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EMBASSIES AND FOREIGN COURTS. 
 
‘¢Gentle Reader, —I presume thou wilt be very inquisitive to 
 know what antick or personate actor this is, that so insolently 
 intrudes, upon this common theatre, to the world’s view, arro- 
 gating another man’s name, whence he is, why he doth it, and 
 what he hath to say. Although, as he said, ‘Primum, si noluero, 
 non respondebo : quis coacturus est?’ If I be urged, I will as 
 readily reply, as that Egyptian in Plutarch, when a curious 
 fellow would needs know what he had in his basket, ‘ Quum 
 vides velatam, quid inquiris in rem absconditam ?’ Seek not 
 after that which is hid: if the contents please thee and be for 
 thy use, suppose the man in the moon, or whom thou wilt, to be 
 the author.”—Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy. 
 
EMBASSIES AND FOREIGN 
 COURTS. 
 
 A HISTORY OF DIPLOMACY. 
 
 BY 
 
 “THE ROVING ENGLISHMAN.” 
 
 Author of the “‘ Pictures from the Battle Field,” ‘“‘ Turkey,” &c. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 G. ROUTLEDGE & CO., FARRINGDON STREET; 
 NEW YORK: 18, BEEKMAN STREET. 
 1855. 
 
LONDON : 
 BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIABS. 
 
*\ 
 
 \\ 
 
 aes, ‘“ fe) Mo eek 
 
 19 
 
 : =e is ho ee 
 : Site war yd ocd Rd~s HF 49 
 
 Medication. 
 
 Tuis little book would be inscribed with the 
 name of a dear friend and colleague, if I did not 
 feel how little worthy are my best efforts to be 
 compared with his fine genius, his delightful wit, 
 
 and surprising learning. 
 
Pi 
 
 Sul heen iN ‘ 
 
 
 
PREFACE. 
 a 
 
 I pEstrE in the plainest language to confess 
 my great obligations to the works of Miruss, 
 Martens, Wheaton, de Wicquefort, Bynkershoek, 
 De Calliéres, Flassan, Cussy, and all those 
 authors from whose labours I have profited 
 so largely. 
 
 A writer who has already received kindness 
 and favour from the British public, should be 
 cautious how he intrudes on them again, lest he 
 forfeit their good graces. He should remember 
 that he is addressing men singularly laborious 
 and learned; the soundest thinkers, and the ablest 
 critics in the world ; men to whose healthy and 
 vigorous minds all pretension and nonsense are 
 utterly abhorrent ; and who will turn with galling 
 
 contempt from any one who has boasted of his 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 strength only to display his weakness, or who is 
 convicted of carelessness and impropriety through- 
 out the longest work. The British public is at 
 once the most fastidious and the most exacting. 
 They are accustomed to a literary banquet too 
 splendid and abundant from the best authors, to 
 tolerate indigestible crudities from any other 
 quarter. The laurel is not for him who writes a 
 book,- but for him who writes always well. Deeply 
 conscious of this, I have tried, in earnestness 
 and sincerity, to do my best; but if sometimes 
 my attention has played truant, or my sight 
 erown dim, I have only to plead in extenuation 
 of my errors that natural sluggishness and imper- 
 fection of mind against which diligence struggles 
 in vain, and good-will is useless. 
 
 I am conscious that I have not always been 
 happy in the use of quotations. The art of 
 quoting pertinently is one of the most difficult 
 in literature; and perhaps I should have done 
 better had I now and then compressed a lengthy 
 extract into a few pregnant sentences of plain 
 English. In dealing, however, with a great 
 
 authority, there is risk in adding or curtailing 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 anything. When all was to be said, therefore, it 
 appeared to me that the language had better be 
 preserved likewise. Perhaps this was an error. 
 The transition from one style and from one idiom 
 to another is abrupt and disagreeable. A bright 
 man is not always sufficiently master of several 
 foreign languages to read them with ease; and 
 therefore the current of his thought is inter- 
 rupted, his attention is fatigued, and his taste 
 offended. 
 
 In a work of this kind there must be always 
 some sudden changes of subject. I have often, 
 during so arduous a task, been glad to seize a 
 fact or a thought, lest it glided from me; and 
 thus, where it would have been inserted with 
 more artistic skill in one page, it has found place 
 in another. I have also to apologise for some 
 needless repetitions; but I discovered these 
 faults, as well as others, when it was too late to 
 correct them. 
 
 Finally, I do not presume for a moment to 
 claim the merit of scholarship, or the award of 
 fame. I have merely taken some pains and spent 
 
 some time in trying to explain, partly from books 
 
oe PREFACE. 
 
 and partly from experience, an art and mystery 
 on which public curiosity is reasonably excited. 
 That there should not be faults, and many faults, 
 in a work of this kind, is impossible. In trans- 
 lating from various idioms—in searching half- 
 a-dozen languages for the matter of a single 
 page—it was hard to avoid confusion and inele- 
 gance of style. Nevertheless I trust that few 
 srave errors of fact have crept into this work, 
 and that the scholar and the lawyer, conscious 
 of the difficulties which have strewn my path, 
 will not be unwilling to acknowledge that I have 
 sometimes surmounted them, and always most 
 heartily and zealously endeavoured to do so. 
 Lastly, a devotion ardent, anxious and complete, 
 to one subject—the devotion of long years 
 unwearled—may perhaps venture to hope for 
 indulgence where it has failed to attain excel- 
 
 lenee, or win success. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 —_+4——_- 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 Page 
 The Early Ages.—Primitive Embassies. —Rarity of Intercourse 
 between Nations.—Rights of Legation first settled by Special 
 Treaties. —Permanent Embassies unknown. —Ceremonies, 
 Customs, and Superstitions.—The Justinian Code.—The 
 Mosaic Law. — The Biblical Ages. —Sacred Character of 
 Ambassadors in Egypt.— The Jus Feciale. — Embassy of 
 Themistocles. —Greek Embassies. —The Feciales. — Pater 
 Patratus.—Jus Gentium ° m ‘ : “ eed 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The Germans.—Legists.—Decisions by Precedent.—Influence 
 of the Crusades.—Spain and Italy.—Grotius.— Rights of 
 Legation.—Diplomatic Records. —The Peace of ane 
 —Principal Collections of Treaties . 7 » 13 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Policy of Louis XIV.—Puffendorf.— Rachel. — Wiequefort.— 
 Memoirs of Public Men.—Franeois de Calliéres.—Bynkers- 
 hoek . 3 3 é F . ‘ : Z . 24 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Necessity of Diplomatic Missions. —The Right of Negotiation. 
 —How exercised.—Royal Meetings. —Receptions of Envoys. 
 —Plenipotentiaries.—Negotiations in Writing. —Permanent 
 Embassies.— Representative Rank.—The Diplomatic Corps 32 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Page 
 Qualifications for a Diplomatist. — Formalities. — Objects of 
 Study.—Case of General Haynau.—Diplomacy.—Ossat and 
 Mazarin.—Richelieu.—International Disputes . ; Shei 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Active Rights of Legation.—Tributary States. —The States 
 of the Empire.—The Swiss Cantons.—Wallachia and Mol- 
 davia.—Towns and Corporations.—Neuchatel and Bienne. 
 —Sovereigns who have Abdicated, or been Dethroned.— 
 Interregna.—The Passive Rights of Legation.—No State is 
 bound to receive Ambassadors.—Law of Charles V.—Reasons 
 for refusing to receive Ambassadors.—How far such Refusal 
 may extend . A . “ : : ‘ ; oui eee 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Full Powers.—Plenipotentiaries.—Duration of Embassies.— 
 Ambassadors and Envoys Extraordinary.—Various denomi- 
 nations of Ambassadors.— Arch-Ambassadors.— Diplomatic 
 Rank.—Strange Delusions.—Ministers Resident.—Chargés 
 d’ Affaires.—Gentlemen Hnvoys.— Ministers of State at a 
 Congress. —The ancient Venetian Bailo.— The Podesta,— 
 Legate or Nuncio . ; ; : : : : » 1169 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Envoys of the Second Class.—The French Ambassador at the 
 Porte.—The Austrian Internuncio.—A Polish Internuncio. 
 —A Papal Minister. — Diplomatic Envoys of the Third 
 Class. — Commissioners, — Deputies. — Private Agents,— 
 Secret Agents . : ; \ . ; 4 reves 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Right of Sovereigns to appoint Ambassadors.—Right of Re- 
 publics.—The Electoral Princes of Germany.—The Princes 
 of the Empire.—The Grand Master of the Knights of Malta. 
 —American Embassy to Russia. — Russian Embassy to 
 Persia.—Remarkable Anecdote.—Great Britain and Han- 
 over.—Choice of Ambassadors.— Refusal to receive an Am- 
 bassador.—Age of Ambassadors.—Female Diplomatists.— 
 Religion, —N obility : ; . , ; , cos 0) 
 
CONTENTS. xili 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 Page 
 Credentials.—Official Letters. —Passports.—Safe Conducts in 
 Time of War.—How far Nations are bound by the Acts of 
 Ambassadors.—Full Powers.—Diets and Congresses. —The 
 Hanse Towns.—Instructions . : : - . 113 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Letter-opening : Swift, Martin Luther, Duclos, St. Simon and 
 Richelieu, Kemmerich.—Anecdotes: Kliiber, Cypher, De 
 Calliéres, the Lacedzemonians, Richelieu, Mazarin . . 130 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Expenses of Ambassadors.—Diplomatic Salaries. —Society.— 
 Dinners.—Public Receptions.—Residences.—Outfits of Am- 
 bassadors.—Prince Repnin.—Servants of Ambassadors. — 
 Carriage and Six Horses.—Allowances formerly made to 
 Ambassadors.—Their Abolition by Treaty.—Presents.—An 
 Anecdote of the Bey of Tunis.—A Paltry Device ; . 146 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 An Ambassador’s Suite. — Military Escort, — Auditors of 
 Nuncios.— Private Secretaries, —Attachés. — Interpreters. 
 —Chaplains.—Messengers é : : 2 é <1 L66 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Privileges of an Ambassador’s Family.—His Wife.—Sextus V. 
 first acknowledges the title of Ambassadress.—Gallantry of 
 the Pope.—First Dispute for Precedence. — An irritated 
 Ladydom.—A Panic in Diplomacy.—Magnificence of Am-' 
 bassadresses at the Congress of Westphalia. —Prudence of 
 the Maréchal d’Estrades.—A Public Entry.—The College of 
 Cardinals. —The Privilege of the Stool. —Kisses.—Shocking 
 Occurrence at Stockholm in 1782.—Anecdotes: France, 
 England, Sardinia, and Spain.—Comfortable Custom at the 
 Vatican. — Visiting. — The title of Excellency. — Court 
 Mourning. —Presents and Honours.—A good Custom of the 
 French King is imitated by the Grand Turk, iisbaaiage — 
 Lady Temple.—Lady Hamilton oF A : . 200 
 
xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 - Duties of Ambassadors.—Minister for Foreign Affairs. —His 
 Duties.—Labours.—Patronage : in America, in the Italian 
 Republics, Florence, Venice.—An Ancient Ordinance 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Despatches. —Paragraphs.—A Despatch should only treat of 
 one Subject.—Trifling Occurrences.—Some Suggestions.— 
 Practical Embassies. — Archives.—A Bright Idea. — A 
 Good Way to Train Attachés.—If it could only be kept 
 clean. — Passports. — Certificates. —A Suggestion. — Pass- 
 ports in Prussia.—In the Absolute Monarchies.—Jurisdic- 
 tion of Ambassadors.—A plain-spoken Briton at Madrid in 
 1819.—Common Lot of Go-betweens.—Warnings to Busy- 
 Bodies . : = “ - ; : 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 M. le Cog in Morocco.—Emergencies.—The Art of Negotiating. 
 —Small Diplomatists.—Public Rejoicings.—Means of Ob- 
 taining Information at Foreign Courts.—Responsibility of 
 
 ' Ambassadors.— Negotiations in Writing.—Note Verbale.— 
 Perfect Equality among Independent States. — The Latin 
 Language.—The Languages of Diplomacy . 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Ceremonies.—Treaty between France and Austria, 1809.— 
 The Italian Courts.—The Old Court of France.—Princesses 
 of the Blood Royal.—Royal Martyrs. —Official Rank. —Rank 
 of European States.—Precedence of the Pope.—The Em- 
 peror of Germany and the Sultan.—Precedence of Kings. — 
 Republics.—States of the German Empire.—Coronation of 
 Napoleon I.—Disputes.—Wrangling Peace-makers 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Arrival of an Ambassador.—Ceremonies at the Reception of 
 Ambassadors. — Official Visits. — Envoys and Ministers of 
 the Second Class, — Third and Fourth Class. — Constan- 
 tinople.—China . + m 2 4 ° 
 
 Page 
 
 « 226 
 
 . 238 
 
 . 249 
 
 . 269 
 
 2 297 
 
CONTENTS. Be 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 Page 
 Festivals, Coronations, &c.—Visits at Congresses.-—The Title 
 of Excellency.—Royal Arms.—Arms of Pretence.—Sudden 
 Wars.—Privileges.—Exterritoriality.—The Bavarian Code. 
 —Insults to Ambassadors : 7 ; - - . 310 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Exemption from Taxes, &c.—Official Residence. —Immunities. 
 —LHxceptional Cases.—Debts.—Anecdote of Lucien Buona- 
 parte. — Frederick II. of Prussia.— Police Regulations.— 
 Jurisdiction of Ambassadors.—Distinctions to be observed 
 between Officials and Private Servants.—Private Printing 
 Press.—Jus Quarteriorum.—Jus Asyli.—Private Worship. 
 —Privileges of Ambassadors in States where they are not 
 accredited . ‘ ; : : : : : . 820 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Termination of Embassies. —Letters of Recall.—Prince Repnin’s 
 Departure from Constantinople in 1776.—Death and Burial. 
 —Papers and Effects.—Inheritance . 5 : : . 343 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Conclusion : 4 z 3 A : F . 049 
 
‘ 
 
 vw ee ey 
 
 
 
EMBASSIES AND FOREIGN 
 COURTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 —_—+— 
 
 The Early Ages. — Primitive Embassies.—Rarity of Intercourse 
 between Nations.—Rights of Legation first settled by Special 
 Treaties. — Permanent Embassies Unknown,—Ceremonies, Cus- 
 toms, and Superstitions.—The Justinian Code.—The Mosaic 
 Law.—The Biblical Ages.—Sacred Character of Ambassadors in 
 Egypt.—The Jus Feciale.—Embassy of Themistocles.—Greek 
 Embassies.—The Feciales.—Pater Patratus.—Jus Gentium. 
 
 Tue rights of legation appear to have been Early Ages. 
 little understood by the ancients; and, although 
 they unquestionably form one of the very first 
 principles of international law, they do not seem 
 to have entered at all into the consideration of 
 the most enlightened and philosophical legis- 
 _lators of antiquity. We can often trace the 
 germ or spirit of some act of our own parlia- 
 ment, passed yesterday, to a similar rule by 
 which men were governed in the days of the 
 Pharaohs; but as regards the laws which now 
 regulate the intercourse between nations, we 
 have been left almost entirely to our own devices, 
 
 —not to wise saws, but to modern instances. 
 B 
 
Primitive 
 
 Embassies. 
 
 Want of 
 union 
 
 among na- 
 
 tions. 
 
 WANT OF UNION AMONG NATIONS. 
 
 During the early ages, the communication 
 between different states was not sufficiently fre- 
 quent or important in time of peace as to call for 
 special laws affecting it. 
 
 The difficulty of moving from place to place, 
 the perils and uncertainty of the road, the com- 
 plete and imevitable ignorance of the most 
 learned or enterprising men respecting other 
 countries,—all combined to forbid any consider- 
 able traffic between them. 
 
