The person charging this material js re- sponsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below, Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN L161—O.-1096 BURGOYNE'S SURRENDER: ONE HUNDREDTH See OF THE EVENT, OCTOBER 17, 1877, bese wen unR VED ER, N.Y. By GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS. NEW YORK: BAKER & GODWIN, PRINTERS, No. 25 Park Row, 1897. Re aa nee } AS rat ie) { ‘I ed i Hd t Dis ; os * : é ' 7 - 4 $ * s , a ~ » As , y es ‘ | eed — ar te Sal a> heer. ‘ j “ee le a $a ae ee ¥ or ~ Be ny a ‘fa re Pe * wi = Foe ’ L sh he ' kv ne pe as De , ge a us Pek e ee <4 fs : at ee oe 7 }. 7 _ £ ORATION. WITHIN the territory of New York, bread, fertile and fair, from Montauk to Niagara, from the Adirondacks to the bay, there is no more memorable spot than that on which we stand. Elsewhere, indeed, the great outlines of the landscape are more imposing, and on this autumnal day the parting benediction of the year rests with the same glory on other hills and other waters of the imperial State. Far above, these gentle heights rise into towering mount- ains ; far below, this placid stream broadens and deepens around the metropolis of the continent into a spacious highway for the commerce of the world. Other valleys with teeming intervale and fruitful upland, rich with ro- mantic tradition and patriotic story, filled like this with happy homes and humming workshops, wind through the vast commonwealth, ample channels of its various life ; and town and city, village and hamlet, church and school, everywhere illustrate and promote the prosperous repose of a community great, intelligent and free. But this spot alone within our borders is consecrated as the scene of one of the decisive events that affect the course of history. There are deeds on which the welfare of the world seems to be staked ; conflicts in which liberty is lost or won; vic- tories by which the standard of human progress is full high advanced. Between sunrise and sunset, on some chance field the deed is done, but from that day it is a field en- chanted. Imagination invests it with “The light that never was on sea or land.” The grateful heart of mankind repeats its name ; Heroism feeds upon its story ; Patriotism kindles with its perennial fire. Such is the field on which we stand. It is not ours. It does not belong to New York; norto America. It is an 4 indefeasible estate of the world, like the field of Arbela, of Tours, of Hastings, of Waterloo ; and the same lofty charm that draws the pilgrim to the plain of Marathon resistlessly leads him to the field of Saratoga. The drama of the revolution opened in New England, culminated in New York, and closed in Virginia. It was a happy fortune that the three colonies which represented the various territorial sections of the settled continent were each in turn the chief seat of war. The common sac- rifice, the common struggle, the common triumph, tended to weld them locally, politically and morally together. Doubtless there were conflicts of provincial pride and jeal- ousy and suspicion. The Virginia officers smiled loftily at the raw Yankee militia; the Green Mountain boys dis- trusted the polished discipline of New York ; and the New York Schuyler thought those boys brave but dangerously independent. In every great crisis of the war, however, there was a common impulse and devotion, and the welfare of the continent obliterated provincial lines. It is by the few heaven-piercing peaks, not by the confused mass of upland, that we measure the height of the Andes, of the Alps, of the Himalaya. It is by Joseph Warren not by Benjamin Church, by John Jay not by Sir John Johnson, by George Washington not by Benedict Arnold, that we test the quality of the revolutionary character. The voice of Patrick Henry from the mountains answered that of James Otis by the sea. Paul Revere’s lantern shone through the valley of the Hudson, and flashed along the cliffs of the Blue Ridge. The scattering volley of Lexing- ton Green swelled to the triumphant thunder of Saratoga, and the reverberation of Burgoyne’s falling arms in New York shook those of Cornwallis in Virginia from his hands. Doubts, jealousies, prejudices, were merged in one common devotion. The union of the colonies to secure liberty, foretold the union of the States to maintain it, and where- ever we stand on revolutionary fields, or inhale the sweet- ness of revolutionary memories, we tread the ground and breathe the air of invincible national union. 