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, 
 t. 2, pp. 801-2; cf. Soetbeer, loc. cit., VI, 4, 5, 7-9. A tendency to reject 
 denarii which, though of proper weight and fineness, were for some reason 
 
 deemed undesirable, is noticeable at least as early as the time of Charle- 
 magne (M.G.H., LL., Sectio II, t. 1, p. 125, c. 18). Exactly what prompted 
 
CHAPTER III 55 
 
 The Vikings under Weland had embarked on an enterprise 
 which proved eminently successful and highly profitable. With 
 the aid of another group of their countrymen they were able to 
 force the Vikings on Oscellus to capitulate and to hand over to 
 them, out of the immense booty collected during a sojourn of five 
 years in the heart of the West Frankish realm, 6,000 pounds in 
 gold and silver.** Altogether, therefore, Weland and his men 
 secured, through this undertaking alone, 11,000 pounds of the 
 precious metals and, besides, large quantities of victuals. 
 
 The Danes did not quit the West Frankish realm until March 
 of the following year. It is true that they had descended to the 
 
 persons to reject these denarii is not stated anywhere in the sources, and 
 varying solutions of the problem have been offered by different scholars 
 (See e. g. Prou, Les monnaies carolingiennes, Intro., pp. XXVI ff.; Soetbeer, 
 loc. cit.; Dopsch, Wirtschaftsentw. d. Karolingerzeit, II, 248-49, 303-4). To 
 me the theory of Soetbeer seems the most satisfactory. Dopsch accepts this 
 theory aS a partial, but not an adequate, explanation of why good denarii 
 were rejected; he then proceeds to invent another theory of his own (loc. 
 cit., pp. 303-4) and insists that it furnishes the most important reason for 
 the rejection of the good denarii. In my opinion, the new theory of Dopsch 
 contains no solution whatever of the problem under consideration, and I 
 have therefore adopted, and perhaps somewhat amplified, Soetbeer’s expla- 
 nation, the validity of which is admitted by Dopsch. Soetbeer argues that 
 the local authorities (counts, bishops, abbots, etc.) when they collected im- 
 posts due in cash, frequently would accept only money coined in the particu- 
 lar local mint which they controlled, because in this way they could materi- 
 ally increase the business of recoinage at that mint, and thus augment their 
 own income from this source. The consequence of this abuse of power on 
 the part of the local authorities would be that private individuals would 
 decline to accept every denarius which, though in other respects perfectly 
 satisfactory, had not been coined in the local mint. This state of affairs 
 must have been a serious hindrance to trade and commerce, and it probably 
 threatened to undermine the universality of the royal coinage. Heavy pen- 
 alties had therefore been imposed on those who refused a good denarius 
 simply because it did not bear the stamp of the local mint. But the practice 
 persisted in spite of the penalties and seems to have been extended as a 
 result of the payments to the Northmen. After the exaction of the Danegeld 
 of 860-61, it became necessary to mitigate the penalties for refusing other 
 than locally coined denarii, and to advise the missi to be more lenient in 
 the prosecution of those who violated the law; which proves not only that 
 the missi had been guilty of oppression and extortion, but also that there 
 were others who profited from the Danegeld besides the Vikings. Before 
 864, there probably were a number of private and unauthorized mints in 
 operation, the owners of which did not fail to utilize their advantages in 
 connection with the levy of the Danegeld. At any rate the coinage edict of 
 864 expressly forbade coinage anywhere in the entire West Frankish king- 
 dom except at nine specified places (M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, p. 315, c. 12). 
 Lot, op. cit., 50, n. 2, is certainly in error when he says that the Franks 
 rejected the denarii in circulation, because they were of bad alloy. Penalties 
 were imposed when one refused to accept a bonum denarium i. e. merum et 
 bene pensantem, but it was perfectly legitimate to decline a bad denarius. 
 
 63 Ann. Bert., 861, p. 56: “Obsessi ... sex milia libras inter aurum et 
 argentum obsidentibus donant eisque sociantur.” I understand this to mean 
 that the besieged paid over, not all the money they had accumulated, but a 
 considerable part of it—6,000 pounds. Cf. Lot, op. cit., 51-52. 
 
56 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 mouth of the Seine soon after the capitulation of the Vikings 
 on Oscellus; but the approach of the stormy season made them 
 reluctant about putting to sea, and they decided that it would 
 be much more convenient to spend the winter in France.** Nego- 
 tiations leading to an understanding with Charles on this point 
 may have followed. Be that as it may, it is certain that the 
 Northmen reascended the Seine and that they were able to esta- 
 blish themselves for the winter, without opposition, in various 
 places along that river and its tributaries.” 
 
 About the same time that the Vikings were returning inland, 
 Charles the Bald set out on his futile expedition to Provence.” 
 During the winter some of the Vikings could not resist the temp- 
 tation to plunder. Charles, therefore, who meanwhile had re- 
 turned from Provence, found it advisable to take the field against 
 them early in 862. By prompt action and a piece of clever 
 strategy, he succeeded in cutting off the retreat of an isolated 
 group of the marauders, who had gone to attack Meaux, and as 
 a result was able to bring pressure to bear on the rest.*° Toward 
 the end of February, 862, Weland swore fealty to Charles, and 
 soon thereafter he persuaded all the Danes to descend the Seine 
 a second time. At Jumiéges they stopped long enough to repair 
 their ships, but before the end of March the Northmen had left 
 France, departing in various directions.” 
 
 The policy of engaging one group of invaders to drive out 
 another in return for the payment of Danegeld, at least had not 
 proved so signal a failure as some had predicted ;"° and we may 
 well doubt whether, as things stood in 860, Charles could have 
 removed the Vikings from his realm in any other way." 
 
 The Northmen, as we have seen, did not depart with empty 
 hands. On the contrary, they carried off what may be regarded 
 as a by no means negligible portion of the available cash in the 
 West Frankish kingdom. What effect did the passing of such 
 large sums of money into the posesssion of an alien enemy have 
 
 64 Ann. Bert., 861, p. 56. 
 
 65 Such at least is the opinion of Lot, op. cit., 53. 
 66 Ann. Bert., loc. cit. 
 
 67 Ibid.; cf. Lot, op. cit., 538-54. 
 
 68 Ann. Bert., 862, p:'57; cf. Lot, on, ‘cit... 55 ff. 
 
 69 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.;.Aimoin, loc. cit. c.:18, ps 794. 
 10 CE supra,-ne 33: 
 
 71 See infra, n. 75; cf. Lot, op. cit., 59. 
 
 ee) 
 
CHAPTER III 57 
 
 upon economic conditions in the invaded country? Unquestion- 
 ably it would be a mistake to assume that the money taken by 
 the invaders in the form of tribute and plunder represented a 
 total loss to the Franks. While it is doubtless true that the 
 Vikings were in the main parasites, who added little or nothing 
 to the wealth or resources of the West Frankish kingdom, but 
 instead used up a very considerable part thereof; on the other 
 hand we must not fail to note that during the time they remained 
 in Frankish territory these parasites must have expended large 
 amounts of their ill-gotten gain in trade. Certainly, all the 
 money paid to the Northmen did not leave the country. There 
 is no indication that the Vikings who infested France at this 
 period engaged in agriculture while they were there. Therefore 
 they must have had to plunder or buy all their foodstuffs. Prob- 
 ably they bought more of these than has commonly been sup- 
 posed; and it is certain that they purchased other things besides 
 victuals.“ In this way the Vikings of Oscellus doubtless used 
 up some portion of the money they had obtained through num- 
 erous payments of ransom and otherwise.** Even the followers 
 of Weland must have disposed of some part of the Danegeld 
 during the winter and spring of 861—862. Thus, there can 
 be little doubt that, in spite of hostilities, a brisk trade was going 
 on continually between the Franks and the Northmen so long 
 as the latter remained in the country. This in itself must be 
 regarded as an advantage, for it could hardly fail to give a 
 new stimulus to the rather sluggish course of economic life 
 during the early middle ages.** The Danegeld and the other 
 payments to the Danes may have emptied many church treas- 
 uries and may have borne hard on the poorer population, the 
 peasantry in particular; but, on the other hand, they brought 
 
 72 In particular there were frequent sales of armor, weapons and horses 
 
 to the Norhmen. See M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, p. 321, c. 25. In this trade 
 it appears that even ecclesiastics sometimes participated. Cf. Vogel, 207, n. 1. 
 
 73 Still it must not be concluded that the Vikings disposed of all their 
 money and plunder while they were sojourning in France. When the free- 
 booters on Oscellus surrendered to Weland and his followers, they were able 
 to pay the latter 6,000 pounds in gold and silver! And they probably had 
 something left for themselves after that (cf. supra, n. 63). 
 
 74 On this whole subject, see Thompson, ‘‘Commerce of France in the 
 Ninth Century,” loc. cit., pp. 858-59, 865-68, 887; Vogel, 233 ff. 
 
 75 That the Danegeld of 860-61 proved a heavy burden on the poorer pop- 
 ulation is evident from the coinage regulations of 861 (cf. supra, n. 62). In 
 these Charles almost apologizes for resorting to the Danegeld and declares 
 that it was the only resort left to him as things stood at the time (see the 
 quotations given infra, p. 83, n. 114, chap. xvii, n. 20). 
 
58 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 much more money into circulation, not only the money of the 
 peasants, but also the hoarded treasures of the Church.*® Let it 
 be remarked too, that the usual amount of money in circulation 
 during the ninth century must have been much larger than was 
 until recently assumed. Those who are still inclined to put 
 very strong emphasis on the self-sufficiency of the villa, or 
 manor, of this period and on its economic independence of the 
 outside world, would do well to remember that the Danegeld 
 was paid in cash by the tax-payers” and that there are other 
 evidences of the frequent use of money even by coloni and serfs.” 
 
 It would seem very strange indeed if the numerous payments 
 of Danegeld had had no effect whatever on the mining of the 
 precious metals, silver in particular. The only support for such 
 a view would be the fact that our sources fail to supply us with 
 information on the subject. In this case, however, as in most 
 others, the argument from silence had better be studiously 
 avoided. To the present writer it does not seem too bold to 
 assume that as a result of the loss of specie through the pay- 
 ment of Danegeld, and in order to keep a sufficient amount of 
 money in circulation, the output of silver ore at the mines had 
 to be considerably increased.*° 
 
 Mention should also be made at this point of another matter, 
 the full discussion of which must be reserved for the concluding 
 chapter. From various bits of evidence it becomes clear that 
 the Danegeld had a salutary effect on the quality of the West 
 Frankish coinage. The fact that the Vikings insisted on weigh- 
 ing as well as counting the money that was paid to them, must 
 have discouraged the tendency to clip and to falsify the coins.*® 
 
 76 Cf. Soetbeer, loc. cit., VI, 8, 54; Thompson, op. cit., p. 867. 
 
 77 The argument of Dopsch (Die Wirtschaftsentwicklung der Karolinger- 
 zeit, II, 253-54, 305) on this point seems almost conclusive. Cf. Soetbeer, 
 loc. cit., p. 54; infra, n. 78. Not only the Danegeld but also the old war 
 taxes known as hostilitiwum and carnaticum (by this time converted into 
 redevances) and various. other manorial dues were probably in many cases 
 paid in money. Cf. Guérard, op. cit., pp. 669-70 and n. 10. 
 
 78 The various coinage edicts of Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald 
 furnish incontrovertible evidence of the frequent use of cash money by all 
 classes in this period. Practically’ all the coinage regulations are quoted 
 and elucidated by Soetbeer, loc. cit., pp. 1-112. On the general subject of the 
 money economy of the Carolingian period, see Dopsch, op. cit., II, 252, ff. 
 
 79 Cf. Soetbeer, loc. cit., p. 56. 
 
 80 Cf. supra, n. 61; see also infra, chap. xviii and nn. 56-61, especially n. 57. 
 
THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 59 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE DANEGELD PAID BY ROBERT THE STRONG IN 862. 
 
 The various groups of Vikings referred to in the preceding 
 chapter were in the spring of 862 forced by Charles the Bald 
 to evacuate the West Frankish kingdom. As they left the Seine, 
 these marauders separated into several fleets,t the respective 
 destinations of which probably cannot, and for the present 
 purpose need not, be determined. We must note, however, that 
 the larger number of the Vikings proceeded from the Seine 
 mouth directly to Brittany, where they were joined by another 
 group of Northmen just returning from an expedition to the 
 Mediterranean.” It appears that Duke Solomon, of Brittany, 
 who was hostile to the Franks, engaged the Vikings from the 
 Mediterranean as his mercenaries, to harry the region of the 
 lower Loire. But the strategy of the Breton chief was frus- 
 trated by Robert the Strong, now “duke,” and viceregent of 
 Charles the Bald, in Neustria. Robert captured twelve of the 
 Viking ships and killed all the Vikings on them save a few who 
 escaped by flight. Though this was an important success for 
 the Franks, it did not solve their whole problem;* there were 
 the Breton forces still to be reckoned with, and there was the 
 possibility that Solomon might enlist also the Vikings from the 
 Seine in his service. But Robert anticipated his Breton ad- 
 versary in the matter of negotiating with the freebooters from 
 the, Seine. For a consideration of 6,000 pounds of silver the 
 latter declared themselves willing to become his mercenaries 
 and allies against Solomon. The Frankish leader promptly 
 consented to these terms and sealed his bargain by exchanging 
 hostages with the Vikings.*® 
 
 Was Robert’s payment a Danegeld? To be sure, the money 
 was not paid expressly in the form of tribute, nor directly for 
 
 1 Supra, p. 56 and n. 69. 
 
 2 Ann. Bert., 862, p. 57. Cf. Vogel, 178, 187-88; Lot, “La Loire, l’Aqui- 
 taine et la Seine de 862 a 866,” Bibl. de V’école des chartes, 1915, LXXVI, 
 473, 477 and n. 3. 
 
 3 Ann. Bert., 862, pp. 57-58. On the position of Robert, see Vogel, 190, n. 
 1; Favre, Hudes, 4, 227 f.; von Kalckstein, Robert der Tapfere, 72, 152 ff. 
 Gir 20 non. Cli, 419 Nn. 3. 
 
 4 Cf. von Kalckstein, op. cit., 77. 
 
 5 Ann. Bert., 862, p. 58: “Rotbertus autem Salomonem sustinere non val- 
 ens, cum praefatis Normannis qui de Sequana exierunt, antequam eos Salo- 
 mon sibi adversus eum adscisceret, [datis] utrimque obsidibus, in sex mili- 
 bus argenti contra eundem Salomonem convenit.’ Cf. Vogel, 191. 
 
60 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 the purpose of effecting the removal of the Vikings; it was paid 
 rather as a stipend in return for the promised aid of the North- 
 men against the Bretons under Solomon. If, however, Robert 
 had failed to engage the Vikings from the Seine in the Frankish 
 service, it is very probable — to Robert it must have been a 
 foregone conclusion — that these, like their countrymen from 
 the Mediterranean, would eventually have joined forces with 
 the Bretons. In the latter case, Solomon would probably have 
 undertaken a double invasion of the West Frankish realm, di- 
 recting the Vikings to ascend the Loire on their ships while he 
 with his Bretons proceeded to attack by land. Thus, in the end 
 the Vikings would, as usual, have established themselves in a 
 fortified camp, from which they could probably not have been 
 dislodged save by the payment of tribute.® All this was avoided 
 by Robert’s diplomacy, which, while it prevented Solomon from 
 invading Frankish territory, also kept the Vikings busy in 
 Brittany.’ Therefore, since the payment of 862 really had the 
 effect of temporarily keeping the Vikings out of the Loire reg- 
 ion, there can be little objection to regarding it, like the pay- 
 ment of 860—61,° as a stipendiary Danegeld. 
 
 Our sources indicate neither whence nor how Robert obtained 
 the Danegeld of 862.° But since the tribute of the preceding 
 year, Which did not amount to more than 5,000 pounds,’® could 
 be raised only by means of general taxation,"' it does not seem 
 probable that a sum of 6,000 pounds could have been secured 
 without the levy of taxes. Doubtless these taxes fell in large 
 part if not exclusively upon the population residing within the 
 limits of the territory subject to Robert’s authority, i. e. in 
 Neustria.?” 
 
 The Danegeld of this year had, as we have seen, been promised 
 and arranged for by Robert the Strong, ‘duke’ in Neustria.** 
 Though there is no reason to doubt that Charles the Bald fully 
 approved of the sagacious expedient to which Robert had re- 
 
 6 Arona re, nn.) 19. 
 
 7 Vogel, 191-92. 
 
 8 See supra, pp. 49-50 and nn. 32, 34, 35, 35a. 
 
 9 All the information we have concerning this particular Danegeld, is that 
 which is furnished by the Annals of St. Bertin (see supra, n. 5). 
 
 10 Cf. supra, pp. 52-53 and n. 54. 
 
 11 Cf. supra, p. 50 and nn. 36-38, pp. 53-54. 
 
 12 Cf. von Kalckstein, op. cit., 77, 152 ff.; Lot, op. cit., 477 and n. 3; Favre, 
 ODs Ott De 
 
 LB eaCt: VSO Owns. os 
 
CHAPTER IV 61 
 
 sorted,'* it is none the less true that on this occasion it was one 
 of the magnates, not the king, who found it necessary practically 
 to buy off the Vikings. Thus we have here another illustration 
 of the fact that responsibility for the policy of paying Dane- 
 geld cannot be fastened exclusively upon Charles the Bald.® 
 As will be pointed out later in these pages,'® the Danegeld was, 
 by reason of a peculiar combination of circumstances, virtually 
 a necessity during the reigns of Charles the Bald and several of 
 his successors; a necessity from which, it would seem, thére 
 was no escape for any ruler, royal or otherwise, so long as con- 
 ditions remained what they were in the latter half of the ninth 
 century. 
 
 The payment of 862, or rather the sequel to it, illustrates also 
 the fact that the Danegeld never could be more than a temporary 
 expedient in dealing with the Viking problem. By engaging the 
 Vikings as his mercenaries and paying them a stipend, Robert 
 had, indeed, for a time restrained the freebooters from ravaging 
 Frankish territory and had also warded off a threatened in- 
 vasion on the part of Solomon of Brittany; the latter, in fact, 
 found himself so hard pressed by the coalition between Robert 
 and the pagans, that in the spring of 863 he deemed it advisable 
 to submit to the king of the Franks.’ The establishment of 
 friendly relations between Charles the Bald and Solomon, how- 
 ever, appears to have ruptured the coalition of the Franks with 
 the Vikings, for the latter began forthwith'* to plunder and 
 devastate the region to the south of the Loire.t® Robert the 
 Strong’s payment of Danegeld, therefore, brought security 
 against the Vikings for hardly a year.*° 
 
 14° Gr) Lot, op. ctt., 47. 
 
 15 Cf. the three preceding chapters. 
 
 16 See infra, chap. vii. 
 
 17 Ann. Bert., 863, p. 61. Cf. Vogel, 191-92, 197. Lot; op. cit., 478, under- 
 estimates, it seems, the value of Robert’s compact with the Vikings. There 
 can be no doubt that the latter by their operations in Brittany caused Solo- 
 mon to abandon his plan of invading Neustria. Von Kalckstein, op. cit., 83, 
 n. 2, calls attention to a passage in Regino’s Chronicle (866, ed. Kurze, p. 
 91) which indicates that Charles the Bald was preparing to invade Brittany, 
 but decided to enter into negotiations with Solomon when he saw that the 
 Bretons were prepared to resist to the uttermost. If Regino’s statement 
 contains any element of truth, it strengthens the view that the Viking op- 
 erations had produced a diversion in Brittany; as a result of these opera- 
 tions the offensive had passed from the Bretons to the Franks. 
 
 18 I. e. directly after Solomon’s reconciliation with Charles the Bald. 
 See Lot, op. cit., 480, nn. 1, 2. ° 
 
 19 See Vogel, 197 ff.; Lot, op. cit., 479 ff. According to Lot, ibid., 480 
 and n. 3, the Vikings established themselves in the lower Loire, on an island 
 which they had occupied once before. 
 
 20 From April, 862, to April, 863 (cf. ibid., 477, n. 3, 480, n. 1.) 
 
62 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE DANEGELD OF 866. 
 
 For some time after the departure of the Vikings from the 
 Seine in March, 862,’ the general course of events in the West 
 Frankish realm points to a gradual but steady improvement in 
 the position of Charles the Bald.2 The Treaty of Coblentz (June 
 5, 860), which definitively closed the hostilities engendered by 
 Louis the German’s invasion of the western kingdom in 858 
 and re-established amicable relations between Charles and his 
 brother, also probably helped to promote a better understanding 
 between Charles and his fideles; for after this treaty the rebel- 
 lious and dissatisfied element among the West Frankish nobility 
 could no longer look for support to their cause from the king 
 of the East Franks.* -Perhaps the best illustration of the in- 
 creasing accord between Charles and the magnates is the co- 
 operation that was possible at the Assembly of Pitres in June, 
 864.4 
 
 The Edict issued at Pitres indicates a serious intention on 
 the part of the king — an intention apparently shared and cert- 
 ainly not opposed by the magnates — to enforce the laws and 
 to correct or repress the numerous abuses and disorders pre- 
 vailing in the land, many of which had grown out of the recent 
 long drawn out occupation of the Seine valley by the Northmen.® 
 This Edict shows also that the king was determined to provide 
 adequately against possible future invasion of his realm by the 
 Northmen ;° that he intended to place the country in such a 
 state of preparedness as would be sufficient for any emergency. 
 The measures taken by him with that end in view included not 
 only a very emphatic restatement in the Hdict of the obligation 
 for all classes to render military service in defense of the realm ;’ 
 they included also the project of building a fortified bridge at 
 
 1 Ann. Bert., 862, p. 57; cf. supra, p. 56 and n. 69. 
 
 2 Vogel, 204; cf. 188-90. 
 
 3 Dummler, I, 461. 
 
 4 Edictum Pistense [June 25, 864], (A.), M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 311. 
 Cf. Vogel, 203-8. 
 
 5 Edictum Pistense, (B.), cc. 6, 7, 25, 31, loc. cit., pp. 3138-14, 321, 323-24; 
 NO); Calas 228: 
 
 6 Ibid., (A.), c. 2, p. 311; (B.), ec. 26, 27, 37, pp. 321-22, 327-28: (0.), ¢. 
 
 Lepsis2e: 
 120th, CBI CO 26,4263. 4 Ons Cal: 
 
CHAPTER V 63 
 
 that point on the Seine where the above mentioned assembly 
 met, i. e. at Pitres.* With the aid of this river fortification 
 Charles hoped in the future to be able to prevent the Vikings 
 from ascending the Seine. He appears to have placed a great 
 deal of confidence in this means of defense; and we may admit 
 that if it had been properly developed and completed, the scheme 
 would probably have reduced very materially those advantages 
 which the possession of ships gave the Northmen over the 
 Franks.° 
 
 It is well known that the military superiority of the Vikings 
 was due in no small measure to their superior mobility. This 
 great mobility, in turn, depended largely if not exclusively on 
 the remarkable rapidity with which they could propel their ships 
 in the rivers, up stream or down.'® Successfully to oppose an 
 enemy thus equipped, the Franks would have needed a large 
 and efficient fleet; but they possessed most of the time no fleet 
 at all, and never any that was comparable to that of the Vik- 
 ings.'t Unless, therefore, the Franks would build obstructions 
 in their principal water courses, and thereby bar the passage 
 of hostile fleets, they could hardly hope effectively to prevent 
 the Vikings, either from making sudden surprise attacks on 
 the large river towns, or from establishing themselves in fort- 
 ified camps on islands in the rivers. And once the Vikings 
 had secured a lodgment for themselves on an island, it was well- 
 nigh impossible for the Franks to eject’ them; because even 
 such an operation could not be successfully carried out save with 
 the aid of a fleet.’* 
 
 The adoption and development of the idea of a system of 
 fortified bridges built at strategic points in the lower courses 
 
 8 Edictum Pistense, (A), c. 2, p. 311; Ann. Bert., 864, p. 72. 
 °9 See Lot, “Melanges carolingiens. II. Le pont de Pitres,’ Le Moyen Age, 
 1905, IX, 1-6, 9. 
 
 10 See supra, chap. i, n. 33; ii, n. 17. 
 
 11 On this see Vogel, 36 and n.1. The fleet employed by Charles the Bald 
 at the siege of Oscellus in 858 (cf. supra, pp. 45-48), had been specially 
 constructed for that purpose, and when Charles was forced to give up the 
 siege his fleet fell into the hands of the Vikings. See Lot, “La grande in- 
 vasion normande,” Bibl. de V’école des chartes, 1908, LXIX, 28, n. 3. 
 
 12 The Vikings referred to in the preceding note had maintained them- 
 selves for five years—from 858 to 861—on the island of Oscellus, and their 
 eventual dislodgment was the work, not of the Franks, but of two groups 
 of their own countrymen who, of course, had adequate fleets at their dis- 
 posal (cf. supra, p. 52 and n. 49, p. 55 and n. 63). For another illustration 
 of the same thing, see Vogel, 148. 
 
64 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 of the rivers, therefore constituted a very important advance 
 in the Frankish method of defense against the Viking raids;"* 
 a fact of which Charles himself was probably fully aware.* 
 Perhaps for this reason and for. others to be mentioned presently, 
 the king was inclined at the Assembly of Pitres, in 864, to be 
 somewhat optimistic as regards the future.® Practically all 
 the magnates had now returned to allegiance;'® they had come 
 in large numbers to the assembly’ and had brought with them 
 laborers, implements, carts, and beasts of burden, for the pur- 
 pose of bringing to completion the work on the bridgehead at 
 Pitres begun two years earlier..* The Aquitanians gave proof 
 of their loyalty by delivering into the hands of Charles his 
 nephew, the traitor Pippin, and even Solomon of Brittany pro- 
 fessed his submission and allegiance to the king of the West 
 Franks by paying the customary tribute.’? From a survey 
 of the general situation in June, 864, one might be led to the 
 conclusion that whatever the Vikings might henceforth attempt 
 on the Seine, there was in any case no likelihood that the king 
 would very soon be placed in such straits as would make it neces- 
 sary to buy off the foreign enemy by the payment of Danegeld. 
 Yet Charles the Bald did find himself in just that plight less 
 than two years after the Assembly of Pitres.*° In order to 
 ascertain the causes of this rather startling change in the sit- 
 uation of the king, an attempt must be made carefully to analyze 
 certain events that transpired in the meantime. 
 
 Toward mid-July, 865,71 Vikings had again found their way 
 to the enticing shores of the West Frankish kingdom. Their 
 fleet of fifty ships had without delay moved up the river Seine 
 
 13 Vogel, 188-89. 
 
 14 Edict. Pistense, (A.), ¢c 2, loc. cit., p. 311; Ann. Bert, 864, p. 72. Cf. 
 Lot; “Le pontde Pitres,” loc... cit, ‘pp. tk; 25-8. 
 
 1h Hdict,:Pistense,: A), ce. 1;°2, loc: cit, 
 
 16 Ibid., c. 1: “non omnes ...tamen ex maicri parte observastis.” Cf. 
 Vogel, 204. 
 
 17 Edict. Pistense, loc. cit.: “pleniter et cum pace ad hoc nostrum placitum 
 convenistis.”’ 
 
 18 Ibid., c. 2; Ann. Bert., 864, p. 72. Cf. Vogel, 204 and n. 3; Lot, op. cit., 
 pp. 1, 4 and n. 1. 
 
 19 Ann. Bert. 864, p?72. Cis Lot; op. city ep. 04. 
 
 20 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81, and see infra. 
 
 21 Annales Rotomagenses, 865, M.G.H., SS., XXVI, p. 494. Lot (op. cit., 
 p. 5 and n. 1) appears to have overlooked the statement in the Annals of 
 Rouen relative to the arrival of the Northmen; this, however, does not 
 
 invalidate what he says in the note about the date when Charles left Attigny 
 for Pitres. See infra, n. 25. 
 
 A ae 
 
CHAPTER V 65 
 
 as far as Pitres.** Beyond this point the freebooters had not 
 yet advanced, probably because the partly constructed bridge- 
 head** at Pitres made further progress temporarily impossible 
 or inadvisable.. The time and labor spent in previous years on 
 the fortifications at Pitres had, therefore, not been wasted effort. 
 Even in its state of incompletion, the bridgehead was capable 
 of functioning for a considerable space of time as an effective 
 obstacle in the path of the invaders.** Meantime, while the 
 Vikings were being held in check, Charles mobilized an army* 
 and with it hastened to meet the enemy at Pitres. But, con- 
 trary to what might be expected, no engagement took place. 
 Perhaps the Franks, temporarily relying in the strength of their 
 fortifications, decided it would be unnecessary to risk an open 
 battle, or even a sally, so long as the bridgehead could inhibit 
 the Northmen from advancing. The king, however, on the 
 advice of his fideles, ordered two more fortified bridges to be 
 built: one at Auvers on the Oise, and another at Charenton on 
 the Marne;** the evident purpose of these measures being to 
 prevent the Vikings from ascending the tributary streams, in 
 the event that they should succeed in breaking through at Pitres 
 on the Seine. Also, Charles arranged to have both banks of 
 the Seine guarded, assigning this task to a certain Adalard and 
 two relatives of the latter, Hugo and Berengar.** These various 
 arrangements of the king seem to indicate some doubt on his 
 part as to whether the fortifications at Pitres could permanently 
 prevent the Vikings from continuing their course up the Seine. 
 Yet we must believe that Charles did not apprehend any im- 
 mediate danger; for, about the middle of the month of Septem- 
 ber, he journeyed northward to Orville, to enjoy the pleasures 
 
 22 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 78. 
 
 23 Lot (op. cit., p. 5) and Vogel (p. 213, n. 4) agree that the fortifications 
 at Pitres were not complete when the Northmen arrived in 865. 
 
 24 It is difficult to find any other reason for the fact that the Vikings 
 halted at Pitres, and the sequel shows that they had intended to advance 
 much farther up the Seine. Lot admits (op. cit., p. 17) that in 885 the 
 bridge at Pitres probably did function in the manner indicated. 
 
 25 Lot (ibid., p. 5, n. 2, and p. 6) indicates that the Frankish army had 
 been mobilized before the Northmen entered the Seine, and that upon the 
 news of their arrival Charles at once set out from Attigny to Pitres. This 
 appears unlikely in view of the fact that the Northmen entered the Seine in 
 July, while Charles did not depart from Attigny before the middle of Au- 
 gust. Cf. supra, n. 21. 
 
 26 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 79. Cf. Lot, op. cit., p. 6. 
 
 27 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 79: “deputatis custodibus qui utrasque ripas custo- 
 dirent, etc.”; ibid., p. 80: “Adalardo, cui custodiam contra Nortmannos 
 [Karolus] commiserat, sed et suis propinquis Hugoni et Berengario, ete.” 
 
 Danegeld. 5. 
 
66 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 of the chase,** thereby indicating that he no longer regarded 
 his own presence in the Seine region as essential. Did he 
 believe that all necessary precautions against an advance on 
 the part of the Vikings had now been taken? 
 
 Whatever confidence Charles may have had in his measures 
 of defense was soon put to shame. Hardly had he departed 
 on his journey northward when the negligence of the guardians 
 on the Seine became evident. They failed to place any of their 
 forces on the north bank of the river, and therefore could not, 
 or at any rate did not, prevent a detachment of about two hun- 
 dred Vikings from proceeding to Paris for the purpose of secur- 
 ing wine; moreover, they permitted these freebooters to return 
 from their futile errand unscathed. It is true, however, that 
 when, somewhat later, another band of five hundred Northmen 
 attempted a raid to the south on Chartres, they were repulsed 
 with losses by the Frankish forces stationed on the left bank 
 of the Seine.*® 
 
 What effect had the two incidents just described on the re- 
 lations between Charles the Bald and his chief guardian on the 
 Seine? Did Adalard’s failure to guard the right bank of the 
 Seine lead the king to suspect disloyalty on the part of his 
 fidelis?°° And was the later repulse of the Vikings headed for 
 Chartres, insufficient to allay the suspicion?** While our 
 sources give no definite answers to these questions, they do 
 furnish evidence of a growing estrangement between Adalard 
 and the king. We know that in October, 865, shortly after the 
 events referred to in the preceding paragraph, Charles the Bald 
 secured, at a meeting with his brother in Cologne, the cancella- 
 tion of the proposed marriage of Adalard’s daughter to the son 
 of Louis the German.** This action on the part of Charles, wheth- 
 er or not it may be interpreted as having been at least in part 
 dictated by a desire to revenge the disloyalty of Adalard, could 
 hardly fail to bring a crisis in the relations between the king 
 
 28 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 79. 
 
 29 Ibid. Cf: Lot, op, cit., p..7, n.°4. 
 
 30 Cf. Lot, “Une année du réfne de Charles le Chauve. Année 866,” Le 
 Moyen Age, 1902, VI, 435, n. 3, last sentence. 
 
 31 It is possible that Adalard and his companions had been charged with 
 the defense of only the right bank of the river, and that the defense of the 
 left bank had been committed to others (Lot, “Le pont de Pitres,”’ loc. cit., 
 p. 7); if so, there was all the more reason to doubt the good faith of Adalard. 
 
 32 Ann, Bert., 865, pp. 79-80. 
 
CHAPTER V 67 
 
 and his ambitious vassal. If, as seems probable, these relations 
 had been strained almost to the breaking point even before the 
 actual cancellation of the marriage project,** then that event 
 must unquestionably have been followed by a complete rupture.** 
 And the sequel of events will point to a deep causal relation 
 between this rupture on the one hand and the ultimate collapse 
 of Frankish resistance to the Vikings on the other. 
 
 On the return from Cologne Charles was met by the news 
 that the Vikings had entered the monastery of St. Denis on 
 October 20, and that they had remained there for almost three 
 weeks undisturbed by anyone. The marauders were said to 
 have obtained a vast amount of booty from the monastery and 
 then, after much devastation, to have returned to their camp, 
 located only a short distance from St. Denis.** All of which 
 signified that the Vikings had been able at last to break through 
 the defenses at Pitres, and that the men appointed to guard 
 the banks of the Seine — Adalard, Hugo, and Berengar — had 
 for some reason failed to do their duty. Indeed it seems there 
 had been no opposition whatever to the Northmen, not even an 
 attempt to intercept them on their return from St. Denis.*® 
 
 In the light of what we know about the relations between 
 Charles the Bald and Adalard at this time, the meaning of these 
 facts is clear. We may legitimately conclude that Adalard and 
 his relatives had, by way of retaliation, purposely neglected the 
 defense of the Seine in order to embarrass the king; that, there- 
 fore, these magnates were largely if-not exclusively responsible 
 for the success of the Viking enterprise and, consequently, for 
 the creation of a situation which was eventually to lead to the 
 payment of another Danegeld. And these conclusions are 
 strengthened by the fact that Charles, after his return from 
 Cologne, divested Adalard, Hugo, and Berengar of their honores, 
 on the ground that they had failed to render services of any 
 value against the Northmen.*' 
 
 33 See supra, n. 30. 
 
 34 See Lot, op. cit., p. 7, n. 4. 
 
 35 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 80; Annales sancti Germani minores, 865, M.G.H.., 
 SS., IV, p. 3. Cf. Vogel, 214, n. 2. 
 
 36 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 80: “[Nortmanni] sine contradictione cuiusquam 
 ad castra sua... sunt reversi.” 
 
 37 Ibid., p. 80; Ann. s. Germani minores, loc. cit. For further information 
 on the general significance of the humiliation of Adalard, etc., see Vogel, 220, 
 n. 3: 
 
68 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 The poor performance and bad faith of Adalard and his sup- 
 ' porters did not induce the king to give up all thought of dealing 
 with the Vikings in a military way. As already indicated, the 
 Northmen were by this time firmly established on an island in 
 the Seine near the ntonastery of St. Denis.** Charles seems 
 to have determined if possible to prevent them from ascending 
 farther up the river. He stationed guards (scarae) along both 
 banks of the Seine,*® and entrusted the direction of the opera- 
 tions of defense to fideles in whom he probably felt he could 
 repose confidence: Robert the Strong, Count Odo of Chartres, 
 and certain others whose names we do not know.*® Apparently 
 satisfied of the sufficiency of these precautionary measures, the 
 king presently repaired northward to Senlis, to celebrate the 
 solemnities of Christmas.** 
 
 Again the faith of the king in the Frankish power of resistance 
 and in the loyalty of his fideles was to be shattered. Early 
 in 866% the Vikings moved up the Seine as far as Melun. The 
 Frankish troops followed them, one column on each side ot the 
 river. At Melun the Northmen left their ships and launched 
 an attack on that one of the Frankish columns, which seemed 
 the larger and stronger, and which was commanded by Robert 
 and Odo.*® Contrary to what might have been expected of 
 troops led by Robert the Strong, these men took to flight without 
 striking a blow, and the Vikings, having loaded their ships with 
 booty, returned safely to camp.** 
 
 This unfortunate adventure is so out of harmony with what 
 is otherwise known of the career and the exploits of Robert 
 
 38 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 80: “Nortmanni tertia decima Kalend. Novembris 
 monasterium §S. Dionysii intraverunt; ... post multam depraedationem ad 
 castra sua non longe ab eodem monasterio sunt reversi.” Cf. ibid., 866, p. 
 81: “Nortmanni mense Iunio ab insula secus monasterium S. Dionysii 
 movent.” 
 
 39 Ibid., 865, p. 80: “‘dimissis custodibus contra eosdem Nortmannos”; ibid., 
 866, p. 81: “‘scarae Karoli ex utraque parte ipsius fluminis [Sequanae] per- 
 gunt.” Cf. Vogel, 214. 
 
 40 Hinemar tells us (Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81) that Robert and Odo com- 
 manded the larger and stronger of the scarae mentioned in the preceding 
 note. The names of those who commanded the other scara are not given. 
 
 41 Ibid., 865, p. 80. Towards the close of the year, the Vikings had lost 
 some of their men as a result of various diseases which broke out among 
 them. Knowledge of this fact led Charles to believe that there was no im- 
 mediate danger to be feared. 
 
 42 Lot, “Une année... de Charles le Chauve,” Joc. cit., 398, n. 2. 
 
 43 Cf. ibid., 396, n. 4, 397. 
 
 44 Ann. Bert., 866, pp. 80-81. 
 
CHAPTER V 69 
 
 the Strong, that one is tempted to inquire whether there may 
 not have been special reasons for what happened on this occasion. 
 It is well known that, in 861, very cordial relations had been 
 established between Charles the Bald and Robert, and that in 
 consequence thereof the latter had received not only large hold- 
 ings of land but also the ducatum inter Ligerim et Sequanam.*” 
 From 861 to 865 Robert was practically ruler, and military com- 
 mander-in-chief, of the district between the Seine and the Loire; 
 and as such he rendered very distinguished and very valuable 
 services by his campaigns against the Northmen and the Bret- 
 ons,*® respectively. But in 865 Charles divested Robert of the 
 military authority, and also of certain holdings, in Neustria, 
 to make room for his eldest son, Louis, surnamed the Stammerer. 
 Presumably it was by way of recompense for what he had lost 
 in Neustria, that Robert was granted the counties of Auxerre 
 and Nevers in Burgundy.** Why Charles made this change can 
 only be conjectured. It is difficult to believe that it had been 
 suggested or even approved of by Robert, whose position in 
 Burgundy certainly did not give him the prestige and power 
 which he had possessed as the lord and defender of Neustria.*® 
 With more reason, the affair may be regarded as an indication 
 that Robert had temporarily lost his influence with the king, 
 and that the latter was now acting at the instigation of that 
 party at his court which sought to advance the interests of Prince 
 Louis.*® In any case, the removal of Robert to Burgundy was 
 a blunder — a blunder which Charles later found it necessary 
 to correct so far as possible.°° Meanwhile, after the dismissal 
 of Adalard and his relatives, the king had summoned Robert 
 to the defense of the Seine.®** And we have seen how poor an 
 account Robert gave of himself in the discharge of this com- 
 mission. Though the scara commanded by Robert and Odo. was 
 the larger and stronger of the two Frankish divisions, it fled 
 before the Vikings without striking a blow, and apparently 
 Robert and Odo fled with it.** 
 
 45 Ann. Bert., 861, p. 55; Regino, Chronicon, 861, ed. Kurze, p. 79. Cf. 
 Vogel, 189, 190 and n. 1, where further references are given on this point. ~ 
 
 46 Lot, “La Loire, Aquitaine et la Seine de 862 4 866,” Bibl. de lécole 
 des chartes, 1915, LXXVI, 473 ff.; Vogel, 190-92, 197, 198, 208-10. 
 
 47 Ann. Bert., 865, p. 79. Lot, op. cit., 497 and n. 7, 498. 
 
 48 Ibid., 497, n. 7. 
 
 49 Ibid., 498. 
 
 50 Ibid., 501; id., ‘Une année . . . de Charles le Chauve,” loc. cit., 400 ff. 
 
 51 Cf. supra, nn. 37, 39, 40. 
 
 52 Cf. supra, nn. 438, 44. 
 
70 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 By reason of the fact that we have no record of such or sim- 
 ilar conduct on the part of Robert on any other occasion, some 
 students of this period have been inclined to believe, either that 
 Hinemar is guilty of exaggeration in reporting this event, or 
 that the fiasco was due to a panic produced among the Frankish 
 troops by the suddenness of the Viking attack; both of which 
 views serve admirably to exonerate the character of Robert.** 
 It should be noted, however, that these explanations of the affair 
 at Melun are based on an assumption: the assumption that Rob- 
 ert’s attitude toward the king was still one of undiluted loyalty 
 and perfect good faith. They fail to take into account the pos- 
 sibility that Robert had been nettled by his removal from Neu- 
 stria to Burgundy. It would seem indeed very strange, being 
 exactly the opposite of what had happened in 858,°* if Robert 
 had now permitted himself to be superseded by Prince Louis, 
 with entire good will and without exhibiting any signs of dis- 
 satisfaction or taking any measures to secure rehabilitation. 
 It appears much more probable that. though he continued to 
 exhibit a more or less superficial loyalty in the royal service, 
 Robert really was looking about for an opportunity to force 
 Charles to reinstate him in the position he had formerly held 
 in Neustria; a position whose importance was second only to 
 that of the king himself.°> Such an opportunity offered itself 
 at Melun, and Robert knew how to exploit it. This interpre- 
 tation of Robert’s discomfiture will be found in perfect accord 
 with later events and on the whole seems much more satisfactory 
 than those previously referred to. 
 
 After the fiasco at Melun Charles gave up all hope of expelling 
 the Northmen, and even of holding them in check, by military 
 measures. That was evidently out of the question so long as 
 he could not count on the loyal co-operation of the fideles; for 
 without such co-operation it was impossible to secure forces 
 
 53 von Kalckstein, Robert d. Tapfere, 101; Vogel, 215; Lot, op. cit., 398, 
 nn. 1, 3. Later, Lot evidently changed his opinion on this matter; see his 
 “Le pont. de .Pitres,” voc. cit., 9. n.. 2. 
 
 54 On this see von Kalckstein, op. cit., 52 ff. 
 
 55 Cf. Lot, “Le pont de Pitres,” loc. cit. In fact, the policy of Robert:-led 
 precisely to the result indicated in the text. So far from losing the favor 
 of the king after his disgraceful flight before the Vikings, Robert increased 
 in that favor and became even more powerful and influential than he had 
 been before he was transferred to Burgundy in 865. Cf. id., ““‘Une année... 
 de Charles le Chauve,” loc. cit., 400-2; von Kalckstein, op. cit., 102 ff.; infra, 
 pp. 90-91 and notes. . 
 
 Si 
 
CHAPTER V fai 
 
 that would be equal to the task.°° There remained, therefore, 
 only one alternative for securing the removal of the Vikings, 
 namely, the payment of Danegeld. Obviously it would be better 
 to submit to this than to expose the country to further violence 
 and devastation at the hands of the Vikings. Negotiations with 
 the invaders were opened,°*’ and Charles the Bald found it neces- 
 sary to consent to what has usually been regarded as a disgrace- 
 ful treaty.** That its terms were very humiliating may be ad- 
 mitted, but responsibility for the treaty must be fixed on the 
 disloyal and negligent magnates more than on the king. Charles 
 had throughout the period of this invasion displayed considerable 
 activity at least in devising and preparing various measures to 
 hold the Vikings in check; but all his precautions had been 
 rendered futile by the willful recreancy of those fideles to whom 
 the operations of defense had been entrusted.°*® 
 
 The Northmen agreed to depart from the West Frankish 
 realm,® and presumably to refrain from further devastation 
 and plundering, in return for a payment of 4,000 pounds of 
 silver according to their (the Northmen’s) weight.*t In ad- 
 dition to this sum of money, the invaders may have demanded 
 a certain quantity of wine.” The pact further included the 
 following stipulations: slaves, who had been captured by the 
 Northmen, but who ran away from them after the conclusion 
 of the treaty, were to be either returned to the Vikings or re- 
 
 56 Ditimmler, I, 222 and n. 1; II, 107; Lot, “La grande invasion nor- 
 mande,” loc. cit., 7, n. 4; Waitz, D. Verfassungsgesch., III, 560-61; Prou, 
 “De la nature du service militaire du par les roturiers aux XIe et XIle 
 siécles,” Rev. Hist., 1890, XLIV, 314. 
 
 57 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81: “‘Karolus cum eisdem Nortmannis .. . pacisci- 
 tur.” . 
 
 58 Ann. Bert., ed. Dehaisnes, p. 154, note (@); Vogel, 215. 
 
 59 Cf. supra, pp. 65 ff. 
 
 60 This may be inferred from the fact that the Vikings made preparations 
 for their departure while they were awaiting the payment of the tribute 
 (Ann. Bert., 866, ed. Waitz, p. 81, bottom). 
 
 61 Ibid., p. 81: “Karolus cum eisdem Nortmannis in quattuor milium libris 
 argenti ad pensam eorum paciscitur.”’ The words, ad pensam eorum, seem 
 to indicate that the money was to be weighed by the Vikings on their own 
 scales. Evidently Frankish and Danish weights were not identical (cf. 
 Soetbeer, “Beitrige z. Gesch. d. Geld- und Miinzwesens,” Forsch. 2. d. Gesch., 
 VI, 55-56. In 860, the Vikings had demanded 3,000 pounds pondere exami- 
 nato (see supra, chap. iii, nn. 32, 61), which does not necessarily mean that 
 Danish scales were used in the weighing. What Lot says on this subject 
 (“Une année ... de Charles le Chauve,” loc. cit., 399, n. 1) is not to the 
 point; see Soetbeer, op. cit., pp. 8, 9. 
 
 62 At least the regni primores were required to furnish a coniectum 
 toward the Danegeld tam in argento quam et in vino (see infra, n. 136). 
 
72 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 deemed at a price named by the latter; and if one of the North- 
 men were killed, the Franks were to pay the amount of money 
 (wergeld) demanded for him.** 
 
 To raise the Danegeld, Charles levied taxes — though, as will 
 be shown, it probably was not intended that they should be con- 
 strued as taxes — on all the important kinds of property and 
 resources within his kingdom, which at this time included 
 Francia, Neustria, and Burgundy.® It appears that four differ- 
 ent assessments and collections were necessary before the entire 
 sum demanded by the Vikings was forthcoming.® In the follow- 
 ing discussion each of the assessments will be studied separately 
 and in the order it was issued. 
 
 By the first assessment, taxes were laid on all dependent hold- 
 ings of land and on the property of merchants and priests,” 
 and the payment of the heribannus was required of all free 
 
 63 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81. 
 
 64 This statement is not intended to imply that all those who owned or 
 were in possession of property or resources contributed in proportion to 
 their ability to pay, or that there was no shifting of the burden of taxation; 
 it refers solely to the manner in which, according to our sources, the taxes 
 were distributed by the king. It is true that there is no specific mention, 
 in any of the assessments, of demesnes or dominant holdings (mansi in- 
 dominicati). But all owners or tenants of such property were at least free- 
 men; and all freemen were required to pay the heerbann (see infra, n. 68), 
 _ which, as we shall see, was in this case tantamount to a tax. Moreover, the 
 demesnes included in the beneficiary holdings, or honores, of the fideles of 
 the king were, at least in theory, directly affected by the last two assess- 
 ments; see infra, pp. 87 ff. and nn. 1386, 137, 143. It is true also that the 
 comparatively scarce kinds of dependent holdings, as for example mansi 
 censiles and mansi lidiles, were ignored in all the assessments levied by the 
 king. But, despite that, they probably did not escape taxation; see infra, 
 n, 69 and ef. n. 124. 
 
 65 Cf. supra, chap. iii, nn. 37, 38- Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81: ‘“‘indicta per 
 regnum suum conlatione ad idem exsolvendum tributum.” These words 
 surely indicate that the tax was levied in the entire kingdom of Charles the 
 Bald, including Francia, Neustria, and Burgundy, but not Aquitaine (cf. 
 Lot, ‘Une année ... de Charles le Chauve,” loc. cit., 412 and n. 2), which 
 was a separate kingdom (id., ‘“‘La Loire, l’Aquitaine et la Seine,’ loc. cit., 
 496-97). Lot takes a different view (‘Une année....de Charles le 
 Chauve,” loc cit., 400, n. 2), which is based on a supposed analogy between 
 the Danegeld of 866 and that of 877. In 877 Neustria was, to be sure, not 
 included in the assessment levied for the Danegeld demanded by the Vik- 
 ings of the Seine; it applied only to Francia and Burgundy. But there was 
 a special reason for the exclusion of Neustria from this assessment, namely, 
 that the Neustrians were to raise another Danegeld for the Vikings of the 
 Loire, a fact which is carefully pointed out by Hinemar (Ann. Bert., 877, p. 
 135). For a fuller discussion of this matter, see infra, p. 98 and n. 38. If, 
 however, it is reasonably certain that the tax of 866 had been levied by 
 Charles throughout his kingdom, it is very doubtful that it could be col- 
 lected everywhere. Cf. infra, pp. 89-90. 
 
 66 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81; ef. infra, nn. 135, 136. 
 
 67 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81: “de unoquoque manso ingenuili exiguntur sex 
 denarii et de servili tres et de accola unus et de duobus hospitiis unus de- 
 
CHAPTER V 73 
 
 Franks. Each mansus ingenuilis was assessed at six denarii, 
 and each mansus servilis, at three;°’ one denarius was demanded 
 for each accola® and for every two hospitia,": respectively. The 
 merchants were required to contribute a tenth of all they pos- 
 
 > 
 
 sessed ;‘° and the priests similarly were taxed on the basis of 
 
 narius et decima de omnibus quae negotiatores videbantur habere; sed et a 
 presbiteris secundum quod unusquisque habuit vectigal exigitur.” Cf. infra, 
 nestT9; 
 
 68 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81: “heribanni de omnibus Francis accipiuntur.” 
 The Franci were the liberi homines, as is proved by the Edict. Pistense 
 [864],(B.), ¢. 34, loc. cit., pp. 325-26, where the two terms are used synony- 
 mously. They all owed military service, but since the time of Charlemagne 
 the character and amount of this service had varied according to the re- 
 sources of each one (ibid., cc. 26, 27, p. 321; cf. Waitz, op. cit., IV, 558 ff.). 
 The amount of the heerbann had varied in a similar way (see infra, n. 75). 
 The term Franci as employed by Hincmar in the quotation given at the be- 
 ginning of this note must be taken to include not only ordinary freemen, 
 but also those who possessed jurisdictional rights and were under obligation 
 to lead the freemen, over whom they exercised such rights to the army 
 muster (cf. Waitz, op cit., IV, 326 ff., 335, 459 ff., 597, 604; Guérard, ed., 
 Polypt. @Irminon, I, (Prolég.), pp. 212 ff.). In other words it must be 
 assumed that the heerbann, as one of the taxes levied for the Danegeld of 
 866, was due not only from freemen of lesser rank and fortune, but also— 
 and at the standard rate of sixty solidi (cf. infra, p. 76)—from all seigniors 
 who were laymen, including counts and other magnates. The king knew 
 or ought to have known, through the reports of the counts and the missi, 
 how many free Franks there were in each pagus, or county (Hdict. Pis- 
 Pee Sewer Leh Cat A tOC LOLs Done.) 
 
 69 Mansi, accola®, and hospitia, are the names applied to the tenures 
 which, together with the mansus indominicatus on which they depended, 
 made up a large estate, or villa. The holders of such tenures were, as a 
 rule, either coloni or serfs; but in the ninth century the character of each 
 tenure was fixed by custom, and did not depend on the condition of the 
 tenant. Coloni might hold mansi serviles, and serfs, mansi ingenuiles. The 
 real distinction between different kinds of dependent tenures was, at this 
 time, economic. As a rule, more services and redevances were required 
 from holders of mansi serviles than from those of mansi ingenuiles, regard- 
 less of whether the actual tenant was a colonus or a serf (cf. Sée, Les 
 classes rurales et le rég. dom. en France, 28-42, 45-68; Guérard, op. cit., 
 233 ff., 277 ff., 577 ff.; Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, I, 212). Lot’s 
 statement (“Une année ... de Charles le Chauve,” loc. cit., 399, n. 2), that 
 the “mansus ingenwilis est le manse tenu par un colon,” is inaccurate, for 
 such tenures were often held by serfs. Cf. Vogel, 215, n. 2. The mansi 
 lidiles and the mansi censiles are not mentioned by Hincmar as having been 
 taxed. But he may have meant to include them in the mansi ingenuwiles, 
 from which they did not at this period essentially differ. The question is 
 not of much importance, for these holdings were few in number at the time 
 of Charlemagne, and were rapidly disappearing (Sée, op. cit., 38 ff.). 
 
 70 Accola here means a tenure, not a person, as Lot seems to think (op. 
 cit., 399, n. 3). Evidently the accola was estimated at about one third of the 
 value of a mansus servilis. See Guérard, op. cit., 426, n. 2, 630 and n. 24. 
 
 71 The hospitium, like the mansus and the accola, was a tenure. It is 
 difficult to determine the character of the hospitiuwm in any precise way, 
 for it probably varied somewhat according to time and place. Here it is 
 estimated at half the value of an accola. Cf. ibid., 627 ff.; Sée, op. cit., 638-65. 
 
 72 In 860 the amounts paid by merchants toward the Danegeld had been 
 proportioned to the value of their houses and movables. Cf. supra, chap. 
 Him. 3G, 
 
74 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 the value of their resources.”* The heribannus, originally a 
 fine amounting to sixty solidi in each case,’* here appears to be 
 tantamount to a tax. If, as seems probable, this heerbann was 
 proportioned to the circumstances of those liable to pay it,” 
 we may justly regard it, like the other imposts of the first assess- 
 ment, as in fact though not in theory a tax on property or 
 resources.”° i 
 
 These rates of assessment — the most detailed and specific 
 that have been thus far furnished — must now be subjected 
 to closer scrutiny. It seems desirable to ascertain first what 
 information they yield concerning the legal basis of the Dane- 
 geld considered as an impost. The question as to how this form 
 of taxation — unknown throughout the period preceding the 
 reign of Charles the Bald — was legalized, is, it will be agreed, 
 one of fundamental importance in the study of the Danegeld, 
 and particularly in the study of its institutional development. 
 
 Very significant from the viewpoint of such an inquiry is the 
 obligation placed on all free Franks (Francz) to pay the he7v- 
 bannus, or heerbann. Ordinarily and regularly, the heerbann 
 of sixty solidi had always been and still was a fine levied on 
 freémen who when summoned to the army failed to go.” . But 
 the heerbann with which we are here concerned cannot be con- 
 
 73 See supra, n. 67. 
 74 Brunner,:op. cit., Il,, 213;..cf. supra, n. 68: 
 
 75 The heerbann had been so proportioned even by Charlemagne (Waitz, 
 op. cit., IV, 557, n. 4), but in the later years of his reign Charlemagne seems 
 to have exacted the full heerbann in each case (ibid., 564, n. 1). However 
 that may be, it is certain that Charles the Bald in the year 864 exacted a 
 heerbann proportionate to the resources of the freemen (Hdict. Pistense, 
 (B.), c. 27, loc. cit., p. 322), for he refers to the “discretionem, quae in pro- 
 genitorum nostrorum, capitulo XIV continetur,’ which is a restatement of 
 the capitulary of 805° on this subject. See Baldamus, Das Heerwesen unter 
 den spdteren Karolingern (in Gierke’s Untersuchungen 2. d. Staats- und 
 Rechtsgesch., IV), p. 36; Waitz, op. cit., IV, 564, n. 1; Migne, Patr. Lat., 
 XCVII, 553; cf. infra, pp. 76—77. 
 
 76 This statement is not intended to imply that military service, for the 
 non-performance of which the heerbann was the regular fine, rested on the 
 property. In principle and in legal theory, that had always been and doubt- 
 less still was the obligation of every free man. Hdict. Pistense [864], (B.), 
 c. 25, loc. cit., p. 322: “ad defensionem patriae omnes sine ulla excusatione 
 veniant.” Cf. Roth, Gesch. d. Beneficialwesens, 402. On the other hand, it 
 cannot be denied that we have here an excellent illustration of how the 
 principles and legal theories of an age lag far behind the facts of that age. 
 Cf. Brunner, op. cit., II, 202 ff.; Waitz, op. cit., IV, 538; Baldamus, op. cit., 
 4-11. 
 
 77 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 548, 557 ff.; cf. supra, n. 74. 
 
CHAPTER V 75 
 
 sidered a penalty for the non-performance of military service." 
 It is rather a tax levied as a substitute for military service, and 
 as such it resembles in some ways the feudal payment which 
 in England was called scutage.’® Accordingly, the liability of 
 the Frankish freeman to pay this tax must have rested partly 
 on his obligation to render military service at the summons of 
 the king; and partly on a theory in law that the king might, if 
 he chose, dispense with the personal services and exact instead 
 what was regarded as the equivalent in money.®*® To indicate 
 a legal ground, other than this, on which freemen might have 
 been held liable to contribute toward the Danegeld, would be 
 difficult if not impossible; since according to a very old and 
 still at least formally valid principle, they could not be taxed 
 on either their persons or their property.** 
 
 But the collection of the heerbann as a substitute for military 
 service was, it should be noted, in all likelihood an innovation 
 due to the exigencies created by the Viking invasions. For, 
 to say the least, it is extremely doubtful that the predecessors 
 of Charles the Bald had ever, in theory and principle, exacted 
 the heerbann otherwise than as a penalty.*? It is true, to be 
 sure, that the possibility’ of evading active service in the field 
 had always existed for every freeman who was able and willing 
 to pay the heerbann.* It is true also, that in the past there had 
 
 78 Cf. Baldamus, op. cit., 10. Examples are not wanting of an analogous 
 use of the word somewhat earlier; see Brunner, op. cit., II, 212 and n. 41; 
 cf. infra, n. 82. 
 
 79 Commutation of military service into a money payment was not un- 
 known even to the Romans. On the whole subject see Baldwin, The Scu- 
 tage and Knight Service in England, 1-17; cf. Viollet, Histoire des institu- 
 tions politiques et administratives de la France, II, 483-34. There is reason 
 to believe that the Carolingians applied this principle regularly with respect 
 to merchants. See Baldamus, op. cit., 40-60; and cf. infra, p. 86 and n. 127. 
 
 80 Cf. Lot, “Une année ...de Charles le Chauve,” loc. cit., 399, n. 4; 
 Viollet, op. cit., II, 483 and n. 6. 
 
 81 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 112; Brunner, op. cit., II, 234; Viollet, op. cit., I, 323, 
 
 82 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 575, n. 4. I cannot agree with Lot when he says 
 (op. cit., 399, n. 4) that the Capitulary of Thionville of 805 (M.G.H., LL. 
 Sectio II, t. i, p. 125, c. 19) perhaps offers an example of the commutation 
 of military service into a money payment. The heerbann, according to that 
 capitulary, was exacted as a fine for the non-performance of military duty 
 (cf. Waitz, op. cit., IV, 557). Brunner, op. cit., II, 212, refers to a money 
 payment, sometimes called heerbann, which was paid in lieu of the hostili- 
 tium and carnaticum by the unfree peasants to their seigniors. This is, of 
 course, not the same thing as the ordinary heerbann of the free Franks, 
 which, so far as my observations go, was up to this time always paid, in 
 theory at least, as a fine for the non-fulfillment of military obligations. 
 
 83 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 575: “Auf die Strafe kam am Ende alles an. Wer 
 diese zahlen wollte, konnte zu Hause bleiben.”’ 
 
76 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 been many abuses in the collection of the heerbann; frequently, 
 no doubt, it had been exacted in cases where it was not legit- 
 imately due.** Perhaps, therefore, what Charles the Bald had 
 done was not at the time understood to be, or generally recog- 
 nized as, an innovation. But, however that may have been, the 
 collection of the heerbann as a tax did in fact introduce a new 
 principle — a principle based on the legal fiction that the king 
 had the right to demand from every freeman evther personal 
 military service or its money equivalent — in the future appli- 
 cation of which the kings and the great feudal nobles, the latter 
 being the real successors to the authority of the Carolingian 
 monarchs, were to secure for themselves important financial 
 resources.*° 
 
 Before dismissing the subject of the heerbann, attention must 
 be directed once more*® to the fact that this exaction had, even 
 as early as the time of Charlemagne — when it was in theory 
 regarded exclusively as a fine — sometimes been graduated in 
 proportion, more or less, to the means of those who were liable 
 to pay it. Thus, in 805, freemen possessing movables*’ worth 
 but one pound, paid a heerbann of not more than five solidi; 
 others with movables worth two or three pounds, paid ten and 
 thirty solidi, respectively ; and only those whose personal proper- 
 ty was valued at six pounds, paid the standard rate of sixty 
 solidi.8s This graduated scale of the heerbann of 805 is import- 
 ant, in part because it illustrates the usual policy of Charle- 
 magne, but more especially because it was also the scale adopted 
 by Charles the Bald in 864; for we know that in the latter year 
 Charles the Bald issued a capitulary which, in’so far as it re- _ 
 ferred to the heerbann, was virtually a restatement of the pro- 
 visions of Charlemagne in 805.°® It is true, however, that in 
 864 Charles the Bald had levied the heerbann as a fine; was the 
 tax, in 866, similarly graduated in proportion to the resources 
 of the tax-payers? ° To this question it is not possible to give 
 a conclusive answer. But since there is no reason to suppose 
 that Charles the Bald had changed his policy in this matter 
 
 84 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 579, n. 2; Brunner, op. cit., II, 165. 
 
 85 See Borrelli de Serres, Recherches sur divers services publics du XIIIe 
 au XVIIe siécle, 467-528. 
 
 86 2-CiSsupra; nn? 68;475: 
 
 87 The fine could not be exacted in land or slaves; see Waitz, op. cit., IV, 
 B5T5) 1783) 
 
 88 Ibid., n. 4. 
 
 SOIC FSU DTG, 9 lie 1. 
 
CHAPTER V 77 
 
 between 864 and 866,°° it seems probable that the graduated 
 ‘scale applied to the heerbann as a fine in 805 and again in 864, 
 was also followed in 866, when the exaction was levied, not as a 
 fine, but as one of the taxes to raise the Danegeld. 
 
 We have seen that the heerbann demanded for the Danegeld 
 of 866 was in legal theory a money payment substituted for 
 active military service. But what was the legal basis of the 
 other taxes levied for the same purpose? Obviously it will 
 not be improper, in attempting to find a solution of this problem, 
 to proceed on the hypothesis that all the taxes for the Danegeld 
 rested on the same basis; that they were all legalized on the 
 ground that they were substitutes for the service of war. The 
 conversion of this hypothesis into a well supported theory will 
 involve the establishment in fact of the following points: (1) 
 that each of the people whom the king held responsible for the 
 taxes was regularly liable to an amount or a degree of military 
 service which corresponded more or less to the sum of money 
 now demanded from him for the Danegeld; and (2) that in the 
 case of these taxpayers just as in that of the men from whom 
 the heerbann was demanded, there were cogent reasons why 
 the king should have desired to avoid undisguised taxation and 
 preferred to exact the contributions on the ground that they 
 were substitutes for military service. 
 
 A glance at the distribution of the taxes for the Danegeld of 
 866, according to the first assessment, will immediately reveal 
 the fact that the bulk of these taxes had been levied on various 
 kinds of dependent holdings — mansi ingenuiles, mansi serviles, 
 accolae, hospitia —- whose occupants belonged, for the most part, 
 to the class of unfree peasants. But Frankish law did not re- 
 quire, or at least had not heretofore required unfree persons — 
 coloni, servi, and certain others of similar condition — to render 
 personal military service in the field. That was an obligation 
 which, in legal principle, rested only on freemen (franc?) .” 
 Moreover, it must be admited that the unfree peasants, with 
 exception of those who were attached to the royal domain, owed 
 neither services nor payments, of any kind, to the king directly; 
 
 90 The Hdict. Pistense of 864° (see supra, n. 75) was intended to be an 
 edict with general application for the future, and not only a temporary regu- 
 lation for the current year. 
 
 91 Brunner, op. cit., II, 202 ff.; Roth, op. city 392 ff.; Waitz, op. cit., IV, 
 538. Cf. supra, nn. 68, 76. 
 
78 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 they were under direct obligations only to their seigniors.°*? 
 Accordingly, if we assume for the moment that the taxes levied ° 
 on the dependent holdings were legalized on the ground that they 
 were substitutes for military service, we are obliged to conclude 
 that this military service was not owed directly by the peasants 
 actually occupying those holdings; but, on the same assumption, 
 that it must have been thus owed by the seigniors in control of 
 the great estates which included the dependent holdings of the 
 peasants. 
 
 From the seigniors, ecclesiastical as well as lay, the Frankish 
 kings demanded very important services in time of war. Charle- 
 magne had required of seigniors, in addition to what was incum- 
 bent on them as freemen, a special and supplementary service 
 commensurate with the jurisdictional rights they exercised and 
 proportioned to the resources at their disposal.°? While it may 
 be true that some few of the seigniors had by the time of Charles 
 the Bald been able to free themselves of this burden, there are 
 not many such cases on record;** and it is safe to assume that 
 most of the great landholders — bishops, abbots, and lay seign- 
 iors — could, in principle at least, still be required to render 
 their share of military service.®® The special military obligation 
 of a seignior.included not only the duty to lead the freemen 
 living within his jurisdiction, properly armed and equipped, to 
 the place where the army was to be mustered;°° it included also 
 that he furnish a certain number of oxen, wagons, and other 
 war equipment, sufficient for the needs of his contingent of 
 fighters.°* The outlay involved in furnishing this matériel was 
 supplied by the proceeds of certain annual war taxes (hosttli- 
 tium, carnaticum) levied by the seigniors on the holdings of their 
 unfree tenants — chiefly on the mansi ingenuiles but also, in 
 some cases, on the mansi serviles.°® These taxes were collected, 
 sometimes in kind and sometimes in money, once a year by the 
 
 92 Sée, op. cit., 26 ff.; cf. Waitz, op. cit., IV, 625 and n. 2. 
 
 93 Cf. supra, n. 68. On the special obligations of the seigniors, see Guérard, 
 op. cit., 661; Fustel de Coulanges, Les transform. de la royauté, 519-23; 
 Roth, op. cit., 409 ff.; Waitz, op. cit., IV, 621 ff.; Brunner, op. cit., II, 212. 
 
 94 Guérard, op. cit., II, 675-77; Waitz, op. cit., IV, 583. 
 
 95. Cie Prous Op.) cit; Dp. 3232 
 
 96 See the letter of Charlemagne to Abbot Fulrad (M.G.H., LL. Sectio tie 
 t. i. 168), and cf. Roth, op. cit., 408. 
 
 97 See the references cited supra, n. 93. 
 98 Sée, op. cit., 92; cf. Roth, op. cit., 410, n. 97. 
 
CHAPTER V 79 
 
 ministeriales of the seignior.*® It may be admitted that Charle- 
 magne had probably never required either all the freemen or all 
 the seigniors to render military service each year, and that his 
 successors had demanded this service from their fideles and their 
 subjects with much less frequency than Charlemagne;'” but it 
 must be insisted that none of the Carolingian monarchs had ever 
 abdicated their right to it. Accordingly, the military obligation 
 of the Franks, seigniors as well as ordinary freemen, remained 
 during the reign of Charles the Bald, in principle and in law, 
 essentially the same as it had been in the time of his grand- 
 father.‘ 
 
 Charles the Bald, accordingly, had a perfect legal right to de- 
 mand from the various seigniors not only the regular military 
 service due from them as freemen — though this was of course 
 not due from ecclesiastical seigniors personally — but also, ex- 
 cept in certain rare instances, the additional service due from 
 them as seigniors. We have seen that Charles, in exacting the 
 heerbann for the purposes of the Danegeld, had virtually claimed 
 with respect to the military service required of freemen as such, 
 the power to substitute for the specific performance of that serv- 
 ice the payment of a money equivalent.'°? Why should he not 
 have claimed the same power with respect to the additional serv- 
 ices required of the seigniors? Indeed, was not that precisely 
 what he did when he levied taxes for the Danegeld on all de- 
 pendent holdings throughout his kingdom? On what other 
 ground could such taxes have been legally justified?*°*? To the 
 
 99 Guérard, in. the Prolégoménes to his edition of the Polypt. d’Irminon, 
 pp. 660-75, has the most complete discussion of these matters; for other 
 references see supra, n. 93. 
 