 Ambassadors were then usually a few dispirited 
 old men, among the last timorous remains of the 
 population of some vanquished or menaced 
 people, whose heroes had already fallen. They 
 were sent as a forlorn hope, to deprecate the 
 wrath of the conqueror by gifts and prayers; 
 or they were the wily elders of some feeble 
 nation, soliciting the protection or good-will of a 
 powerful prince. In either case, they would 
 probably understand too well the commonest 
 feelings of the strong towards the weak, to 
 affront the dignity of a monarch by seeking to 
 establish that as a right it would be so much 
 wiser to implore as a favour. : 
 
 In time of peace, distant nations had seldom 
 any common object which required discussion ; 
 
 while the science of statesmanship was not suffi- 
 
 ciently advanced to enable their rulers to appre- 
 ciate the prospective advantages to be derived 
 from joining an unknown people in foreign wars 
 with which they had no immediate concern. As 
 for the relations between states actually at war, 
 
PERMANENT EMBASSIES UNKNOWN. 
 
 we have only to consider what they are in our 
 own time, and how little the most solemn treaties 
 are binding upon hostile princes, to learn that 
 human passions are too mighty to have enabled 
 mankind, at any period of history, to show justice 
 and gentleness in their anger, or to conduct 
 an obstinate and bloody struggle according to 
 the rules of politeness. Thus, when laws would 
 have been useless or despised, we may feel the 
 less surprise that they were unknown. 
 
 The rights of legation, however, were gradu- Rights of 
 ally fixed and determined at last by treaties aaa ace 
 between separate states, such as suited their Cone 
 mutual convenience from time to time, and by 
 the necessities or more enlightened views of 
 advancing civilisation. The scholarship and 
 research of Henry Wheaton, who long filled so 
 worthily the post of American minister at Berlin, 
 with the respectable labours of V. Ompteda and 
 V. Romer, dispense me, however, from any 
 further considerations on this subject. 
 
 It may be assumed, indeed, with certainty, Permanent 
 
 that the nations of the ancient world had no wknown. 
 permanent diplomatic relations with each other. 
 Their missions to foreign countries were des- 
 patched as circumstances arose which appeared 
 to require them; and, when the immediate busi- 
 ness at issue was arranged, the ambassadors 
 returned to their homes, and their functions 
 ceased. 
 
 The word stranger among the Greeks and 
 
 Romans was nearly synonymous with that of 
 - B 2 
 
Ceremonies. 
 
 Customs 
 and super- 
 titions. 
 
 CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS. 
 
 barbarian or enemy. ‘Therefore, when the in- 
 habitant of any other state crossed their fron- 
 tiers, he fell into slavery. All his goods and 
 chattels might be lawfully confiscated, except 
 in cases where some special compact distinctly 
 set forth the contrary ;* even then, however, 
 good faith was not always observed. 
 
 The Greeks called their allies Evorovdoi— - 
 literally, those with whom they had offered liba- 
 tions to the gods. All others they denominated 
 Exarovdot—or, as we should say, proscribed. 
 During the Peloponnesian war it seems to have 
 been a generally received idea among the Greeks 
 that no consideration whatever was to be shown 
 towards the people of any state not bound to 
 them by special treaties.T 
 
 In point of fact international law was not re- 
 cognised at all by the ancients. The nghts of 
 legation were few and uncertain. As a general 
 rule, perhaps, it may be said, they were con- 
 fined almost wholly to a few obsolete and in- 
 significant forms, which were sometimes observed 
 at the reception of ambassadors. ‘The person 
 even of a foreign envoy was only inviolable 
 among them by custom and not by law. ‘This’ 
 custom, however, though never admitted as a 
 right was sometimes enjoined as a religious duty, 
 the violation of which might be visited by divine 
 anger. Indeed, the Greeks had a very beautiful 
 allegory on this subject, and their philosophers, 
 
 * Wheaton. 
 + Vide Mitford’s Greece, vol. i, chap. xv. sec. vil. 
 
THE BIBLICAL AGES. 9) 
 
 skilled in all the recesses of the human heart, 
 taught hospitality by the gentle warning that 
 
 the gods sometimes visited mortal men in the 
 likeness of strangers. Notwithstanding _ this, 
 
 - nevertheless, and the sacred nature of the rela- 
 
 tions between an ordinary host and guest among 
 
 the ancients, the principle is still maintained in 
 
 the Justinian Code, that all nations not allied Tpe“ust 
 by special treaties are to be considered as Hostes;* 
 and though such a regulation may appear at 
 first sight to be dictated by the pride of a 
 people who had long learned to believe them- 
 selves invincible, we shall find, on closer exami- 
 nation, that it merely expressed the general 
 feeling of the times. 
 
 In the Mosaic law only, there existed certain 5 
 injunctions which may be presumed to have 
 constituted a sort of Jewish law of nations. The 
 fourtht and fifth{ Books of Moses, and the Book 
 of Joshua§ afford valuable information on this 
 subject, which has been also very ably treated 
 ~by Michaelis and Putter. The rules laid down 
 by the Jewish lawgiver, however, were in direct 
 opposition to modern usage. 
 
 For the rest, it is distinctly mentioned in x 
 Scripture that the Israelites sent out embassies 
 during the Theocracy. Both David and Solo- 
 mon sent and received embassies, though the 
 rights of legation were unsettled or unacknow- 
 
 Epic Mosaic 
 
 res Bee 
 
 * Vide l. v. § 2; 1. xxiv. De Captivis. 
 + Chap. xxi. v. 21. ~ Chap. ii.’v. 25. 
 § Chap, ix. v. 3—17, 
 
_ Sacred cha- 
 
 racter of 
 Ambassa- 
 dors in 
 Egypt. 
 
 AMBASSADORS IN EGYPT. 
 
 ledged, and an envoy was \subject to every 
 caprice of a prince or his people. 
 
 In the second Book of Samuel, chapter x., 
 mention is made of an embassy sent by David to 
 Hanun, the son of Nahash, king of the Am- 
 monites, to condole with him on the death of his 
 father. It presents a curious picture of manners 
 in the biblical ages, and gives us a strange, 
 quaint glimpse of old statecraft, which shows 
 how very little ambitious men’s designs have 
 altered with the progress of time. In the third 
 and fourth verses, the reception of the foreign 
 envoys is thus described: “ And the princes of 
 the children of Ammon said to Hanun their 
 Lord, Thinkest thou that David doth honour 
 thy father, that he hath sent comforters unto 
 thee? Hath not David rather sent his servants 
 unto thee to search the city, and to spy it out and 
 overthrow it? Wherefore Hanun took David’s 
 servants, and shaved off the one half of their 
 beards, and cut off their garments in the middle, 
 even to their buttocks, and sent them away.” It 
 does not appear, however, that David considered 
 this as a violation of the law of nations, or of the 
 privileges and immunities then generally under- 
 stood to appertain to foreign envoys. 
 
 The ancient Egyptians, who were probably 
 the most polite and civilised people of this 
 period, both sent and received embassies very 
 frequently. Among them the foreign envoy was 
 early invested with a sacred character, which 
 protected him from all harm or inconvenience. 
 
EMBASSY OF THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 This did not arise, however, from any peculiar 
 principles of international law prevailing in 
 Egypt, but was merely a superstition carefully 
 fostered by the priests, who were usually the 
 ‘persons sent on embassies, and who, indeed, had 
 the chief direction of state affairs. 
 
 Some authorities have asserted that the Egyp- 
 tian priests were the first originators of a written 
 
 “ous feciale ;” that Pythagoras borrowed it from The Jus 
 
 them, and introduced it into Greece. This view 
 is supported, among others, by Von Romer, who 
 attempts to refute the more generally received 
 opinion that Rhesus, king of the Adquicole, is 
 entitled to this honour. The reader who feels any 
 interest on the subject will do well to compare 
 ‘Von Romer, § 4, with “ Conradi Dissertatio de 
 Fecialibus et Jure Feciale Populi Romani,” 
 ' Helmst. 1734, 4to; also Von Ompteda, Th. 11, 
 § 114—378. 
 
 Although there were no fixed principles of 
 international law acknowledged by many nations 
 ‘of antiquity, it must not, however, be hastily 
 assumed that they did not recognise the neces- 
 sity of interchanging certain national courtesies. 
 _ It was a favourite subject of discussion among the 
 subtle schoolmen of Athens whether any state 
 could exist without the observance of certain 
 duties and obligations towards its neighbours. 
 
 eciale, 
 
 When Themistocles, also, was sent by Athens Bmbassy of 
 
 emis- 
 
 as ambassador to Lacedzemon in order to nego- tocles. 
 
 tiate for the right of fortifying the city with walls, 
 which was disputed by the latter, he referred 
 
Greek Em- 
 bassies. 
 
 TheFeciales. 
 
 THE FECIALES. 
 
 to the general principles * of international law, 
 which did not recognise the right of one people 
 to interfere with another on such matters. It is 
 more than probable, however, that Themistocles 
 merely argued on reasonable grounds, and rather 
 from general usage than certain and admitted 
 rules. 
 
 It has been assumed that the origin of the jus - 
 feciale is to be sought among the Greeks, be- 
 cause messengers both of war and peace are fre- 
 quently mentioned in their history. They were 
 mostly priests, and were distinguished by carrying 
 a staff or wand in their hands, when crossing an 
 enemy’s frontier, to insure their safety. How- 
 ever, the Romans appear to have been the first 
 people who devoted serious attention to the rights 
 of legation. Dionysius and Plutarch both assert, 
 that Numa Pompilius founded a fecial college 
 at Rome; and, although Ancus Martius has been 
 named by other writers of equal repute, the dis- 
 pute really matters little. It is probable that 
 the latter improved and enlarged the statutes of 
 an institution originally founded by his wise and 
 peaceful predecessor. 
 
 The duties of the feciales, or fetiales, ex- 
 tended over every branch of international law. 
 They gave advice on all matters of peace or war, 
 and the conclusion of treaties and alliances. 
 “ Feciales” (says Varro, de Lingua Lat., 1. iv.) 
 “ quod fidei publics inter populos preerant ; nam 
 
 * Vide Corn. Nepos, in Them, chap. vii. 
 
PATER PATRATUS. 
 
 per hos fiebat, ut justum conciperetur bellum, et 
 ut foedere fides pacis constitueretur. Ex his 
 mittebant, antequam conciperetur, qui res repe- 
 terent ; et per hos etiam nunc sit foedus,” &c. 
 
 _ They fulfilled the same functions as heralds, 
 and, as such, were frequently entrusted with 
 important communications. ‘They were also sent 
 on regular embassies. ‘To them was entrusted 
 the reception and entertainment of foreign en- 
 voys. ‘They were required to decide on the 
 justice of a war about to commence, and to pro- 
 claim and consecrate it according to certain estab- 
 lished formalities. 
 
 When sent on an embassy, the instructions 
 given to them were irksomely strict and elaborate. 
 ‘T'hey were also furnished with books of law and 
 ritual, to instruct them how to act in any un- 
 foreseen occurrence. Hence arose a kind of 
 Corpus Juris Gentium, which under the name of 
 jus feciale embraced every part of international 
 law then in force. Unfortunately, however, this 
 Code has been entirely lost to modern curiosity 
 and research. 
 
 The College of -Feciales consisted of nearly 
 twenty members, with a president, who was called 
 Pater Patratus, because it was necessary that he 
 should have both father and children living, that 
 he might be supposed to take greater interest 
 in the welfare of the state, and look backwards as 
 well as forwards. ‘The rules laid down for this 
 body, by Numa Pompilius, form the seventh 
 chapter of his Book of Laws, and they were 
 
 Pater Pa- 
 tratus. 
 
10 
 
 Jus Gen- 
 tium. 
 
 JUS GENTIUM. 
 
 further augmented by Ancus Martius with the 
 laws borrowed from the Aiquicole. These pre- 
 cepts were, however, maintained only so long as 
 Rome was a free republic; and soon after the 
 commencement of the civil wars, we find they 
 had already fallen into disuse. The name of 
 Feciales indeed still existed under the emperors, 
 as well as that of Pater Patratus, though only - 
 as a title of honour, while the institution itself 
 was for ever annihilated; and, after the reign of 
 Tiberius, we cannot find any trace of it. 
 
 Indeed the political constitution of Rome, 
 during the civil wars, and under the sway of the 
 emperors, was scarcely favourable to the growth 
 or observance of international laws, and we look 
 in vain among the most distinguished writers of 
 the time for any satisfactory information on this 
 subject. Rome was then so mighty, that she 
 considered the whole world as her lawful prize. 
 She regarded all other nations as barbarians, 
 whose subjection dispensed her from the observ- 
 ance of any other laws towards them than those 
 of conquest. She carried her arts and civilisa- 
 tion, indeed, whithersoever she went, and seems 
 to have had many sound and merciful ideas — 
 respecting them; but she never admitted them 
 to the right of treating with her on equal terms. 
 
 Thus, though we find the words “jus gentium” 
 occurring frequently in Roman authors, they did 
 not convey the same ideas which we attach to 
 them. Grotius is, therefore, in error when he 
 says (de Jure Belli et Pacis, pro. § 11): “ Vere 
 
THE JUSTINIAN CODE. 
 
 enim Cicero prestabilem hance dixit scientiam in 
 foederibus, pactionibus, conditionibus populorum, 
 reoum exterarumque nationum, in omni denique 
 belli jure et pacis,” &c.; for although Cicero (pro 
 ‘Balbo, ec. vi.) relates of Cn. Pompey that he pos- 
 sessed a profound knowledge of alliances, treaties, 
 the relations between sovereigns and their sub- 
 jects, and especially of the general right of peace 
 and war, we have no secure data which will allow 
 us to ascribe to Cicero himself any knowledge of 
 international law as a distinct science. Indeed, 
 many passages might be pointed out in his 
 Orations to establish the fact that he did not 
 possess a clear idea of the “jus gentium.”’ The 
 most eminent of the Roman lawyers did not 
 understand by those words the rights and obliga- 
 tions of nations towards each other, but the 
 universal law of nature, which he placed in oppo- 
 sition to the narrower tenets of mere civil law. 
 Even the authors of the Justinian Code had only 
 an imperfect conception of international law. It 
 “must be admitted, however, that they possessed 
 several sound laws respecting the rights of lega- 
 tion, though they were not reduced to a regular 
 - system. 
 
 It was laid down in the Justinian Code that 
 municipal legates could not, in any case, justly 
 claim the rights accorded to foreign envoys from 
 free nations. The Justinian Code is also re- 
 markable for applying to private rights many 
 principles which, in later times, have been held 
 to belong exclusively to the law of nations. This 
 
 11 
 
12 
 
 ELDER ROMAN JURISTS. 
 
 leads us to regret still more sincerely the loss of | 
 those works by the elder Roman jurists, which 
 have been suppressed or destroyed, because we 
 are left in doubt as to whether the subject of 
 international law may not have been treated by 
 them in greater detail under the free and modest 
 government of the republic. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 —¥_—- 
 
 The Germans.—Legists.—Decisions by Precedent.— Influence of the 
 Crusades.—Spain and Italy.—Grotius.—Rights of Legation.— 
 Diplomatic Records.—The Peace of Westphalia.—Principal Col- 
 lections of Treaties. 
 
 THe ancient Germans appear to have early 
 derived an imperfect idea of the rights of legation 
 from their wars with more civilised nations. The 
 rights which they granted to ambassadors, how- 
 ever, were based altogether on superstition or 
 religious injunctions, and were not subject to a 
 fixed law of any kind. Ambassadors carried con- 
 secrated staffs in their hands, to secure their 
 inviolability. Embassies were also usually con- 
 fided to priests, who appear to have enjoyed great 
 ‘influence among them as intermediators in affairs 
 of state. 
 
 When the spread of Christianity materially 
 altered the previous political organisation of Ger- 
 many, the Catholic clergy soon found means to 
 exercise the same power over the affairs of 
 government as had been assumed by their Pagan 
 predecessors. Until the introduction of the 
 Roman and canon law, however, the rights of 
 legation among the German nations rested upon 
 mere tradition. The persons of ambassadors 
 
 The Ger- 
 mans. 
 