5 Our especial interest and pride, to-day, are in the most important event of the revolution upon the soil of New York. Concord and Lexington, Bunker Hill and Bennington, the Brandywine and Germantown, have had their fitting centennial commemorations, and already at Kingston and Oriskany, New York has taken up the wondrous tale of her civil and military achievements. In proud continuation of her story we stand here. Sons of sires who bled with Sterling on the Long Island shore; who fought with Herkimer in the deadly Oneida defile ; who defended the Highland forts with George Clinton; who, with Robert Livingston and Gouverneur Morris, were driven from town to town by stress of war, yet framed a civil constitution, all untouched by the asperity of the conflict and a noble model for all free States ; sons of sires who, leaving the plough and the bench, gathered on this historic war-path—the key of the then civilized continent ; the western battle ground of Eu- rope ; the trail by which Frontenac’s Indians prowled to_ Schenectady, and crept to the Connecticut and beyond ; the way by which Sir William Johnson and his army passed in the old French war, and humbled Dieskau at Lake George ; the road along which Abercrombie and his bright array marched to disaster in the summer morning, and Amherst marshaled his men to co-operate with Wolf in the humbling of Quebec; sons of sires who, mustering here on ground still trembling with the tread of armies, where the air forever echoes with the savage warwhoop, or murmurs with the pathetic musie of the march and the camp— * Why, soldiers, why Should we be melancholy, boys ? Whose business ’tis to die! ”’ even here withstood the deadly British blow and envelop- ing the haughty Burgoyne, compelled not only him to yield his sword, but England to surrender an empire ; sons of such sires, who should not proudly recall such deeds of theirs and gratefully revere their memory, would be for- ever scorned as faituless depositaries of the great English 6 and American tradition, and the great human benediction, of patient, orderly, self-restrained liberty. When King George heard of the battle of Bunker Hill, he consoled himself with the thought that New York was still unswervingly loyal; and it was the hope and the faith of his ministry that the rebellion might at last be baffled in that great colony. It was a region of vast extent, but thinly peopled, for the population was but little more than one hundred and sixty thousand. It had been settled by men of various races, who, upon the sea shore, and through the remote valleys, and in the primeval wilderness, cherished the freedom that they brought and transmitted to their child- ren. But the colony lacked that homogeneity of population which produces general sympathy of conviction and con- -eert of action ; which gives a community one soul, one heart, one hand, interprets every man’s thought to his neighbor, and explains so much of the great deeds of the Grecian commonwealths, of Switzerland, and of Old and New En- gland. In New York, also, were the hereditary manors— vast domains of a few families, private principalities, with feudal relations and traditions—and the spirit of a splendid proprietary life was essentially hostile to doctrines of pop- ular right and power. In the magnificent territory of the Mohawk and its tributaries, Sir William Johnson, amid his family and dependents, lived in baronial state among the Indians, with whom he was allied by inarriage, and to whom he was the vicar of their royal father over the sea. The Johnsons were virtually supreme in the country of the Mohawk, and as they were intensely loyal, the region west of Albany became a dark and bloody ground of civil strife. In the city of New York, and in the neighboring counties of Westchester upon the river and sound, of Richmond upon the bay, and Queens and Suffolk on the sea, the fear that sprang from conscious exposure to the naval power of Great Britain, the timidity of commercial trade, the nat- ural loyalty of numerous officers of the crown, all combined to foster antipathy to any disturbance of that establish- ed authority which secured order and peace. 7 But deeper and stronger than all other causes was the tender reluctance of Englishmen in America to believe that reconciliation with the mother country was impossi- ble. Even after the great day on Bunker Hill, when, in full sight of his country and of all future America, Joseph Warren, the well-beloved disciple of American liberty, fell, Congress, while justifying war, recoiled from declaring independence. Doubtless the voice of John Adams, of Massachusetts, counseling immediate and entire sepa- ration, spoke truly for the unanimous and fervent patriot- ism of New England; but doubtless, also, the voice of John Jay, of New York, who knew the mingled sentiment of the great province whose position in the struggle must be decisive, in advising one more appeal to the king, was a voice of patriotism as pure, and of courage as un- quailing. 