 100 Prenzel, Geschichte der Kriegsverfassung unter den Karolingern von 
 der Mitte des achten bis zum Ende des neunten Jahrhunderts, Erster Teil, 
 29-37. On the disinclination of the fideles of Charles the Bald to render 
 military service, cf. Lot, “Une année ...de Charles. le Chauve,” loc. cit., 
 434, n. 3; Baldamus, op. cit., 50. 
 
 101 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 572 ff., 581; cf. Brunner, op. cit., II, 202: “Da eine 
 verfassungsmiassige Aufhebung der allgemeinen Wehrpflicht nicht erfolgte, 
 hat sie theoretisch bis zur AuflOsung der frankischen Monarchie bestanden.” 
 See also Baldamus, op. cit., 13, 40, and passim. 
 
 102 See supra, pp. 74 ff. 
 
 103 It is perhaps unnecessary to insist that the Danegeld was never re- 
 garded as part of the dona annua. In 877 the king clearly distinguished 
 between these two payments by accepting dona annua at the close of the 
 same assembly at which arrangements were made for raising the Danegeld 
 of that year (Capitula excerpta in conventu Carisiacensi coram populo 
 lecta [877], M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 363). The dona annua were ob- 
 viously not interpreted as substitutes for military service; for we have evi- 
 dence that they were in many cases required in addition to the military 
 
80 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 latter question it is, of course, very easy to reply that the Dane- 
 geld was an emergency measure sufficiently sanctioned by the 
 law of necessity. But if we are to remain content with such 
 a reply, we must be willing wholly to eliminate from considera- 
 tion the fact that the emergency referred to, an emergency 
 which Charles was now endeavoring to terminate by the payment 
 of tribute, had been created by certain disloyal magnates for the 
 direct purpose of embarrassing, or forcing the hand of, the king; 
 we must be willing also—and this is more important—utterly 
 to ignore the inveterate and deep rooted aversion of the Frankish 
 freeman, whether in high station or low, to the idea of being 
 taxed.1°4 
 
 These magnates, ever intent upon increasing their power and 
 prestige; these seigniors, jealously watchful of their rights and 
 privileges; would they, who otherwise were chiefly interested 
 in curtailing the prerogatives of the crown, now have consented 
 to an augmentation of the royal prerogative such as it evidently 
 had been assumed?” that even ordinary freemen would never 
 have countenanced? Would they have permitted the establish- 
 ment of the principle that the king had, even though it were 
 only in an emergency, the right of taxation? No scholar at all 
 conversant with the character and ambitions of the West Frank- 
 ish nobility in the latter half of the ninth century could for a 
 moment think of answering this question in the affirmative. 
 And Charles, we may believe, was well aware that an attempt 
 to raise the Danegeld as an undisguised tax would have proved 
 abortive. In order to insure even measurable success:for his 
 policy, the king must have found it necessary so to interpret 
 his method of raising the tribute as clearly to give the impres-. 
 
 service (Waitz, op. cit., IV, 108 and n. 1, 601). The king’s right to the 
 dona annua, after they had lost their original voluntary character (cf. Fus- 
 tel de Coulanges, op. cit., 502 ff.), was of course in the main based on cus- 
 tom; though it is true that according to Hincmar, the church paid them 
 “causa suae defensionis” (see infra, chap. xvii, n. 43), i. e. in return for the 
 special protection given it. 
 
 104 That the disloyal magnates—especially Adalard, Hugo, and ere near 
 but also to some extent Robert and Odo—were really responsible for the 
 emergency of 866 has been shown supra, pp. 65-71. For the general aims 
 and policy of the West Frankish nobility in the time of Charles the Bald, 
 see infra, pp. 114-15 and nn. 20, 21. On the Germanic principle that’a free- 
 man could not be taxed, see the references cited supra, n. 81, and cf. infra, 
 chap. xvii and n. 58. 
 
 105 That this assumption had been made is evident from the fact that 
 the taxes required of the freemen for this Danegeld were disguised under 
 the name of heribanni. 
 
CHAPTER V 81 
 
 sion that whatever else it might be, it was not really taxation. 
 Moreover, it must not be forgotten that Charles had levied the 
 Danegeld on holdings of dependent condition: mansi, accolxe, and 
 hospitia; not only those included within the royal domain but 
 all such holdings throughout the realm. But, as we have seen, 
 the king had no direct authority, financial or otherwise, over 
 the unfree occupants of these holdings, unless they were attached 
 to the royal domain.**® Outside the royal domain the king and 
 his officials entered into direct relations only with seigniors 
 and freemen, not with the unfree population. The king had, 
 in other words, no right to tax either the seigniors or their 
 dependents. Obviously, therefore, the Danegeld would not in 
 either of these cases have been legal if it had been levied in 
 theory as a tax; and it has been shown above that illegal tax- 
 ation would for various reasons have been practically impossi- 
 ble. Accordingly there remains but one alternative: the neces- 
 sary basis of the Danegeld assessments levied on the dependent 
 holdings must have been the king’s right to demand military 
 
 -service from the seigniors; a right to which Charles the Bald, 
 
 here as in the case of ordinary freemen, subjoined the corollary 
 that the king might, if he chose, exact a sum of money in lieu of 
 the actual service.’ 
 
 At this point it may be proper to discuss a certain problem 
 that arises in connection with the levy of the Danegeld on de- 
 pendent holdings. The fact that the seigniors were, by the time 
 of Charlemagne, in the habit of collecting certain annual war 
 taxes (hostilitiwum, carnaticum) from the tenants of their de- 
 pendent mansi, has already been referred to.’ In theory, the 
 proceeds of these taxes were to be used by the seigniors to meet 
 their military obligations to the king. But though the peasants 
 were required to pay the tax each year, the seigniors rendered 
 
 106 Cf. supra, nn. 65, 67, 91, 92. 
 
 107 It may be added that this theory is not invalidated by the fact that 
 in certain cases—they are comparatively rare—exemption from military 
 service had been granted by charters of immunity (Sée, op. cit., 21 ff.; 
 Brunner, op. cit., II, 294 ff.); for such immunity did not apply when a 
 levée en masse was necessary to resist foreign invasion (Guérard, op. cit., 
 676; Prou, op. cit., 323; Prenzel, op. cit., 46 ff.; cf. Waitz, op. cit., IV, 315, 
 317, n. 3, 574, 575; on the origins of the levées en masse see Flach, Les orig. 
 de Vane. France, I, 317-18; and ef. infra, n. 129). In an emergency such as 
 that produced by the Viking invasion of 866 Charles had the right to call on 
 all seigniors for either military service or a money equivalent (cf. supra, 
 n. 80). 
 
 108 See supra, p. 78. 
 Danegeld. 6. 
 
82 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 military service only when called upon to do so by the mon- 
 arch;'°? and they were called upon much less frequently by 
 Charles the Bald than they had been by Charlemagne.*? It 
 might therefore be conjectured, especially if the Danegeld was 
 in law a substitute for military service, that the seigniors on 
 this occasion were expected when they paid their respective 
 quotas toward the Danegeld, simply to apply to this purpose a 
 certain portion of the proceeds of the annual war taxes. But 
 did they in fact take their quotas of the Danegeld from this 
 regular source of income; or did they raise the Danegeld by 
 levying on the peasant holdings an additional burden, distinct 
 and separate from the annual war taxes? 
 
 The correct answers to these questions may be easily con- 
 jectured by anyone at all familiar with the character and meth- 
 ods of seigneurial exploitation. A sentence of M. Sée’ is so 
 much to the point here that it deserves to be quoted: “Et tel 
 est l'un des traits caractéristiques du régime domanial: il n’est 
 aucune taxe, meme d’ordre public, qui ne retombe tout entiére 
 sur les classes inférieures.” If the seigniors had applied the 
 proceeds from the annual war taxes toward the Danegeld, the 
 latter exaction would not have been felt at all by the peasants; 
 they would have paid their lords no more in a year when Dane- 
 geld was levied than they did any other year. In that case the 
 bulk of the Danegeld would have been paid by the seigniors out 
 of what they were now inclined to regard as their private 
 resources."?7. Such, of course, was not the case. The evident 
 willingness of the seigniors to aid the crown in raising the Dane- 
 geld, the fact that on many occasions they preferred buying off 
 the Vikings to fighting them,'’® are sure indications that the 
 burden of the Danegeld fell on other shoulders than those of 
 the great landholders. But we need not rely on mere indica- 
 tions; for we have the direct evidence of Hincmar that the 
 peasant population had in many cases been reduced to penury in 
 consequence of the numerous exactions of Danegeld during the 
 reign of Charles the Bald. Indeed it would appear that the 
 peasantry, so far from escaping the burden of the tribute, prob- 
 
 109 Roth, op. cit., 411 and n. 100; Brunner, op. cit., II, 212. 
 110 See supra, n. 100. 
 
 ADL OD." Cito: 
 
 112 Ibid., 92-93, 116. 
 
 113 See supra, pp. 33, 41-42; ef. infra, chap. vi. 
 
CHAPTER V 83 
 
 ably had to bear its heaviest load.1‘* The annual war taxes 
 were levied, as a rule, only on mansi ingenuiles. But for the 
 Danegeld of 866 all dependent mansi, the serviles as well as the 
 ingenuiles, were taxed; and even the smallest, or least profitable 
 holdings — accolae and hospitia — did not escape."° It is clear, 
 therefore, that the Danegeld was levied on a large number of 
 holdings which were as a rule exempt from the ordinary war 
 taxes, viz., most of the mansi serviles, and all accolae and hos- 
 pitia. On the other hand, it must be assumed that tenants of 
 mansi ingenuiles and, in some cases, of mansi serviles were re- 
 quired to contribute toward the Danegeld in addition to paying 
 the annual war taxes.'"* If the contrary had been the case, they 
 would have escaped those serious hardships in which we know 
 they were involved as a consequence of the Danegeld.** 
 
 The seigniors, accordingly, had contributed little if anything 
 out of their private resources to meet the first assessment for 
 the Danegeld of 866.1*° This fact is of considerable importance 
 in helping us to understand why it was easier for Charles the 
 Bald to raise a Dangeld and buy off the Vikings than to raise 
 an army and defeat them.’*? But it is not the whole truth. There 
 were also other reasons why the seigniors did not in the main 
 or as a rule object to raising the Danegeld. For them the Dane- 
 
 114 This is indicated by Hincmar in a letter written to Louis the Stam- 
 merer shortly after the exaction of the Danegeld of 877 (Migne, Patr. Lat., 
 CXXV, 987): ‘“qualiter ...miser iste populus, qui jam per plures annos 
 depraedationes diversas et continuas, et per exactiones ad Nortmannos re- 
 pellendos affligitur, aliquod remedium habeat, ... ut virtutem nobis Deus 
 reddat contra paganos: quia usque modo jam ante plures annos locum in 
 isto regno defensio non habuit, sed redemptio et tributum, et non solum 
 pauperes homines, sed et Ecclesias quondam divites jam evacuatas habent.” 
 Charles the Bald also refers to the burdensomeness of the Danegeld for the 
 poorer classes in the Constitutio Carisiacensis de moneta of 861 (M.G.H., LL. 
 Sectio II, t. ii, 301): “volumus, quia . . . consideratio misericors . . . in hac 
 commendatione nostra est necessaria propter paupertatem hominum, quia 
 necesse fuit in istis temporibus coniectum de illis accipere et ad navium 
 compositionem et in Nortmannorum causa pro regni... salvamento.” The 
 remainder of this capitulary shows that: in referring to the “poverty of 
 men,’ Charles was thinking not only of freemen but also of coloni and 
 servi. Cf. supra, chap. iii, n. 75. 
 
 115 In certain exceptional cases they were exacted on mansi serviles. Cf. 
 supra, n. 98. 
 
 116 Cf. supra, n. 67. 
 
 ITCr., Flach;-op.’ cit.,. 1,322: 
 
 118 Cf. supra, n. 114. 
 
 119 The seigniors ought of course to have furnished a heerbann for them- 
 selves out of their demesnial resources (cf. supra, nn. 64, 68); but if M. 
 Sée’s view (see the quotation on the preceding page) is correct, it would 
 seem to follow that even this burden was shifted on the peasantry. 
 
 120 Cf. supra, n. 113. 
 
84 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 geld meant not merely a saving of the expense that participation 
 in a military expedition would have involved; it meant also an 
 actual augmentation of their financial resources and the estab- 
 lishment of a precedent of great value in connection with their 
 exploitation of the peasants. 
 
 We have already seen how the seigniors might enrich them- 
 selves by requiring their subjects to pay the Danegeld in locally 
 coined money.’** It does not seem probable that the seigniors 
 and their ministeriales would have gone to the trouble of collect- 
 ing the Danegeld, unless there had been some prospect of re- 
 muneration for the service thus rendered.!?? Though the royal 
 assessment called for a specific tax from each of the various . 
 kinds of dependent holdings, it is very unlikely that the exact 
 amount indicated, no more and no less, was collected in each 
 case.'?3 It is much more likely that the purpose of the assess- 
 
 121 See supra, chap. iii, n. 62. 
 
 122 We know that the ministeriales received a certain percentage of the 
 annual war taxes (hostilitiuwm, carnaticum) which they collected from the 
 tenants of the mansi (Guérard, op. cit., 668 and n. 1; Sée op. cit., 123-24). 
 We also know that when the count collected the heribannus in his county 
 he was permitted to retain one-third of the proceeds therefrom (Waitz 
 op. cit., IV, 578; Flach, op. cit., I, 321, n. 3). It therefore séems probable 
 that the ministeriales likewise retained a portion of the Danegeld for their 
 own profit. 
 
 123 This view is based on a study of how the hostilitium and carnaticum 
 were raised. According to Guérard (op. cit., 673-74). these annual war 
 taxes were not paid directly by each tenant to the abbey of St. Germain. 
 On the contrary, they were estimated for each fisc in what may be called 
 lump sums—either in money or in kind—which were paid to the abbey by 
 its ministeriales. Allowance was made for some variation in the amount 
 and value of these lump sums, a variation which must have been due not 
 only to fluctuations in the prices of oxen, etc., but also to changes occurring 
 from time to time in the situation of the individual tax-payer; sometimes 
 he was able to pay in kind, sometimes in money; one year he could pay 
 more, another year less. It was for the ministeriales to adjust these. mat- 
 ters as best they could, but meanwhile see to it that the abbey received 
 approximately what was due from each fisc. An arrangement such as this 
 could hardly have failed to develop numerous irregularities in the collection 
 of the annual war taxes (cf. Waitz, op. cit., IV, 625 and n. 3); and these 
 irregularities were probably increased rather than decreased by reason of 
 the fact that many mansi supported more than one family of peasants. 
 (Guérard, op. cit., II, 897). I am inclined to think that there were more 
 irregularities in the collection of the Danegeld than in that of the hostilitium 
 and the carnaticum. The amount of these latter had been proportioned, more 
 or less, to the value or yield of each individual mansus, and doubtless there 
 were difficulties in the way of collecting more from any mansus than its 
 tenants were accustomed to pay (ibid., 658-59). But in the exaction of the 
 Danegeid there was no custom which might help secure equity. In theory, 
 it is true, the Danegeld had been assessed at one and the same figure for all 
 mansi ingenuiles, and at another, theoretically invariable figure for all 
 mansi serviles, etc. But the following considerations lead me to believe 
 that, in practice, varying amounts of Danegeld were exacted from tenants 
 
CHAPTER V 85 
 
 ment was merely to furnish a basis for estimating the proper 
 contribution of each of the several seigniors, and that the latter 
 were free to raise the amounts required of them more or less 
 as they saw fit.1°* However that may have been, we shall not 
 err in assuming that some arbitrariness and some abuses were 
 bound to develop in connection with each levy of the Dane- 
 geld, and that the purpose as well as the result of such abuses 
 was the enrichment of the seigniors.'*° 
 
 In the development of seigneurial exploitation, therefore, the 
 Danegeld must have been a factor of more than negligible im- 
 portance. The royal authority had imposed on the seigniors an 
 obligation to furnish a certain quota of the tribute money de- 
 manded by the Vikings. That obligation could readily have 
 been interpreted as conferring upon the seigniors a more or less 
 general legal right to levy extraordinary contributions on their 
 unfree dependents.in times of emergency. And it is easy to see 
 how the seigniors and their agents by the adroit application 
 of such a theory may in many cases have succeeded in giving 
 a color of legality to what in fact were arbitrary and unjust 
 exactions; how precedents established in connection with the 
 levy of the Danegeld may have aided and perhaps accelerated 
 the development of the legal principle, so well known in feudal 
 times, that the unfree peasants were taillables a@ merci.'*® 
 
 of the same kind of mansi: (1) mansi of the same class were not always of 
 the same value even in the time of Charlemagne /(ibid., 601), and by the 
 time of Charles the Bald the differences in value had been much increased 
 (ibid., 602-3); (2) the redevances due from mansi of the same class differed 
 considerably in quantity and nature (ibid., 659, 672 ff.); (3) mansi of one 
 class were in some cases burdened with the kind of redevances ordinarily 
 due from mansi of another class (ibid., 659; (4) for these reasons and for 
 others of a more temporary nature, the ability of tenants of the same kind 
 of mansi to pay Danegeld must have been very unequal, and, therefore, 
 (5) the ministeriales obviously found it necessary, as well as profitable, to 
 adopt the method of exacting in each case the largest amount obtainable. 
 This view as regards the manner in which the Danegeld was exacted from 
 the peasant population, appears to me to be in harmony with what is known 
 about the collection of the annual war taxes and about the general situation 
 and circumstances of the tenants on the dependent holdings. Cf. Roth, 
 op. cit., 410. 
 
 124 On this basis one might hazard the conjecture that the seigniors com- 
 pelled every one of their dependents who had any kind of resources on 
 which he might draw, to contribute toward the Danegeld; in other words, 
 that the Danegeld was exacted not only from those dependents who occupied 
 holdings in land—mansi, accolae, hospitia—but also for example from arti- 
 sans, who may not in all cases have been tenants of even small plots of 
 land, but whose labors in the crafts or otherwise must have yielded some 
 measure of resources. 
 
 126 Cf. -supra, .n) 114. 
 
 126 Luchaire, Manuel des institutions francaises, période des Capétiens 
 
86 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 It now remains to be determined whether the Danegeld con- 
 tributions required of merchants and priests were, like those 
 of freemen and seigniors, exacted on the theory that they were 
 substitutes for military service. As regards the merchants, it 
 is at least questionable whether they were in general obliged to 
 render personal military service; it appears more probable that 
 they were required to contribute toward military expeditions 
 in some other way, perhaps by payments of money.??7 But what 
 reason is there to suppose, as between these regular payments 
 of the merchants and their contributions to the Danegeld, a 
 difference of legal basis? On the contrary, there is every reason 
 to believe that since the two exactions were in both cases made 
 necessary by war, they were also in both cases legalized on the 
 ground that they were substitutes for military service. 
 
 The priests, it is true, had been exempt from personal military 
 - service, at least since the middle of the eighth century.’** 
 Whether the predecessors of Charles the Bald had ever required 
 them to contribute in any way toward the expenses of war, 
 cannot be determined from the sources at our disposal. But 
 after Charles the Bald’*®? had introduced the principle that in 
 the case of a necessitas, or lantweri — 1. e. in a time of great 
 national danger, as when the country was invaded by a foreign 
 army'®° — all men without any exception were liable to military 
 
 directs, 206-7, 309, 336; cf. Flach, op. cit., I, 342-43; Viollet, op. cit., II, 
 449-50. 
 
 127 Baldamus, op. cit., 40-60. The merchants of the Carolingian period 
 were under the special protection of the king, and in return for this protec- 
 tion they were required annually or biennially to pay over to the royal treas- 
 ury a certain percentage of their profits; but the latter payments, it should 
 be noted, were probably distinct from the war contributions. (Waitz, op. cit., 
 IV, 44-45, 586 and n. 4). Fustel de Coulanges (op. cit., 510, 518) holds that 
 the merchants were not exempt from military service. He bases his opinion 
 on a capitulary requiring freemen who had property in movables, but not in 
 land, to render their share of military service (cf. Waitz, op. cit., IV, 560 
 ff.) But this general rule need not necessarily have applied to merchants. 
 The latter were certainly excused by Louis the Pious from scara service 
 and from paying heerbann (ibid., 586, n. 4). 
 
 TAN OTE 6920 ame 2 14 
 
 129 Beyond a doubt it was Charles the Bald who introduced the principle 
 of universal obligatory military service in the event of foreign invasion. 
 It is first mentioned in the Conventus apud Marsnam primus [847], III, 
 Adnuntiatio Karoli, c. 5 (M.G.H., LL., Sectio II, t. ii, 71): “talis regni in- 
 vasio, quam lantweri dicunt, ... acciderit, ut omnis populus illius regni 
 ad eam repellendam communiter pergat.” Cf. Brunner, op. cit., II, 215; 
 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 574-75. Roth (op. cit., 411) seems to think that this 
 principle had also applied in the time of Charlemagne; yet he can furnish 
 no evidence of its application prior to the year 847 (ibid., n. 102). Cf. supra, 
 n.*107. 
 
 130 See Prenzel. op. cit., 46-47 and notes; cf. Baldamus, op. cit., 51 ff. 
 
CHAPTER V 87 
 
 service, then priests no longer could be or were regarded as com- 
 pletely exempt from the burdens of war.'** Accordingly, owing 
 to the existence of a necessitas, or lantweri, in 866,'*? the lower 
 clergy, since they had not been called upon to take the field, might 
 conceivably, by way of substitution, be required to contribute 
 toward the Danegeld.'** Legally to justify the taxation of the 
 priests in any other way, would be difficult if not impossible. 
 
 The first assessment for the Danegeld of 866 ought, it would 
 seem, to have yielded vastly more than 4,000 pounds.'** Yet for 
 some reason it proved inadequate and, consequently, a second 
 assessment became necessary.’** By this assessment an addi- 
 tional tax of one denarius was levied on the two most numerous 
 kinds of dependent holdings: the mansi ingenuiles and the manst 
 serviles. Even that did not suffice, and Charles finally had to ask 
 for two successive contributions from the great magnates (regni 
 primores). These contributions, consisting partly of money and 
 partly of wine,**® were in each case proportioned to the value of 
 the honores held by the several magnates.'** 
 
 131 Baldamus, op. cit., 52 and n. 75. It is interesting to note that Hincmar 
 refers to the Danegeld paid by the priests in 866 as vectigal (cf. supra, n. 67). 
 Another statement of Hincmar (Opera, II, 325, quoted by Waitz, op. cit., IV, 
 107, n. 3) may shed some light on what he meant by vectigal: “causa suae 
 defensionis regi ac rei publicae vectigalia, quae nobiscum annua dona vo- 
 cantur, praestat ecclesia.” Yet the Danegeld must not be confused with the 
 annua dona (see supra, n. 103). 
 
 132 Cf. supra, pp. 64 ff. 
 
 133 Cf. Prenzel, op. cit., 46, n. 46. 
 
 134 The mansi held by the abbey of St. Germain (Guérard, op. cit., II, 
 903) ought alone to have yielded nearly 200 pounds; and it is difficult to 
 believe that that abbey held five per cent of all the mansi in Francia, Neus- 
 tria, and Burgundy. Moreover, in addition to the taxes laid on the depend- 
 ent holdings, there were the payments of the freemen, the priests, and the 
 merchants, which ought to have yielded a considerable sum. These consid- 
 erations lead me to believe that the first assessment, if it had been generally 
 paid, would have been ample to raise the entire Danegeld, even according 
 to Danish weight (cf. supra, n. 61). Cf. Soetbeer, op. cit., Forsch. 2. d. 
 Gesch., VI, p. 55. 
 
 135 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81: “Inde de unoquogque manso, tam ingenuili quam 
 et servili, unus denarius sumitur.” These words of course imply that a 
 second assessment was made. . 
 
 136 Jbid.: “et demum per duas vices, iuxta quod unusquisque regni pri- 
 morum de honoribus habuit, coniectum tam in argento quam et in vino ad 
 pensum quod ipsis Nortmannis pactum fuerat persolvendum contulit.’” The 
 first five words of this quotation taken together with the quotation in the 
 preceding note, indicate that all told four successive assessments had been 
 required in order to raise the Danegeld of 866. 
 
 137 The exact meaning of the expression, “iuxta quod unusquisque ... de 
 honoribus habuit, coniectum” (see the preceding note), is difficult to de- 
 termine. Does it mean that the nobles were taxed in proportion to the 
 estimated value of each of their honores as a whole; or does it mean that 
 they were required to pay a specific sum for each dominant holding (man- 
 
88 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 The fact that the contributions required from the regni pri- 
 mores were proportioned to the value of their honores, furnishes 
 additional support for the above propounded theory concerning 
 the legal basis of the Danegeld. Honores and beneficia, between 
 which there was in the time of Charles the Bald little if any 
 distinction,*** were granted by the king principally in order to 
 enable their holders to perform at the bidding of the monarch 
 a certain amount of military service.**® It is clear, therefore, 
 that the king’s right to require the great magnates to contribute 
 appropriately toward the Danegeld, was based on his right to 
 demand military service from them in proportion to the number 
 and value of their benefices or honores;**° and in the case of the 
 regni primores as in that of the other classes, the king acted on 
 the principle that he had a right to commute the actual military 
 service into a money payment." 
 
 The,words of Hincmar, superficially at least, seem to indicate 
 that the magnates paid their contributions to the Danegeld out 
 of their private—as distinct from their dependents’ — re- 
 sources.’** The possibility that some may have done that can- 
 not of course be wholly eliminated, since we have no direct 
 evidence to the contrary.'*® On the other hand, it is, as we have 
 seen, a well established fact that all payments of whatever kind 
 which the seigniors of this period had to make, as a rule were 
 supplied ultimately by the lower classes of the population, in 
 particular the unfree peasants. To suppose that the Danegeld 
 was in this respect an anomaly, is made impossible by the direct 
 evidence we have of its deleterious effects on the economic con- 
 
 sus indominicatus ) within their honores and perhaps, in addition, a part of 
 the redevances due them from their dependents? We know that they were 
 taxed on the latter basis in 877 (see infra, chap. vi, n. 42). Is it too bold 
 to assume that the same arrangement was made in 866? 
 
 138 Bourgeois, Le capitulaire de Kiersy-sur-Oise, 129 ff.; Brunner, op. cit., 
 TT6256 3° Waltz, 0p. cit. -1V;.215, -216-andenel Clete Berti c09s7 Die oo; 
 where practically no distinction is made between honores and beneficia, and 
 where both are said to consist of mansi. 
 
 139 Brunner, op.cit., IT, 210-11; cf: 1bid., I, 209; Viollet, op. cit., 1, 439. 
 
 140. Waitz;:op..ctt., IV;°597,.n..2--. Cf. Ann: (Bert. 869," p:-08. 
 
 141 Cf. supra, pp. 74 ff. 
 
 142 Cii supra, 1.1386. 
 
 143 Hinemar (see ibid.) does not say that the magnates themselves made 
 the contribution. He does say that a coniectum in proportion to the number 
 and value of the honores held by each magnate ad pensum ... contulit. 
 It does not seem advisable to base the argument that follows in the text on 
 
 this peculiarity of statement, but it should be noted that the words of Hinc- 
 mar do not disprove the argument. 
 
CHAPTER V 89 
 
 dition of the peasantry.'** It is in much better accord with the 
 established facts to believe that the contributions of the regni 
 primores, and for that matter of all the seigniors, were furnished 
 largely if not exclusively by their unfree dependents. Many of 
 these doubtless had to pay considerably more than the amounts 
 at which their holdings had been assessed by the king. The prob- 
 ability is that the sums actually paid by the unfree tenants were 
 determined, not by royal decree, but by the lord or his agents; 
 and that these sums were always intended to cover at least two 
 things: (1) the assessment levied by the king and (2) a liberal 
 profit for the lord and his ministeriales.’** But the regni primores 
 probably deemed it necessary to increase these sums somewhat 
 in the case of the peasants on those estates which were held as 
 honores; in order that the payments of these peasants might 
 cover not only the two things above mentioned, but also the two 
 special contributions required of the primores — contributions 
 which ought strictly to have been furnished by the magnates out 
 of their private, demesnial resources.'*® Thus, it will be seen, 
 the Danegeld always, even when it was levied on honores, proved 
 for the great magnates a much lesser burden than actual military 
 service; a fact which, as pointed out before, is of considerable 
 help in trying to understand why it was easier for Charles the 
 Bald to buy off the Vikings with money than to expel them by 
 force of arms.'** 
 
 Four different assessments'** had been required in order to 
 raise the sum demanded by the Northmen as the price of their 
 withdrawal. Why so many levies were necessary, is a very 
 important and interesting question, but one which cannot be 
 answered with more than approximate certainty. It has been 
 pointed out that the magnates and seigniors had, for various 
 reasons, less objection to furnishing certain quotas of Danegeld 
 than to equipping themselves and their men for the service of 
 war. Always, however, there were some seigniors who, by 
 reason of hostility to the crown, did neither of these things. 
 Probably a certain number —e. g. Adalard and his following, 
 perhaps even Robert the Strong for a time — pursued such a 
 
 144 Cf. supra, pp. 82-83 and nn. 111, 114. 
 
 145 See supra, nn. 119, 122, 123, 124. 
 
 146 The heribanni due from the seigniors may have been obtained by them 
 in a similar way (cf. supra, n. 119). 
 
 147 See supra, pp. 82 ff. 
 148 See supra, n. 136. 
 
90 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 policy in 866. There is, as we have seen, reason to believe that 
 the first assessment for the Danegeld of this year would have 
 proved amply sufficient if all the tax-payers had properly re- 
 sponded.'*® Evidently they did not, since three additional assess- 
 ments had to be levied in order to secure the required amount 
 of 4,000 pounds. It is clear, however, that the first assessment 
 did yield by far the larger part of what was needed, for the 
 second assessment was calculated to bring a much smaller amount 
 of money than‘the first.°° The last two contributions, which 
 were based on the values of the honores held by the primores, 
 must have aggregated but a small fraction of the whole Dane- 
 geld.*>+ 
 
 The agreement with the Vikings had been reached rather 
 early in the year 866;'°* yet the Danegeld could not be paid until 
 July, and not until after Robert the Strong had been given back 
 his commanding position in Neustria.*** Was there any connec- 
 tion between the latter event and the raising of the Danegeld? 
 To this question only a hypothetical answer can be given. The 
 view expressed above regarding the reasons for Robert’s failure 
 to make a stand against the Vikings at Melun,’* implies that 
 Robert was taking advantage of the presence of the Vikings for 
 the furtherance of his own interests. If this view is correct, it 
 follows that Robert would lend no aid in securing the removal 
 of the Northmen, at least until Charles had done something 
 toward rehabilitating the prestige of his ambitious vassal; or, 
 more specifically, Robert would be reluctant to do his share in 
 raising the Danegeld, unless and until Charles would reinstate 
 him as his vicegerent in Neustria.*°> But we know that the 
 
 Danegeld was not paid until after Robert had regained his posi- 
 
 1492 Ch vsupra,: n, 134: 
 
 150, Cr. supra,.n. 135. 
 
 151 Lot (“Une année ...de Charles le Chauve,”’ loc. cit., 405-6) sup- 
 poses that Charles the Bald’s sale of the abbey of St. Bertin to Hilduin for 
 thirty pounds of gold, on June 19, 866, was largely due to the necessity of 
 securing more money for the Danegeld. I can find no basis for this conjec- 
 ture except the fact that the sale took place about a month before the Dane- 
 geld was paid to the Vikings, which fact really has no particular significance: 
 
 152) fbtd.) 3398) N09) 2: 
 
 153 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81. Cf. von Kalckstein, op. cit., 102-3; Lot, op. cit., 
 400-1. 
 
 154 See supra, pp. 68-70. 
 
 155 Robert had a large following, particularly in Neustria, where he had 
 taken an important part in the revolt of 858 (Lot, op. cit., 401). Opposi- 
 tion on his part would therefore have been a serious obstacle in the collec- 
 tion of the Danegeld. 
 
CHAPTER V 91 
 
 tion in Neustria.*** Accordingly, it seems not too much to say 
 that among the various considerations'** which led Charles to 
 readopt Robert the Strong as his most highly favored vassal?** 
 must be included also the necessity of, or the difficulties encoun- 
 tered in, raising the Danegeld. There can be little doubt that 
 Robert and his followers, after their reinstatement, actually did 
 raise the Danegeld for those honores in Neustria which had been 
 granted to them, and thereby materially aided Charles in secur- 
 ing the amount demanded by the Vikings.*®® 
 
 It was probably late in June, or early in July,'® that the North- 
 men quitted their island stronghold near the monastery of St. 
 Denis. Thence they proceeded to a point farther down the 
 Seine, where they tarried for a time to repair their ships and to 
 await the payment of the Danegeld. Meanwhile, Charles, with 
 a force of workmen and wagons, had repaired to Pitres to com- 
 plete the fortifications in that place, in order that the Northmen 
 might not again be able to ascend the Seine.'®*! These measures 
 on the part of the king indicate that in spite of recent events he 
 had not lost faith in the fortified bridge as an effective means 
 of opposing the Viking raids,'** provided he could have the loyal 
 cooperation of his fideles in the operations of defense. 
 
 Towards the end of July the Northmen received their 
 money,'** and then put to sea. Some of the Vikings proceeded 
 directly to the pagus Isalgae (Ijsselgau?), in the realm of 
 Lothaire II. Here they seem to have continued their operations 
 without encountering any resistance on the part of Lothaire.'’* 
 
 156 Cf. supra, n. 153. 
 
 157 Other reasons which may have induced Charles to favor Robert as he 
 did, are given by Lot, op. cit., 402. 
 
 158 Lot, op. cit., 401, calls Robert “le vrai roi du pays entre Seine et 
 Loire.”’ 
 
 159 Ann. Bert., 866, p. 81. Cf. von Kalckstein, op. cit., 102-3. 
 
 160 Ann. Bert., 866. This source, in the edition of Waitz, p. 81, reads 
 “mense Iunio.” Dehaisnes (p. 155) and others have “mense Iulio.” No 
 explanation of this discrepancy has ever been given so far as I can ascertain. 
 
 161 Ann. Bert., 866, pp. 81-82. Cf. Lot, op. cit., 402-3. 
 
 162 Adonis Chronicon, 868, M.G.H., SS., II, p. 328. Cf. Lot, “Le pont de 
 Pitres,” loc. cit., 9. Charles apparently continued in the future to place 
 much confidence in this means of resistance (ibid., 15 ff.). 
 
 163 Ann. Xantenses, 866, M.G.H., SS., II, p. 232: “pagani crudeliter Gal- 
 liam vastaverunt. Acceptoque inde a Karolo rege innumerabili censu, ad 
 tempus reversi sunt.” Ann. Bert., 866, p. 82: “Nortmanni mense [ulio mare 
 intrant.” 
 
 164 Ibid.; Ann. Xantenses, 866, loc. cit., p. 232. Cf. Vogel, 217, n. 2; Lot, 
 “Une année ... de Charles le Chauve,” loc. cit., 403, n. 3. 
 
92 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 But the Seine region was now for ten years left undisturbed by 
 Vikings.*® 
 
 Thus, by reason of the negligence, disloyalty, and self-interest 
 of his fideles,‘*° Charles the Bald had been compelled for the 
 fourth time’ to secure the removal of a group of Vikings by the 
 payment of Danegeld. And on this occasion, as in 860, he had 
 found it impossible even to raise the Danegeld, until the ambi- 
 tious demands of the more powerful among the fideles had been 
 satisfied. The Danegeld, whatever may have been its legal basis, 
 served only on the one hand further to curtail the royal power 
 and, on the other, steadily to augment the power of the fideles 
 politically as well as financially.'® 
 
 165 Vogel, 217-18. 
 
 166 For an illustration of the total lack of public interest on the part of 
 the West Frankish nobility at this time, see Lot, op. cit., 480-31. 
 
 167 Vogel, p. 216, calls the Danegeld of 866 the third payment of this kind 
 
 to the Vikings. He overlooks the Danegeld of 853. 
 168 Cf. Lot, op. cit., 401-2. 
 
THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 93 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE TWO DANEGELDS OF 877. 
 
 After 866, a period of eleven years elapsed before Charles the 
 Bald was again. reduced to the necessity of paying Danegeld. 
 The decade from 866 to 876 on the whole proved to be, for the 
 greater part of the West Frankish realm, an era of peace, a time 
 of recuperation from the ravages of the Northmen.: To the 
 population of the Seine region in particular, which after suffer- 
 ing the consequences of six successive Viking expeditions? was 
 doubtless on the verge of complete exhaustion, this period of 
 tranquillity and recovery must have been especially welcome. 
 Yet there was in it no promise of security for the future. For 
 the Northmen had after all not ceased from their destructive 
 labors; they had only shifted for a time the principal scene of 
 their plundering operations from the continent to England. And 
 with the arrival in the Seine, in the year 876, of a seventh expe- 
 dition of Vikings, the ten years of peace came to an abrupt close.® 
 
 The invaders had as usual timed their adventure well. When 
 the Vikings entered the Seine, Charles was preoccupied with a 
 project of such great moment to him, that there was small likeli- 
 hood that he would swerve from it to deal with them. On the 
 contrary, the Northmen had good reason to believe that they 
 would be able to establish themselves and gain firm footing in 
 the kingdom, before anything would be done to expel them or 
 even to limit the area of their operations.* 
 
 This is not the place to give a detailed account of Charles the 
 Bald’s unsuccessful attempt, on the death of Louis the German 
 in 876, to gain possession of eastern Lorraine.’ For the purposes 
 of the present discussion it will suffice to note the relation be- 
 tween the failure of that enterprise and the success of the Viking 
 adventure. 
 
 It was at Cologne, on the way to the fateful field of Andernach, 
 that Charles received the news of the arrival of the Vikings. 
 
 1 Vogel, 217, 224 ff. 
 
 2 In 841, 845, 851, 852, 856-62, and 865-66. On the effects of these expedi- 
 ditions, see Vogel, 188 ff., 205 ff., and passim. 
 
 3 Miracula sancti Dionysii, III, ce. 1-2, Bouquet, VII, p. 365; also see 
 infra, n. 6. For the activities of the Northmen between 866 and 876, see 
 Vogel, 217-18, 224 ff. 
 
 4 See ibid., 252, and cf. 83 ff. 
 
 5 See Diimmler’s account (Gesch. d. ostfr. Reiches, III, 36-38). 
 
94 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 On September 16, so the king was informed, they had entered 
 the Seine in a fleet numbering about one hundred large vessels.® 
 These tidings did not induce Charles to abandon his project of 
 conquest. To him the acquisition of Lorraine probably seemed 
 the more important thing for the moment; and he may have 
 trusted that the fortifications at Pitres would prove a sufficient 
 check to the Northmen until, after a victory over the East Franks, 
 he would be able to give the Vikings his personal attention.’ 
 Accordingly, Charles continued on his way to Andernach, where, 
 on October 8, his forces were completely routed by an army of 
 Saxons and Thuringians commanded by his nephew, Louis the 
 Saxon.°® 
 
 This defeat probably cooled the martial ardor of Charles con- 
 siderably. At all events an offensive against the Northmen was 
 now utterly out of the question. To have attempted it would 
 have been futile, not to say foolhardy, for the army of Charles 
 had suffered unusually heavy losses at Andernach.’® It is, there- 
 fore, not surprising that Charles very soon dispatched a group 
 of nobles, headed by Count Conrad II of Paris, to open negotia- 
 tions with the Vikings. The envoys were instructed to make the 
 best bargain possible under the circumstances, and to report to 
 the king at a placitum which he had summoned to Samoussy for 
 November 25.11. Whether the embassy of Count Conrad was able 
 to reach an agreement with the invaders, and whether any 
 report on this matter was submitted to the king at Samoussy, 
 we do not know.'? However that may be, it is certain that 
 
 6 Ann. Bert., 876, p. 132; Annales Vedastini, 876, ed. Dehaisnes, p. 295. 
 
 7 Cf. Vogel, 252. Lot (“Le pont de Pitres,’ Le Moyen Age, 1905, IX, p. 
 12) believes that either the fortifications at Pitres were not yet completed, or 
 they were not guarded. 
 
 8 Ann. Bert., 876, pp. 132-33. 
 
 9 According to the Annals of St. Vaast, Charles, before he opened nego- 
 tiations with the Vikings, had made an unsuccessful attempt to expel them 
 by force of arms; but no such attempt is mentioned by Hincmar, and it 
 seems very unlikely so soon after the catastrophe at Andernach (cf. infra, 
 Nive): 
 
 10 Ann, Bert., 876, p. 133; cf. Vogel, 251. 
 
 11 Ann. Bert., 876, p. 184: “Karolus imperator Chuonradus et alios pri- 
 mores ad Nortmannos qui in Sequanam venerant misit, ut, quocumque modo 
 possent, foedus cum eis pasiscerentur, et ad condictum placitum [in Sal- 
 monciaco 15. die post missam s. Martini] ei renuntiarent.” Ann. Vedast., 
 loc. cit.: “Unde de redemptione regni cogitare coepit [Karolus].” Cf. Vogel, 
 252-53. ; 
 
 12 Hinemar mentions the fact that the placitum at Samoussy was duly 
 held, but says nothing of any report as regards the negotiations with the 
 Northmen. There is good reason to suspect that these first negotiations had 
 been without definite result, as will appear from what follows in the text. 
 
CHAPTER VI 95 
 
 Charles before leaving Samoussy stationed scarae along the 
 Seine, hoping probably that he might be able in this way at least 
 to prevent the Vikings from making a further advance.*® 
 
 If negotiations with the Northmen had not been altogether 
 broken off before Charles left Samoussy, they certainly must 
 have been materially delayed by a very severe illness which fell 
 upon the king soon after his departure, and from which he did 
 not begin to convalesce until early in 877.‘t Then, if we may 
 believe the Annals of St. Vaast, envoys were again dispatched 
 to the Vikings with instructions to negotiate with them con- 
 cerning their evacuation of the kingdom in return for the pay- 
 ment of tribute.° This time a definite understanding was 
 arrived at,'® the Northmen agreeing to depart for a considera- 
 tion of 5,000 pounds of silver according to weight.*’ 
 
 About the same time that the treaty with the Vikings in the 
 Seine was concluded, or shortly afterward, a similar agreement 
 was reached with another group of Northmen who for some time 
 past had been established in the region of the lower Loire.** The 
 negotiations with the latter appear to have been conducted, not 
 
 13 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “Scaras quoque, quae contra Nortmannos secus 
 Sequanam in procinctu essent, disposuit [Karolus].””’ The Annals of St. 
 Vaast (loc. cit.), it is true, seem to indicate that Charles for a time had 
 attempted to take the offensive against the Vikings, though without success: 
 “Contra quos [Nortmannos] Karolus exercitum dirigit; sed nil utiliter 
 egere.”’ According to the same source, this offensive preceded an eclipse of 
 the sun on October 29—i. e. it took place nearly a month before the placitum 
 was held at Samoussy on November 25. But it is not safe to place too much 
 reliance on the sequence of events as given in the Annals of St. Vaast. 
 Some further details as to the probable whereabouts of Charles himself in 
 October and November, are given by Dtimmler, III, 38, n. 2. The Vikings 
 entered the monastery of St. Denis on November 30, but appear to have re- 
 mained there only a short time (Lot, op. cit., pp. 13-14). 
 
 14 Ann. Bert., 876-77, p. 134. 
 
 15 Ann. Vedast., 877, p. 295: “Karolus legatos misit qui cum Nortmannis 
 tractarent, ut munerati e regno ejus abirent.” Hincmar makes no men- 
 tion of this embassy. 
 
 16 Ann. Vedast., loc. cit.: “Et facta pactione, etc.” 
 
 17 Ann. Bert., 877, p. 135: “Summa vero tributi fuerunt quinque milia 
 librae argenti ad pensam.” Cf. supra, n. 15, and infra, n. 97. On the sig- 
 nificance of the provision that the money was to be weighed, see supra, 
 chap. iii, nn. 61, 62; chap. v, n. 61. 
 
 -18 On the long continued occupation of the lower Loire region by the 
 Northmen, see Vogel, passim, and especially, for their operations between 
 874 and 878, pp. 248-51. The statement in the text as regards the probable 
 time when the treaty with the Loire Vikings was made, is based on the fact 
 that Hinemar mentions this treaty (see the following note) immediately 
 after he has described the manner in which the Danegeld for the Vikings in 
 the Seine was raised. , 
 
96 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 by the king himself, but by the magnates of Neustria,*® among 
 whom at this time Abbot Hugh functioned as the king’s vice- 
 regent.2° We have no information concerning the amount of 
 the tribute which was demanded by the Vikings of the Loire.** 
 
 Meanwhile there had arrived in France two papal envoys 
 bringing letters from John VIII to Charles the Bald. The latter, 
 it is well known, had in 875, on the death of his nephew, the 
 Emperor Louis II, undertaken an expedition to Italy, where, 
 thanks to the friendly attitude of Pope John, he had been able 
 to secure the imperial title and some nominal recognition of his 
 suzerainty. Before the emperor left Italy he had given the pope, 
 whose position was precarious, assurance of his speedy return.?'? 
 
 It was the immediate fulfillment of this engagement which 
 John VIII urged in the letters dispatched to the emperor early 
 in 877. The pope besought Charles in impetuous terms to come 
 without further delay to his aid against the Saracens and other 
 enemies; and he emphasized the necessity of asserting and 
 establishing the imperial authority in the peninsula.’*. This was 
 not the first time that John VIII had reminded Charles of his 
 promise to come to the defense of the Roman church,”* and now 
 the emperor probably felt that in spite of the various problems 
 confronting him at. home, he could no longer defer the fulfillment 
 of his promise to the pontiff.** 
 
 Charles, having determined to undertake a second journey to 
 Italy, at once set about making his preparations. Before he 
 could start out it was necessary, among other things, to provide 
 adequately for the general administration of the West Frankish 
 kingdom during his absence, and for the raising of the tribute 
 
 19 Ann. Bert., loc cit.: “Tlli vero, tam episcopi quam et alii qui trans 
 Sequanam sunt de Neustria, tributum illis Nortmannis qui in Ligeri erant 
 secundum quod sibi ab eis fuit impositum, undecumque valuerunt, reddere 
 procuraverunt.”’ ; 
 
 20 Vogel, 220-22; cf. Bourgeois, Le capitulaire de Kiersy-sur-Oise, 99 ff. 
 
 21 Two considerations lead me to conjecture that it was a smaller amount 
 than that paid to the Vikings of the Seine: (1) it was to be raised in a 
 smaller district—only in Neustria, while the other was to be raised in Bur- 
 gundy as well as in the larger part of Francia; (2) the Vikings in the Loire 
 were probably fewer in number than those in the Seine (cf. Vogel, 248, 
 bottom). 
 
 21a See Dimmler, II, 388-400. 
 
 22 Ann. Bert., 877, pp. 134-35. The letters of John VIII are printed in 
 Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova, et amplissima collectio, XVII, 27 ff. Cf. 
 Dtimmler, III, 40. 
 
 23 Cf. ibid., 39 ff.; Bourgeois, op. cit., 74 ff. 
 
 24 Cf. Dimmler, III, 40-41. 
 
CHAPTER VI 97 
 
 due the Northmen of the Seine. It was to arrange these and 
 other matters that the emperor summoned his magnates to the 
 famous assembly at Kiersy on June 14.” 
 
 It has been supposed that a first assessment for the Danegeld 
 promised the Vikings of the Seine was prepared at a meeting held 
 at Compiegne on May 7, six ‘weeks prior to the Assembly of 
 Kiersy.** But careful study reveals the fact that there is nothing 
 to support this view except an erroneous superscription added 
 by some monk, or scribe, of a later period, to one of the two tax 
 documents evidently drawn up at Kiersy.** There can scarcely 
 be any doubt that the rates of assessment, as we have them, were 
 fixed at the Assembly of Kiersy, and that they were part of what 
 is usually called the Capitulary of Kiersy.** It is true that the 
 manuscript of this capitulary, in the form that we know it,” 
 contains only a very brief reference to the Danegeld, a mere 
 topical statement, indicating that it was one of the subjects 
 discussed at the meeting.*® But we are fortunate in obtaining 
 more detailed information from the Annals of St. Bertin,*' the 
 Annals of St. Vaast,?? and the two tax documents just men- 
 tioned.** 
 
 The money paid as Danegeld to the Vikings of the Seine in 
 877, was raised in a more limited area than most of the preceding 
 Danegelds :** only in the kingdom of Francia and in Burgundy.*° 
 
 25 Ann. Bert., 877, ed. Waitz, p. 135; ef. ed. Dehaisnes, p. 255, notes (a) 
 and (b); M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t, ii, pp. 355 ff. As regards the tribute to the 
 Loire Vikings, see infra, n. 88. 
 
 26 See infra, appendix i, nn. 1, 4, 5. 
 
 27 See infra, appendix i. 
 
 28 According to Bourgeois (op. cit., 68, and passim), this was not a capi- 
 tulary in the proper sense, but merely a record of deliberations such as 
 usually preceded the issuance of a capitulary. Cf. Fustel de Coulanges, ‘“‘Les 
 articles de Kiersy,” Nouvelles recherches sur quelques problemes Whistoire, 
 417 ff. 
 
 29 The text of the Capitulary of Kiersy was preserved to the nineteenth 
 century in only a single manuscript, which, unfortunately, is now lost. 
 Practically all that is known about this manuscript may be found in Bour- 
 geois, op. cit., 11 ff. 
 
 30 Capitulare Carisiacense, c. 30, M.G.H., LL., Sectio II, t. ii, p. 361: “Qual- 
 iter hoc perficiatur et ad effectum perveniat, quod Nortmannis dari debet 
 de coniecto.” 
 
 Oo 31(,.ed. Waitz, ' p.°135. 
 
 32 877, ed. Dehaisnes, pp. 295-96. 
 
 33 The documents are printed in M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 354, 
 under the title Hdictum Compendiense de tributo Nordmannico, and are 
 there designated respectively as A. and B. On the relation of these docu- 
 ments to each other and to the Capitulary of Kiersy, see infra, appendix ii. 
 
 34 See supra, chap. i, n. 47; chap. iii, n. 37; chap. v, n. 65. Cf. chap. iv 
 and n. 12. 
 
 35 It was doubtless partly for this reason, and because the amount of the 
 
 ~ 
 
 Danegeld. 7. 
 
98 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 And it was specifically provided that that part of Francia which 
 Charles the Bald had acquired by the treaty of Mersen in 870, 
 was not to be taxed.*® Neustria, which heretofore had usually 
 been taxed along with Francia and Burgundy,** was not included 
 in this levy,** manifestly because another and separate Danegeld 
 was to be raised there for the Vikings of the Loire.*? Aquitaine, 
 which ‘was regarded as a separate kingdom, had never before 
 been required to contribute toward the Danegeld, and was not 
 Neo thi 
 
 Danegeld was higher in 877 than in 866, that the mansi indominicati had 
 to be included, and the rate of the tax on the other mansi increased, in 
 the assessment of 877 (cf. supra, chap. v, nn. 61, 67-69.) But there were 
 other reasons, too (see infra, p. 101 and n. 59). 
 
 36 Ann. Bert., 877, p. 135: “quomodo tributum de parte regni Franciae 
 quam ante mortem Lotharii habuit, sed et de Burgundia exigeretur, [Karo- 
 lus] disposuit.” Ann. Vedast., 877, pp. 295-96: “omne regnum ad hoc tribu- 
 tum dat ut ab hae liberarentur clade. ... At hi qui in Francia remanserant, 
 dato tributo, Danos e regno abire coegerunt.” Also in the superscriptions 
 of the tax documents mentioned above, there are references to the territory 
 in which the Danegeld was levied; but these convey no additional informa- 
 tion, and one is inaccurate (cf. infra, appendices i and ii). On the tax in 
 Burgundy, cf. infra, n. 40. Lot, op. cit., 15, suggests that it would have been 
 poor policy to tax that part of Francia which had been acquired after the 
 death of Lothaire II. 
 
 37 Except for the Danegeld of 862, which probably was not levied outside 
 of Neustria (cf. supra, n. 34). 
 
 38 Vogel, p. 255, seems to think it possible that Neustria was taxed for 
 both Danegelds: that paid to the Vikings of the Seine as well as that paid 
 to the Vikings of the Loire. But Hincmar’s words leave no room for doubt 
 on this point. He speaks first of the “tributum de parte regni Franciae 
 quam ante mortem Lotharii [Karolus}] habuit, sed et de Burgundia” (Ann. 
 Bert., loc. cit.), and then, after he has explained how this was raised, pro- 
 ceeds to mention another tribute for the Loire Vikings. That, he says, “tam 
 episcopi quam et alii qui trans Sequanam sunt de Neustria .. . reddere pro- 
 curaverunt” (ibid.). On the other hand, it is doubtless true that those 
 seigniors who, like Abbot Hugh, held benefices in Neustria as well as in 
 Francia or Burgundy, had to contribute toward both Danegelds in 877 (cf. 
 von Kalckstein, Abt Hugo aus dem Hause der Welfen, Markgraf von Neu- 
 strien, in Forsch. 2. d. Gesch., XIV, 74. 
 
 oo Cr: Supra. an. 18. 
 
 40 Bourgeois (op. cit., 98-99) seems to think that in 877 the magnates 
 of Aquitaine had been asked to contribute, but had refused; and he believes 
 that the seigniors of Burgundy had likewise refused to pay the Danegeld. 
 But his hypothesis can not be sustained. It is based on the following falla- 
 cies: (1) The relations between the fideles assembled at Kiersy and Charles 
 the Bald were strained, and a revolt was brewing. This theory has been 
 disposed of by Halphen (“A propos du capitulaire de Quierzy-sur-Oise,” 
 Rev. Hist., 1911, CVI, 286 ff.). (2) The non-appearance of a magnate at 
 Kiersy implies that he was not in favor of buying off the Northmen, and 
 that, therefore, he had refused to contribute to the Danegeld. This is, of 
 course, nothing more than a gratuitous assumption; and it is invalidated 
 by the fact that the seigniors had heretofore as a rule been more inclined 
 to collect the Danegeld than to enter into combat with the Vikings (cf. 
 supra, chap. v, n. 113, and what follows in the text of that chapter). (3) 
 The position of that clause in chapter 31 of the Capitulary of Kiersy which 
 relates to the honores of Boso.and others (in Burgundy), implies that these 
 
CHAPTER VI 99 
 
 ; 
 
 To raise the Danegeld in Francia and Burgundy, a graduated 
 property and income tax was levied on (1) the dominant and 
 dependent holdings of land which constituted the honores, or 
 benefices,** of bishops, abbots, counts, and royal vassals;*? (2) 
 the property, or resources, of all priests;** and (3) the property 
 of merchants and townspeople.‘ Presumably the tax did not 
 yield the whole amount required,*® for it became necessary, as 
 it had been on at least one preceding occasion,*® to draw also on 
 
 men had refused to pay the Danegeld. This argument is, in my opinion, 
 disposed of infra, in appendix ii (cf. appendix i, n. 5). (4) The theory that a 
 first, or preliminary assessment for the Danegeld due the Vikings of the 
 Seine, had been drawn up at Compiégne on May 7. Without this theory, 
 which represents an attempt to reconcile two conflicting statements in the 
 sources—and it is a theory which seems to have been in the main accepted 
 by most scholars—Bourgeois could hardly have constructed the thesis which 
 he defends in his book. The present writer, however, believes that this 
 theory must be abandoned, if the argument set forth infra, in appendix i, 
 is accepted as valid. 
 
 41 On the practical identity of honores and benefices at this time, see 
 supra, chap. v, n. 138; see also infra, n. 48. 
 
 42 Edictum ... de tributo Nordmannico, B., loc. cit.: “Episcopi, abbates, 
 comites ac vassi dominici ex suis honoribus de unoquoque manso indomi- 
 nicato donent denarios duodecim, de manso ingenuili quatuor denarios de 
 censu dominicato et quatuor de facultate mansuarii, de servili vero manso 
 duos denarios de censu indominicato et duos de facultate mansuarii.” Ann. 
 Bert., 877, p. 135: “de mansis indominicatis solidus unus, de unoquoque 
 manso ingenuili 4 denarii de censu dominico et 4 de facultate mansuarii, de 
 manso vero servili duo denarii de censu dominico et duo de facultate mansu- 
 arii.”” It will be noted that the only difference between these two statements 
 is that the second is more inclusive than the first. According to Hincmar 
 all the mansi in the realm were to be taxed, but according to document B. 
 the tax applied only to those mansi which constituted the honores of the 
 magnates and the royal vassals (cf. infra, n. 61). Of course, we must re- 
 gard the document as more accurate than the statement of Hincmar (see 
 infra, appendix i, n. 14). As regards document A., see infra, appendix, ii. 
 
 43 Edictum ... de tributo Nordmannico, B., loc. cit.: “De omnibus vero 
 ecclesiis unusquisque episcopus ...vel abbas... accipiant ... de _pres- 
 byteris secundum possibilitatem ...a quo plurimum quinque solidos, a quo 
 
 minimum quatuor denarios.” Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “unusquisque episcopus 
 de presbiteris suae parrochiae secundum quod cuique possibile erat, a quo 
 plurimum, ete.’ On document A., according to which the priests of 
 churches held by the emperor appear to be exempt, see infra, appendix ii. 
 
 44 Edictum .. . de tributo Nordmannico, B., loc. cit.: “De negotiatoribus 
 autem vel qui in civitatibus commanent iuxta possibilitatem, secundum 
 quod habuerint de facultatibus, coniectus exigatur.’” Capitulare Carisia- 
 cense. c. 31, ibid., p. 361: “Et de cappis et aliis negotiatoribus, videlicet ut 
 Tudaei dent decimam et negotiatores christiani undecimam.’ This tax is 
 not mentioned either in the Annals of St. Bertin or in document A. 
 
 45 At least that inference may be drawn from the recital of Hinemar, 
 who does not mention the contribution from the churches until after he has 
 explained all the details of the tax proper; also it does not seem probable 
 that the church treasuries would have been drawn upon if the tax had 
 yielded a sufficient amount. Cf. infra, n. 47. 
 
 46 In 860-61; cf. supra, chap. iii, n. 36. 
 
100 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 the church treasuries, each of which contributed in proportion 
 to the resources at its disposal.*’ 
 
 The tax on the honores was assessed in accordance with the 
 following schedule: for each mansus indominicatus*® there 
 were to be paid twelve denarwi (or one solidus) ;*° for each man- 
 sus ingenuilis® eight denarii, of which four were to be taken 
 from the cens due the seignior,®? while the other four were to be 
 contributed (in addition to the regular redevances due the 
 seignior) by the holder (or holders) ** of the mansus;°* for each 
 servile mansus®® four denarit were exacted,°® of which two were 
 to be taken from the seignior’s cens, and two contributed (like- 
 wise in addition to the regular redevances) by the tenants.*’ 
 
 47 Ann. Bert., toc. cit.: “Sed et de thesauris ecclesiarum, prout quantitas 
 loci extitit, ad idem tributum exsolvendum acceptum fuit.” Ann. Vedast., 
 877, p. 295: “Et facta pactione spoliantur ecclesiae, et omne regnum ad hoc 
 tributum dat.” The fact that the “spoliation’”’ of the churches is mentioned 
 before the collection of the tax in the Annals of St. Vaast, does not seem to 
 invalidate the argument given above in n. 45, since Hincmar evidently gives 
 more detailed, and more accurate, information on the raising of the Dane- 
 geld. The author of the Annals of St. Vaast probably mentioned first that 
 feature of the Danegeld which to him seemed most important, or rather, 
 most reprehensible. That he did not approve of using the treasures of the 
 church for this purpose is indicated by his characterization of the act as a 
 “spoliation” (cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., 82-83). 
 
 48 The mansus indominicatus was the demensne, or home farm—dominant 
 holding—to which the mansi ingenuiles and mansi serviles were attached, 
 and on which the labor services owed by the tenants were performed (cf. 
 Séé, Les classes rurales et le rég. dom. en France, 28 ff.). Since the term 
 honores at this time usually was applied to very important benefices 
 (Waitz, D. Verfassungsgesch., IV, 16 and n. 1), perhaps we may infer that 
 the honores ordinarily consisted of several mansi indominicati with their 
 dependent tenures (cf. Guérard, ed., Polypt. @Irminon, I (Prolég.), 565-67, 
 579-82, 891). ee 
 
 49 See supra, n. 42. 
 
 50 Cf. supra, chap. v, n. 69. 
 
 51 See supra, n. 42. 
 
 52 The cens was a real, as distinct from a personal, redevance. It varied 
 in amount, probably according to custom, and was payable sometimes in 
 money, sometimes in kind (Sée, op. cit., 78-83). By this time the cens had 
 probably come to include the old war taxes (cf. ibid., 116); at any rate, 
 while the terms hostilitium and carnaticum disappear in the course of the 
 ninth century (cf. Du Cange, Glossarium, s. v.),-the taxes which they rep- 
 resented certainly continued to be collected (Waitz, op. cit., IV, 624; Guér- 
 ard; ov. cit;*661 f1.).- Cli supra, pp. T8 att 
 
 53 Many mansi supported more than one family of peasants (Guérard, 
 OD: CU aot ya 
 
 54 In other words, the tenant of a mansus ingenuilis was, in theory, to 
 pay toward the Danegeld only four denarii out of what remained of his 
 income after he had paid all other dues which he owed. But ef. infra, pp. 
 102-3. 
 
 55 Cf, supra, chap. vy, n. 69. 
 
 56 See supra, n. 42. 
 
 57 What is said supra, nn. 52-54, applies here also, mutatis mutandis. 
 
CHAPTER VI 101 
 
 In the preceding chapter it was shown that the Danegeld must 
 be regarded, in its legal aspects, as a money payment which 
 the king claimed the right to exact as a substitute for the mili- 
 tary service owed by all freemen. We have also seen how, in 
 866, all freemen, including those of very moderate fortune, were 
 required to contribute toward the Danegeld by paying a heer- 
 bann.** But in 877 no tax, not even a disguised one, was laid 
 on freemen as such. And an examination of the schedule of as- 
 sessments for the Danegeld of this year will show that it fails 
 to provide for any taxes whatsoever on allodial property. All 
 of which may, superficially at least, seem to invalidate the theory 
 that the Danegeld was, in legal principle, a substitute for mili- 
 tary service. It must be remembered, however, that in the ninth 
 century the freeman of moderate fortune, and with him his 
 allodial property, was rapidly disappearing. Long before the 
 close of the reign of Charles the Bald, the Carolingian armies 
 of freemen had in large part been superseded by armies made up 
 almost exclusively of groups of vassals. The latter, unless they 
 were royal vassals, were not under the direct command of the 
 king, or the king’s officials as such; they were subject only to 
 the control of their lords, the great seigniors, lay and ecclesi- 
 astical.°® Moreover, the principle that the seigniors owed mili- 
 tary service, not so much because they were freemen as because 
 they were benefice holders, and that they owned it strictly in pro- 
 portion to the size or value of their benefices, was now rapidly 
 gaining headway.®’ These facts will probably serve to explain 
 why the Danegeld of 877 was levied, not on the allodial property 
 of any freeman, nor on benefices held of other lords than the king, 
 but only on the honores® held directly of the king by bishops, ab- 
 bots, counts, and royal vassals; and they clearly indicate that 
 
 58 Supra, chap. v, pp. 73 ff. 
 
 59 Diimmler, I, 222, 322-24; Baldamus, Das Heerwesen wu. d. spat. Karo- 
 lingern (in Gierke’s Untersuch. 2. d. Staats- u. Rechtsgesch., IV), pp. 32 ff., 
 39;. Prou, ‘‘De la nature du service militaire, etc.,”’ Rev. Hist., 1890, XLIV, 
 314-15; Fustel de Coulanges, Les transform. de la royauté, 509-23, 640-65; 
 Flach, Les orig. de Vanc. France, I, 317-22; Lot, “La grande invasion nor- 
 mande,” Bibl. de l’école des chartes, 1908, LXIX, 7, n. 4; Brunner, D. Rechts- 
 gesch., II, 202 ff. The facts referred to above in the text may explain why 
 no attempt was made at this time to collect the heerbann as a tax for the 
 Danegeld. Owing to the impoverishment of those freemen who were not 
 seigniors, and to the dwindling of their numbers, it was probably felt that 
 at best a collection of the heerbann would have yielded very little. It is, 
 unfortunately, impossible to estimate how much the heerbann, as a tax for 
 the purposes of the Danegeld, had yielded in 866 (cf. supra, pp. 73-77). 
 
 60 Baldamus, op. cit., 28 ff., 34-35; Waitz, op. cit., IV, 597 and n. 2; ef. 
 Ann, Bert., 869, p. 98. 
 
102 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 the holder of .a honor was by the king held liable to ezther military 
 service or its money equivalent — Danegeld. 
 
 There are certain indications of an attempt to lighten the 
 _ burden of the Danegeld for the poorer classes on this occasion. 
 Accolz and hospitia, which had been taxed in 866,*? were exempt 
 in 877, theoretically at least.°* And the taxes on the mansi in- 
 genuiles and serviles were in the latter year divided in such wise 
 that only one half was to be paid by the holder (or holders) 
 of the mansus, the seignior being required to furnish the other 
 half from the customary cens paid him by his tenants. In 866, 
 the tenants of dependent mansi, had been required to furnish 
 the entire tax laid on their holding, and this tax was to be paid 
 in addition to the cens due the seignior, which was at that time 
 left untouched by the Danegeld.** It must be assumed, there- 
 fore, that the king now wished the seigniors to contribute a 
 very considerable part of the Danegeld out of what may be 
 regarded as their resources — in contradistinction to those of 
 their tenants — and that those provisions of the assessment of 
 877 by which taxes were laid on the mansz indominicati and on 
 the lord’s cens,®® were intended to secure this result. 
 
 But did they? Though this question can not be answered 
 categorically, for want of sufficient and direct evidence, the 
 evidence that we do have®® seems to imply that in practice 
 the assessment of 877 was regarded very much in the same. 
 way as that of 866 had been.** We may believe that while 
 the seigniors probably raised amounts of money corresponding 
 more or less to those for which they were responsible according 
 to the assessment, yet they arranged to have the whole burden 
 of the entire tax — even that part of it which they had been 
 ordered by the king to contribute out of their resources — fall 
 
 61 Cf. supra, nn. 41, 42. That there was still an important distinction 
 between benefices and allodial property, and that the magnates of the West 
 Frankish realm usually possessed both kinds, is proved by that provision in 
 chapter 10 of the Capitulary of Kiersy which permits a fidelis in a given 
 case to transfer his honores to a relative, though he retains his allodium 
 (loc. cit., p. 358). Cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., 130 ff.; Fustel de Coulanges, 
 Nouvelles recherches, 427, 466 ff. 
 
 62 See supra, chap. v, nn. 67, 70, 71. 
 
 63 I. e. they are not mentioned in the assessment. 
 
 64 Cf. supra, pp. 79-85. 
 
 65. Cf. supras mn. 342 552 54, 57. 
 
 66 See supra, chap. v, n. 114; cf. infra, n. 114. 
 
 67 Cf. supra, pp. 81 ff. 
 
CHAPTER VI 103 
 
 on the peasantry.®* It is, for this reason, very improbable that 
 each tenant paid for his holding the exact amount specified in 
 the assessment, i. e. four denarii for a mansus ingenutlis and 
 two denarii for a mansus servilis. It is much more likely that 
 the assessment was regarded by the seigniors merely as a sched- 
 ule according to which the quotas for which they were held 
 responsible would be computed.®® To raise his full quota, a 
 seignior probably found it necessary to exact from each one of 
 his tenants — even from those occupying accolx and hospitia — 
 as large a sum as the tenant could be forced to pay.”° This levy 
 of Danegeld, therefore, so far from proving a special hardship 
 for the seigniors, simply provided them with another oppor- 
 tunity to exploit their peasantry and to accelerate the develop- 
 ment of the principle that the unfree peasant was taillable a 
 merci." Small wonder that the magnates did not object to the 
 Danegeld; they were probably beginning to regard it as a sub- 
 stantial, if somewhat irregular, source of income. 
 