14 DECISIONS BY PRECEDENT. 
 
 were regarded as inviolable, because this im- 
 munity was supposed to be conceded to them by 
 other nations. It was not very safe, however, for 
 an envoy to presume very strongly on his privi- 
 leges, and outrages were common enough. 
 
 Legists. Indeed, from the publication of the Roman 
 Code in the beginning of the sixth century, till 
 the appearance of the works of Hugo Grotius in 
 1625, the study of international law as a science 
 appears to have been wholly neglected. So deep 
 a respect for the wisdom of the Roman Code 
 existed all over Europe, that only the pope 
 claimed precedence over it, for any laws which 
 he himself might promulgate. The Roman and 
 papal codes were universally regarded as infal- 
 lible throughout the civilised world, and no man 
 dared meddle with them. ‘Though learned per- 
 sons must have long perceived that many of the 
 ancient statutes were virtually obsolete, and more 
 deserved to be so; heretical opinions were dan- 
 gerous in those days, and few men cared to 
 entertain them openly. 
 
 The jurists of the middle ages were thus 
 obliged to get their knowledge of the rights of 
 legation from the articles relating to legates in 
 the papal code. It is needless to discuss the 
 invariable difference which must have existed 
 between the opinions of the legists and the 
 decretists ; for the legists founded their decisions 
 in every case upon the statutes of the Roman 
 
 Decisions code, while the decretists were guided wholly by 
 
 by Preee- the canon law—a fruitful source of dispute. If 
 
SPAIN AND ITALY. 15 
 
 in any particular case no written law could be 
 found, it was usual to endeavour to decide by 
 precedent. 
 
 The decretists grounded the rights of legation 
 solely on the papal laws, which they accepted 
 entirely without question. This was indeed the 
 case with the commentators also up to the time 
 of Grotius, and even later among the eccle- 
 siastical lawyers.* 
 
 It should be here admitted that the efforts of 
 the Church were usually very strenuously directed 
 to check many abuses which interfered with 
 international commerce. It was not, however, Lat 
 till after the Crusades had taught many nations sades. 
 to mingle in the close brotherhood of a common 
 cause, and when the general adoption of the 
 Roman Code, together with the union of the 
 whole Western Church under one head, had 
 gradually introduced many elements of harmony 
 among nations, that a more enlightened idea of 
 their mutual rights and duties began at last to 
 obtain among the Christian states of Europe. 
 
 The universities of Spain and Italy eminently ae and 
 distinguished themselves during the sixteenth ~ 
 century by the publication of many learned 
 treatises on international law.| In Spain, where, 
 under the reign of Charles V. and Philip IT. lived 
 some of the first scholars in Europe, very great 
 attention was paid to the study of international 
 law, and, indeed, the state of Europe at that 
 
 * Vide VY. Rémer, § 17. + Compare Wheaton, p. 9. 
 
16 
 
 Grotius. 
 
 HUGO GROTIUS. 
 
 time rendered it one of the most important ques- 
 tions of the age ; while Italy, even as early as the 
 close of the thirteenth century, had a long roll 
 of learned and skilful diplomatists among her 
 statesmen. 
 
 Hugo Grotius (1583—1645), however, was’ the 
 first man of eminence whose labour collected a 
 series of precedents, taken from the practice of 
 different states, and whose genius arranged them 
 into one general system. Hugo de Groot or 
 Grotius was born at Delft, and after passing 
 through many curious adventures, was chosen 
 by the Chancellor Oxenstiern in 1643 for the 
 distinguished and difficult post of Swedish am- 
 bassador at the court of France; he fulfilled 
 these functions till 1644. V. Ompteda* and 
 others, however, have given so many circumstantial 
 details of his early life and career, that it would 
 be superfluous for me to repeat them. Grotius 
 at once raised the law of nations to the dignity 
 of a separate science, which has ever since en- 
 gaged the study of statesmen and philosophers. 
 He was essentially the founder of a new school, 
 and his diligence paved the way which has been 
 since trodden by so many feet with such various 
 objects and results. His famous work “ De Jure 
 Belli et Pacis” goes at once to the heart of the 
 subject, and deduces the rights and duties of 
 nations towards each other, from those which 
 are agreed on all hands to exist among indivi- 
 duals. He clearly divides the immutable law of 
 
 * P. 174—179, 
 
RIGHTS OF LEGATION. 
 
 nature from the arbitrary law of nations, with 
 which it had hitherto been so often confounded, 
 and he was the first teacher of a positive in- 
 ternational law, although the examples cited by 
 him have only reference to the practice of ancient 
 times. It is obviously an error to regard his 
 writings simply as a system of natural laws. It 
 probably appeared clear to him that he was 
 treating a subject very closely connected with 
 natural laws; but he has only touched on them 
 so far as they had reference to international law, 
 and has therefore cited examples of the mutual 
 relations between kings and their people. Indeed, 
 Grotius himself says, that international law is 
 partly made up from the law of nature, partly 
 from Holy Writ, and partly from the customs 
 and treaties of nations. For the rest, the dis- 
 tinction between the law of nations and the law 
 of nature is not very clearly defined by Grotius. 
 His chief design appears to have been to esta- 
 blish a system of international law based as much 
 as possible on usage and precedent, and to leave 
 all moot points to be decided hereafter according 
 to moral laws, general principles, or acknow- 
 ledged authorities. Von Rémer, however, in 
 the true spirit of a conscientious German, who 
 will never leave any part of his subject unex- 
 hausted, rather contemptuously denies Grotius 
 the merit of a philosopher for having evaded 
 some of these difficult and delicate questions. 
 
 17 
 
 In the eighteenth chapter of his second book, Bight 
 
 Grotius has especially treated of the rights of 
 ce) 
 
18 DIPLOMATIC RECORDS. 
 
 legation; and he observes, with great truth, that 
 among all the rights and obligations enjoined 
 by international law, these are certainly the chief. 
 State treaties and other diplomatic records, 
 however, contain so frequently definitions of the 
 rights of legation, as they existed at different 
 periods and under. various circumstances, that I 
 shall venture to give a brief catalogue of some 
 of the most important collections of these docu- 
 ments. It is as well to add, that though their 
 number has now grown so large that few public 
 libraries of the highest repute can boast of pos- 
 sessing them all; the earliest do not date further 
 back than the sixteenth century. 
 Diplomatic The most ancient collection of treaties with 
 | which I am acquainted is entitled, “ Recueil des 
 Guerres, et des Traités de Paix, de 'Tréve, 
 d’Alliance, &c., entre les Rois de France et 
 d’Angleterre depuis Philippe Premier Roi de 
 France jusqu’a Henri II., par Jean du Tillet,” 
 Paris, 1577, fol. These treaties, however, are 
 ill-arranged and defective. Friederich Hortleder 
 and Melchior Goldast, who lived in the seven- 
 teenth century, appear to have been the earliest 
 collectors of diplomatic records in Germany. 
 They published, however, only a very small 
 number of treaties, and even among them were 
 legal documents referring merely to the internal 
 government of the empire. 
 The labours of Grotius, however, which be- 
 came known in 1625, excited such a zeal for 
 the study of international law as to arouse an 
 
THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA. 
 
 earnest inquiry after diplomatic records. The 
 urgency of these researches was still further 
 increased by the important negotiations which 
 followed the thirty years’ war. From this 
 period collections of diplomatic records in- 
 creased rapidly. Among these were the 
 “'Theatrum Europeum,”’ Frankfort, 1685— 
 1738; the “ Mercurio Vit. Siti,” &c. 
 
 The peace of Westphalia long regulated the 
 state of international law in Europe, and gave 
 rise to numerous collections of treaties and pre- 
 cedents. One of the most important was the 
 collection of Leibnitz, which extended from the 
 eleventh to the end of the seventeenth century. 
 It was published at Hanover, in 1693, under the 
 title of Codex Juris Gentium Diplomaticus, and 
 it contains many valuable records previously un- 
 printed: it is, however, printed very carelessly. 
 In 1700 it was followed by a second part en- 
 titled, Mantissa Codicis Juris Gentium Diplo- 
 matici, &c. At this time Holland was regarded 
 as the great centre of the world’s affairs: it was 
 the. chief mustering-place and battle-field of 
 diplomacy. There.consequently were published 
 most of the principal political works of impor- 
 tance: the Mercure Historique, from 1686; and 
 the Lettres Historiques, from 1692, &c. 
 
 Indeed, the demand for such works soon 
 became so great as to hold out allurements to 
 the genius of pecuniary speculation; and one 
 Adrian Moetjens associated himself with a 
 
 party of enterprising booksellers to prepare and 
 0 2 
 
 19 
 
 The Peace of 
 Westphalia, 
 
MOETJENS COLLECTION OF TREATIES. 
 
 publish a universal collection of all the important 
 diplomatic records then existing. These persons 
 were mostly men of letters, and they appear 
 to have watched over the progress of their 
 sreat undertaking with laudable anxiety. The 
 duties of editor-in-chief, however, were confided - 
 to a certain Jaques Bernard, a French theologist 
 of some repute, who had been obliged to seek 
 refuge from political persecution in Holland. 
 He performed his task with much zeal and cir- 
 cumspection; and in 1700 an edition was pub- 
 lished both at Amsterdam and the Hague en- 
 titled, “ Recueil des Traités de Paix, de Tréve, 
 de Neutralité, de Suspension d’Armes, de Con- 
 fédération, d’Alliance, de Commerce, de Garantie 
 et d’autres Actes Publics, &c. Le tout redigé 
 par Ordre Chronologique et Alphabétique et des 
 Noms des Auteurs, dont on s’est servi.” This is 
 one of the most important collections of treaties 
 extant. It is known by the name of the Great 
 Dutch Collection. It contains 1625 records, and 
 extends from the years 536—1700. 
 
 In 1707, Moetjens commenced the publica- 
 tion of another and enlarged edition of this 
 work, under the editorship of Jean Dumont, 
 though it was not completed for some years after- 
 wards. The demand, however, for diplomatic 
 records was so great that Moetjens was obliged 
 to publish a smaller collection of treaties, for the 
 use of anxious negotiators, till it could be got 
 ready. ‘This was entitled, “ Recueil des divers 
 Traités de Paix, de Confédération, d’Alliance et 
 
RYMER’S FCIDERA. 
 
 de Commerce entre les Etats Souverains de 
 lEurope, et qui sont les plus importans et les 
 mieux choisis, et les plus convenables au tems 
 présent. A la Haye, 1707. 2 tom. 8vo.” This 
 collection, however, only contains a few treaties 
 dating from 1700. Jean Dumont himself also 
 published a small collection of treaties on his 
 own account, pending his arrangements with the 
 Dutch booksellers, for the editorship of the 
 others. It is entitled, “‘Nouveau Recueil de 
 Traités d’Alliance, de Tréve, de Paix, de Gar- 
 antie et de Commerce faits et conclus entre les 
 Rois, Princes, et Etats souverains de l’Europe 
 depuis la paix de Munster jusqu’a lan 1709, les- 
 quels pour la plupart n’ont point encore été 
 imprimés, &c. A Amsterdam, 1710. 2 tom. 
 
 8vo.’ This is a very able compilation. It does 
 
 not contain any of the treaties previously pub-. 
 
 lished in the Great Dutch Collection, but com- 
 prises a very considerable number of valuable 
 records never before printed. 
 
 In 1710, also appeared an English work, of 
 some note, styled, “A General Collection of 
 Treaties, &c., from 1648 to the present time.” 1 
 vol. 8vo. This was followed, in 1713, by a second 
 volume; but neither are so valuable as the col- 
 lections previously cited, though they afterwards 
 formed the commencement of Rymer’s magnifi- 
 cent work, known as ‘ Fcedera, Conventiones, 
 Litters, cujuscunque generis Acta Publica, inter 
 Reges Anglie et alios quosvis Imperatores, Reges, 
 Pontifices, &c., videlicet, ab anno 1101 ad nostra 
 
 21 
 
22 
 
 OTHER COLLECTIONS. 
 
 usque tempora habita, &c., accurante Thoma 
 Rymer,* &c.* © xvu: tom., Lond:,/1704 — 1718, 
 folo* tom; xvii, 17262 tom. Xia core bom. x. 
 1735. 
 
 The advanced age of Rymer at last induced the 
 Government to associate Robert Sanderson with 
 him; and, after Rymer’s death, in 17138, he 
 completed the Collection. Vols. 16, 17, 18, 19, 
 and 20, are understood to have been edited en- 
 tirely by Sanderson. Several editions of this 
 work have since appeared, but the most valuable 
 is that published at the Hague, in 1739, in ten 
 folio volumes. 
 
 The Rymer Collection was soon rivalled by 
 the diligence of a German, named J. C. Lunig, 
 who published (1710 —1722) “Das Teutsche 
 Reichs-Archiv.”” 24 vol., fol. The great merit 
 and accuracy of this work is the more remark- 
 able, because Lunig was not permitted to con- 
 sult the Government archives, as Rymer had 
 been allowed to do. 
 
 To these great works may be added the volu- 
 minous collections of records, published at the 
 commencement of the eighteenth century, by 
 Martens, Durand; Mieris, and others; the valu- 
 able collection of Papal Bulls, by Cherubin, and 
 an endless medley of periodical political works, 
 containing state papers and diplomatic records. 
 The best modern authorities are Martens and 
 Cussy. For a fuller list, however, of works of 
 this kind the reader is strongly recommended 
 
 * Vide de Martens Sup. tom. i. p. xvi—xviii. 
 
‘OTHER COLLECTIONS. 
 
 to consult the second volume of Mirus’s admi- 
 rable book, published at Leipsig, in 1847. 
 
 With respect to the special collections of sepa- 
 rate states, see Martens’ Recueil, Sup., Tom., 
 for France, pp. xxxv., xxxvl.; for Spain, p. xxxvul 
 —xhi.; for Portugal, pp. xli., xlu.; for Great 
 Britain, p. xli—xlv.; for the Netherlands, p. xlv 
 —xlvii.; for Denmark, p. xlvii—l.; for Sweden, 
 p. 1—lui.; for Russia, pp. lu., lii.; for Prussia, 
 pp. liu., liv.; for Poland, p. liv—lvu.; for Aus- 
 tria, pp. lvu., lvii.; for Switzerland, p. Ivii— 
 lx.; for Italy, p. Ix—lxu.; for the United States 
 of America, p. lxu. 
 
 23 
 
Policy of 
 Louis XIV. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 —+— 
 Policy of Louis KIV.—Puffendorf.—Rachel.—Wicquefort.— Memoirs 
 of Public Men.—Francois de Calliéres.—Bynkershoek. 
 
 _ Tue history of Europe, from the peace of West- 
 
 phalia to that of Utrecht, relates only one long 
 series of wars occasioned by the policy of Louis 
 XIV. France was constantly struggling to extend 
 her frontiers towards the Rhine, and the treaties 
 of Aix-la-Chapelle (1668), Nimwegen (1678), and 
 Ryswick, assured nothing but a short and pre- 
 carious peace. The science of international law, 
 however, made more steady progress than might ' 
 have been expected during such troublous times ; 
 and among the general consequences of the peace 
 of Westphalia, it deserves to be mentioned that 
 the French language became thenceforth the 
 general medium of diplomatic intercourse. Per- 
 manent embassies also became customary about 
 this period. 
 
 The first great writer on the law of nations 
 who arose after Grotius, was undoubtedly Samuel 
 Baron von Puffendorf (1631 —1694), but he 
 maintained several errors, which Wheaton* has 
 very well exposed ; and his views, though specious, 
 
 Pages 34—13. 
 