7 The appeal was made, and made in vain. ‘The year that opened with Concord and Lexington, ended with the gloomy tragedy of the Canada campaign. On the last day of the year, in a tempest of sleet and snow, the combined forces of New England and New York made a desperate, futile onset ; and the expedition from which Washington and the country had anticipated results so inspiring was dashed in pieces against the walls of Quebec. The country mourned, but New York had a peculiar sorrow. Leaving his tranquil and beautiful home upon this river, one of her noblest soldiers—brave, honorable, gentle—the son in law of Liv- ingston, the friend of Schuyler, after a brief career of glory, died the death of a hero. ‘‘ You shall not blush for your Montgomery,” he said to his bride, as he left her. For fifty years a widow, his bride saw him no more. But while this stately river flows through the mountains to the sea, its waves will still proudly murmur the name, and recall the romantic and heroic story of Richard Mont- gomery. The year 1776 was not less gloomy for the American cause. Late in November Washington was hurriedly re- treating across New Jersey, pursued by Cornwallis, his army crumbling with every step, the State paralyzed with terror, 8 Congress flying affrighted from Philadelphia to Baltimore, and the apparent sole remaining hope of American Inde- pendence, the rigor of winter, snow, and impassable roads. Ah, no! It was not in winter but in summer that that hope lay, not in the relentless frost of the elements, but in the heavenly fire of hearts beating high with patri- otic resolve, and turning the snow flakes of that terrible retreat into immortal roses of victory and joy. While Howe and his officers, in the warm luxury and wild de- bauchery of the city they had captured, believed the war ended, gaily sang and madly caroused, Washington, in the dreary Christmas evening, turned on the ice of the Delaware, and struck the Hessians fatally at Trenton ; then in the cold January sunrise, defeating the British at Prinece- ton, his army filed with bleeding feet into the highlands of New Jersey, and, half starved and seantily clothed, encamped upon the frozen hills of Morristown. ‘The Americans have done much,” said despairingly one of their truest friends in England, Edmund Burke, ‘but it is now evident that they cannot look standing armies in the face.”” That, however, was to be determined by the campaign of 1777. | For that campaign England was already preparing. Seven years before, General Carleton, who still commanded in Canada, had proposed to hold the water line between the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the bay of New York, to pre- vent a separation of the colonies. It was now proposed to hold it to compel a separation. The ocean mouths of the great waterway were both in complete possession of the crown. It was a historic war path. Here had raged the prolonged conflict between France and England for the control of the continent, and in fierce war upon the waters of New York, no less than on the plains of Abraham, the power of France in America finally fell. Here, also, where it had humbled its proud rival, the strong hand of England grasping for unjust dominion was to be triumphantly shaken off. This region was still a wilderness. Seventy. years before, the first legal land title in it was granted. In 1745, thirty years before the Revolution, it was the 9 extreme English outpost. In 1777, the settlers were few, and they feared the bear and the catamount less than the Tory and the Indian. They still built block houses for retreat and defense like the first New England settlers a hundred and fifty years before. Nowhere during the Revo- lution were the horrors of civil war so constant and so dire as here. The Tories seized and harassed, shot and hung the Whigs, stole their stock and store, burned their barns and ruined their crops, and the Whigs remorselessly retaliated. The stealthy Indian struck, shrieked and vanished. The wolf and the wild cat lurked in the thicket. Man and beast were equally cruel. Terror overhung the fated region, and as the great invasion approached, the universal flight and devastation recalled the grim desola- tion in Germany during the thirty years’ war. Of that invasion, and of the campaign of 1777, the central figure is John Burgoyne. No name among the British generals of the Revolution is more familiar, yet he was neither a great soldier nor a great man. He was willing to bribe his old comrade in arms, Charles Lee, to betray the American cause, and he threatened to loose savages upon the Americans for defending it. Burgoyne was an admirable type of the English fashionable gentleman of his day. The grandson of a baronet, a Westminster boy, and trained to arms, he eloped with a daughter of the great Whig house of Derby, left the