 The tax levied on the priests in 877," varied in proportion 
 to the property or resources of each, but apparently no priest 
 was wholly exempt.*? The maximum paid by any priest was 
 five solidi (or sixty denarii) ; some paid four solidi, others three, 
 two, or only one; and the minimum was four denari."* For the 
 
 68 According to Sée, this was a general rule applying not only to the 
 Danegeld, but to all taxes of whatever kind. See supra, p. 82. 
 
 69 This opinion is strengthened by the wording of document B. (see 
 supra, n. 42), which requires the benefice-holders to give (donent) “de uno- 
 quoque manso, etc.” It is true that document A. has accipiat, but this docu- 
 ment was superseded by B. (cf. infra, appendix ii). 
 
 70 It is not impossible that the seigniors also forced the unfree peasants 
 on their allodial lands to contribute toward the Danegeld, in spite of the 
 fact that seigniors themselves were not required to furnish anything toward 
 the Danegeld by virtue of their ownership of such lands; cf. Ann. Vedast., 
 877, p. 295: “omne regnum ad hoc tributum dat.” 
 
 71 Cf. supra, pp. 84 f. 
 
 72 It has been shown above that the contributions of the priests probably 
 were regarded as war taxes, and a substitute for actual military service; 
 see supra, pp. 86 f. Cf. also what Hincmar said regarding the military obliga- 
 tions of the bishops (quoted by Waitz, op. cit., IV, 597, n. 2). 
 
 73 See the following note, and cf. supra, n. 43. 
 
 74 Hdictum ... de tributo Nordmannico, B., loc. cit.: “De omnibus vero 
 ecclesiis unusquisque episcopus de suo episcopatu vel abbas de sua solum- 
 modo abbatia, in cuiuscumque episcopi sint parrochia, accipiant cum misso 
 episcopi, in cuius parrochia sunt, de presbyteris secundum possibilitatem 
 quinque solidos vel quatuor vel tres vel duos vel unum solidum; a quo pluri- 
 mum quinque solidos, a quo minimum quatuor denarios. De ecclesiis vero 
 imperatoris et imperatricis et comitum ac vassallorum imperialium, tam 
 de illis, qui cum imperatore pergent, quam et illis, qui remanserint, epis- 
 copus, in cuius parrochia consistunt, secundum praedictum modum coniec- 
 tum accipiat.” Ann. Bert., 877, p. 135: “unusquisque episcopus de presbi- 
 
104 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 collection of the priests’ taxes special provisions were made,” 
 evidently at the instigation and in the interest of their eccle- 
 siastical superiors.*®° The prelates would probably not have 
 tolerated the collection by lay seigniors of taxes due from clergy- 
 men; such a procedure would have been sure to lead to abuses 
 and the establishment of bad customs.** And then the pre- 
 lates doubtless preferred to secure for themselves the profits 
 accruing from the collection of those taxes.** As a general rule, 
 therefore, only bishops were authorized to collect the taxes of 
 the priests. But an exception was made in the case of those 
 priests who held parishes that were dependent on monasteries ;*° 
 their contribution was to be collected by the abbot and the 
 bishop’s missus jointly.*° Thus, even in this case, provision was 
 made for episcopal supervision. In all other cases each bishop 
 had the exclusive right of collection within the limits of his 
 diocese. This right applied not only to churches directly under 
 the bishop’s control, but also to those which had lay patrons, 
 such as the emperor, the empress, counts, or royal vassals.*' 
 With reference to churches held by counts or royal vassals it 
 was specifically provided that the bishop was to collect not only 
 
 teris suae parrochiae secundum quod cuique possibile erat, a quo plurimum 
 quinque solidos, a quo minimum 4 denarios episcopi de singulis presbiteris 
 acciperent et missis dominicis redderent.” 
 
 75 See the preceding note. It will be observed that Hincmar, in his sum- 
 mary (cf. infra, appendix i, n. 14) of the assessment, does not give all the 
 provisions with regard to the collection of the taxes from the priests. They 
 are given in document 4A., as well as in B., and these documents differ very 
 little from each other on this point. The differences that do occur will be 
 pointed out in the following notes. 
 
 76 This statement and the following one are based on ae nature of the 
 provisions made; but cf. infra, n. 78. 
 
 77 That such abuses and bad customs had been common during the recent 
 period, is indicated by the following passage from Hincmar’s letter to 
 Louis the Stammerer in 877 (Migne, Patr. Lat., CXXV, 987): “ut Ecclesiae 
 in isto regno per occasionabiles circadas et per indebitas consuetudinarias 
 exactiones, quae tempore Pippini, Caroli et Ludovici non fuerunt, ante annos 
 viginti impositas non affligantur.” Cf. also’ chapter 8 of the decisions of 
 the Synod of Fismes in 881 (quoted by Diimmler, III, 150, n.:2, and 151, n. 
 1): “quatenus ecclesiae in isto regno... per indebitas consuetudinarias 
 exactiones, quae tempore Pippini, Caroli et Hludovici non fuerunt, sed 
 moderno tempore impositae fuerunt, non affligantur.” 
 
 78 It is at least an interesting fact that the only copy of the Capitulary 
 of Kiersy of which we have any knowledge, was found on a manuscript 
 containing dispositions very favorable to the church (cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., 
 26). 
 
 79 This is mentioned in both tax documents, but not by Hincmar. 
 
 80 Cf. supra, n. 74. The codperation of the bishop's: missus is mentioned 
 only in tax document B. 
 
 81 The churches of the emperor himself are specifically mentioned in 
 document B. (cf. supra, n. 74), but not in A. (cf. infra, appendix ii). 
 
CHAPTER VI 105 
 
 from those priests whose patrons were to accompany the em- 
 peror to Italy, but also from those whose patrons were to remain 
 in France.*? The purpose of this provision is fairly clear. 
 Charles did not wish to have it appear that those seigniors who 
 were permitted to remain in France, were to have any oppor- 
 tunities for financial gain of which those whom he designated 
 to accompany him to Italy would not be able to avail themselves.*® 
 It is obvious, of course, that the collection of the Danegeld was 
 regarded, not as a burdensome duty, but as a very valuable 
 and highly profitable right..* The arrangement to have the 
 prelates collect the taxes from the priests is therefore in per- 
 fect accord with the general policy of Charles the Bald to seek 
 support for his various enterprises from the higher clergy rather 
 than from the lay nobility.*° In making his preparations for 
 the Italian expedition Charles could probably not have chosen 
 any other policy, for a very large majority of the lay magnates 
 were bitterly opposed to the expedition; and in spite of the favor 
 shown by the king to the bishops, many of these eventually joined 
 hands with the revolting nobles.*® 
 
 The contributions exacted from merchants toward the tribute 
 of 877 were, as usual, proportioned to the fortune of each.*' 
 Evidently all merchants without exception were taxed.** Several 
 
 82 This provision occurs in both documents. The version in B., given 
 supra, n. 74, may be compared with that in A., given here: “De ecclesiis 
 vero, quas comites et vassalli dominici habent, seu de illis, qui cum seniore 
 nostro pergere debent, sive qui remanserint, episcopus, in cuius parrochia 
 consistunt, secundum praetaxatum modum accipere procurabit.”’ 
 
 83 A provision such as the one just noted may have been necessary also in 
 order to enable the bishops to collect from the priests in question, in the 
 event that the patron should fail to give his consent, or in case he should 
 be absent in Italy when the bishop’s officials came to collect. In view of 
 the probability that the tax-payers would avail themselves of any and every 
 pretext to escape the tax, a special emphasis on the bishop’s right to collect, 
 particularly from those priests whom they did not themselves appoint, and 
 whose incomes they did not control, may have been absolutely indispensable. 
 
 84 If the contrary be assumed, the various provisions relating to the col- 
 lection of the priests’ taxes seem to lose their point. 
 
 85 Cf. Dimmler, I, 295, 382 and n. 4, 434 ff.; III, 55 ff. An army raised 
 by Charles the Bald in 866 is said to have consisted principally of episcopal 
 contingents (Ann. Bert., 866, p. 84). 
 
 86 Ann. Vedast., 877, p. 296: “Contra voluntatem ...suorum... [Karo 
 lus] iterum Italiam ingressus est.” Hincemar tells of the conspiracy formed 
 by Abbot Hugh and Counts Boso and Bernard against Charles, after he had 
 reached Italy: “Qui [i. e. Hugh, Boso, and Bernard] una cum aliis regni 
 primoribus, exceptis paucis, et episcopis adversus eum [Karolum] conspiran- 
 tes coniuraverunt” (Ann. Bert., 877, p. 136). On this whole subject, cf. 
 Bourgeois, op. cit., 69-126. 
 
 87 See supra, n. 44, and infra, appendix ii. 
 
 88 At least no exemptions are mentioned. The tax on the merchants, as 
 
106 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 different classes are mentioned: itinerant merchants (cappi?),** 
 resident merchants or townsmen, Jews and Christians.°° So 
 far as the contribution to the Danegeld was concerned, no di- 
 stinction was made, except possibly as between Jews and Chris- 
 tians. According to one source,®' the former were taxed at 
 one tenth, the latter at one eleventh (of their property?) .°%” 
 We have no direct information as to who were authorized to 
 collect these taxes. But it is well known that during the Caro- 
 lingian period merchants were under the special protection of 
 the king, and that in return for this protection they were re- 
 quired to make an annual or biennial contribution to the royal 
 treasury ;°° therefore it does not seem too bold to presume that 
 in the case of the Danegeld, too, the merchants paid their taxes 
 to the usual royal officials. 
 
 After the various local authorities had collected the taxes due 
 within their respective territories or jurisdictions, they were, 
 according to Hincmar, to turn over the amounts thus raised to 
 the missit dominici..t The missi, whose office was at this time 
 in the process of becoming territorialized,* are probably not 
 
 on the other classes, probably was interpreted as a substitute for military 
 service (cf. supra, p. 86). 
 
 89 Lot (‘Le pont de Pitres,” loc. cit., 14, n. 2) and Thompson (“Com- 
 merce of France,” Journal of Polit. Economy, 1915, XXIII, 874 and n. 6) 
 believe that the negotiatoribus of document B. must be itinerant merchants, 
 since they are contradistinguished from those qui in civitatibus commanent. 
 But who were the cappi referred to in chapter 31 of the Capitulary of 
 Kiersy? The latest theory offered in solution of this very vexing problem 
 ‘is that of Thompson (op. cit., 882-87), who suggests that the cappi may have 
 been Syrian merchants trading in France, with their headquarters at the 
 emporium of Chappes, just above Troyes, on ihe upper Seine. 
 
 90 Cf: supra: nn. 87, 89. 
 
 91 The Capitulary of Kiersy (supra, n. 44). As to the value and reliabil- 
 ity of this part of the capitulary, see infra, appendix ii. 
 
 92 In 866 all merchants, apparently without any distinction, had been re- 
 quired to pay one tenth of “all they seemed to have’’; in 860 the rate of their 
 tax was not specified, but it was based on a valuation of their houses and 
 movables, and even the poorest had to contribute. Cf. supra, chap. v, n. 67; 
 chap. iii, n. 36. If a distinction was made in 877 between Jews and Chris- 
 tians, and in favor of the latter, it is the only instance of its kind on record 
 for this period. 
 
 93 Chiaswora, chap. Vion 127, 
 
 94 See supra, n. 74, end. I interpret Hincmar’s words to mean that the 
 seigniors in general, not only the bishops, were to remit the Danegeld to 
 the missi. This feature ofthe collection is mentioned only by Hincmar. 
 
 95 On the whole subject see Thompson, Decline of the Missi Dominici, 19 
 ff. The following passage from chapter 18 of the Capitulary of Kiersy is 
 illuminating: “Et missi nostri, qui per per omne regnum nostrum constituti 
 sunt, missaticum nostrum prout eis opportunum fuerit, agere non negligant.” 
 This seems to imply that the office of the missi had become territorial, or 
 at least that it was no longer merely temporary. It is not a question of 
 appointing or reappointing missi, but of admonishing those who held that 
 office to be faithful and diligent in the discharge of their duties. 
 
CHAPTER VI 107 
 
 to be distinguished from the principes regni, or primores, who, 
 according to the Annals of St. Vaast, were engaged in the collec- 
 tion of the Danegeld.*® 
 
 Charles the Bald had entrusted the general supervision of 
 the raising of the tribute to his son, Louis the Stammerer, and 
 those primores who were to remain with Louis in France. The 
 collection of the taxes had been begun probably late in June 
 or early in July, but was not completed until some time after 
 the emperor had departed for Italy, hardly before the middle 
 of August and possibly later.’ Since it became necessary event- 
 ually to draw on the church treasuries,°** it must be assumed 
 either that the assessment prepared at Kiersy had proved in- 
 adequate or that unexpected difficulties were encountered in 
 the collection of the tax, the latter being the more probable.°® 
 
 96 See the following note. 
 
 97 Ann. Vedast., 877, pp. 295-96: “Et dum in his [i. e. the collection of the 
 Danegeld] principes regni occupantur, Karolus imperator ad hoc negotium 
 perficiendum Hludowicum filium suum delegit in regno cum suis primoribus 
 relinquendum, et iterum iter parat quo Italiam pergeret. ... Papiaeque 
 civitate Johannes papa ei occurrit... . At hi qui in Francia remanserant, 
 dato tributo, Danos e regno abire coegerunt.” Folewin, Gesta abbatum 
 sancti Bertini Sithiensium, c. 87, M.G.H., SS., XIII, p. 622: “Karolus... 
 Romam properare volens post medium Iulium de Francia iter arripuit.” The 
 diplomas of Charles confirm the statement of Folewin (Bohmer-Mihlbacher, 
 Die Regesten d. Kaiserreichs u. d. Karolingern, nos. 1815-24), as do the 
 Miracula s. Dionysii (cf. Lot, “Le pont de Pitres,”’ loc. cit., 16, n. 2). In 
 view of the fact that the collection of the Danegeld was not at most more 
 than barely begun when Charles set out for Italy, it is impossible to assume 
 a connection between the large treasure which the emperor took with him 
 on his journey (Ann. Bert., 877, p. 135), and the raising of the Danegeld. 
 The treasure in question may have consisted, at least in part, of the annua 
 dona which certain seigniors presented to the king immediately after the 
 Assembly of Kiersy had been dissolved (M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 363, 
 lines 7 ff.). Cf. supra, chap. v. n. 103. Gfrorer’s theory. (Gesch. d. ost- wu. 
 westfrink. Carolinger, II, 141, 163), that this Danegeld really was, in large 
 part, a Romersteuer, was disposed of by von Noorden (Hinkmar, Erzbischof 
 von Rheims, 334, n. 6), who substituted for it another, equally untenable 
 theory (cf. infra, appendix ii and n. 6). ; 
 
 98 See supra, n. 47. 
 
 99 It is not unlikely that in many cases the poorer people had become 
 so impoverished as not to be able to pay the taxes levied upon their hold- 
 ings (cf. infra, n. 114). The letter written by Hinemar to Louis the Stam- 
 merer about this time, and referred to by Flodoard (Historia Remensis ec- 
 clesiae, III, c. 19, M.G.H., SS.; XIII, 510) as being “de coniecto Normannis 
 dando,” may have dealt with these and other difficulties in the collection of 
 the tax. It is a noteworthy fact that the draft on the church treasuries is 
 not included in either of the tax documents drawn up at Kiersy. Perhaps 
 Hinemar in his letter to Louis had suggested some other way of raising the 
 remainder of the tribute. That he disapproved, fully as much as the author 
 of the Annals of St. Vaast (cf. supra, n. 47), of delivering the treasures of 
 the churches into the hands of the pagans, is evident from what he says in 
 another letter to Louis (cf. infra, n. 114). 
 
108 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 With the aid of the contributions from the churches, however, 
 the primores were finally able to bring together the needed sum 
 of 5,000 pounds, which they then paid over to the Northmen.’°° 
 
 It has already been indicated that another tribute was. mean- 
 while being raised in Neustria, to secure the removal of the 
 Northmen in the Loire.'°! Our information on this Danegeld 
 is very scant. We know, however, that the Neustrian bishops 
 and magnates had undertaken to procure it, probably with the 
 consent if not at the instigation of Charles the Bald, and per- 
 haps under the direction of Abbot Hugh who functioned in 
 the capacity of viceroy in this region.'°? The words of Hincmar, 
 who is our only source here, seem to imply that there was no 
 attempt at any orderly and regulated assessment, but that the 
 magnates, probably by the application of coercive measures in 
 cases where such seemed necessary, collected money wherever 
 there was any to be had.'°** How long they were occupied in 
 this, no doubt very profitable, task cannot be ascertained. The 
 amount demanded by the freebooters of the Loire remains like- 
 wise unknown, though it was probably a smaller sum than that 
 paid to the Vikings of the Seine.’ 
 
 The magnates in Francia and Burgundy, after they had paid 
 the Danegeld, forced the Northmen of the Seine to evacuate 
 the realm.'"> The Neustrian magnates, on the other hand, ap- 
 pear to have been unable to secure the removal of the Vikings 
 from the Loire.*°° Why, we do not know. It may be that it 
 had proved impossible to raise the sum of money demanded; 
 or the Vikings, after they had received the money, may have © 
 repudiated their agreement, and remained in spite of their 
 
 100 Cf. supra, n. 97. 
 101 See supra, nn. 18, 19, 21. 
 102 Cf. supra, n. 20. 
 
 103 That is my interpretation of the following: ‘“‘tributum ... secundum 
 quod sibi [i, e. the magnates of Neustria] ab eis [Nortmannis] fuit imposi- 
 tum, undecumque valuerunt, reddere procuraverunt” (Ann. Bert., 877, p. 
 135). 
 
 104 The reasons for this conjecture are given supra, n. 21. It has also 
 been shown that the magnates of Neustria as such, were not, so far as we 
 know, required to raise any part of the Danegeld paid to the Vikings of the 
 Seihe (see supra, n. 38). 
 
 105 See supra, n. 97. 
 
 106 In the following year (878) Louis the Stammerer was constrained by 
 Abbot Hugh to undertake what proved to be a fruitless expedition against 
 them (Ann. Bert., 878, p. 140; cf. Vogel, 257 ff.). 
 
CHAPTER VI 109 
 
 promise to evacuate.’ However that may be, it is certain that 
 the Loire region was not entirely cleared of Vikings until 882.1°° 
 
 The Danegelds of 877 were the last levied during the reign 
 of Charles the Bald, for that monarch died on the return from 
 his second expedition to Italy. There can be no doubt that 
 the tributes of this year had, like those of preceding years, 
 proved a heavy burden on the tax-payers; a burden which, more- 
 over, had been very inequitably distributed. Unquestionably 
 it was the unfree peasants and the priests — that part of the 
 population which, though most numerous, was the least able 
 to pay — who had furnished the great bulk of the tax money. 
 And if the merchants, who shared the burden with the peasants 
 and the priests, were in some instances well situated economic- 
 ally, many were doubtless comparatively poor men;'"’ besides, 
 their property had been taxed at a much higher rate than that 
 of the others. The seigniors, on the other hand, who could and 
 who ought to have born the heaviest share of taxation, not 
 only escaped their part of the burden altogether, by shifting 
 it on the peasantry, but very probably were enriched as a result 
 of the abuses to which they resorted in collecting the taxes of 
 their dependents. 
 
 As the cumulative result of six successive levies''' of general 
 Danegeld''? — all during the reign of Charles the Bald — there 
 was now in the West Frankish realm an unusual degree of 
 pecuniary distress. If we may believe Hincmar, the laboring 
 classes had been impoverished, and the church treasuries. 
 emptied. Beyond that, abuses of various kinds, depredation, 
 and rapine were current everywhere; but right and justice were 
 dead. All of which, according to our informant, was a con- 
 sequence of the corrupt policy of buying off the Northmen when 
 they should have been resisted with the sword. In a letter to 
 Louis the Stammerer, written at the time of his accession to 
 the throne, Hincmar earnestly admonished the new monarch 
 
 107 The latter conjecture seems the more probable. Even the Seine Vik- 
 ings, after they had received the tribute, did not evacuate until they were 
 forced so to do. Cf. supra, n. 97. 
 
 108 Vogel, 259, 347 ff. 
 
 10544 0n Bert. 877, pi 13Ts + 
 
 110 For a reference to very poor merchants, see supra, chap. iii, n. 36. 
 
 111 In 845, 853, 860-61, 862, 866, and 877. See supra. 
 
 112 In addition to these levies of general Danegeld, there had also been 
 a number of exactions of local Danegeld, or ransom, in various places (see 
 infra, chaps. xv, xvi). 
 
110 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 to take counsel with God and with his fideles as to how some 
 measure of relief might be brought to the wretched and pitiable 
 populace, exhausted by continual depredations and by exactions 
 of Danegeld. And he added: “May justice and equity, which 
 now are as it were dead, be revived among us; may God once 
 more endue us with valor and martial strength, so that we may 
 be able to resist our pagan enemies: for until now there has 
 for many years been no thought of defense in this kingdom,'* 
 but only of ransom and tribute; and not only poor men, but 
 even churches once rich, have become impoverished.’’'** 
 
 113 This is not strictly true, as shown passim in the preceding pages, 
 and by Lot, op. cit., 1-27. Cf. Vogel, 257. 
 
 114 Epistola ad Ludovicum Balbum (Migne, Patr. Lat., CXXV, 987-88): 
 “Quarto, ut inveniatis cum Deo et vestris fidelibus, qualiter istae rapinae 
 et depraedationes in isto regno cessent, et miser iste populus, qui jam per 
 plures annos depraedationes diversas et continuas, et per exactiones ad Nort- 
 mannos repellendos affligitur, aliquod remedium habeat, et justitia et judi- 
 cium, quae quasi emortua apud nos sunt, reviviscant, ut virtutem nobis 
 Deus reddat contra paganos: quia usque modo jam ante plures annos locum 
 
 in isto regno defensio non habuit, sed redemptio et tributum, et non solum 
 pauperes homines, sed et Ecclesias quondam divites jam evacuatas habent.” 
 
THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 111 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 SUMMARY OF THE CAUSES WHICH FORCED CHARLES THE BALD 
 TO RESORT TO THE DANEGELD. 
 
 No one at all familiar with the character of Charles the Bald 
 as it is revealed in his various activities, could say that he was 
 a model ruler. But it must be insisted that Charles was neither 
 exclusively nor mainly responsible for the policy of securing 
 the removal of the Vikings by the payment of Danegeld.? Each 
 time he agreed to pay tribute, except possibly in 877, Charles 
 was virtually forced to do so by the attitude of his magnates.’ 
 Usually it was the magnates who were responsible for the crea- 
 tion of a situation out of which the king saw no better means 
 of escape than that afforded by the Danegeld. And if it is true 
 that the situation in 877 was not one for which the nobles can 
 be held responsible, it is also true that Charles could not have 
 foreseen the coming of the Vikings when he proceeded to the 
 invasion of Lorraine, and that after the defeat at Andernach 
 there remained no method of procuring the removal of the in- 
 vaders other than the payment of tribute. Moreover, we must 
 not forget that in 862 Robert the Strong had been quite willing 
 to pay a stipendiary Danegeld to the Vikings of the Seine in 
 return for their services against the Bretons;® and that, in 877, 
 Abbot Hugh and the magnates of Neustria rather than enter 
 into conflict with the Northmen of the Loire, chose to pay them 
 tribute.° There is not the slightest evidence to prove that the 
 lay seigniors ever were opposed to the payment of Danegeld 
 on principle, or that for this reason they ever refused to collect 
 the taxes levied to raise the tribute;’ on the other hand, there 
 is considerable evidence which indicates that they secured a 
 substantial profit each time they collected such taxes from their 
 
 1 Cf. Diimmler, III, 54 ff. 
 
 2 Diimmler. (ibid., p. 58) seems to hold Charles exclusively responsible 
 for the policy of paying tribute, and practically all the older students of this 
 period do likewise. Vogel (p. 257) and Lot (“Le pont de Pitres,’ Le Moyen 
 Age, 1905, LX, p. 9, and elsewhere) are inclined to regard the policy of pay- 
 ing Danegeld as the only resource left after military efforts had proved 
 bacaee supra, pp. 33 ff., and n. 36, pp. 40 ff., 45 ff., 66-71. 
 
 4 This is also the view of. Vogel (p. 257). ; 
 
 5 Cf. supra, chap. iv. 
 
 6 Cf. supra, chap. vi. 
 
 7 The contrary opinion of Bourgeois on this point is erroneous. See 
 supra, chap. vi., n. 40. 
 
112 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 dependents." We have reason to believe that if the military 
 forces of the realm had been under the complete control, and 
 at the free and immediate disposal of Charles, he would seldom 
 if ever have resorted to the expedient of buying off the North- 
 men. With Charles the Danegeld was a matter, not of choice, 
 but of necessity ; with the nobles it appears to have been a matter 
 of profit, a deliberate policy, based on selfish material interest. 
 
 Yet, while Charles the Bald cannot be held excluively respon- 
 sible for the policy of paying Danegeld, it is none the less true 
 that he was the first monarch who was forced to adopt that 
 policy.’ A principal reason for this is found by some scholars 
 in the character of Charles, which has been represented as very 
 weak and, on the whole, despicable. That the personality of 
 Charles the Bald: fades into insignificance when compared with 
 that of his great ancestors, particularly Charlemagne, will not 
 be denied. But Charles was undoubtedly a much stronger 
 monarch than his father, Louis the Pious; and what evidence 
 is there to show that he was so very much weaker than Lothaire 
 I or even Louis the German??? It is not true that Charles, un- 
 like his brothers, was by nature disinclined to engage in military 
 exploits, and for that reason would rather pay Danegeld than 
 resist the Northmen by force of arms.*t The fact is that he 
 
 8 See supra, pp. 538-54 and notes, pp. 81-85, 102-3. 
 
 9 We have no evidence that any monarch prior to Charles the Bald ever 
 consented to the payment of Danegeld. It is true, however, that the Vikings 
 had compelled the Frisians to pay local Danegeld in Charlemagne’s time and 
 on several occasions during the reign of Louis the Pious. For a discussion 
 of these payments and their relation to the Danegeld in France, see infra, 
 appendix iii. 
 
 10 Cf. supra, n. 2. No one, perhaps, would deny that Charles the Bald 
 was a stronger ruler than Louis the Pious. But until recently the opinion 
 has prevailed that the character and personality of Charles the Bald was 
 far weaker than that of Louis the German. See especially Dimmler’s (II, 
 412 ff.) eulogy on Louis the German, and ef. this with his unfavorable at- 
 titude toward Charles the Bald (III, 54 ff.). A careful comparison of what 
 is known concerning the lives of the two brothers leads one to doubt the 
 correctness of this opinion, which undoubtedly has been colored by national 
 sympathies as well as by preconceived ideas and inherited notions (Bour- 
 geois, Le capit. de Kiersy-sur-Oise, 161-67, 194-98, 200-2; Lot, “Une année 
 . . . de Charles le Chauve,” Le Moyen Age, 1902, VI, 398, n. 3). Recently, 
 however, there have been attempts to arrive at a more correct and just 
 estimate of the character of Charles the Bald. Such attempts, of course, 
 have been made chiefly by French scholars: Fustel de Coulanges, Bour- 
 geois, Lot, and others. But at least one German scholar, namely Vogel, has 
 recently given indications of a sounder judgment on this subject (pp. 256- 
 57), though it is apparent that he can divorce himself from the older opinion 
 only with great difficulty (pp. 106, 110 and n. 3). Cf. also Thompson, Decline 
 of the Missi Dominici, p. 18. 
 
 11 Cf. Vogel (256-57), who discards the view of Dummler (III, 55). 
 
 5 IMS Se ae a 
 wey" é ¥ Py 
 t 4 es w 
 
CHAPTER VII 113 
 
 did resist the Vikings in a military way whenever that was 
 possible; and in the latter part of his reign, when he had come 
 to a fuller appreciation of the significance of the Norse inva- 
 Sions, he was very active in providing for the military defense 
 of the exposed portions of his realm.'” 
 
 The foregoing detailed study of each of the various occasions 
 on which Danegeld was paid between 845 and 877, will, I believe, 
 substantiate the view that Charles the Bald was compelled to 
 adopt this policy by reason of a very peculiar combination of 
 circumstances; a combination which had not existed before his 
 time, and which during his time appears to have been more fully 
 developed in the western kingdom than in any other part of the 
 Frankish realm. These circumstances may be grouped under 
 eight general heads, as follows: 
 
 (1) The great change which took place after the death of 
 Louis the Pious in the frequency, the character, and the purpose, 
 of the Viking expeditions. It was no longer a question merely 
 of an occasional raid by a small band of freebooters looking 
 only for plunder. In the time of Charles the Bald the activities 
 of the Vikings almost reached their climax. There was hardly 
 a year of his reign when some part of the kingdom was not 
 occupied or raided by the Northmen. They came now in large, 
 well organized, and highly disciplined armies under the com- 
 mand of chieftains whose strategy and general military skill 
 was on the whole superior to that of the Franks; and they 
 purposed not only to enrich themselves with the fruits of pillage, 
 but also to secure territory, make settlements, and establish 
 colonies.*® 
 
 (2) The kingdom of Charles the Bald was more exposed to 
 the Viking expeditions than any of the other Frankish states, 
 owing to the fact that it had the longest coast-line.'* Therefore, 
 the only adequate defense against the Vikings would have been 
 an efficient fleet. But that means of defense the Franks did not 
 possess.*° Furthermore, the coast-guard formerly maintained 
 
 12 Lot, “Le pont de Pitres,” loc. cit., 1-17. 
 
 13 Vogel, 39-44, 125-27; ef. 49. 
 
 14 Cf. ibid., 86-87. 
 
 15 Charles the Bald’s efforts to create a fleet were not successful (cf. 
 supra, p. 49 and nn. 11, 12). It is curious that no attempt was ever made 
 to organize a fleet of river craft by utilizing the barges belonging to the 
 
 abbeys. On this see Thompson, “Commerce of France,” Journal of Polit. 
 Economy, 1915, XXIII, p. 870, n. 3. 
 
 Danegeld. 8. 
 
114 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 by Charlemagne had by the time of Charles the Bald fallen into 
 decay.*® ; 
 
 (3) The wealth and material resources of the western king- 
 dom probably were more considerable than those of the other 
 Frankish kingdoms and, therefore, its power of attraction for 
 the Vikings was greater.’ 
 
 (4) After the death of Charlemagne, the steady decline of 
 the power and prestige of the crown had been accompanied by 
 an increasing tendency toward independence on the part of the 
 local magnates and great seigniors; in other words, the rapidly 
 developing influence of feudalism had tended to weaken the posi- 
 tion, and destroy many prerogatives, of the king. Perhaps the 
 most important feature of this development was the practice 
 of commendation, which eventually tranformed the Frankish 
 army of freemen into one consisting of vassals and their retain- 
 ers. This metamorphosis in the character of the army materially 
 reduced the military power of the king; henceforth he was 
 virtually impotent if deserted or disobeyed by the magnates.*® 
 
 (5) After the division of the Frankish realm between the 
 sons of Louis the Pious, and the exhaustion resulting from the 
 civil wars waged by Louis the German and Charles the Bald 
 against Lothaire I, the Frankish power of resistance was much 
 lowered. The matter of defense in each one of the kigdoms, 
 but particularly in that of the west, which was more exposed 
 than the others, now became a very difficult problem to solve;'® 
 and one which was further complicated by reason of its con- 
 nection with point 4 above, and points 6, 7, and 8 below. 
 
 (6) The perverse character of the West Frankish nobility; 
 their increasing greed and selfishness and their declining, if not 
 utter lack of patriotism. Hostile to the interests both of the 
 higher clergy and of the crown, the lay magnates lusted to gain 
 possession of and to exploit the lands, the revenues, and all the 
 accumulated wealth of the church; while they regarded the ten- 
 ure of honores, or public functions, merely as opportunities for 
 pecuniary gain. Some went to the extreme of forming secret 
 
 16 Cf. supra, chap. i, n. 5. 
 17 Dimmler, I, 221. 
 18 See especially Fustel de Coulanges, Les transform. de la royauté, 616- 
 
 66; cf. the references given supra, chap. vi, n, 59. 
 19 Vogel, pp. 82-83; cf. p. 65 and n. 4, 
 
CHAPTER VII 115 
 
 alliances with the pagans, and few hesitated to make indirect 
 use of the Viking operations in the furtherance of their own 
 ends. The ravages of the invaders concerned them little, so 
 long as their own property and interests were not at stake. Us- 
 ually secure from attack in their rural strongholds, they had 
 no desire to take the field against the Vikings for the purpose 
 of defending churches, monasteries, and towns. Moreover, war- 
 fare with the Northmen, besides being always a very uncertain 
 adventure, was from the viewpoint of the magnates an enter- 
 prise of rather doubtful value; if successful it might strengthen 
 the hands of the king, and it always involved much expense with 
 little hope of pecuniary gain. Payment of Danegeld was, with 
 the nobles, the preferred method of securing the removal of the 
 Vikings. By this expedient the magnates, in the first place, 
 _ escaped all danger and all expense; for if to raise the tribute 
 taxes were levied also on demesnial holdings, these taxes could 
 easily be shifted on the peasantry. And, in the second place, the 
 magnates in collecting the taxes due from their dependents were 
 able to reap a considerable harvest for themselves.”° 
 
 (7) The revolts of the West Frankish nobles, and the support 
 given the rebels by Louis the German. These revolts were due, 
 in large part, to attempts made by Charles the Bald to check the 
 growing independence and disobedience of the nobles, and toward 
 rehabilitating the position and the prerogatives of the crown.” 
 
 (8) The ambitious projects of Charles the Bald to annex Lor- 
 raine and to secure the undisputed recognition of his imperial 
 authority in Italy.??. The fateful preoccupation of Charles with 
 
 20 Richer’s description (Historiae, I, c. 4, ed. Waitz, pp. 3-4) of conditions 
 at the close of the ninth century is also applicable to the time of Charles 
 the Bald: “cum regnorum principes nimia rerum cupidine sese preire con- 
 tenderent, quisque ut poterat rem dilatabat. Nemo regis provectum, nemo 
 regni tutelam querebat. Aliena adquirere summum cuique erat. Nec rem 
 suam provehere videbatur, qui alieni aliquid non addebat. Unde et omnium 
 concordia in summam discordiam relapsa est. Hine direptiones, hine in- 
 cendia, hinc rerum pervasiones exarsere. Quae cum immanissime agita- 
 rentur, piratae...ad rerum immanitatem incitantur.” Ermentarius 
 (Miracula sancti Filiberti, M. G. H., SS., XV, 302) adds the following to 
 his recital of events for the year 850: ‘‘omnes fugam arripiunt, rarus est qui 
 dicat: ‘state, state, resistite, pugnate pro patria, liberis et gente!’ Sicque 
 torpentes atque invicem dissidentes, quod defendere debuerant armis, tri- 
 butis redimunt, ac christianorum pessumdatur regnum.” For a fuller dis- 
 cussion of these matters and additional. details, see Diimmler, I, 222, 228-29, 
 420-21; cf. Flach, Les orig. de Vance. France, I, 147-48 and passim; Favre, 
 Eudes, 221 ff.; supra, pp. 26-27 and n. 6, 33-34, 41-438, 45-49, 66-71; infra, 
 chap. ix. 
 
 21 Cf supra, pp. 37-39 and notes. 
 
 22 For detailed discussion of these enterprises, see Diimmler, III, 32 ff. 
 
116 THE DANEGELD DURING THE REIGN OF CHARLES THE BALD 
 
 these projects in the last years of his reign was doubtless one of 
 the principal reasons why Danegeld had to be paid in 877.” 
 Moreover, these unwise and unsuccessful enterprises helped to 
 exhaust the resources needed for the defense of the home lands. 
 
 These various circumstances, which apply in particular to the 
 western kingdom, combined to form during the reign of Charles 
 the Bald that peculiar situation which must be regarded as the 
 real reason why he was constrained to pay Danegeld. To assume 
 that Louis the German, or any other contemporary ruler, could 
 have done better than Charles the Bald in a similar situation, is 
 either to ignore the essential facts in the case, or to under- 
 estimate the power of the controlling forces of the age.** 
 
 On the accession of Louis the Stammerer, Hincmar voiced the 
 hope that the ensuing reign would be one of better accord be- 
 tween king and magnates than that of Charles the Bald had 
 been; that, consequently, there would be a revival of public 
 spirit, of patriotism, and of military valor; that the policy of 
 buying off the foreign enemy would be discontinued; and that 
 the abuses engendered by the exaction of the Danegeld would 
 be gradually stamped out.?> But all such hopes were to prove 
 vain. On several occasions the successors of Charles the Bald 
 found themselves in situations out of which they could devise 
 no means of escape other than the one to which he had resorted, 
 because in the nature of the case there was no other. 
 
 It will perhaps be agreed that in the situation analyzed above 
 the most important single factor, next to the Vikings themselves, 
 was the attitude of the West Frankish nobility. Almost always it 
 was the magnates who were chiefly responsible for the conditions 
 which forced the king to fall back on the Danegeld as a last 
 resort. For this reason, the policy of paying Danegeld must be 
 regarded as much less the policy of the king than of the mag- 
 nates. And the truth of this assertion is further illustrated by 
 the fact that Danegeld continued to be paid in the West Frankish 
 kingdom long after the death of Charles the Bald. His succes- 
 sors, who are distinguishable from the other magnates only by 
 
 23 Cf. supra, pp. 93-96; Vogel, 83 ff. 
 
 24 We know that Lothaire II on at least one occasion found it necessary 
 to resort to the Danegeld (see infra, appendix iv). As for Louis the Ger- 
 man, he “never raised a finger to repel the numerous inroads of the North- 
 
 men in Saxony” (Vogel, 257). 
 25 See supra, chap. vi, n. 114. 
 
CHAPTER VII i Fa Lf 
 
 their royal title, were not in position to oppose the policy of the 
 all-powerful aristocracy.*° There was to be no change in this 
 policy until the magnates began to realize that the continued 
 pursuit of it would undermine their own interests.” 
 
 26 Cf. Fustel de Coulanges, op. cit., 640-66, 689-702; Baldamus, Heer- 
 wesen (in Gierke’s Untersuch. 2. d. Staats- u. Rechtsgesch., IV), pp. 32-34; 
 
 Flach op. cit., I, 147-48. 
 27 Cf. infra, chap. xiv. 
 
DAR TelLt 
 
 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877. 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE DANEGELD PAID FOR CARLOMAN IN 884. 
 
 The payment of Danegeld in the West Frankish realm did not 
 cease with the death of Charles the Bald in 877.' Only seven 
 years after that date, in 884, the Vikings were again in position 
 to demand tribute; and they received then a larger sum than 
 they had on any preceding occasion, indeed the largest ever paid 
 them by the Franks.’ 
 
 If Louis the Stammerer, the immediate successor of Charles 
 the Bald, did not find it necessary to resort to the Danegeld, this 
 may be explained not only by the brevity of his reign (877—79), 
 but also by the fact that during these years the Danish Vikings 
 made England the principal theater of their operations.? It is 
 to be noted, moreover, that many Vikings about this time gave 
 up their former habits, and reconciled themselves to a more 
 settled and domesticated mode of existence in what came to be 
 called the Danelaw. 
 
 1 Cf. supra, p. 116. 
 
 2 What follows in the next succeeding paragraphs, down to the establish- 
 ment of the Vikings at Condé (see infra, p. 122 and n. 22), is not intended to 
 be more than a brief summary of the Viking movements and the general 
 situation in the West Frankish kingdom, from the death of Charles the Bald 
 to the time of Carloman. It is based largely on the detailed discussion of 
 this period given by Vogel (pp. 260-311); in some cases, however, references 
 are given also to the work of Ditimmler (III, 113-71, 198-258). 
 
 3 Vogel, 260-63. It is true that a band of Vikings was operating in the 
 lower Loire during the reign of Louis the Stammerer (cf. supra, pp. 108-9 and 
 nn. 106-8), and that the latter made an attempt to aid Abbot Hugh in ex- 
 pelling them. But the king fell ill on this expedition, and, so far as known, 
 nothing ever came of it. In any case, the Loire was not cleared of Vikings 
 until the time of Louis III (882). See Vogel, 257-59, 311. 
 
THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 119 
 
 There was, however, among the Danes in England, a more 
 adventurous element, the members of which could not or would 
 not resign themselves to peaceful pursuits. Quite naturally these 
 came to regard conditions in England as less and less satisfac- 
 tory for their purposes, in proportion as Alfred the Great was 
 able to increase the efficiency and the resisting power of the West 
 Saxon fyrd. The numbers of this adventuorous element were 
 much augmented by the arrival in the Thames, about the year 
 878, of a fresh group of Vikings from Denmark. These adven- 
 turers and freebooters, old and new, soon coalesced to form the 
 nucleus of a very large and powerful military organization, later 
 known as the “great army” of the Danes. 
 
 Abandoning England as a land of small opportunities for 
 plunder and tribute, these Vikings in the summer of 879 trans- 
 ported themselves across the channel to the Frankish realm, 
 where conditions were from their point of view much more in- 
 viting. Their landing, in July, on the coast of Flanders at a 
 point not far from Calais, marked the beginning of a long period 
 of calamities for the Franks; a period during which the Vikings 
 plundered, burned, and massacred almost at will throughout the 
 entire region between the Rhine and the Seine. This disastrous 
 epoch did not come to a close until in 892, when the “great army”’ 
 at last returned to the Thames, its original point of departure.* 
 To follow all the movements of this army after its arrival in 
 Frankish territory, does not fall within the scope of the present 
 treatise. But an attempt must be made to explain how that 
 situation arose which in 884 led to the payment of another 
 Danegeld. 
 
 On the death of Louis the Stammerer, in 879, certain mag- 
 nates of the West Frankish kingdom, under the leadership of 
 Abbot Gauzelin and Count Conrad of Paris, endeavored to ex- 
 clude Louis and Carloman, the two youthful sons of the Stam- 
 merer, from the succession to the throne. This party of oppo- 
 sition allied itself with Louis the Younger, king of the East 
 Franks, who, on the invitation of the rebels, at once under- 
 took to invade and conquer the kingdom to the west. The plan 
 was foiled only by the prompt action of Abbot Hugh, guardian 
 and protector of the young princes; by the concession of western 
 Lorraine, Hugh induced Louis the Younger to give up his am- 
 
 4 Vogel, 371-72. 
 
120 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 bitious project and to return home. In September of the same 
 year (879) he was able to secure the coronation of his two royal 
 wards.® 
 
 New troubles, however, did not long wait to announce them- 
 selves. In October occurred the revolt of Boso, who was recog- 
 nized and crowned as king in Burgundy;* and in January of 
 the following year (880), Louis the Younger, at the instigation 
 of Abbot Gauzelin and Count Conrad,’ renewed his invasion 
 of the western kingdom. } 
 
 Probably it was the threatening activities of the Northmen 
 at this time which induced the Franks to compose their griev- 
 ances, and to give attention to the real dangers facing them.® 
 With the retirement of Louis the Younger, and the reéntrance 
 of the West Frankish rebels into royal favor, it became possible 
 at last to proceed to a division of the western realm between 
 the two (elder) sons of Louis the Stammerer: Francia and 
 Neustria were to constitute the kingdom of Louis III; while 
 Aquitaine, Burgundy, and Gothia fell to the lot of Carloman.? 
 
 There can be no doubt that the events above described were 
 well kown to the Northmen, and that the latter intended to 
 avail themselves of the favorable opportunity created by the 
 domestic quarrels and rivalries of the Franks. After its ar- 
 rival in Flanders in July, 879, the “great army” had proceeded 
 at once to plunder and devastate the valleys of the Yser, Lys, 
 and Scheldt. In November the Vikings established themselves 
 in winter quarters at Ghent; and from that point as a center, 
 they rapidly extended their plundering operations in all direc- 
 tions. Owing to the preoccupation of the Franks, which we 
 have noted above, the freebooters met with practically no re- 
 sistance.’° The blow dealt by Louis the Younger (of the East 
 Franks) in February, 880, to one division of the “great army,” 
 at Thiméon in Lorraine,'' was hardly more than an incident; 
 and during the spring and summer of 880 both Louis III and 
 
 5 Dimmler, III, 113-18; cf. Vogel, 263. 
 
 6 Dummler, III, 121-27. 
 
 7 Gauzelin and Conrad were the leaders of a party of nobles opposed to 
 that of Abbot Hugh. It appears that they were jealous of Hugh, whose 
 influence with Louis III was from their point of view altogether too great. 
 Ann. Vedast., 880, ed. Dehaisnes, p. 302 and note (a). 
 
 8 Dtiimmler, III, 127-33; cf. Vogel, 266-67. 
 
 9 Dummler, III, 137-38. 
 
 10 Vogel, 264, 266. 
 
 11 J/bid., 267-69. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 121 
 
 Carloman were occupied in a futile endeavor to subjugate Boso 
 in Burgundy.’ It is true that in the meantime Abbot Gauzelin 
 had been charged with the defense of Francia; but his ambitious 
 project to wipe out the ‘“‘great army” at Ghent, ended in miser- 
 
 able failure, and served only to increase the audacity of the 
 invaders." 
 
 In November the Viking camp was moved from Ghent to 
 Kortrijk, on the Lys, from which place the entire region as far 
 south as the Somme, was subjected to pitiless devastation. So 
 heartrending was the lamentation that arose as a result of the 
 terrible calamities which his land suffered at the hands of the 
 Vikings, that Louis III, abandoning the attempt to reduce Boso 
 to obedience, determined to give his exclusive attention to the 
 Northmen. In June, 881, he moved against them with con- 
 siderable forces, and on August 3 won a brilliant victory, over 
 a large division of the “great army” at Saucourt (in the Vimeu, 
 just south of the mouth of the Somme). Some eight or nine 
 thousand Danes are said to have fallen in this engagement." 
 Thenceforth the Vikings probably harbored a wholesome fear of 
 the military prowess of Louis III. Discovering presently that 
 conditions in the East Frankish realm were now better adapted 
 for their purposes, the invaders gave up their camp at Kortrijk, 
 and proceeded both by land and by water to Elsloo, on the 
 Meuse. Here they began, in November 881, the construction 
 of a very strong camp, from which the valleys of the Meuse, 
 the Rhine, and the Moselle, were to be plundered.*® 
 
 In the West Frankish realm there followed, after the events 
 just described, a period of comparative quiet. It was, however, 
 not of long duration — hardly a year." On August 5, 882, 
 Louis III, the hero of Saucourt, died;'* and in the following 
 month his brother Carloman, a mere youth, was acknowledged 
 king of the entire West Frankish realm.1® About the same 
 
 12 Dummler, III, 137-388. 
 
 13 Vogel, 269 ff. 
 
 1470 f Dummicr, sill. 153~ if, 
 
 15 Vogel, 269-75. 
 
 16 Ibid., 280 ff. 
 
 Aap Deo Li it. 
 
 18 Diimmler, III, 207. In July, 882, hardly a month before his death, 
 Louis III appears to have concluded an arrangement with the Northmen of 
 the Loire by which the latter were persuaded to put to sea in the fall of that 
 year. Just what the terms of the agreement were we do not know. See 
 Vogel, 349, 350 and n. 1. 
 
 19 Dimmler, III, 207, 228. 
 
Ze THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 99 
 
 time the “great army,” under the leadership of Godfrey, Sieg- 
 fried, Vurm, and Hals, had abandoned its camp at Elsloo and, 
 in accordance with a treaty concluded with Charles the Fat,’° 
 had evacuated the territories of the East Franks." Godfrey 
 probably retired to his newly acquired fiefs in Frisia; while 
 Siegfried and his followers sailed out of the Meuse only to 
 ascend the Scheldt as far as Condé, where, in October, 882, they 
 established themselves in a fortified winter camp.”? 
 
 The usual operations were promptly commenced, and the 
 entire territory west and south to the Somme was _ speedily 
 plundered.”* Carloman made some attempt to check the inva- 
 ders but was able to accomplish little, since his right-hand man, 
 Abbot Hugh, was absent in Germany,** and since several of the 
 magnates refused to aid him.?° The Northmen, evidently aware 
 of this situation, proceeded to make the most of their opportun- 
 ity. Plundering and burning, they advanced to the vicinity of 
 Rheims. It was doubtless feared that they would attack the 
 episcopal city itself; for Hincmar hastily collected the relics 
 and treasures of his church and with these fled beyond the 
 Marne.”®° Undaunted by the scant success of his earlier effort, 
 Carloman for the second time ventured with his meager forces 
 to oppose the invaders. Having engaged and defeated one group 
 of Vikings, he compelled another hastily to fall back and to 
 rejoin the main army; and the latter, though not attacked, yet 
 deemed it prudent to return to the camp at Condé.*’ 
 
 But this was only a partial and temporary success. In De- 
 cember (882) the pagans recommenced their operations, ad- 
 vancing as far as the Oise without meeting any resistance.”* 
 
 20 See infra, appendix iv. 
 
 21 Part of the “great army” may have remained for some time in the 
 district of the lower Rhine or of the Meuse. See Vogel, 294 and n. 4. 
 
 22 fbid., 312 and n. 1. Cf. Dimmler (III, 209, n. 1), who quotes some 
 additional sources. 
 
 23 Ann. Veduast., 882, pp. 314-15. 
 
 24 Abbot Hugh had departed in November on an embassy to Charles the 
 Fat. Hugh at this time was the most influential magnate in the western 
 kingdom, the real ruler in fact, and the defense of the realm had been 
 specially entrusted to him. Cf. Diimmler, III, 207, n. 5. 
 
 25 Ann. Bert., 882, ed. Waitz, p. 154. 
 
 26 ?bid. Hinemar asserts that the Vikings intended to conquer the king- 
 dom (of Francia?). The aged archbishop died in exile from his see on 
 December 21, 882 (cf. Diimmler, III, 209-10). The Annals of St. Bertin, it 
 may be noted, were not continued after his death. 
 
 27 Ann. Bert., 882, p. 154; Ann. Vedast., 882, pp. 314-15. Cf. Vogel, 313-14. 
 
 28 Ann. Vedast., 882, p. 315. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 123 
 
 Abbot Hugh, who had by this time returned home, now collected 
 his men and united them with the army of the king. Together 
 they inflicted some minor losses on the Vikings and forced them 
 back to their ships.*® But all to no avail. Early in 883 the 
 Vikings again set forth on their work of destruction, and again 
 Carloman’s efforts to check them met with no success.*® In the 
 spring, however, the “great army” quitted its camp at Condé 
 and proceeded to Flanders, to spend the summer plundering that 
 territory.** 
 
 Carloman, who may have been aware of the plans of the 
 Northmen,* in the fall (883) again placed himself at the head 
 of his army and took up a position at Miannay (in the Vimeu), 
 on the left bank of the lower Somme; doubtless hoping that he 
 might be able successfully to resist the Vikings should they at- 
 tempt to ascend the Somme.*® That the young monarch was 
 doing everything in his power to protect the kingdom, can hardly 
 be denied. But his efforts proved all in vain. Towards the close 
 of October, the whole “great army” arrived at a place on the 
 right bank of the Somme directly opposite that occupied by the 
 forces of Carloman; and about the same time the Danish fleet 
 entered the mouth of the river.** Whether an engagement took 
 place is not known, but Carloman and his army were forced to 
 flee beyond the Oise.*° 
 
 The Vikings then advanced up the valley of the Somme to 
 Amiens, where they prepared to spend the winter*® — a terrible 
 winter for the population between the Somme and the Seine. 
 The entire region was laid waste; monasteries and churches, 
 houses and villages, were burned to the ground. The North- 
 
 29 Ann. Vedast., 882, p. 315. 
 
 30 Ibid., 883, p/.316. Cf. Vogel, 315, n. 1. 
 
 31 Ann. Vedast., 883, p. 316. 
 
 32 This may be inferred from the fact that he took up his position at a 
 point which commanded the entrance to the Somme. Cf. infra, n. 34. 
 
 33 Ann. Vedast., 883, pp. 316-17. 
 
 34 Ann. Vedast., 883, p. 317: “Nortmanni vero, octobrio mense finiente, 
 Latuerum cum equitibus et peditibus atque omni supellectili veniunt. Naves 
 quoque per mare Sumnam fluvium ingressae, ete.” Regino, Chronicon, 884, 
 ed. Kurze, p. 121: “Nortmanni, qui ab Haslon recesserant, Somnam fluvium 
 intrant ibique consederunt.” SHthelwerdi chronicon, III, 884, M.G.H., SS., 
 XIII, p. 123; Florentius Wigorn., Chronicon ex chronicis, 884, Mon. historica 
 Britannica, pp. 560-61; Annales anglo-saxonici, 884, M.G.H., SS., XIII, pp. 
 104-5. Cf. Vogel, 315. 
 
 35 Ann. Vedast., 883, p. 317: “regem cunctumque exercitum ejus fugere 
 compulerunt [Nortmanni], atque Hisam fluvium transire fecerunt.” 
 
 36. Ibid. 
 
124 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 men, according to the Annals of St. Vaast, “ceased not to take 
 Christian people captive and to kill them. . . . Through all the 
 streets lay bodies of the clergy, of laymen, nobles and others, 
 of women, children, and suckling babes. There was no road 
 nor place where the dead did not lie; and all were filled with 
 sorrow and despair when they saw the Christian people brought 
 almost to the verge of destruction.’** Encountering no resist- 
 ance whatever,*® the Vikings threw ‘off all restraint and con- 
 verted the country subject to their raids into an immense sham- 
 bles. It became patent that something had to be done at once 
 to stem the tide of destruction, or all would be lost. 
 
 In tardy recognition of this fact, the West Frankish mag- 
 nates assembled at Compiégne early in 884, to discuss what 
 measures ought to be taken by them — not by the king — to 
 secure the removal of the Danes.*® So far as we know, the 
 
 37 Ann. Vedast., 883-84, pp. 317-18. The translation of this passage in- 
 serted into the text above, is, except for a few emendations, that given by J. 
 H. Robinson in his Readings in European History (Chicago, Ginn and Com- 
 pany, 1906), I, p. 164. 
 
 38 Ann. Vedast., 883, p. 317: “nemine eis [Nortmannis] resistente. Tune 
 Franci, videntes Nortmannorum res prospere in omnibus accrescere, etc.” 
 
 39 Ibid. (this follows immediatedly after the words quoted in the preced- 
 ing note): “quemdam Danum christianum, Sigefridum nomine, mittunt ad 
 eos, qui caute cum eis de redemptione regni ageret.” Jbid., 884, p. 318: 
 “Interim, quia rex juvenis erat, omnes principes Compendio palatio con- 
 veniunt, tractaturi quid illis esset agendum; initoque consilio, Sigefridum 
 
 .. mittunt ut cum principibus suae gentis tractaret, ut tributum accip- 
 erent, et a regno abirent.’ As appears from the above quotations, the 
 Annals of St. Vaast contain two separate recitals regarding the embassy of 
 Siegfried. According to the first of these, the negotiations with the Danes 
 were begun before the end of the year 883; while according to the second, 
 they did not commence until early in 884. Though there is no disagreement 
 between the two recitals, except in the matter of the dates, it is true that 
 the first lacks certain details given in the second and does not follow the nego- 
 tiations to their conclusion. It is possible that Siegfried was sent before the 
 close of the year 883, but that no agreement with the Vikings could be 
 reached until February, 884 (cf. von Kalckstein, Abt Hugo, in Forsch. 2. d. 
 Gesch., XIV, 120-21). The basis for this view is the fact that the entry for 
 883 mentions only the sending of Siegfried, the purpose of his mission, and 
 his arrival in Amiens; while the entry for 884 goes on to describe the protrac- 
 tion of the negotiations and the final arrangement. I am inclined, however, 
 to take a different view. Two important considerations lead me to believe 
 that the entry for 883 is erroneous, and that the magnates did not decide to 
 parley with the Danes until early in 884 (Vogel, p. 316, apparently takes a 
 similar view, but without giving any reasons for it). In the first place, 
 it is very strange that a medieval annalist, and particularly one with as 
 great a love for brevity as the annalist of St. Vaast, should have repeated 
 at the beginning of his entries for 884 information which he had already 
 given at the end of his recital for 883; secondly, it is very improbable that 
 the Danes would have engaged in the terrible devastation described at the 
 beginning of 884, if, in fact, negotiations for the payment of tribute were 
 already under way. On this basis, therefore, I venture the following con- 
 
CHAPTER VIII 125 
 
 magnates came together on their own initiative — there is no 
 evidence that they had been summoned by the king — and they 
 tried to justify the taking of matters into their own hands by 
 urging the youthfulness of Carloman. Of the deliberations of 
 the magnates no record has come down to us save that, having 
 taken counsel, they decided to open negotiations with the Viking 
 leaders, to sound them cautiously as to their demands, and if 
 possible to persuade them to evacuate the kingdom in return for 
 the payment of tribute. There is no indication of any kind 
 that it entered the minds of the magnates to get rid of the Danes 
 in some way other than by payment of tribute.*° 
 
 Before we seek to penetrate into the motives of the magnates 
 when they adopted this course, it will be desirable first to try 
 to ascertain whether their explanation of Carloman’s failure to 
 check the advance of the Northmen — namely that it was due 
 to his youth and inexperience —* is the true one. It must be 
 admitted that despite all the efforts of the young monarch to 
 check the ravages of the Vikings, these had increased rather 
 that diminished.” Just why this was so, why Carloman had 
 not been able to offer effective resistance, is, of course, a ques- 
 tion of capital importance in an attempt to determine the raison 
 d’étre of the Danegeld of 884. Was it principally because of 
 immaturity and lack of military ability? Or was it rather be- 
 cause he had not been properly supported? Or were there per- 
 haps other reasons? While it is difficult to elicit from our 
 sources thoroughly satisfactory answers to these questions, the 
 
 jecture. The person who wrote the entries for 884 was, it would seem, not 
 aware of any previous entry relative to the embassy of Siegfried. It is 
 possible, therefore, that the annals beginning with 884 were not written by 
 the person who had made the entries for the preceding period. We know 
 that the author of the Annals of St. Vaast was an inmate of the monastery 
 of that name (see Dehaisnes’ note on p. 307 of his edition of these annals) ; 
 we know also that Rodulf, the abbot of St. Vaast, died in 883 (ibid., 883, p. 
 317). Rodulf may have been the author of the annals until his death in 
 883; some later scribe in possession of this earlier part of the work, but 
 not of the remainder, may have added at the end of the manuscript in his 
 possession the sentences referring to Siegfried, without indicating, possibly 
 without knowing, that the negotiations with the Danes were begun in 884 
 and not in 883.—See also infra, n. 69. 
 
 40 Compare with this the deliberations of the East Franks in 882. They 
 appear to have had no other thought than that of expelling the invaders by 
 force of arms. See infra, appendix iv. 
 
 41 Cf. supra, n. 39. 
 
 42 Ann. Vedast., 883, p. 317: ‘“Franci, videntes Nortmannorum res pros- 
 pere in omnibus accrescere, etc.” Regino, Chron., 884, loc. cit., p. 121: 
 “Quorum [Normannorum] creberrimas incursiones cum Carlomannus sus- 
 tinere non posset, etc.” Cf. supra, pp. 121 ff. 
 
126 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 considerations set forth in the following paragraph may serve 
 to throw some light on the general situation. Obviously it would 
 be a serious error to attribute the ill success of the Franks ex- 
 clusively to the youth and inexperience of their king unless, 
 indeed, no other reasons for it were apparent. Our first task, 
 accordingly, must be to note the other factors entering into the 
 situation, and to determine, so far as we may, the relative im- 
 portance of each of these. 
 
 It is generally admitted that the “great army” was one of the 
 largest Viking forces with which the Franks ever had to con- 
 tend.*® On the other hand, it is very improbable that Carloman 
 had ever had_at his command anything approaching an adequate 
 number of troops.** The freemen who owed military service were 
 growing ever less in number,* and there is reason to believe 
 that their diminution in the recent period had been very rapid.*° 
 For some time past the real military strength of the kingdom 
 had been, not the army of freemen under the leadership of the 
 counts, but the contingents of vassals led by the great mag- 
 nates.** Though some of the latter may have come to the aid 
 of Carloman,** it is very doubtful that even a majority of the 
 magnates had properly supported the young monarch in his 
 military endeavors.*® We must note also that with regard to 
 organizations, tactics, and leadership, the Franks were as yet 
 
 43 Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 209-17; Vogel, 262-63, 315, 325. 
 44 Cf. supra, pp. 121 ff.; infra, n. 49. 
 45 Cf. supra, chap. vi, n. 59; p. 114 and n. 18. 
 
 46 Hincmar, Ad episcopos regni admonitio altera, c. xv (Migne, Patr. Lat., 
 CXXV, 1016): “in tantum ... affligerentur pauperes, ut inde prius in ex- 
 ercitu plures ire poterant, vix aliqui modo ire praevaleant.” These words 
 were written by Hincmar at the close of the year 882, shortly before he died. 
 
 47 Cf. supra, chap. vi, n. 59. 
 
 48 At the time the Northmen came to Rheims in 882, Hincmar’s men were 
 with the army of Carloman (Ann. Bert., 882, p. 154). Abbot Hugh, after 
 he had returned from Germany, collected his forces and joined the king (cf. 
 supra, p. 123); Hugh (accompanied by his men?) was with Carloman also at 
 Miannay (cf. ibid.) according to a document issued at that place (Bouquet, 
 IX, 431; cf. Dimmler, III, 207, n. 5 and v. Kalckstein, op. cit., p. 120). 
 
 49 According to the Annals of St. Vaast (882, p. 290), Hugh’s absence in 
 Germany in 882 was very unfortunate “quia Karlomannus non habuit unde 
 Nortmannis posset resistere, quibusdam regni primoribus ab ipsius auxilio 
 se retrahentibus.” Later in the same year Carloman is said to have op- 
 posed the Northmen “cum quibus potuit” (ibid., p. 291); which seems to 
 imply that there were comparatively few men at the king’s disposal. In’ 
 connection with the ravages of the Vikings in 882, and again in 883, we 
 meet the words, “nemine sibi [eis] resistente” (ibid., pp. 315, 317). - 
 
me We 
 
 CHAPTER VIII Lae 
 
 inferior to the Northmen.®® There can hardly be any doubt that 
 engagements between equal numbers of Vikings and Franks, even 
 when the latter were under the direction of their ablest men, 
 had so far usually ended in favor of the Vikings.*! There is, 
 furthermore, conclusive evidence that the Frankish army of this 
 period was sadly lacking in morale.®* These facts speak for 
 themselves; doubtless they were the real reason for Carloman’s 
 failure to defeat the Northmen. His lack of experience and 
 insight may perhaps have had something to do with the matter; 
 but it is at best very doubtful whether a more mature ruler 
 placed in the same circumstances as Carloman, could have suc- 
 ceeded in forcibly expelling the Northmen.** 
 
 Remains now to explain the reasons for the policy of the West 
 Frankish magnates. Why did they not give better support to 
 the military efforts of Carloman? What made them prefer to 
 resort to the Danegeld? Attention should be called to the fact 
 that this was not the only course open to them.®* They might, 
 conceivably, have chosen to support the military policy of the 
 king and, in accordance therewith, have attempted by a united 
 effort forcibly to expel the Danes from the realm. But they 
 
 50 Vogel, 39-41, 43-44; ef. Vander Linden, “Les Normands a4 Louvain,” 
 Rev. Hist., 1917, CXXIV, 69, 70 and n. 1. If it is true that the superiority 
 of the Vikings in leadership and tactics began to wane towards the close of 
 the ninth century (Vogel, 44), this change is certainly not noticeable before 
 the siege of Paris in 885-86 (cf. ibid., 337-38, 368-69). 
 
 51 To support and illustrate this statement, it seems necessary only to 
 cite a few examples, such as the following: the engagement at Brissarthe in 
 866, where Robert the Strong was killed (Vogel, 218-19); the miserable 
 defeat and rout of the troops under Abbot Gauzelin in 880 (ibid., 269-70) ; 
 the sanguinary defeat of Duke Brun’s Saxon army in the same year (ibid., 
 276). Louis III’s victory over the Vikings at Saucourt (see supra, p. 121) is 
 doubtless to be explained in part by the probable numerical superiority of 
 the Franks (cf. Vogel, 274); like other lesser successes of the Franks, its 
 importance has no doubt been much exaggerated not only by tradition (ibid., 
 273, n. 1), but also by the contemporary annalists (see Vander Linden, op. 
 cit., pp. 66-67). 
 
 52 Robbery had become so common among the West Franks that it must 
 have been a serious risk for anyone to leave his holdings for any length of 
 time. The man who went to perform the army service required of him 
 might return home only to find himself plundered of all or most of what he 
 possessed. Quite naturally many preferred not to go. Of those who actually 
 went to the army many are said to have gone merely for the sake of thereby 
 securing more favorable opportunities for plunder and pillage. All of which 
 must have had a disastrous effect on the morale of the army (Capit. Ver- 
 nense, M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, p. 371, lines 37-38; p. 372, lines 2 ff. 
 Cf. infra, n. 61 and supra, n. 35). 
 
 53 Vogel (p. 316) apparently takes a different view; but cf. v. Kalckstein, 
 op: ¢cit., Dei. 
 
 54 Vogel, loc. cit., thinks it was, or at least believes the magnates thought 
 so. 
 
128 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 did not. Why? Obviously on one or both of the following 
 grounds: (1) Knowing the strength and military superiority of 
 the Northmen, the magnates believed it impossible to defeat 
 them under existing circumstances; or (2) the magnates had 
 
 a special interest in securing their removal by the payment of 
 Danegeld. 
 
 As regards the first of these points, the following considera- 
 tions may suffice. If we admit that the Vikings were superior 
 to the Franks in military qualities, and that their “great army”’ 
 had outnumbered the army of Carloman,** it is still difficult 
 to believe that the Frankish resources in men and matériel, 
 potentially at least, were not far greater than those of the 
 Vikings.°° And while the army of Carloman had been lacking 
 in morale,*’ it can not be conceded that the Franks in all cases 
 were inferior to the Northmen in personal valor.®* If the Vik- 
 ings had the advantage of superior leadership, it is nevertheless 
 true that there were men of considerable ability among the 
 Franks, such as Abbot Hugh, Abbot Gauzelin, Count Odo, and 
 others.°® With these assets in their favor, there seems to be 
 some reason for believing that if the Franks had set aside their 
 selfish personal interests, and had patriotically united their ef- 
 forts in defense of their land and their possessions, they would 
 in the end have prevailed over the Vikings.®° And since this 
 
 5D Cf. supra; nn. 49, 50: 
 
 56 The point here is that Carloman’s army had represented but a small 
 fraction of all the military resources of the western kingdom—even exclu- 
 sive of Aquitaine and Burgundy. If all the “effectives’” of Francia and 
 Neustria, or even a majority of them, could have been brought into the 
 field, it seems to the present writer that they must have far outnumbered 
 the entire “great army.” At the siege of Paris (885-86) the “great army” 
 is said to have numbered some forty thousand men, and Vogel (p. 325) be- 
 lieves this to have been “die grosste normannische Armee, die je auf frank- 
 ischem Boden vereinigt worden war.” Yet, this army was but a fraction of 
 the surplus male population of Denmark. It does not seem possible that the . 
 total male population of Denmark—or even of Scandinavia—could have been 
 greater than that of Francia and Neustria (Levasseur, La population fran- 
 caise, I, 132-41, estimates the population of France in the ninth century at 
 five and one-half millions; in Hildebrand’s (ed.) Sveriges historia, III, 282; 
 the population of Sweden with Finland and its other possessions, in the 
 sixteenth century, is estimated at one-half million). Can there be any 
 doubt, then, that the potential military strength of the western Franks, had 
 it been available, would have been overwhelmingly greater than that of the 
 Viking forces? 
 
 of CLOSUDTO.G I D2: 
 
 58 Vogel, 39, 44. 
 
 59 v. Kalckstein, op. cit., p. 126; Vogel, 323. Cf. Eckel, Charles le Simple, 
 p. 3. 
 