RACHEL——WICQUEFORT. 
 
 must generally be rejected. He was a man ofa 
 warped and crooked mind, who injured the cause 
 he intended to advocate. In 1682, also, was born 
 Benedict Spinosa. He was a native of Amster- 
 dam, and a Jew, though he subsequently abjured 
 his faith. Spinosa agreed with Hobbes in sup- 
 posing the natural condition of all states to be 
 one of war. He denied the existence of any legal 
 right of possession, and asserted that no treaties 
 were binding on superior force. Rachel (1628— 
 1691), ambassador of Holstein Gottorp at the 
 Congress of Nimwegen, disputed the conclusions 
 of Puffendorff and Spinosa in an admirable 
 treatise, entitled ‘‘ De Jure Nature et Gentium 
 dissertationes due.” The adherents of Puf- 
 endorff’s theories, however, will always remain 
 numerous, on account of their great convenience 
 to the winning side. 
 
 Among those who devoted their attention to 
 the rights of legation with most success at this 
 period, Abraham von Wicquefort (1598—1682) 
 deserves also a passing notice. His personal 
 history is especially curious, and throws more 
 light on the manners of the age than a lbrary 
 of novels. He was born at Amsterdam, and 
 from 1626 to 1658 filled the employment of 
 Resident Minister at Paris for the Electoral 
 Prince of Brandenburg. In this capacity he 
 attracted the enmity of Cardinal Mazarin, and 
 was imprisoned in the Bastille. He remained 
 there a year, but was then released, receiving at 
 the same time permission to reside in France, 
 
 Rachel. 
 
 Wicquetort. 
 
WICQUEFORT. 
 
 with the promise of a pension of 1000 crowns. 
 The outbreak of the war between France and 
 Holland, however, induced him to return to Ger- 
 many, where he was accused of treason, and con- 
 demned to perpetual imprisonment; although at 
 the same time he held the appointment of Resi- 
 dent Minister at the Hague for Brunswick Zell. 
 He saved himself from this fearful punishment 
 by changing clothes with his daughter, and re-- 
 turned (1679) to the court of Duke Georg Wil- 
 helm of Zell. Durimg his imprisonment, he wrote 
 his well-known work upon the rights of legation. 
 It was first published at Cologne, 1676, and en- 
 titled “Mémoires touchant les Ambassadeurs et 
 les Ministres Publics par L. M. P.” It went 
 through four editions the same year, and was 
 then entirely revised and reprinted as “ L’Am- 
 bassadeur et ses Fonctions.” In the preface to 
 this work occurs the following touching passage, 
 which will find an echo in the breast of many a 
 hapless scholar :— 
 
 ‘Pour moi, je ne promets pas un Man. ou il 
 ne manque rien, tant parceque la matiére est 
 inépuisable en elle-méme, que parceque cette 
 production s’étant faite dans l’ennui d’une trés 
 dure et insupportable captivité, il ne se peut que 
 lon ne trouve par tout des marques de mon 
 chagrin, aussi bien que des infirmités qui me 
 sont communes avec tous les hommes, et que 
 je reconnais étre grandes en ma personne. Je 
 navais dans ma solitude d’autre compagnie que 
 celle de quelques livres, qu'il fallait mendier du 
 
WICQUEFORT. 
 
 fiscal, ni d’autres divertissements que celui de la 
 lecture. Celle de l’histoire moderne et de tous 
 les temps faisait une partie de mon occupation ; 
 je me plaisais & y remarquer quelques passages 
 qui eussent pu servir, si non & la composition 
 dun traité régulier et méthodique, du moins au 
 soulagement de ceux, qui ayant plus de fonds et 
 plus de capacité que moi pourraient aussi sy 
 appliquer avec plus d’assiduité et avec plus de 
 succés. Mais mon malheur m’ayant fait perdre 
 toutes mes pensées, et ayant rompu toutes mes 
 mesures, il a fait succéder a un projet assez 
 raisonnable cet amas d’exemples qui ont été 
 publiés sous le titre de ‘Mémoires touchant les 
 Ministres publics.’ Ils parlent si amplement des 
 exemptions, immunités, priviléges et avantages, 
 que le droit des gens leur attribue, que pour 
 leur donner quelque forme de traité, il suffisait a 
 mon avis, de. déméler et de rectifier dans cette 
 troisiéme edition ce qu’il y a de confus et dirré- 
 gulier dans les deux premiéres. Je sais bien que 
 tout ce que j’en pourrais dire, ne fera pas une 
 science qui ait ses principes mathématiques, ou 
 qui soit fondée sur des raisons démonstratives 
 ‘sur lesquelles on puisse faire des régles certaines 
 et infaillibles: mais aussi crois-je pouvoir réduire 
 tout mon discours & des maximes, oti il se 
 trouvera quelque chose de fort approchant d’une 
 infaillibilité morale.” 
 
 Wheaton denies altogether Wicquefort’s naive 
 claim to moral infallibility, and, indeed, his 
 work is merely a collection of anecdotes and 
 
 2 
 
 ~ 
 
Memoirs. 
 
 THE AGE OF DIARIES. 
 
 historical illustrations more or less relating 
 to his subject, but undigested, and arranged 
 without clearness or method. It acquired a 
 great reputation, however, for its author; and, 
 though valueless as an authority, it is interesting 
 enough in other respects. 
 
 In the seventeenth and eighteenth century, 
 indeed, the public mind of Europe was much 
 excited upon all political questions. The prin- 
 ciples followed by Cabinets, and the manner of 
 their application, with the laws which guided 
 ministers and kings, had been hitherto but little 
 known. Inquiry had modestly shrunk from 
 entering such sacred precincts, and statecraft 
 had been rather supposed a divine gift than a fit 
 subject for discussion and investigation. A dan- 
 gerous spirit was, however, now abroad. News- 
 papers and political writings grew numerous, and 
 that anxious and sustained interest in public 
 affairs was first excited in men’s minds, which 
 has continued with little diminution ever since. 
 Public men of all countries became desirous to 
 know with certainty what principles of inter- 
 national law were actually acknowledged, and 
 what were disputed or denied. Great attention 
 was paid to the memoirs of the statesmen and 
 diplomatists of former times, and living men 
 carefully chronicled their own. 
 
 It was the age of diaries. Ambassadors not 
 only made known the exchange of official notes 
 and despatches, but they wrote the most minute 
 history of their embassies; and we owe to this 
 
LETTERS AND MEMOIRS. 
 
 commendable fashion some of the most interest- 
 ing and faithful records in existence. How 
 valuable such materials became for the complete 
 settlement of the rights of legation can need no 
 comment. Among those, however, which more 
 especially refer to them should be cited, the por- 
 tions of Machiavell’s works which concern his 
 diplomatic missions ; the Letters of Hugo Grotius 
 to Oxenstiern, the Memoirs of Walsingham, the 
 Letters of Cardinal Mazarin, the Negotiations 
 of the President Jeannin, the Memoirs of Bel- 
 lievre and Sillery, with the story of the nego- 
 tiations during the treaties of peace at Nimwegen 
 and Ryswick. 
 
 The public events, however, which followed 
 each other so rapidly during this period, were 
 of a nature which could hardly fail to have a 
 marked influence on the theory and progress of 
 international law. ‘The long and intricate nego- 
 tiations respecting the Pragmatic sanction to 
 secure the possessions of the house of Austria 
 ‘to Maria Theresa, daughter of the late Emperor 
 Charles VI.; the Austrian succession question ; 
 the seven years’ war which altered the balance 
 of power in Europe so materially, and the con- 
 clusion of peace at Paris and Hubertsburg 
 (1763), all threw a flood of light on matters which 
 concerned the usages and practice of nations 
 towards each other. The age therefore was 
 peculiarly rich in learned works on these subjects. 
 Glafey Stapf and Ickstadt, all flourished between 
 1785 and 1754, and each contributed by his 
 
30 CALLIERES—BYNKERSHOEK. 
 
 honourable labours to swell the already nume- 
 
 Er. de Cal- TOUS list of authorities. Francois de Calliéres, 
 
 I however, deserves still more especial mention, 
 
 for he was at first the secret agent and then the 
 
 acknowledged plenipotentiary of France during 
 
 the negotiations for peace at Ryswick, and it 
 
 is almost impossible to speak too highly of 
 
 his work, entitled, ‘De la mamniére de négocier 
 
 avec les souverains; de l’utilité des négociations, 
 
 du choix des Ambassadeurs et des Envoyés, et 
 
 des qualities nécessaires pour réussir dans ces 
 
 emplois.” This remarkable book appeared in 
 
 1716. 
 
 Bynker In 1721, also, Cornelius von Bynkershoek 
 
 produced his treatise, “De Foro Legatorum 
 
 tam in Causa Civili quam Criminali,” which is 
 
 a masterly exposition of the rights of legation, 
 
 as they exist, with some exceptions, up to our 
 
 own time. A complete history of the progress 
 
 of international law and the rights of legation, 
 
 however, would fill volumes; and the subject 
 
 has been so often treated, that it would be 
 
 idle to take up further space with it. I will 
 
 merely add, therefore, that the Congress of 
 
 Vienna, in 1815, 1s the most prominent event in 
 
 our own times; and the arrangements that were 
 
 then made, with respect to the rank and pre- 
 
 cedence of ambassadors, and many other matters, 
 have usually been followed ever since. 
 
 They could hardly have been fixed at a better 
 
 time; for a series of long and bloody wars 
 
 had been just brought to a close, and there 
 
CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 was the least possible tendency to raise any 
 question which might create a dispute, on all 
 sides. It need only be added, that it would 
 have been well in our days, if the law of nations 
 had been observed as exactly as it is now 
 clearly and lucidly defined; and if the ambition 
 of princes could be kept in check by the uni- 
 versal and pronounced opinion of all the sages 
 and elders of Europe. 
 
 31 
 
Necessity of 
 
 Missions. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 —e—- 
 
 Necessity of Diplomatic Missions. —The Right of Negotiation.—How 
 Exercised.—Royal Meetings.—Receptions of Envoys.—Plenipo- 
 tentiaries.—Negotiations in Writing.—Permanent Embassies. — 
 Representative Rank.—The Diplomatic Corps. 
 
 Ir may be laid down as a fundamental rule, 
 that in the present state of the world the true 
 interests of every power are best consulted by the 
 constant employment of an accredited agent in 
 every foreign country. No part of the public 
 money is employed at more precious interest 
 than that which is expended in the fitting and 
 liberal salaries of such agents. Their purpose 
 and utility is not only to watch carefully over 
 the designs of foreign governments, and to take 
 especial heed that no plans are adopted likely to 
 be prejudicial to their own country, or her allies. 
 They are not only essential to the becoming 
 despatch of international business; and the conclu- 
 sion of treaties and alliances; but it is meet that 
 they should render it their special business to 
 make themselves completely masters of every im- 
 portant detail in the foreign or domestic relations 
 of the nations to which they are sent. They 
 should diligently endeavour to acquire such know- 
 ledge as may enable them to furnish useful 
 
PUBLICATION OF DESPATCHES. 
 
 information in time of war, and thereby save 
 both blood and treasure; as well as that which 
 may qualify them from time to time to point 
 out to us how we may best serve our mutual 
 interests by administering to the wants, and re- 
 ceiving from the superfluities, of our neighbours 
 in time of peace. For the world has been so 
 contrived by Almighty God, that we must all be 
 dependent, the one upon the other; that no nation 
 shall be endowed with everything, but that all shall 
 possess something to them peculiar; or that each 
 shall be able to produce more than they need of 
 some desirable thing, by the exchange of which 
 they may make up for their deficiencies in others. 
 It is here, therefore, that a close and intimate 
 knowledge of the true wants and productions of a 
 foreign country may be held so eminently neces- 
 sary in a diplomatic envoy ; andif such knowledge 
 were made public property by the regular printing 
 of his despatches, it might be the soundest source 
 of information upon which extending commerce 
 could base her many operations. For infor- 
 mation such as is received by merchants and 
 private persons is often inaccurate, and obtained 
 from doubtful sources. It is sometimes also pur- 
 posely false, whereas the official despatches of a 
 public servant might receive implicit credence in 
 most cases, and in all grave attention. The 
 publication of such despatches would be also of 
 incalculable benefit—at least to all nations under 
 constitutional government, because they would 
 
 then be able to ascertain if their servants in 
 D 
 
 33 
 
34 ROYAL MEETINGS. 
 
 foreign countries served them well and ably, 
 while the general condemnation might be brought 
 more readily to bear upon them where they did 
 not. An incompetent person could no longer be 
 entrusted with the most serious interests of the - 
 world, and we should hear of the errors or mis- 
 conduct of an envoy in time to prevent their 
 producing a national disaster. Another of the 
 most serious duties of an ambassador is to watch 
 over the safety of his fellow-countrymen, and to 
 give them all lawful aid and assistance in their 
 business abroad. He is morally bound at least 
 to show them all courtesy and kindness, and it is 
 his imperative duty so to do. He is bound to 
 protect their persons and property by every 
 means within his power, unless they have com- 
 mitted offences against the law. He is a registrar, 
 arbitrator, administrator of the goods of intes-, 
 tates. He is authorised to perform the marriage 
 ceremony, and to worship with his co-religionists 
 after the custom of his own country. 
 
 Cid endl The right of negotiation is founded on the 
 independence of states, and is one of the special 
 privileges of sovereign power. 
 
 How oxet: It may be exercised either verbally, by per- 
 sonal interview, or by writing, with the usual 
 official formalities: that is to say, directly—a 
 plan which is seldom adopted for obvious rea- 
 sons; or indirectly, by means of plenipotentiaries. 
 
 Royal Mect- Should a meeting between sovereigns follow 
 
 pai the negotiations of their plenipotentiaries, it may 
 take place on the neutral ground between the 
 
RECEPTION OF ENVOYS. 35 
 
 frontiers of their states, or within the dominions 
 of another power. 
 
 Plenipotentiaries are usually either great officers Plenipoten- 
 of state, empowered to negotiate on some parti- ra 
 cular subject, or private individuals who have 
 received full powers from their sovereign. To 
 the latter category belong ministers and diplo- 
 matic envoys.* 
 
 Important affairs can very seldom be settled ene 
 by negotiations in writing, and in our days the 
 chief intercourse between nations is nearly 
 always conducted verbally, at least in the first 
 instance. In comparatively recent times, how- 
 ever, where the relations between particular 
 states were neither frequent or numerous, extra- 
 ordinary envoys were often delegated with full 
 powers to transact some special business, and 
 resigned their functions immediately the object of 
 such mission was accomplished. We learn, also, 
 from Heffter and other authorities, that formerly 
 the Pope only entertained permanent missions, 
 and even he did so merely at Constantinople and 
 the court of France. _Nations, however, knew very 
 little about their real interest in those days, and 
 few monarchs were rich enough to charge their 
 revenues with the amazing expense of foreign 
 embassies. 
 
 The official receptions accorded to envoys from Beara NY 
 foreign states depended altogether upon circum- 
 stances. The envoys of powerful or friendly 
 
 * Vide Kliiber, Martens, and Heffter. 
 
36 THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS. 
 
 governments enjoyed far more distinguished 
 honours than were granted to others. Hence 
 arose many petty disputes, which were very often 
 gladly compromised to avoid more serious dif- 
 ferences. 
 
 Permanent = ‘The establishment of permanent embassies 
 took place about the same time as the formation 
 of standing armies. Both these important 
 changes in European policy began to appear 
 towards the end of the fifteenth century, though 
 they did not become general till the sixteenth, 
 after the time of Richelieu and the peace of 
 Westphalia. | 
 
 eter From this time forth, certain formalities were 
 gradually introduced into the business of embas- 
 sies, and foreign envoys began to exercise a 
 greater influence upon political affairs in Europe, 
 as nations devoted more attention to their foreign 
 policy. 
 
 ee At this period, also, first arose discussions as 
 to the representative rank of an ambassador, a 
 
 The Diplo. point not hitherto fixed. Thus, during that time 
 
 matioCorPS: of transition between the middle ages and 
 modern times, a diplomatic corps was gradually 
 formed at. every court, whose business it was to 
 maintain friendly relations between their own 
 governments and that of the country to which 
 they were accredited, and to receive or give 
 explanations of all circumstances that might be 
 otherwise likely to interrupt them. In process of 
 time, if any state withdrew its representative at a 
 foreign court, or declined to accredit one, this 
 
THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS. 
 
 came to be iooked upon as a sign of enmity. Any 
 hesitation in the reception of a diplomatic envoy, 
 also, was usually interpreted as a sign of ill-will, 
 unless fully explained; and to send his passports 
 to a foreign representative was always held an 
 unequivocal proof of hostility. 
 