army and lived gaily on the continent. Restored to a military career by polit- ical influence, he served as a captain in France, and return- ing to England was elected to Parliament. He went a brigadier to Portugal, and led a brilliant charge at Valentia d’ Alcantara, was complimented by the great Count Lippe, and flattered by the British prime minister. For his gal- lantry the king of Spain gave him a diamond ring, and with that blazing on his finger he returned once more to England, flushed with brief glory. There for some years he was a man of pleasure. He wrote slight verses and little plays that are forgotten. Reynolds painted his portrait in London, as Ramsay had painted it in Rome. Horace Wal- pole sneered at him for his plays, but Lord Chatham praised 2 10 him tor his military notes. Tall and handsome, graceful and winning in manner, allied to a noble house, a favorite at court and on parade, he was a gay companion at the table, the club and the theatre. The king admired his dra- goons, and conferred upon him profitable honors, which secured to him a refined and luxurious life. In Parlia- ment, when the American war began, Burgoyne took the high British ground, but with the urbanity of a soldier, and he gladly obeyed the summons to service in America, and sailed with Howe and Clinton on the great day that the British troops marched to Concord. He saw the battle of Bunker Hill, and praised the American cour- age and military ability, but was very sure that trained troops would always overcome militia. The one American whom he extolled was Samuel Adams. He thought that he combined the ability of Ceesar with the astuteness of Cromwell; that he led Franklin and all the other leaders, and that if his counsels continued to control the continent, America must be subdued or relinquished. Burgoyne saw little actual service in this country until he arrived at Quebec on the 6th of May, 1777, as commander of the great enterprise of the year. The plan of campaign was large and simple. One expedition led by Burgoyne, was to force its way trom Quebec to Albany, through the valley of the Hudson, and another, under St. Leger, was to push through the valley of the Mohawk, to the same point. At Albany they were to join General Howe, who would ad- vance up the river from the bay. By the success of these combined operations, the British would command New York, and New England would be absolutely eut off. This last result alone would be a signal triumph. New England was the nest of rebellion. There were the fields where British power was first defied in arms. There were the Green Mountains from which Ethan Allen and his boys had streamed upon Ticonderoga. There was Boston bay where the tea had been scattered, and Narragansett bay where the Gaspe had been burned, and the harbors of Ma- chias and of Newport, from which British ships had been chased to sea. There were Fanueil Hall and the town 11 meeting. There was Boston, whose port had been closed— Boston with the street of the massacre—Boston, of which King George had bitterly said that he would ‘as lief fight the Bostonians as the French.” There were the pulpits which preached what Samuel Adams called liberty, and Samuel Johnson sedition. The very air of New England was full of defiance. The wocds rustled it, the waters murmured it, the stern heart of its rugged nature seemed to beat in unison with the stout heart of man, and all throbbed together with the invincible Anglo Saxon instinct of liberty. To cut off New England from her sisters-— to seize and hold the great New York valleys of Champlain and the Hudson—was to pierce the heart of the rebellion, and to paralyze America. Here, then, was to be the crucial struggle. Here in New York once more the contest for the Western continent was to be decided. Burgoyne had airily said in London, that with an army of ten thousand men he could promenade through America, and now the brilliant gentleman was to make good his boast. While he was crossing the ocean to begin his task, and when every possible effort should have been made by Congress to meet the ample and splendid preparations for the British invasion, wretched intrigues displaced Gen- eral Schuyler in the northern department, and it was not until late in May that he was restored to the command. The peril was at hand, but it was impossible to collect men. By the end of June, the entire garrison of Ticon- deroga and Fort Independence, the first great barrier against the advance of Burgoyne, consisted of twenty-five hundred continentals and nine hundred militia, barefooted and ragged, without proper arms or sufficient blankets, and lacking every adequate preparation for defense. But more threatening than all, was Sugar-loaf Hill, rising above Ticonderoga, and completely commanding