 60 After the payment of the Danegeld, which doubtless proved far heavier 
 
CHAPTER VIII 129 
 
 was recognized at the time, in fact almost taken for granted,” 
 we are perforce driven to the conclusion that the real or principal 
 reason for the policy of the magnates was, not any diffidence 
 in their own ability to resist and even to defeat the Northmen, 
 but rather a preference to secure their removal by the payment 
 of Danegeld, a preference which grew out of the purely selfish 
 interests to which these magnates were committed. 
 
 What has been said above is not intended to imply that the 
 Frankish magnates had entered into conspiracy with the Vikings 
 in the matter of the Danegeld. The fact that they eventually 
 took measures to secure the removal of the invaders, is evidence 
 that even from their point of view the presence of the Danes, 
 with its attendant destruction of life and property, was an evil, 
 which sooner or later had to be cured in some way.” For this 
 very reason, however, their failure to support the military efforts 
 of Carloman, and their dilatory tactics in general, seem all the 
 more striking. Not until the northern part of Francia had been 
 converted into a shambles, did the magnates evince anything 
 like a serious concern in the welfare of their country.®* Were 
 
 than had been expected (cf. infra, pp. 131-32), the Franks did unite their 
 forces, and prepared to support Carloman in case the Vikings should violate 
 the terms of their agreement. See infra, n. 96. 
 
 61 The following quotations from Carloman’s Capitulare Vernense, issued 
 in March, 884 (M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, pp. 371 ff.), may suffice to illus- 
 trate the point referred to in the text: “[p. 371] non est autem mirum, si 
 pagani et exterae nationes nobis dominantur nobisque temporalia tollunt, dum 
 unusquisque proximo suo per vim tollit, unde vivere debet, ete. [p. 372] Nos 
 vero praedamur fratres nostros, et idcirco pagani merito nos nostramque sub- 
 stantiam depraedantur. Quomodo igitur securi poterimus pergere contra 
 inimicos ... nostros, cum ‘rapina pauperis inclusa est in domo nostra’? 
 Et non solum domi reclusa est, verum etiam plerumque evenit, ut pleno 
 ventre rapina in hostem quidam proficiscantur. Et quomodo poterimus ini- 
 micos nostros devincere, cum sanguis fratrum nostrorum ab ore nostro dis- 
 tillat, et manus nostrae plenae sunt sanguine et brachia pondere miseriarum 
 et rapinarum gravantur totaque virtus animi corporisque debilitatur?’ On 
 two occasions the annalist of St. Vaast, after having described the ravages 
 of the Vikings, adds with a reproach: “nemine eis [Normannis] resistente” 
 (supra, n. 49). Cf. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., p. 122. 
 
 62° Cf. supra, n. 39. 
 
 63 Cf. supra, pp. 123-25. The statement in the text applies to the mag- 
 nates as a class, or a body. It is true that a few individuals among them, 
 like Hincmar and Abbot Hugh, may have given Carloman some support (cf. 
 supra, n. 48). Still, even Hugh did not, so far as we know, lift a finger 
 against the Vikings after they had established themselves at Amiens in 883 
 and were devastating the valleys of the Seine and the Oise. That was per- 
 mitted to go on nemine eis resistente (supra, n. 49). v. Kalckstein’s words 
 (op. cit., p. 120): “Da man ihren Fortschritten kein Ziel zu setzen ver- 
 mochte,” are misleading, for not the slightest attempt was made to check 
 the Vikings after they had reached Amiens. It must not be assumed that 
 Hugh had any insuperable objections to the policy of paying Danegeld. We 
 
 Danegeld. 9. 
 
130 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 they endeavoring now, as on several occasions during the reign 
 of Charles the Bald, to create a situation out of which the pay- 
 ment of Danegeld would offer the only avenue of escape?: It is 
 certain that when the magnates finally convened for the purpose 
 of dealing with the Viking problem, they had no solution to offer 
 other than the payment of tribute.** ; 
 
 With the general character and interest of the magnates in 
 the western kingdom we are sufficiently familiar. It has been 
 pointed out above that, as between fighting the Northmen and 
 paying them tribute, the magnates usually preferred to pay 
 tribute.°*> And for good reasons. In the collection of the tribute 
 they were able to shift the burden of the tax so that it fell almost 
 exclusively on the subject population. Not only did the magnates 
 themselves escape the tax altogether, but in most cases they 
 were probably enriched by it. And, besides, it furnished them 
 with a valuable precedent to which appeal might be made in 
 connection with future exploitations of the peasantry.®’ There 
 is, therefore, little room for doubt as to the motives by which 
 the magnates were actuated in the formation of their policy on 
 this occasion. From their point of view warfare with an enemy 
 who was their superior in strategy and.tactics, if not in numbers, 
 was unnecessary when it could be avoided by payment of tribute. 
 Warfare, moreover, involved expense, hardships, even bodily 
 danger. That method of removing the Vikings would hardly be 
 
 know that he had agreed to it in 877 (cf. supra, pp. 95-96 and nn. 19, 20, p. 
 108), and since he was present at the assembly of magnates in Compiégne in 
 884—which included omnes principes (see supra, n. 39, and cf. v. Kalckstein, 
 op. cit., p. 121)—-we may infer that Hugh, as the foremost of the magnates, 
 was closely identified with the policy there and then adopted. 
 
 64 Cf. cunra, pp. 124-25 and n. 40. 
 
 65 Cf. supra, pp. 114-15 and n. 20. 
 
 66 Ibid. 
 
 67 This matter is well illustrated by Hincmar in the last of his extant 
 writings, Ad episcopos regni admonitio altera (cf. supra, n. 46): “[e. xiv] 
 De oppressione pauperum providendum est, quia in eorum afflictione Deus 
 offenditur. . . . Providendum est ne affligantur in aedificiis superfluis, in 
 exactione hostili, si Deus pacem pro sua misericordia tribuerit, ete. [c. xv] 
 quando enim sperant aliquid lucrari, ad legem se convertunt [sc. comites 
 et vicarii, vel etiam decani]: quando vero per legem non aestimant acqui- 
 rere, ad capitula confugiunt: sicque interdum fit, ut nec capitula pleniter 
 conserventur, sed pro nihilo habeantur, nec lex.” While it is true that 
 Hincmar is here referring particularly to those abuses that were con- 
 nected with summonses to courts of law and with the fines levied in conse- 
 quence of failure to appear, there can be little doubt that other abuses were 
 legalized by a similar method of procedure. Cf. Flach, Les origines de Vane. 
 France, I, 342-44, and passim. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 131 
 
 chosen by men devoid of public spirit, utterly selfish and greedy; 
 they would prefer a method which, while it was much more con- 
 venient, might also yield them a financial return.®® 
 
 Having agreed in principle as to the policy they were to pursue, 
 the nobles at once proceeded to open negotiations with the 
 Vikings.® For this purpose they employed as their envoy a 
 certain Siegfried, a Christian Dane, who was at that time a 
 fidelis of the West Frankish king.* It was probably felt that a 
 native Dane might be able to drive a better bargain with the 
 Vikings than a Frank. Siegfried was instructed to enter into 
 parley with the Viking leaders, and to propose to them in a 
 discreet and cautious manner that they accept tribute and depart 
 
 68 These traits of the magnates evidently were well known to the Vikings. 
 In the following year (885), when Charles the Fat sent an army of Lor- 
 rainers and West Franks against the Northmen at Louvain, the latter are 
 said to have affected surprise at seeing the nobles of the western kingdom 
 engaged in such an enterprise, and to have taunted them saying: “Why did 
 you come to us? That was not necessary. We know who you are; you 
 desire that we return to you; which we shall do” (see infra, n. 110). Van- 
 der Linden (op. cit., p. 70) doubts that these words ever were spoken by 
 the Northmen, and supposes that the annalist of St. Vaast inserted them in 
 his narrative merely for the purpose of making it interesting and dramatic; 
 in other words, Vander Linden would reduce this passage to a mere artifice 
 of style without any element of truth in it whatever (ibid., p. 67). His 
 opinion probably has been formed too hastily, and evidently is not the result 
 of any comparison of the style of the annalist of St. Vaast with those of 
 other writers of this period. Conclusions that are based exclusively on what 
 are supposed to be the general characteristics of the literary style of an 
 epoch, are at best very precarious. No one, perhaps, would deny that the 
 literary device of letting the dramatis personae talk, was frequently em- 
 ployed by the writers of the ninth century, and especially by the hagio- 
 graphers. But it will not do to carry the generalization too far and assume 
 that every author of that period habitually made use of this device. In 
 particular, it must not be assumed that the annalist of St. Vaast used it 
 very much, for, if my observations are correct, this is the only occasion on 
 which he ever put words into the mouths of the persons who figure in his 
 narrative. Even in describing the siege of Paris, which offered plentiful 
 opportunities for the employment of this device (cf. the poem of Abbo, 
 which abounds with such artifices), the annalist of St. Vaast refrained from 
 using it. In fact, the most distinguishing characteristics of his style are its 
 brevity (cf. supra, n. 39) and its freedom from rhetorical embellishments 
 and literary artifices. For these reasons I prefer to believe with Ditimmler 
 (III, 237, 349; cf. Vogel, 320) that the words accredited by the annalist of 
 St. Vaast to the Northmen do contain the substance of a sarcastic remark 
 actually made by the Vikings to the western magnates. A contrary opinion 
 must certainly be supported by more convincing arguments than those ad- 
 vanced by Vander Linden, if it is to gain general acceptance: 
 
 69 Cf. supra, n. 39. Regino (884, p. 121) states that it was Carloman who 
 promised to pay the Danegeld. But his information is at best very inac- 
 curate, and certainly is not to be given precedence over that furnished by 
 the Annals of St. Vaast. Cf. supra, nn. 76, 105, 106. 
 
 70 Ann. Vedast., 884, p. 318: “Sigefridum Danum, christianum regique 
 fidelem, qui nepos fuerat Hrorici Dani, etc.” Cf. supra, n. 39. On the 
 identity of Siegfried, see Vogel, 316, n. 2. 
 
132 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 from the kingdom.’ This commission Siegfried faithfully dis- 
 charged. Setting out from Compiégne, he went by way of Beau- 
 vais to the Viking headquarters at Amiens, and there presented 
 the proposals of the Frankish magnates to the leaders of the 
 “great army.’’? The Vikings, conscious of their advantage, 
 evidently demanded an enormous tribute as the price of their 
 withdrawal,** much to the surprise and disappointment of the 
 Frankish magnates; the latter had, in all probability, expected 
 to pay an amount of money corresponding more or less to the 
 sums paid at previous times.“ Quite naturally, therefore, re- 
 peated efforts were made to induce the Danes to lower their 
 demands; and Siegfried was compelled to journey back and forth 
 between Compiegne and Amiens a number of times before an 
 agreement could be reached.** Finally after very protracted 
 negotiations, the Vikings named as the price of their withdrawal 
 a tribute of 12,000 pounds of pure and tested silver according 
 to Norse weight, to be levied on Carloman and the Franks." 
 
 71 Ann. Vedast., 883, p. 317: “qui [i. e. Sigefridus] caute cum eis [Nort- 
 mannis] de redemptione regni ageret.” Jbid., 884, p. 318 (cf. supra, n. 39): 
 “Sigefridum ... mittunt, ut cum principibus suae gentis tractaret, ut tribu- 
 tum acciperent, et e regno abirent.” 
 
 72 Ibid., 883, p. 317: ‘“TIlle [Sigefridus] vero Bellovagum venit, et ita 
 Ambianis perrexit ad exercendum injunctum sibi negotium.”’ Jbid., 884, pp. 
 318-19 (cf. supra, n. 39): “At ille quod sibi injunctum fuit, opere implere 
 studuit, Ambianis venit, primoribus gentis quae sibi fuerant dicta enuntiat, 
 etc.” 
 
 73 Regino, 884, p. 121: “Mox avidae gentis animi ad optinendam pecuniam 
 exardescunt, ete.’ Ann. Fuldenses, III, 884, ed. Kurze, pp. 101-2: ‘Nord- 
 manni, qui regnum illius [Karlomanni] praedis et incendiis longo tempore 
 fatigaverunt, audaciores effecti, etc.” 
 
 74 At least I can suggest no other reason for the protraction of the ne- 
 
 gotiations. 
 
 75 Ann. Vedast., 884, p. 319: “et post longam et diuturnam concionem in 
 eundo et redeundo, renuntiando nunc his nunc illis, ete.” 
 
 76 Ibid.: “ad ultimum 12 milia pondera argenti cum suo pondere imposu- 
 erunt {[Nortmanni] regi et Francis in tributum.” Regino, 884, p. 121: “et 
 XII milia pondera argenti puri atque probati exigunt totidemque annis 
 pacem promittunt.” The last statement of Regino must be regarded as both 
 inaccurate and false. He probably meant twelve years, not twelve thousand; 
 i. e. totidem must be taken to refer, not to the word milia—that would be 
 absurd—but to the numerals X/J only. Even so, the truth of his statement 
 may be doubted. No other source indicates that the treaty was made fora 
 definite term of years. This may be one of those numerous errors in Re- 
 gino’s Chronicle that are to be attributed to the author’s uncritical adher- 
 ence to tradition and hearsay (see Dtimmler’s introduction to Regino in 
 Geschichtschreiber d. d. Vorzeit, IX Century, XIV, p. x; cf. Lot, “Une année 
 . . . de Charles le Chauve,” Le Moyen Age, 1902, VI, 427, n. 4; Vander Lin- 
 den, op. cit., 65-66). Ann. Fuld., III, 884, p. 102: “duodecim milia librarum 
 auri et argenti ab illa regione tributi nomine exegerunt.” I am inclined to 
 doubt that any part of the Danegeld was paid in gold, partly because there 
 is no mention of it either in the Annals of St. Vaast or in Regino’s Chronicle 
 
CHAPTER VIII 138 
 
 This was, so far as we know, the heaviest Danegeld ever de- 
 manded by the Vikings in Frankish territory ;** and it was levied 
 at a time when the ruin, desolation, and loss of life, caused by 
 the Northmen, seemed perhaps more appalling than ever before.*® 
 The agreement with the Danes evidently was reached on or 
 shortly before February 2, for from that date a truce was de- 
 clared to and including the month of October.’® The truce being 
 guaranteed by an exchange of hostages, even that part of the 
 West Frankish population which dwelt north of the Oise — and 
 which therefore had been most directly exposed to the ravages of 
 the Vikings*°—began henceforth to enjoy some measure of secur- 
 ity. But in the East Frankish kingdom, beyond the Scheldt, 
 the devastation continued as before.*! 
 
 The evidence relating to the method by which the Danegeld of 
 
 —the first of which must be regarded as more reliable on this point than the 
 Annals of Fulda—and partly because the accuracy of the Bavarian (Fulda) 
 annalist may be gravely questioned; according to him, this Danegeld was 
 neither agreed to nor paid until after the death of Carloman, which is 
 obviously not correct (cf. Vogel, 317, n. 1; Dimmler, ITI, 229, n. 3). Abou- 
 el-Cassim, an Arabic writer of the tenth century, whose information appears 
 to be badly confused, has this to say of Carloman: “Ce fut ce roi acheta des 
 Madgiousses une paix de sept ans au prix de 600 rattals d’or et de 600 
 rattals d’argent” (cited by Depping, Histoire des expéditions maritimes des 
 Normands, 201, n.2). We know that Berengar raised a large tribute for 
 the Hungarian king, Taxis, who invaded Italy in 947 (see .Liutprand, Anta- 
 podosis, V, 33, ed. Duimmler, p. 118). Is it possible that Abou-el-Cassim 
 confused Carloman with Berengar, and the Vikings with the Magyars? 
 
 77 The next highest Danegeld is that of 845, which amounted to 7,000 
 pounds (cf. supra, chap. i, n. 45). It is true that the amounts of the Dane- 
 gelds paid between 889 and 926, inclusive, are unknown; but it does not 
 appear likely that they were as high as the tribute for 884, since on the 
 later occasions the Vikings did not have such decided advantages over the 
 Franks as they did in 884. To my mind, the reign of Carloman marks the 
 culmination of the Viking invasions in the West Frankish kingdom (cf. 
 Vogel, p. 259, last paragraph). 
 
 78 The plaint of the annalist of St. Vaast, given supra, p. 124, seems to 
 justify this statement. Cf. Vogel, 316 and n. 1. 
 
 79 Ann. Vedast:, 884, p. 319: “datis obsidibus ad invicem, coeperunt hi 
 qui trans Hisam erant, aliquatenus securi esse. A die itaque purificationis 
 s. Mariae usque mense octobrio inter eos haec securitas data est.” 
 
 80 Cf. the preceding note. I can not agree with Vogel (p. 317) that trans 
 Hisam should be translated “southeast of the Oise.” In that case, the popu- 
 lation on either side of the Somme, which had suffered most, would have 
 obtained no relief. The truce must have applied to all that portion of the 
 western kingdom in which the “great army” had been operating, i. e. to the 
 entire district between the Scheldt, the Oise, and the Seine. There is no 
 evidence that the Vikings had extended their ravages southeast of the 
 Oise at this time. If they had, the magnates would hardly have assembled 
 at Compiégne, on the Oise, to deliberate. Cf. supra, p. 124 and n. 39, and see 
 the following note. 
 
 81 Ann. Vedast., 884, p. 319: “Sed Nortmanni trans Scaldum ... more 
 sibi solito . . . devastant, etc.” 
 
134 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 884 was raised, is very scant.®? All we really know is that a 
 general tax was levied for the purpose,** and, probably because 
 the tax did not yield the required amount,** that it became neces- 
 sary also to draw on the church treasuries. Perhaps we shall 
 not go far wrong if we assume that this Danegeld was secured 
 by methods very much akin to those employed for a similar pur- 
 pose in 877.°° Whether or not a graduated assessment was pre- 
 pared, proportioned in each case to the value of holdings in land 
 or to other sources of income, it may be taken for granted that 
 the burden of the tax fell, as usual, on that part of the population 
 which was least able to pay ;°° in other words, that the holders of 
 mansi, together with priests and merchants, were forced to pay 
 not only what might be regarded as their legitimate share, but 
 also that additional amount which, in justice, ought to have been 
 contributed by their seigniors.** 
 
 The sources at our disposal do not permit us to arrive at any 
 satisfactory conclusion as regards the territorial limits within 
 which this Danegeld was raised. There can be no doubt that the 
 tax was levied in Francia, which had been chiefly exposed to the 
 operations of the “great army.’’** Whether Neustria, Aquitaine, 
 and what remained of Burgundy, also were required to con- 
 tribute, must be left to conjecture. It seems hardly possible 
 that the largest tribute ever demanded by the Vikings on the 
 continent,®® could have been raised in Francia alone. On most 
 previous occasions (when the sums required were much smaller) 
 it had been usual to tax Neustria and Burgundy as well as 
 Francia ;°° and after the recent devastations Francia was, in 884, 
 more exhausted than ever. Since Carloman was now ruler of 
 
 82 Ann. Vedast., 884, p. 319: “Post sanctum itaque pascha inchoatur tribu-: 
 tum persolvi, spoliantur ecclesiae et ecclesiastica mancipia, tandem soiuto 
 tributo, mense octobrio finiente, adunantur Franci, etc.” 
 
 83 I take it that the words, “inchoatur tributum persolvi” (see he pre- 
 ceding note), imply a collection of taxes levied to raise the Danegeld; the 
 expression, “spoliantur ... ecclesiastica mancipia,’ undoubtedly indicates 
 that the serfs on the lands of the church were required to contribute toward 
 the Danegeld. 
 
 84 In 877 the church treasuries were drawn upon only after the proceeds 
 of the tax had proved inadequate (cf. supra, chap. vi, nn. 45, 47). The 
 words, “spoliantur ecclesiae ... tandem soluto tributo” (cf. supra, n. 82), 
 lead me to believe that this holds true also for 884. 
 
 85 Cf. supra, pp. 99 ff. 
 
 86 Cf. supra, pp. 102-38 and n. 68, p. 109. 
 
 87 Cf. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., p. 123. 
 
 88 Cf. supra, n. 80. 
 
 89 Cf. supra, n. 77. 
 
 90 See supra, pp. 97-98 and nn. 34, 37-40. 
 
CHAPTER. VIII 135 
 
 the entire West Frankish realm (not including Lorraine and the 
 kingdom of Boso),*t and since all the magnates are said to have 
 been assembled when they decided to buy off the Vikings,°*? it is 
 possible to argue that the whole kingdom of Carloman, at least 
 all of it outside of Aquitaine,®* was required to contribute in 
 884.°* But no statement can be made on this subject with any 
 degree of assurance. — At least seven months were required to 
 raise the enormous tribute; the first payments to the Danes were 
 made shortly after Easter (April 16), but the final installment 
 could not be paid until the end of October.®® 
 
 After the tribute had been liquidated, the Frankish magnates, 
 suspicious of the good faith and the intentions of the Vikings, 
 mobilized their forces, and prepared to offer armed resistance to 
 the invaders in the event that they should fail to live up to their 
 engagements.°® But the Vikings set fire to their camp and de- 
 parted from Amiens toward the sea-coast. Carloman and the 
 Franks, having crossed the Oise, followed the retreating Danes 
 at some distance, evidently to make sure of their departure.*’ 
 
 91+Cf. supra,.p.-121° and n. 19. 
 
 92 Cf. supra, n. 39. The fact that the magnates who assembled at Com- 
 piégne are sometimes referred to as Franci (Ann. Vedast., 883, p. 317; 884, 
 p. 319), is of no significance as regards their number or nationality. The 
 Franci are also said to have invited Charles the Fat to become the ruler of 
 the West Frankish kingdom (Ann. Vedast., 884, p. 320); yet we know that 
 Charles the Fat was recognized as king not only in the North, but also in 
 Aquitaine (Dtimmler, III, 235, n. 1). See also infra, n. 95. 
 
 93 Aquitaine had thus far never been required to contribute toward the 
 Danegeld (cf. supra, p. 98 and n. 40). It seems very doubtful that a tribute 
 for Vikings operating from the Somme would have been raised in southern 
 France. 
 
 94 vy. Kalckstein (op. cit., p. 123) believes that Abbot Hugh supervised the 
 collection of the Danegeld in Neustria. 
 
 95 See supra, n. 82. I interpret the words, “‘inchoatur tributum persolvi” 
 (cf. supra, n. 83), as signifying that the tribute was paid to the Vikings 
 in successive installments, according as it could be'collected from the tax- 
 payers. Since the first installments were paid after Easter, it may be 
 assumed that the collection of the Danegeld from the subject population had 
 begun at, or even before, Easter (i. e. April 16, according to v. Kalckstein, 
 op. cit., p. 123). It will be remembered that the Franks had agreed to raise 
 the Danegeld on, or probably before, February 2 (cf. supra, n. 79). v. Kalck- 
 stein (op. cit., p. 123) believes that the Danegeld was assessed at the As- 
 sembly of Ver in March. But it seems more probable that this had been 
 done at Compiégne in February. All the magnates had been present at 
 Compiégne (cf. supra, n. 39), but only part of them came to Ver (M.G.H. 
 LL. Sectio II, t. 2, p. 371, line 22), and the Danegeld is not even mentioned 
 in the Capitulare Vernense. 
 
 96 Ann. Vedast., 884, p. 319: “mense octobrio finiente, adunantur Franci, 
 ut si Nortmanni inmutari fidem vellent, eis resisterent.” 
 
 97 /bid.: “Nortmanni vero sua castra incendunt, atque ab Ambianis rece- 
 dunt; rex vero et Franci, transito Hysa, lente itinere eos insequuntur.” 
 Regino, 884, p. 121: “Accepta tam ingenti pecunia, funes a litore solvunt, 
 naves conscendunt et marina litora repetunt.” 
 
136 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 Arrived at Boulogne, the Vikings took counsel among themselves 
 as to future operations. They finally separated into two groups, 
 some going to England, while others proceeded to the old king- 
 dom of Lothaire. The latter group eventually established itself 
 for the winter in a camp constructed at Louvain, on the River 
 Dyle.°® 
 
 Hardly had the Frankish army disbanded, after the departure 
 of the Vikings, when Carloman was accidentally wounded by one 
 of his companions on a hunting expedition.®® The young monarch 
 survived but a few days, passing away on December 12, 884, in 
 the eighteenth year of his life.°° This left a five year old boy, 
 Charles — later called the Simple —the nearest heir to the 
 western kingdom.'"' It was recognized that the situation did 
 not permit the experiment of elevating a mere child to the throne; 
 and we may assume that the experiences of the magnates during 
 the reign of Carloman did not incline them to set up a regency 
 under a man like Abbot Hugh.’*? Also there is reason to believe 
 that the nobles were now fully alive to the danger that threat- 
 ened their own interests if they permitted the Vikings to con- 
 tinue their operations unchecked and with impunity.’ The 
 tribute of 884 had doubtless been far heavier than the magnates 
 had expected ;'°* and they probably wished to avoid the necessity 
 of having to pay another Danegeld, at least for some time. But 
 
 98 Ann. Vedast., 884, pp. 319-20: ‘‘Praedicti vero Dani iter agentes Bo- 
 noniam veniunt; ibique agentes consilium, quid sibi faciendum est, pars 
 illorum mare transiit, atque pars Luvanium in regno quondam Hlotharii; 
 ibique sibi castra statuunt ad hyemandum.” See also Regino, 884, p. 122 
 (quoted infra, n. 106); Hthelwerdi Chron., III, 884, ioc. cit., p. 123; Floren- 
 tius Wigorn., 885, loc. cit., p. 561; Ann. Anglo-Saxonici, 885, loc. cit., pp. 
 104-5. On the sojourn of the Northmen at Louvain, see Vander Linden, op. 
 cit., 64-81. 
 
 99 Ann. Vedast., 884, p. 320. 
 
 100 Dummler, III, 232 and n. 1. 
 
 LOL bid... 233: 
 
 102 Though Hugh had enjoyed the favor of Louis III and Carloman, whom 
 he had loyally supported (cf. supra, p. 120 and n. 7, pp. 122-23), and though 
 he doubtless had a considerable following (cf. supra, p. 122 and n. 24), it is 
 also true that there was a party strongly opposed to the advancement of his 
 interests (cf. supra, nn. 7, 49). Cf. Eckel, op. cit., p. 3. 
 
 103 Cf. supra, pp. 124-25. In 885 the western magnates, at the request of 
 Charles the Fat, actually took part in an expedition against the Viking 
 camp at Louvain, outside their own boundaries. It is true that the expedi- 
 tion ended in failure, but it was the first occasion on which the West Franks 
 ever went to engage the Northmen beyond the limits of the western king- 
 dom (Ann. Vedast., 885, p. 321; cf. infra, p. 1388). The determined resistance 
 of the Franks at the siege of Paris (see infra, chap. ix), is another indication 
 of a change in their attitude as regards the Viking invasions. 
 
 104 Cf. supra, p. 182 and nn. 73, 74. 
 
 1 
 
 — 
 
 bi 
 
~~ 
 
 CHAPTER VIII 187 
 
 it was rumored, and possibly believed by some, that the leaders 
 of the “great army,” having learned of the death of Carloman, 
 regarded the recent treaty as no longer binding and were there- 
 fore demanding that the successor of Carloman, whoever he 
 might be, pay another tribute of 12,000 pounds as the price of 
 peace.?°> Whether the Vikings had really made any such demand 
 is doubtful,'°* but the rumor to that effect may indicate what was 
 feared. In any case, it is clear that the magnates felt they could 
 afford to take no risks. Passing over the claims of the boy 
 
 105 What I have interpreted as a rumor current among the Franks, is by 
 Regino presented as a fact (884, p. 122): “Nordmanni cognita morte regis 
 protinus in regnum revertuntur. Itaque Hugo abba et ceteri proceres lega- 
 tos ad eos dirigunt, promissionem et fidem datam violatam esse proclamant. 
 Ad haec illi respondent, se cum Carlomanno rege, non cum alio aliquo foedus 
 pepigisse [but cf. supra, n. 76]; quisquis ille esset, qui ei in regnum suc- 
 cederet, eiusdem numeri et quantitatis pecuniam daret, si quiete ac pacifice 
 imperium tenere vellet. Territi huiuscemodi mandatis optimates regni ad 
 Carolum imperatorem missos dirigunt eumque ultro in regnum invitant, etc.” 
 In this case, as in the one cited before (supra, n. 76), Regino’s statements 
 are not corroborated by any other writer, and we may well doubt whether 
 what he says is literally true. His information on what took place at this 
 time is at best very inaccurate. To be convinced of this, one needs only 
 compare his entries for the year 884 with those for 886, and note how he 
 confused the chronology of the events he was describing. A second Dane- 
 geld of 12,000 pounds was certainly never paid by the Franks. Cf. the fol- 
 lowing note. ' 
 
 106 Both Diimmler (III, 233) and Vogel (318-19) accept the testimony 
 of Regino on this point (cf. the preceding note) without question. But 
 neither of them has given sufficient attention to what Regino says in the 
 context. Both assume that the Vikings did not learn of Carloman’s death, 
 and therefore did not demand a second Danegeld, until after they had 
 reached Louvain. But that is not what Regino says (884, pp. 121-22): “Ac- 
 cepta tam ingenti pecunia funes a litore solvunt [Nortmanni], naves con- 
 scendunt et marina litora repetunt. ...Nortmanni cognita morte regis 
 protinus in regnum revertuntur, etc.” (see preceding note). These words 
 imply that the Northmen learned of the death of Carloman before they had 
 left the sea-coast, and that it was thence, and not from Louvain, that they 
 returned to the western kingdom (cf. supra, n. 98). Not until the end of his 
 recital for 884 does Regino state that the Northmen left the Somme and 
 proceeded to Louvain (p. 122): “His etiam diebus Nortmanni a Somna 
 exeunt et rursus in regno Lotharii revertentes in loco, qui dicitur Lovon, 
 castrametati sunt in confinio eiusdem regni et continuis incursionum in- 
 festationibus utraque regna fatigant.” A passage almost identical with the 
 one just quoted occurs again for 886 (p. 125). All this is very confused. 
 And since there is not a word in any other source regarding a demand for 
 a second Danegeld, I am not only inclined to doubt that such a demand was 
 ever made; I question also whether the Northmen returned inland imme- 
 diately upon receiving news of Carloman’s death. There is every reason to 
 believe that they did not reénter the western kingdom until after their 
 sojourn at Louvain (cf. the following page and n. 110). Diimmler (III, 234, 
 n. 1) apparently believes what Regino says about the demand for a second 
 Danegeld, but thinks he goes too far when he asserts this to have been the 
 reason why the western magnates gave their allegiance to Charles the Fat 
 (cf. the preceding note). The statements in the Annals of Fulda (III, 884, 
 pp. 101-2) on these matters, are confused and altogether unreliable (cf. 
 supra, n. 76, end; Vogel, 317, n. 1). 
 
138 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 Charles, they gave their allegiance to Emperor Charles the 
 Fat,?°’ who, in spite of his weakness in matters military and 
 otherwise, was at that time the most prominent figure among 
 all the Franks, partly because of his imperial position, but more 
 on account of the powerful SE ote he had as ruler of the 
 eastern kingdom. yee 
 
 Charles the Fat seems to have recognized the necessity of ex- 
 pelling the Northmen from his realm; for one of his first acts, 
 after he had received the homage and fealty of his new vassals 
 early in 885, was to order a combined army of West Franks and 
 Lorrainers to proceed against the stronghold of the Vikings at 
 Louvain.'®® It is certain that from this time, if not before, the 
 leaders of the “great army” ceased to consider themselves bound 
 by the terms of their treaty with Carloman and the western mag- 
 nates in 884.1*° Within a few months the Vikings left their camp 
 at Louvain, and proceeded by land and sea to the Seine.*"* 
 Rouen was taken on July 25, 885, and by November of the same 
 year the memorable siege of Paris had begun.'™ 
 
 In return for the enormous tribute of 12,000 pounds of silver, 
 the western kingdom had enjoyed peace for a period of less than 
 eighteen mouths.'*? Though we possess no direct evidence on the 
 point, there can scarcely be any doubt that the Danegeld had been 
 raised only with very great difficulty,* coming as it did after a 
 period during which the country had suffered terribly from de- 
 vastation and plundering.*® Whatever may have been the mo- 
 
 107 Ann. Vedast., 884, 885, p. 320. Cf. the two preceding notes. 
 
 108 Dimmler, III, 233-35. 
 
 109 Ann. Vedast., 885, p. 321. According to Regino (see supra, n. 106), 
 both kingdoms, the western as well as the eastern, had been raided by the 
 Vikings from their camp at Louvain. Cf. Vander Linden, op. cit., p. 69. 
 
 110 This is indicated by the jeers with which the Vikings greeted the 
 Franks from the western realm (Ann. Vedast., 885, p. 821): “Francosque qui 
 venerant ex regno Karlomanni irrisere Dani: Ut quid ad nos venistis? non 
 fuit necesse; nos scimus qui estis; et vultis ut ad vos redeamus; quod 
 faciemus.” That this was not an idle threat is sufficiently demonstrated 
 infra in the text. Cf. supra, n. 68. 
 
 Jit Ann. Vedest.,. 88b,.. p.. 321; -Regino, 887, 1p... 126.) Cre Vozel320,,/n2. 3, 
 where some additional references are given. 
 
 112 Ann. Vedast., 885, pp. 321-23. Cf. Vogel, 320 ff. 
 
 113 From February 2, 884, when the truce was declared (see supra, n. 79), 
 to about July 25, 885, when the Viking army entered Rouen. 
 
 114 The words of the annalist of St. Vaast (cf. supra, n. 82): “spoliantur 
 ecclesiae et ecclesiastica mancipia, tandem soluto tributo,” and the long 
 period required to raise the tribute, are indications to this effect. OF ot 
 Dummler, III, 230. 
 
 115 Cf. supra, pp. 123-24. 
 
 x "Pe 
 
CHAPTER VIII 139 
 
 tives of the magnates when they entered into negotiations with 
 the Vikings,'** it is fairly clear that for the present they had had 
 enough of the policy of paying tribute, and that their eyes had 
 been opened to the imminent danger with which their own inter- 
 ests were threatened by the operations of the “‘great army.’’*? 
 Yet it would undoubtedly be a mistake to suppose that the 
 strengthening of the resistance to the Vikings which followed 
 the payment of this Danegeld,''® resulted from a sudden outburst 
 of patriotism or a spontaneous birth of public spirit on the part 
 of the magnates."*® They probably remained quite as self-seek- 
 ing and greedy as before; and their interests were the same as 
 they had always been. But they found themselves in a somewhat 
 changed situation. The Vikings of this period were not loose 
 bands of freebooters bent solely on the acquisition of plunder; 
 they were a strongly organized “great army,’ which had come 
 for the purpose of conquest, and with the intention of establish- 
 ing colonies and making permanent settlements in the conquered 
 territory.’*° At this time there was no ambitious monarch*? 
 whose schemes of strengthening the royal power had to be frus- 
 trated by keeping him occupied with the Northmen, as was the 
 case in the time of Charles the Bald.1*?. The real danger in the 
 present situation lay in the fact that the monarch was not suf- 
 ficiently strong to be able to give protection against the foreign 
 enemy. Such a situation was a direct menace to the private 
 interests of the magnates.'**And the recognition, by the nobles, 
 of that menace furnishes the only satisfactory explanation of 
 their unusual efforts to prevent the return of the “great army” 
 to their country after 884, their stout resistance to the Vikings 
 at the siege of Paris (885—86), and their refusal to buy the 
 removal of the invaders by the payment of another Danegeld—*** 
 for the next chapter will make clear that the Danegeld which 
 eventually was paid to the Vikings at Paris, was agreed to and 
 
 116 Cf. supra, pp. 124 ff. 
 
 117 Cf. supra, p. 132 and n. 74, p. 136. 
 
 118 See supra, n. 103 and cf. Vogel, 44, 321 ff. 
 
 119 Cf. supra, pp. 128-31, 114-17. 
 
 120 See supra, n. 26. Cf. Vogel, 260-61; Vander Linden, op. cit., 64-65. 
 
 121 It will be agreed that Emperor Charles the Fat was not regarded as 
 such. 
 
 112 See supra, pp. 114-17. 
 
 123 This is well brought out by Fustel de Coulanges (Les transform. de 
 la royauté, 695-96) when he explains why the western magnates chose 
 Charles the Fat instead of Charles the Simple as their king in 884. Cf. 
 supra, pp. 136-38. 
 
 124 These matters are taken up for discussion in the following chapter. 
 
140 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 furnished, not by the defenders of the city, but by Emperor 
 Charles the Fat. 
 
 The situation above described did not, however, last very 
 long.‘*> We shall find Odo and Rudolph paying Danegeld under 
 circumstances not essentially different from those which had 
 forced Charles the Bald to resort to this expedient.?*° 
 
 125 Cf. Fustel de Coulanges, op. cit., 696—97. 
 126 See infra, chaps. x—xiv; cf. supra, chap. vii. 
 
THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 141 
 
 CHAPTER IX, 
 
 PAYMENTS MADE TO THE DANES (886—87) IN CONNECTION 
 WITH THE SIEGE OF PARIS. 
 
 At the close of the preceding chapter attention was called 
 to that peculiar situation which during and after the year 884 
 led to a temporary strengthening of the resistance offered by 
 the magnates of the western kingdom to the Viking invaders. 
 But it was also pointed out that this determined effort of the 
 Frankish nobles to expel the Danes, did not prevent the in- 
 vaders from securing a payment of Danegeld from Charles the 
 Fat before they quitted Paris.‘ In truth, two money payments 
 were made to the Danes in connection with the famous siege 
 of 885—86, though only one of these can be regarded, in any 
 proper sense, as a Danegeld; and we shall find that even this 
 differed in several ways from preceding Danegelds. 
 
 No attempt will be made here to tell again the whole story 
 of the siege of Paris.? But if the reasons for the two payments 
 just mentioned are to be made at all clear, it will be necessary 
 briefly to review the general course of the siege operations, and 
 to examine certain details in connection with the negotiations 
 that took place between the Franks and the Vikings. 
 
 The “great army” had arrived before Paris on November 24, 
 885.2 The following day, Siegfried, one of the Viking leaders, 
 appeared before Bishop Gauzelin, requesting that the Danes 
 be permitted to ascend the Seine, and promising on this con- 
 dition to spare the city of Paris from destruction or damage.‘ 
 When this request was peremptorily refused, the Vikings on 
 November 26 and 27 attempted, though in vain, to take the city 
 by storm.’ They thereupon proceeded to a regular investment 
 
 1 See supra, pp. 139-40. 
 
 2 The most detailed and accurate secondary account of the siege of Paris 
 is that of Favre (Hudes, 17-68); other more or less detailed descriptions are 
 given by Vogel (320 ff.) and Diimmler (III, 260 ff.). Freeman (“The Early 
 Sieges of Paris,’ in Historical Essays, First Series, 212-56) has the only 
 account in English that even approaches completeness. For other references 
 see Vogel, 324, n. 6. My sketch of the earlier part of the siege is based in 
 part, but by no means exclusively, on the work of Favre. 
 
 3 Favre, 35; cf. Vogel, 324, n. 5. 
 4 Favre, 35-36. 
 5 Ibid., 36-39. 
 
142 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 of the place, meanwhile engaging intermittently in plundering 
 raids throughout the surrounding district.°® 
 
 Up to February, 886, comparatively small progress was made 
 in the siege operations, although the Vikings had very large 
 forces at their disposal.*. Under the staunch and able direction 
 of Bishop Gauzelin and Count Odo,’ the Franks had thus far 
 baffled every attempt of the Vikings to gain entrance to the city 
 or to break down the system of defenses.° But on February 
 6 the Danes, aided by a flood of the Seine, finally captured and 
 destroyed one of the protecting towers.’° This misfortune in- 
 duced Bishop Gauzelin to appeal for aid to Count Henry in 
 Saxony, one of the ablest leaders of the East Franks in their 
 warfare with the Northmen.': For certain reasons that are not 
 entirely clear, Henry was able to accomplish little or nothing; 
 after having spent a month or more in a futile attempt to secure 
 an engagement with the Vikings in the open field, he returned 
 home towards the beginning of April. 
 
 The departure of Count Henry left the brave defenders of 
 Paris with no present hope of aid or succor. After another 
 attack on the citadel, which was sanguinarily repulsed,** the 
 Danes moved their camp from the north to the south bank of 
 the Seine,'‘ where they would have the river between themselves 
 
 6 Favre, 39 ff. 
 
 7 Ibid., 35 and n. 2, 39-43; cf. Vogel, 324-25. 
 
 8 Favre, 26 ff. 
 
 9 Ibid., 438-46. 
 
 10 Ann. Vedast., 886, ed. Dehaisnes, pp. 323-24. Cf. Favre, 46 ff. 
 
 11 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 324; Abbo, De bellis Parisiacae urbis, II, lines 
 3-4, M.G.H., Poetae Latini, IV, Part I. See also Favre, 48-51. 
 
 12 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 324; Abbo, II, lines 3-22; Regino, Chron., 887, ed. 
 Kurze, p. 125; Ann. Fuld., III, 886, ed. Kurze, 104. 
 
 13 Abbo, II, lines 15-22. This attack appears to have been overlooked 
 by most writers on the subject, including Favre. 
 
 14 Abbo, II, lines 34-40. I agree with Favre (52, n. 2) in rejecting the 
 view of Steenstrup (Normannerne, II, 225) and Dummler (III, 266), that 
 only part of the Viking army — i. e. Siegfried and his men — crossed the 
 Seine to erect a new camp. Undoubtedly it was the entire “great army” 
 which changed its place of encampment. But it seems to me that all writ- 
 ers on this subject, including Favre (52, n. 2) and Vogel (331) err when 
 they assert that the Viking camp was moved on the advice of Siegfried. 
 This assertion is based on a misinterpretation of the following words of Sieg- 
 fried to his companions (Abbo, II, lines 32-33): “‘ ‘Hane linquite sedem, Hic 
 non stare diu nostrum manet, hine sed abire!’” Here Siegfried is not urg- 
 ing the Vikings merely to transfer their camp from one place to another, but 
 to go away, to depart, abire; in other words, to give up the siege of Paris and 
 go elsewhere. To my mind it seems that Abbo here uses the verb abire in ex- 
 actly the same sense as he does in lines 64-65, where there can be no question 
 as to its meaning (see infra, n. 32). Furthermore, the reason assigned by 
 
CHAPTER IX 143 
 
 and any hostile relief force coming, as it most likely would, 
 from the north.” There was, however, nothing on which the 
 besieged might base any hopes of a change in the general situa- 
 tion, for the Vikings fortified themselves very strongly and 
 prepared to continue the siege.’° Indeed, the prospect must 
 have seemed gloomy enough, and it is hardly to be wondered 
 at, if, under such circumstances, the defenders of Paris began 
 to consider the possibility of putting an end to the siege, or at 
 least of securing the withdrawal of part of the “great army,” 
 by means of bribery."’ 
 
 Aware that such a scheme would be successful only if some 
 Viking chief with considerable prestige and influence could be 
 interested in it, the Franks determined to approach ‘‘King” Sieg- 
 fried with a proposal of this nature.** A meeting arranged 
 between Siegfried and Odo,'® seems to have resulted in an agree- 
 ment that Siegfried was to attempt to induce his fellow leaders 
 and their men to give up the siege and to retire from Paris.*° 
 Hardly had this compact been made, however, when a group 
 of Vikings appeared, ready to overpower Odo and carry him 
 
 Abbo in lines 31-32 for what he represents Siegfried as saying in lines 32- 
 33, would be meaningless if Siegfried were suggesting only that the camp 
 be moved; “conspiciens Sigemfredus nostros in agone esse feros’”—Siegfried 
 perceived that the Parisian Franks were impetuous in battle, and therefore 
 he advocated that the Vikings move their camp from one side of the city to 
 the other (!); in truth, a poor remedy against the impetuosity of the 
 Franks! The usual misinterpretation of this passage is probably due to an 
 erroneous translation of the word ergo in line 34; it should not be translated 
 “therefore” or “consequently,” but “now when’; for it is used to resume the 
 discussion dropped in line 22, or, more exactly, to bring the reader’s atten- 
 tion back to what happened at the time Count Henry returned to Germany 
 (see line 15). 
 
 15 Vogel, 331. Favre’s view (p. 52), that the camp was transferred by 
 reason of a disease which broke out among the Vikings, seems less probable. 
 
 16 Abbo, II, lines 37-40. 
 
 17 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 324: “Episcopus vero, corde confractus ex gravi 
 damno, ...mandans ut... [Heinricus] ei et populo christiano subveniret. 
 
 . sed Heinricus nil ibi profecit; atque in suam rediit regionem. Gozlinus 
 vero, dum omnibus modis populo christiano juvare studeret, cum Sigefrido, 
 rege Danorum, amicitiam fecit, ut per hoc civitas ab obsidione liberaretur.” 
 Cf. infra, nn. 24-26. 
 
 18 Cf. Vogel, 40, n. 3, 325 and n. 3; Favre, 35, n. 9. 
 
 19 Abbo, II, line 23: ‘‘Rege Sigemfedo simul ast Odone loquente.” Cf. 
 supra, n. 17. According to the Annals of St. Vaast it was Gauzelin, but ac- 
 cording to Abbo it was Odo, who conducted the negotiations with Siegfried. 
 This need raise no difficulty if it be remembered that the two men were 
 cooperating, and that Odo may well have undertaken this mission at the 
 suggestion, or at least with the approval, of Gauzelin, who probably was ill 
 at this time (Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 325). Gauzelin held the supreme com- 
 mand at Paris until his death gave it to Odo (Favre, 54, n. 3). 
 
 20 Cf. tafra, ‘n. 22. 
 
144 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 off as a prisoner. But Odo stood his ground, and the Viking 
 band was driven off by a number of Franks who had rushed 
 forward to the aid of their leader.*: Siegfried now took occa- 
 sion to point out to his fellow Vikings the fierce valor of Odo’s 
 men in battle, hoping by such argument to persuade them that 
 it would be useless to continue the investment of Paris, and 
 better policy to go elsewhere.”? 
 
 But it proved very difficult for Siegfried to convince the other 
 Danes on these points,** and eventually he found it advisable 
 to reopen his negotiations with the Franks on a narrower basis. 
 It was now agreed that whether or not the other Danes could be 
 persuaded to do so, Siegfried and his men were to depart from 
 Paris in return for the payment of the comparatively small sum 
 of sixty pounds of silver.** It is quite possible that Siegfried 
 had been promised a larger bribe — for this payment can not 
 be regarded as anything else*> — if he should finally succeed in 
 persuading his fellow countrymen to follow him.*® Indeed, he 
 made a second attempt, but without result.27 The Danes, su- 
 specting, or possibly knowing, that Siegfried was advancing his 
 own ends rather than theirs, refused to follow him.2* Where- 
 upon Siegfried challenged them to attack Paris without his aid.*° 
 Though this challenge was accepted, the attack resulted only in 
 
 21 Abbo, II, lines 24-30. 
 
 22 Ibid., lines 31-33: “Conspiciens Sigemfredus nostros in agone / Esse 
 feros, inquit sociis: ‘Hane linquite sedem,/ Hic non stare diu nostrum 
 manet, hine sed abire!’” Cf. supra, n. 14. 
 
 23 They seem to have ignored his suggestions; at least Abbo (II, lines 
 31-40) has nothing to say of any reply from them. 
 
 24 Abbo, II, lines 41-42: “Denique rex dictus [i. e. Sigefredus] denas 
 capiens argenti / Sex libras nitidi nobis causa redeundi, ete.” The Annals 
 of St. Vaast (cf. supra, n. 17) mention the compact with Siegfried, but say 
 nothing of the money payment. The other sources do not mention the agree- 
 ment with Siegfried at all. 
 
 25 A payment of sixty pounds of silver hardly constitutes a Danegeld 
 of the type that has so far been studied in this dissertation. Danegeld was 
 paid by the Franks when they were unable, or unwilling, to offer any 
 further resistance to the Vikings; and it was paid in amounts compared 
 with which the sum accepted by Siegfried was a mere pittance. All we 
 know about the policy of the Vikings in the past would lead us to believe 
 that they would have been quite willing to raise the siege of Paris, if the 
 Franks had been ready to pay Danegeld. Cf. infra, n. 31 and see also pp. . 
 146-147. 
 
 26 This conjecture is based on the fact that Siegfried, even after he had 
 received the bribe, made efforts to persuade the Vikings to give up the siege 
 and follow him seaward. See the following note, and cf. Favre, 53, first two 
 lines. 
 
 27 Abbo, II, lines 43-47. 
 
 28 Ibid., line 47: “his [Normannis] autem nolentibus.” 
 
 29 Ibid., lines 48-52. 
 
CHAPTER IX 145 
 
 losses for the Northmen — two of their “kings” among the 
 rest.*° Yet, in spite of the repulse, the bulk of the Danish army 
 chose to continue the siege operations, doubtless in the hope that 
 eventually they would be able either to reduce Paris or, at the 
 least, to secure a large sum of money, a veritable Danegeld, as 
 the price of their retreat.*t But Siegfried, satisfied that without 
 his aid little could be accomplished by the besieging army, now 
 collected his own men and withdrew from the Seine.*? 
 
 The departure of Siegfried brought small relief to the defen- 
 ders of Paris. After the death of Gauzelin, in April 886,°* the 
 Northmen pressed the siege with redoubled vigor, and there 
 were violent conflicts every day for a long time.’* Odo, who 
 was now in supreme command, at length decided to apply for 
 aid to Emperor Charles the Fat.*® But that monarch, for some 
 reason that has never been made quite clear, was in no haste 
 to relieve the hard pressed town, and did not arrive at Paris 
 until late in September, or early in October.*® 
 
 Meanwhile Count Henry, whom the emperor probably had 
 sent on a reconnoitering exploit in advance of his main army, 
 had fallen into a trap prepared by the Northmen, and had been 
 
 *killed.*7 Henry’s death was a severe blow to the emperor,** and 
 
 30 Abbo, II, lines 53-60. 
 
 31 Jbid., lines 66-67: ‘Mox hilaris Sequanam liquit [Sigefredus] pro 
 munere sumpto / Sic alii facerent, eadem si tune meruissent.” This pass- 
 age indicates that the other Northmen would have followed Siegfried’s ex- 
 ample, if they had been properly rewarded. Vogel’s view (p. 331), that the 
 Parisians were willing to pay tribute, appears to be unfounded. 
 
 32 Abbo, II, lines 61-66: “Sigemfredus ovans, ridens morientibus inquit: / 
 ‘Nunc ... urbem capitote, / ...!’ / Inde suis: ‘Abeamus,’ ait, ‘tempus 
 venit ecce, / Quo gratum fuerit nobis istine abiise!’ / Mox hilaris, etc.” (see 
 preceding note). Siegfried returned to the Seine in November (see infra, 
 pp. 96-97 and n. 66; cf. Favre, p. 53, n. 4, p. 63). 
 
 so, Dummler, Ill, 267,)n. 2; 
 
 34 Abbo, II, lines 154-62; Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 325. 
 
 35 Abbo, II, lines 163-65. The Annals of St. Vaast (886, p. 325) represent 
 Odo as applying for aid to the principibus regni, whom he requested to not- 
 ify the emperor of the the sad plight of Paris. Cf. Flodoard, Historia Rem- 
 ensis ecclesiae, IV, c. 5, M.G.H., SS., XIII, p. 563. 
 
 36 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 326; Ann. Fuld., III, 886, p. 105.- See also BOhmer- 
 Miihlbacher, Regesten, nos. 1723a, 1725a; cf. Vogel, 334, n. 5; Favre, 59, n. 4. 
 
 37 The death of Count Henry occurred on August 28, 886 (Annales necro- 
 logici Fuldenses, M.G.H., SS., XIII, p. 185; ef. Dtimmler, III, 269 and n. 2). 
 The Annals of St. Vaast (886, p. 326), but not Abbo, state that Henry had 
 been sent in advance by the emperor. The details in connection with the 
 second expedition, and the death, of Henry are given by Regino (887, pp. 
 125-26), but many of his statements are no doubt inaccurate (cf. Favre, 
 57, n. 1; Vogel, 334, n. 3). See also Ann. Fuld., III, 886, p.-105. Cf v. 
 Kalckstein, Geschicte des franzdsischen Konigtums, I, 40, n. 4. 
 
 38 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 326: “‘sed quia dux periit, ipse [imperator] nil 
 utile gessit.” 
 
 Danegeld. 10. 
 
146 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 a great loss to the Franks. It ought to have emphasized the 
 necessity of bringing immediate succor to the defenders of Paris. 
 Yet Charles apparently made no effort to accelerate his move- 
 ments.°*? 
 
 When the emperor finally did appear before the city, at the 
 head of a very large and splendid, though motley, host,*® he 
 accomplished nothing which, in the opinion of his contempora- 
 ries and of later historians, was at all commensurate with what 
 the situation demanded or his resources permitted.*t We get 
 the impression from the sources that precisely at the time when 
 he had it in his power to deliver a crushing blow against the 
 invaders, he failed to strike,*? and instead opened up negotia- 
 tions,*® which in November, 886, led to the conclusion of a very 
 pusillanimous treaty.** The Northmen were given permission 
 to proceed to Sens and the Burgundian territories, with the 
 understanding that they might spend the winter there, plunder- 
 ing at will;* also they were promised a tribute of 700 pounds 
 
 39 Abbo (II, lines 219-330) recounts the various events which took place 
 at Paris between the death of Count Henry and the arrival of Charles the 
 Fat. Cf. Vogel, 333; Favre, 59; Dttmmler, III, 270. 
 
 40 Abbo, II, 330-34: “Hn princeps de quo canitur, circumdatis armis / > 
 
 Omnigenis, caelum veluti splendoribus astreis, / Induperator adest Karolus 
 comitatus opimo / Diversi populo labii, tentoria figens / Sub Martis pedibus 
 montis speculamque secundum.” Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 326: “[imperator] 
 Carisiacum veniens cum ingenti exercitu, etc.’ Jbid.: “Parisius venit cum 
 manu valida.” 
 
 41 Ibid. (ef. note (a) on p. 327): “ipse [imperator] nil utile gessit.” Re- 
 gino, 887, p. 127: “[Imperator] nil dignum imperatoriae maiestati in eodem 
 loco gessit.” Ann. Fuld., Cont. Ratisb., 886, p. 114: “Sparum prospere actis 
 rebus.” Cf. Favre, 59; v. Kalckstein, op. cit., I, 42; Vogel, 335; Dtimmler, 
 III, 271. See also infra, n. 44. 
 
 42 According to‘the Annals of St. Vaast (886, p. 327), Charles, after his. 
 
 arrival in the vicinity of Paris, not only had forced the Northmen to aban- 
 don one of their camps and to retire across the Seine, but also had sent re- 
 enforcements into the town; besides, he had led his own army across the 
 river to a position from which, it may be presumed, a successful attack 
 might have been launched against the principal camp, and main force, of the 
 Vikings. Abbo (II, lines 315-29) tells of how a certain detachment from the 
 imperial army, aided by the Parisians, had defeated and put to flight a 
 group of Northmen before Charles arrived with the bulk of his forces. 
 
 43 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 327: “indeque coeperunt, quia hyems imminebat, 
 missi ad invicem discurrere, ut imperator pacem cum Danis faceret.” 
 
 44 Ibid.: “factum est vere consilium nimis miserum.” Abbo, II, line 389: 
 “foedere ... fragili.” For the date of the treaty, see Favre, 61, n. 1; 
 Bohmer—-Miihlbacher, op. cit., no. 1733a. 
 
 45 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 327: “via sine impedimento attributa, ut Bur- 
 gundiam hyeme depraedarent.” Abbo, II, line 338: ‘“Annuiturque feris lici- 
 tum Senones adeundi.” Regino, 887, p. 127: “‘concessis terris et regionibus; 
 quae ultra Sequanam erant, Normannis ad depredandum.” Ann. Fuld., III, 
 886, p. 105: “quibusdam per Burgundiam vagandi licentiam dedit’” (cf. the 
 following note). 
 
CHAPTER IX 147 
 
 of silver, payable in March of the following year; after the te- 
 ceipt of, and in return for, this payment, they were to return 
 to their own country.*® 
 
 Thus, in spite of the long and brave resistance of the defenders 
 of Paris, in spite of the departure of Siegfried, in spite also of 
 the great Frankish army which had come to relieve the city, 
 the Vikings had triumphed. What the Parisians had sought 
 by herculean efforts and by great sacrifices to prevent, what they 
 had steadfastly denied the Vikings — tribute and free passage 
 up the Seine — was conceded to them, almost without a murmur, 
 by the emperor at whose request Bishop Gauzelin and Count 
 Odo had undertaken to hold Paris at all costs.*7 The language 
 used by a German scholar to describe a similar event in 882, 
 could be used with even greater propriety in this case; for indeed 
 we have here “das jammervollste Schauspiel, das sich tiberhaupt 
 in der Geschichte der normannischen Einfalle den Blicken 
 
 bietet.’’*s 
 
 Why did Charles conclude a so humiliating treaty? To this 
 question our sources give three different answers. In the first 
 place, the winter season was approaching ;*® which was indeed 
 true, but does not seem a sufficient reason for the treaty. Sec- 
 ondly, Charles wished to chastise the population wltra Sequanam 
 
 46 Abbo, II, lines 339-40: “Septies argenti libris causa redeundi / Martis 
 mense datis centum sua ad impia regna.” Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 327: “nam 
 utrumque, et civitatis redemptio illis promissa est et data, et via sine im- 
 pedimento, ete.” (ef. the preceding note). Ann. Fuld., III, 886, p. 105, 
 wrongly state that the permission to plunder Burgundy was given to one 
 group of Vikings, and the Danegeld to another: ‘quibusdam per Burgundiam 
 vagandi licentiam dedit, quisbusdam plurimam promisit pecuniam, si a regno 
 eius statuto inter eos tempore discederent.” Regino (cf. the preceding note) 
 mentions the permission to plunder Burgundy, but not the tribute. A com- 
 parison of these statements, and an analysis of the various factors that 
 serve to explain the nature of the treaty (infra, pp. 147-50), lead me to con- 
 clude that the annalist of St. Vaast is not entirely accurate when he refers 
 to the money payment as civitatis redemptio. There is reason to believe 
 (cf. Abbo and the Annals of Fulda) that the payment was, not a mere ran- 
 som for the city of Paris—a local Danegeld (see infra, chap. xv)—but a 
 general Danegeld, i. e. a payment made to secure the eventual evacuation 
 of Frankish territory by the “great army.” Cf. infra, n. 83. 
 
 47 Abbo, I, lines 36-59. Cf. supra, p. 141; Favre, 36; Vogel, 325. Even 
 if it be admitted that Gauzelin and Odo were defending their own interests 
 at the same time that they proved their fidelity to the emperor, that does 
 not lessen the pusillanimity of the latter. 
 
 48 Vogel (291, cf. 325) applied these words to the treaty which Charles 
 the Fat concluded with the “great army” in 882. But at that time the Vik- 
 ings were not dispatched into the heart of the Frankish realm to plunder, 
 and they had not been held at bay for a whole year (see infra, appendix iv). 
 
 49 Abbo, II, 341: “Tune glaciabantur torpentis saecla Novembris.” Ann. 
 Vedast. (see supra, n. 438). 
 
148 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 for refusing him obedience; which is doubtful, at the least.°° 
 Thirdly, Charles was terrified at the news of Siegfried’s return; 
 which was not true, for Charles did not learn of the approach 
 of Siegfried until some time after he had concluded the treaty.** 
 
 In the opinion of the present writer, a more satisfactory 
 explanation of the course followed by the emperor, may be found 
 in his diseased physical condition,®*? and in his dejected state 
 of mind, the latter due to the loss of his right hand man, Count 
 Henry.*® Charles was by nature timorous,** and now he simply 
 could not muster sufficient courage to attack the Danes, who, 
 it must be remembered, had a very large army at their disposal.*° 
 This view is strengthened by the fact that the emperor, in order 
 
 50 Regino, 887, p. 127: “feo quod incolae illarum [sc. terrarum et regionum 
 ‘quae ultra Sequanam erant] sibi obtemperare nollent.” This reason is given 
 by Regino only. But here, as elsewhere, Regino’s testimony can hardly be 
 accepted at its face value (cf. Vander Linden, “Les Normands 4 Louvain,” 
 Rev. Hist., 1917, CX XIV, 65-66; Lot, ‘“‘La Loire, l’Aquitaine et la Seine, etc.,” 
 Bibl. de Vécole des chartes, 1915, LXXVI, 507, note; id., ‘“‘Une année... de 
 Charles le Chauve,” Le Moyen Age, 1902, VI, 427, n. 4), and we have noth- 
 
 ing to corroborate it. Dtimmler’s early conjecture that Charles the Fat 
 
 wished to employ the Northmen against Boso in Lower Burgundy, is im- 
 probable, and has long ago been abandoned even by Dtimmler himself (see 
 Favre, 62, n. 1 and Diimmler, II, 317, n. 4). Cf. Wenck, Hrhebung Arnulfs, 
 DPN a; 
 
 51 This reason is given only in Ann. Fuld., III, 886, p. 105: ‘“[imperator] 
 inde contra Nordmannos profectus est. Ubi dum aliquanto tempore morare- 
 tur, Heimrih comes a suis desertus et ab hostibus circumdatus occiditur. 
 Interea Sigifrid cum magna multitudine Nordmannorum caeteris, qui ibi 
 residebant, auxilium laturus venit ac christianis magnum intulit metum. 
 Unde imperator perterritus quibusdam per Burgundiam vagandi licentiam 
 dedit, etc.” (see supra, n. 46). Most writers, including Favre (61, n. 1) and 
 Dutmmler (III, 271, n. 2), accept this as one of the probable reasons for the 
 treaty. But the Annals of St. Vaast (886, pp. 327-28) state explicitly that 
 Charles was not apprised of the return of Siegfried into the Seine until 
 after the conclusion of the treaty, and these annals certainly are more reli- 
 able on this point than those of Fulda. The latter are inaccurate also with 
 reference to the terms of the treaty (cf. supra, n. 46). 
 
 52 On the return journey to Germany Charles fell very ill -(Ann. Fuld., 
 III, 886, p. 105; ibid., Cont. Ratisb., 887, p. 115; Abbo; II, line 342), and he 
 seems always to have suffered more or less from nervous disorders. See 
 Diimmler, III, 286; cf. Vogel, 333. 
 
 53 Ann.. Vedast., 886, p. 326: “Ille [imperator] vero audito [sce. mortuo 
 Heinrici] multum doluit ...sed quia dux [Heinricus] periit, ipse [impe- 
 rator] nil utile gessit.” 
 
 54 Dummler, III, 290-92. 
 
 55 Prior to the departure of Siegfried the “great army” at Paris was, so 
 
 far as known, the largest host ever collected by the Vikings in the ninth ~ 
 
 century (see Steenstrup, op. cit., I, 214-17; Favre, 35; ef. supra, chap. viii, 
 n. 56). Even after Siegfried’s departure the numbers of the besiegers must 
 have been very large (cf. Favre, 52, n. 2), and many Franks are said to have 
 made common cause with them (Flodoard, Hist. Rem.:eccl., IV, ¢. 5, loc. cit., 
 p. 563). In the following winter Siegfried’s army is said to have numbered 
 5,000 men (Vogel, 336, n. 3). 
 
CHAPTER IX 149 
 
 to avoid an armed conflict, agreed to furnish the tribute in 
 return for which Paris was to be spared, out of his own resour- 
 ces.°° The Parisians, aware of the strength of their citadel, 
 and unwilling to have their past efforts go for naught, evidently 
 had refused to raise any money on their own account to buy off 
 the invaders. They were willing to continue the fight if neces- 
 sary, but the emperor was not. | 
 
 These relations between the emperor and the Parisians may 
 aid us in understanding why Burgundy was conceded to the 
 Danes as a field for plunder. Undoubtedly the Northmen had 
 demanded the privilege of spending the winter in some interior 
 region of France.** They could not very well have been sent 
 into the valley of the Marne, for the Parisians — Count Odo and 
 Bishop Askrich, in particular — probably raised objections, 
 based on the fact that they, or their relatives, had large holdings 
 and important interests in that district.°° But there was no 
 objection to letting loose the fury of the invaders in Burgundy 
 — particularly against the town and pagus of Sens — for the 
 relations between the Parisians and the Burgundians were at 
 that time very strained.® Add to this the fact that Burgundy 
 was a rich country, so far practically untouched by the Vik- 
 ings,*t and one may easily comprehend why an agreement was 
 reached on this point. 
 
 We may conclude, then, that while the principal reason for this 
 treaty was the personal disinclination of Charles the Fat to 
 enter into a sanguinary conflict with the Northmen, and his 
 consequent willingness to accept what must be regarded as highly 
 unsatisfactory terms, yet the concession to plunder Burgundy, 
 rather than some other interior district, probably was in part 
 due to Parisian influence. That the policy of Charles was sup- 
 ported by some of the East Franks, who dreaded the incon- 
 veniences of a return journey during the winter season, is quite 
 
 56 See infra, n. 73. 
 
 bi; Cr. Supra, un: 25, 31. 
 
 58 From the time the Vikings entered the Seine, in the fall of 885, it had 
 been their plan to penetrate into the hinterland (see Abbo, I, lines 40 ff., 
 and cf. Favre, 35-36). If they had not demanded this privilege from Charles, 
 we may be certain that it would not have been accorded them; for, of course, 
 
 Charles had come to Paris with the intention of expelling the Vikings from 
 his territories. 
 
 59 A later treaty with the Parisians expressly prohibited the Northmen 
 from entering the Marne (Abbo, II, lines 411-16). Cf. Favre, 66; infra, p. 
 152 and n. 80. 
 
 60 Favre, 62, n. 2; cf. 66. 
 
 61 Abbo, II, lines 343-46. 
 
150 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 probable; but, by reason of the determined resistance, and the 
 endurance, of the defenders of Paris, and in view of the general 
 condemnation of the treaty by contemporary chroniclers,” it 
 must be assumed that the majority of the Franks, and partic- 
 ularly those of the west,** did not approve of the imperial policy. 
 
 Before quitting Paris, Charles appointed Askrich successor 
 to Bishop Gauzelin, and invested Count Odo with the fiefs for- 
 merly held by Odo’s father, Robert the Strong.°* Thereupon 
 the emperor set out on the return journey to Germany;° the 
 speed of his travel no doubt being accelerated somewhat by the 
 news of the return of Siegfried into the valley of the Oise.°® 
 
 Meanwhile, the Northmen who had been besieging Paris 
 hastened to avail themselves of the terms of the recent treaty; 
 they moved up the Seine, entered the Yonne, and, on November 
 30, 886, laid siege to the episcopal city of Sens.®’ According 
 to one account,®* Evrard, the archbishop of that place, immed- 
 iately entered into negotiations with the invaders, and succeeded 
 
 62 Cf. supra, nn. 41, 44. 
 
 63 A large number of the western magnates appear to have been present 
 at Paris when the treaty was concluded. Cf. Favre, 60. 
 
 64 Abbo, II, lines 335-37; Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 327; Regino, 887, pp. 126- 
 2%... CL... Favre, 60, :69-~ ff: 
 
 65 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 327; Abbo, II, line 342. 
 
 66 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 327: “necdumque se de eo [Suessione] moverat 
 loco, et ecce Sigefridus rex . . . Hysam fluvium ingressus, ete.” Ann. Fuld., 
 III, 886, p. 105 (cf. supra, n. 51). 
 
 67 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 328; Abbo, II, lines 343-46; cf. Regino, 888, pp. 
 130-31. Regino states that the Parisians refused to permit the Vikings to 
 ascend the Seine, and that the latter therefore dragged their ships for 2,000 
 paces overland, after which they launched them again and proceeded up the 
 river. But this statement is not corroborated by any other source, and I 
 am inclined, with Diimmler (III, 272, n. 2) and Vogel (337 and n. 1), to 
 
 reject it, not because the Vikings could not have performed such a feat—- 
 
 it was a common thing with the Varangians in Russia—but because the 
 recital of Regino can seldom be relied upon when his statements are not 
 confirmed by other writers (cf. supra, n. 50). For the date of the siege of 
 Sens, see Annales sancti Columbae Senonensis, 886, M.G.H., SS., I, p. 104, 
 and cf. Bohmer—Mthlbacher, op. cit., no. 1733c, where November 10 evidently 
 is a misprint for November 30. i 
 
 68 Ann. Vedast., 886, p. 328: “Evrardus, archiepiscopus ipsius civitatis, 
 statim cum eis de redemptione civitatis agi coepit, et obtinuit quod voluit.” 
 Regino (888, p. 131), Chronicon sancti Petri Vivi Senonensis (Bouquet, 
 IX, 33), and Vita sancti Romani abbatis Autissiodorensis (ibid., 135), do 
 not mention any negotiations; according to them, Sens was besieged contin- 
 uously for six months, from November 30 to sometime in May, but with- 
 stood all attempts of the Northmen to take it. Favre (64, n. 3) thinks that 
 the essential agreement of these three sources is a sufficient reason for re- 
 jecting the statement in the Annals of St. Vaast. I can not share his faith 
 
 in those sources. As noted before (supra, nn. 50, 67), Regino’s statements © 
 
 can seldom be accepted without corroboration. The fact that the other two 
 are local sources does not necessarily make them reliable, as Favre seems to 
 
 o% Pe?) a 
 j = 
 
~re™ 7 * 
 
 _CHAPTER IX 151 
 
 in buying them off.°® Other sources indicate that the siege of 
 Sens was continued for several months.*° However that may 
 be, it is certain that the Vikings spent the winter in Burgundy, 
 which they are said to have devastated so thoroughly that it was 
 left practically a wilderness.” 
 