 As permanent embassies grew more nume- 
 rous, their importance was better recognised— 
 the sphere of their duties was enlarged, and 
 the mutual intercourse of states became more 
 easy and better regulated. The rights of lega- 
 tion (Jus Legatorum, droit de Legation, droit 
 d’Ambassade) became the basis of international 
 law, and many privileges which in former times 
 had been only granted to foreign representatives 
 —such as the security of their persons and pro- 
 perty—were gradually extended to all the subjects 
 of a friendly power. 
 
 It appears, indeed, from a close examination 
 of that inner and interesting portion of history 
 which refers to the manners and traditions of 
 nations, that such rights had been usually 
 respected, even in the worst times, except in 
 extraordinary instances; and although no positive 
 law existed respecting the privileges of strangers 
 in foreign countries, most Kuropean states were 
 early agreed to treat them with kindness, if not 
 with distinction. 
 
 37 
 
Qualifica- 
 tions for a 
 Diplomatist, 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 a 
 
 Qualifications for a Diplomatist.—Formalities.—Objects of Study. 
 —Case of General Haynau.—Diplomacy.—Ossat and Mazarin.— 
 Richelieu. —International Disputes. 
 
 THE pleasant, conscientious writers of Ger- 
 many—to read whose works is to me a quaint 
 and never-ending delight—are fond of expatiating 
 on the attainments which they consider necessary 
 to the formation of a true diplomatist. They 
 tell us with a grave and enchanting simplicity 
 that the representatives of a great nation should 
 know something more than how to dine and to 
 dance—to bow with becoming reverence, and to 
 modulate his voice in such a manner that it may 
 be heard without offence within the precincts of 
 a court. ‘They very justly set a proper value on 
 the qualifications above mentioned; for a diplo- 
 matist can scarcely be useful in his office if he 
 is not also a polished and genial gentleman— 
 a happy mixture of the scholar, the philosopher, 
 and the man of the world. They do not, how- 
 ever, subscribe to an opinion which: has been of 
 late years rather too prevalent in Britain— 
 that accomplishments and the graces are alone 
 sufficient recommendations for entrusting to any 
 gentleman the most vital interests—the peace and 
 
 
 
QUALIFICATIONS OF A DIPLOMATIST. 
 
 the honour of nations. They do not churlishly 
 reject the popular, and, in the main, useful 
 theory (as most popular theories are when we 
 examine them fairly) that an ambassador should 
 be something of a _beau-cavalier — agreeable, 
 witty, gentle-mannered—a clubbable man, indeed ; 
 only they think that he should also possess 
 some other qualities and attainments, and that 
 the outward glitter should be the mere setting of 
 the gem within. 
 
 It is a cheerful and refreshing entertainment 
 to read their naive descriptions of their beau 
 ideal of this imaginary personage. ‘They paint 
 him with all the qualities of Apollo and Doctor 
 Johnson. I have derived more gratification from 
 the enthusiasm which pervades all their writings 
 on this subject than from the delineation of a hero 
 of romance by a female pen. They tell us, with 
 infinite though unconscious humour, that a model 
 ambassador should be especially distinguished for 
 his profound knowledge of history, and notably 
 of that portion which throws light on the 
 manners and character of nations; that he should 
 be thoroughly versed in their previous treaties 
 and alliances, so as to understand the value 
 which may be safely attached to their professions 
 of friendship and good will in time of emergency. 
 An ambassador, they say, should be acquainted 
 with all the wearisome intricacies of geography, 
 statistics, political economy or statecraft, genea- 
 logy*—to be able to form a sound opinion on 
 
 * Vide Miruss, v. i, p. 69, § 70. 
 
 39 
 
40 
 
 FORMALITIES. 
 
 questions of disputed succession or projected 
 alliances—with the art of explanation and inter- 
 pretation, or ‘making things pleasant,” as we 
 say. Now, all these things our German cousins 
 not only venture to assert, are necessary for the 
 mere foundation or groundwork, as it were, of 
 an ambassador’s education, but they actually 
 have one single and generic name for them all 
 combined. It is a long one (for our learned 
 friends have powerful lungs), but it conveys its 
 meaning with rather startling force and accuracy. 
 Itis “ Hiilfswissenschaften,” or auxiliary sciences. 
 Really, if one observes the light and familiar 
 way in which our relatives pronounce this terribly 
 long word—ay, and understand its meaning, too 
 —one would think mankind should be altogether 
 made up of Apollo Johnsons. Only fancy an 
 individual whose mental endowments resembled 
 those of the great lexicographer exhausting a merry 
 diligence in learning to play on the guitar; while 
 Apollo’s image by his side is qualifying himself 
 eravely to square the circle or discover the longi- 
 tude. Iam afraid the reader will accuse me of lack 
 of reverence—reverence for dignities—in writing 
 thus; yet this is the picture the German writers 
 conjure up. Why should they not be in the 
 right, too? Shall folly never lay aside her 
 jingle and her bells, or wisdom learn to smile ? 
 
 A thorough knowledge of technical and custo- 
 mary forms is as necessary to a diplomatist as to 
 alawyer. ‘They are of paramount importance in 
 all written documents and avoid a multitude of 
 
CASE OF GENERAL HAYNAU. Al 
 
 petty difficulties. It is the fashion in England 
 just now to despise routine, but the practical man 
 of business will often perceive that it is of very 
 sreat utility in delicate matters. The forms 
 observed in diplomatic . communications with 
 foreign states prevent all cause of offence respect- 
 ing the proper enumeration of titles and dignities. 
 They regulate the precise words of respect and 
 courtesy necessary to be used on every occasion : 
 they deprive argument of its heat, and expostula- 
 tion of its acrimony. 7 
 
 A thorough general acquaintance with the laws, one 
 constitutions, organisation, and government of 
 foreign states is very necessary. An ambassador 
 should be also well versed in the law of his own 
 country, since matters may very frequently arise 
 in which a clear exposition of it may be necessary 
 to prevent serious misunderstandings. I will give 
 an example: When that unfortunate outrage on 
 General Haynau took place in England, and pore 
 called forth so strong a feeling of animosity 
 against us in Austria, it is probable that much 
 might have been done to soothe the wounded 
 pride of that country if the state of the English law 
 could have been clearly explained at the time ; if 
 it could have been pointed out that since General - 
 Haynau had declined to prosecute we were unable 
 to punish the offender. It is impossible to think, 
 without the deepest regret, the enduring anger 
 which has been excited against us by this unhappy 
 circumstance. 
 
 It is obvious also that a sound knowledge, at 
 
42 
 
 Diplomacy. 
 
 DIPLOMACY. 
 
 least of all general laws in force in the country to 
 which an ambassador is accredited, will often 
 enable him to give useful advice and warning to his 
 fellow-subjects who might be inadvertently about 
 to transgress such laws. It will point out to him 
 those things which he can claim as a right, and 
 those which are granted to him out of courtesy or 
 respect for the nation he represents. In every 
 separate state also certain usages exist different 
 to those which obtain in others respecting the 
 rights and privileges of foreign envoys. ‘These 
 are usually the subject of special laws or ordi- 
 nances, and it is essential that an ambassador 
 should clearly understand all regulations which 
 affect his own position, in order that he may in 
 no case give subject of offence, or trespass beyond 
 the limits which are assigned to him. 
 
 It has been generally held that in states where » 
 the law is so uncertain, that proper security is 
 not guaranteed to life and property by an: 
 efficient police, a foreign ambassador is entitled 
 to demand a special guard to assure his safety ; 
 and indeed this is usually done by the represen- 
 tatives of the Christian powers in the East and in 
 the Barbary states. 
 
 The word Diplomacy appears to have first 
 come into use towards the end of the eighteenth 
 century. It is derived from the Greek word 
 dizAw@pa, and may be defined in an extended 
 sense* to signify everything connected with the 
 administration and negotiation of foreign affairs. 
 
 * Vide Garden. Hist. de la Dirtie. 
 
DIPLOMACY. 
 
 +} 
 
 ** La Diplomatie, et la diplomatique,” says M. 
 de Garden, “ malgré l’apparente analogie de leur 
 denomination, n’ont point de rapport; le dernier 
 nom sert 4 designer la connaissance technique 
 des diplomes. La Diplomatie embrasse le systéme 
 entier des intéréts qui naissent des rapports 
 entre les nations, elle a pour objét leur sureté, 
 leur tranquillité, leur dignité respective, et son but 
 direct, immédiat, est ou doit étre du moins le 
 maintien de la paix et de la bonne harmonie 
 entre puissances. Les principes de cette science 
 out leur source dans le droit international, ou 
 droit des gens positifs, qui forme la lol commune 
 des peuples Européens ce droit présente l’en- 
 semble des régles admises, reconnues, consacrées 
 par la coutume ou par les conventions, et qui 
 fixent les droits et les devoirs des états, soit en 
 paix, soit en guerre.” 
 
 Pecquet, another French writer on this subject, 
 in the forty-second page of his excellent preface 
 to “ L’art de Négocier avec les Souverains,” says: 
 “Un Négociateur pour étre supérieur doit étre 
 préparé dés lenfance & cette profession impor- 
 tante.’ And again, further on, he urges the 
 necessity of a man forming a just judgment of his 
 own capacity before he enters on so difficult and 
 delicate a career. He rightly insists on the fine 
 moral qualities—the belief in good, and the ap- 
 preciation of the beautiful, which is necessary to 
 form an able negotiator. It would be impossible 
 indeed to estimate such qualities too highly. 
 The fate of nations very often hangs on the judi- 
 
 43 
 
44 
 
 DIPLOMACY. 
 
 cious conduct of a diplomatist. Huis success 
 depends almost entirely in the confidence and 
 esteem which he inspires. It is indispensable that 
 he should be of approved candor, honour, and 
 
 probity. An importunate vivacity will frequently 
 
 disgust the persons with whom he may have to 
 deal, while a heavy, plodding manner will infal- 
 libly weary out their attention before his story is 
 half told. Perhaps, however, my honest friend— 
 Mirus — sums the whole affair up when he says, 
 plainly and simply, “ Zu politischen Unterhand- 
 lungen gehéren umfassende Kentnisse, Gewand- 
 heit, Verstand und ein ausgebildetes Urtheil. Bei 
 der Auswahl der Unterhindler weniger auf diese 
 Eigenschaften, als auf Reichthum und Geburt 
 zu sehen, ist in der Regel einer der gréssten 
 Fehlgriffe.”’* 
 
 The learned Mably, however, frankly confesses ° 
 that he dares not enumerate all the qualities 
 necessary to make a good diplomatist, because 
 “Ich wurde einen Menchen darstellen, der nie zu 
 finden seyn wird.” Or, he adds, pleasantly, “‘ triife 
 man ihn auch endlich an;” it would sometimes 
 be unsafe to use him; since there are matters in 
 which a fool may be better employed than a wise 
 man. Lord Bacon, I remember, in his essays, also 
 has something very much to the same effect. 
 
 England and Germany have not produced so 
 many distinguished diplomatists as Russia, 
 France, and the old Italian States. Of those 
 French negotiators (with whom we are most 
 
 * Page 72. 
 
OSSAT AND MAZARIN. 
 
 familiar) we shall perhaps hardly find two ex- 
 amples more worthy of note than the Cardinals 
 Ossat and Mazarin. The former appears to have 
 invariably adopted the most perfect frankness 
 and truth in all his dealings. His idea of states- 
 manship was based on the fair and open principle 
 of sincerity; and, indeed, such a policy will be 
 found in all cases where it has been adopted 
 to have been eminently successful. In a frank, 
 plain statement there is always something attrac- 
 tive even to the most crooked-minded men. The 
 negotiator has also told the worst, and every day 
 softens the first effects of his communication ; 
 whereas, if he begins by glozing over a disagree- 
 able matter which must be discussed in its true 
 form at last, his affairs are every day growing 
 worse, and he has nothing to hope from a future 
 which will certainly plunge him into deeper 
 difficulty. Ossat believed, therefore, that it was, 
 in the first place, necessary to state his case 
 clearly, and then he trusted always to carry the 
 matter in hand by appealing to the reason of his 
 adversary, and forcibly pointing out the advan- 
 tages of the measure he advocated. Nothing 
 escaped his fine understanding and penetrating 
 intellect, which could in any manner contribute 
 to so legitimate an object. The arguments he 
 adduced in the first place were always as well 
 considered, as just and unanswerable as possible. 
 All his skill, we are told, therefore, consisted 
 in reiterating them again and again with un- 
 shaken constancy, and in an easy agreeable 
 
 Ossat and. 
 Mazarin. 
 
46 
 
 Richelieu. 
 
 RICHELIEU. 
 
 manner. This made him a most perplexing 
 antagonist, for he always maintained his point 
 with as much courtesy as firmness. Mazarin, 
 however, had not beén bred in so noble a school. 
 He owes his reputation altogether to cunning 
 and intrigue. He was so profound a dissembler, 
 that deception became the habit and custom of 
 his life. It was a rule with him to treat the 
 affairs of which he most desired the accomplish- 
 ment with apparent indifference. In this he 
 seems to me to have made a capital mistake, for 
 such a proceeding could only cool the zeal of 
 friendship and give a troublesome confidence to 
 opposition. Mazarin, however, had that trickster 
 mind which has often characterised bad women 
 in places of power, or the slaves and eunuchs of 
 the East. He loved deceit for its own sake. He 
 had more pleasure in deception than success, and 
 he would have considered himself robbed of half 
 his triumph if he had not been able to boast of 
 the unworthy means by which he obtained it. 
 
 Perhaps no one, however, has possessed a 
 clearer or more philosophical idea of the art of 
 negotiating than Richelieu. The following in- 
 structions deserve to be written in letters of 
 gold :— 
 
 “Jl faut agir en tous lieux (ce qui est bien 
 & remarquer) selon ’humeur et les moyens con- 
 venables a la portée de ceux avec qui on négocie. 
 
 ‘“‘Diverses nations ont divers mouvemens, les 
 unes concluent promptement ce qu’elles veulent 
 faire, et les autres y marchent a pas de plomb. 
 
RICHELIEU. 
 
 “Tl faut agir avec un chacun selon la portée de 
 son esprit. in certaines occasions tant s’en faut 
 que parler et agir courageusement, aprés qu’on a 
 mis le droit de son cédté, soit courir 4 un rupture, 
 qu’au contraire, c’est plutot la prévenir et l’étouffer 
 en sa naissance. En d'autres, au lieu de relever 
 mal a propos de certains discours faits impru- 
 demment par ceux avec qui l’on traite, it faut les 
 souffrir avec prudence et addresse tout ensemble, 
 et n’avoir Voreilles que pour entendre ce qui fait 
 parvenir a ses fins. 
 
 “Les grandes négociations ne doivent pas avoir 
 un seul moment d’intermission, il faut poursuivre 
 ce qu’on entreprend avec une perpétuelle suite de 
 desseins, en sorte qu’on ne cesse jamais d’agir, 
 que par raison, et non par relache d’esprit, par 
 indifférence des choses, vacillation des pensées et 
 par résolution contraire. 
 
 “Tl est difficile de combattre souvent et étre 
 toujours vainqueur, et c'est une marque d’une 
 extraordinaire bénédiction, quand les succés sont 
 favorables aux grandes choses, et seulement 
 contraires en celles dont T’événement est peu 
 important. 
 