the fort. General Schuyler saw it, but even while he pointed out the danger, and while General St. Clair, the Commandant of the post, declared that from the want of troops nothing could be done, the drums of Burgoyne’s army were joy- fully beating in the summer dawn; the bugles rang, the 12 cannon thundered, the rising June sun shone on the sear- let coats of British grenadiers, on the bright helmets of German dragoons, and on burnished artillery and polished arms. ‘There were more than seven thousand trained and veteran troops, besides Canadians and Indians. They were admirably commanded and equipped, although the means of land transport were fatally insufficient. But all was hope and confidence. The battle flags were unfurled, the word was given, and with every happy augury, the royal standard of England proudly set forward for conquest: On the 1st of July, the brilliant pageant of swept up Lake Champlain, and the echoes of the mighty wilderness which had answered the guns of Amherst and the drum-beat of Montealm, saluted the frigates and the gunboats that, led by a dusky swarm of Indians in bark canoes, stretched between the eastern shore, along which Riedesel and the Germans marched, and the main body advancing with Phillips upon the west. The historic waters of Champlain have never seen a spectacle more splendid than the ad- vancing army of Burgoyne. But so with his glittering Asian hordes, two thousand years before, the Persian king advanced to Salamis. At evening the British army was before Ticonderoga. The trained eye of the Hnglish engineers instantly saw the advantage of Sugar-loaf, the higher hill, and the ris- ing sun of the 5th of July glared in the amazed eyes of the Ticonderoga garrison, on the red coats entrenched upon Sugar-loaf, with their batteries commanding every point within the fort, and their glasses every movement. Sugar- loaf had become Mount Defiance. St. Clair had no choice. All day he assumed indifference, but quietly made every preparation, and before dawn the next day he stole away. The moon shone, but his flight was undetected, until the flames of a fire foolishly set to a house suddenly flashed over the landscape and revealed his retreat. He was in- stantly pursued. His rear guard was overtaken, and by the valor of its fierce but hopeless fight gave an undying name to the wooded hills of Hubbardton. Ticonderoga fell, and the morning of its fall was the 13 high hour of Burgoyne’s career. Without a blow, by the mere power of his presence, he had undone the electric deed of Ethan Allen; he had captured the historic prize of famous campaigns. The chief obstruction to his triumphal American promenade had fallen. The bright promise of the Invasion would be fulfilled, and Burgoyne would be the lauded hero of the war. Doubtless his handsome lip curled in amused disdain at the flying and frightened militia, plough boys that might infest but could not impede his further advance. His eager fancy could picture the delight of London, the joy of the clubs, of Parliament, of the King. He could almost hear the royal George _bursting into the Queen’s room and shouting, “I have beat all the Americans.” He could almost read the assurance of the minister to the proud Earl, his father-in-law, that the king designed for him the vacant Red Ribbon. But his aspiring ambition surely anticipated a loftier reward— a garter, a coronet, and at last, Westminster Abbey and undying glory. Ticonderoga fell, and with it, apparently, fell in Europe all hope of the patriot cause ; and in America, all confidence and happy expectation. The tories were jubilant. The wavering Indians were instantly open enemies. The militia sullenly went home. The solitary settlers fled southward through the forests and over the eastern hills. Hven Albany was appalled, and its pale citi- zens seut their families away. Yet this panic stricken valley of the upper Hudson was now the field on which, if anywhere, the cause was to be saved. Five counties of the State were in the hands of the enemy; three were in anarchy. Schuyler was at Fort Edward with scarcely a thousand men. The weary army of St. Clair, shrunken to fifteen hundred continentals, all the militia having dropped away, struggled for a week through the forest, and emerged forlorn and exhausted at the fort. Other troops arrived, but the peril was imminent. New York was threatened at every point, and with less than five thousand ill-equipped regulars and militia to oppose the victorious Burgoyne, who was but a single long day’s march away, with only the forts 14 and the boom and chain in the Highlands to stay Clinton’s ascent from the bay, and only the little garrison at Fort Stanwix to withstand St. Leger, General Schuyler and the council of State implored aid from every quarter.