 In May, 887, the Vikings returned to Paris for the purpose 
 of receiving the Danegeld promised them by Charles the Fat.” 
 To secure the tribute for the invaders, Askrich, the bishop of 
 Paris, journeyed to Kirchen in Alemannia, where the emperor 
 was sojourning in June, 887. Having obtained the promised 
 amount apparently without difficulty, Askrich on his return paid 
 it over to the Northmen.® 
 
 We possess no information whatever as to how this Danegeld 
 of 886—87 was raised, and conjectures on the subject would be 
 idle. Compared with preceding Danegelds, the amount of this 
 one was very small — only 700 pounds; in that respect it offers 
 a marked contrast to the enormous tribute of 12,000 pounds 
 paid in 884.‘* Yet it must not be supposed that the Vikings had 
 made a bad bargain, for doubtless the proceeds of their perfectly 
 legitimate plundering operations in Burgundy,’ had been very 
 
 think; it should be remembered that they are not contemporary; the Vita 
 s. Romani was written in the eleventh, and the Chron. s. Petri Vivi Seno- 
 nensis in the twelfth, century. Whether the information contained in them 
 was derived from some older and more reliable source, which is now lost, 
 remains to be proved. Meanwhile it seems advisable to follow the Annals 
 of St. Vaast, which usually may be relied upon, and with which the state- 
 ment in the Ann. s. Columbae Senonensis (886, loc. cit., p. 104) may be 
 reconciled. Cf. Chronica Albrici, 888, M.G.H., SS., XXIII, p. 745, and see 
 Steenstrup, op. cit., II, 231. 
 
 69 If the city of Sens really was ransomed, this is but one example of the 
 
 “numerous payments of local Danegeld that were made during this period. 
 
 This whole matter is taken up for discussion infra, chap. xv. 
 
 70 See supra, n. 68. 
 
 71 Regino, 888, p. 131; Annales sancti Benigni Divionensis, 887, M.G.H., 
 SS., V, p. 40; Chron. s. Petri Vivi Senon., loc. cit., p. 33; Vita s. Romani 
 Abb. Autiss., ibid., p. 185. Cf. Favre, 65. 
 
 72 According to the terms of the treaty with Charles the Fat, the Dane- 
 geld was to have been paid in March (cf. supra, n. 46). But from the An- 
 nals of St. Vaast (887, pp. 328-29) it would appear that the money was not 
 paid until late in the spring. Cf. Abbo, II, line 347. The Ann. s. Columb. 
 Senon, indicate that the Northmen retired from Burgundy in May (cf. supra, 
 n. 68). See Bohmer—Miihlbacher, op. cit., no. 1749a. 
 
 73 Ann. Vedast., 887, p. 329: “Dani vero Parisius regressi propter tribu- 
 tum ab imperatore promissum; pro qua re Askrichus ad imperatorem abiit, 
 et pro quo ierat, rediens, secum detulit. Datoque tributo, etc.” Odo appears 
 also to have been present at Kirchen, and may have accompanied Askrich 
 thither. Cf. Favre, 65; Dimmler, III, 278-79; Bohmer-—Mihlbacher, op. cit., 
 no. 1749a. 
 
 74 See supra, chap. viii, nn. 76, 77. 
 
 75 Cf. supra, n. 45. 
 
152 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 considerable. The Danegeld of 886—87 also differs from its 
 predecessors in that it came from the eastern, not from the west- 
 ern, kingdom. By whatever method the tribute was raised, it 
 is certain that the western Franks did not contribute toward 
 it."° Therefore, despite the fact that it was paid to secure the 
 removal of the Vikings from the West Frankish realm, this pay- 
 ment had no influence on the institutional development of the 
 Danegeld in France. 
 
 After they had received the tribute, the Vikings, in accord- 
 ance with the terms of their treaty with Charles the Fat, ought 
 to have returned to their own country.” But the absence of 
 the emperor, and perhaps of Odo,** may have encouraged them 
 to disregard the treaty. They made a desperate attempt to 
 ascend the Seine a second time.*® This design of the Northmen, 
 though at first resisted and checked, was afterwards consented 
 to, by the Parisians, on condition that the Danes enter no other 
 river than the Seine.*®° But after the freebooters had once 
 passed the Parisian bridges, they violated this second treaty, 
 as they had the first one, entered the Marne, and established 
 themselves in a fortified camp at Chessy, some twelve kilometers 
 distant from Meaux.*t From this stronghold they continued 
 to plunder and devastate in the usual way throughout Cham- — 
 pagne and northern Burgundy.* 
 
 The tribute paid by Charles the Fat had utterly failed to se- 
 cure the result aimed at, namely, the return of the Danes to 
 their own country.** In fact, the emperor’s whole policy with 
 reference to the Vikings had proved worse than useless. 
 
 76 See supra, n. 73, and cf. nn. 25, 31. 
 
 17 Cf. supra, n. 46. 
 
 78 Odo is not mentioned among those who opposed the Vikings when they 
 tried to reascend the Seine. Cf. Favre, 66, n. 2. 
 
 79 Abbo, II, lines 388-95. Regino, 889, p. 123, inaccurately says that the 
 Parisians refused to permit the Northmen to descend the Seine. 
 
 80 Abbo, II, lines 396-423. The Annals of St. Vaast, 889, p. 327, say: 
 “quia nullus erat qui eis resisteret, iterum per Sequanam Maternam fluvium 
 ingressi.” It is not true that there was no resistance offered when the Vik- 
 ings, in violation of the treaty, attempted to reascend the Seine, for the evi- 
 dence of Abbo on this point cannot be disregarded. But if the statement in 
 the Annals of St. Vaast applies only to the ascent of the Marne—which did 
 not take place until after the Northmen had come to terms with the Pari- 
 sians—it is, in the main, true. 
 
 81 Ann. Vedast., 887, p. 329; cf. Asser, Gesta Aelfredi regis, M.G.H., SS., 
 XIII, 122; Ann. Anglo-Saxonici, ibid., 106. See also Favre, 67, n. 1. 
 
 82 Ann. Vedast., 887, p. 330.. Cf. Vogel} 342. 
 
 83 Of course, the fact that Paris escaped destruction at the hands of the 
 Vikings must be attributed, not to the payment of the Danegeld, but to the 
 valor and endurance of its defenders. See supra, p. 149 and notes, and cf. 
 nn. 25, 31, °46, 80. 
 
ie) 
 
 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 15 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Opo’s FIRST DANEGELD (889). 
 
 The Danish army which in the year 887 had ascended the 
 Marne and established itself in a fortified camp at Chessy,' spent 
 the following winter (887—88) in plundering and devastating 
 the valley of the Meuse and parts of Burgundy.? Early in the 
 summer of 888 the Vikings invested the city of Meaux, which 
 eventually was forced to capitulate, and then, on June 14, was 
 burned and almost totally destroyed.* The Vikings remained in 
 the vicinity of Meaux throughout the summer and early fall of 
 888.4 
 
 Meanwhile Odo, who on February 29, 888, had been crowned 
 king at Compiégne,° fearing that the Northmen might attempt 
 again to besiege Paris, took measures to forestall such eventu- 
 ality by collecting an army in a fortified camp protecting the 
 city. The Danes, indeed, returned to the Seine toward the be- 
 ginning of November, but did not proceed to Paris, presumably 
 because of Odo’s measures of defense.‘ Instead they ascended 
 the Seine to the Loing, on the banks of which they established 
 themselves for the winter. Their plundering operations were 
 extended into Neustria, Burgundy, and Aquitaine,’ and did not 
 
 1 See the preceding page and n. 81. 
 
 2 Ann. Vedast., 887, ed. Dehaisnes, p. 330. 
 
 3 Ibid.. 888, pp. 333-34; Abbo, II, lines 453-66, M.G.H., Poetae Latini, IV, 
 Part I; Annales Nivernenses, 888, M.G.H., SS., XIII, 89. See Vogel, 343, 
 344 and n. 1; cf. Favre, Hudes, 116, n. 5. 
 
 4 Ann. Vedast., 888, p. 334. Presumably it was part of this Viking army 
 which was engaged, and decisively defeated, by Odo at Montfaucon on June 
 24, 888 (ibid., p. 332; Abbo, II, lines 491 ff.; cf. Vogel, 344, n. 1). For the 
 significance of this event, see Favre, 108 and n. 8; Vogel, 344-45; Dummler, 
 III, 320-23. 
 
 5 Favre, 89 and nn. 4, 5. 
 
 6 Ann. Vedast., 888, p. 334: “Circa autumni vero tempora Odo rex, adu- 
 nato exercitu, Parisius venit; ibique castra metatus est prope civitatem, ne 
 iterum ipsa obsideretur.” 
 
 7 I agree with Vogel (345, n. 3) in rejecting Diimmler’s statement (III, 
 345) that the Vikings returned to Paris at this time. The only basis for it 
 is the chronologically inaccurate account of Regino (890, ed. Kurze, p. 134), 
 which, by the way, also has led Steenstrup (Normannerne, II, 237) to certain 
 erroneous conclusions. 
 
 8 Ann. Vedast., 888, p. 334: “Nortmanni vero per Maternam in Sequanam 
 regressi, indeque navigantes et iter per terram facientes, Luviam fluvium 
 ingressi, circa ejus littora sedem sibi firmant.” Cf. Favre, 117-18 and notes. 
 
 9 Ann. Vedast., 889, p. 335: “Dani vero more suo Burgundiam, Neustriam 
 atque partem Aquitaniae, nullo resistente, igno et ferro devastant.” Cf. 
 Vogel, 346, n. 1. 
 
154 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 cease until the following summer (889), when, probably in early 
 July, their army and fleet appeared again, and for the last time, 
 before Paris.’° 
 
 Odo was there to meet them with a large army of Franks, 
 Aquitanians, and Burgundians, summoned together from the 
 various territories in which his authority had been recognized."* 
 Some bitter fighting’? appears to have taken place for a short 
 time, but we get the impression that, on the whole, the Franks 
 were getting the upper hand.*® This initial success, however, 
 was not followed up; very soon the fighting ceased,** and negotia- 
 tions were commenced.*®> These were concluded by the payment 
 
 10 Ann. Vedast., 889, p. 335: “Circa autumni vero tempora Parisius re- 
 gressi [Dani], ete.” Abbo, II, line 467: “Denique Luteciae revolant [Dani] 
 ad culmina tutae.”’ See also the diplomas of Odo in Bouquet, IX, 447, 448, 
 and in Favre, op. cit., appendix, pp. 236-38. Cf. Regino, 890, pp. 134-385. 
 The Vikings may have had intentions of returning to Paris earlier in the 
 year. At any rate, Odo, who in January had journeyed to Aquitaine, for the 
 purpose of receiving the submission of the magnates of that country, deemed 
 it necessary temporarily to interrupt these proceedings, and hasten back to 
 defend Francia against the Northmen (cf. Favre, 123). Perhaps it was a 
 false alarm, for Odo soon returned to Aquitaine. However that may be, the 
 Northmen certainly did arrive at Paris in July, when Odo again left Aqui- 
 taine to oppose them. The presence of the Vikings, as well as of Odo, at 
 Paris in July, is proved by the diplomas cited above. The expression, circa 
 autumni tempora, in the Annals of St. Vaast, is very indefinite, and does 
 not invalidate the testimony of the diplomas. In the poem of Abbo the arri- 
 val of the Northmen at Paris is mentioned immediately after the descrip- 
 tion of the siege and surrender of Meaux. But Abbo was not attempting to 
 present these events in chonological order. Cf. Favre, 127, n. 4. 
 
 11 Abbo, II, lines 468-72: “‘Convocat hue omnes proprios per regna moran- 
 tes; / En, sine iam numero prestans Odo nectit: / Francigeni approperant 
 alta cum fronte superbi, / Calliditate venis acieque, Aquitania, linguae, / 
 Consilioque fugae Burgun—adiere—diones.” Ann. Vedast., 889, p. 335: “Con- 
 tra quos [Danos] Odo rex venit.” 
 
 12 That in some cases at least the fighting was of the bitterest sort, while 
 it lasted, may be deduced from Abbo’s account’of the valorous deeds of Ade- 
 mar, Sclademar, and Anscheric (II, lines 474-90). It is also attested to by 
 Regino, 890, pp. 134-35. 
 
 13 The ascendancy of the Franks in the conflict is indicated in the fol- 
 lowing lines of Abbo’s second book: 473, 483-84, 489-90. Cf. v. Kalckstein, 
 Gesch. d. franz. Konigtums, I, 63. 
 
 14 Abbo, II, line 473: “Sessio fit non longa satis frustrata triumpho.” 
 
 15 Ann. Vedast., 889, p. 335: ‘‘nuntiis intercurrentibus.” This source has 
 no mention of any fighting. According to Regino (890, p. 135), there were 
 no negotiations. Instead the Vikings, when they perceived that they could 
 not reach their goal in any other way, again (?)—sSee supra, chap. ix, n. 67— 
 resorted to the stratagem of dragging their ships overland for some distance. 
 But the information of Regino is not reliable, and cannot invalidate the 
 testimony of the Annals of St. Vaast (cf. Vogel, 347, n. 1). Favre thinks 
 (p. 128) that the treaty with Odo did not permit the Northmen to pass 
 under the Parisian bridges, and that they were therefore forced to drag 
 their ships overland; but this interpretation does not harmonize with what 
 Regino says (pp. 134-35): “civibus ... audaciter reluctantibus, Nortmanni 
 desperatis rebus naves per terram ... trahunt.” 
 
CHAPTER X 155 
 
 to the Danes of a sum of money, in return for which they retired 
 from Paris and quitted the Seine." The Viking army did not 
 proceed very far beyond the limits of the West Frankish realm; 
 it invaded the Cotentin — which was then held by the Bretons*' 
 —and, having established itself in the vicinity of St. Lo, laid 
 siege to that place.*® 
 
 The motives that led Odo to enter into negotiations with the 
 Vikings, and eventually to pay them tribute, can only be con- 
 jectured. In spite of the bold front presented by the Franks, 
 those of Neustria as well as those of Francia,'’® and of the brave 
 deeds performed by a few heroic individuals,” there is reason to 
 believe that some contingents in Odo’s army engaged the enemy 
 in only a half-hearted way, or not at all. The Aquitanians, it is 
 intimated, preferred negotiation to fighting,” while the Burgun- 
 
 99 
 
 dians are accused of having suggested flight ;°? which indicates 
 not only that Odo could not place entire confidence in his troops, 
 but also that there was considerable opposition to his policy of 
 energetic resistance.**? To have continued the struggle under 
 such circumstances would have been unwise, if not foolhardy ;** 
 and there remained but one alternative — the payment of Dane- 
 geld. 
 
 16 Ann. Vedast., 889, p. 335: “[Dani] munerati ab eo [Odone] regressi a 
 Parisius, relicto Sequana.” Freeman (Historical Essays, First Series, p. 
 243), we may note, calls this payment a Danegeld. 
 
 17 The county of Coutances had been held by the Bretons since 867. See 
 Vogel, 227; cf. 358. 
 
 18 Ann. Vedast., 889, pp. 335-36; Regino, 890, p. 1385; Anglo-Saxon Chron- 
 icle, 890, ed. Plummer. pp. 82, 83. 
 
 19 Abbo, II, line 470: “Francigeni approperant alta cum fronte superbi.” 
 The Franks, i. e. the population, or rather the vassals, of Francia and 
 Neustria are here contrasted with those of Aquitaine and Burgundy, re- 
 ferred to in lines 471-72 (see supra, n. 11). 
 
 20 Abbo, II, lines 474-90; cf. supra, n. 12. 
 
 21 I take that to be the implication (cf. supra, n. 19) of these words of 
 Abbo (II, line 471): “Calliditate venis acieque, Aquitania, linguae.” They 
 are differently interpreted in Guizot, Collection des mémoires, VI, p. 59. 
 
 22 Abbo, II, line 472: “‘Consilioque fugae Burgun-adiere—diones.” Accord- 
 ing to Favre, p. 85, there was a party opposed to Odo in Burgundy. 
 
 23 That such was the policy of Odo is shown by the measures ne had al- 
 ready taken to oppose the Vikings (see supra, pp. 153-54 and nn. 6, 11). 
 
 24 Cf. Vogel, p. 347, and Favre, p. 128, who seem to think that the inten- 
 tion of the Northmen to make a descent on Brittany, also may have influ- 
 enced Odo to treat with them. This is possible, but the sources do not indi- 
 cate that Odo was aware of the plans of the Vikings. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., 
 p. 63, suggests that Odo may have been forced to cease fighting because his 
 vassals’ period of military service had expired; which is a pure, and im- 
 probable, conjecture. What evidence is there that, in the ninth century, 
 military service could be required of vassals only for a certain length of 
 time? If that had been the case, the siege of Paris (885-86) would have 
 been of shorter duration. 
 
156 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 Evidently Odo found himself in a situation that did not essen- 
 tially differ from those which had forced Charles the Bald to 
 resort to the Danegeld.*> It has been indicated above**® that for 
 certain reasons the policy of the western magnates with regard 
 to the Vikings underwent a change toward the close of the reign 
 of Carloman; that for some time after the year 8847' the opposi- 
 tion offered to the invaders was stronger and more determined 
 than it had been in the preceding period. This change of policy, 
 however, was only temporary,”* and by 889 it had lost most of its 
 yaison détre. With the accession of Odo the magnates again 
 found their interests jeopardized by the ambition of a vigorous 
 monarch, anxious to rehabilitate the power of the crown, and 
 determined to secure the submission of all the great vassals in 
 his kingdom.”? It may be true that the nobles of this period were 
 somewhat better aware of the significance of the Viking inva- 
 sions than those of a preceding generation,*® and, consequently, 
 that they were more willing, and better prepared, to engage the 
 Northmen than their predecessors had been.*: Yet, like the 
 latter, they were inclined to regard the advancement of the royal 
 power and the exaltation of the monarch as a greater menace to 
 their interests than foreign invasion,*” and they did not hesitate, 
 on occasion, to make use of the presence of the Vikings in the 
 furtherance of their own ends and to defeat the projects of the 
 crown.** 
 
 25 Cf. supra, chap. vii. 
 
 26 Supra, pp. 139-40. 
 
 27 The altered policy prevailed some four or five years, and was respon- 
 sible for the election to the West Frankish throne not only of Charles the 
 Fat in 884 (cf. supra, p. 139 and n. 123), but also of Odo in 888 (see Favre, 
 78-80); on both occasions Charles the Simple was passed over because it was 
 felt that the exigencies produced by the Viking invasions did not permit the 
 elevation of a mere child to the throne. 
 
 28 Gf. supra, p..140 and n. 125; 
 
 29 The severe treatment of the rebel Waucher of Laon is an illuminating 
 illustration of Odo’s attempts to assert his royal authority (Favre, 143-45). 
 For examples of his efforts to gain recognition as overlord in the various 
 parts of his realm, see ibid., 94, 99, 106, 116, 126, 129, 194-95. 
 
 30 See supra, pp. 135-40 and n. 103; cf. pp. 114-17. 
 
 31 The determined resistance offered to the Vikings at Paris, during the 
 siege of 885-86 and on a later occasion (cf. supra, p. 147 and n. 47, p. 152 and 
 n. 80), is an indication to that effect. 
 
 32 Cf. Fustel de Coulanges, Les transform. de la royauté, 696-97; Favre, 
 194—95. 
 
 33 Even Charles the Simple at one time probably was considering an alli- 
 ance with the Vikings against Odo. It is true that Archbishop Fulk of 
 Rheims severely censured such a policy, and that Charles never allied him- 
 self with the enemies of the Christians. But it is also true that certain 
 supporters of Charles had suggested to him this method of gaining the 
 
CHAPTER X 157 
 
 The amount of the Danegeld of 889 is unknown, and we have 
 no information as to whence or how it was obtained.** It may 
 be assumed, however, that the methods of assessment and collec- 
 tion which had been developed during the reign of Charles the 
 Bald,** were resorted to now also. Thus, the right of the seign- 
 iors to tax their subject peasantry @ merci, was further strength- 
 ened wherever the Danegeld was exacted.*® 
 
 This Danegeld effected what Charles the Fat had aimed at, but 
 failed to secure, when he paid tribute to the Danes in 887;** for 
 the invaders now sailed out of the Seine and evacuated the West 
 Frankish realm.** But this result cannot be attributed to the 
 Danegeld alone. The compliance of the Vikings was no doubt 
 due, partly at least, to the presence of a large Frankish army at 
 Paris;°° and probably for a similar reason the agreement with 
 Odo could not be immediately disregarded, as the one with 
 Charles the Fat had been. Yet, within a comparatively short 
 time this treaty too was violated. In the autumn of the next 
 year (890), after having suffered defeat at the hands of the 
 Bretons, the Vikings returned to the Seine; and before long their 
 ships were ascending the Oise.*° 
 
 throne; which illustrates the truth of the statement made in the text. See 
 Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, IV, c. 5, M.G.H., SS., XIII, pp. 565- 
 66; cf. Favre,, 187-89, 221-23. 
 
 34 All we know about this particular payment of Danegeld is derived 
 from the passage in the Annals of St. Vaast quoted supra, n. 16. The state- 
 ments of Vogel, p. 346, Dimmler, III, 346, and Favre, p. 128, to the effect that 
 the Danegeld of 889 probably was small, are purely conjectural. 
 
 35 See supra, 'chaps. v, vi; infra, chap. xvii. 
 
 36 Cf. supra, pp. 85, 102-8, and notes. 
 
 37 See supra, p. 152 and n. 83. 
 
 38 See supra, p. 155 and n. 16. 
 
 39 Ibid. and n, 11. Favre, pp. 128-29, indicates that Odo probably re- 
 mained at Paris with his fideles for some time after the departure of the 
 Vikings. 
 
 40 Ann. Vedast., 890, p. 336: “Brittani vero viriliter suum defensavere 
 regnum, atque afflictos Danos Sequanam redire compulerunt. Imminente 
 vero festivitate omnium Sanctorum, Dani, per Sequanam Hisam ingressi, 
 etc.” Cf. Vogel, 359 ff.; Favre, 132 ff. 
 
158 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Opo’s SECOND DANEGELD (897). 
 
 Shortly before the end of his reign, Odo, the brave defender of 
 Paris and valiant léader of the West Franks, for the second time 
 found it necessary to agree to the payment of Danegeld.t The 
 circumstances surrounding this event will be briefly set forth.’ 
 
 In the year 896 a few hundred Vikings, under the leadership 
 of a certain Huncdeus,*® left their companions in England, and 
 in five ships sailed across the channel toward the French coast.‘ 
 They entered the Seine, and immediately began to plunder and 
 devastate the surrounding districts in the usual manner.® Since 
 they were penniless when they departed from England,°® we may 
 assume that their plundering operations were inspired by a 
 desire to repair their fortunes just as speedily as opportunities 
 permitted.” Just then the opportunities probably were excellent, 
 for Odo was occupied with other affairs, and did not offer any 
 resistance to the freebooters.* The preoccupation of Odo at this 
 
 1 As king of the West Franks Odo had paid Danegeld for the first time in 
 889 (see the preceding chapter); as count of Paris, and in conjunction with 
 Bishop Gauzelin, he had also, in 886, paid a bribe of sixty pounds to Sieg- 
 fried, thereby securing the removal of that chieftain and his.men from 
 Paris. See supra, chap. ix, nn. 24-26. 
 
 2 There is only one principal source for this Danegeld—the Annals of 
 St. Vaast; but some additional information as to contemporary conditions 
 and events may be gleaned from Abbo and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Cf. 
 Vogel, 373-79; Favre, Eudes, 187-93; Hckel, Charles le Simple, 26 ff., 64 ff.; 
 Dummler, III, 435-36; Steenstrup, Normannerne, II, 282-85; v. Kalckstein, 
 Gesch. d. franz. Konigtums, I, 105-6. 
 
 3 For a discussion of the name and identity of Huncdeus, see Vogel, 373, 
 n. 2, and Steenstrup, op. cit., I, 157-59. For the numbers of the Vikings, see 
 Favre, 187 and n. 4. Steenstrup (op. cit., II, 282, n. 3) believes that Rollo 
 too came to France at this time; but cf. Vogel, 376, n. 3. 
 
 4 Ann. Vedast., 896, p. 353: “Et per idem tempus iterum Nortmanni cum 
 duce Hundeo nomine et quinque barchis iterum Sequanam ingressi.” Anglo- 
 Saxon Chronicle, 897, ed. Plummer, p. 89. The chronology of the latter 
 source, beginning with the entries for 879 and for some time thereafter, is 
 one year in advance. See Plummer’s Notes to his edition of the Anglo-Saxon 
 Chronicle, p. 95; cf. Vogel, 373, n. 1; Steenstrup, op. cit., II, 74, n. 1. 
 
 5 See infra, n. 8. 
 
 6 Anglo-Sax. Chron., loc. cit. 
 
 7 Cf. Favre, 187. 
 
 8 Ann. Vedast., 896, p. 353: “et dum rex ad alia intendit, magnum sibi et 
 regno malum accrescere facit.” Abbo, II, lines 583-91: “Et iterum misero 
 gemitu loquor affore sevos / Allofilos. Terram vastant populosque truci- 
 dant, / Circumeunt urbes pedibus, regnantis et aedes, / Ruricolas prendunt, 
 nexant et trans mare mittunt. / Rex audit, nec curat, Odo; per verba re- 
 spondit, / O quam responsi facinus! non ore dedisti / Tale tuo, demon 
 certe proprium tibi favit; / Non tua mens procurat oves Christo tibi missas? 
 
CHAPTER XI 159 
 
 time proved very detrimental both to his own interests and. to 
 those of the kingdom, as the sequel will show.® 
 
 Encouraged by success and by the lack of resistance, the in- 
 vaders soon grew bolder in their projects; moreover, their num- 
 bers were increased presently by the arrival of more Vikings, 
 who, it may be presumed, likewise came from England.*® Shortly 
 before Christmas the Northmen left the Seine and proceeded up 
 the Oise as far as Choisy-au-Bac, near the confluence of the 
 Oise and the Aisne, where they established themselves in a 
 fortified camp." From this stronghold the entire surrounding 
 district as far east as the Meuse, was pillaged throughout the 
 winter and spring of 897.'° 
 
 Odo, unable to postpone resistance any longer, now moved 
 against the Vikings with a (comparatively) large army.*® He 
 encountered them as they were returning from a plundering 
 raid, but was able to accomplish little; if an engagement took 
 place it was indecisive.‘* To be sure, the numerical superiority 
 of the Franks” was not altogether without effect; for the Vikings, 
 in order that they might not expose themselves to the danger of 
 
 / Longius ille tuum forsan nec curet honorem.” Cf. Vogel, p. 375, who 
 thinks Odo was prevented by illness from defending his realm. This view 
 is not based on any statement in the sources for the year 896, and seems to 
 be invalidated by these words in the Annals of St. Vaast: “dum rex ad alia 
 intendit,” which by no means imply illness on the part of Odo. Cf. v. Kalck- 
 stein, op. cit., 105-6. 
 
 9 As noted in the text, the invaders at this time probably numbered only 
 a few hundred men and therefore could easily have been expelled. Later 
 their numbers were greatly increased, until finally they were able to defy 
 any Frankish levy that Odo might send against them. Abbo, II, lines 592- 
 95: “Haec ubi fata receperunt probitate neglecti, / Exultant hilares, barcas 
 agitantque per omnes / Gallia quis amnes fruitur, terram pelaguque / In 
 dicione tenent totum, tutore ferente!” See also the Annals of St. Vaast 
 (quoted in the preceding note and infra, n. 22). 
 
 10 Ann. Vedast., 896, p. 353: “Nortmanni vero jam multiplicati, etc.’’ Vo- 
 gel, 376, n. 3, conjectures that Rollo, who later became the first duke of 
 Normandy, may have been among those Vikings who came from England 
 to France at this time. Cf. supra, n. 8. 
 
 11 Ann. Vedast., 896, p. 353: “[Nortmanni] paucis ante nativitatem diebus 
 Hisam ingressi, Cauciaco sedem sibi, nullo resistente, firmant.” 
 
 12 JIbid., 897, p. 354: “Post haec usque Mosam in praeda exierunt [Nort- 
 manni] nullo sibi resistente.”’ 
 
 13 Favre, p. 189, denies that Odo accompanied the Frankish army, but on 
 insufficient grounds; see Vogel, 376, n. 4. On the size of Odo’s army, see 
 infra, n. 15. ‘ 
 
 14 Ann. Vedast., 897, p. 354: “A praeda vero illis Nortmannis reverten- 
 tibus occurrit regis exercitus; sed nil profecerunt.” 
 
 15 The Franks perhaps were more numerous (see the following note) 
 than the Northmen just then; later it was the other way (see infra, n. 22). 
 Odo’s army could not have been large except in a relative sense. Cf. infra, 
 pe 
 
160 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 being besieged, prudently ascended their ships and retired to the 
 Seine. There was, however, no further attempt to dislodge them, 
 and the Vikings continued during the summer to harry the 
 country and collect booty.*® 
 
 Meanwhile, Charles the Simple, who was disputing Odo’s 
 claims to the West Frankish throne," had entered into amicable 
 relations with the invaders,'® and was thinking of allying him- 
 self with them in order to defeat his rival.’® It is true that this 
 project was never carried into effect, and that, on the contrary, 
 a reconciliation took place between Charles and Odo.”° Yet the 
 possibility of such an alliance must have caused Odo some anx- 
 iety, and may help to explain his future policy with regard to the 
 Vikings.*? 
 
 Toward the close of the summer of 897, the numbers of the 
 invaders had become so large as to inspire them with the confi- 
 dence that they might ravage the remaining parts of Odo’s king- 
 dom with impunity; a confidence of which their fearful devas- 
 tations gave ample proof.22. Recognizing that it would be haz- 
 ardous to attempt anything against the Vikings as things then 
 stood, Odo resolved to make use, once more, of the only remain- 
 ing method whereby he might hope to rid his kingdom of these 
 pestiferous parasites. He opened negotiations looking to the 
 removal of the Northmen in return for the payment of Danegeld. 
 
 16 Ann. Vedast., 897, p. 854: “Verum Nortmanni ad naves reversi, timentes 
 multitudinem exercitus ne obsiderentur, in Sequanam redierunt; ibique tota 
 demorantes aestate praedas agebant, nullo sibi resistente.” 
 
 17 On the strife between the partisans of Odo and Charles the Simple, see 
 Kekel, op. cit., 13-27; Favre, 158-90; Dummler, III, 382-436. These civil 
 wars, while they lasted, probably prevented Odo from opposing the Vikings 
 with anything more than merely local levies (Vogel, 375). 
 
 18 At Easter, 897, Charles the Simple acted the sponsor at the baptism of 
 Huncdeus, the Viking chieftain (Ann. Vedast., 897, p. 354). Did Charles 
 demand that Huncdeus be baptized as the prerequisite for an alliance be- 
 tween them (cf. Eckel, p. 25)? Steenstrup’s assumption (op. cit., II, 284, 
 n. 1), that Charles at first had opposed the Vikings and vainly appealed to 
 Odo for aid, is not warranted by the passage in Abbo’s poem to which he 
 refers. 
 
 19 Flodoard, Hist. Rem. ecclesiae, IV, c. 5, M.G.H., SS., XIII, p. 565. Cf. 
 Vogel, 377 and n. 1; Eckel, 61-64; supra, chap. x, n. 33. 
 
 20 Ann. Vedast., 897, pp. 354-55. Cf. Favre, 190-91. 
 
 21. Cf. Vogel, 378; Eckel, 27. 
 
 22 Ann. Vedast., 897, p. 355: “Nortmanni vero, jam in multitudine fidentes, 
 omnes reliquias regni ferro et igne devastant.’. Several lines before this 
 quotation the annalist stated that the Northmen spent the entire summer 
 along the Seine (see supra, n. 16). 
 
CHAPTER XI 161 
 
 After the treaty had been concluded, the Viking army proceeded 
 southward, beyond the Loire, to pass the winter in Aquitaine. 
 
 The reasons which induced Odo to agree to the payment of 
 Danegeld at this time are fairly clear, and, in substance, similar 
 to those which had led to the payment of the tribute on previous 
 occasions. Reference has already been made to the numerical 
 superiority attained by the Viking army,*‘ and to the possibility 
 of an alliance between the Vikings and some of the supporters 
 of Charles the Simple.?> These two considerations alone may 
 have sufficed to induce Odo to act as he did; which is only another 
 way of saying that the king was forced to resort to the Danegeld 
 by reason of the attitude of his magnates. But if the difficulties 
 of Odo’s position are to be fully appreciated, we must remember 
 also that during his reign there had been a heavy and continued 
 drain on the military resources of the West Franks, and that 
 Odo himself was no longer in possession of that energy, endur- 
 
 ‘ance, and resourcefulness, which in early and middle life had 
 
 characterized the defender of Paris.*° Having concluded the 
 treaty with the Northmen, Odo retired to the castle of La Fére, 
 on the Oise, where he was struck down with a serious illness,” 
 which on January 1, 898, ended his life.°* 
 
 Concerning the amount of money promised the Vikings in 897 
 we have no specific information. Owing to the self-confidence 
 and arrogance which their large numbers fostered,”’ it is improb- 
 able that the invaders would have consented to retire except for 
 a very considerable compensation. The sources are silent also 
 on the questions of how and where the Danegeld was to be raised. 
 Indeed, there is some reason to doubt whether the tribute prom- 
 ised in 897 was ever paid.°° 
 
 23 Ann. Vedast. (this quotation follows immediately after the one given 
 in the preceding note): “Unde rex misit ad eos, regnum redimere volens; 
 et, facto placito, super Ligerim hiemandi gratia pergunt.” Since the prepo- 
 sition super in the last sentence is used with a verb of motion, it ought to be 
 translated beyond; Favre (p. 192, bottom) translates it on, which to me 
 seems inaccurate. 
 
 24.01. rewp7a;, ni. -9,. 17; 22. 
 
 2p Cf. supra, nu. .18, 19. 
 
 26 Cf. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., 106; Eckel, 28. 
 
 27 Ann. Vedast., 897, p. 355. 
 
 28 Ibid., 898, pp. 355-56. 
 
 29 See supra, n. 22. 
 
 30 The annalist of St. Vaast (see supra, n. 23), who is our only source of 
 information for this Danegeld, says merely that Odo wished to ransom the 
 
 Danegeld. 11. 
 
162 CHAPTER XI 
 
 However that may be, the Vikings subjected not only Aqui- 
 taine but also Neustria to ruthless devastation before, in the 
 spring, they returned to their ships in the lower Seine.*! Even 
 then the Northmen did not evacuate the realm; instead they 
 undertook a plundering raid into Francia, on the return from 
 which they were intercepted, though without important results, 
 by a small Frankish army led by Charles the Simple, now mon- 
 arch of the western kingdom.* 
 
 kingdom, and that he concluded a treaty with the Vikings on this basis. . 
 
 It is not stated anywhere that the Danegeld was paid. We know that Odo 
 was taken ill shortly after he had come to terms with the Northmen, i. e. 
 late in October (cf. Favre, 193), and that he died on January 1, 898 (see 
 supra, n. 28); it is not impossible that these circumstances occasioned much 
 delay in levying the taxes for the Danegeld. After the accession of Charles 
 the Simple the attempt to raise the tribute may have been definitely aban- 
 doned; at least the activities of the Vikings about that time (see the fol- 
 lowing note) seem to indicate that they no longer entertained any hope of 
 receiving the money promised by Odo. 
 
 31 Ann. Vedast., 898, p. 356: “Nortmanni vero verno tempore rediere ad 
 naves, vastata Aquitaniae parte atque Neustria, insuper plurimis eversis 
 castris, interfectisque habitatoribus.” Favre (192-93) seems to imply that 
 Odo by the treaty of 897 had consented to the plundering operations of the 
 Northmen in Aquitaine and Neustria, and he finds little difference between 
 Odo’s policy on this occasion and that of Charles the Fat in 886, who then 
 permitted the Vikings to plunder Burgundy (cf. supra, p. 146 and n. 45). I 
 am inclined to doubt that Odo consented to any plundering by the Vikings 
 at least in Neustria, which was his own country. After the conclusion of 
 the treaty the Vikings proceeded beyond the Loire (cf. supra, n. 23)—i. e. 
 into Aquitaine, not Neustria—to spend the winter. Evidently it had been 
 agreed that they were to sojourn there only during the stormy season and 
 while they were awaiting the payment of the Danegeld; for it is inconceiv- 
 able that Odo would have agreed to pay tribute for anything less than their 
 (eventual) evacuation of the realm. Nothing is said of any plundering by 
 the Vikings during the last months of 897. They seem to have refrained 
 from that so long as they still hoped to receive the promised Danegeld. But 
 when it became apparent that this was not forthcoming, the Vikings at once 
 resumed hostile tactics; and these were not confined to Aquitaine, but in- 
 cluded Neustria as well, and later were extended also to Francia (see the 
 following note). 
 
 32 Ann. Vedast., 898, pp. 356-57. 
 
THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 163 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 RUDOLPH’S FIRST DANEGELD (923—24). 
 
 After the treaty of St. Clair-sur-Epte in 911, by which Charles 
 the Simple ceded part of the region afterwards called Normandy 
 to Rollo and his followers,‘ one might conjecture that so far as 
 France was concerned there would be no further occasion for 
 paying tribute to the Northmen. Yet the West Franks were 
 required to pay Danegeld at least twice after the event referred 
 to, first in the year 924 and again in 926.2 It must be admitted 
 that the reasons which made the first of these payments neces- 
 sary, are somewhat obscure; and in order to render them at all 
 comprehensible, it seems desirable to review briefly the course 
 of events in France during the preceding twelvemonth.? 
 
 The year 923 is not without significance in the political, and 
 more especially in the dynastic, history of France. It was then 
 that the fortunes of Charles the Simple were broken, beyond 
 hope of recovery, on the field of Soissons. For though Robert 
 of Paris, the Capetian rival of Charles, was killed in this engage- 
 ment, his forces were completely victorious over those of the 
 Carolingian. All the efforts of Charles to rehabilitate himself 
 
 1 On the treaty of St. Clair-sur-Epte, see Eckel, Charles le Simple, 75 ff. 
 
 2 The Danegeld of 926 is taken up in the next chapter. Lauer’s statement, 
 in his edition of the Annals of Flodoard, p. 35, n. 1, that Henry I of Ger- 
 many in 924 agreed to buy peace from the Normans, is a gross error, due 
 either to a misprint or to carelessness on the part of an otherwise very ac- 
 curate scholar. Henry paid tribute, not to the Normans, but to the Magyars 
 (Waitz, Jahrbiicher des deutschen Reichs unter Konig Heinrich J, Third 
 edition [1885], p. 78). 
 
 3 The principal if not the only source of information for this Danegeld 
 and that of 926 are the contemporary Annals of Flodoard. Richer in his 
 Historiae has something to say on the Danegeld of 924, but fails to mention 
 any payment in 926. His account was not written until the close of the 
 tenth century. For the preceding period Richer depended largely on the 
 Annals of Flodoard, and the value of his supplementary statements is very 
 doubtful (see the edition of Waitz, Intro., pp. vi ff.). For detailed discus- 
 sions of the course of events in the West Frankish kingdom during this 
 period, see Lauer, Robert et Raoul, 20-45; Lippert, Geschichte des west- 
 frinkischen Reiches unter Konig Rudolf, 31-58; v. Kalekstein, Gesch. d. 
 franz. Konigtums, I, 161-72; cf. Eckel, Charles le Simple, 116-33. In Eng- 
 lish there is a very brief account by Freeman (Norman Conquest, I, Third 
 edition, pp. 175-77) and a more detailed one by Palgrave (History of Nor- 
 mandy and England, II, 50-60). Neither of these is now of much value. 
 The work of Palgrave in particular has become very antiquated. It contains 
 numerous errors and inaccuracies, some of which pertain to the Danegeld; 
 but it seems unnecessary at this date to refute or even to signalize them. 
 
cae | : hee aed 
 
 164 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 proved vain. Abandoning this unfortunate scion of Charle- 
 magne, the western magnates gave their allegiance to Rudolph 
 of Burgundy, who was crowned king of France at Soissons on 
 July 13, 923.4 Not long thereafter the wily and ambitious Her- 
 bert, count of Vermandois, by a successful ruse obtained posses- 
 sion of the unsuspecting Carolingian and threw him into prison.® 
 
 An army of Northmen now advanced into Francia, ostensibly 
 for the purpose of supporting the cause of Charles, who had 
 appealed to them for aid several times before he was imprisoned. 
 This army was composed chiefly of the followers of Ragenold, 
 who for some time had had their rendezvous near the Loire; 
 besides these, however, it also included a large contingent from 
 Rouen, i. e. from Rollo’s army. Ragenold appears to have been 
 the leader of the combined Scandinavian forces. While Count 
 Herbert of Vermandois was sojourning with King Rudolph in 
 Burgundy,’ the Northmen subjected the territory west and north 
 of the Oise to devastation and plunder.® It is true that the vassals 
 of Herbert, aided by other nobles, offered effective resistance to 
 the enemy, killed several hundred of them, and compelled the 
 
 4-Mlodoard;' Ann., 923, p. 14 and n..3.) Cf. Lauer,’cp. cit, 6-19: 
 
 5 Flodoard, Ann., 923, p. 15; Richer, I, 47, pp. 380-31. Cf. Lauer, 20-24. 
 In spite of several temporary releases from prison, the captivity of Charles 
 the Simple was ended only by his death on October 7, 929 (cf. Eckel, 127-35; 
 Lippert, 32-35). 
 
 6 Flodoard, Ann., 923, p. 15: “Interea Ragenoldus, princeps Nordmanno- 
 rum qui in fluvio Ligeri versabantur, Karoli frequentibus missis jampridem 
 excitus, Franciam trans Isaram, conjunctis sibi plurimis ex Rodomo, de- 
 praedatur.” Cf. Richer, I, 46, p. 30: “Nortmannis quoque usque ad effectum 
 suasit [Karolus], adeo ut regi fidem spondere eique ut iuberet militare vel- 
 lent. Qui cum regi militaturi occurrere pararent, a Gallis intercurrentibus 
 inhibiti sunt. Unde et eorum suppetiis rex privatus est.” Jbid., c. 48, p. 31: 
 “Haec [i. e. the capture and incarceration of Charles the Simple] dum 
 agerentur, pyratae Gallias irruperunt, ete.” Lauer, p. 24, indicates that 
 Ragenold also had grievances of his own. Lippert, p. 34, asserts that for the 
 Northmen the captivity of Charles was “nur ein Vorwand ftir... Raube- 
 reien’’; cf. ibid., pp. 35-36. 
 
 7 Flodoard, Anvz., 923, p. 15: “et sic ipse Heribertus Rodulfum regem in 
 Burgundiam prosecutus est.” Cf. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., 163. 
 
 8 Cf. ibid. Lauer, p. 24, and Lippert. p. 36, seem to be of the opinion that. 
 Ragenold’s men had crossed the Oise and were operating in the region east 
 of that river. But Flodoard (see supra, n. 6) says, “Ragenoldus ... Fran- 
 ciam trans Isaram ... depraedatur’”’; this must mean that the Vikings were 
 devastating that part of Francia which from Flodoard’s point of view was 
 trans Isaram. Therefore, since Flodoard was writing at Rheims (see Lauer’s. 
 edition of Flodoard’s Annals, Intro., pp. vi, xvi), it fellows that he referred 
 to the territory west and north of the Oise. Doubtless most if not all of the 
 invaded territory lay within the jurisdiction of Count Herbert of Verman- 
 dois; for it was his vassals who first offered resistance to the Northmen 
 (Flodoard, Ann., 928, p. 15), and it was he who had imprisoned Charles the 
 Simple. in whose behalf Ragencld is said to have taken up arms. 
 
CHAPTER XII 165 
 
 rest to seek refuge within the Norman strongholds.° Yet the 
 ravaging continued, and eventually Hugh the Great, Duke of 
 Francia, felt that it was necessary to summon the king to the 
 rescue. 
 
 Rudolph, in response to this summons, immediately left Bur- 
 gundy and proceeded to Compiégne on the Oise.*® Learning now 
 that the Normans had devastated the territory of Beauvais, the 
 king hastened thither, accompanied by Archbishop Seulf of 
 Rheims, Count Herbert of Vermandois, and others.1: By way 
 of retaliation, he penetrated with the Frankish forces into Nor- 
 mandy and began to harry that land after the fashion of the 
 Vikings. 
 
 From these measures of reprisal Rudolph was called away to 
 receive the homage and fealty of the magnates of Lorraine. 
 Counts Hugo and Herbert were left to oppose the Normans and 
 to prevent them from crossing: the Oise.** In the latter endeavor 
 the Frankish magnates were not successful, but they retaliated 
 by ravaging in Normandy. These guerilla tactics could not be 
 continued indefinitely, and at last both sides were ready for 
 negotiation. The Normans promised Count Herbert, Arch- 
 
 9 Flodoard, Ann., 923, pp. 15-16. Cf. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., 163. 
 
 10 Flodoard, Ann., 923, p. 16: “Quibus urgentibus causis, rex Rodulfus 
 ab Hugone, filio Rotberti, accitus de Burgundia venit ad Compendia super 
 Isaram.” 
 
 11 Jbid.: “et audito quod Nordmanni pagum Belvacensem depraedabantur, 
 illo transiit cum Seulfo archiepiscopo et Heriberto comite, aliisque quibus- 
 dam et electis viris fortibus.’”’ That Flodoard is here referring to the Nor- 
 mans, not to the Loire Vikings under Ragenold, is evident from what fol- 
 lows (see the next note). 
 
 12 Jbid., pp. 16-17: “Itta fluvio transito, ingressus est terram, quae dudum 
 Nordmannis ad fidem Xpisti venientibus, ut hance fidem colerent et pacem 
 haberent, fuerat data; partem quoque ipsius terrae rex cum Francis, quia 
 ipsi Nordmanni pacem quam pepigerant, propter promissiones Karoli, qui 
 eis latitudinem terrae pollicitus fuerat, infregere, caedibus et igne devastat.” 
 
 13 Ibid., p. 17: “His vero eum rebus intentum legati adeunt Lotharien- 
 sium, se suaque ipsi subdere spondentium; quorum legatione revocatus ab 
 hac devastatione, cum primatum qui secum aderant, consilio Lothariensibus 
 obviam pergit, Hugone et Heriberto comitibus ad praesidium patriae trans 
 Isaram retictis.”” Lippert, p. 36, comments thus on Rudolph’s policy at this 
 juncture: “auch er [Rudolf] konnte sich dem Zuge seiner Zeit und seiner 
 Stellung nicht entziehen; die Ausdehnung seines Herrschaftsgebiets tiber 
 das weite Reich Lothars musste wie allen Westfranken auch ihm als hoh- 
 erer, ruhmvollerer Gewinn gelten als die definitive Ziichtigung der norman- 
 nischen Rauber, welche ja seine Vasallen durchfiihren konnten.”’ 
 
 14 Flodoard, Ann., 923, p. 17: “Interea Nordmannis quosdam pagos nos- 
 tros trans Isaram et nostratibus eorum terram depraedantibus, crebris al- 
 ternatim directis legationibus, ete.” 
 
166 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 bishop Seulf, and the other French nobles, that they would make 
 peace on condition that they be granted as large an extent of 
 territory on the left bank of the Seine as they demanded; also 
 the Normans sent hostages to King Rudolph — who was then at 
 Laon, having returned from Lorraine — and accepted his pro- 
 posal of a truce until the middle of May in the following year 
 (924) .15 
 
 Meanwhile Henry I of Germany, on the invitation of certain 
 magnates hostile to Rudolph, had invaded Lorraine, and was 
 attempting to coerce the nobility of that region to transfer their 
 allegiance to him. These efforts, however, proved somewhat 
 premature. Apprised that Rudolph was preparing to oppose 
 him with a very large army, summoned together not only from 
 Francia but also from Burgundy, Henry deemed it advisable 
 temporarily to postpone the execution of his project, and speedily 
 retired to Germany.*® 
 
 Rudolph was now ready to give his attention to the seigniors 
 of the south, Duke William II of Aquitaine in particular, who 
 had so far refused him allegiance.’ But we are informed that 
 at the beginning of the year 924, and before the king set out on 
 his expedition to Aquitaine, there was levied in Francia an ex- 
 action for the purpose of raising a sum of money to be paid to 
 the Northmen as the price of peace.'* In view of the fact that 
 
 15 Flodoard, Ann., 923, pp. 17-18: “pacem Heriberto comiti et Seulfo archi- 
 episcopo pollicentur ceterisque Francis qui cum ipsis contra Nordmannos 
 sedebant, si tamen eis terra daretur quam spaciosam petebant ultra Sequa- 
 nam. Rodulfo interea rege, ut dictum est [p. 17], Laudunum reverso, obsides 
 illi mittunt et inducias ab eo usque ad medium Maium accipiunt.’’ A few lines 
 before this quotation (p. 17) Flodoard stated that Rudolph was detained in 
 Lorraine toto pene ... autumno. It is therefore probable that the truce with 
 the Normans was concluded in September or October, 923. Cf. v. Kalckstein, 
 CDCR ee IGA niwe2: 
 
 16 Flodoard, Ann., 923, p. 18. Cf. Parisot, Le Royaume de Lorraine sous 
 les Carolingiens, p. 667; Lauer, 25-26; Lippert, 36-37. 
 
 17 See the following note, and cf. Lauer, 27; Lippert, 38-39. 
 
 18 Flodoard, Ann., 924, p. 19: “Anno DCCCCXXIIII incipiente, fit exactio 
 per Franciam pecuniae collaticiae, quae Nordmannis [probably the Normans; 
 see infra, in the text] pacto pacis daretur, et Rodulfus rex prefectionem 
 parabat in Aquitaniam, quia Willelmus, ejusdem regionis princeps, subdi 
 sibi differebat.” Richer, I, 48, p. 31: “Haec dum agerentur [cf. supra, n. 6], 
 pyratae Gallias irruperunt, pecudum armentorumque abductione multarum- 
 que opum exhaustu cum plurimorum capitivitate terram depopulantes. Quo- 
 rum impetum rex dolens, suorum usus consilio, exactionem pecuniae collati- 
 tiae fieri exactoribus indixit, quae hostibus in pacis pacto conferretur. Et 
 collata, ad votum commune paciscuntur atque in sua concedunt. Rex vero, 
 licet merens, ad adia se contulit. Exercitum itaque in Aquitaniam adversus 
 
CHAPTER XII 167 
 
 the recent warfare had not issued wholly in favor of the Scan- 
 dinavians'® — it was they, not the Franks, who had furnished 
 hostages*® — it seems rather disconcerting now to find the North- 
 men in a position to demand, and the Franks willing to agree to, 
 the payment of tribute. Which group of Northmen had made 
 this demand, and what considerations had induced the Franks 
 
 to yield? 
 
 > 
 
 Answers to these questions must be largely in the form of con- 
 jecture, for the annalists, though they furnish us with the facts, 
 offer hardly a word of explanation.*: In all probability the Dane- 
 geld was paid to the Northmen of the Seine, i. e. the Normans, 
 with whom Rudolph had arranged a truce the preceding year.” 
 The continued hostile attitude of the Loire Northmen, led by 
 Ragenold, seems to preclude the possibility of the tribute having 
 been paid, either in whole or in part, to them.** It is not impos- 
 sible that the Normans had stipulated for the payment of Dane- 
 
 eius principem Wilelmum parat, eo quod subdi sibi contempneret.” This 
 portion of Richer’s account (cf. the edition of Waitz, p. 31, n. 3) depends on 
 the Annals of Flodoard. It must be assumed that the details added by 
 Richer, such as Rudolph’s grief at having to resort to the Danegeld and his 
 consultation with the magnates, are wholly gratuitous. Richer does not 
 mention the truce which had been arranged with the Normans prior to the 
 payment of the Danegeld, nor does he distinguish the Loire Vikings under 
 Ragenold from the Normans under Rollo. 
 
 19 See supra, n. 14. Lippert, p. 38, says: “‘Keiner von beiden Teilen 
 konnte sich einen entscheidenden Sieg zuschreiben.”’ Lauer, p. 27, agrees 
 that there had been no decisive encounter. 
 
 20 See supra, n. 15. Cf. Lippert, p. 38; Lauer, p .27. 
 
 21 Flodoard says (supra, n. 18) simply that the Danegeld was paid to the 
 Northmen; he has no explanation whatever of the reasons why the Franks 
 agreed to pay tribute, unless, indeed, we assume that a causal relation is 
 implied between the two events described in the sentence quoted supra, 
 n. 18. Richer (see ibid.) would have us believe that the Northmen, as a 
 result of their tactics of devastation, had the Franks completely at their 
 mercy—in other words, that the latter had no choice in the matter of paying 
 Danegeld; which is not true (see supra, n. 19; ef. nn. 3, 18). 
 
 22 Cf. supra, n. 15. This is also the opinion of Lauer, p. 27, and of Lip- 
 pert, p. 38. 
 
 23 In 924 the truce with the Normans was ended by a definitive peace (see 
 infra, n. 35; ef. nn. 25, 27). But this, according to Flodoard, did not affect 
 the Loire Vikings (Ann., 924, pp. 24-25): “Ragenoldus cum suis Nordman- 
 nis, quia nondum possessionem intra Gallias acceperat, terram Hugonis inter 
 Ligerim et Sequanam depopulantur.” Later, after William II of Aquitaine 
 and Hugh the Great had come to terms with Ragenold—probably by per- 
 mitting him free passage through their territories (Lippert, p. 44)—the 
 latter transferred his plundering operations to Burgundy (Flodoard, Ann., 
 924, 925, pp. 25 ff.). Cf. Lauer, 33-34. 
 
168 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 geld before they agreed to the truce in 928;7* or it may be that 
 Rudolph, by subsequent negotiations, had secured an extension 
 of the truce in return for the promise of tribute.*> In any case, 
 it seems pretty clear. that the king by this measure was merely 
 taking precautions against the possible reopening of hostilities 
 by the Normans during the period when he expected to be occu- 
 pied with the business of securing submission in Aquitaine.*® 
 There is no reason to suppose that the Danegeld secured anything 
 more than an extension of the truce.*’ A definitive peace with 
 the Normans was not concluded until the late summer or early 
 
 24 In his recent work (Robert et Raoul, p. 27) Lauer takes the view that 
 when the Normans gave hostages in 923 (cf. supra, n. 15), they did so in 
 return for the promise of tribute. When he published his edition of the 
 Annals of Flodoard, Lauer was of the opinion (p. 24, n. 5) that the Dane- 
 geld was arranged for in a separate treaty concluded early in 924. 
 
 25 The treaty which formally terminated the period of truce (see infra, 
 n. 35) was probably concluded long after the middle of May (cf. supra, 
 n. 15), as will appear from the following. Rudolph’s illness (Flodoard, 
 Ann., 924, p. 23; ef. Lippert, 41-43) must be placed in the period after April 
 9 (Lauer, ed., Ann. de Flodoard, p. 23, n. 4), when he was at Chalon-sur- 
 Sadne in Burgundy. Before he fell ill, but after April 9, Rudolph partici- 
 pated in the Assembly of Attigny. It was directly after that event, and 
 while he was preparing an expedition to Lorraine, that the illness came upon 
 him. After a time he began to convalesce, but soon suffered a relapse, and, 
 despairing of recovery, was brought to the monastery of St. Remy at Rheims, 
 where he remained for four weeks. A careful consideration of these facts 
 leads me to believe that Rudolph could not have left Rheims before June 1. 
 Thereupon he proceeded to Soissons and thence to Burgundy. At this point 
 in his narrative Flodoard (pp. 23-24) states that “Heinricus [the Fowler] 
 aeque ... valitudine corporis tota detinetur aestate’; which brings us to 
 the summer months—July or perhaps August. Next Flodoard refers to an 
 outbreak of hostilities between certain nobles and then, finally, to the con- 
 clusion of peace with the Normans (see infra, n. 35). Seven or eight lines 
 further on (p. 25, line 2) he mentions the Synod of Trosly, held in October. 
 There is, therefore, good reason to believe that the treaty with the Normans 
 was not concluded much prior to September 1, and possibly later (cf. v. 
 Kalckstein, op. cit., 167 and n. 1); which means that the truce had been 
 
 prolonged from three to four months beyond the time originally agreed upon. | 
 
 v. Kalckstein (ibid., 165) believes that Rudolph concluded a definite treaty 
 of peace with the Normans when he agreed to the Danegeld; but see infra, 
 n. 20 and ict: supra, ns724. 
 
 26 Cf. supra, nn. 18, 21. This is also the opinion of Lauer, p. 27, and of 
 Lippert, p. 38. 
 
 27 The contrary view of v. Kalckstein (cf. supra, n. 25) is hardly tenable. 
 If a definitive peace had been concluded when the Danegeld was paid, early 
 in 924, it would be impossible to explain why another peace treaty, and one 
 so disadvantageous to the Franks, was necessary later in the same year, 
 since Flodoard has not a word concerning any reopening of hostilities in the 
 intervening period. The fact that the Franks, by the treaty concluded in 
 the fall of 924 (see infra, n. 35), yielded to the demands made by the Nor- 
 mans at the cessation of hostilities in 923 (see supra, n. 15), also indicates 
 that there had been no final settlement with the Normans in the meantime. 
 
 2 oS ee . 
 
CHAPTER XII 169 
 
 fall of 924,** by which time the submission of Aquitaine was an 
 accomplished fact.?° 
 
 For the Danegeld of 924 our sources offer no information 
 whatever as regards amount, rates of assessment, or method of 
 collection.*® Probably it was a considerable sum, since, as 
 already stated, it had to be raised by means of an exaction, or 
 general tax, levied throughout Francia — which, roughly de- 
 scribed, then comprised the territory between the Epte, the 
 Seine, the upper Meuse, and the Scheldt.*t Presumably the 
 money was raised by methods very similar to, if not identical 
 with, those that had been developed for this purpose in the 
 preceding century.*? 3 
 
 Not until several months after the submission of Aquitaine, 
 were the Franks ready to make peace with the Normans. Ru- 
 dolph was then in Burgundy, convalescing from a serious ill- 
 ness.**? It was therefore left to Counts Hugo and Herbert and 
 Archbishop Seulf to arrange the terms of the treaty. We are 
 assured, however, that the magnates acted with the king’s con- 
 sent when, yielding to the demands put forward by the Normans 
 
 25. Cie Supra, Nn. 325:5. infra, n° 35. 
 
 29 Rudolph had returned from Aquitaine before April 6 (Lippert, 41, 108); 
 ef. Flodoard, Ann., 924, p. 20 and n. 1, p. 21). 
 
 30 All the information we have on this Danegeld is given supra, n. 18. 
 Richer states that the king entrusted the collection of the tax to exactores. 
 It would be futile to speculate on the identity of these officials, since, in all 
 probability, Richer himself only assumed that they must have existed and 
 functioned. In asserting that this Danegeld was raised by a personal tax, 
 Lauer, p. 27, is evidently following Lippert, p. 38, who refers to it as “wohl 
 eine Art aussergewOhnlicher Kopfsteuer, die es sonst nicht gab.’ For this 
 view I can find no basis. Pecunia collaticia (see supra, n. 18) cannot be 
 interpreted to mean a capitation tax. The adjective collaticius does not 
 appear in DuCange’s Glossarium; in Harper’s Latin Dictionary it is said to 
 be of post-Augustan usage and to mean “brought together,” “raised by con- 
 tribution,” or “mingled.” The second of these meanings is quite appropriate 
 for the connection in which Flodoard uses the word; furthermore, it may — 
 indicate that this Danegeld, like those of the ninth century, was not col- 
 lected in strict accordance with a royal assessment, but that each tax-payer 
 was forced to contribute whatever his resources permitted (see supra, chap. 
 Vier. 133) . 
 
 31 Longnon, Atlas historique de la France, Text, pp. 85-86; cf. Lauer, ed., 
 Ann., de Flodoard, p. 24, n. 10. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., 165, assumes that 
 when Rudolph in the spring of 924 granted Hugh the Great the county of 
 Maine—which soon afterward was ceded to the Normans (see infra, n. 35)— 
 he did so partly in order to indemnify him for his contributions toward the 
 Danegeld. 
 
 32 These are summarized infra, chap. xvii. 
 33 Cf. supra, nn. 25, 28. 4 
 
170 CHAPTER XII 
 
 in 923,°* they ceded to them the districts of Maine and Bessin.*® 
 This peace, of course, did not prevent the Vikings under Rage- 
 nold, who as yet had received no grant of territory in France, 
 from plundering and devasting on their own account.?* What 
 was worse, it failed to keep the Normans pacified for more than 
 a brief interval. In 925 Rollo’s men invaded Beauvais, Amiens, 
 Arras, and Noyon, thereby violating the compact of the previous 
 year.*" 
 
 34 Cf. supra; ne 1d; 
 
 35 Flodoard, Ann., 924, p. 24: “Nordmanni cum Francis pacem ineunt sac- 
 ramentis per Hugonem et Heribertum comites, Seulfum quoque archiepis- 
 copum, absente rege Rudulfo: ejus tamen consensu terra illis aucta, Cino- 
 mannis et Baiocae pacto pacis eis concessae.” Lauer, p. 32, asserts that 
 before he left Rheims (cf. swpra, n. 25), Rudolph had charged the magnates 
 to conclude peace with the Normans. Lippert, p. 43, indicates that these 
 matters were arranged at Soissons a little later. 
 
 36 See supra, n. 23. Ragenold probably was incensed at having been ex- 
 cluded from the negotiations with the Franks, and he must have regarded 
 the increase in the holdings of the Normans with envy. Cf. Lauer, p. 33. 
 
 37 Flodoard, Ann., 925, pp. 29-30: ‘‘Nordmanni de Rodomo foedus quod 
 
 olim pepigerant irrumpentes, pagum Belvacensem atque Ambianensem depo- 
 pulantur, etc.” 
 
THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 Ea 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 RUDOLPH’S SECOND DANEGELD (926). 
 
 At the close of the preceding chapter it was indicated that the 
 peace which the West Franks concluded with the Normans under 
 Rollo in 924 was violated by the latter in the following year.' 
 After they had devastated the district about Beauvais, and had 
 burned Amiens aud Arras, the Normans proceeded to Noyon, 
 which they intended to subject to a like fate. In this, however, 
 they were only partially successful; though the suburbs, or fau- 
 bourgs, were enkindled, a sally by the castellani, aided by the 
 suburbani, forced the Normans to retire some distance, and at 
 least part of the faubourgs was cleared of the enemy. In the 
 meantime Frankish contingents had invaded Norman territory, 
 ravaging and burning as they advanced; while Count Herbert 
 of Vermandois undertook to strengthen the resistance along the 
 Oise.” In this way a general diversion was produced, which com- 
 pelled the Normans speedily to return to the defense of their 
 own lands.*® 
 
 King Rudolph, who had returned from Burgundy to Francia 
 about this time, presently ordered a general mobilization of the 
 Franks against the Normans.‘ One division of the Frankish 
 army, under the leadership of Counts Herbert of Vermandois 
 and Arnulf of Flanders, moved against the Norman stronghold 
 of Eu, near the mouth of the Somme; this citadel was taken and 
 demolished, many Normans were killed, and the victorious 
 Franks brought back with them a large amount of booty.°® 
 
 1 See supra, p. 170, n. 37. The sources and the secondary works which 
 contain references to this Danegeld are given in note 3 of the preceding 
 chapter. Lippert, p. 49, has some discussion of the probable reasons for the 
 violation of the treaty by the Normans. v. Kalckstein’s statement (op. cit., 
 169), that the Normans under Rollo broke their compact with the Franks 
 at the instigation of Ragenold, is pure conjecture; yet Lauer, p. 37, seems 
 inclined to accept it. v. Kaleckstein (ibid.) also believes that the terms of 
 the peace of 924 had not been fully executed. 
 
 2 Flodoard, Ann., 925, p. 30. 
 
 3 Ibid., pp. 30-31. 
 
 4 Ibid., p. 31. Cf. Lauer, 38; Lippert, 50. 
 
 5 Flodoard, Ann., 925, p. 31. Richer (I, 49-50, p. 32) states, inaccurately 
 no doubt, that King Rudolph participated in the storming of the fortress of 
 Eu; also Richer fails to distinguish the Vikings under Ragenold from the 
 Normans. Cf. Lippert, 51 and n. 1. 
 
 6 Flodoard, Ann., 925, pp. 31-32; Richer, I, 50, p. 32. Cf. Lippert, 51 
 and n. 2. 
 
i NF pes THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 Early in 926 the Franks resumed their offensive,’ this time 
 under the direction of King Rudolph himself, aided by Count 
 Herbert. An engagement took place (at Fauquembergue?) in 
 the county of Artois.° The Normans eventually were forced to 
 retire, but not until they had killed Helgaud, the Count of Pon- 
 thieu, and inflicted serious wounds on King Rudolph, who, in 
 consequence thereof, withdrew to Laon.’® In spite of the con- 
 siderable losses which they had suffered, the Normans were able 
 to proceed eastward as far as the county of Porcien, which they 
 subjected to devastation and pillage." 
 
 As if that were not enough, the inhabitants of this region soon 
 learned that a band of Hungarians had crossed the Rhine and 
 were desolating the territory just to the east of them with fire 
 and sword. About the same time — probably in April — Duke 
 William of Aquitaine broke his allegiance and raised the banner 
 of revolt.1°> Conditions had suddenly shaped themselves in such 
 a way that Rudolph found it necessary to come to terms with one 
 group of adversaries in order that thereby he might be enabled 
 
 7 Flodoard, Ann., 925, p. 32, indicates that Hugh the Great, Duke of 
 France, meanwhile had concluded a separate peace with the Normans, from 
 which, however, the magnates of the maritime districts, such as the Counts 
 of Flanders and Ponthieu, were excluded (cf. Lippert, 51, 52 and n. 1; Lauer, 
 39-40). Also, Flodoard mentions, near the close of his recital for the year 
 925 (p. 33), that the entire nobility of Lorraine swore allegiance to Henry I 
 of Germany, thus violating their fealty to Rudolph (cf. supra, chap. xii, n. 
 13). Cf. Lauer, 40; Lippert, 52-53; v. Kalckstein, op. cit., 170. 
 
 8 Flodoard, Ann., 926, p. 33. 
 
 9 Ibid. Lippert, p. 56, n. 1, and Lauer, p. 43, n. 2, believe that the battle 
 referred to by Flodoard here is to be identified with that of Fauquembergue, 
 mentioned by Folcwin in Gesta atbatum sancti Bertini Sithiensium, ec. 101, 
 M.G.H., SS., XIII, p. 626. 
 