 “ T’importance de ce lieu me fait remarquer, 
 quil est tout-a-fait nécessaire Wétre exact aux 
 choix des ambassadeurs et autres négociateurs, et 
 qu’on ne scauroit étre trop sévére & punir ceux 
 qui outrepassent leur pouvoir; puis que par telles 
 fautes ils mettent en compromis la réputation des 
 princes et le bien des états.” 
 
 Among the most valuable qualities of an 
 
 47 
 
Inter- 
 national 
 Disputes. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES. 
 
 ambassador also are: the art of listening and 
 paying a lively and polite attention to the dryest 
 details of business; infallible presence of mind, a 
 sound and rapid judgment, a frank and upright 
 bearing, a pleasant address—a cheerful disposition 
 to take things as they are rather than measure 
 them by some imaginary standard of perfection. 
 Let him especially shun all appearance of mystery 
 and solemnity, as only calculated to make others 
 unnecessarily suspicious and difficult to deal 
 with. Lastly, he should cultivate habitual calm- 
 ness, decorum, and good temper, as only secondary 
 to religious duties. 
 
 The great advantage of employing permanent 
 and skilful envoys will appear the more obvious 
 when we consider the numerous examples in his- 
 tory where disputes, in themselves insignificant, 
 and which might have been arranged in their » 
 early stages with a little tact and prudence, have 
 been envenomed by neglect and idle rumours till 
 they have, at last, involved the world in long and 
 bloody wars. It may be safely advanced that the 
 peace and prosperity of any state permanently, 
 depends greatly on the men she has chosen to 
 represent her in foreign countries, to explain her 
 policy with fitting ability, and to assert her rights 
 with prudence, gentleness, and moderation. ‘La 
 guerre,” said a French philosopher very finely, 
 “n’est que la mésintelligence.” 
 
 Cardinal Richelieu, who is the great advocate 
 for permanent embassies, and is entitled to the 
 honour of the first statesman who habitually 
 
PRIVILEGES OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 employed them, made some very pertinent obser- 
 vations on this subject. He says :— 
 
 “Les états recoivent tant d’avantage des négo- 
 clations continuelles, lorsqu’elles sont conduites 
 
 avec prudence, qu'il n’est pas possible de le croire, 
 
 si on ne le scait par expérience. 
 
 “J’avoue que je n’ai connu cette vérité que 
 cing OU S1x ans aprés que j’ai été employé dans le 
 maniement des affaires; mais j’en ai maintenant 
 tant de certitude, que jose dire hardiment, que 
 négocier sans cesse ouvertement ou secretement 
 en tous lieux, encore méme qu’on n’en recoive pas 
 un fruit présent, et que celui qu’on en peut 
 attendre a l’avenir ne soit pas apparent, est chose 
 tout a fait nécessaire pour le bien des états. 
 
 “Je puis dire avec vérité, avoir vu de mon 
 temps changer tout a fait de face les affaires de la 
 France, et de la Chrétienté, pour avoir, sous 
 Vautorité du roi, fait pratiquer ce principe, 
 jusqu’alors absolument négligé en ce royaume, 
 etc. 
 
 “Celui qui négocie trouve enfin un instant 
 propre pour venir a ses fins; et quand méme il 
 ne le trouveroit pas, au moins est-il vrai qu il ne 
 peut rien perdre, et que par le moyen de ses 
 négociations il est averti de ce qui se passe dans 
 le monde, ce qui n’est pas de petite consequence 
 pour le bien des états. 
 
 “‘Les négociations sont des remédes innocens, 
 qui ne font jamais de mal; il faut agir par tout, 
 prés et loin, et surtout 4 Rome.” 
 
 It is proper here to add that Kliiber and 
 
 E 
 
 AY 
 
 ey ileges of 
 mbassa- 
 one 
 
PRIVILEGES OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 Martens both maintain that an ambassador is 
 entitled to the same rights and privileges whether 
 employed on state affairs or entrusted with the 
 mere private business of his sovereign.* 
 
 * Vide Kliiber, Europ. Vélk, Bd. i. § 272—275 ; also Martens, 
 Précis, &e. (1831), tom. ii. pp. 85—37. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 —— fs 
 
 The Active Rights of Legation—Tributary States.—The States of 
 the Empire.—The Swiss Cantons.—Wallachia and Moldavia.— 
 Towns and Corporations.—Neuchatel and Bienne—Sovereigns 
 who have Abdicated, or been Dethroned.— Interregna.—The 
 Passive Rights of Legation. —No State is bound to receive 
 Ambassadors.— Law of Charles V.—Reasons for Refusing to 
 receive Ambassadors.—How far such Refusal may extend. 
 
 Every independent state has the right of Active 
 sending ambassadors to foreign powers. Each eae 
 separate state of a union or confederation pos- 
 sesses also the same right, in this respect, as 
 states which are not so united, unless special 
 exception be made to it in the articles of the 
 union. ‘To the latter category belong the Confe- 
 derated States of Germany and Switzerland.* 
 
 The right of sending ambassadors is one of the 
 attributes of sovereign power, and cannot be 
 exercised by any subject or subjects, with what- 
 _soever privileges he or they may be otherwise 
 endowed.t 
 
 * See Bynkershoek, Qui recte Legatos mittant, lib. ii, c. 111 ; 
 Kliber, Bd. i. 8. 282, 283; De Martens, Précis, &c. (Nouv. ed. 
 1831), tom. ii. p. 37—389; and Heffter, Volk. der Gegenwart, 
 8. 333. 
 
 ++ Vide Moser, Beytrige zu dem neusten Eur. Vélk. &c. Th. iv. 
 S. 38; and Kliiber, Oeff. Recht des teutschen Bundes, 8, 128; 
 with other authorities of equal repute. 
 
 EZ 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF [LLINOS 
 LIBRARY 
 
BQ TRIBUTARY STATES, ETC. 
 
 A deputation may, however, be sent by them to 
 a foreign power, with full knowledge and permis- 
 sion of the sovereign or his representatives. 
 This is a case which has occurred frequently mn 
 England of late years, but was extremely rare in 
 former times. 
 
 A sovereign prince may also delegate to a 
 subject the right of sending ambassadors to 
 foreign states, though it is a very unusual thing 
 so to do. Ambassadors so sent, however, would 
 be -entitled to all the rights and privileges of 
 other ambassadors. 
 
 pa The right of sending an ambassador cannot be 
 denied to tributary states, or those under the 
 protection of other powers, or to any other state 
 whatsoever which still retains sufficient inde- 
 pendence to make war, to conclude peace, and to 
 contract alliances ; unless the rights of such state 
 be limited by special treaty. 
 
 ae The states of the German empire and the 
 Dukes of Courland had formerly the power of 
 sending ambassadors; but the counts and barons 
 of the empire had neither the right to send or to 
 receive them. 
 
 Bias Can: The rights of legation are also still possessed 
 
 by the Swiss Cantons separately, and they are 
 
 empowered to send envoys to foreign states upon 
 any matter which does not concern the general 
 interest, or interfere with the central power, of the 
 Confederation. 
 
 oe In the XVI. article of the Treaty of Peace 
 
 ‘and Mol- 
 davia, concluded between Russia and the Porte in 1774, 
 
SOVEREIGNS WHO HAVE ABDICATED, ETC. 53 
 
 very limited rights of legation were accorded to 
 Wallachia and Moldavia,—they being then simply 
 empowered to send a permanent chargé d'affaires 
 to Constantinople, under the protection of the 
 law of nations. ‘This circumstance has contri- 
 buted, perhaps, more than all others, to the ruin 
 and degradation of these principalities, as well as 
 to the success of the designs of Russia against 
 the Porte. ‘They have been oppressed and disre- 
 garded because their wants and interests have 
 been unknown. 
 
 Several towns and corporations formerly pos- pe cea 
 sessed the power of sending ambassadors to tions. 
 negotiate with foreign states, on matters of war 
 and commerce. WVattel cites Neuchatel and RE 
 Bienne, in Switzerland, as being entitled to the 
 “droit de Banniére” Jus armorum), and having 
 enjoyed the power of sending ambassadors in 
 consequence. 
 
 A sovereign who has voluntarily abdicated has Sovereigns 
 
 ho have 
 
 certainly no further right to send or to receive abdicated 
 ambassadors, because this right is not vested in dethroned. 
 his person as an individual, but is inseparable 
 from the sovereign power. ‘There are, however, 
 some examples in history which may be cited to 
 prove that princes who have laid down their 
 crowns have, nevertheless, retained this right, 
 and it has been admitted. Among such instances 
 may be mentioned the Emperor Charles V., and 
 Christina of Sweden. 
 
 If a sovereign has been dethroned by a revolu- 
 tion in his own dominions, or by adverse wars, 
 
54. 
 
 INTERREGNA.—PASSIVE RIGHTS. 
 
 he is still held to possess the right of sending 
 ambassadors as long as the least chance of success 
 may attach to his cause; and this, notwithstand- 
 ing any opposition which may be made by the 
 existing government of his dominions. The same 
 
 right, however, must also be admitted to belong 
 
 Interregna. 
 
 Passive 
 rights. 
 
 to the usurpers of his power, or its denial will be 
 construed into a proof of ill-will or a menace of 
 hostility. 
 
 In cases where the throne is declared vacant, 
 the rights of legation will be vested in those who 
 are lawfully summoned to administer the affairs 
 of state during the interregnum, and who thereby 
 are entrusted with the attributes of sovereign 
 power. 
 
 No state is bound to send ambassadors to . 
 foreign powers, unless by the conditions of some . 
 special treaty.* 
 
 It is customary to send due notice to a foreign 
 court previous to despatching an ambassador 
 thither for the first time; and also on the nomi- 
 nation of every other ambassador afterwards. It 
 is usual, also, to give the name of the person 
 appointed, in order to avoid any subsequent 
 difference or discussion upon this subject.t 
 
 The right of sending embassies corresponds 
 with the right to receive them; and the one 
 depends upon the other. Nevertheless, some 
 
 * Vide Kliiber, S. 283 ; and Martens, Précis, &c. tom. ii. p. 41. 
 
 + Vide ‘‘Considerations Historiques et Diplomatiques sur les 
 Ambassadeurs des Romains, comparées aux Modernes,” p. 14, par 
 M. Weiske. 
 
RECEPTION OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 states which have been allowed the right of send- 
 ing embassies have not, necessarily, been per- 
 mitted to receive them.* 
 
 No state is bound, by the law of nations, to 
 receive diplomatic agents from any foreign power, 
 unless compelled to do so by treaty, in some 
 particular instance. 
 
 The reception of an ambassador, however, may 
 be tacitly promised by granting him passports 
 
 for his journey; also by the acceptance of his 
 
 credentials. 
 
 The reception of an ambassador is an acknow- 
 ledgment of the rights of his sovereign. Itis a 
 mere matter of choice and interest whether a 
 state agrees to receive an ambassador or other- 
 wise; unless special treaties have lmited the 
 rights of refusal of any particular state, by dis- 
 tinct conditions.+} 
 
 Some nations, however, have fixed laws on this 
 subject, and one of the articles in the constitution 
 ‘of the United States of North America obliges 
 the president to receive ambassadors and public 
 ministers from foreign powers.} 
 
 In the circular note, also, addressed to the 
 members of the Rhenish Confederation, by 
 
 * Vide Kliiber, S. 285—286; also Bynkershoek, Qui recte 
 Legatos mittant, lib. ii. c. iv.; and Schmelzing, Systematischer 
 Grundriss des praktischen Europaischen Vélkerrechts, Th. xi. 
 S. 95. 
 
 + See Schmelzing, Th. ii. 8. 98; Kliiber Bd. i. S. 285; Martens, 
 Précis, &c. tom. ii. p. 41; and A. W. Heffter, Eur. Vol. 8. 334. 
 
 + Vide J. Story’s Commentaries on the Constitution of the 
 Un ited States, 
 
 States not 
 
 bound to 
 
 receive Am- 
 bassadors. 
 
Law of 
 Charles V. 
 
 “LAW. OF CHARLES V. 
 
 the prince-primate, and dated Aschaffenburg, 
 18th September, 1806,* occur these words :— 
 
 “ Der Fiirst-Primas unterwirft den Hinsichten 
 der verbiindeten Monarchen und Souverine die 
 Entscheidung der Frage: ob der Grundsatz der 
 Unverletzbarkeit des Gebietes des rheinischen 
 Bundes nicht die erste und wichtigste Stiitze sei, 
 um die allgemeine 6ffentliche Wohlfahrt aufrecht 
 zu erhalten ?—ob es nicht der hohen Weisheit der 
 verbundeten Monarchen und Souveriine gemass 
 sei, fremden Truppen, selbst unbewaffneten, den 
 Durchmarsch nie ohne Hinwiligung des ganzen 
 Bundes zu gestatten ? endlich, ob es nicht ebenso 
 der Wiirde unabhingiger Souveriine angemessen 
 sel, dass ihre Stellvertreter bei dem Bundestage 
 zu Frankfurt, dessen Geschiift es ist, die mnere 
 Ruhe zu befestigen, kee fremden Gesandten 
 annehmen, und keine an fremde Héfe abschicken? 
 welches natiirlicher Weise jedem der in dem 
 Bunde vereinigten erhabenen Monarchen und 
 Souverine, und nicht der Versammlung ihrer 
 Bevollmichtigen, vorbehalten ist.” 
 
 In the laws of the Emperor Charles V., how- 
 ever, it 1s laid down that if a foreign state refuse 
 to receive an ambassador from a friendly power, 
 which may have occasion to negotiate with her, 
 such refusal should be held infamous, and in 
 direct opposition to the law of nations.t 
 
 Notwithstanding any examples which may be 
 
 * Vide Winkopp, Der rh. Bund, bd. i. H. i. 8. 148. 
 + Compare also De Real, La Science du Gouvernement, tom. v. 
 p. 140; and Heffter, p. 334, note 1. 
 
REFUSAL TO RECEIVE *AMBASSADORS. 57 
 
 adduced to the contrary, however, it is usual for 
 every state to receive ambassadors from all 
 friendly powers. When an ambassador has once 
 been received at any court, he is entitled to every 
 privilege enjoyed there by his order without 
 further question. 
 
 The grant of a first audience with the sovereign 
 is considered the official announcement of an 
 ambassador’s reception by the court to which he 
 is accredited. 
 
 The reasons which any state may allege for Reasons for 
 refusing to receive an ambassador are various :— receive Am. 
 1. When an ambassador has had any previous . 
 misunderstanding at another court, the court to 
 which he is afterwards accredited may refuse to 
 receive him till the matter has been satisfactorily 
 arranged, as in the recent case of Sir Henry 
 Bulwer at Florence. 2. A sovereign may refuse 
 to receive an ambassador, from a desire to avoid 
 some inconvenient ceremony which his arrival or 
 presence would entail. 38. A sovereign may also 
 refuse to receive an ambassador who has given 
 him any cause of offence ; or who is personally 
 disagreeable to him. 
 
 The refusal of any state to recelve an ambas- 
 sador may be notified either to the government 
 by which he is appointed, or to the ambassador 
 himself, in various ways. ‘Thus, should he 
 already have arrived at his destination, an express 
 or tacit refusal to receive his credentials will be 
 sufficient to explain to him either that he will not 
 be received at all as an ambassador, or only under 
 
58 
 
 How far 
 
 such refusal 
 may extend. 
 
 REFUSAL TO RECEIVE AMBASSADORS. 
 
 certain conditions which may be explained to 
 him, or otherwise. 
 
 Information of such refusal may also be .con- 
 veyed to him upon his journey, and he may be 
 even denied permission to pass the frontiers of 
 the state to which he has been accredited. 
 