 10 Flodoard, Ann., 926, p. 33; Richer, I, 51, pp. 32-33. Cf. Lippert, 55—56. 
 
 11 Flodoard, Ann., 926, p. 34: ‘‘Nordmanni, usque in pagum Porcensem, 
 silvestria loca depraedantur.”’ 
 
 12 Ibid.: “Hungari quoque, Rheno transmeato, usque in pagum Vonzinsem, 
 praedis incendiisque desaeviunt.’”’ Immediately after this Flodoard mentions 
 an eclipse of the moon on April 1, and then describes the translation of the 
 various relics, Hungarorum metu (cf. infra, n. 20). For other references on 
 the Hungarian invasion, see Lauer, 44, n. 1 
 
 13 Flodoard, Ann., 926, p. 35 (cf. n. 3): “Hine [i. e. after the Danezgeld 
 had been paid and peace concluded with the Normans—see infra, nn. 17, 21] 
 exercitus ex Francia Burgundiaque cum Rodulfo rege et Heriberto comite 
 
 proficiscitur super Ligerim et, acceptis obsidibus, ab urbe Nivernensi, quam — 
 
 frater Willelmi contra regem tutabatur, in Aquitaniam ad persequendum 
 Willelmum qui a rege forte desciverat, transeunt, ete.” This passage indi- 
 cates that the revolt of William of Aquitaine probably preceded (desciverat— 
 the pluperfect tense) the compact with the Normans. Cf. v. Kalckstein, op. 
 CT ALTA, 
 
CHAPTER XIII 173 
 
 to oppose the others with better hope of success.‘ An under- 
 standing was arrived at with the Normans, who, as usual, were 
 willing to make peace in return for the payment of Danegeld.* 
 
 The amount of the tribute demanded by the Normans in 926 
 is unknown; but probably it was a large sum.'® Though we know 
 that an exaction was levied in both Francia and Burgundy for 
 the purpose of raising this Danegeld,’* we possess no information 
 with reference to the distribution of the tax or the rates of assess- 
 ment; presumably the seigniors procured the money in the usual 
 way, by collecting from their dependents what each one could be 
 induced or forced to pay.*® 
 
 Rudolph’s policy on this occasion must probably be regarded 
 as very fortunate.’® Since the Hungarian invasion above referred 
 to, proved: to be but a passing danger, the king was, after the 
 pacification of the Normans,*! free to give his attention once 
 more to the rebellious William of Aquitaine. There was, it is 
 
 14 Cf. Lauer, 43; Lippert, 57. Since Hugh the Great, Duke of France, had 
 concluded a separate treaty with the Normans in 925, whereby his own ter- 
 ritories were made secure from devastation (cf. supra, n. 7), Rudolph prob- 
 ably could not count on any aid from him against the Normans. Cf. v. Kalck- 
 stein, Op. cit., 169-71. 
 
 15 See infra, n. 17. 
 
 16 I infer that from the fact that it was raised in both Francia and Bur- 
 gundy (see the following note). 
 
 17 Flodoard, Ann., 926, pp. 34-35: “Exactio pecuniae collaticiae Nord- 
 mannis pacto pacis dandae publice fit per Franciam atque Burgundiam.” 
 Flodoard describes this Danegeld in almost the same words as that of 924 
 (see supra, chap. xii, n. 18). Richer, on the other hand, does not even 
 mention the Danegeld of 926. 
 
 18 Cf. supra, chap. xii, n. 30. 
 
 19 It was fortunate for Rudolph and those northern seigniors whose in- 
 terests at this moment happened to coincide with those of the king. It is 
 well known that these nobles—Herbert of Vermandois in particular—were 
 now supporting Rudolph not only against the Normans, but also against the 
 magnates of Aquitaine; the latter, as well as the Normans, ostensibly were 
 committed to the cause of Charles the Simple, though in reality that was 
 only a pretext for the advancement of their own interests. On this see 
 Eckel, 107 ff., 123-33; Lauer, 33-34, 52, 56-57, and passim; Lippert, 25-31, 
 38-39, 47, 59 and n. 1, and passim. 
 
 20 Still it produced much alarm, as is evident from the hurried removal 
 of the bodies of the saints (cf. supra, n. 12). See Lippert, 56-57; Lauer, 
 44-45, : 
 
 21 Flodoard, Ann., 926, p .35: “Data igitur pecunia, pax utrimque est cum 
 juramento firmata.” The Danegeld was paid probably late in April or early 
 in May (see supra, n. 12; ef. v. Kalckstein, op. cit., 171, last line). 
 
174 CHAPTER XIII 
 
 true, a second invasion of the Magyars;*? but like the first one, 
 it only postponed for a time the final settlement of the question 
 of Aquitaine. If, on the other hand, the king had had also the 
 Normans to deal with, it seems very doubtful whether he could 
 ever have accomplished his purpose in the south. The fact that 
 Rudolph was not at any time during the remainder of his reign 
 preoccupied with the Normans, must doubtless be considered a 
 principal reason for his eventual success in securing the sub- 
 mission of the southern seigniors.7* 
 
 The peace which the Normans had concluded with the Franks 
 in 926 was, unlike those of preceding years, to be of long dura- 
 tion ;** and the Danegeld of 926 is significant as probably being 
 the last Danegeld ever exacted from the Franks, at all events 
 the last of which there is any record.”° 
 
 22 Flodoard, Ann. (this quotation follows immediately after the one given 
 supra, n. 13): “insequunturque [se. Rodulfus rex et Heribertus comes] 
 fugientem [Willelmum] donec rumor infestationis Hungarorum quod iterum 
 jam Rhenum transissent, exercitum in Franciam repedare coegit.” Cf. 
 supra, n. 12. See also Lippert, 57 and n. 2; Lauer, 45; v. Kalckstein, op. 
 Ct. A (2) 
 
 23 Aquitaine was not completely subdued until some time after the death 
 of Charles the Simple (October 7, 929). Cf. supra, n. 19, and see Lauer, 
 55-60, 67-68; cf. 78. 
 
 24 Cf. what Lauer says in-his edition of Flodoard’s Annals, p. 35, n. 2. 
 The Vikings under Ragenold continued to make trouble in Aquitaine until, 
 it is said, they were almost annihilated by Rudolph in 930 (Flodoard, Ann.., 
 930. p. 45). Probably many survived, or more arrived soon afterward, for in 
 931 they were able, under a new leader, Incon, to gain possession of (a large 
 part of ?) Brittany (ibid., 931, pp. 51-52). 
 
 25 It does not seem impossible that stipendiary Danegelds of a more or 
 less local character continued to be levied after this date. At any rate 
 Normans were employed, probably as mercenaries, on several occasions by 
 various French seigniors, and at one time, in 945, by Louis d’Outre—Mer 
 (Flodoard, Ann., 939, p. 72; 945, p. 96; 948, p. 117; 949, pp. 124, 125). 
 
THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 175 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 SUMMARY OF THE REASONS FOR THE PAYMENT OF DANEGELD 
 AFTER THE TIME OF CHARLES THE BALD. 
 
 The payment of tribute to the Northmen in the West Frankish 
 kingdom did not cease with the death of Charles the Bald.' It has 
 been shown above that the Danegeld was resorted to at least six 
 times after 877: in 884, 887, 889, 897, 924, and 926. But while 
 the circumstances which led to the payment of Danegeld in the 
 later period were more or less similar to those which had forced 
 Charles the Bald to make use of this expedient,” it would be in- 
 accurate to say that the situation throughout remained wholly 
 unaltered. After the reign of Carloman certain changes took 
 place not only in the relative strength and advantages of the 
 Franks and the Northmen, but also in the policy of the magnates 
 — their attitude to the king on the one hand and to the Vikings 
 on the other. The latter point will be illustrated by what follows 
 in the succeeding paragraphs of this chapter. As regards the 
 former it may suffice to say here that the Vikings retained the 
 military superiority until towards the close of the ninth century, 
 when it began gradually to pass to the Franks.? Why, under 
 those conditions, it should have been necessary for the Franks 
 to continue to pay Danegeld even in the tenth century, can be 
 made clear only by specific references to the facts in each case. 
 
 The first Danegeld after the death of Charles the Bald, that of 
 884, was agreed to at a time when the havoc created by the 
 Vikings perhaps had reached its climax.‘ It is impossible to 
 deny that the magnates were responsible for permitting this 
 situation to arise. They had neglected or refused to support the 
 military efforts of Carloman, and when it finally became impos- 
 sible for them longer to defer action, they had nothing to propose 
 save the payment of tribute. The motives which induced the 
 nobles to pursue a course of this kind need not be set forth again. 
 It is clear that in the main they were still adhering to the policy 
 which had been characteristic of them in the time of Charles the 
 Bald; selfish material interest dictated that it was more con- 
 
 1 Cf. supra, pp. 116-17. 
 
 2 Cf. supra, chap. vii. 
 
 3 Cf. Vogel, p. 44. 
 4 Cf. supra, chap. viii and n. 78. 
 
176 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 venient and more profitable to pay the Vikings than to resist 
 them with the sword.° 
 
 It is true, however, that a change in the policy of the western 
 magnates becomes apparent about this time or shortly afterward. 
 The immoderate sum demanded by the Northmen in 884, together 
 with their unprecedented ravages in the preceding period, seem 
 to have awakened the magnates to a realization of the true sig- 
 nificance of the Viking incursions and to the fact that a continued 
 policy of inaction would gravely imperil their own interests.°® 
 A temporary stiffening of the West Frankish resistance to the 
 Northmen in the period between the election of Charles the Fat 
 in 884 and that of Odo in 888, is very noticeable especially in 
 Francia and Neustria, the regions which were most exposed to, 
 and which had suffered most from, the Viking raids... When 
 Charles the Fat promised to pay Danegeld to the besiegers of 
 Paris in 886, he did so probably against the wishes of the West 
 Frankish nobility, and more particularly against the wishes of 
 Odo and the Parisians,* whose heroic resistance during the 
 recent siege seemed by the emperor’s compliance to be rendered 
 futile.° 
 
 Firmness, however, did not for more than a brief interval 
 characterize the attitude of the western magnates toward the 
 Vikings. After Odo’s accession to the throne the nobles reverted 
 to their old policy of temporizing with the invaders. Odo, though, 
 nay rather because, he was a strong monarch, found it necessary 
 to buy off the Northmen on two different occasions. The condi- 
 tions under which he was forced to resort to this expedient do 
 not essentially differ from the circumstances which had made 
 the Danegeld necessary in the time of Charles the Bald. The 
 great vassals, those of Aquitaine and Burgundy in particular 
 refused or were reluctant to codperate with the king in his at- 
 tempts to expel the enemy by military measures. They were 
 apprehensive lest the complete removal of the Vikings might 
 
 5 See supra, pp. 125-31; ef. chap. vii. 
 
 6 Cf. supra, pp. 135-40. 
 
 TU Cia supra, ’p..1b6 and ‘ns 27; 
 
 8 Cf. supra, pp. 146-50. 
 
 9 But while it is true that the action of Charles the Fat thwarted the im- 
 mediate purpose of the Parisians, it would be inaccurate to say that the 
 defense of Paris had been utterly fruitless. The impregnable citadel on the 
 
 Seine henceforth proved a serious obstacle to the movements of the Vik- 
 ings. Cf. Vogel, 337-38. 
 
 ( eit Pee ie, ek 2a Pt So! 
 ea a 
 “ae Pins : 
 
CHAPTER XIV 177 
 
 make possible a rehabilitation of the power of the crown, which 
 from their point of view would have been a greater calamity 
 than the evils attendant on the presence of the Northmen. Some 
 of the magnates simply were jealous of the rising fortunes of 
 the man they had elevated to the throne; others opposed Odo by 
 reason of their real or pretended attachment to the cause of the 
 Carolingian dynasty in the person of Charles the Simple. Prob- 
 ably all the seigniors were more or less influenced by their own 
 economic interest in the levying of the Danegeld, which, it may 
 be presumed, still yielded them a financial return, and also tended 
 further to strengthen the legal principle so advantageous to the 
 seigniors, viz., that the unfree peasant was taillable a merci. 
 
 The Danegelds of the tenth century are not strictly identical 
 with those of the ninth. They were not paid to a group of 
 itinerant Vikings, who temporarily held the Franks more or less 
 at their mercy. These last Danegelds were paid to the Normans, 
 who by this time were permanently established on Frankish soil 
 and had been formally admitted into the political organization 
 of the West Frankish realm." The purpose of these payments 
 was, not to secure the removal of the Normans from the king- 
 dom,’? but only to procure a cessation of hostilities on their part. 
 
 10 See supra, pp. 155-56, 160-61. Cf. Eckel, Charles le Simple, pp. 8-9. 
 
 11 By the treaty of St. Clair-sur-Epte, on which see Eckel, 87 ff. In spite 
 of the political relations established by the treaty of 911, the Franks and 
 the Normans for some time afterward continued to engage in intermittent 
 hostilities with each other. The causes of these hostilities were (1) the 
 ostensible support given by the Normans to the cause of Charles the Simple, 
 and (2) their efforts to enlarge their holdings in France. It was only nat- 
 ural that the Normans, so far as they took any part in the political affairs 
 of the West Frankish realm, should have supported the Carolingian; for it 
 was to him they owed their legal adoption within the Frankish state, and 
 only from him might they expect further favors. Both Robert and Rudolph 
 were supported by those Frankish seigniors who were particularly hostile 
 to the Normans. The ambition of the latter to widen their boundaries by 
 new grants, or by conquests, served to antagonize those neighboring Frank- 
 ish nobles who realized that if the Normans were to be satisfied, it would be 
 at their expense. The magnates who were most active in opposing the 
 further expansion of the Norman duchy at the close of the first quarter of 
 the tenth century were Count Hugh the Great of Paris, Count Herbert of 
 Vermandois, and the lords of the maritime districts, such as the Counts of 
 Flanders and Ponthieu. It was they rather than the king who offered the 
 most continued and effective resistance to the Normans, though in so doing 
 they were probably not inspired by anything more noble than the desire 
 to defend their own interests (cf. Lauer, ed, Annals of Flodoard, pp. 17, n. 1, 
 24, n. 5). The probable reasons for King Rudolph’s occasional participation 
 in the wars with the Normans are indicated in the following note. 
 
 12 The West Frankish kingdom had by this time been transformed into a 
 congeries of feudal states, which were only loosely held together by the 
 
 Danegeld. 12. 
 
178 THE DANEGELD AFTER 877 
 
 Why did the Franks need to resort to the Danegeld in the 
 tenth century? Chiefly because King Rudolph and the magnates 
 who supported him'* could not, or would not, devote themselves 
 exclusively or even primarily to the subjugation of their enemies 
 in the west. Various other projects also engaged their attention 
 projects which to them, no doubt, seemed more important than 
 a final settlement with the Normans.** Among these may be 
 mentioned the attempts to force the seigniors of the south, espe- 
 clally Duke William II of Aquitaine, to recognize Rudolph; the 
 unsuccessful struggle to keep Lorraine from falling into the 
 hands of Henry I of Germany; the incessant warfare with Rage- 
 nold and the Vikings of the Loire; and, finally, the resistance to 
 the Magyars, who invaded the West Frankish kingdom twice 
 during the year 926. This constant preoccupation was doubtless 
 the principal reason why the Franks were unable to terminate 
 their intermittent hostilities with the Normans by a military 
 decision. In order to be able to take the field against the insub- 
 ordinate southern magnates, and also, on one occasion, in order 
 
 recognition of a common overlord or a common danger (cf. Eckel, pp. 4-\. 
 32 ff.). According to the preceding note, it was not the entire West Frank- 
 ish realm which under the leadership of its monarch offered: resistance to 
 tne Normans. The opposition came only from those northern seigniors 
 whose interests were directly menaced, and, to some extent, from the kiug. 
 lt is very improbable, however, that Rudolph took part in this struggle with 
 the intention of ultimately expelling the Normans from France; he was 
 hardly attempting anything more than to check their territorial expansion 
 and in that he was not so vitally interested as were the magnates. hu- 
 dolph’s participation in the hostilities with the Normans is rather to be 
 explained on the following grounds. In the first place, he was regarded as 
 a usurper by the Normans, who, refusing him their allegiance, preferred, for 
 uhe reasons stated in the preceding note, to support the cause of Charles the 
 Simple. Also, policy dictated to Rudolph, in the early years of his reign a: 
 ijeast, that it would be advisable to come to the aid of, and to make coinmuon 
 cause with, those magnates to whom he owed his throne, i. e. Herbert ox 
 Vermandois and Hugh the Great in particular; otherwise they might fail 
 him in the projects in which he was especially interested, such as the ae 
 quisition ot Lorraine, the subjugation of Aquitaine, ete.; and Herbert of 
 Vermandois always had it in his power to liberate, and to set up against 
 Rudolph, his rival Charles the Simple. Furthermore, Rudolph’s own duchy 
 of Burgundy was to some extent exposed to the ravages of the Loire Vik- 
 ings under Ragenold, who were the allies of the Normans. Finally, the 
 fact that success in the Norman wars would lend prestige to his person and 
 to the crown, also was doubtless a consideration of some importance with 
 Rudolph. Thus the interests of the king so far coincided with these of the 
 northern seigniors as to result in a cooperative effort on their part to resist 
 the encroachments of the Normans. 
 
 13 I. e. most of the northern seigniors (cf. the two preceding notes, and. 
 see supra, chap. xili, n. 19). 
 14 Cf. Lippert (quoted supra, chap. xii, n. 13). 
 
peo OHARA CF ie PO: 179 
 
 t to ‘repel the Magyars, Rudolph and his supporters found it neces- 
 eee sble to buy the inaction of the Normans; the Dane- 
 hat 24 seems to have procured only a truce, or the extension 
 Ie Rae of. it? ut that of 926, fortunately, brought permanent peace. 
 . +4 has s it too bold to presume that in adopting this policy, the king 
 ; ee ie rt oige the northern magnates were influenced also by a custom of 
 Rox x | long standing, and by their own economic interest in the levy of 
 the Danegeld ?"° 
 ae | “TB Gi: the two preceding chapters. 
 
 A: 
 
 Se pete 
 4 » ‘ 
 
 i ail ave + » bf, ‘ 4? +f T f a a, . F ; 
 Sy es ee ey See Te eee ae ene. ee “Aa 
 
PAR eis 
 
 LOCAL DANEGELD: RANSOM. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 RANSOM OF PLACES. 
 
 So far exclusive attention has been given to what may be 
 called the general Danegeld — those payments of tribute, which 
 were made to the Vikings or the Normans on behalf of the West 
 Frankish kingdom as a whole, and which in large part were 
 raised by means of general taxation in considerable portions of 
 the western realm. As pointed out before,t however, there were 
 also other payments made to the Vikings in the West Frankish 
 kingdom, payments decidedly local in character, but which none 
 the less may properly enough be referred to as Danegeld; for 
 there is no reason why that term should be restricted to mean 
 only those payments which were made on behalf of the kingdom 
 as a whole. These local payments were in the form of ransom 
 (1) of places and (2) of persons. To distinguish them from the 
 general Danegeld, they are referred to in this dissertation as 
 local Danegeld. 
 
 It is very unlikely that the sources at our disposal offer any- 
 thing like a complete record of all the occasions on which local 
 Danegeld was paid. Doubtless many payments were made to 
 the Vikings for the purpose of saving a town or a monastery from 
 destruction, or of redeeming prisoners from captivity, of which 
 no mention is made either by the annalists or by the hagiograph- 
 ical writers. What information has been handed down on this 
 subject must therefore be regarded as merely illustrative of 
 what probably were happenings of frequent occurrence in the 
 
 1 Cf. supra, introduction. 
 
CHAPTER XV 181 
 
 ninth century. In the present chapter a survey will be attempted 
 of those comparatively well known occasions? on which the West 
 Franks® by the payment of ransom secured indemnity at the 
 hands of the Vikings for monasteries, churches, towns, etc.; the 
 consideration of the ransom of persons being reserved for the 
 following chapter. 
 
 The first instance on record of the payment of local Danegeld 
 in the West Frankish realm appears to be in 841. In that year, 
 when Charles the Bald and Louis the German were engaged in 
 their struggle with Lothaire I, a fleet of Vikings under the chief- 
 tain Oscar had entered the Seine and set fire to Rouen. Thence 
 they proceeded up the river to the monastery of Jumieges, which 
 likewise was burned.‘ It was to save their monastery from a 
 similar fate that the monks of St. Vandrille (Fontanelle) on 
 May 25 paid a ransom of six pounds (of silver?) to the Vikings ;° 
 and probably several other monasteries followed their example 
 at this time.® The following year (842) the population of Quen- 
 towic, after having been despoiled of most of its movables by the 
 Vikings, finally induced them to spare the buildings of the town 
 in return for the payment of ransom, the amount of which is 
 
 2 I do not claim, however, that the instances of the payment of ransom 
 which I have brought together in this and the following chapter include all 
 cases on record. In spite of my constant watchfulness for payments of this 
 kind, it is quite possible that I may have missed some examples. This dis- 
 sertation is primarily a study of the general Danegeld; and what is said 
 concerning ransom, or local Danegeld, is intended to be illustrative rather 
 than exhaustive. 
 
 3 Local Danegeld was paid also in Frisia, Brittany, and the East Frank- 
 ish kingdom. See infra, appendices iii, iv, and v. 
 
 4 Ann. Bert., 841, pp. 24-25; Chron. Fontanellense, 841, M.G.H., SS., II, 
 p. 301; Ann. Rotomagenses, 841, ibid., XXVI, p. 494. See also the marginal 
 note added to the Poem Celebrating the Battle of Fontenay, M.G.H., Poetae 
 Mane, Ut, D: e181, 1.) 4. 
 
 5 Chron. Fontanellense, 841, loc. cit., p. 301: “8 Kal. Iunii redemptum est 
 Fontinellense coenobium libris 6.” Cf. the following note. According to an 
 anonymous writer of the eleventh century, the monks of St. Vandrille as a 
 result of this payment were reduced to penury, and at last were forced to 
 seek refuge in flight (Appendix secunda ad Chron. ifontanellense, Bouquet, 
 VII, p. 281): “Monachi qui sub ingenti metu...in praefato Fontinellae 
 monasterio ea adhuc tempestate in ambiguo potius pendere quam vitam 
 videbantur agere. Nam secundo dato paganis pretio se locumque redemer- 
 ant: et vero deficiente jam pecunia, et invalescente persecutionis immani- 
 tate, fugae praesidium deliberarunt ad postremum arripere.” 
 
 6 Ann. Bert., 841, p. 25: “omnia monasteria seu [quae]cumque loca flu- 
 mini Sequanae adhaerentia aut depopulati sunt aut multis acceptis pecuniis 
 territa reliquerunt.” 
 
182 LOCAL DANEGELD 
 
 unknown.’ In the winter of 852—53 it is likely that a number 
 of churches and monasteries in the vicinity of the lower Seine 
 bought immunity from plunder or destruction by paying ran- 
 som to the Northmen under Sydroc.* Orleans was saved from 
 destruction in 856, probably because its bishop agreed to pay 
 the ransom of gold demanded by the Northmen.? When the 
 Vikings who had established themselves on the island of Oscellus 
 in the Seine invaded Paris in 857,*° they burned all but three of 
 the Parisian churches, and these were spared only because a 
 heavy ransom “of many solidi’ was paid for them.! Later in 
 the same year all the monasteries in that vicinity found it neces- 
 sary to pay ransom in order not to be destroyed.” 
 
 In 863 the town of Poitiers secured immunity from destruction 
 by the payment of ransom, though that did not prevent the 
 Vikings from burning the church of St. Hilary.1®? Ransom on a 
 larger scale was demanded from the inhabitants of southwestern 
 Neustria (Maine, Anjou, and Touraine) in 869 by the Vikings 
 
 7 Ann. Bert., 842, p. 28: “Ha tempestate Nordmannorum classis in env 
 borio quod Quantovicus dicitur repentino sub lucem adventu depraedationi- 
 bus, captivitate et nece sexus utriusque hominum adeo debachati sunt, ut 
 nihil in eo praeter aedificia pretio redempta relinquerent.” Cf. Nithard, 
 Historiae, IV, ¢. 3, M.G.H., SS., II, p. 669; Anglo-Saxon Chron., 839, ed. 
 Plummer, pp. 64-65; Chronicon sancti Neoti, 842 (ed. T. Gale, Historiae 
 Britannicae, etc., scriptores, I, p. 155). For the location of Quentowic, see 
 the references given by Vogel, p. 88, n. 1. 
 
 8 See supra, p. 41, n. 16. In the spring of 853 Charles the Bald secured 
 the removal of these Vikings, evidently by the payment of a (more or less) 
 general Danegeld (see supra, pp. 39-44). 
 
 9 Adrevaldus Floriacensis, Miracula sancti Benedicti (M.G.H., SS., XV, PD. 
 494): “[Nortmanni] Aurelianis perveniunt captamque urbem auro distra- 
 hunt, Agio tunc temporis praesulatum praefatae urbis gerente; sicque ad 
 tempus recedentes, etc.” Cf. Ann. Bert., 856, p. 46. Cf. Vogel, 153, n. 1. 
 
 10 See supra, chap. iii, n. 6. 
 
 11 Ann. Bert., 857, p. 48: ‘Dani... basilicam b. Petri et s. Genovefae 
 incendunt et ceteras omnes praeter domum s. Stephani et ecclesiam s. Win- 
 centii atque Germani praeterque ecclesiam s. Dionisii, pro quibus tantum- 
 modo ne incenderentur multa solidorum summa soluta est.” Cf. supra, p. 
 45°and in. ‘7: 
 
 12 Aimoin, Miracula s. Germani, II, c. 10, AA.SS., May, VI, pp. 792-93: 
 “Redimebantur omnia in circuitu vicina monasteria, ne illorum saevitia 
 impositis ignibus cremarentur.” See Lot, “La grande invasion normande,” 
 Bibl. de Vécole des chartes, 1908, LXIX, 13, 187 Cf. supra, p. 45. ; 
 
 13 Ann. Bert., 868, p. 66: ‘“Nortmanni Pictavis venerant, et sub redemp- 
 tione civitate servata, ecclesiam s. Hilarii magni confessoris incenderint.”’ 
 Cf. Chronicon sancti Maxentii, Bouquet, VII, 228, which does not mention 
 the ransom, and states that Poitiers was devastated. See also Lot, “La 
 Loire, Aquitaine et la Seine,” Bibl. de Vécole des chartes, 1915, LXXVI, 
 483-84. 
 
CHAPTER XV 183 
 
 of the lower Loire. The latter had learned of Charles the Bald’s 
 intention to have fortifications built around the towns of Le Mans 
 and Tours, in order that these might serve as strongholds against 
 the Northmen. Realizing that the carrying out of these plans 
 would mean curtainment of their opportunities for plunder, the 
 Vikings demanded as the price of peace in this region a ransom 
 consisting of a large sum of money, together with considerable 
 quantities of grain, wine, and live stock. But there is nothing to 
 indicate that this demand was ever complied with."* 
 
 Hinecmar in his old age was confronted with the problem of 
 having to raise a ransom for his episcopal city of Rheims. Ina 
 letter to Bishop Hetilo of Noyon in 880* the archbishop declared 
 that the amount of money demanded by the Vikings was so large 
 that it would be impossible to raise it, especially since every- 
 thing of value had already been plundered. Whether this ransom 
 ever was paid cannot be determined.*® The bribe by which 
 Bishop Gauzelin and Count Odo secured the withdrawal of Sieg- 
 fried from the siege of Paris-in 886, though it has been discussed 
 before,’ also, perhaps, should be referred to in connection with 
 the payments of local Danegeld. Finally there is, as we have 
 seen, reason to believe that Bishop Evrard of Sens paid ransom 
 to the Vikings who, later in the same year (886), had laid siege 
 to his episcopal seat.'® 
 
 Thesé instances of the payment or demand of ransom must, as 
 pointed out before, probably be regarded only as examples of 
 what were matters of frequent occurrence in the period of the 
 Viking invasions.’® They are another indication that money 
 was needed frequently, and in large quantities, to buy peace from 
 the Scandinavian invaders. Whence the money was obtained 
 that was paid by the local authorities to save a monastery, 
 
 14 Ann. Bert., 869, p. 107: “Karolus vero civitates trans Sequanam ab 
 incolis firmari rogavit, Cynomannis scilicet ac Turonis, ut praesidio contra 
 Nortmannos populis esse possent. Nortmanni autem hoc audientes, multam 
 summam argenti, frumenti quoque et vini ac animalium ab incolis terrae 
 ipsius quaesierunt, ut cum eis pacem facerent.” Cf. Vogel, 234-35. 
 
 15 Flodoard, Hist. Rem. ecclesiae, III, c. 23, M.G.H., SS., XIII, p. 534: 
 “ceteris omnibus depredatis tanta quaerebatur [barbari] pro civitate re- 
 demptio, quantam explere non valeret [Hinemarus].” Cf. Vogel, 267, n. 4. 
 
 16 Vogel, p. 267, seems to be of the opinion that the ransom really was 
 paid. This may be true, but I can find nothing that proves it. 
 
 17 See supra, p. 144 and n. 25. 
 
 18 See supra, pp. 150-51 and nn. 68, 69. 
 
 19 See supra, pp. 180-81 and nn. 2, 3. 
 
184 CHAPTER XV 
 
 a church, or a town from destruction, can be only conjectured. 
 Doubtless considerable sums were taken from the ecclesiastical 
 treasuries, and much of the plate belonging to churches and 
 monasteries was used, for this purpose.*° But it is also probable 
 that the local authorities, bishops, abbots, counts, or lay seigniors, 
 sometimes availed themselves of another method to raise ransom 
 money. The crown levied taxes to raise the general Danegeld.** 
 Why could not local Danegeld be secured in the same way? It 
 must be admitted that such procedure would be in harmony with 
 the general tendency of the age —to shift all burdens so that 
 ultimately they fell on the peasantry.”? After all, did the tax- 
 payer always know — did he ever know — by whom the contri- 
 butions he was called upon to make toward the Danegeld, had 
 been authorized; whether by the king, or only by some local 
 potentate, perhaps his own seignior? What he was beginning 
 to. realize more and more definitely, must have been that his 
 seignior had or claimed the right to tax him ad voluntatem when- 
 ever he was in need of money. If there is any element of truth 
 in this conjecture, it follows that the local Danegeld, like the 
 general Danegeld, was a not unimportant factor in the develop- 
 ment of the legal principle that the unfree peasant was tazllable 
 a merci.2* 
 
 20 This also, of course, holds true for the general Danegeld. Hence we 
 can easily understand why many churches and monasteries were emptied 
 of their financial resources (cf. supra, n. 5) and stripped of their ornaments 
 by the close of the reign of Charles the Bald. Cf. supra, p. 110 and n. 114. 
 
 21 The methods by which the general Danegeld was raised are summarized 
 infra, chap. xvii. 
 
 BLO LNSUDTA, Dio2s 
 
 23 Cf. infra, chap. xviii. 
 
LOCAL DANEGELD 185 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 RANSOM OF PERSONS. 
 
 It may seem, on first consideration, that payments made for 
 the purpose of redeeming persons taken captive and held for 
 ransom by the Vikings, can not properly be included in a treatise 
 on the Danegeld. And if the money paid for this purpose had 
 been obtained by methods entirely different from those which 
 were used to raise the general Danegeld, this view would perhaps 
 be justified. But we know that on at least one occasion such ran- 
 som money was secured by a procedure very similar to that em- 
 ployed for raising the general Danegeld; and one is therefore in- 
 clined to suspect that the same method may have been resorted to 
 on other occasions, even though there is no direct evidence to that 
 effect. For this reason it seems appropriate briefly to set forth 
 in this chapter some instances of the ransom of persons taken 
 captive by the Vikings in the West Frankish realm.t Doubtless 
 these instances are but examples of what became a very common 
 occurrence during the course of the ninth century.’ 
 
 On May 28, 841, the monks of St. Denis proceeded to the 
 Vikings who under the leadership of Oscar were ravaging the 
 Seine in that year,* to redeem 68 Christian captives; for these 
 they were required to pay a ransom of 26 pounds (of silver?) .* 
 
 Many of the Franks taken prisoner by the Vikings who devas- 
 tated Nantes in 843, were afterwards redeemed by those who 
 had survived the catastrophe and escaped capture.°® 
 
 1 On the ransom of captives in Frisia, Brittany, and the East Frankish 
 kingdom, see infra, appendices iii, iv, and v. 
 
 2 See also the reservation expressed supra, chap. xv, n. 2. 
 
 3 Cf. supra, pp. 180-81 and nn. 4-6. 
 
 4 Chron. Fontanellense, 841, M.G.H., SS., II, p. 301: “5 Kal. Junii venerunt 
 monachi de s. Dionysio, redemeruntque captivos sexaginta octo libris viginti 
 sex.” Ann. Bert., 841, p. 25: “Interea pyratae Danorum.. .-Rotumam ir- 
 ruentes, rapinis, ferro ignique bachantes, urbem, monachos reliquumque vul- 
 gum et caedibus captivitate pessumdederunt et omnia monasteria seu [quae]- 
 cumque loca flumini Sequanae adhaerentia aut depopulati sunt aut multis 
 acceptis pecuniis territa reliquerunt.” 
 
 5 Ohronicon Namnetense, ec. 6, ed. Merlet, p. 17: “Post haec, erasis omni- 
 bus opibus cum gregibus captivorum utriusque ordinis, sexus, aetatis ad 
 naves remeant. Ad quorum postmodum redemptionem plurimum a cladis 
 superstitibus collatum est.” Cf. Ann. Bert., 843, p. 29; Miracula sancti Mar- 
 tini abbatis Vertavensis, c. 8, M.G.H., SS., rer. Merov., III, 573. See also 
 Vogel, 94-95. 
 
o « ~~ os" a i. we. Ber tes! Sere PAE Aid ee eg Ee i a?! Ay y ANY Pe Gan pa Pinte 
 RS RE MME AN a CN UR, CURE Oe Mm EE MMe 
 / ; AP ey SIND Fo y i ye * VOR OVROM He Td | mh} 
 a4 : ‘ f , mes yy 3 " ’ P \ 
 
 Iie, 
 
 186 LOCAL DANEGELD 
 
 Immense sums of ransom money were paid to the Vikings 
 encamped on the island of Oscellus in the Seine during the period 
 from 856 to 861.° These Vikings, it would seem, were tireless 
 in their efforts to devise schemes and artifices by which they 
 might capture Frankish nobles, to be held for high ransom.’ The 
 best evidence of the excellent results of this business is the huge 
 amount of money they were able to amass.* Their greatest suc- 
 cess was scored in the capture (858) of the two half-brothers 
 Louis and Gauzelin, abbots of St. Denis and Glanfeuil, respect- 
 ively.’ Louis in particular — who was the grandson of Charle- 
 magne, and as archchancellor occupied the position of first rank 
 at the court of Charles the Bald'?®° — proved a highly remunera- 
 tive catch.1 While it is impossible to arrive at a final conclusion 
 as regards the exact amount paid for his release, we may be sure 
 that it was not less than 688 pounds of gold and 3,250 pounds 
 of silver.** Probably only a fraction of the enormous ransom’ 
 
 6 See supra, pp. 45 ff. 
 
 7 Aimoin, Miracula s. Germani, ¢. 10, AA.SS., May. VI, p. 793: “Stude- 
 bantque [Nortmanni] praeterea vicibus aequis, quatenus aliquas nobilium 
 gratia pecuniae capere possent; unde (veluti ex mitissimi viri Domini Hlu- 
 dowici Abbatis redemptione) non modicum et incomparabile acquirebant 
 lucri negotium. Et quotiescumque tale quid agere disposuissent, dissimula- 
 hant se multis diebus ante nullatenus quoquam ire, ne cui illorum furtivus 
 innotesceret adventus.” ; 
 
 & This is referred to by Aimoin (see the preceding note); and we know 
 that when the Vikings on Oscellus finally surrendered to the followers of 
 Weland in 861, they were able to pay to the latter the snug sum of 6,000 
 pounds, which probably represented only part of the money in their pos- 
 session at that time. See supra, p. 55 and n. 68. 
 
 9 Ann. Bert., 858, p. 49: “Pars altera eorundem pyratarum Ludowicum 
 abbatem monasterii S. Dyonisii cum fratre ipsius Gauzleno. capiunt eisque 
 redemptionis suae gravissimam multam imponunt.” The father of Louis and 
 Gauzelin was Rorgon, Count of Maine. Louis was the fruit of an illegitimate 
 union of Rorgon with Rotrude, the daughter of Charlemagne. Gauzelin 
 probably was the youngest son of Rorgon with his wife Blichilde. See v. 
 Kalckstein, Robert d. Tapfere, pp. 136-41, 165. 
 
 10 Cf. Lot, “La grande invasion normande,”’ Bibl. de Uécole des chartes, 
 1908; LXIX. p. 19 and n): 3: 
 
 11 Vita 8S. Faronis, c. 124, Bouquet, VII, p. 357: “Clarior autem atque 
 potentior Princeps insignis de nomine Ludovicus, Pastor Ecclesiae S. Dion- 
 ysii, quae caput extollit super ceteras Ecclesias terrarum potentia dignita- 
 tis, et principatum omni honore sapientiae ac religionis, impotens fuit ab 
 eorum captivatione se observare. Cujus redemptione ponderibus inaestima- 
 bilibus auri et argenti ablata est omnis gloria et ornatus atque decor ab 
 universis Ecclesiis regni, atque ipsa aurea Roma se spoliatam suo decore 
 aliquo modo sentit.” 
 
 12 The figures given in the text are taken from the following note added 
 to a manuscript of the ninth century (Catalogue général des manuscripts 
 des bibliotheques publiques de France, XX XIX, pp. 123-24): “Datum est in 
 redemptione Hludovici, abbatis, a parte Sancti Dionysii, de auro libr{[as] 
 CCCCCCLXXXVITI, de argento libr[as] III mil[ia] CCL, excepto vasaill[os] 
 et illorum femin[as] et parentes illorf[um].” According to the usual in- 
 
See Oe OE Sarees ee ee eee ee SL a EAA Cad ROE be. we Me 
 , —- = aa 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 187 
 
 terpretation (cf. Vogel, p. 161), these words mean that the monastery of 
 St. Denis alone furnished 688 pounds of gold and 8250 pounds of silver. and 
 that this sum did not include the additional amounts paid by the vassals of 
 the monastery and their wives and relatives. Lot, op. cit., p. 20. n. 2, is 
 probably justified in rejecting this interpretation on the ground that the 
 monastery of St. Denis could not have possessed such vast resources. It. 
 must be admitted that the meaning of the words in this note is not clear; 
 and unless supplementary evidence is produced, it will probably always re- 
 main more or less a matter of conjecture. Lot assumes that the words 4 
 parte should be ad partem, and then proceeds to reconcile the contents of 
 the note with the following passage in the Annals of St. Bertin (for what 
 precedes the following, see supra, n. 9): “Ob quam [multam] multi thesauro- 
 rum ecclesiarum Dei ex regno Karli, ipso jubente, exhausti sunt. Sed his 
 minime sufficientibus, ab eodem rege et omnibus episcopis, abbatibus, comi- 
 tibus ceterisque viris potentibus multa ad suppletionem praedictae summae 
 certatim coniata sunt.’ He identifies the 688 pounds of gold and the 3250 
 pounds of silver with the contributions ordered by Charles the Bald from 
 the churches in his kingdom, and supposes that the amounts which the 
 note says were furnished by the vassals of the monastery of St. Denis and 
 their wives and relatives, are those which according to the Annals of St. 
 Bertin were furnished by the king and all the bishops, abbots, counts, and 
 other magnates, to complete the required amount. The latter part of Lot’s 
 hypothesis is open to criticism. It is impossible to admit that the group 
 whic: included the king and all the bishops, abbots, counts, and other mag- 
 nates is identical with the group which consisted of the vassals of the mon 
 astery of St. Denis together with their wives and relatives. I shall there- 
 . fore make bold to present another hypothesis. This will be based prin- 
 cipally on a different interpretation of the last eight words in the note: 
 “excepto ... illorfum].” The old interpretation of these words is based 
 on the tacit assumption that the only person ransomed by or for the monas- 
 tery of St. Denis (Gauzelin was ransomed by the Church of Rheims—see 
 infra, n. 18) was Louis, its abbot. But there is good reason to believe that 
 the Vikings had captured a number of Franks, and that all of these were 
 held for ransom, the amount varying in each case according to the import- 
 ance of the person concerned. Aimoin (see supra, n. 7) indicates that the 
 . Vikings were intent on capturing a number of nobles, and that he refers to 
 the ransom of Abbot Louis as an example of how they amassed lucre: 
 “quatenus aliquas nobilium gratia pecuniae capere possent; unde (veluti ex 
 ... Hludowici Abbatis redemptione) non modicum et incomparabile ac- 
 quirebant lucri negotium.”’ We know that the Vikings fell upon the Parisian 
 churches at Easter, when they knew that there would be a large concourse 
 of people in the various places of worship (Lot, op. cit., p. 19). Doubtless 
 - many vassals of the monastery of St. Denis, together with their wives and 
 dependents (I take it that parentes here signifies ‘‘subjects” or ‘“depend- 
 ents” rather than “relatives’’), alsc were present at Paris on this occasion. 
 It is very likely that the Vikings forced some of these to accompany Abbot 
 Louis into captivity; and thus the monastery of St. Denis found it neces- 
 sary to ransom not only its abbot, but also some of its vassals and their 
 dependents. If this hypothesis is correct, the note quoted above weuld 
 mean that 688 pounds of gold and 3250 pounds of silver were paid for the 
 ransom of Abbot Louis, but that this sum did not include the money paid 
 to redeem the vassals of thé monastery with their wives and dependents. 
 The Annals of St. Bertin state how the ransom of Louis was raised, and I 
 refer to this infra in the text and in n. 17. The ransom of the vassals and 
 their dependents presumably was raised by the monastery itself in the 
 usual way (see infra, n. 17). 
 
 13 On the assumption that the ratio of silver to gold at this time was 
 about 12: 1 (see Mayer, “Zum friihmittelalterlichen Mtinzwesen,” Viertel- 
 jahrschrift fiir Social- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 1916, XIII, p. 352, n. 1), 
 the total ransom would amount to not less than 11,506 pounds of silver (cf. 
 
188 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 \ 
 
 could be provided by the monastery of St. Denis.1¢ Charles the 
 Bald found it necessary to empty the treasuries of many churches 
 in his kingdom," and it is alleged that the church of Rome also 
 parted with some of its treasure, for this purpose.*® When even 
 such sacrifices did not bring the required amount, large contribu- 
 tions were eagerly furnished by the king and all the bishops, 
 abbots, counts, and other magnates, to make up what was lack- 
 ing.1* The amount paid for the ransom of Abbot Gauzelin is 
 nowhere indicated, but we know that it was furnished by the 
 church of Rheims, of which Gauzelin had formerly been a 
 priest.*® 
 
 The method by which the ransom of Abbot Louis of St. Denis 
 was raised probably illustrates the usual procedure in raising 
 money for purposes of this kind. It proves that the treasures 
 of the ecclesiastical establishments were drawn upon not only 
 for the general Danegeld, but also for the payment of ransom. 
 When these did not suffice, or were not available, as perhaps in 
 the case of laymen, contributions were voluntarily furnished by, 
 and at a later period probably were required from, those seign- 
 iors upon whom the captive had a claim of any kind.’® To assume 
 that such contributions were supplied by the seigniors out of 
 their own private resources, would be to ignore the prevailing 
 customs of the ninth century. Beyond a doubt the peasantry 
 was frequently taxed not only for the general, but also for the 
 local Danegeld, and for the ransom of persons no less than for 
 the ransom of places.*° | 
 
 Vogel, p. 216). The heaviest general Danegeld ever paid by the West Franks, 
 that of 884 (see supra, chap. viii), amounted to 12,000 pounds of silver. 
 
 14 OP supra. Nn. 12. 
 
 15 Ann. Bert., 858, p. 49 (quoted supra, n. 12). 
 
 16 See supra, n. 11. 
 
 17 Lot (op. cit., p. 20) fails to note that according to the Annals of St. 
 Bertin the king too made a contribution, and he assumes that “the king 
 levied a special impost on the bishops, abbots, counts, and royal vassals.” 
 The Annals of St. Bertin (quoted supra, n. 12) indicate that the contribu- 
 tions of the magnates were voluntary: ‘‘multa ad suppletionem praedictae 
 summae certatim conlata sunt.” However that may be, it is very improb- 
 able that the magnates furnished their contributions out of their own. re- 
 sources. We may believe that they were raised in the usual way, i. e. by 
 taxing the peasantry (cf. supra, pp. 183-84). 
 
 18 Flodoard, Hist. Rem. ecclesiae; III, c..24, M.G.H., SS., XITI, p. 536: “Ut 
 reminiscatur quia Remensis ecclesia eum [Gauzlenum] regeneravit in 
 Christo tonsumque in clericum sub religione nutriverit et docuerit, de cap- 
 tione paganorum redemerit, etc.” , 
 
 19 See infra, chap. xviii. 
 
 20 Cf. supra, n. 17; see also p. 184. 
 
mee E TV: 
 
 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE INSTITUTIONAL CHARACTER OF THE DANEGELD IN FRANCE. 
 
 The various circumstances which serve to explain why the 
 West Franks resorted to the Danegeld have been summarized 
 above’ and do not need to be set forth again. In this chapter 
 those facts will be brought together which throw some light on 
 the institutional character of the Danegeld, and in the following 
 one will be presented an estimate of its effect on the political 
 and economic development of France. 
 
 According to the records that we have, twelve or thirteen pay- 
 ments of general Danegeld? were made to the Vikings in the West 
 Frankish realm.* Our information concerning the methods by 
 which the money* for this purpose was raised is not complete. 
 We have unimpeachable evidence that taxation was resorted to 
 in five instances (860—61, 866, 877,° 924, 926); in four other 
 
 1 Supra, chaps. vii, xiv. 
 
 2 On the local Danegeld, see infra, p. 204. 
 
 3 It will be remembered that there were two payments in 877, and that it 
 is doubtful whether the Danegeld promised by Odo in 897 ever was paid. 
 Soetbeer’s catalogue of the various payments of Danegeld (Forsch. ¢. d. 
 Gesch., VI, 54-56) is very inaccurate. Among other errors we may note 
 that he regards the Danegeld of 860 as the first general tribute; also he 
 assumes that an annual tribute of 5,000 pounds was paid after 877, for which 
 there is no basis whatever. 
 
 4 As a rule the Danegeld appears to have been paid in money or plate 
 (see the following chapter, p. 214); but on two occasions food supplies were 
 furnished in addition to the money payment: grain and cattle in 861, wine 
 in 866. The magnates are said to have contributed the wine (supra, p. 71 
 and n. 62, p. 87 and n. 136). Whence the supplies of grain and cattle came in 
 861 cannot be definitely determined, though it may be presumed that ulti- 
 mately the peasants could no more escape this burden than that of the 
 Danegeld. Cf. supra, pp. 53 ff. 
 
 5 The Danegeld paid to the Vikings of the Seine in 877 certainly was 
 raised by taxation, and that paid to the Vikings of the Loire in the same 
 year probably was. 
 
190 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 instances (845, 853, 877,° 884) the evidence is indeed somewhat 
 scant, but what there is of it points in the direction of taxation; 
 and in the remaining four instances (862, 886, 889, 897) there 
 is no evidence at all as to how the money was obtained. It should 
 be added that in one of the last mentioned cases (886) the money 
 came from outside the western kingdom; and, therefore, the 
 method by which that payment was raised is of no importance 
 for the institutional development of the Danegeld in France. 
 We know also that on at least three occasions (860—61, 877, 
 884) the Danegeld was made up in part by drafts on the treas- 
 ures of the ecclesiastical establishments. From these premises 
 it seems legitimate to conclude that the general Danegeld usually 
 was secured by resorting to taxation, though in some cases it 
 was found necessary also to draw upon the treasures of the 
 church; and we may assume that one or both of these methods 
 were used on those occasions for which there is no specific 
 evidence. 
 
 The information that we have on the form and distribution 
 of the taxes levied to raise the Danegeld is very limited in scope. 
 Only for the last three payments during the reign of Charles 
 the Bald — those of 860—61, 866, and 877 — do we get anything 
 like particulars. Yet so far as they go, these particulars are 
 very valuable, illustrating in all probability the usual procedure 
 in the levying of the tax. 
 
 They indicate, in the first place, that the ordinary and most 
 common unit of taxation was the holding of land known as the 
 mansus. In 860 Charles the Bald is said to have levied a tax 
 on all the mansi of his kingdom. In 866 he levied a similar tax, 
 but. discriminated between mansi ingenuiles and mansi serviles 
 in such wise that he assessed the former at six, and the latter 
 at three, denarii each; and by a second assessment — which 
 proved necessary in order to raise the tribute of that year — 
 he laid an additional tax of one denarius on both these kinds ot 
 mansi; so that, all told, the mansi ingenuiles were taxed at seven, 
 and the mansi serviles at four, denarzi in 866. For the Dane- 
 geld of 877, land taxes were laid on only those mansi which con- 
 - stituted the honores of bishops, abbots, counts, and royal vassals; 
 but all the mansi comprising a honor were taxed on that occa- 
 
 6 1) refer here to the Danegeld paid to the Vikings of the Loire (cf. the 
 preceding note). ‘ 
 
PTA Sree ee i ' , 
 
 > = well oi ee mat ws 
 a r 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 191 
 
 sion; not only mansi ingenuwiles and serviles, but also the dom- 
 inant holdings known as mansi indominicati. These were asses- 
 sed at the rate of twelve denarii (or one solidus) ; while taxes 
 of eight and four denarii were required for mansi ingenuiles 
 and serviles, respectively. It was provided in the case of the 
 the latter (mansi ingenuiles and serviles) that the holders were 
 to pay only one half of the taxes required for their mansus; the 
 other half to be taken from the cens, ov redevance, paid to the 
 seignior. If the latter arrangement was made with the inten- 
 tion of placing the burden of taxation on those who could best 
 afford to bear it, the probability is that it failed of its purpose, 
 as will appear more clearly later in the discussion. 
 
 The taxation of demesnial holdings, it should be noted, appears 
 to have been exceptional. The only time that the mansus in- 
 dominicatus was specifically mentioned as a unit of taxation for 
 the Danegeld, was in 877; and then it referred, not to all mans. 
 indominicatt, but only to those that were included in honores 
 held of the king by bishops, abbots, counts and royal vassals. 
 It is true, however, that in 866 there had been required from 
 each of the magnates two successive contributions of money 
 and wine, proportioned to the value of their honores; and this 
 may imply that the tax of that year was, in theory, laid on 
 mansi tndominicati as well as on dependent mansi.. Whether 
 the tax of 860, which is said to have been laid on all mansi, ap- 
 plied also to the demesnes, may be doubted. In any case there 
 is, save for this vague statement relative to the tax of 860, io 
 evidence that taxes for the Danegeld were ever laid on demesniai 
 holdings other than those included in honores held of the king; 
 and of the taxation of the latter we have at most two instances. 
 
 Land tenures of less extent or value than the mans? were taxed 
 on at least one occasion; in 866 one denarius was exacted for 
 each accola, and, likewise, one denarius for every two hospitiu. 
 
 All the taxes so far referred to were taxes on land or the 
 income from land. But the Danegeld was raised also by taxes 
 on all kinds of property and on incomes other than the income 
 trom land. Thus, merchants were required to contribute on 
 at least three known occasions: in 860—61, 866, and 877. In 
 860 a careful and exact evaluation of their property was 
 
 ? Cf. supra, p. 87 and n. 137. 
 
192 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 ordered; and taxes were levied not only on their houses, but 
 also on their movables (merchandise and household goods) ; even 
 the poorest of them could not escape the tax. In 866 they were 
 required to contribute one tenth of all they possessed. A dis- 
 crimination may have been made between Christian and Jewish 
 merchants in 877; the former are said to have contributed only 
 one eleventh of their resources, while the Jews were required to 
 pay one tenth, as before.® 
 
 Priests, too, were taxed for the Danegeld at least twice: in 
 866 and in 877. The tax was graduated in proportion to their 
 resources and income.’ No specific rates are given for 866, 
 but in 877 the assessments ranged from a minimum of four 
 denarii to a maximum of five solid. 
 
 Another form of taxation for the Danegeld was the collection 
 of the heerbann from the freemen. Of this there is only one 
 instance (866), but it is of great significance. Originally the 
 heerbann had been a fine of sixty solidi, imposed on those free- 
 men who failed to respond to the summons to military service. 
 Since the time of Charlemagne, however, both the military serv- 
 ice and the heerbann had, as a rule, been graduated in propor- 
 tion to the resources of the freemen; and there is reason to 
 believe that it was so graduated in 866. The important thing 
 about the heerbann of 866 is the fact that it was collected as a 
 tax, not as a fine; in that fact may be found a clew to the legal 
 basis of the Danegeld. But the development of this point must 
 be postponed to a later stage in the discussion... We turn now 
 to a résumé of what is known concerning the collection of the 
 Danegeld. 
 
 The direct evidence as to how the Danegeld was collected from 
 the tax-payers is very unsatifactory, and must be supplemented 
 by what is known about the methods of collecting other con- 
 tributions — taxes and redevances — at the same period. There 
 
 8 The question as to whether this discrimination between Jewish and 
 Christian merchants really applies to the Danegeld of 877 remains some- 
 what doubtful. See infra, appendix ii. 
 
 9 Originally at least, one part of the income from the tithe went to the 
 support of the priest. It is true that from the ninth century onward the 
 seigniors in many cases usurped the tithes, ceded them, sold them, infeu- 
 dated them, ete. (Imbart de la Tour, “Les paroisses rurales, etc.,” Rev. Hist., 
 1897, LXIII, pp. 30-32). It must be assumed that those priests who still 
 retained a share of the tithe were taxed for the Danegeld on the basis of 
 their total resources, including the income from the tithe. 
 
Mae eee ok 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 193 
 
 can be no doubt that on all seigneurial estates the taxes for the 
 Danegeld were collected from the peasant population — the 
 holders of dependent mansi, accolx, and hospitia — not by the 
 officers of the crown, but by the agents of the seignior, his 
 ministeriales..° In the collection of the tax the latter evidently 
 did not consider themselves bound by the rates of assessment 
 prescribed by the monarch, but exacted from the peasants the 
 largest amounts possible in each case, thus securing not only 
 what was demanded by the king, but also a substantial profit 
 for the seignior and themselves. It is very probable that the 
 official assessment of the tax was regarded only as a basis for 
 calculating the amount which the individual seignior ought to 
 turn over to the king. Indeed, we may believe that the seig- 
 niors succeeded in shifting the entire burden of taxation, even 
 that part of it which they ought to have born themselves, upon 
 their dependent peasantry." 
 
 It may be inferred that the taxes paid by the priests in 866% 
 were collected by the officials of their patrons; the latter being, 
 in some cases the bishop of the diocese, in others the abbot of 
 a monastery, and in still others a lay seignior. But in 877 it 
 was specifically provided that the bishops were to collect the 
 taxes of all priests, except those whose churches were dependent 
 on monasteries; in the latter case the collection was to be made 
 by the abbot and the bishop’s missus jointly. The taxes of the 
 priests, like those paid by the other classes, probably were not 
 applied exclusively to the purposes of the Danegeld; doubtless 
 a considerable portion was appropriated by those who enjoyed 
 the right of collection.’ 
 
 There is no evidence whatever as to who were authorized to 
 collect the taxes of the merchants. Probably they were paid 
 to those officials of the fise who received the annual or biennial 
 contributions required by the king in return for the special pro- 
 tection he extended to merchants."* 
 
 10 Supra, pp. 77-79 and nn. 92, 99, p. 84 and nn. 122, 123, p. 99, n. 42, p. 103, 
 x Misia: pp. 84-85 and nn. 122, 123, pp. 88-89, 102-3 and nn. 68-71; cf. p. 
 108, n. 103. 
 
 12 The inference is “based on the special provisions made in 877; these 
 indicate that certain changes were made in the method of collection for that 
 year which seem to imply a previous method of the kind suggested above. 
 Cf. supra, pp. 103-5. 
 
 13 Jbid.; cf. nn. 77, 78, 84. 
 14 Supra, p. 86, n. 127, pp. 105-6. 
 
 Danegeld, 18. 
 
- 
 
 194 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 The heerbann, as a fine, was usually paid to the missi, and 
 there is no reason to suppose that a different arrangement was 
 
 made when it was levied as a tax toward the Danegeld. 
 
 Thus, except in the cases of merchants and freemen, the taxes 
 for the Danegeld were collected, in the first instance, by the 
 officials (ministeriales) of the local authorities, seigniors and 
 prelates. The latter, in turn, were responsible to the king for 
 the taxes levied by him on the property and income of themselves 
 and their dependents, the peasants and the priests. On at least 
 one occasion (877) these local authorities — bishops, abbots, 
 counts, and royal vassals — were instructed’ to pay over their 
 respective quotas to the royal missi.1° This instruction perhaps 
 illustrates the usual arrangement during the time of Charles the 
 Bald,** and that arrangement may possibly have prevailed as late 
 as the reign of Odo.’* According to the doubtful testimony of 
 
 Richer, the Danegelds of the tenth century were collected by 
 
 (royal?) exactores.*° 
 
 It would be interesting to know something about the method 
 of procedure employed by the officials of the king when they 
 were engaged in the work of distributing, apportioning, and 
 fixing the rates of the taxes for the Danegeld. Did they plan 
 to secure on each occasion only what had been demanded by the 
 Vikings; or did they arrange for the collection of a larger 
 amount, part of which was to be used for other purposes than 
 the Danegeld? Was it their intention to distribute the tax 
 fairly and equitably between the various classes of tax-payers, 
 and, if so, did they succeed in this endeavor? In apportioning 
 
 15 Charlemagne sometimes had the heerbann collected by special hari- 
 bannatores; but as a rule this was undoubtedly one of the functions of the 
 missi (Waitz, D. Verfassungsgesch., IV, 577 and n. 3, 578 and nn. 1-8). 
 Charles the Bald in 864 prescribed that the heerbann was to be collected 
 as before, i. e. by the missi (Edictum Pistense, c. 27, M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, 
 t. 2, p. 322; cf. supra, chap. v, n. 75). I have been unable to find any refer- 
 ences to haribannatores for the time of Charles the Bald and thereafter. 
 
 16 Supra, chap. vi, n. 74. 
 
 17 Supra, pp. 106-7 and nn. 94-97; cf. p. 36 and n. 48, p: 54, n. 62. 
 
 18 Cf. Thompson, Decline of the Missi, pp. 19-20; Viollet, Les inst. polit. 
 de la France, I, 305-7. That the institution of the missi had not entirely 
 disappeared by the time of Odo is proved by the following passage from a 
 charter issued by that monarch in 899 (Favre, Hudes, p. 237): ‘“‘Precipien- 
 tes ergo iubemus ut nullus comes seu vicecomes aut aliquis ex saecularibus 
 
 iudicibus vel ex missis nostris discurrentibus in praefato coenobio ... po- 
 testative mansiones accipiat aut paratas ... vel inferendas ab eo exigere 
 praesumat.”’ 
 
 19 Supra, p. 166, n. 18, p. 169, n. 30. 
 
See 7 —_— *— 
 
 << 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 195 
 
 and fixing the rates of the taxes, did they have at their disposal, 
 and for their guidance, any kind of information — general or 
 specific — on which to base calculations and estimates as to the 
 probable net yield of the tax? Unfortunately, the information 
 that we possess on these matters is very sparse. 
 
 There is no evidence which proves that the monarch ever 
 applied the proceeds of the Danegeld to any other than their 
 proper purpose.*° It is true that Charles the Bald on one occa- 
 sion was suspected of having done something of that kind.*? 
 But his own vigorous protest against this imputation, together 
 with the undeniable fact that there had been numerous abuses 
 in the collection of this particular Danegeld (that of 860—61), 
 seems to make it impossible for us to regard the suspicion against 
 the king as well grounded. On the other hand, it cannot be 
 doubted that those who collected the Danegeld in the first in- 
 stance very often exacted from the tax-payers more than was 
 necessary to fill the quota required of them by the king.” 
 
 The question as to whether the royal officials intended to 
 distribute the impost equitably between the various classes of 
 
 20 The following passage from the Const. Garisiac. de moneta of 861 
 M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, pp. 301-2) has sometimes been taken to indicate 
 that the Danegeld of 860-61 was raised not only to pay off the Vikings, but 
 also to provide and equip a fleet: ‘“necesse fuit in istis temporibus coniec- 
 tum de illis accipere et ad navium compositionem et in Nortmannorum causa 
 pro regni, sicut res coniacet, salvamento, ut omnes cognoscant, qui non quaes- 
 tum inhonestum, sed publicam regni utilitatem quaerimus.” This interpre- 
 tation, however, will not bear criticism. The fleet referred to was em- 
 ployed by Charles the Bald when he attempted to expel the Vikings from 
 Oscellus in 858 (cf. supra, pp. 45-47, 63., n. 11). He did not agree to pay 
 Danegeld to the other group of Vikings, under Weland, until early in 860 
 (supra, pp. 48-49). Therefore, the passage just quoted must be taken to imply 
 two levies of taxes, one probably in 857 or 858 for the construction of the 
 fleet, and another in 860-61 for the purposes of the Danegeld. See also 
 suprd,: p,°107, ni-97: 
 
 21 The last part of the quotation given in the preceding note practically 
 proves that Charles the Bald had been accused of seeking a quaestum in- 
 honestum when he levied the Danegeld in 860-61. It is an interesting fact 
 that when Berengar, King of Italy, levied taxes for a tribute to the Magyars 
 in 947, he retained for his own profit a considerable part of the money thus 
 raised (Liutprand, Antapodosis, V, 33, ed. Dimmler, 1877, p. 118): “Per 
 id tempus Taxis, Hungariorum rex, magno cum exercitu in Italiam venit. 
 Cui Berengarius non ex propria pecunia, sed ex ecclesiarum ac pauperum 
 collectione X modios nummorum dedit. Fecit autem hoc, non ut populi 
 curam haberet, sed ut hac occasione magnam pecuniam congregaret. Quod 
 et fecit. In omni enim utrius sexus homo, tamque ablactatus quam lactens, 
 pro se nummum dedit; quibus aes commiscens, ex paucis X modios fecit; 
 caeteram vero partem, et quicquid ex ecclesiis tulit, sibi retinuit.” The 
 Magyars evidently were less exacting as regards the quality of the coins 
 they accepted than were the Vikings (cf. infra, pp. 214-15). 
 
 22 Supra, p. 193, n. 11, p. 194, n. 16. 
 
196 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 the population is somewhat difficult to answer. It cannot be 
 denied that in the official assessments there are certain indica- 
 tions of an endeavor to fix the rates more or less in proportion 
 to the ability to pay. The taxes of merchants and priests were 
 assessed on the basis of a valuation of their resources; the heer- 
 bann of 866 probably was graduated in proportion to the amount 
 of property possessed by the freemen; the taxes on the depend- 
 ent holdings of land varied according as they were mansi in- 
 genuiles, mansi serviles, accolx, or hospitia; the taxes on a 
 mansus indominicatus were higher than those on a dependent 
 mansus; and honores, or benefices, were taxed in proportion to 
 their value or income. But whether these provisions were in- 
 tended to be anything more than a basis for calculating the total 
 amounts due from those who collected the taxes in the first in- 
 stance, remains doubtful. We have only one bit of evidence 
 which points in that direction. It is the provision in the doc- 
 uments for the year 877 which specifies that only one half of 
 
 the tax laid on a dependent mansus was to be paid by the holder ~ 
 
 of the mansus, while the other half was to be taken from the 
 cens, or redevance, due the seignior. It does not seem possible 
 that the king at any time could have enforced a rigid adherence 
 to the provisions of the official assessments, since in most cases 
 his officers did not deal directly with the actual taxpayers. 
 Sometimes — as, for example, to raise the Danegeld demanded 
 by the Vikings of the Loire in 877 — no regular assessment was 
 attempted; the magnates were authorized to raise the needed 
 sum in whatever way they could. Assessment or no assessment, 
 the probability is that the seigniors and prelates always succeeded 
 in shifting the tax on their dependents; that the king was well 
 aware of this abuse, but unable to prevent it. We may believe 
 that the lower classes, peasants and priests in particular, usually 
 were required to pay much more than the amount that was 
 legitimately due from them.** And it may be assumed that 
 the peasants, whose holdings were taxed oftener than any other 
 kind of property, furnished by far the larger part of the money 
 collected as Danegeld. 
 
 The rates of taxation prescribed in the assessments may have 
 
 been fixed on the basis of a rough estimate as to the amount that 
 would be required from each unit of taxation in order to raise 
 
 23 Supra, p. 193, nn. 11-13. 
 
 ae 
 
CHAPTER XVII 197 
 
 the sum demanded by the Vikings. At least it is possible to 
 point to the existence of certain prerequisites for making such 
 an estimate. We have evidence which indicates that the king 
 sometimes took an inventory of the benefices held from him ;** 
 the counts and the missi were required to report from time to 
 time on the number of freemen in each county that were liable 
 to military service;?> the polyptiques of the abbeys prove that 
 records were kept by the ecclesiastical establishments, of the 
 number and kinds of mansi within their domains, and also of 
 the number and status of their tenants; it may be inferred that 
 similar records were kept by the lay seigniors;*° undoubtedly 
 the bishops had records of the resources of all the priests within 
 their dioceses; and the royal fise very probably possessed some 
 information as regards the resources of the merchants.** Per- 
 haps these considerations make it impossible to regard the pre- 
 scribed rates of taxation as mere guesses on the subject of what 
 each unit of taxation ought to contribute in order to raise a 
 specific sum of money. On the other hand, however, it seems 
 very unlikely that the royal officials ever could have secured, 
 as the basis for their calculations, a body of fiscal information 
 that was at all complete or accurate. Whether all of the records 
 referred to above were constantly at their disposal, may with 
 good reason be doubted. But even if they had been, the officials 
 probably would have been unable to estimate in advance just 
 how many seigniors would fail to remit all or part of the quotas 
 for which they were held liable, and what portion of the tax 
 for various other reasons could never be collected. The best 
 proof of this is the fact that on some occasions more than one 
 assessment was necessary,*> while on others the required amount 
 could be raised only by drawing on the treasures of the church.”° 
 
 24 Ann. Bert., 869, p. 98: “[Karolus] per omne regnum suum litteras misit, 
 ut episcopi, abbates et abbatissae breves de honoribus suis, quanta mansa 
 quisque haberet, futuras Kalendas Mai deferre curarent, vassalli autem 
 dominici comitum beneficia et comites vassallorum beneficia inbreviarent et 
 praedicto placito aedium breves inde deferrent, etc.” 
 
 25 See for example Hdictum Pistense (864), c. 27, M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, 
 t. 2; p. 321. 
 
 26. Cf. Dopsch, Wirtschaftsentwicklung d. Karolingerzeit, I, 299-300. 
 
 27 This may be deduced from the obligation of the merchants to pay over 
 to the fise a certain percentage of their profits. See supra, p. 86, n. 127. 
 
 28 In 860-61 there appear to have been at least two assessments (supra, 
 pp. 50-53); in 866 there were four (supra, p. 87, n. 136, p. 89). 
 
 29 Supra, p. 190. 
 
4 
 
 ARAN SAE Oe ARE Ne nM ee HEE uc ME RT EI kD), OSE ARE AN aE gp OT PAR gry LD) AR SO Ce ME 
 A Mite YI fi! ar, ‘ a ie md ey Ae ee a Pes fis mn “a MALY ot Le Ms bl vA ret ; aE he k ath y , 
 . ’ 7 4 ‘ " ; 
 
 r + 
 
 198 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 The raising of the Danegeld appears to have been a com- 
 paratively slow process, especially when more than one assess- 
 ment proved necessary in order to secure a given amount or 
 when the amount was unusually high. Ordinarily it must have 
 been a matter of several months; rarely, if ever, could a Dane- 
 geld be collected in less than two or three months;*° and seven 
 months were necessary, to raise the enormous tribute of 12,000 
 pounds in 884.*} 
 
 So far as known, the general Danegeld was never levied 
 throughout the entire West Frankish realm. We have no cert- 
 ain indication that it ever was raised in Aquitaine, not even 
 when the tribute was paid to Vikings operating from the Loire.** 
 Except in 886, when the entire Danegeld was furnished by 
 Charles the Fat from Germany,** Francia appears to have been 
 taxed for all the Danegelds paid to Vikings operating in northern 
 France, including the Normans. This probably holds true of 
 Neustria and Burgundy also, save for the following exceptions: 
 neither of these countries was taxed for the Danegeld of 924;%4 
 Neustria did not contribute toward the payment to the Seine 
 Vikings in 877, but furnished the entire amount paid to the 
 Loire Vikings in that year.** Also, the stipendiary Danegeld 
 of 862 was raised in Neustria alone.*? 
 
 What has been said above sufficiently demonstrates that the 
 Danegeld was in fact an extraordinary direct tax levied by royal 
 authority, within large and well defined portions of the West 
 Frankish kingdom, on various kinds of property and resources. 
 It was not the only direct tax known to the Carolingian period. 
 Such burdens as the annua dona, and, in certain cases,** the 
 census, tributum, inferenda, etc., must also be classified as direct 
 
 30 Nearly three months were required for 7,000 pounds in 845 (supra, p. 
 36 and n. 53); five or six months for 4,000 pounds in 866 (supra, pp. 90-91); 
 probably three months for 5,000 pounds in 877 (supra, pp. 107-8). The some- 
 what anomalous tribute of 853 appears to have been raised in less than two 
 months (see supra, chap. ii, n. 24). 
 
 31 Supra, p. 185 and n. 95. 
 
 32 Supra, pp. 60, $7-98 and nn. 37-40. 
 
 33 Supra, pp. 149-52 and n. 738. 
 
 34 Supra, p. 169. 
 
 35 Supra, pp. 97-98 and nn. 36-40. 
 
 36 Supra, p. 60. 
 
 37 In those cases where they had not been transformed into private 
 redevances. 
 
, 
 
 hf is Wes rst ae aN ee oe) eT ie pl ‘PEL ees) Cat A ital ip a, aif e'N a Se Sie es. 
 P i? r * 4 , * o 4 , ““ > pe j ; ' ‘ , : 1) 
 
 CHAPTER XVII 199 
 
 taxes.** But these were paid, each year or oftener,*® not on the 
 basis of an assessment prepared for each occasion, but according 
 to custom.*® Also, though regular, they were not general, taxes. 
 In theory, the annua dona were required only of the great seign- 
 iors ;** while census, tributum, etc., were exacted (as royal taxes) 
 only in those cases where they had not yet become private 
 redevances.*” In the case of these customary taxes, moreover, 
 no distinction appears to have been made, at least from the point 
 of view of the uses to which they were put, between the income 
 of the state and that of the king.** They were for both, no doubt, 
 but mostly for the king.** 
 
 38 This was denied by Waitz (op. cit., IV, 111 ff.); but most French his- 
 torians have taken the other view (see e. g. Flach, Les orig. de Vanc. France, 
 III, 344 and n. 1; Viollet, op. cit., I, 321 ff.). Dopsch is strongly of the 
 opinion that a very considerable part of the Carolingian revenues was de- 
 rived from taxation (op. cit., II, 333 ff., 342). 
 
 39 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 107, n. 2. 
 
 40 This is not denying that changes in custom took place occasionally, 
 nor that customs varied. The point is simply that particular rates were not 
 prescribed each time the taxes were to be paid (see Waitz, op. cit., IV, 108— 
 11, 113-20). While Dopsch (op. cit., II, 334-40) insists that these burdens 
 were, not private redevances, but true taxes, he does not deny their cus- 
 tomary character. Cf. Flach, op. cit., I, 338-41; III, 344 and n. 2; Glasson, 
 Histoire du droit et des institutions de la France, II, 480-83. 
 
 41 Waitz, op. cit., IV, 110; cf. 106 and nn. 2, 3; Glasson, op. cit., II, 483. 
 
 42 Ibid., 480-82; Viollet, op. cit., I, 322-24; Dopsch, op. cit., II, 334 ff. 
 
 43 According to Dopsch (ibid., 333 and n. 6), the proceeds of the annua 
 dona were intended to cover the expenditures of the state rather than those 
 of the monarch; special gifts for the latter purpose being termed dona 
 privata. The principal basis for this argument is the following statement 
 of Hincmar (Opera, II, 325): “causa suae defensionis regi ac rei publicae 
 vectigalia, quae nobiscum annua dona vocatur, praestat ecclesia.” But 
 surely this passage does not prove Dopsch’s point; rather it begs the ques- 
 tion; for Hincmar here fails to distinguish between the expenditures of the 
 king and those of the state—the annua dona are for both. The fact that the 
 dona privata were paid in addition to the dona annua does not prove that 
 there was a distinction in the uses to which they were applied. In some 
 cases perhaps the dona privata were voluntary; that would distinguish them 
 from the annua dona, which for a long time had been “‘gifts’’ only in name. 
 On this whole subject, see Waitz, op. cit., IV, 5-6, 105-7. Lot (‘‘Le Pont de 
 Pitres,” Le Moyen Age, 1905, IX, pp. 3, 4, 10 and n. 2, p. 11 and n. 1) thinks 
 the annua dona were used at least in part for the building of defenses, such 
 
 , as the Pont de Pitres. 
 
 44 It is difficult to find any evidence of disbursements in the Carolingian 
 period that were made for purely public purposes and which redounded pri- 
 marily to the benefit of the people as a whole or to that of the state. Glasson 
 (op. cit., II, 482) declares that at this period there were practically no state 
 expenditures, since the services required by the state either were performed 
 gratuitously or were rewarded by the proceeds from land grants and from 
 fines levied in the law courts. Waitz (op. cit., IV, 9 ff.) is of practically the 
 same opinion, though his statements are more guarded and accurate. Cf. 
 Flach, op. cit., III, 485 ff. 
 
200 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 It has been asserted*® that in addition to these regular taxes — 
 annua dona, census, tributum, inferenda —the sources of the 
 Carolingian period also give evidence of three extraordinary 
 taxes other than the Danegeld. They are said to have been the 
 following: (1) a contribution for the poor prescribed by Charle- 
 magne in 780;*° (2) a collection of alms in 810 for the restora- 
 tion of churches in Jerusalem;** and (3) an exaction levied by 
 Louis the German to secure money for the redemption of Chris- 
 tian captives in the Holy Land.*® On closer examination, how- 
 ever, it will be found that none of these exactions really was a 
 tax in any strict sense. Furthermore, they can not be regarded 
 as contributions either to the king or to the state. 
 
 The Danegeld differs not only from such more or less obligatory 
 contributions toward benevolent purposes, but also from the 
 aforementioned customary taxes, in several respects. In the first 
 place, it approached nearer than did any of these to being a 
 general tax. In 866 probably no one who held property or pos- 
 sessed resources of any important kind could legitimately have 
 escaped the Danegeld.*® If the assessments were less compre- 
 hensive on other occasions, and if in 877 (and thereafter?) the 
 Danegeld was, as a land tax, levied only on benefices held of the 
 king,®® the fact remains that no other tax of the Carolingian 
 
 45 By Dopsch, op. cit., II, 254, 339. 
 
 46 This contribution was required from bishops, abbots, abesses, counts, 
 and royal vassals, in proportion to their resources (M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, 
 t. 1, p. 52). Dopsch (op. cit., II, 254) calls it a poor tax (Armensteuer), 
 and asserts that such taxes were levied ‘‘zu wiederholten Malen.” It is true 
 that Charlemagne often gave instructions on the subject of how the poor 
 were to be taken care of; but I can find no evidence that he ordered specific 
 contributions for the indigent on more than a single occasion—in 780. Fur- 
 thermore, this contribution can not be regarded as in theory a tax; it was 
 an obligation to give alms which Charlemagne imposed at the suggestion 
 of his prelates; if he was legislating at all, it was for the church, but cer- 
 tainly not for the state. Cf. Sommerlad, Die wirtschaftliche Tdtigkeit der 
 Kirche, II, 110 ff. 
 
 47 The only information we have on this matter is the following (M.G.H., 
 LL., Sectio II, t. 1, p. 154, « 18): “De elemosina mittenda ad Hierusalem 
 propter aecclesias Dei restaurandas.’’ Dopsch’s argument (op. cit., II, 254, 
 n. 2) that the word elemosina here should be interpreted in the sense of a 
 tax is very weak, and in any case is-invalidated by what I have said in the 
 preceding note. 
 
 48 The exaction is thus described by the Monk of St. Gall (M.G.H., SS., 
 
 II, p. 753, c. 9): “totam Germaniam, quae temporibus ... Hludowici de 
 
 singulis hobis regalium possessionum singulos denarios reddere compulsa 
 est.” This exaction, it will be noted, was collected only on the royal domain. 
 So far from being in any sense a general tax, as Dopsch thinks (op. cit., II, 
 254 and n. 2), it was simply an extraordinary redevance. 
 
 49 Supra, p. 72, n. 64. 
 
 50 Supra, pp. 99-102 and nn. 42, 61. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 201 
 
 period (excluding the ecclesiastical taxes) was laid on more 
 kinds of property, and paid by a larger number of persons than 
 the Danegeld. In the second place, the Danegeld, unlike the cus- 
 stomary taxes, was as a rule levied in accordance with special 
 royal assessments which prescribed particular rates for each 
 occasion. Graduated in proportion to the amount or value of 
 property and resources, these rates, theoretically at least, applied 
 uniformly throughout the entire territory about to be taxed. 
 Finally, in contradistinction to all the taxes and contributions 
 above mentioned, the Danegeld was a specific tax for the direct 
 benefit of the state as such —for the defense of the kingdom. 
 Legally it could not be, and probably it never was, raised by the 
 king for any other than its proper purpose.*' 
 
 The only tax of this period that seems at all analogous to the 
 Danegeld is the exaction levied by Charles the Bald in 857, or 
 858, for the purpose of securing funds to equip a fleet against 
 the Vikings. So far as we know, such a tax was not levied on 
 more than the single occasion noted.*” 
 
 In the late ninth and early tenth centuries, after the regular 
 direct taxes to the crown — annua dona, census, tributum, in- 
 ferenda — either had wholly ceased to be paid or had been trans- 
 formed into private redevances,** these extraordinary taxes — 
 the Danegeld and the fleet tax — may be regarded as virtually 
 the only remaining evidences of a public or state economy in the 
 West Frankish kingdom.** 
 
 But if it seems clear to us of the present day that the Danegeld 
 in certain respects was a new departure in Carolingian public 
 finance, it remains very doubtful whether the tax-payers of the 
 ninth and tenth centuries recognized it as such. We have seen 
 that the machinery employed to collect the Danegeld was, in 
 large part and essentially, not the machinery of the state, but 
 that of the seigneurial regime. Very seldom —so far as we 
 know, only in the case of freemen and possibly in that of mer- 
 _ chants — did the officials of the king enter into direct relations 
 with the actual tax-payers. While tillers of the soil and priests 
 had to bear the burdens of taxation, it was not they, but their 
 
 51 Supra, p. 195 and n. 21. 
 
 52 Ibid., n. +20. 
 
 53 Glasson, op. cit., II, 481, 483; Viollet, op. cit., I, 324; Dopsch, op. cit., 
 II, 343-44. 
 
 54 Cf. Viollet, op. cit., I, 324. 
 
: RP we Be Me NL? he. AEN I LON BP See He a ASS Ss Oe atte a ee Fel BAe, tp Mh LYN Oe Kee Se. ee) ark ote ne ee en eS beri aee Oe Oe i, 
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 é g i ASE PP Nagy UA i is Fax yh B gyn eee ‘ te Ba 5 i 4 . . y* Lae 
 
 202 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 seigniors and patrons, who were held responsible for the taxes 
 by the monarch.®® A sufficient amount of Danegeld could never 
 have been raised without the codperation of the local authori- 
 ties.°° It was to their ministeriales that most of the money was 
 paid in the first instance. The officials of the crown had no con- 
 trol over the great bulk of the tax money until, after having been 
 collected from the tax-payers, it was paid over by the seigniors 
 and the prelates to the royal missi. We have also seen that in 
 most cases the Danegeld was collected, probably not in strict 
 accordance with the royal assessments; but in such manner, and 
 in such amounts, as would enable the seigniors and the prelates, 
 after they had remitted their quotas to the missi, to retain a sub- 
 stantial profit for themselves, while they escaped having to fur- 
 nish anything out of their own resources. For peasants and 
 priests, therefore, the chief if not the only distinction between 
 payments toward the Danegeld on the one hand, and redevances 
 on the other, must have been that in the case of the former there 
 was no custom to regulate the amount that might be demanded.*’ 
 
 Again, it may be doubted whether the king levied the Danegeld, 
 in theory, as a tax. It does not seem likely that seigniors, pre- 
 lates, and freemen would have submitted to being formally taxed. 
 Very probably the old Germanic principle that the free man 
 could not be subjected to taxation either on his person or his 
 property was still too strong to be brushed aside, even in the 
 case of a great national emergency.** By what right, then, did 
 Charles the Bald and his successors levy the Danegeld? On what 
 principle was the exaction legally justified? In my opinion, the 
 key to this problem is to be found in the collection of the heer- 
 bann for the purposes of the Danegeld. By collecting the heer- 
 bann as Danegeld, Charles the Bald altered its character. In 
 that form it was not a penalty for negligence or refusal to render 
 
 55 Supra, pp. 192-94. 
 
 56 Supra, pp. 50-54, 90-91. 
 
 57 Supra, p. 84, n. 123. 
 
 58 On this point I venture to differ with Dopsch (op. cit., II, 338 ff.), who 
 assumes that the existence of the Danegeld and the other extraordinary 
 burdens referred to above (p. 200) is enough to prove that the principle of 
 immunity from taxation had by the time of Charlemagne ceased to be re- 
 spected. I have shown (supra, p. 200, nn. 47-49) that none of these extra- 
 ordinary exactions with exception of the Danegeld can be regarded as a true 
 tax. In the following I shall endeavor: to prove that even the Danegeld 
 was not in the strict theory of the ninth century a tax, but merely a money 
 payment substituted for military service. 
 
TGA Pen Me Ce ett ge ae tT a Wal ee 
 | 4 P . ‘ 
 
 CHAPTER XVII . 203 
 
 military service, but a money payment substituted for military 
 service. The legal basis of the heerbann was the same in both 
 cases: the king’s right to require military service of all freemen 
 at their own expense. But when he exacted heerbann as Dane- 
 geld, the monarch must have acted on the theory that he had a 
 right either to the personal military service or to its money equiv- 
 alent, and that it lay within his discretion to determine which 
 of the two was to be demanded on any occasion.*®® On this basis 
 the king was legally justified in exacting Danegeld not only from 
 freemen, but also from seigniors and prelates; for the latter were 
 liable to render military service, no longer only in proportion to 
 the number of freemen within their jurisdiction,®° but — at the 
 time of Charles the Bald and thereafter — in proportion to the 
 size or value of their benefices.*t Moreover, after Charles the Bald 
 had introduced the principle of the levée en masse — the prin- 
 ciple that in the event of a necessitas (foreign invasion) it was 
 the duty of all men, regardless of class, to take up arms in defense 
 of their country —it was possible to collect Danegeld from all 
 classes of the population, even priests, on the ground that it was 
 a substitute for military service at a very critical time.*? And, 
 
 ‘indeed, that must have been the legal basis of the Danegeld: 
 
 it was interpreted as a substitute for the military service owed 
 by all men to the monarch as the defender of the land and its 
 people against foreign invasion. To legitimize the taxation for 
 the Danegeld on any other basis has proved difficult if not im- 
 possible.*®* 
 
 There is no evidence that the French monarchs continued to 
 collect Danegeld after the cessation of the Viking invasions and 
 the pacification of the Normans. So far as can be ascertained, 
 
 59 To this theory there could be little objection, since the average free- 
 man would far rather pay the heerbann than render military service. See 
 supra, pp. 74-77. 
 
 60 Supra, pp. 77 ff. 
 
 61 Supra, pp. 87-88, 101. 
 
 62 Supra, pp. 86-87. Cf. Flach, op. cit., I, 317-18, 321 and n. 2; III, 343, 473 
 and n. 2. 
 
 63 Vuitry (Le régime financier de la France, I, 92-93) regarded the Dane- 
 geld as an evidence of the survival of the tradition of Roman taxation into 
 the ninth and tenth centuries. Dopsch (op. cit., II, 339-40) assumes that 
 the taxing power was derived from “der plenitudo potestatis des frankis- 
 chen Konigs,” and in particular from the royal right to issue bans. The 
 latter part of this view, it will be noted, may be reconciled with my theory 
 that the Danegeld was a substitute for military service. Waitz (op. cit., IV, 
 120) referred to the Danegeld as a Heersteuer, but did not attempt to fix 
 its legal basis. . 
 
204 CHAPTER XVII 
 
 the last levy of Danegeld as such, in France, took place in 926. 
 In its local abuses the Danegeld may, indeed, have survived,** 
 and this point will be discussed in the following chapter; but as 
 a form of general taxation, authorized by the monarch in the 
 interests of the kingdom as a whole, and applied uniformly 
 throughout considerable portions of the West Frankish realm, 
 the Danegeld disappears after 926. Between the latter date and 
 1146, when Louis VII levied the first royal aid to provide funds 
 for his participation in the Second Crusade, there is no evidence 
 of the collection of anything resembling a general tax, as distinct 
 from a redevance or a feudal aid, by a king of France.® In this 
 respect the history of the French Danegeld offers a striking con- 
 trast to that of the English Danegeld, which, after its revival by 
 William the Conqueror, constituted a very important part of 
 the regular royal revenues, and was collected under the name of 
 Danegeld as late as 1162 by Henry II.® 
 
 The fragmentary evidence that we have on the subject of the 
 local Danegeld — paid as ransom money for towns, churches, 
 monasteries, or captives — leads me to believe that it was raised 
 by the same, or similar, methods as the general Danegeld. While 
 the treasures of ecclesiastical establishments were doubtless 
 often drawn upon, it may be presumed that when these were not 
 available or did not suffice, taxes in the form of extraordinary 
 redevances, were levied on the local population.*’ We know that 
 in the case of the ransom of Abbot Louis in 858 it not only 
 proved necessary to empty many church treasuries; the king 
 and the magnates also had to furnish large contributions which 
 they raised probably by taxing their peasantry.” 
 
 64 Vogel, p. 386, conjectures that Rollo, after his establishment in Nor- 
 mandy, levied tribute on the peasants who had remained in the land. 
 
 65 Luchaire, Manuel, pp. 578-79; id., Histoire des institutions monarchi- 
 ques de la France, second ed. (1891), I, 125-28; Vuitry, op. cit., 390-91. 
 Clamageran (Hist. de Vimpot, I, 193-94; cf. 278-79) fails to note the Dane- 
 geld of 926 and (wrongly) gives 1147 as the date of the aid levied by Louis 
 VII. Flach (op. cit., III, 349-50) asserts that the royal right to levy a 
 general impost was not irremediably lost after the Danegeld ceased to be 
 collected, that the royal aid of 1146 proves the survival of the principle. 
 
 66 Round, Feudal England, p. 500; ef. supra, introduction. 
 
 67 Supra, pp. 183-84, 188. 
 
 68 Supra, pp. 186-88. 
 
GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 205 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE RESULTS OF THE DANEGELD: ITS EFFECT ON THE POLITICAL 
 AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF FRANCE. 
 
 Some of the results of the policy of paying Danegeld have been 
 referred to from time to time in the foregoing discussion. These 
 may now be summarized and brought into relation with certain 
 other matters not yet mentioned. 
 
 It is probably true that the Franks never expected to put an 
 end to the Viking invasions by the payment of Danegeld: that 
 they made use of this expedient only for the purpose of gaining 
 a temporary respite from plunder and devastation, and in the 
 hope that they would be able sufficiently to strengthen their 
 power of resistance in the meantime.’ Yet this hope was never 
 realized. Each payment of tribute served only, on the one hand 
 to whet the appetite of the invaders for more money, and on the 
 other to lessen the inclination, and therefore the ability, of the 
 Franks to resist their enemies by military measures.” The very 
 knowledge that in the last resort the Vikings always could be 
 bought off, undoubtedly made both nobles and freemen as a rule 
 disinclined to risk the somewhat doubtful issues of armed con- 
 flicts with an enemy who in military efficiency was their supe- 
 rior... And though Charles the Bald and other monarchs in 
 general were forced by a peculiar combination of circumstances, 
 and presumably against their own wishes, to resort to the Dane- 
 geld, there is not wanting evidence that even they, at times when 
 they desired to pursue some object of their choice, culpably 
 neglected the defense of the realm and relied upon the venality 
 of the Vikings.t The Danegeld, therefore, not only failed to 
 secure the immediate end at which it was aimed; it also had the 
 disastrous effect of further weakening the resisting power of 
 the Frankish army, and it led to a serious decline in patriotism 
 and public spirit among all classes, but chiefly perhaps among 
 the magnates. The economic advantages which each levy of 
 Danegeld yielded them must have proved a strong temptation to 
 the seigniors. They much preferred bying off the Vikings to 
 
 1 Cf. the statement of Charles the Bald quoted infra, appendix i, n. 35. 
 
 2 Supra, p. 38 and n. 58, p. 110 and n. 114. 
 
 3 Supra, pp. 113 ff., 175-79. 
 4 Supra, pp. 115-16, 146-47, 178-79. 
 
206 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 fighting them, and thereby increased the tendency of suberdi- 
 nating the vital interests of the realm to the pursuit of private 
 aims and wholly selfish ends.° 
 
 The policy of paying Danegeld also had the effect of detracting 
 from the prerogatives and the prestige of the monarch at the 
 same time that it increased the wealth, the independence, and tne 
 power of the nobility. It has been shown?’ that the policy of pay- 
 ing Danegeld usually was the policy of the magnates, seldom that 
 of the king; that the magnates in most cases forced the king to 
 this expedient by refusing or neglecting to render the military 
 service demanded of them; that, furthermore, they were enriched 
 by each levy of the Danegeld on their subjects. With the trans- 
 formation of the Frankish army of freemen into an aggregation 
 of feudal vassals, the monarch was rendered powerless to defend 
 his realm against invasion whenever the magnates and seigniors 
 refused him their obedience and military support.’ By com- 
 pelling the monarch to resort to the Danegeld, the magnates 
 extracted from him what must have been regarded by his sub- 
 
 jects as a confession of weakness, an admission that he was no 
 
 longer capable of properly discharging his prime function of 
 defense against a foreign enemy.® Meanwhile, the monarch 
 found himself almost wholly dependent on these same magnates 
 even for the raising of the Danegeld; for without their aid and 
 cooperation it was just as impossible to collect a sufficient amount 
 of money as to raise an adequate number of troops.® Moreover, 
 by their control of the collection of the Danegeld, the magnates 
 were able not only to hold in leash or to embarrass the monarch; 
 they were able also to develop new financial rights in relation 
 to the peasants and others who dwelt upon their lands or were 
 subject to their jurisdiction, thereby augmenting in a general 
 way the power and authority which they already possessed over 
 their dependents.*° 
 
 It is in connection with the matter just mentioned that one of 
 the most important results of the Danegeld must be sought. The 
 Supra, chaps. vii, xiv. 
 Ibid. 
 Sanssliaee p. 114 and n. 18, p. 126, nn. 45, 46. See also Baldamus, Heerwesen, 
 Da a “hia matter see Fustel de Coulanges, Les transf. de la royauté, 616- 
 66; cf. Flach, Les orig. de Vanc. France, I, 145 ff. 
 Supra, pp. 50-53, 89-92; 196, 201-2. Cf. Flach, op. cit., III, 155, 474 ff. 
 
 10 Supra, pp. 81-85 and nn. 123-26, pp. 102-3 and nn. 69, 70, p. 108 and n. 
 103. Cf..- Mach, wp. citi, I, 31722. 
 
 ~1o O1 
 
 ee) 
 
 Cove 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 207 
 
 Danegeld was not raised in strict accordance with the royal 
 assessments issued for that purpose; it was exacted in a more or 
 less arbitrary way by the agents of the seigniors, the purpose 
 being to secure not only the exact quota demanded of each seign- 
 ior by the monarch, but also an additional amount sufficient for 
 the needs, or the avarice, of each individual magnate and his 
 ministeriales..:1. The fact that the seigniors were charged by 
 royal authority to collect the Danegeld from their dependents 
 must have led to many abuses in the form of illegal and unjust 
 exactions.’* It is true that the seigniors had no legal right to 
 collect Danegeld except when they had been instructed to that 
 effect by the king. But it is doubtful whether they always con- 
 sidered themselves bound by that limitation.'*®* We know that 
 the local authorities often entered into bargains with the Vikings 
 on their own account, for the purpose of saving a town, a church, 
 a monastery from destruction, or to ransom prisoners from cap- 
 tivity. In such cases it was probably felt that counts, bishops, 
 and abbots were as justified in raising by local taxation the sums 
 they had bargained for as the king was in raising larger tributes 
 by general taxation. In other words, the general Danegeld must 
 have helped to legitimize the levies of local Danegeld.** Further- 
 more, it was not difficult to find a pretext for levying an exac- 
 tion.> The Vikings were all but ubiquitous in the West Frankish 
 realm during the ninth century. Their presence in some locality, 
 or the rumor of it, might easily be taken advantage of by a 
 seignior to levy Danegeld on his own account, and without any 
 intention of using it for the purpose indicated.’® His subjects 
 and dependents probably were wholly ignorant regarding the 
 uses to which their money was put, once it left their hands. In 
 any case it would have availed them little to question the legality 
 
 11 Supra, pp. 192-93, 195-96, 201-2. 
 
 12 Supra, pp. 82-83. Cf. Flach, op. cit., I, 318 ff. 
 
 13 M. Flach has the following to say as regards the contributions exacted 
 from the peasants in this period (op. cit., I, 342): “Le chef eut droit a des 
 contributions chaque fois qu’une dépense exceptionelle s’imposait a lui. Or, 
 qui done allait Gtre juge de l’utilité ou de la nécessité de la dépense,—on 
 pourrait ajouter—de sa réalité? L’obligation du sujet eut pour mesure |’in- 
 térét du maitre et sa puissance.” 
 
 14 Supra, pp. 183-88. 
 
 15 The chicanery practiced by the magnates and the local officials is de- 
 scribed by Hinemar; see supra, p. 130, n. 67. 
 
 16 Cf. Flach, op. cit., I, 384-86. 
 
208 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 or the justice of the exaction.1’ Meanwhile, the right of the 
 seigniors to levy exactions on their dependents in times of need 
 was being ever more firmly established.'* When in the opinion 
 of the seignior such need arose, and an exaction was levied to 
 meet it, the seignior, or his officials,’® prescribed the amounts 
 that were to be collected from the individual tax-payers. On 
 these occasions, therefore, the dependents of the seignior came 
 to be regarded as taxable at any figure determined by their lord 
 or his agents.”° 
 
 We know that in the earlier feudal period the unfree peas- 
 ants were held to be taillables a merci; they might be required 
 to pay an arbitrary imposition known as the tazlle — the amount 
 of which was determined by the lord — whenever the latter 
 chose to impose it.*t. The taille is not referred to as such be- 
 fore the eleventh century, but it must have come into existence 
 much earlier.*? The origin of the taille is a subject that is 
 still veiled in much obscurity, but there seems to be a general 
 consensus of opinion that it grew out of the illegal and unjust 
 exactions which are so often referred to in the documents of 
 the .ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries.*? Of course there 
 were illegal and unjust exactions long before the first levy of 
 Danegeld in 845.74 Yet the complaints about such exactions 
 seem to increase in number after the middle of the ninth century. 
 
 17 Of. ibid., 342-48, 425 ff.; Sée, Les classes rurales et le rég. domanial 
 en France,’ 107-11. 
 
 18tCin wach, op. eit. 41,. 414° ff. 
 
 19 Doubtless many illegal exactions were originated by the ministeriales 
 of the seigniors (Flach, op. cit., I, 380-81) and by the advocates, or lay de- 
 fenders, of churches and monasteries (ibid., 435 ff.; Sée, op. cit., 474 ff.). 
 
 20 See Flach, op. cit., I, 342-43; cf. 466, 467 and n. 1. 
 
 21 See ibid., 348-44; Luchaire, Manuel, 206-7, 309-10, 336, 422; Vuitry, 
 Etudes sur le régime financier, 104, 268-74; cf. Sée, op. cit., 177-78, 215, 356, 
 357; Clamageran, Hist. de l’impot, I, 199-201. For the later development 
 of the taille, its regulation, and its connection with the feudal aids, see 
 infra, pp. 210-11 and n. 35. I am now concerned only with one of its origins. 
 
 22 See the authorities cited in the preceding note. So far as I know, the 
 earliest reference to the taille, eo nomine, is found in a diploma issued in 
 the year 1060 (quoted by Championniére, De la propriété des eaux couran- 
 tes, p. 496): “Quasdam injustas consuetudines, talliam videlicet et omnes 
 alias oppressiones.” It is also mentioned about the year 1080 in the Pan- 
 carte blanche de Saint-Martin de Tours, fol. 180 (quoted by Flach, op. cit., 
 JI, 419, n. 1): “Hugo castelli S. Maurae dominus avariciae faucibus instinctus 
 per violentiam suam homines S. Martini de S. Hyspano talliavit et talliam 
 reddere coegit.”’ 
 
 23 Flach, op. cit., I, 342-44; ef. 384-85, 408;)n. 2, 421, n. 3, 433,'nn. 1, 2. 
 See also Glasson, Hist. dw droit et des inst. de la France, IV, 439-41, 445 ff.; 
 Sée, op. cit., 318-26. 
 
 24 See infra, n. 80. Cf. Dopsch, Wirtschaftsentw. d. Karolingerzeit, I, 294, 
 2957 and nN? 1. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 209 
 
 In several of these complaints it is indicated that the exactions 
 in question had not been levied before the period of the Viking 
 invasions and the reign of Charles the Bald.*®° The methods used 
 by the seigniors to raise their quotas of Danegeld*® were not very 
 different from those employed later in the exaction of the arbi- 
 trary taille;** and the right of the seigniors to exact such tailles 
 from their peasants, without being in any way obliged to them 
 in return, save to protect them, could easily have been developed 
 in connection with the levies — legal and illegal — of Danegeld.*® 
 
 It cannot be affirmed that the taille grew out of the Danegeld 
 exclusively, and still less that there would have been no taille, 
 if there had been no Danegeld. Doubtless there would have been 
 plenty of opportunities for levying exactions, even if there had 
 been no Viking raids;*° and the best corroboration of this state- 
 ment is the fact that illegal exactions are mentioned long before 
 the Viking period — even in Merovingian times.** But it is not 
 
 25 Capitula Synodi Bellovac. [April, 845], M.G.H., LL., Sectio II, t. 2, p. 
 388, c. 5: “Ut ab ecclesia mihi commissa indebitas consuetudines et iniustas 
 exactationes de caetero non exactetis, sed sic eas conservetis, sicut tempore 
 
 avi et patris vestri conservatae fuerunt.” LHpistola Synodi Carisiac. ad 
 Hludovicum regem Germ. [Nov. 858], c. 14, ibid., p. 487: “Iudices denique 
 villarum regiarum constituite, qui non sint cupidi ... Et servos regios iu- 
 
 dices non opprimant, nec ultra quod soliti fuerunt reddere tempore patris 
 vestri ab eis exigant; neque per angarias in tempore incongruo illos affli- 
 gant; neque per dolos aut per mala ingenia sive inconvenientes precationes 
 colonos condemnent.” Flach explains (op. cit., I, 385, n. 1) that in the docu- 
 ment just quoted it is a question not only of public (royal) officials, but 
 also of powerful vassals (fortiores vassi), of seigniors and of protectors 
 (domini vel patroni). Cartulaire de Saint-Etienne de Dijon, MS., fol. 17 
 [circa 912], quoted by Flach, ibid., n. 2: “quidam homines servientes et 
 fideles Ecclesiae S. Stephani Divionensis ... conquesti sunt et reclama- 
 verunt humiliter dicentes quod quidam eorum praepositi ... novello tem- 
 pore post Nortmannicam emersionem quoddam genus servitii ex XIII eorum 
 colonicis per occasionem et potestatem ultra censum solitum quod legitime 
 debebant illis imposuerunt, modium videlicet musti ad opus praepositorum 
 ex una quoque colonica vinum reddente, quod numquam antea fecerant nec 
 ipsi, nec patres aut avi eorum, et per quosdam annos III et potestate hoc ab 
 illis extorserint eosque in hoc facto afflixerint, ete.’ The document goes on 
 to say that the matter complained of was investigated, found true, and pro- 
 hibited in the future. See also supra, chap. vi, n. 77. 
 
 26 See the preceding chapter, pp. 192-97, 201-2. 
 
 27 I. e. both the Danegeld and the tallia ad voluntatem were more or less 
 arbitrarily exacted from the lower classes of the population. Cf. Luchaire, 
 Manuel, p. 309. 
 
 28 Cf. supra, pp. 207-8 and nn. 138, 21. 
 
 29 On the whole subject of the origins of the various seigneurial rights, 
 see Flach, op. cit., I, 315 ff.; cf. Sée, op. cit., 308-26. 
 
 30 Clotharii II Edictum [Oct. 18, 614], M.G.H., LL., Sectio II, t. 1, p. 22, 
 c. 8: “Ut ubicumque census novus impie addetus est et a populo reclamatur, 
 iuxta inquaesitione misericorditer emendetur.” Pippini Capitulare Aquitani- 
 
 Danegeld. 14. 
 
210 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 too much to say that the Danegeld must have been a very im- 
 ' portant factor in the development of the taille, and particularly 
 in the development of the legal theory that the unfree peasants 
 were taillables a merci.** 
 
 The local Danegelds that were paid for the purpose of ransom- 
 ing prisoners from captivity must have contributed something 
 toward the development of the feudal aids.*? Perhaps none of 
 these aids appears earlier, or was more common, in France, than 
 that one which was due from the vassals when a captive lord had 
 to be ransomed.**? Just as the ransom payments of the ninth 
 century probably were raised by means of forced contributions 
 from the peasantry, so we know that the feudal aids were secured 
 by levying extraordinary tailles on the laboring classes.** 
 
 cum [768],ibid., p. 43, c. 4: “Ut ad illos pauperes homines magis non tollant 
 nisi quantum legitime reddere debent.” Breviarum missorum Aquitanicum, 
 ibid., p. 65, ce. 5: “ut ad illos pauperes nova aliqua consuetudo inposita fuit 
 postea.”’ 
 
 31 Objection to the argument presented above could perhaps be taken on 
 the ground that the Danegeld was a tax on property and resources, while 
 the arbitrary taille seems to have been, originally, a charge on persons. The 
 difficulty thus raised is, however, more apparent than real, and results from 
 drawing too sharp a distintion between charges resting on persons and 
 those laid on land. The arbitrary taille, it is said, was exacted only from 
 persons of servile status—the taillables—never from the so-called free vil- 
 leins (Sée, op. cit., 177-78, 215, 357-58). But we are told also that the 
 classification of a tenant, either a villein or a serf, depended more on the 
 condition of his tenure than on the status of his person; that, speaking 
 generally, condition was less personal than real (ibid., 157-58, 166-67, 171, 
 216-17). It would seem, therefore, that the question as to whether the ar- 
 bitrary taille should be classified as personal or as real, is at least not a 
 matter of first importance. The Danegeld, it has been shown, was exacted 
 from the holders of mansi ingenwiles, mansi serviles, accolae, and hospitia, 
 without regard to the personal status of the respective tenants (cf. supra. 
 chap. v, nn. 69-71, 123). The fact that they were tenants of such holdings 
 made them taxable for the Danegeld. Probably the same fact made them 
 subject to other exactions, legal and illegal; with the result that in the 
 course of time they came to be regarded as taxable at will. It will be ad- 
 mitted that this view is in harmony with the generally accepted theory that 
 the serfs of the feudal period—as distinct from the free villeins—were the 
 descendants not only of the servi, but also of the coloni, who occupied de- 
 pendent mansi in Carolingian times (Sée, op. cit., 157). A distinctive feature 
 of the latter period was the degradation of the freeholders, most of whom 
 became dependents of the great seigniors. That a small number of the later 
 villeins were descendants of Carolingian freeholders who by various means 
 had escaped degradation into serfdom, will not be denied; but by far the 
 majority of the later villeins had reached that status by virtue of the eman- 
 cipation movement in the twelfth century and thereafter. The emancipation 
 of the serf meant, among other things, that he could no longer be subjected 
 to the arbitrary taille (ibid., 219 ff., 239 ff.). The tailles levied on villeins 
 were limited to certain occasions, very much like the feudal aids due from 
 vassals. On the relation between the two, see infra, n. 35. 
 
 32 Cf. supra, p. 188: 
 
 33 See Haskins, Norman Institutions, pp. 21-22; cf. pp. 19-20. 
 
 34 Luchaire, Manuel, pp. 206-7. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 211 
 
 Again, it is possible to show a more general connection between 
 the Danegeld and the feudal aids. The latter, it is well known, in 
 many cases were developed from the taille; they represent the 
 regulation and limitation of what was once a wholly arbitrary 
 exaction.*®> Therefore, on the basis of a relation between the 
 local abuses of the Danegeld and the origin of the taille,*® it may 
 be asserted that the influence of the Danegeld is traceable in the 
 development of the earlier feudal aids. Between the Danegeld, 
 regarded as a money payment substituted for military service, 
 and some of these feudal aids there was, in principle, little differ- 
 ence. This is true particularly of the aide de lost, which toward 
 the close of the reign of Philip Augustus became an important 
 source of royal revenue.** 
 
 In an illuminating article on the commerce of France in 
 the ninth century, Professor Thompson: has called attention 
 to the influence of the Danegeld on trade and exchange: “The 
 immense sums of money which the Northmen extorted ... in 
 the form of Danegeld must sometimes have had a tonic effect 
 upon trade. Since the decline of the Roman Empire Gaul, in 
 common with all the West, had experienced an enormous reduc- 
 tion in the amount of currency in circulation. Most of it had 
 been drawn off to the East, or else hoarded. Now it was forcibly 
 brought into the light of day. Clipped or counterfeited as much 
 of the coin was, it yet seems to have stimulated exchange, and 
 Charles’s (Charles the Bald is meant) endeavors to purify and 
 to regulate the coinage and to establish a uniform system of 
 weights and measures may reasonably be taken as the symptoms 
 of an awakening trade.’’** “The Norse armies were dogged by’ 
 adventurous peddlers and merchants, and much of their booty 
 must have been disposed of soon after its taking.’’*® ‘Evidently 
 commerce could not have suffered everywhere, but on the other 
 hand in many places must have been stimulated. The Northmen 
 undoubtedly disturbed things seriously, but often sold their booty 
 in the land.*? New markets must have arisen through the decay 
 
 35 Luchaire, loc. cit. 
 
 36 Cf. supra, pp. 206-10. 
 
 37 Luchaire, Manuel, pp. 579-80, 597-98; Sée, op. cit., 593 ff. 
 
 38 Thompson, “‘The Commerce of France in the Ninth Century,’ Journal 
 of Political Economy, 1915, XXIII, p. 867. 
 
 39 Ibid., pp. 865-66. 
 
 40 An excellent example of this is given in Ann. Fuld., III, 882, ed. Kurze, 
 p. 98. During a truce between the Franks and the Northmen at Elsloo (see 
 
212 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 of the old ones or by the change of location in the case of estab- 
 lished places too greatly exposed.’’* 
 
 To this general estimate of the effect of the Danegeld on com- 
 merce perhaps only a few particulars need be added.*? 
 
 So far as we know, the Vikings, while they were sojourning in 
 France, engaged neither in agriculture nor the industrial arts; 
 and it is difficult to see how they could have found time for such 
 pursuits, since they were almost constantly occupied in raiding, 
 plundering, and devastating. They could hardly have brought 
 with them from Scandinavia either food or military equipment 
 in any very large quantities. This consideration must be kept 
 constantly in mind if one wishes to gain anything like a correct 
 appreciation of the volume of trade between the Vikings and the 
 Franks. It lends an added significance to the evidences of ex- 
 change between the two peoples.** It indicates that the Vikings 
 needed to purchase and did purchase, with the money which 
 came into their possession through tribute and plunder, not only 
 weapons, armor (bruniae), horses, and other necessities of war,** 
 but also large quantities of foodstuffs, wine, cattle, etc.*® The 
 
 infra, appendix iv), the latter opened the gates of their camp and permitted 
 the Franks to enter: “Nostrates autem calliditatis illorum expertes eandem 
 munitionem ingressi sunt, alii quidem causa negotiandi, alii vero pro loci 
 firmitate consideranda.” See also infra, n. 45. 
 
 41 Thompson, op. cit., 866-67. Cf. v. Kalckstein, Robert d. Tapfere, p. 93. 
 For the new markets, see M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. 2, p. 318, ¢. 19. In 873 
 the Northmen requested from Charles the Bald the privilege of having a 
 market during the winter (see infra, n. 45). 
 
 42 On the Vikings as traders, see also Bugge, ‘‘Die nordeuropdischen 
 Verkehrswege im friihen Mittelalter und die Bedeutung der Wikinger fiir 
 die Entwicklung des europadischen Handels und der europaischen Schiffahrt,” 
 Vierteljahrschrift f. Sozial- u. Wirtschaftsgesch., IV, 1906, 227 ff.; Vogel, 
 417-18, is of the opinion that, in general, Bugge has overestimated the stim- 
 ulating influence of the Vikings on the commerce and trade of the Frankish 
 realm. See also Bugge’s Vesterlandenes Indflydelse paa Nordboernes og 
 saerlig Nordmaendenes ydre Kultur, Levesaet og Samfundsforhold i Vi- 
 kingetiden (Skrifter udgivne af Videnskabs-Selskabet i Ohristiania. II. 
 Historisk-filosofisk Klasse. 1904. No. 1), chap. iv; Vogel, 206, 233, 243, 293, 
 ‘294, 314, 376; Steenstrup, Normannerne, I, 367; II, 367; Weinhold, Altnor- 
 disches Leben, 104-5, 114-17. | 
 
 43 Not only laymen, but even the clergy, monks and nuns, seem to have 
 traded with the Northmen. LHdictum Pistense, c. 25, M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, 
 t..2, p. 8325; see the varying manuscript (Cod. 3), printed in a note at the 
 bottom of p. 325. 
 
 44 Ibid., p. 321, c. 25. Cf. Thompson, op. cit., 866 and n. 1; Vogel, 233. 
 
 45 The following may serve to illustrate the point referred to in the text. 
 
 Ann. Bert. 869, p. 107: “Karolus vero civitates trans Sequanam ab incolis 
 firmari rogavit, Cynomannis scilicet ac Turonis, ut praesidio contra Nort- 
 Imannos populis esse possent. Nortmanni autem hoc audientes, multam 
 summam argenti, frumenti quoque et vini ac animalium ab incolis terrae 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 213 
 
 fact is that the Vikings did not always evacuate the realm as 
 soon as they had received the Danegeld. Ordinarily they simply 
 proceeded to some other region,*® and after the payment of 861 
 they were permitted to spend the winter in various encampments 
 along the Seine.*’ It seems obvious, therefore, that all the money 
 paid to the Vikings in the form of Danegeld did not leave France; 
 some part of it must have been used to purchase the necessities 
 of life and of war. But the benefits derived from this temporary 
 stimuation of trade must not be overestimated. As will be shown 
 later, they were more than counterbalanced by the direct eco- 
 nomic losses suffered as a result of the payment of tribute.*® 
 
 The Danegeld must have intensified to some extent the labors 
 of those engaged in agriculture and industry; for they produced 
 or manufactured most of the things wanted by the Vikings.*® 
 Peasants, artisans, and seigniors now found opportunities to 
 dispose of more than was required for their own needs and for 
 the ordinary market demand.*® This is not merely additional 
 evidence that the landed estate of the later Carolingian period 
 was less “self-sufficient” and independent of the outside world 
 than was formerly believed, and that the money economy of the 
 ninth and early tenth centuries was considerable;*! it also indi- 
 cates that production for the market, in some places at least, 
 must have been directly stimulated by the payments of Danegeld. 
 
 Since huge payments of tribute and an increased volume of 
 trade call for a larger supply of money, there can be little doubt 
 —though direct evidence is wanting — that the mining of the 
 precious metals, particularly of silver, had to be increased in 
 
 ipsius quaesierunt, ut cum eis pacem facerent.” Jbid., 873, p. 124: ‘“Petie- 
 runt autem [Nortmanni], ut eis in quadam insula Ligeris fluvii usque in 
 mense Februario residere et mercatum habere liceret, etc.” See also supra, 
 p. 189, n. 4. 
 
 46 Supra, pp. 44, 61, 91, 108-9, 136 ff., 152. 
 47 Supra, pp. 55-56. 
 48 See infra, pp. 216 ff. 
 
 49 On this and the following, cf. supra, pp. 56-58 and notes. It is an in- 
 teresting fact, though without any necessary relation to the Danegeld, that 
 Frisian or North French cloth was used at the royal courts of Scandinavia 
 in the ninth century, and that swords made in France by Frankish or Flem- 
 ish artisans have been found in the Scandinavian lands (Bugge, “Die nord- 
 europdischen Verkehrswege, etc.,” loc. cit., p. 254). 
 
 50 That there was throughout the Carolingian period a production for the 
 market, in agriculture as well as in manufactured articles, has been abun- 
 dantly demonstrated by Dopsch, op. cit., I, 262 ff., 296 ff.; II, 155-79. 
 
 51 See Dopsch, op. cit., II, 234-77; Thompson, op. cit., 872-73, 887. 
 
Pines’ GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 order to keep a sufficient number of coins in circulation.®? Doubt- 
 less the plate of the churches was sometimes used in the pay- 
 ment of the Danegeld.®* Yet most of the tribute probably was 
 paid in specie,** ordinarily silver, though on a few occasions part 
 may have been in gold.*® 
 
 The steady and continued improvement in the quality of the 
 West Frankish coinage during the latter half of the ninth cen- 
 tury must be ascribed in part to the influence of the Danegeld.*° 
 It would seem that the invaders accepted tribute money only 
 after they had first counted and then weighed it;°’ the weighing 
 being done either by the Vikings on their own scales,°* or by the 
 
 52 See Soetbeer’s article on Carolingian coinage in Forsch, 2. d. Gesch., VI, 
 8-9, 538-54, 56. This scholar presumed (p. 54) that most of the silver in the 
 West Frankish realm was mined at Melle in southern Poitou (now Melle-sur- 
 Béronne in the département Deux-Séevres—see Vogel, 123). 
 
 53 Supra, chap. vi, n..114; chap. xvi, n. 11. When it is said that drafts 
 were made on the church treasuries for the Danegelds of 860, 877, and 884, 
 this does not necessarily mean that the contribution consisted of plate. 
 
 54 Supra, p. 58 and nn. 77, 78. Cf. Dopsch, op. cit., II, 305. 
 
 55 In 845 and in 861 part of the Danegeld may have been paid in gold (see 
 Supra, pp. 34-35 and n. 45, p. 37 and n. 55, pp. 52-53 and n. 54). The annalist 
 of Fulda is probably inaccurate when he states that the Danegeld of 884 was 
 paid in gold and silver (supra, p. 132, n. 76). On the other occasions the 
 evidence indicates that the payments were made in silver. Though the 
 later Carolingians appear to have retained the system of bimetallism 
 (Dopsch. op. cit., II, 279), it is probably true that by far the larger part of 
 the money in circulation consisted of silver coins (ibid., 306). Still there 
 was undeniably a large supply of gold in the Frankish realm (ibid., 138, 
 173-74, 256-57, 306-8.) A very large monastic treasure of exclusively Arabic 
 gold is mentioned in the Sermo de relatione corporis beati Vedasti, c. 4 
 M.G.H., SS., XV, p. 402, lines 40-41). The Vikings doubtless secured through 
 plunder and trade a considerable part of this supply of gold (supra, p. 55 
 and n. 63; cf. Soetbeer, op. cit., VI, 22). For purposes of transportation 
 gold, by reason of its lesser bulk and weight, must have been preferred to 
 silver. 
 
 56 That the quality of the West Frankish coinage was improved during 
 the ninth century is well known (see Dopsch, op. cit., II, 303 ff.; Soetbeer, 
 op. cit., VI, 9, 10, 13-14). I do not wish to deny that there were other 
 reasons for this besides the Danegeld. My contention is simply that the 
 Danegeld was one of several factors making for an improved coinage. The 
 old theory of Dummler (I, 470, 548), Steenstrup (op. cit., II, 367), and 
 others, that the Danegeld led to counterfeiting and depreciation of the coin- 
 age, is no longer tenable. 
 
 57 At least that inference may be drawn from the following statement of 
 Regino (Chron. 884, ed. Kurze, p. 122; cf. supra, p. 137, n. 105): “[Nort- 
 manni]- respondent se cum Carlomanno rege, non cum alio aliquo foedus 
 pepigisse; quisquis ille esset, qui ei in regnum succederet, eiusdem numeri 
 et quantitatis pecuniam daret, etc.” 
 
 58 Supra, p. 71, n. 60, p. 182, n. 76. Cf. Montelius, Kulturgeschichte Schwe- 
 dens, p. 277. According to Soetbeer (op. cit., VI, 55-56), the Scandinavian 
 weights were four per cent. heavier than the Frankish. But Montelius (op. 
 cit., 193, 278) believes that, in Sweden at least, the Roman libra of 327.5 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 215 
 
 Franks on Frankish scales under the careful supervision of the 
 Vikings.°® Moreover, on one occasion the latter are said to have 
 demanded silver of pure and tested quality ;°° which probably 
 means that they would accept only such coins as were of proper 
 fineness. In any case these are indications that bad money could 
 seldom if ever be pawned off on the Northmen. Accordingly, all 
 coins that were clipped, or for other reasons below weight, or 
 that contained too much alloy, must have tended to drop out of 
 circulation, since they could not be used in the payment of the 
 Danegeld.*' Indeed, the latter must have been a very important 
 factor in the development of a general demand for money of 
 proper weight and fineness. 
 
 Did the Danegeld have any effect on the coinage system of the 
 West Frankish kingdom? It isa significant fact that in the time 
 of Charles the Bald many persons, even among the lower classes, 
 refused to accept in trade and otherwise coins that did not bear 
 the stamp of the local mint. Evidently this fact reflects another, 
 and preceding, fact; namely that the ministeriales of the local 
 authorities had been instructed by their superiors to accept in 
 the payment of redevances and taxes — the Danegeld in partic- 
 ular —'only money whose weight and fineness could not be ques- 
 tioned, that is to say, locally coined money. Doubtless the desire 
 to avoid the task of having to weigh and test each coin might 
 have prompted such an instruction; but probably it was dictated 
 also, and in larger measure, by the economic interests of those 
 seigniors who controlled or possessed the mints — some of which 
 had never been authorized by the king and were illegal — and 
 who wished to enrich themselves by the profits accruing to them 
 from the process of recoinage.®*? The Danegeld, therefore, so far 
 from having aided Charles the Bald in his efforts to control and 
 unify the coinage of the realm,® on the contrary must have tended 
 to frustrate those efforts. On the increasing tendency of the 
 seigniors to establish private mints, sometimes with and some- 
 
 grams had by this time been superseded by the medieval mark (= 200 
 grams). In the last named work there is an illustration (p. 278) of a 
 bronze scale found in Sweden and presumably of the type ordinarily used 
 by the Vikings. See also Bugge, Vesterlandenes Indflydelse, loc. cit., p. 306. 
 
 59 Supra, p..49, n. 32, p. 54; -n. 61; cf. p. 95,-n.°17; p..147, n. 46. 
 
 60 In 884; see supra, p. 132, n. 76. 
 
 61 Cf. Soetbeer, op. cit., VI, 8-11. 
 
 62 See supra, p. 54, n. 62. Cf. Soetbeer, op. cit., VI, 8-10. 
 
 63 Edictum Pistense, cc. 8-24, M.G.H:, LL., Sectio II, t. 2, pp. 314-20. Cf. 
 Soetbeer, op. cit., VI, 9-22;supra, p. 54, n. 62. 
 
216 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 times without royal sanction — a very noticeable feature of the 
 later ninth and especially of the tenth century** — the Danegeld 
 must have had, if any, a stimulating effect. 
 
 Finally it should be said that the Danegeld led to a very serious 
 impoverishment of the West Frankish realm.® Between 845 and 
 926, i. e. Within a period of about eighty years, we have recorded 
 twelve or possibly thirteen payments of general Danegeld.*® The 
 total sum of money represented by those payments cannot be 
 determined, since on only seven occasions are we informed of the 
 amounts paid. For the Danegeld of 853, and for the payments 
 made by Odo and by Rudolph, we have no figures whatever, and 
 we do not know how much was paid to the Vikings of the Loire 
 in 877. The total of the seven known amounts aggregates the 
 sum of 39,700 pounds of silver;*’ perhaps the remaining pay- 
 ments would at least double that figure and possibly triple it.® 
 In the latter case, the general Danegeld alone would represent 
 a loss to the Western Franks of over 100,000 pounds of silver® 
 or its equivalent in other commodities.7° The amount of money 
 paid to the Northmen in the form of ransom, or local Danegeld, 
 
 64 On this see Flach, op. cit., III, 345-48 and notes; Sée, op. cit., 421-22. 
 Cf. Soetbeer, op. cit., VI, 23-37; Fustel de Coulanges, op. cit., 663 and n. 1; 
 Viollet, Les inst. polit. de la France, I, 331-33; v. Kalckstein, Gesch. d. franz. 
 Konigtums, I, 165 and n. 2. 
 
 65 Cf. supra, pp. 109-10, nn. 112, 114, p. 138 and n. 114. 
 
 66 Supra, p. 189 and n. 3. 
 67 7,000 pounds in 845 
 
 5,000 “ 861 
 6,000 “ “* 862 
 4,000 “* “* 866 
 7,000 >= *“ 877 (to the Seine Vikings) 
 120005" * 884 
 Pa Use “ 886 (furnished by Charles the Fat from Germany) 
 
 Total 39,700 pounds. 
 
 68 In England each successive payment of tribute was as a rule larger 
 than the preceding one (cf. supra, pp. 17-18 and notes). On this basis it may 
 be conjectured that the Frankish Danegelds in the time of Odo and Rudolph 
 were heavier than the payments made by Charles the Bald. I doubt, how- 
 ever, for the reasons stated supra, p. 133, n. 77, that a Danegeld larger than 
 that of 884 was ever paid by the Franks. 
 
 69 Cf. Soetbeer, op. cit., VI, 56; Vogel, 216. According to Prou (Les mon- 
 naies carolingiennes, Introd., p. XLV), the intrinsic value of the Carolingian 
 denarius was about .45 modern French francs. One hundred thousand Caro- 
 lingian pounds would then be equal to nearly eleven million francs, or more 
 than two million dollars in American money. Such calculations, however, 
 are of almost no value, for it has proved impossible to determine in any ac- 
 curate way the purchasing power of money in the Carolingian period 
 (Dopsch, op. cit., II, 299 ff.). 
 
 70 Those commodities for which some part of the Danegeld had been the 
 purchase price (see supra, pp. 211-13). : 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 217 
 
 it is impossible even to conjecture. Of course, it must be admitted 
 that the Danegeld, general and local, does not represent by far 
 all the treasure secured by the Vikings. There can scarcely be 
 any doubt that the invaders secured more treasure through 
 plunder than through the payment of tribute;7* and in the im- 
 poverishment of the realm the Danegeld was certainly a less 
 important factor than the destruction of property and the devas- 
 tation of the land. None the less, the Danegeld does represent a 
 very serious economic loss to the Western Franks. We know 
 that all the money secured by the Vikings was not used up by 
 them while they sojurned in France.** A considerable part of 
 the supply of money and precious metals must have been drained 
 off to Scandinavia or England.** Furthermore, even if it is 
 admitted that the huge payments to the Vikings tended tem- 
 porarily to stimulate trade and to encourage a somewhat larger 
 output in agriculture, industry, and mining, the fact remains 
 that the Vikings themselves produced little or nothing, that they 
 were parasites on the native population in the West Frankish 
 kingdom, and, as such, only used up the fruits of the labor of 
 others. It is true that all parts of the kingdom did not suffer 
 equally. Francia and Neustria probably were most affected, for 
 the population there always was required to contribute toward 
 the Danegeld. Burgundy, too, was taxed on most occasions; but 
 it was less often subjected to devastation and pillage than Fran- 
 cia and Neustria. As for Aquitaine, we do not know with cer- 
 tainty whether the general Danegeld ever was levied in that 
 country, but there probably were frequent payments of ransom.” 
 
 Ti Cl supra,-p.. bb. and: n,.63,_p,.57, n. 73. 
 
 72 See supra, p. 37 and nn. 55, 56, p. 55 and n. 63, p. 57, n. 73, p. 91 and n. 
 163, p. 108 and n. 105, pp. 136 ff., p. 157 and n. 38; cf. appendix iv. See also 
 Chronicon Britannicum, 873, Bouquet, VII, p. 222; Chronicon Monasterii S. 
 Sergii Andegav., ibid., p. 53; Ann. Fuld. 873, loc. cit., pp. 80-81. 
 
 73 The fact that only a few~less than fifty—Frankish coins dating from 
 the eighth or ninth century have been found in the three Scandinavian 
 countries (Montelius, op. cit., p. 269) does not, of course, prove the con- 
 trary. In any case, no inference could be drawn from such finds as regards 
 the influence of the Danegeld either on France or Scandinavia, since it 
 would be impossible to distinguish the coins that reached Scandinavia 
 through the ordinary channels of trade from those that were brought there 
 as part of the Danegeld. It is an interesting fact that a very large amount 
 of silver. in the form of ornaments and also in bars and ingots, and dating 
 from the Viking period, has been found in Scandinavia. On this see Sophus 
 Miller, Nordische Altertumskunde (German translation by O. L. Jiriczek), 
 II, 285 ff.; Montelius, op. cit., 273, 276, 285-88. 
 
 74 Supra, p. 198. 
 
218 GENERAL SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 
 
 The Danegeld involved an inestimable economic loss to the 
 church in the western kingdom.** The treasures of churches 
 and monasteries’® were frequently drawn upon to furnish what 
 could not be raised by taxation. At the end of the reign of 
 Charles the Bald many formerly wealthy ecclesiastical establish- 
 ments had been completely exhausted, and this, according to 
 Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims, was due to the deplorable policy 
 of paying tribute to the Vikings.” Probably many more churches 
 had been forced to give up their treasures before the last Dane- 
 geld was paid in 926.8 In this connection we should remember 
 also that priests were not exempt from the Danegeld;*® and that 
 those peasants who were settled on the lands of the church were 
 probably required to contribute more regularly than other peas- 
 ants. A monarch like Charles the Bald, who pursued a policy 
 of favoritism toward the higher clergy,*° doubtless relied on the 
 church to furnish the financial aid which, at critical moments, 
 was often refused him by the lay magnates.*t In this way the 
 Danegeld must have served to increase the antagonism of the 
 clergy toward the lay seigniors ;** the latter, as has been noted,** 
 usually preferred the policy of paying tribute; and their recre- 
 ancy in the matter of defending the land against the pagan enemy 
 is constantly, and very bitterly, emphasized by the contemporary 
 chroniclers and hagiographers,* all of whom were ecclesiastics. 
 
 We may agree with Dummler*® that if any direct public benefit 
 was derived from the policy of paying Danegeld, it was a wholly 
 negative one; the Danegeld served only to distribute over large 
 portions of the West Frankish kingdom the burdens and losses 
 
 75 It is also true, of course. that the church suffered more from the plun- 
 dering raids of the Vikings than did the lay seignors (cf. supra, p. 47 and 
 NLS ) 
 
 76 For an interesting catalogue and description of the treasure of a mon- 
 astery, see Hariulf, Chronique de lVabbaye de Saint-Riquier, II, c. 10, ed. 
 Lot; pp. 67-11.;_III, c. 3, pp. 86 ff. 
 
 77 Supra, pp. 109-10 and n 114; cf. p. 138, n. 114. 
 
 78 By the middle of the tenth century most of the bishoprics in western 
 France were without any appreciable resources (Lot, Htudes sur la régne de 
 Hugues Capet, pp. 217, 232 and n. 8). 
 
 79 Supra. p. 192. 
 
 80 Supra, p. 42 and n. 19, pp. 46-47 and n. 17, p. 105 and n. 85. 
 
 81 Cf. supra. p. 43 and n .25. 
 
 82 Cf. supra, p. 47 and n. 18, p. 100, n. 47, pp. 109-10 and n. 114, pp. 116-17, 
 D:-1.29, n=61, p, 130.n.-.67: 
 
 83 Supra, pp. 205-6 and notes. 
 
 84 See for example supra, pp. 26-27, nn. 6, 8, pp. 109-10, n. 114, p. 115, n. 
 20 0DsL29;/4 61: 
 
 Sb OD CH. PLE 42; 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 219 
 
 which the regions directly exposed to the Viking raids would 
 otherwise have had to bear alone. The study of the Danegeld is 
 a study of what in the economic sense must be regarded as a 
 non-productive factor. The importance of such factors, how- 
 ever, is not always wholly neglible. Their effect on contemporary 
 institutions and conditions may often be at least a partial expla- 
 nation of why those conditions and institutions disappear, or are 
 metamorphosed into something that seems entirely new. Per- 
 haps the following may be said as regards the importance of the 
 subject that has been studied in the preceding pages: it would be 
 impossible thoroughly to understand the general political and 
 economic development of France during the transition period of 
 the ninth and tenth centuries, if the influence of the Danegeld 
 were left totally out of consideration. 
 
APPENDIX: 
 
 WHEN AND WHERE WAS THE ASSESSMENT FOR THE DANE- 
 GELD PAID TO THE VIKINGS OF THE SEINE 
 IN 877 PREPARED? 
 
 Most scholars who have touched upon the subject of the tribute 
 promised the Northmen of the Seine in 877, are agreed that an 
 assessment for this Danegeld was prepared at Compiegne on 
 May 7.' The sole basis for this is the superscription of a docu- 
 ment which gives the rates of the assessment.” Since, however, 
 this superscription does not agree with the Annals of St. Bertin, 
 which state that the assessment was made at Kiersy on June 14,° 
 
 1 See the following: Bouquet, VII, 123, note (e); Pertz in M.G.H., SS., I, 
 503, n. 94; Dehaisnes, ed. Ann. Bert., p. 255, note (c) ; Waitz, ed. Ann. Bert., p. 
 135, n. 4; Krause in M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 353, lines 28 ff.; Gfrorer, 
 Gesch. d. ost- u. westfrdnk. Carolinger, II, 142; von Kalckstein, Abt Hugo 
 in Forsch. 2. d. Gesch., XIV, pp. 73-74; Dummler, III, 42, n. 1; Steenstrup, 
 Normannerne, II, 185; Bourgeois, Le capitulaire de hiersy-sur-Oise, 81 (last 
 two lines), 82 and n. 1; id., L’assemblée de Quierzy-sur-Oise, in Etudes @his- 
 toire du moyen dge dédiées a Gabriel Monod, 139, n. 1; Lot, “Le pont de 
 Pitres,” Le Moyen Age, 1905, IX, 14, 15 and n. 2; Vogel, 253-54. 
 
 2 Hdictum Compendiense de tributo Nordmannico, B. M.G.H., LL., Sectio 
 II, t. ii, p. 354: “Anno incarnationis dominicae DCCCLXXVII, Nonis Maii 
 in Compendio palatio de aliqua, sed non de tota parte regni, quod domnus 
 imperator Karolus habuit, antequam iunior Hlotharius aefunctus fuisset, 
 haec constituta est exactio Nortmannis, qui erant in Sequana, tribuenda, ut 
 a regno eius recederent.” Another and similar document, for the same year 
 and the same purpose (A, ibid.), has the following superscription: “Haec ex- 
 actio a Nortmannis, qui erant in Sequana tempore Karoli regis, de suo 
 regno fuit facta, ut ab ipsius regno recederent.” In this appendix we shall 
 be concerned primarily with document B. But see infra, p. 229. 
 
 3 Ann. Bert., 877, ed. Waitz, p. 135: “Inde [Karolus] placitum suum gen- 
 erale Kalendis Iulii [i. e. June 14 (see below)] habuit, ubi per capitula, 
 qualiter regnum Franciae filius suus Hludowicus cum fidelibus eius et regni 
 primoribus regeret, usque dum ipse Roma rediret, ordinavit, et quomodo 
 tributum de parte regni Franciae quam ante mortem Lotharii habuit, sed 
 
 et de Burgundia exigeretur, disposuit,... . Dominus autem imperator 
 Karolus de Carisiaco Compendium, indeque per Suessionis ad Remum civi- 
 tatem ... peragens, etc.” Bouquet—VII, 123, note (c)—believing that 
 
 Hincmar had committed an error, suggested that the date Kalendis Iulii 
 (Bouquet has Kalendas Julii), in the above quotation, ought to be corrected 
 to XVIII Kal Jul. Pertz (M.G.H., SS., I, 502, n. 92) was of a different 
 
APPENDIX I 221 
 
 some students have assumed that Hinemar, the author of this 
 portion of the Annals of St. Bertin, confused, in so far as the 
 levy of the Danegeld was concerned, the proceedings of the 
 assembly at Kiersy on June 14 with those of the assembly at 
 Compiégne on May 7.*  M. Bourgeois, on the other hand, un- 
 willing to believe that Hincmar could have erred so grossly in 
 matters on which he was so well informed as the levy of the 
 Danegeld and the Assembly of Kiersy, has endeavored to recon- 
 cile the superscription of the tax document with the statements 
 of Hincmar, by arguing that there were two distinct assess- 
 ments: the first at Compiegne on May 7, and the second at Kiersy 
 on June 14.° 
 
 opinion. He had observed that when in the manuscript calendars the words 
 Kalendae, Nonae, and Jdus were written in majuscules they signified, not 
 those days in each month which were specifically known as the calends, the 
 nones, or the ides; but the first day of those periods in each month during 
 which the days were numbered with reference to the calends, the nones, and 
 the ides, respectively. Thus KALEND. IUL. meant, not July 1 (the day of 
 the calends of July), but June 14 (the eighteenth day before the calends 
 of July), the whole period from June 14 to July 1 being designated as (the 
 period of) the calends of July. Hincmar, accordingly, when he wrote KA- 
 LEND. IUL., evidently meant the beginning (first day) of the period of the 
 calends of July, which is June 14, precisely the day on which the Assembly 
 of Kiersy convened. Fustel de Coulanges (Nowvelles recherches, p. 417, 
 n. 1), who is of the same opinion as Pertz, calls attention to another sen- 
 tence of Hincmar which may illustrate how this manner of reckoning time 
 originated (Schedula, t. II, c. 17, Migne, Patr. Lat., CXXVI, 587): “Plures 
 kalendae mensis augusti pertransierunt, etc.” 
 
 4 The assumption seems to have originated with Bouquet, whose dictum 
 was accepted by Pertz, Dehaisnes, Waitz, Dimmler, and Krause; and appar- 
 ently also by Gfrorer, von Kalckstein, and Steenstrup. See the references 
 cited for these supra, n. 1. That Hincemar should have been so misjudged 
 is all the more striking, in view of the fact that a specific reference to the 
 Danegeld in the Capitulary of Kiersy (cf. infra, n. 16), proves that the 
 raising of this tribute was one of the important matters arranged at the 
 assembly of June 14. 
 
 5 This argument of Bourgeois (L’assemblée de Quierzy-sur-Oise, loc. cit.), 
 though evidently accepted by Lot and Vogel (see the references given supra, 
 n. 1) is, in my opinion, not convincing. The superscription of the tax docu- 
 ment (cf. supra, n. 2) says that at Compiégne the tax was levied on part, 
 but not on the whole, of the kingdom of Charles such as it was before the 
 death of Lothaire IJ. This, it will be noted, is a very indefinite statement; 
 one which really does not convey any information as to exactly what part 
 of the realm of Charles was or was not taxed. According to Bourgeois’ in- 
 terpretation, the statement means the entire kingdom of Charles the Bald 
 as it was in 870 with exception of Burgundy. That is, to be sure, the only 
 interpretation which the principal hypothesis of Bourgeois will permit. But 
 it is obviously not the only interpretation possible. When it is said that 
 only part of the realm of 870 was taxed, it does not necessarily follow that 
 Burgundy was not taxed. It is quite possible that the writer meant to 
 include Burgundy and to exclude some other division of the kingdom of 
 Charles the Bald, as for example Neustria, where another Danegeld was 
 being raised at the same time for the Vikings of the Loire (see supra, pp. 95- 
 
yiyidye APPENDIX I 
 
 Both views, it will be noted, rest in last analysis on the assump- 
 tion that the superscription of the tax document is a thoroughly 
 reliable source of information. One group of scholars regards 
 the authority of the superscription sufficient to controvert the 
 evidence furnished by Hincmar in the Annals of St. Bertin; 
 while Bourgeois and his followers, though they are not disposed 
 to rule Hincmar out of court, none the less retain their confidence 
 in the truth of what is said in the superscription. It is clear, 
 therefore, that both views will be rendered untenable if it can 
 be shown that the superscription is a less trustworthy source of 
 information than Hincmar. And if it can be established that the 
 evidence of the superscription is utterly unreliable, we must 
 perforce fall back upon the Annals of St. Bertin and the Capitu- 
 lary of Kiersy as our only trustworthy sources of information 
 on this point.°® 
 
 That an authentic document has higher testimonial value than 
 a narrative account, is in historical science a canon which it 
 would be stupid to challenge. What we are now concerned with, 
 however, is, not a document proper, but the superscription of a 
 document. Was this superscription originally part of the docu- 
 ment at the head of which it now appears; or was it placed there 
 by a later hand? 
 