 In doubtful cases, therefore, it is better to 
 ascertain clearly the reception which is likely to 
 be accorded to an ambassador before he is des- 
 patched at all.* 
 
 A sovereign is not bound by the law of nations 
 even to allow an ambassador proceeding to an- 
 other state, permission to halt in his progress, 
 or travel through his territory. He may impose 
 any restrictions he pleases on an ambassador 
 while passing through his dominions, or any 
 part of them; although the ambassador is always 
 entitled to demand security for his person and ‘ 
 suite.t 
 
 * Vide Ahnert, Lehrbegriff, Erfordernisse und Rechte der 
 Gesandten, Th. i. 8. 172. 
 
 + Compare Achenwall, Diss. de Transitu et Admissione Legati, 
 &c. ; also Chr. Rau, De Transitu et Admissione Legati. Martens 
 and Kliiber also support these views, and Martens gives some 
 valuable illustrations. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 —4—— 
 
 Full Powers.—Plenipotentiaries.—Duration of Embassies. — Ambas- 
 sadors and Envoys Extraordinary.—Various denominations of 
 
 _ Ambassadors.—Arch-Ambassadors.—Diplomatic Rank.—Strange 
 Delusions.—Ministers Resident.—Chargés d’ Affaires.— Gentle- 
 men Envoys.—Ministers of State at a Congress.—The ancient 
 Venetian Bailo.—The Podesta.—Legate or Nuncio. 
 
 Tue full powers confided to an ambassador 
 may be either limited or unlimited; they may 
 either refer to general business, or to some 
 special and particular affair. 
 
 The title plenipotentiary; however (plena po- 
 testate munitus), 1s ordinarily used in the former 
 and more general sense. Among the earliest 
 persons who received this title may be mentioned 
 Cardinal Mazarin, whom I find was styled Pleni- 
 potentiarius at the Congress of the Pyrenees. 
 
 In modern times, the title of Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary is usually given to envoys of the second 
 class, and this without any reference to the 
 nature or extent of their powers. 
 
 There is no article in the law of nations which 
 fixes the period at which the embassy of an 
 ordinary ambassador shall terminate. ‘he mis- 
 sion of an ambassador extraordinary,* however, 
 
 * The word Ambassador is used generally both here and else- 
 where, as that with which the British public are most familiar. 
 
 Full powers. 
 
 Plenipoten- 
 tiaries. 
 
 Duration of 
 Embassies. 
 
60 
 
 Ambassa- 
 dors and 
 Envoys Ex- 
 traordinary. 
 
 Various de- 
 nominations 
 of Ambassa- 
 dors. 
 
 DENOMINATIONS OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 who is sent to negotiate upon some special busi- 
 ness, is usually arranged to terminate within a 
 certain time; as in the recent mission of Lord 
 John Russell to Vienna. 
 
 The latter class of ambassadors were commonly 
 employed before the establishment of permanent 
 diplomatic relations between states. 
 
 In modern times, it may be here observed, that 
 the practice has been to give the title of ambas- 
 sador extraordinary and envoy extraordinary to 
 permanent diplomatic agents. It must be ac- 
 knowledged that this custom also has appeared 
 reasonable enough. 
 
 Sometimes ambassadors are appointed ad 
 wmterim, during the vacancy of a diplomatic post 
 or the absence of the usual resident.* 
 
 There are various denominations of ambas- 
 sadors, such as negociators (ministres négocia- 
 teurs); ambassadors of honour (Khren-gesandte, 
 ministres d’étiquette, ministres de cérémonie, &c.); 
 of obedience (legationes obedientiz#, ambassades 
 d’obédience); and the arch-ambassadors of the 
 holy Roman empire. 
 
 ‘I'he negotiating ambassadors are those exclu- 
 sively entrusted with affairs of state. 
 
 T'he ambassadors of honour are those des- 
 patched on the occasion of any great national 
 ceremony or event, such as the birth or marriage 
 of an heir to the throne; the accession or death 
 
 * Vide Dorn, Diss. de eo quod justum est circa legationes assi- 
 duas; Moser, Weusuch! part iii. p. 55; and J. L. Kliiber, vol. i. 
 p. 287—-288. 
 
DENOMINATIONS OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 of the sovereign; also, to convey thanks, congratu- 
 lations, or condolences, and on occasions of the 
 christening or betrothal of royal personages. 
 
 _ Kltiber* mentions also embassies of excuse, 
 despatched to apologise for any untoward acci- 
 dent. Such an embassy was required in the first 
 article of a treaty of peace concluded between 
 France and Genoa in 1685; and I can scarcely 
 fancy a more convenient manner for a weak state 
 to get out of a serious scrape with a strong one, 
 or to compromise some matter on which public 
 opinion has been very much excited, without 
 further unpleasant results. Ambassadors of 
 honour are usually invested with the highest diplo- 
 matic rank, besides being personages of mark 
 and importance in other respects. It is not un- 
 frequent, however, especially in modern times, 
 that the duties of an ambassador of honour are 
 superadded to those of the resident ambassador. 
 Embassies of obedience belong to the middle 
 ages, and were sent to the pope at the time when 
 religious fanaticism placed almost all the sove- 
 reions of Europe beneath the papal yoke. The 
 pope laid claim to the honour of receiving a 
 special embassy from every catholic sovereign, to 
 notify his accession to the throne, and formally 
 to assure the pope of his especial reverence and 
 obedience. In C. G. Buderi de legationibus 
 obedientiz Romam missis, liber singul. cap. i. 
 § 1, the object of these embassies of obedience 
 is thus explained: “ Alios non minus Europe 
 
 * Vol. i. p. 289. 
 
 61 
 
Arch-Am- 
 bassadors. 
 
 ARCH-AMBASSADORS. 
 
 multarumque orbis partium reges, principes, 
 respublicas, sedi Romane missis_ splendidis 
 Legationibus, venerationem exhibuisse atque pro- 
 misisse obedientiam, commemorabilibus edocemus 
 exemplis, &c.” In later times these embassies 
 were also called embassies of reverence—ambas- 
 sades de révérence. 
 
 The assertion of Miltitz, in his “Manuel des 
 Consuls” (tom. II. part i. p. 246), that “ the 
 Roman Emperor and the Duke of Savoy were 
 specially exempted from this obligation, is refuted 
 by many examples in the history of the middle 
 ages. ‘Thus, in Buderi de Legat. Obed. &c., 
 lib. sing. cap. 1. (de legatis obedientize Regum ac 
 Imperatorum R. G.) §ix., we find this passage: 
 “Sub Henrico V. Rege Romanorum et Impera- 
 tore, Henric. IV. F., solemnis et obedientie pro- 
 missis, et legatorum obedientizs Romano Pontifici | 
 prestandee caussa, missio orta videtur.” With 
 respect to the qualifications of an ambassador of 
 obedience, we find also, further on (cap. i. § 1.): 
 “ehountur a mittentibus, viri et natalium splen- 
 dore et gravitate munerum eminentes. Quales 
 et nisi elegantur, requirere solet wsa curia 
 Romana, hisce vn rebus solertissema.” And again, 
 Siv.: “prima cura est, ut introitus et receptio 
 legatorum obedientiz splendide fiat et conve- 
 nienter.” Giinther, Stieve, Linig, and Kliber 
 also all follow on the same side. 
 
 Lastly, we meet here and there in history with 
 the arch-ambassadors of the holy Roman empire. 
 They appear to have been very important func- 
 
DIPLOMATIC .RANK. 
 
 tionaries, with extensive powers; but I do not 
 find anywhere that such powers differed mate- 
 rially in their nature from those of other ambas- 
 sadors, save that the arch-ambassador possessed 
 the prestige of superior rank and consequence.* 
 
 There does not really appear to be any differ- 
 ence in the duties of diplomatic agents; and I 
 have therefore generally used the word ambas- 
 sador, when speaking of them generally, as being 
 that most familiar to the English reader. Every 
 chief of a mission, whatever may be his official 
 title, is, in point of fact, entrusted with the 
 management of the affairs of his government at 
 the court or capital in which he resides. Custom, 
 however, 18, aS usual, at variance with reason in 
 this matter. Custom is very fond of ranks and 
 classes. It has therefore, latterly, divided diplo- 
 matists into four distinct orders. Formerly, 
 there was only one class of diplomatists, and they 
 were all called by the same name; the private 
 agents that were sometimes sent to foreign courts, 
 on the personal affairs of princes, not being then 
 invested with a diplomatic character. However, 
 we have grown wiser with time. We like a little 
 quiet jealousy and heartburning among our 
 servants, even where there is no manner of 
 necessity for it. 
 
 The diplomatists, however, have only them- 
 selves to thank for having been ticketed and 
 classified in this way. It is on record, that, 
 during the 15th and 16th centuries, they set up 
 
 * See Frane de Roye, De Missis Dominicis, cap. xiv. p. 64. 
 
 63 
 
 Diplomatic 
 Rank. 
 
64 
 
 Strange de- 
 lusion. 
 
 Chargés 
 d’ Affaires. 
 
 STRANGE DELUSION. 
 
 such extravagant pretensions, as to become a 
 burthen and a weariness to all mankind. ‘They 
 were in the habit of declaring themselves the 
 direct personal representatives of royalty. ‘The 
 monarchs of those ages were not usually very 
 respectable people; but, somehow or other, their 
 diplomatists had an idea that regal manners 
 became them vastly well; and they played some 
 of the most extraordinary parts in history while 
 under this singular hallucination. It is rather 
 odd that kings should have allowed and ap- 
 plauded such an impudent caricature of them- 
 selves, but they did so; for they were wonderfully 
 jealous of any disrespect shown to them abroad; 
 and several died of rage, even, when they were 
 unable to avenge it; or plunged all Europe in 
 blood, to wipe out an affront, if they thought they 
 could do so with safety to themselves. 
 
 In consequence of this strange loftiness among 
 diplomatists, it became necessary to take them 
 down a little, and they have been taken down 
 accordingly. 
 
 Firstly, a class of diplomatists was created, 
 who were called Ministers Resident. They 
 were reduced to the disagreeable necessity of 
 representing their sovereign only in matters of 
 business, and not in private life. They did not 
 receive the same honours which were paid to 
 ambassadors, though their rights and privileges 
 were substantially very much the same. 
 
 Subsequently was also created a third class, 
 who were entitled Chargés d’Affaires (agentes in 
 
GENTLEMEN ENVOYS. 
 
 rebus); but these must not in any way be con- 
 founded with the agents who were often entrusted 
 with the private and personal affairs of sovereigns. 
 
 Even this arrangement, however, did not 
 answer for a long time; and the nonsense and 
 priggishness of these diplomatic geniuses became 
 at last so offensive and inconvenient, that towards 
 the end of the 16th century sovereigns were very 
 nearly giving up the diplomatic service in despair, 
 as a mere hot-bed of trouble and disputes. It 
 became customary, therefore, about this period, 
 to despatch gentlemen of repute to foreign courts, 
 without any diplomatic title at all; and indeed, at 
 first sight, nothing would appear so reasonable, 
 modest, and proper as such a proceeding. ‘These 
 persons seem to have done their business quite as 
 well as if they had been dressed as gaily as har- 
 lequins, and provided with half-a-dozen names 
 a-piece, almost as glittering and worthless as 
 their clothes. They were merely called gentils- 
 hommes envoyés, or gentleman envoys ; and there 
 is a fine simplicity about the name, quite surpris- 
 ing in any thing or person diplomatic. _ 
 
 From these gentlemen envoys arose a class of 
 individuals endowed with a title which has posi- 
 tively sometimes seemed given in irony. It is 
 
 that of extraordinary envoys. Later still was 
 
 created the class of ministers plenipotentiary. 
 The title of ambassador, however, takes pre- 
 cedence over all others; and ambassadors are yet 
 allowed the now harmless enjoyment of maintain- 
 
 ing what is called the representative character, 
 F 
 
 65 
 
 Gentlemen 
 Envoys. 
 
66 
 
 FOUR CLASSES OF DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 or indulging in the bumptious delusion before 
 mentioned.* 
 
 In the beginning of the last century there were 
 three classes of diplomatic ministers; and this 
 division was confirmed in the “ Réglement sur le 
 Rang entre les Agens Diplomatiques,” signed by 
 the representatives of the eightt powers, at the 
 Congress of Vienna, in 1815. 
 
 In 1818 it was also agreed, between the five 
 powers—Austria, Russia, Prussia, France, and 
 Great Britain—at the Congress of Aix-la-Cha- 
 pelle, that the ministers resident accredited to 
 these courts should hold a rank between that of 
 ministers of the second class (such as were usually 
 sent by the great powers) and chargés d'affaires 
 (which were usually sent by the small ones). So 
 that henceforth each of the contracting powers 
 created a fourth class of diplomatists; and most ° 
 of the other European courts have since silently 
 concurred in this arrangement.{ 
 
 Ministers of the first class, or ambassadors, are 
 those who are indubitably invested by their sove- 
 reign with the representative character and the 
 highest diplomatic rank. They are not held 
 merely to represent the sovereign in affairs of 
 
 *-See Moser, Der belgradische Friedensschluss zwischen Thro 
 Romisch-Kayserl. Maj. und der Ottomannischen Pforte. There is 
 a capital preface on the character and attributes of ambassadors 
 and other official personages; see also De Bielefeld, Institutions 
 Politiques, &c., p. 174 ; also Kliiber, Schmelzing and Martens, &c. 
 
 + Austria, Spain, France, Great Britain, Portugal, Prussia, 
 Russia, and Sweden. 
 
 + Vide Protocole signé 4 Aix-la-Chapelle le 21 Novembre, 1818, 
 sur le Rang des Ministres Résidens. 
 
CLAIM OF SOVEREIGN HONORS. 
 
 business, but in every other respect ; so that they 
 can lay claim to receive the same honours as 
 would be paid to the sovereign if personally 
 present. ‘ Da indessen,” says a German author, 
 with the usual bewitching naiveté of his country- 
 men on such subjects, “alle diese Vorrechte auf 
 Herkommen beruhen, so haben darin von jeher 
 natiirlich manche Abweichungen Statt gefunden ; 
 or, in plain English, considering that all these 
 preposterous privileges of ambassadors rest upon 
 custom, and not upon right, it is not unnatural 
 that many “‘unfashionable” events have taken 
 place with respect to them. The word unfashion- 
 able appears rather mild; but really it would be 
 almost beyond modern belief that any person 
 should still be found with ideas so antiquated and 
 absurd as to insist on the observance of musty 
 and obsolete customs in his honour, were it not 
 that so many of us have recently witnessed it. 
 
 In modern times, however, it is seldom indeed 
 that an ambassador is so ill-advised as to claim 
 sovereign honors. If he did, they would be 
 refused to him at most European courts with a 
 smile or a sneer, as the case might be. The 
 actual practice of modern courts has almost 
 wholly rejected them as the merest nonsense, 
 except on extraordinary state occasions. 
 
 To the first class of diplomatists belong ordi- 
 nary and extraordinary ambassadors, Grosbot- 
 schafter or grand-ambassadors (a variety I have 
 never yet seen), magni legati, oratores, &c. In 
 former times, also the Venetian bailo at Constan- 
 
 F 2 
 
 67 
 
68 
 
 Ministers of 
 
 State at a 
 Congress. 
 
 MINISTERS AT A CONGRESS. 
 
 tinople, the Legati a latere or de latere, and 
 the ordinary and extraordinary papal nuncio, all 
 claimed to belong to the first class of diplo- 
 matic envoys.” 
 
 The title of extraordinary ambassador appears 
 in recent times to have been held more honour- 
 able than that of ordinary ambassador; but it 
 signifies nothing in reality, the rights and privi- 
 leges of both being perfectly equal. When an 
 ordinary ambassador and an extraordinary ambas- 
 sador are accredited by any sovereign to the same 
 court at the same time (a practice which seems 
 not likely to become obsolete), the ordinary ambas- 
 sador usually yields precedence to the extraor- 
 dinary ambassador. ‘This depends, however, in 
 some measure on the position of the parties and 
 the instructions of their home government. 
 