 To me it seems that the latter view must be adopted, and for 
 several reasons. A careful study of the body of the document, 
 i. e. the provisions of the assessment, reveals the fact that there 
 the present and future tenses are used exclusively :‘ an indication 
 
 96,108). The fact is that this statement is too indefinite to admit of any con- 
 clusions as to its exact meaning. Again, Bourgeois asserts that according to 
 Hinemar, the tax at Kiersy was levied on the whole kingdom of Charles the 
 Bald as it was in 870 and also on Burgundy. But this is not accurate. Hinc- 
 mar does say that at Kiersy a tax was levied on that part of the kingdom 
 of Francia which Charles had before 870 and also on Burgundy. The words 
 of Hincmar certainly do not imply a previous assessment, from which Bur- 
 gundy had been exempted, nor do they necessarily indicate a larger tax area 
 than that referred to in the superscription. We may note, finally, that the 
 superscription, whatever may be its meaning, has practically no historical 
 value if it was, as I will attempt to show in the following, added to the tax 
 document by a later hand. 
 
 6 Cf. supra, nn. 3, 4; infra, n. 16. The later compilations, such as the 
 Continuation of Aimoin (Historiae Francorum, V, [ed. Nicot, Paris, 1567]) 
 and the Grandes chroniques de St. Denis (Bouquet, VII, 146), are, of course, 
 not reliable; the latter, in particular, are very inaccurate and confused. Cf. 
 infra, pp. 226 ff. 
 
 7 Edictum ... de tributo Nordmannico, B, loc. cit.: ‘“donent ...sint... 
 accipiant ...sunt... pergent ...remanserint ... consistunt ... accipiat 
 
 . commanent ... habuerint ... exigatur.” 
 
APPENDIX I 223 
 
 that it was written before the actual collection of the Danegeld. 
 Hinemar, on the other hand, in giving the substance of the docu- 
 ment in the Annals of St. Bertin, used the past tense:* an indi- 
 cation that he wrote after the Danegeld had been collected. The 
 same holds true of the superscription, where the tenses (past 
 and pluperfect) of the verbs are so employed as to prove beyond 
 peradventure that it was not written until after the death of 
 Charles the Bald and the departure of the Northmen.® Again, 
 a comparison of the vague denotation, in the superscription, of 
 the territory in which the Danegeld was to be levied — “de 
 aliqua, sed non de tota parte regni, quod domnus imperator 
 Karolus habuit, antequam iunior Hlotharius defunctus fuisset’”— 
 with the very specific statement of Hincmar — “de parte regni 
 Franciae quam ante mortem Lotharii habuit, sed et de Burgun- 
 dia’”’ — shows unmistakably that Hincmar, who was a contem- 
 porary, had much more accurate information on this point than 
 the writer of the superscription, who for all we know may not 
 have lived until long, possibly centuries, after the events he 
 referred to.'° 
 
 Moreover, while it may be true that Hincmar is not always an 
 infallible authority on the events and conditions of his time, yet 
 what he says in this connection must be given considerable 
 weight.‘ He was himself present at the Assembly of Kiersy,’? 
 and therefore may be presumed to have known what was decided 
 there. Another indication that he was particularly well informed 
 as regards the levy of the Danegeld, is the fact that he wrote a 
 letter on that subject to Louis the Stammerer.'® Also, it is very 
 significant that his statements in the Annals of St. Bertin rela- 
 tive to the apportionment of the taxes levied at Kiersy, in the 
 
 8 Ann. Bert., loc. cit.: “habuit . .. exigeretur,’ disposuit ... erat ... ac 
 ciperent ...redderent ... extitit .. . acceptum fuit . . . fuerunt.” 
 
 9 See supra, n. 2. 
 
 10) Chesupra., tn?-2, 33:5. 
 
 11 Cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., 139. 
 
 12 See the letter to Louis the Stammerer written shortly after the death 
 of Charles the Bald (Migne, Patr. Lat., CXXV, 988). 
 
 13 Flodoard, Historia Remensis ecclesiae, III, c. 19, M.G.H., SS., XIII, p. 
 510. Evidently this letter (which is not the same as the one to which ref- 
 erence was made in the preceding note) was written while Charles the Bald 
 was in Italy, and certainly before the emperor’s death, for the latter event 
 is mentioned by Flodoard a little farther on in the same chapter; the letter 
 probably was composed during the collection of the Danegeld, and may have 
 contained advice on that subject (cf. swpra, chap. vi, n. 99). 
 
224 APPENDIX I 
 
 main agree with the provisions given in the body of the tax 
 document.** | | | 
 
 These various considerations lead me to believe (1) that the 
 superscription was not part of the original document; (2) that 
 the superscription was added to the document by some scribe of 
 a much later period; (3) that the scribe in question did not 
 possess accurate information concerning the territorial limits 
 within which the Danegeld was levied; and, consequently, (4) 
 that the statements of Hincmar in the Annals of St. Bertin are 
 a much more trustworthy source of information than those of 
 the scribe in the superscription, both as regards the territory in 
 which the taxes for the Danegeld were levied and also with 
 reference to the time and place at which the assessment of these 
 
 taxes was prepared. 
 
 From what has been said above it follows that if the Annals 
 of St. Bertin and the superscription of the tax document disagree 
 as to the time and place at which the taxes were assessed, the 
 statements of Hincmar ought to be given greater credence. Now 
 Hinemar, though he does speak of an assembly of bishops at 
 Compiegne on May 1, fails to mention any meeting there on 
 May 7. According to Hincmar, there was but one assessment 
 for this Danegeld and it was prepared at the Assembly of Kiersy 
 on June 14.1° And belief in Hincmar’s accuracy here, far from 
 
 14 Hinemar omits certain details given in the documents, regarding the 
 levy of the taxes on the mansi and the resources of the priests; and he does 
 not say anything about the taxation of the merchants, which is mentioned 
 in document B and in chapter 31 of the Capitulary of Kiersy, but not in 
 document A (cf. supra, n. 2). On the other hand, Hincmar speaks of a 
 contribution from the church treasuries, which is not referred to in either 
 of the tax documents (cf. supra, chap, vi, n. 99); and he alone informs us 
 that the bishops after collecting the money from the priests were to pay it 
 over to the missi dominici. The documents, of course, were drawn up for 
 the specific purpose of furnishing official instruction as to where, how, and 
 by whom, the Danegeld was to be collected. Hincemar wrote his account 
 after the Danegeld had been collected, and for historical purposes only; 
 therefore, he did not consider it necessary to give all the details that ap- 
 peared in the official documents, though he did think it worth while to give 
 some additional information as to how the required sum was finally ob- 
 tained. See also appendix ii. 
 
 15 Ann. Bert., 877, p. 135: “Kalendis Mai episcopos Remensis provinciae, 
 sed et aliarum provinciarum Compendio convocavit, et ecclesiam quam in 
 eodem oratorio construxerat cum multo apparatu in sua et nunciorum apos- 
 tolicae sedis praesentia ab eisdem episcopis consecrari fecit. Inde placitum 
 suum generale Kalendis Iulii habuit, etc.’ (cf. supra, n. 3). Evidently all 
 the bishops did not reach Compiégne at the appointed time; in any case the 
 church was not dedicated until May 5 (Bouquet, VIII, 660; Bohmer-Miihl- 
 bacher, Die Regesten d. Kaiserreichs u. d. Karolingern, no. 1809; cf. Diimm- 
 ler 41546 21): 
 
APPENDIX I 225 
 
 being undermined, is strengthened by the additional evidence 
 furnished by chapter 30 of the Capitulary of Kiersy.° For while 
 this does not give the details of the assessment, it proves none 
 the less that the levying of the Danegeld was one of the important 
 matters taken up at the Assembly of Kiersy. Nor may we over- 
 look the significance of that clause in both of the tax documents 
 which distinguishes those counts and royal vassals who were 
 to accompany Charles to Italy from those who were to remain 
 in France. Such a distinction would hardly have been made until 
 after it had been arranged that some of the fideles were to go 
 with the emperor, while others were to remain at home. And 
 this we know was one of the arrangements made at the Assembly 
 of Kiersy.**’ It is also worth noting that the collection of the 
 Danegeld evidently did not begin until after the Assembly of 
 Kiersy ;1* which would be very strange if the assessment had been 
 prepared and the levy ordered fully six weeks before. Surely 
 this evidence, direct and indirect, outweighs the very question- 
 able testimony of the superscription.'®** Indeed it seems there 
 can be no room for doubt that this Danegeld was assessed at 
 Kiersy on June 14; and that the old view of an assessment at 
 Compiégne on May 7, must be discarded. 
 
 But, it may be asked, how was the writer of the superscription 
 led, or rather misled, to believe that the assessment took place 
 at Compiegne on May 7? My present answer to this question, 
 and particularly to the last part of it —i. e. the question of how 
 the date May 7 was obtained — can be only hypothetical and ten- 
 tative. There were produced during the middle ages a large 
 number of historical compilations based more or less remotely 
 on the Annals of St. Bertin, all of which must be studied and 
 
 16 M.G.H., LL., Seetio II, t. ii, 361: “Qualiter hoc perficiatur et ad effec- 
 tum perveniat, quod Nortmannis dari debet de coniecto.” 
 
 17 Edictum ... de tributo Nordmannico, A, loc. cit.: “De ecclesiis vero, 
 quas comites et vassalli dominici habent, seu de illis, qui cum seniore nos- 
 tro pergere debent, sive qui remanserint, etc.” B, ibid.: ““‘De ecclesiis vero 
 imperatoris et imperatricis et comitum ac vassallorum imperialium, tam de 
 illis, qui cum imperatore pergent, quam et illis, qui remanserint, ete.” Capi- 
 tulare Carisiacense, c. 7, ibid., pp. 357-58: “[This is the reply of the assem- 
 bled jfideles to a point raised by the emperor] in vestra dispositione erit, 
 qui in isto regno remaneant, vel qui post vos in vestrum adiutorium per- 
 gant.” Those whom Charles selecied to follow him to Italy are named in 
 chapter 25 (p. 360). The question of the Danegeld evidently was not dis- 
 cussed at the assembly until after these other matters had been settled; it 
 is the subject with which chapter 30 (p. 361) of the capitulary deals. 
 
 18 Cf. supra, p. 107 afid n. 97. 
 
 19 A very good catalogue, and critical account, of these compilations is 
 given by Bourgeois in his Le capit. de Kiersy-sur-Oise, pp. 155 ff. 
 
 Danegeld. 15. 
 
226 APPENDIX I 
 
 collated before anything like a final opinion on this subject can 
 be formulated. To some of these works I have not yet been able 
 
 to obtain access. I venture to believe, however, that careful | 
 
 examination of these various compilations will eventually estab- 
 lish the correctness.of at least the fundamental part of what is 
 here set forth. | 
 
 An erroneous impression as regards the place and date at 
 which the tribute for the Vikings of the Seine in 877 was 
 assessed, may easily be acquired from a cursory, uncritical read- 
 ing of the Annals of St. Bertin. In these annals Hinemar fails, 
 it is true, to mention any meeting whatsoever on May 7. But he 
 does state that for May 1 Charles the Bald had summoned an 
 assembly of bishops to Compiegne, where a church recently con- 
 structed was then to be dedicated. After having described this 
 dedication ceremony at Compiégne on the calends of May, Hinc- 
 mar proceeds at once to speak of the other assembly on June 14, 
 but without indicating here in any way that this later assembly 
 met at Kiersy.?° Not until after he has related what took place 
 at the assembly of June 14, does he give even the slightest inti- 
 mation that this assembly met at a place other than that at 
 which (Compiégne) the assembly of the calends of May had met. 
 Indeed, all he says is that Charles now — i. e. after the assembly 
 of June 14 — proceeded from Kiersy to Compiégne, and thence 
 to Soissons, etc.*? Hincmar, accordingly, does not expressly state 
 that the assembly of June 14 met at Kiersy; this is a fact which 
 must be inferred from what follows in his narrative. Even a 
 careful reader of this passage in the Annals of St. Bertin is likely 
 to gain from it the (erroneous) impression that two assemblies 
 were held at Compiegne, one on May 1 and the other on June 14. 
 
 It must be remembered, moreover, that until the eighteenth 
 century, the “famous” Capitulary of Kiersy was practically un- 
 known, and that during the middle ages most of the informa- 
 tion, or rather misinformation, that was current concerning the 
 reign of Charles the Bald, was obtained, not from the Annals 
 of St. Bertin, but from either the Continuation of Aimoin or, 
 more often, the Grandes chroniques de St. Denis.?? The Con- 
 tinuation of Aimoin, though often inaccurate, is, so far as that 
 portion of it which has to do with the dedication of the church 
 
 20 See supra, n. 15. a 
 
 21 See supra, n. 3; cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., pp. 5-6. 
 22 For a good discussion of this whole subject, see ibid., 155 ff.; cf. 4 ff. 
 
APPENDIX I 227 
 
 at Compiégne and the Assembly of Kiersy is concerned, on the 
 whole a fairly accurate reproduction of the Annals of St. Bert- 
 in. But the Grandes chroniques de St. Denis, on the other 
 hand, are very misleading, as will appear from the following 
 quotation: ‘““Es Kalendes de May fist assembler concile a Com- 
 piegne des evesques de la province de Rains et des autres pro- 
 vinces: si fist dedier l’eglise de S. Cornile, que il avait fondée 
 en son propre palais, en la presence des prelaz et des messages 
 Vapostole. La meismes [i. e. at Compiégne] fist-il parlement 
 de barons; et fu ordené comment Looys ses fiuz governeroit le 
 roiaume par le conseil des barons jusques a tant que il fust 
 retornez de Rome; et puis comment il recevroit le treu de l’une 
 des parties du roiaume de France, qui estoit accostumez a rendre 
 avant la mort le roi Lothaire, et du roiaume de Borgoigne. .. . 
 Ces choses ensi ordenées, li empereres se parti de Compiegne** 
 et s’en ala a Soissons, de Soissons a Rains, etc.’’”° 
 
 When one stops to reflect upon the meager facilities which 
 the writer of the superscription had to learn the truth — and 
 his abundant opportunity to secure misinformation — with 
 reference to the occasion at which the assessment of the Dane- 
 geld was prepared, the wonder is, not that this well-intentioned 
 individual committed the errors he did, but that he failed to 
 commit more. ‘Knowledge of the fact that an important assem- 
 bly had convened at Kiersy in the year 877 could never have 
 been gained from a reading of the Grandes chroniques de St. 
 Denis, where it is not even hinted at. And it will perhaps be 
 agreed that even the most lynx-eyed of modern scholars would 
 hardly be able to detect either in the Continuation of Aimoin 
 or in the Annals of St. Bertin the obscure implication that the 
 assembly of June 14 met at Kiersy, wnless he were already 
 acquainted with that fact. The scholar with a previous knowl- 
 edge of the Assembly of Kiersy will doubtless find both in the 
 Annals of St. Bertin and in the Continuation of Aimoin con- 
 firmation of what he already knows. But it may be safely 
 
 23 The Continuation of Aimoin, it is true, has Kal. Junii where the An- 
 nals of St. Bertin have Kal. Iulii. See supra, n. 3, and cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., 
 158. One manuscript, however, of the Annals of St. Bertin (see ed. Waitz, 
 p. 135, note b; ed. Dehaisnes, p. 255, note 1) also has Kal. Iuniis (or Junit). 
 
 24 Here the redactor, by omitting Kiersy (cf. supra, n. 3), perhaps at- 
 tempted to rectify what he may have regarded as an error in the Annals of 
 St. Bertin or in the Continuation of Aimoin. 
 
 25 Bouquet, VII, 146. Cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., 159. 
 
228 APPENDIX I 
 
 asserted that a person not in possession of this information would 
 never, by reading any or all of these narrative accounts, become 
 aware that the assembly at which the Danegeld was assessed 
 met at Kiersy; such a reader would, like the redactor of the 
 Grandes chromques de St. Denis and the writer of the super- 
 scription, inevitably draw the conclusion that this assembly had 
 met at Compiégne. 
 
 With reference to the date of the assembly at which the 
 Danegeld was assessed, the three narratives vary widely: ac- 
 cording to the Grandes chroniques it was es Kalendes de May;*° 
 according to the Continuation of Aimoin, Kalendas Junti; and 
 according to the Annals of St. Bertin, Kalendis Iulw.* Yet 
 none of these dates agree with that given in the superscription: 
 Nonis Maii.2® Whence or how the latter date was obtained, can 
 for the present be only conjectured. So far as my observations 
 go, the nones of May (May 7) are not given, as the date of the 
 preparation of the assessment, in any source except the super- 
 scription of the tax document.*® If the writer of the superscrip- 
 tion, like the redactor of the Grandes chroniques de St. Denis, 
 was under the impression that the tribute was assessed at Com- 
 piegne on the calends of May,*° then obviously the word Nonis 
 in the superscription is simply a clerical error — committed 
 either by the original writer or by some later copyist — for 
 Kalendis. It is also possible, though in my opinion unlikely, 
 that the author of the superscription, in writing Nonis, was 
 attempting to rectify what he may have regarded as a mistake 
 on the part of the Continuator of Aimoin. According to the 
 latter, as we have seen, the taxes were assessed, not Kalendis 
 
 26 That must have been the belief of the redactor of the Grandes chro- 
 niques de St. Denis, for he does not indicate that there was any interval 
 between the dedication of the church and the parlement de barons (see the 
 quotation on the preceding page). Bourgeois (op. cit., 159) is not quite 
 accurate when he says that this redactor (a monk of St. Denis) confused 
 the assembly held at Kiersy in June with that held at Compiégne in April; 
 he did not confuse it with an assembly held at Compiégne in April. 
 but with the one which met there on May 1, or rather, May 5 (cf. supra, 
 Tato): 
 
 27 See supra, n. 238. 
 
 28 See supra, n. 2. 
 
 29 Nor have I, as yet, found it applied anywhere to the dedication of the 
 church at Compiégne (which really took place on May 5; see supra, n. 15), 
 or to the Assembly of Kiersy. It is not impossible, however, that further 
 research on this point, in the sources referred to supra, p. 225 and n. 19, may 
 yield results. 
 
 SUsk Le SUPT, N. 20; 
 
APPENDIX I 229 
 
 Iulii as Hinemar says, but Kalendas Junii: i. e., if we accept the 
 interpretations of Pertz and Fustel de Coulanges — mutatis 
 mutandis — May 14.2: But two weeks — from the dedication 
 of the church on May 1 to the preparation of the assessment 
 on May 14 — may have seemed tothe writer of the superscrip- 
 tion too long a time for a placitum to be in session; and, accord- 
 ingly, he may have substituted, as the date of the assessment, 
 Nonis Mai for Kalendas Juni, since the first of these dates 
 would better comport with the usual duration of an assembly. 
 
 To conclude: If Hinemar is right in indicating that the 
 assessment of the tribute for the Vikings of the Seine was 
 prepared at Kiersy on June 14 — and if what has been above 
 set forth be accepted as a sound argument, there remains nc 
 valid reason for doubting the truth of Hincmar’s testimony 
 on this point—then it follows that the two tax documents 
 which heretofore have been referred to as the Hdict of Com- 
 piegne Concerning the Tribute to the Northmen,*? must in the 
 future be regarded as part of, or at least as having a close con- 
 nection with chapter 30 of the Capitulary of Kiersy.** More- 
 over, the fact that the details of the assessment as given in the 
 two tax documents essentially agree with the details as given 
 by Hinemar in the Annals of St. Bertin,** is a further indication 
 that these documents in their original form were drawn up at 
 the Assembly of Kiersy on June 14, and, consequently, that the 
 assessment of this Danegeld took place there and then,** but not 
 at Compiegne on May 7. 
 
 Sie Cf Supra, nn. 23; - 3. 
 
 32 See M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, 353-54, where the two documents are 
 classified respectively as A and B (cf. supra, n. 2). 
 
 33 Cf. supra, n. 16, and see appendix ii. Though no longer extant, there 
 were doubtless many other documents which, like the two tax documents 
 above referred to, served to fill out such chapters in the Capitulary of Kiersy 
 as have come down to us only in the form of a title or a summary (cf. 
 Halphen, “A propos du capitulaire de Quierzy-sur-Oise,’ Rev. Hist., 1911, 
 CVI, 288, 294). 
 
 34 Cf. supra, n. 14. 
 
 35 The preamble of the document known as Capitula excerpta in con- 
 ventu Carisiacensi coram populo lecta (M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, 361) is 
 in accord with the view presented above: “XVI Kalendas praedicti mensis, 
 d. imperator Karolus adnuntiavit generaliter in populam de suo itinere 
 Roman et... quia ordinatum habebat, quomodo Nortmanni de isto regno 
 expellantur et postea defendantur, ete.’ This announcement referred, of 
 course, to the measures just completed at Kiersy. 
 
APPENDIX II. 
 
 THE ‘Two Tax DOCUMENTS OF 877 AND THE CAPITULARY 
 OF KIERSY. 
 
 Attention has been directed several times in the preceding 
 pages to two tax documents, designated respectively as A and B, 
 and containing provisions for the assessment of the Danegeld 
 due the Vikings of the Seine in 877.1. These documents were, 
 so far as I can tell, first published by Sirmond in 1623.2. Un- 
 fortunately, however, Sirmond did not indicate whence he had 
 obtained them. The manuscript to which he presumably had 
 access is now probably lost; in any case it has escaped the ex- 
 ploratory efforts of all later editors, including Krause.* These 
 have, consequently, been obliged simply to reprint the documents 
 in the form in which they were originally published by Sirmond.* 
 Obviously, therefore, textual criticism is here out of question; 
 we must be content to study these documents in the only form 
 in which they now exist or are accessible. 
 
 Concerning the date of the two documents little need be said 
 here. The error of Sirmond, Pertz, and others, in referring 
 document A to the Danegeld of 861,° was long ago made evident.® 
 
 1 Cf. supra, p. 97 and n. 33; and see appendix i. 
 
 2 Sirmond, Capitula Caroli Calvi et successorum aliquot Franciae regum, 
 pp. 421 ff. 
 
 3 See M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 353, lines 14-15. 
 
 4 The text of the documents as given by Krause, the latest editor, is 
 quoted infra, n. 9. Cf. Duchesne, Historiae Francorum scriptores [1636], 
 II, pp. 460-61; Baluze, Capitularia regum Francorum [1677; ed. de Chiniac, 
 1780], II, pp. 257-58; Bouquet, VII, 697; Pertz, M.G.H., LL., I, 476, 536. In 
 all these editions the text of the documents is identical, save for certain 
 variations in punctuation and capitalization. 
 
 5 Dummler (III, 42, n. 1) and Krause (M.G.H., LL., Sectio II, t. ii, 353, 
 lines 16 ff.) are unquestionably wrong in making Pertz (M.G.H., LL., I, 476) 
 the author of this error. It was Sirmond who, in a note to his edition of 
 the Capitula (cf. supra, n. 2), first ascribed document A to the year 861. 
 Sirmond’s note was quoted by Baluze (II, p. 806) and Bouquet (VII, 697, 
 note a); a fact which makes the oversight on the part of Dtimmler and 
 Krause the more surprising. 
 
 6 See the references to Diimmler and Krause in the preceding note. 
 
APPENDIX II ewer: WI 
 
 Perhaps no scholar familiar with the history of the ninth cen- 
 tury would now venture to deny that each of the documents 
 contains a draft of an assessment drawn up in 877 for the pur- 
 pose of raising the tribute then due the Northmen of the Seine.’ 
 But unless the argument which I have set forth in the preceding 
 appendix is utterly false and misleading, this assessment was 
 prepared, not at Compiegne on May 7 as most recent scholars 
 have concluded, but at the Assembly of Kiersy on June 14. 
 Accordingly there must have been a very close connection be- 
 tween the two tax documents and that part (chapter 30) of the 
 Capitulary of Kiersy which has to do with the Danegeld.® 
 
 But what is the relation of these two tax documents to each 
 other?? Comparing them, we note at once that the language 
 
 7 von Noorden (Hinkmar, 334, n. 6, 335) argued that document A con- 
 tained the assessment levied in Neustria (in 877) to raise the Danegeld for 
 the Northmen of the Loire (cf... supra, pp. 67, 71). But Dummler (loc. cit.) 
 correctly signalized this as an unwarranted assumption. 
 
 8 Cf. supra, p. 229 and n. 33. The question as to whether chapter 31 of 
 the Capitulary of Kiersy has reference to the Danegeld is discussed infra, 
 pp. 233 ff. 
 
 9 For the superscriptions of the documents, see supra, appendix i, n. 2. 
 These superscriptions, which differ on several points, are of no value in 
 attempting to establish the relations of the documents to each other. It has 
 already been pointed out (cf. supra, appendix i) that the superscription of 
 B was added at a later period, and that it is inaccurate and misleading. 
 The superscription of A, while correct so far as it goes, is very vague; the 
 tenses of its verbs clearly indicate that it was written long after the docu- 
 ment proper (cf. supra, p. 222 f.). The following is the text of the documents 
 as given by Krause. A (M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 354): “Unusquisque 
 episcopus, qui habet abbatiam, aut abbas, qui similiter habet abbatiam, aut 
 comes, qui aeque habet abbatiam, de suo manso indominicato similiterque 
 et de vassallorum accipiat de manso indominicato denarios duodecim, de 
 manso ingenuili quatuor denarios de censu dominicato et quatuor de sua 
 facultate, de servili vero duos denarios de censu et de sua facultate duos. 
 De omnibus vero ecclesiis unusquisque episcopus vel abbas de sua solum- 
 modo potestate accipiant de presbyteris a quocumque plurimum solidos quin- 
 que et de unoquoque iuxta quod possibile fuerit, ita ut a quo plurimum 
 quinque solidos, a quo minimum quatuor denarios. De ecclesiis vero, quas 
 comites et vassalli dominici habent, seu de illis, qui cum seniore nostro per- 
 gere debent, sive qui remanserint, episcopus, in cuius parrochia consistunt, 
 secundum praetaxatum modum accipere procurabit. De ecclesiis vero im- 
 peratricis episcopus similiter accipiet praetaxato modo.” B (ibid.): “Epis- 
 copi, abbates, comites ac vassi dominici ex suis honoribus de unoquoque 
 - Manso indominicato donent denarios duodecim, de manso ingenuili quatuor 
 denarios. De ecclesiis vero imperatoris et imperatricis et comitum ac vassal- 
 vero manso duos denarios de censu indominicato et duos de facultate man- 
 suarii. De omnibus vero ecclesiis unusquisque episcopus de suo episcopatu 
 vel abbas de sua solummodo abbatia, in cuiuscumque episcopi sint parro- 
 chia, accipiant cum misso episcopi, in cuius parrochia sunt, de presbyteris 
 secundum possibilitatem quinque solidos vel quatuor vel tres vel duos vel 
 unum solidum; a quo plurimum quinque solidos, a quo minimum quatuor 
 denarios. De ecclesiis vero imperatoris et imperatricis et comitum ac vassal- 
 lorum imperialium, tam de illis, qui cum imperatore pergent, quam et illis, 
 
ribs be APPENDIX II 
 
 of B is somewhat clearer and more concise than that of A. And 
 while the provisions of the one in the main coincide with those 
 of the other, yet they are not identical. The taxation provided 
 for in B is more comprehensive than that contemplated in A. 
 According to A, only mansi appertaining to monasteries were 
 taxed, and apparently not all of these, for the document men- 
 tions only the monasteries held by bishops, abbots, and counts, 
 but not those held by royal vassals; while according to B taxes 
 were due from royal vassals as well as bishops, abbots, and 
 counts, and they were due for the mansi of all their honores, 
 which included not only monastery lands but all lands given by 
 the king in benefice.t° B requires all priests, including those 
 attached to churches held by the emperor, to pay a tax; and it 
 has a clause (at the very end) which prescribes a contribution 
 from merchants and townsmen. In A there is no mention either 
 of the priests of imperial churches or of merchants and towns- 
 men. The provision in B, that when an abbot collects the taxes 
 from the priests under his jurisdiction he must do so in con- 
 junction with the missus of the bishop of the diocese, is also 
 lacking in A. 
 
 It would be very anomalous if the more comprehensive and 
 more detailed document (B) had preceded the other (A). We 
 must assume, on the contrary, that B is a revised version of A. 
 This, it may be noted, was also the view of Diimmler, who 
 characterized A as “nur ein Entwurf, der, als nicht um- 
 fassend genug, dem andern weichen musste.”"t Krause, though 
 he accepts this view, adds that the words “cum seniore nostro” 
 indicate, in his opinion, that this document was drawn up by 
 the magnates.’? I cannot convince myself of that. Royal offi- 
 cials may very well, in drawing up a preliminary draft, have 
 used such an expression. Moreover, it must be remembered that 
 chapter 30 of the Capitulary of Kiersy — to which, in my opin- 
 ion, both documents owe their origin’® — dealt with one of those 
 
 qui remanserint, episcopus, in cuius parrochia consistunt, secundum prae- 
 dictum modum coniectum accipiat. De negotiatoribus autem vel qui in 
 civitatibus commanent iuxta possibilitatem, secundum quod habuerint de 
 facultatibus, coniectus exigatur.” 
 
 10-Cfsipra;-chap: v, n. 138. 
 
 11 Dummler, loc. cit. 
 
 12 M.GH.,-LL. Sectio il, .t. ii, p. 353, lines. 22 ff, 
 13 See the preceding page and n. 8. 
 
APPENDIX II 233 
 
 questions on which the assembled fideles did not give their 
 opinion.‘ 
 
 These various facts and considerations appear from my point 
 of view to justify the following hypothesis: (1) both tax doc- 
 uments were drawn up by the king’s officials at the Assembly 
 of Kiersy on June 14, and were intended to be inserted into 
 chapter 30 of the Capitulary of Kiersy — a chapter which, in 
 the version we have, consists merely of the following topical 
 statement: “Qualiter hoc perficiatur et ad effectum perveniat, 
 quod Nortmannis dari debet de coniecto”’ ;* (2) document A was 
 written first, but was, after some deliberation by the king and 
 his officials, declared inadequate and therefore discarded; (3) 
 a new document, B, more comprehensive in scope, was then 
 drawn up; this was regarded as sufficient for the purpose, and 
 therefore became part of the Capitulary of Kiersy in its final 
 and completed: form. 
 
 Something remains to be said with reference to the second 
 clause in chapter 31 of the Capitulary of Kiersy: “Et de cappis 
 et aliis negotiatoribus, videlicet ut Iudaei dent decimam et nego- 
 tiatores christiani undecimam.’® It is of considerable import- 
 ance to determine whether this clause deals with the same sub- 
 ject and the same persons as the following sentence at the end 
 of document B: “De negotiatoribus autem vel qui in civitatibus 
 commanent iuxta possibilitatem, secundum quod habuerint de 
 facultatibus, coniectus exigatur.’*? We know that document PB 
 refers to the Danegeld, but does chapter 31 of the Capitulary 
 of Kiersy also refer to the Danegeld? That we do not know. 
 Chapter 31 of the Capitulary contains two clauses, the first of 
 which is concerned with the honores of Boso and others, the 
 second with a tax on merchants.'® Bourgeois'® assumes that the 
 tax on the merchants must have been for the purposes of the 
 Danegeld, and then concludes that the first clause, which refers 
 
 14 M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 358, lines 30-31. Cf. Bourgeois, Le capit. 
 de Kiersy-sur-Oise, 27-68; Halphen, “A propos du capitulaire de Quierzy-sur- 
 Oise,” Rev. Hist., 1911, CVI, 287-88, 294. 
 
 15 M.G.H.. LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 361. See supra, appendix i, n. 33, and cf. 
 Fustel de Coulanges, Nowvelles recherches, 434-35. 
 
 16 Capilulare Carisiacense, c. 31 (M.G.H., LL. Sectio II, t. ii, p. 361): “De 
 honoribus Bosonis, Bernardi et Widonis et aliorum illarum partium. Et de 
 cappis et aliis negotiatoribus, videlicet ut Iudaei dent decimam et negotia- 
 tores christiani undecimam.” 
 
 17 Cf. supra, n. 9. 
 
 18 Cf. supra, n. 16. 
 
 1LS.0ne citi, -p.. 82. 
 
234 APPENDIX II 
 
 to the honores of Boso et al., must have had a similar purport. 
 The correctness of this conclusion may be questioned. In the 
 
 first place, it need not be assumed that there was any connection | 
 
 between the raising of the Danegeld and the question of the 
 honores of Boso and his associates. Charles may well have had 
 other reasons for considering the latter question, reasons that 
 grew out of the mounting ambition and the recent activities of 
 Boso; he may have wished to take precautions against the ac- 
 cumulation of too much power in the hands of vassals whose 
 good faith there was reason to suspect.”° In the second place, 
 it is very strange that the clause concerning the merchants, 
 if it really refers to the Danegeld, was not included in chapter 
 30, which was devoted to that subject. We cannot suppose that 
 in the case of Boso and his associates there was a closer con- 
 nection with merchants than there was in the case of the other 
 magnates. These considerations lead me to believe (1) that 
 there is no connection whatever between the first and second 
 _ clauses in chapter 31 of the Capitulary of Kiersy; and (2) that 
 the second clause, which refers to a tax on merchants, was not 
 originally part of chapter 31, but was wrongly inserted there 
 by some scribe at a later time. Whether or not this second clause 
 refers to the Danegeld, cannot be definitely determined. If it 
 does, then it certainly belongs with chapter 30, just as the two 
 tax documents above referred to. In that case, furthermore, 
 this clause must be regarded as a revision and amendment of 
 the last sentence in document B, for that does not specify the 
 exact rate of taxation in the case of the merchants; it merely 
 
 20 Cf. Bourgeois, op. cit., pp. 83 ff. The fact that Boso is referred to as 
 carissimus Dux noster in a diploma issued by Charles at Besancon on August 
 11 (Bouquet, VIII, 672-3), does not necessarily invalidate the assumption that 
 at the Assembly of Kiersy Charles had considered the advisability of reducing 
 the number of honores held by Boso and some other powerful vassals. We 
 know that soon after Charles had reached Italy, Boso and his associates entered 
 into open revolt against the emperor (Ann. Bert., 877, p. 136). Boso was 
 not present at the Assembly of Kiersy, (Bouquet, IX, 255), and very likely 
 his relations with Charles had been strained since the spring. At most, the 
 mention of Boso in the diploma of August 11 indicates a temporary, and 
 probably only an apparent, reconciliation. Seeman (Boso von Niederbur- 
 gund, 37-43) apparently takes the view that Charles the Bald did not sur- 
 mise any danger of revolt on the part of Boso until after he had reached 
 Italy, and after the vassals had refused to come to his aid against Karlmann. 
 In that case, it must be assumed that Charles at the Assembly of Kiersy 
 raised the question of Boso’s honores for other reasons than those suggested 
 above. Even so, however, there is nothing which proves a connection be- 
 tween that question and the levy of the Danegeld; it seems to me that the 
 reasoning which leads Bourgeois to this conclusion really has for its prin- 
 cipal basis the rather dangerous argument post ergo propter. 
 
APPENDIX II | 235 
 
 provides for a tax according to fortune. But no positive state- 
 
 ment can be made on this point. The clause may not refer to 
 the Danegeld at all. The taxation of merchants, Christian as 
 well as Jewish, was certainly not limited to occasions when 
 Danegeld had to be raised.** It is even possible that originally 
 this clause had no relation whatever to the Capitulary of Kiersy. 
 
 But how did the clause in question come to find a place in 
 chapter 31 of the Capitulary? To this only a hypothetical an- 
 swer can be suggested, for the original manuscript of the 
 Capitulary of Kiersy is no longer in existence.** In medieval 
 manuscripts marginal notes, or glosses, are matters of very 
 frequent occurrence. It is not at all impossible that what now 
 constitutes the second clause in chapter 31, was originally only 
 a marginal gloss inserted by some scribe who knew or assumed 
 that what he wrote pertained to the assessment of the Dane- 
 geld.2*?> Now, it is well known that in the process of copying 
 manuscripts scribes often incorporated glosses into the body 
 of the text to which the glosses referred.** In this case, a gloss, 
 applying to chapter 30, and written in the margin opposite that 
 chapter, which is very brief, would probably have extended far 
 enough down the page so as to be opposite chapter 31 as well 
 as chapter 30.*° A later scribe may, out of ignorance or care- 
 lessness or both, easily have incorporated with chapter 31 what 
 originally was a gloss applying to chapter 30.°° 
 
 21 See Waitz, D. Verfassungsgesch., IV, 44-45. 
 
 22 Bourgeois, op. cit., p. 11. At least that part of the manuscript which 
 contained the text of the Capitulary has been lost. 
 
 23 According to Falke (Die Geschichte des deutschen Handels, p. 36), 
 merchants were taxed regularly, and not only for the Danegeld, at the rate 
 of one tenth for Jews and one eleventh for Christians. He seems to indicate 
 that these rates of assessment had applied at least as early as the reign of 
 Louis the Pious. If this opinion were correct, any official would have 
 known the rates at which merchants were taxed, and the clause in document 
 B covering this point would have been quite sufficient for its purpose, even 
 though it did not give the specific rates. Unfortunately, Falke does not 
 support his statement by any reference to the sources, and it is probably 
 an unwarranted generalization based only on the arrangement for 877. Cf. 
 MICE I tle 2UV et ba0,: Nos d. 
 
 24 Cf. Bernheim, Lehrbuch der historischen Methode, ed. 1903, p. 348. 
 
 25 This was called to my attention by Professor J. W. Thompson, of the 
 University of Chicago. 
 
 26 For a somewhat similar hypothesis, applying to chapter 25 of the Ca- 
 pitulary of Kiersy, see Halphen, op. cit., p. 293, n. 3. 
 
APPENDIX ITI. 
 
 THE DANEGELD IN FRISIA. 
 
 The payment of tribute to the Vikings, which is a character- 
 istic feature of the history of the ninth and tenth centuries both 
 in the West Frankish kingdom and in England, appears to have 
 had its origin in Frisia during the later period of the reign of 
 Charlemagne. Between the years 810 and 852, there have been 
 recorded five different instances of the exaction of Danegeld 
 from the Frisians. 
 
 In 810, while Charlemagne was tarrying at Aachen meditating 
 on an expedition against King Godfrey of Denmark, news was 
 brought him that a Danish fleet numbering two hundred vessels 
 had landed in Frisia. The report went on to state that the 
 Vikings, after having ravaged all the islands adjacent to the 
 Frisian coast, had transported themselves over to the mainland, 
 where they had defeated the Frisians in three successive engage- 
 ments. Complete masters of the situation, the Vikings had then 
 imposed a tribute on the conquered. Concerning the amount of 
 this tribute we know only that when Charles was informed of the 
 Viking raid, the Frisians had already liquidated the sum of 
 100 pounds of silver.t. This amount they had raised apparently 
 by taxation.” 
 
 The next levies of Danegeld in Frisia took place during the 
 later years of the reign of Louis the Pious, in 836 and 837 
 respectively. In the former year the Northmen are said, after 
 having set fire to Antwerp and the emporium of Witla, to have 
 
 1 Hinhard, Annales, 810, M.G.H., SS., I, 197; Annales Maximiniani, 810, 
 ibid., XIII, 24; Annales Mettenses, 810, Duchesne, Hist. Franc. scriptores, 
 III, 295; Poeta Saxo, V, lines 403-4, M.G.H., SS., I, 274; Einhard, Vita Karoli, 
 cee. 14, 17, ed. Garrod and Mowat, pp. 16, 20. 
 
 2 Hinhard, Ann., loc. cit.: “Danosque victores tributum victis inposuisse, 
 et vectigalis nomine centum libras argenti a Frisionibus iam esse solutas.” 
 
APPENDIX III Zot 
 
 accepted tribute from the Frisians. The amount of this tribute 
 is not indicated.* 
 
 In 837 Vikings were able, by reason of the unpreparedness 
 or disloyalty of the Frisians, to effect a landing on the island 
 of Walcheren. Several counts and other magnates were put 
 to death, while others were taken prisoner and held for ransom. 
 Then the invaders exacted tribute, or census, as they pleased; 
 they are said to have obtained an infinite amount of money of 
 diverse kinds. Proceeding on to the mainland, the Vikings de- 
 vastated Dorstadt in the same year, and received more tribute 
 from the Frisians of that region.‘ 
 
 In 846 — the year following that in which Ragnar secured 
 the first Danegeld in the West Frankish kingdom — when Frisia 
 was included in the realm of Lothaire I, the Northmen, we are 
 informed, made themselves masters of almost the entire prov- 
 ince and collected as much census there as they desired. Lo- 
 thaire, though fully aware of the outrage, was powerless either 
 to prevent or to avenge it; and so the Vikings, having filled their 
 vessels with booty and with captives, sailed away unmolested.°® 
 
 The last Danegeld recorded for Frisia was exacted in 852.° 
 In that year the Northmen arrived in a fleet numbering 252 
 ships. Large demands were made on the Frisians, who evidently 
 paid or produced what was required of them. Whereupon the 
 invaders lifted anchor and proceeded elsewhere.’ 
 
 None of these payments, it will be noted, had been sanctioned 
 by the ruler who at the time was vested with sovereign authority 
 in Frisia. In that respect the Frisian Danegeld differs both 
 from the West Frankish and the English Danegelds, which, 
 whether tributary or stipendiary, were always paid by, or in 
 
 3 Ann. Fuldenses, 836, ed. Kurze, p. 27. For the location of Witla, see 
 Vogel, 70, n. 4. 
 
 £A°Ann. Fuld... 837,: p. 28; Ann. Bert., 837, p. 13; Ann. Xantenses,-3a1, 
 M.G.H., SS., II, 226; Thegan, Vita Hludovici imperatoris, ibid., 604. 
 
 5 Ann. Bert., 846, p. 33; Ann. Xant., 846, loc. cit., 228. 
 
 6 In 873 the Viking leader Rodulf, through his envoys, demanded tribute 
 from the population of the Ostergau. The demand, however, was refused 
 by the Frisians, who declared they paid taxes only to their king, Louis the 
 German, and his sons. In the hostilities which followed, Rodulf was killed 
 and his forces were defeated. See Ann. Fuld., 873, loc. cit., p. 80; Ann. 
 Xant., 873, loc. cit., 219; Ann. Bert., 873, p. 124. Cf. Vogel, 244 ff. On Dudo’s 
 improbable statement (De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, 
 II, cc. 8-10, ed. Lair, pp. 148-50) that Frisia was by Rollo subjected to pay- 
 ment of tribute, see Vogel, p. 279. 
 
 7 Ann. Bert., 852, p. 41; ef. Miracula sancti Bavonis, Bouquet, VII, p. 153, 
 note a. 
 
possible 
 whence - 
 
 these tri 
 
 to 
 
 ‘b 
 
 he 
 
 oi 
 
 Be 
 
APPENDIX IV. 
 
 "THE DANEGELD IN LORRAINE AND THE EAST FRANKISH 
 KINGDOM. 
 
 Only one Danegeld has been recorded for the kingdom of 
 Lorraine as such. It was raised in the year 864 by Lothaire II, 
 who for this purpose exacted 4 denarii from every mansus in his 
 whole realm. The entire sum of denarii (what this amounted 
 to is not indicated) was paid, as a stipendiary Danegeld it is 
 said, to the Northman Rodulf and his men.‘ In addition to the 
 money, the Vikings received also a number of cattle and large 
 quantities of flour, wine, and beer.’ 
 
 Doubtless Lothaire was here following the example set by 
 Charles the Bald,* who, it will be remembered, in 860 had for a 
 similar consideration engaged the Vikings under Weland to 
 expel another group of Northmen established on the island 
 of Oscellus in the Seine.t But why Lothaire had found it neces- 
 sary to resort to this measure is not made clear; nor do we 
 learn of any services rendered by the Vikings in return for the 
 stipend they had received.° 
 
 * ok * * 
 
 In 882, several years after eastern Lorraine had by the treaty 
 of Mersen been annexed to the East Frankish kingdom, Emperor 
 Charles the Fat paid Danegeld to the Vikings encamped at Elsloo 
 
 1 Ann. Bert., 864, p. 67: “Hlotharius, Hlotharii filius, de omni regno suo 
 quattuor denarios ex omni manso colligens, summam denariorum cum 
 multa pensione farinae atque pecorum necnon vini ac sicerae Rodulfo Nor- 
 manno, Herioldi filio, ac suis locarii nomine tribuit.” 
 
 2 The word sicera (see the preceding note) is by Richter (Annalen des 
 friinkischen Reichs im Zeitalter der Karolinger, II, 398, note a) said to mean 
 “beer”: Vogel, p. 196, translates it “sherbet” (an intoxicating drink); Du- 
 cange (Glossarium, s. v.), after indicating that the term, which is of Hebrew 
 origin, was applied to any intoxicating drink except wine, explains how 
 sicera was brewed. 
 
 3 Cf. Diimmler, II, 76. 
 
 4 See supra, pp. 48 ff. 
 
 5 Vogel (loc. cit.) scouts the idea that this payment was a stipend and 
 maintains it was pure tribute. 
 
240 APPENDIX IV 
 
 on the Meuse. The circumstances leading up to this payment 
 are of sufficient interest and importance to be set forth in some 
 detail.® 
 
 The first half of the year 882 was, with respect to the incur- 
 sions of the Northmen, undoubtedly one of the most critical 
 periods in the history of the East Frankish kingdom. Under 
 the leadership of the two “kings” Godfrey and Siegfried, and 
 of the two princes Vurm and Hals, the Scandinavian invaders | 
 had plundered, burned, and laid waste virtually every place of 
 importance in the territory comprising the valleys of the lower 
 Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt. From the entire region most 
 of the inhabitants, and in particular the monks and the clergy, 
 had fled before the devastation of the Northmen.’ 
 
 Though several attempts were made by the East Franks to 
 check the enemy, they were all unsuccessful. To cap the climax, 
 Louis the Younger, who was the stronger and abler of the two 
 surviving sons of Louis the German, passed away on January 
 20, 882. The news of his death served only to increase the 
 audacity of the pagans, who now ascended the Rhine to plunder 
 Coblenz, and made a feint on Mainz. They proceeded still 
 
 6 The principal sources for the events to be here described are the third 
 and fourth portions of the Annals of Fulda, Regino’s Chronicle, the Annals 
 of St. Bertin, and the Annals of St. Vaast, to which may be added Helmold’s 
 Chronicles of the Slavs, though the latter is not contemporary. The third 
 part of the Annals of Fulda (Mogontiacensis), written by Meginhard, 
 breathes hostility not only to Charles the Fat, but also to the principal ad- 
 visers of the latter, in particular to Liutward, the archchaplain of the em- 
 peror and bishop of Vercellae, and to Count Wigbert, of whose position and 
 career we know very little. (He may have been a vassal of Hugo, the son 
 of Lothaire II. Hugo certainly had a vassal by that name, whom he later 
 put to death.—Regino, ed. Kurze, pp. 120-21; cf. Dummler, III, 202, n. 2.) 
 Perhaps partly on account of hostility to the emperor and the latter’s en- 
 tourage, and partly for other reasons, Meginhard expresses a very strong 
 disapproval of the.manner in which Charles dealt wih the Northmen. The 
 Continuatio Ratisbonensis of the Annals of Fulda seems to have been writ- 
 ten by a supporter of Charles and his policy. The value of each of these 
 narratives, therefore, must be discounted in proportion to its author’s an- 
 tipathies or sympathies. Regino does not attempt to pass judgment on 
 Charles the Fat and his policy, but it is clear that he was not satisfied with 
 the results of that policy (‘“‘conatus eius parum effectum obtinuit’—882, p. 
 119). Hinemar, the author of that part of the Annals of St. Bertin with 
 which we are here concerned, may have lacked complete information on 
 what was actually done at this time; he is inclined to regard Charles as a 
 coward. The author of the Annals of St. Vaast gives merely the main facts _ 
 in the case and does not in any way reveal his own attitude toward the 
 emperor and his policy. Helmold, writing almost three centuries after the 
 events he describes, is somewhat inaccurate, and wishes to emphasize the 
 inertia and foolishness of Charles. 
 
 7 On this and the following, cf. Vogel, 281 ff. 
 
APPENDIX IV 241 
 
 farther up the Moselle, attacked Treves, and even threatened 
 Metz, in the heart of upper Lorraine. 
 
 The only remaining son of Louis the German, Charles the Fat, 
 was absent in Italy, whither he had gone to accept from the 
 pope the imperial crown. Messengers despatched to Charles 
 apprised him of the danger to which his realm was exposed, and 
 urged him to hasten northward to defend his German subjects 
 against the ravages of the Vikings. The emperor, indeed, lost 
 no time in returning. In May he held a general assembly at 
 Worms, where all the vassals of the East Frankish realm swore 
 him allegiance. At the same assembly measures were devised 
 for the expulsion of the Northmen, who in the meantime had 
 established themselves in a fortified camp at Elsloo on the Meuse, 
 just below Maastricht. 
 
 In June or early in July was mobilized an immense army, in- 
 cluding contingents from all the German stems within the realm 
 of Charles. This force proceeded northward in two columns, 
 one on each side of the Rhine, to Andernach, where the columns 
 were united. From Andernach a detachment of Bavarians and 
 Franks, under Arnulf of Carinthia and Henry of Saxony re- 
 spectively, was sent forward to attack, and to capture if possible, 
 those Northmen who might be found outside the fortifications 
 of Elsloo. Though this preliminary maneuver was for some 
 reason unsuccessful, the men engaged in it were able to rejoin 
 the main army without having suffered serious losses.*® 
 
 Thereupon Charles at once advanced with his entire army 
 to Elsloo, laid siege to the Viking camp, and invested it for a 
 neriod of twelve days in the month of July. On July 21 a very 
 severe hailstorm wrought havoc among both besiegers and be- 
 sieged, causing the death of many men and animals in both 
 camps. This may have discouraged the emperor and some of 
 the Franks, who very probably regarded the storm as evidence 
 of divine wrath — God would punish the sins of his people 
 
 8 This episode is mentioned only in the Cont. Ratisb. of the Annals of 
 Fulda, the author of which attributes the failure of the movement to treach- 
 ery on the part of certain Franks who, according to current rumor, had been 
 bribed. Vogel (p. 289, p. 290, n. 1; cf. pp. 293, 294) brands this rumor as 
 false and ascribes the failure to the watchfulness of the Scandinavian spies. 
 
 Danegeld. 17. 
 
242 APPENDIX IV 
 
 by refusing to grant them victory over their enemies.” At. all 
 events Charles was induced to enter into negotiations with the 
 Northmen immediately or soon after the storm. 
 
 The initiative to these negotiations had, I believe, been taken 
 by the Northmen,'and in particular by Godfrey, their most 
 distinguished and most powerful leader.*° It was certainly an 
 opportune moment for a move of this kind, in view of the pre- 
 vailing discouragement among the Franks, resulting from the 
 effects of the storm. But Godfrey was probably too sagacious 
 to rely exclusively on his opponents’ dejected state of mind 
 for the success of his enterprise. He seems to have secured 
 the intervention in his behalf of at least two men who stood 
 close to the emperor, namely Bishop Liutward and Count Wig- 
 bert. In any case, these men were later accused by their enemies 
 of having accepted bribes from the Northmen; an accusation 
 the truth of which may of course be challenged, but which carn- 
 not be definitely proved false. 
 
 After it had been arranged that the Franks were to furnish 
 
 9 Though the storm is mentioned only by the author of the Cont. Ratisb., 
 p. 108, there is no reason to doubt the truth of his statement. Regino tells 
 us (p. 119) that the great effort of Charles to expel the Northmen met with 
 little success, “indignatione caelesti super populum christianam religionem 
 profanantem deseviente.” Hincmar, after having mentioned the arrival of 
 Charles before the Viking camp, says significantly (Ann. Bert., p. 153): 
 “concidit cor: eius.’”’ What we know in general of the character and courage 
 of Charles the Fat, certainly lends color to the theory that it was this storm 
 and its results, interpreted as an adverse sign from heaven, which, in part 
 at least, undermined the earlier confidence of the emperor in the ability of 
 his army to overcome the Northmen (cf. Dimmler, III, 201, n. 6). Besides 
 it must be remembered that the statement in Part III of the Annals of Fulda 
 (p. 98) to the effect that the Northmen were at their last gasp, terror 
 stricken, and despairing of their lives, is no doubt an exaggeration, the pur- 
 pose of which was to belittle Charles and to emphasize his cowardice. In 
 any case, Charles had at the time no means of ascertaining actual condi- 
 tions among the Northmen. The Viking army was perhaps numerically 
 inferior to the Frankish, but still it was a very large army. On its fighting 
 qualities it is not necessary again to expatiate. On the other hand, it is 
 very doubtful ‘that the Frankish investment of Elsloo was. complete; the 
 Vikings may have been able to avail themselves of their ships on the Meuse. 
 On this see Vogel, p. 290, n. 3, p. 291, n. 3. 
 
 10 The Annals of St. Bertin, Regino, and the Cont. Ratisb. give no definite 
 information as to whether it was the Northmen or the Franks that first 
 suggested negotiation. But Part III of the Annals of Fulda gives us to under- 
 stand that the initiative came from the Vikings, who had bribed Bishop 
 Liutward and Count Wigbert to suggest to the emperor that he desist from 
 the siege and enter into negotiations with Godfrey. The Annals of St. Vaast 
 also indicate that it was Godfrey who first began to negotiate. 
 
 Danegeld. 16. 
 
| t] 
 WY i} } 
 APPENDIX IV P43, | 
 
 hostages to the Northmen, Godfrey'' went to meet the emperor 
 at a place some six miles distant from Elsloo. The Viking 
 / leader offered to cease plundering the East Frankish kingdom 
 - during the lifetime of Charles, and to become a Christian and 
 
 accept baptism,'? on condition (1) that he be invested with the 
 
 counties and fiefs in Frisia which had formerly been held by 
 “ his countryman Rorich; (2) that Gisla, the daughter of Lothaire 
 2 . II, be given him in marriage;'* and (3) that his fellow Norse- 
 man Siegfried (and also Vurm and Hals?) be paid a sum of 
 money amounting to 2,412 or 2,080 pounds of gold and silver. 
 These terms were accepted by Charles, probably at the sugges- 
 tion of his advisers, Liutward and Wigbert in particular. 
 
 } 
 
 Charles the Fat has been severely criticized, by his contem- 
 poraries and by modern historians alike, for what they call his 
 pusillanimity in dealing with the Northmen on this occasion." 
 Almost all those who have written on the subject are of the 
 opinion that it was the manifest duty of Charles to annihilate 
 the invaders by pressing the siege operations, or by forcing them 
 to engage in a battle the outcome of which, it is assumed, could 
 
 11 The statement in the Cont. Ratisb. that it was Siegfried, not Godfrey, 
 
 who went to confer with Charles, appears to be an error (Dtmmler, III, 203, 
 
 b n. 2; Vogel, 291, n. 6, 292, n. 2). I believe the error should be attributed to 
 the original annalist rather than some later copyist; for in the enumeration 
 
 of the various Viking leaders a few lines before, Siegfried is mentioned first 
 
 and Godfrey second, which almost proves that in the mind of the annalist 
 
 Siegfried was manu validior. But since all the other sources agree in stat- 
 ing that the treaty was made with Godfrey, not with Siegfried, we must 
 
 conclude that the author of the Cont. Ratisb. was misinformed on this point. 
 
 12 On the baptism of Godfrey, see Dummler, III, 203, n. 1. 
 
 13 This marriage alliance is not mentioned at all by Hinemar (Vogel’s 
 assertion, p. 292, n. 2, to the contrary notwithstanding) nor in Part III of 
 the Annals of Fulda. The author of the Cont. Ratisb. states that it took 
 place in the following year. Regino and the author of the Annals of St. 
 Vaast, however, give it as one of the conditions on which Godfrey agreed 
 to become a Christian in 882. DuUmmler and Vogel, using the argument ex 
 silentio, conclude that Regino and the author of the Annals of St. Vaast in 
 some inexplicable way got the marriage alliance mixed up with the treaty 
 of 882, that in reality this marriage was not agreed upon until the following 
 year, and that it had nothing to do with the treaty of 882. But it seems 
 preferable to avoid the argument from silence and to attempt to reconcile 
 the statements of Regino and the author of the Annals of St. Vaast with 
 those of the Cont. Ratisb. It is quite possible that the marriage had been 
 agreed upon in connection with the treaty of 882, but was not consummated 
 until the following year. Cf. Vogel, 292, n. 2; Dummler, III, 203, n. 1. Vogel 
 admits, p. 299, n. 4, that Charles the Fat may have proposed the marriage. 
 
 14 Cf. Diimmler, III, 202 and n. 1; Bohmer-Miihlbacher, Regesten, no. 
 1639b. Vogel, p. 291, refers to the negotiations as “das jammervollste 
 Schauspiel, das sich tiberhaupt in der Geschichte der normannischen Hin- 
 ’ . ‘falle den Blicken bietet.” Cf. supra, p. 147. 
 
244. \ . APPENDIX IV 
 
 not have been doubtful; he should never have consented to enter 
 into negotiations with the enemy at all, and the fact that he 
 did so at a time when he might have destroyed them, is but 
 too convincing proof of his cowardice.'® 
 
 It may be admitted that Charles was lacking in valor and 
 -resoluteness. - Yet, before passing too severe judgment on what 
 he did at this time, we shall do well to reflect that Frankish 
 victory need not necessarily have followed an armed conflict 
 at Elsloo.'® Moreover, was not the policy of converting the 
 Northmen and of granting fiefs to one of their strongest leaders, — 
 precisely the method whereby the Viking problem in the West 
 Frankish realm in the end was solved?" 
 
 The money consideration received by the Northmen was, we 
 may note, comparatively small. It could not possibly have had 
 the same importance as the other provisions of the treaty. That 
 treaty itself was, so far as we can judge, a contract between 
 Charles on the one hand and Godfrey on the other, as princi- 
 pals.!® There is no evidence to show that the other Viking leaders, 
 such as Siegfried, Vurm, or Hals, engaged themselves to the 
 emperor’ in any way whatsoever.*° The quid pro quo demanded 
 and received by Godfrey for himself was (1) the counties and 
 fiefs in Frisia, and (2) the marriage alliance with Gisla, daughter 
 
 fovCie Dummier, III, 202, 203. 
 
 16 See supra, n. 9. Cf. the defeat of the Saxons under Duke Brun (Vogel, 
 276 ff.) and the failure of the Franks under Louis the Younger to force the 
 Northmen at Nimwegen to capitulate (ibid., 278 ff.). 
 
 17 That Charles and his counsellors, especially Liutward, really intended 
 to follow a policy of conciliation with the Northmen by which the latter 
 might be brought under the softening influences of the Christian religion, 
 may be gathered even from a source so hostile to Charles as Part III of the 
 Annals of Fulda. Meginhard there tells us that Godfrey had been intro- 
 duced to Charles by Liutward, and that the emperor, after the manner of 
 Ahab, received the Norseman as a friend and himself raised him from the 
 baptismal font. Later he tells us, in a very indignant tone, how Charles 
 refused to take revenge or to break off negotiations with Godfrey on ac- 
 count of some insults heaped on the Franks by the other Northmen in the 
 meantime; and how severely Charles punished anyone of his soldiers who 
 killed a Northman while the negotiations were pending, even if the North- 
 man in question had tried to enter the Frankish camp; all of which seems 
 to indicate that Charles had had in mind a rapprochment with the pagans. 
 Whether this was a wise policy, and whether it was likely to bring the de- 
 sired results, are other matters which do not concern us for the moment. 
 On the possibility of a “German Normandy,” see Vogel, p. 295. 
 
 18 See supra, n. 11. 
 
 19 This does not, of course, preclude an arrangement between Godfrey on 
 the one hand and his fellow Northmen on the other. 
 
 20 Dtimmler’s assertion (III, 203 and n. 1) to the contrary notwithstand- 
 ing. The ‘“Klausel” referred to by Dtimmler in the note contains the prom: 
 ise, not of Siegfried, but of Godfrey (see supra, n. 11). 
 
/ 
 ‘ 1 
 ! 
 
 APPENDIX IV | 2AB,, 
 
 of Lothaire II. It is true that Godfrey also accepted moncy, 
 but this he used as a means of inducing the other Vikings to 
 quit the territories subject to Charles the Fat.*! Accordingly, 
 the money payment must be regarded as the least important part 
 of the treaty.** Undoubtedly Godfrey realized that the other 
 Northmen would not have been content to see him in exclusive 
 possession of all the fruits of the treaty; therefore, after a gen- 
 eral understanding had been arrived at, he persuaded the em- 
 peror to grant him this “subsidy” in order that with it he might 
 secure the retreat of his fellow warriors. 
 
 The exact amount of money received by Godfrey is somewhat 
 doubtful. Some of our sources refer to it very indefinitely or 
 say nothing about it.** Two sources are more specific, but do 
 not agree. According to one of these it was 2,412 pounds of 
 gold and silver ;** according to the other, 2,080 pounds or a little 
 more.*’> The latter figure, it is said, was based on reckoning 
 a pound as being worth 20 solidi. 
 
 This Danegeld was not raised by taxation. Charles appears 
 to have secured the entire amount by drawing on the treasuries 
 of those churches which had escaped being plundered by the 
 
 21 The author of the Cont. Ratisb. makes clear that the money was first 
 paid to Godfrey, but gives no information as to how he used it. Meginhard 
 (in Part III of the Annals of Fulda), speaking of Charles’s relations with 
 Godfrey, says the money was paid to inimicis. Rezgino and Hinemar state 
 explicitly that the fiefs were given to Godfrey, and the money to Siegfried. 
 From these statements I draw the conclusion expressed above in the text. 
 
 22 The money is referred to in Cont. Ratisb. as gifts (munera) presented 
 by Charles to Godfrey just before the latter was about to return to the Vik- 
 ing camp, and two days after the treaty proper had been concluded. In 
 fact this writer gives the impression that the money payment was not really 
 required by the terms of the treaty; that rather it was gratuitous on the 
 part of Charles, who thereby wished to strengthen the bonds of friendship 
 with Godfrey. Even Meginhard (Part III of the Annals of Fulda), who 
 strongly disapproves of the treaty, does not speak of the money payment 
 until after he has made clear the other and principal features of the treaty; 
 he declares that the payment of the money was a greater crime than the 
 handing over of the counties and benefices, since the money was taken 
 from the church treasuries; to this writer it was tantamount to paying 
 tribute, yet he explains that Charles in paying over the money, did so on 
 the advice of some scoundrels—which seems to imply that it was not really 
 necessary or required by the terms of the treaty. Regino and Hinemar do 
 not speak of the money until after they have discussed the terms made with 
 Godfrey, and then state that it was paid to Siegfried and the other North- 
 men. The Annals of St. Vaast do not mention the money at all. 
 
 23 Regino, p. 120, says quite indefinitely: “immensum pondus auri et 
 argenti”’; Ann. Bert., p. 153: “plura milia:argenti et auri.” 
 
 24 Ann. Fuld., Part III, p. 99. 
 25 Ibid., Cont. Ratisb., p. 108. 
 
of: the churcle Preneree reer as. ba gift: te hos 
 : However good the intentions of the emperor ‘and his advisers ~ 
 
 : that Charles gained neither prestige nor popularity thereby.” 
 
 been forced to give up any part of the immense booty which 
 
 the Vikings sent off to Scandinavia on two hundred heavily 
 laden vessels.** Godfrey and his men probably withdrew to their 
 newly granted fiefs in Frisia ;** while Siegfried, Vurm, and Hals, 
 with their followers, repaired — after they had set fire to De- 
 -_-venter, a Frisian port, and had made some attempts at plunder- 
 ing along the lower Rhine —to the West Frankish realm, to 
 cet “ commence fresh plundering operations.** 
 
 26 Ann. Fuld., III, p. 99. 
 
 as counter with the Northmen. The revenues of the see during the period of 
 oh the vacancy were by Charles the Fat allowed to Hugo, the son of Lothaire 
 
 together with the marriage of Godfrey to Hugo’s sister Gisla (cf. supra, p. 
 243 and n. 13) leads one to suspect that Hugo had possibly been one of the 
 _ intermediaries between the Northmen and Charles the Fat. The treaty of 
 - 882 certainly redounded to the advantage of Hugo. ; 
 
 with Hugo, whose sister he marr ‘ied about the same time (ibid., p. 100). 
 
 but | recently been plundering and destroying their ssh a 30 
 
 may have been in concluding the treaty of 882, it is certain 
 
 : ~ 
 
 Again fortune had favored the Vikings. So far from having 
 
 they had gathered together in the past months, the freebooters — 
 were now furnished with more money or plate. A large part 
 of this plunder, together with a number of captives, was by 
 
 *k k k % 
 
 27 Ann. Bert., p. 153. 
 28 The bishop had been killed earlier in the same year in a hostile en- 
 
 Il—much to the disgust of Hinecmar (Ann. Bert., p. 153). This fact taken — 
 
 29 Cf. Ann. Fuld., III, loc. cit. 
 30 Cf. 1bid.; Ann. Bert., loc. cit. 
 
 31 See Regino, loc. cit.; Helmold, Chronica Slavorum, 1, 7, M.G.H., SS., 
 Me onl OCLs Dummier, III, 204, 
 
 32 Ann. Fuld., III, p. 99. 
 33 Ibid. In the following year (883) Godfrey entered te a close ainanes 
 
 34 See Vogel, p. 294. 
 
APPENDIX IV PINT. 
 
 That there were both in Lorraine and in the East Frankish 
 kingdom numerous payments of local Danegeld, i. e. ransom 
 payments for persons and places, can not be doubted. But only 
 one instance thereof has, so far as my observations go, been 
 chronicled. It is that of Count Eberhard, who in the year 880 
 was ransomed at a “very great price’ by his mother Evesa. 
 How Evesa obtained this ransom money is not indicated.*® Du- 
 do’s story of the ransom of Reginar Langhals of Hainaut by his 
 wife in the same year, in return for all the gold in the duchy, is 
 probably legendary.*® 
 
 35 Regino, 881, p. 117; cf. Vogel, p. 278. 
 36 See Dudo, De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, Il, e. 10, 
 ed. Lair, p. 150;- cf. Vogel, pp. 279-80. 
 
- ‘APPENDIX V. 
 - THE DANEGELD IN BRITTANY. 
 
 Whether a general Danegeld was ever paid to the Northmen 
 in Brittany, must be regarded as doubtful. It is true, however, 
 that in 847 the Breton duke Nominoé, after he had been thrice 
 defeated by the Vikings and finally put to flight, opened nego- 
 tiations with the invaders and was able, by the presentation of 
 “oifts,’” to induce them to evacuate his territory.t These gifts 
 may or may not have consisted of money. That the Northmen 
 were willing, on occasion, to accept considerations other than 
 money, is certain. For in the year 869 Solomon, the second 
 successor of Nominoé, could make peace with the pagans by 
 furnishing them with five hundred cows.’ 
 
 Local Danegeld was doubtless paid in Brittany, as elsewhere, 
 on many occasions. But the recorded instances thereof are but 
 few in number. Bishop Courantgenus of Vannes was in all 
 probability ransomed from Viking captivity in the year 854.° 
 In the following year the monks of St. Sauveur de Redon ran- 
 somed Count Pascwet of Vannes, by handing over to the North- 
 men a chalice and a paten, both of gold, and weighing together 
 as much as 67 solidi. Later, however, this same Pascwet did 
 not hesitate to pay a stipendiary Danegeld — the amount of 
 which is not indicated — to a group of Vikings whom he en- 
 gaged to aid him as mercenaries against his rival Vurfand, count 
 of Rennes.° 
 
 1 Ann. Bert.. 847. p. 35: “Dani partem inferioris Galliae quam Brittones 
 incolunt adeuntes, ter cum eisdem bellantes, superant; Nomenogiusque vic- 
 tus cum suis fugit, dein [per] legatos muneribus a suis eos sedibus amovit.” 
 
 2 Regino, 874, ed. Kurze, p. 108; cf. Ann. Bert., 869, p. 107. See Vogel, 
 Devcon. 
 
 3 See Cartulaire de Saint-Sauveur de Redon, ed. de Courson, XL, p. 369, 
 Binet bee Dao.) Cl. Vozel, p. 145: 
 
 4 The sacred vessels were later redeemed from the pagans by Pascwet. 
 Cart. de Saint-Sauveur de Redon, XXVI, p. 21; cf. Vogel, p. 150. 
 
 5 Regino, 874, p. 107. 
 
 TO THIS ESSAY THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION AWARDED THE HERBERT 
 BAXTER ADAMS PRIZE IN EUROPEAN HISTORY FOR 1921. 
 
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