 Formerly it was not unusual to treat ministers 
 of state at a congress with the honours of am- 
 bassadors, although they might only be accre- 
 dited as plenipotentiaries. ‘Thus at the Congress 
 of Soissons, in 1728, Count V. Sinzendorf, the 
 imperial minister of state, and Cardinal Fleury, 
 the French minister, were only accredited as 
 plenipotentiaries, in order by these means to 
 waive the inconvenience of a dispute for prece- 
 dency which might otherwise have been forced on 
 
 * Compare Bynkershoek, quedam de Prerogativa ordinis inter 
 Legatos et inter Principem preesentem et majoris absentis Legatum ; 
 also Kliiber, vol. i. p. 291; and De Real, Science du Gouverne- 
 ment, tom. v. ch. i. p. 1. 
 
THE VENETIAN BAILO. 
 
 them. Nevertheless, both were treated with the 
 honours of ambassadors. 
 
 The reception of an ambassador of the first 
 class is a very formal and troublesome affair, and 
 the higher his rank, the more costly and weari- 
 some are the ceremonies required. It happens, 
 therefore, frequently in history that states have 
 been forbidden by special treaties to inflict this 
 harassing annoyance on each other. Sometimes 
 sensible princes have declined altogether to 
 subject themselves to the absurdities of an am- 
 bassador. Thus, in 1759, when King Charles of 
 Sicily ascended the throne of Spain, he affronted 
 the dignity of the pope by declining to receive 
 the nephew of his holiness, Cardinal Rezzonico, 
 who had been sent on an embassy to wish him 
 joy on this auspicious occasion.* 
 
 In recent times ambassadors have been very 
 seldom sent to foreign courts; sovereigns have 
 agreed to spare each other this offensive expense; 
 to most places, therefore, ministers of an inferior 
 class are despatched on public business, and in 
 our time Russia, Austria, England, and France 
 have been almost the only states which have sent 
 or received ambassadors. France has recently 
 increased the number of her embassies, but Great 
 Britain has only two,—one at Paris, and one at 
 Constantinople. 
 
 69 
 
 In 1265 the Venetians claimed the right of me ancient 
 
 haying a bailo (bailo, balio, bayle, bajulus, bail- Baiio. 
 
 livus, rector, recteur) at Constantinople and 
 
 * See Ahnert, Th. i. p. 51. 
 
70 
 
 The Podesta. 
 
 THE PODESTA. 
 
 Thessalonica, to exercise jurisdiction over the 
 Venetians who resided there. The miserable 
 emperors of the East were obliged to concede 
 this privilege to them. The duties of a bailo 
 seem to have been very much those of a modern 
 consul in the same places, though his rank was 
 higher. He not only exercised civil and criminal 
 jurisdiction over his countrymen, but he was 
 required to administer their effects if they died 
 intestate. He was bound to attend to all matters 
 of shipwreck or accident to Venetian vessels 
 (which then did all the carrying trade in the 
 Hast), and to watch over the safety of the persons 
 and property of all those who were saved on such 
 occasions. 
 
 The Venetian representative at Constantinople 
 had previously been called podesta, but this title | 
 was put aside on the institution of the office of 
 bailo. The Venetian bailo was also styled pro- 
 tector and chief judge of all the Venetians in the 
 East. Hence were derived the rights which are 
 now claimed by the Levant consuls. 
 
 Subsequently the title of bailo was given to the 
 Venetian ambassadors at the Porte, and they 
 continued to bearthis appellation till the end of the 
 republic. ‘The bailo enjoyed many of the rights 
 and privileges of the podesta (a sort of viceroy, or 
 military and civil governor of Constantinople). 
 He had the same splendid retinue and princely 
 state, he wore the purple on all occasions of cere- 
 mony, &c.* 
 
 * Bajulus vel Baillivus, Ital. Balto, qui vice Legati Ordinarit 
 
LEGATE OR NUNCIO. 
 
 For a long time the Turks applied the name 
 
 of bailo to all European ambassadors, and this 
 title is still sometimes given by them to consuls. 
 _ A papal ambassador of the first class was styled 
 a legate, or a nuncio. Bielefield (Inst. Pol. t. ii. 
 p- 272) appears to be in error when he supposes 
 any difference to have existed between the func- 
 tions of the legatus a latere and de latere. Muil- 
 titz (Manuel des Consuls, t. u. part i. p. 245) 
 says clearly, “Le pape appelle ses Légats a latere 
 ou de latere, pour annoncer que se sont les 
 hommes de confiance tirés de son conseil intime. 
 Il appelle a latere ceux qui sont Cardinaux, et de 
 latere ceux qui ne le sont pas. On ne concoit 
 point que les prepositions a ou de donnent ici un 
 sens different, et la distinction établie par la Cour 
 de Rome n’est qu’une pure subtilité de canonité.’”* 
 Some difference in point of rank, however, seems 
 to exist between a legate and a nuncio, for we 
 find that the one is frequently a cardinal, but the 
 other never. Nuncios are sometimes styled 
 ordinary, and sometimes extraordinary, in the 
 same manner as ambassadors. 
 
 The representatives of the pope at Catholic 
 courts claimed precedence over all others.t 
 
 Venetorum fungebatur Constantinopoli, dum Imperatores Greci 
 in ea urbe Imperarent. Compare Du Cange, Gloss. tom. i. col. 
 936 ; also Hammer, &c. 
 
 * Vide Gregorio Leti, Il Ceremoniale Historico e Politico, 
 part ii. p. 565—616; also Martens, Hichhorn, and other autho- 
 rities. 
 
 + Compare Réglement sur le Rang entre les Agens Diplomatiques, 
 Art, iv. 
 
 71 
 
 Legate or 
 Nuncio. 
 
72 
 
 RECEPTION OF NUNCIOS. 
 
 It was the custom of Catholic sovereigns also 
 to receive the papal legates with extraordinary 
 honours. In France they were formerly attended 
 on their arrival by the princes of the blood. 
 They sat down during their audiences with the 
 king, and did not uncover their heads. On all 
 banquets of ceremony* they sat at the king’s 
 table, a distinction not bestowed on nuncios and 
 other envoys. As a sign of their spiritual charac- 
 ter also, they caused the cross always to be borne 
 before them in public. The nuncios were usually 
 archbishops or bishops. In France, they were 
 likewise received in former times by the princes 
 of the blood, who attended them to their first 
 audience with the king. No difference was made 
 between an ordinary and an extraordinary nuncio, 
 except that if both were at the same court, the , 
 extraordinary nuncio took precedence of the 
 other.t 
 
 The Papal rights of legation have always been 
 very unsettled. The spiritual and temporal power 
 of the popes invested them with two distinct 
 characters, which were not always easily re- 
 conciled. They were so fond of employing the 
 thunders of the Church to carry political objects, 
 that they were constantly coming into collision 
 with the other sovereigns of Europe. They issued 
 
 * Wicquefort (lib. i., x.) says, that in consequence of this 
 custom, the Pope never sent a legate to France without previously 
 inquiring if he were personally agreeable to the king. 
 
 + See Gregorio Leti, part iv., pp. 450, 525, 682, 318; De Cal- 
 liéres, ch. vii., and Klitber, Acts of the Congress of Vienna, v. i., 
 p. 204, &e. 
 
RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF NUNCIOS. 
 
 bulls, conferring altogether unprecedented powers 
 on their representatives at foreign courts, endea- 
 vouring thereby to invest them with greater 
 weight and authority in matters of business. 
 They insisted that their cardinal legates should 
 enjoy the same privileges which appertained to 
 them at Rome, and that they should take prece- 
 dence of all the bishops and clergy of the 
 countries to which they are sent. 
 
 Before the Reformation the Papal claims, how- 
 ever extravagant, seem to have been almost 
 universally admitted without discussion.* After 
 the Reformation, however, they were very con- 
 siderably modified. The Catholic sovereigns even 
 revolted against the pride and authority of the 
 legates and nuncios. They began to contest and 
 limit the powers which had been so long usurped 
 by the court of Rome; and at last they took 
 example by the emperor and used the infiuence of 
 their own clergy to free themselves and their 
 subjects gradually from all interference of the 
 Papal commissaries. 
 
 In 1785 we find the rights and duties of Papal 
 nuncios defined (in the Kurpfalz-Baierischen 
 Intelligenzblatte, No. 63) as follows. The 
 power and authority of Papal nuncios extend 
 over— 
 
 1. All patriarchal, primatial, metropolitan, and 
 other cathedral, collegiate, and parish churches ; 
 all religious houses, monasteries, nunneries, and 
 convents of every order; also the institution of 
 
 * See Sexti Decret., lib. i., tit. xv., de Officio Legati, cap. i. 
 
 73 
 
74 
 
 RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF NUNCIOS, 
 
 the Mendicant Friars, and the Hospitallers (who, 
 being immediately under the jurisdiction of the 
 Pope himself, formerly claimed exemption), their 
 chapters, convents, universities and colleges, with 
 their inmates, secular and regular, and to visit 
 and reform the same as appear expedient to 
 him. 
 
 2. To alter the charters of religious institu- 
 tions, and to grant new ones; or to publish and 
 confirm those already existing. 
 
 3. To abolish abuses. 
 
 4. To inquire into the evil doings of all 
 seculars and regulars, and of the Mendicants: to 
 punish them and lead them back to honest 
 courses, and to aim at their reformation. 
 
 5. To inquire into the offences of all recusants, 
 false coiners, usurers, incendiaries, and other 
 criminals; to search out their abettors; to insti- — 
 tute judicial proceedings against them, and to 
 bring them to punishment. 
 
 6. To examine and accommodate all suits for 
 divorces, the restitution of conjugal rights, and all 
 other ecclesiastical, lay, civil, criminal, or miscel- 
 laneous suits of whatever nature, whenever the 
 subject of action can be removed to an ecclesias- 
 tical court, excepting the affavrs of benefices and 
 appeals. 
 
 7. The distribution of all simple benefices not 
 falling within the provisions of the apostolic 
 month, when the revenue does not exceed 
 twenty-four ducats of standard gold (auri de 
 camera). 
 
RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF NUNCIOS. 
 
 8. 'l'o grant dispensations in order to avoid 
 public scandals. 
 
 9. To grant permission to alienate the estates 
 of the church, or to give such estates in fee, till 
 the third generation. 
 
 10. ‘To grant dispensation from an oath, for the 
 purposes of justice. 
 
 11. To absolve from ecclesiastical censures. 
 
 12. To grant absolution from the guilt of 
 homicide, or killing by accident; perjury, war, 
 adultery, incest, whoring, and other carnal 
 offences. 
 
 13. To issue orders for the discovery and 
 apprehension of concealed or unknown criminals 
 under penalty of excommunication. 
 
 14. ‘To grant indulgencies. 
 
 15. 'To grant licenses to perform mass in for- 
 bidden places, with closed doors, or under other 
 unusual circumstances. 
 
 16. To grant permission to eat milk and animal 
 food on fast days. 
 
 17. ‘To administer all the sacraments at other 
 than the appointed times. 
 
 - 18. To absolve persons guilty of simony, as 
 well as their agents in the transaction. 
 
 19. To give permission for the blessing and con- 
 secration of churches, cemeteries, altars, bells, &c. 
 
 20. To grant marriage dispensations in the 
 third and fourth degrees of consanguinity. Also 
 marriages, within those degrees, which have been 
 knowingly or unwittingly solemnised at a former 
 time. 
 
 75 
 
76 
 
 THE NUNCIO AT MUNICH. 
 
 21. To grant dispensations in ecclesiastical 
 matters. 
 22. To absolve from all ecclesiastical censures 
 and from all legal punishments ; to appoint depu- 
 ties ; to delegate judges, commissaries, executors, 
 and even—if necessary—to summon the temporal 
 
 power in aid of these designs. 
 
 The list of these privileges, Grantee by Pope 
 Benedict IV. to his nuncio at Cologne, is still 
 extant. It is written in Latin, and frequent 
 extracts from it are to be found in the works of 
 the period. 
 
 The nuncios indeed formerly established papal 
 tribunals in several Kuropean countries. They were 
 particularly powerful atVienna, Cologne, Brussels, 
 and Lucerne. In Germany the people complained 
 bitterly of the injustice of these courts, but no at- 
 tention was paid to their remonstrances, till the 
 establishment of a new tribunal at Munich at last 
 roused the general discontent beyond endurance. 
 By a Papal decree, dated 14th of February, 1785, 
 the nuncio at Munich was invested with the 
 same privileges and jurisdiction as the others ; 
 but no sooner had the tidings spread throughout 
 Germany than the utmost consternation prevailed 
 everywhere. Even the bishops were indignant, 
 and scrupulously asked the pope to define clearly 
 the duties of the new nuncio. They formally 
 expressed their intention to. resist his jurisdiction 
 and the exercise of his obnoxious powers. To some 
 of the more considerable of these remonstrating 
 bishops the Pope deigned to reply, that the 
 
THE NUNCIO AT MUNICH. 
 
 nuncio at Munich would exercise the same 
 powers as the nuncio at Cologne. ‘To others 
 he sent a haughty reprimand, and the rest 
 received no answers at all. The Archbishop of 
 Cologne, however, finding his dignity and import- 
 ance altogether eclipsed by the nuncio, would not 
 be comforted. He sneered at foreigners and 
 Italians with all that vivacity of hate which is 
 wont to characterise bishops when humbled or 
 annoyed. At last, therefore, the Pope was reluc- 
 tantly induced to issue two decrees, allowing 
 
 “that the judges of the synod should be ap- 
 pointed in the manner prescribed by the council 
 of Trent, and that they should receive full power 
 from Rome in causes brought before the tribunal 
 in forma pauperis.” In all other cases, however, 
 it was provided that appeals “must be carried to 
 Rome, or to the nuncio, when it would be referred 
 for proper inquiry and discussion to one of the 
 judges of the synod.” 
 
 - The bishops, however, who have always shown 
 a laudable anxiety for their purses and privileges, 
 were still unsatisfied. They appealed for protec- 
 tion to the laws of the empire. The Elector of 
 Mayence and the Archbishop of Salzburg laid 
 their cases before the emperor. Bishops are usually 
 good men of business where their interests are 
 concerned. And on this occasion they pressed 
 their suit with more than usual shrewdness and 
 sagacity. So, on the 12th of October, 1785, the 
 Pope was equally surprised and offended at the 
 appearance of the famous imperial rescript, by 
 
 77 
 
78 
 
 THE BISHOPS TRIUMPHANT. 
 
 which the nuncios were deprived of all jurisdic- 
 tion within the German empire.* 
 
 Bishops are great advocates for passive obedi- 
 ence of all laws favourable to them. ‘The 
 imperial rescript therefore was honoured by the 
 strictest observance. Its contents were known at 
 Mayence and Salzburg as fast as couriers could 
 carry them; and the Prince Bishop of Freising 
 immediately wrote to the nuncio Zoglio, (who 
 had just announced his arrival at Munich), and 
 told him that he could no longer be permitted to 
 exercise any powers in defiance of the imperial 
 rescript. The Pope still endeavoured to battle 
 the point, and issued several decrees which caused 
 a good deal of irritation at Vienna; but the times 
 were hardly favourable to his genius, and the 
 bishops ultimately won a complete victory.t 
 
 The nuncio at Lucerne remained longest in 
 the exercise of his exorbitant powers, but he 
 was deprived of them at last. In vain the 
 nuncios insolently denounced the bishops as 
 heterodox. In vain they declared all marriages 
 between relatives (without the Papal dispensation) 
 as incestuous and invalid, and the children of 
 such marriages illegitimate and incapable of 
 
 * See pragmatische und actenmissige Geschichte der zu Miinchen 
 neu-errichteten Nuntiatur, sammt Beleuchtung des breve Pius VI., 
 an den Fiirst-Bischoffen zu Freysingen, mit authentischen Urkunden 
 belegt, &c. 
 
 + See Kurze Darstellung der gegenwiirtigen Nuntiaturs-Strei- 
 tigkeiten, &c. (1789, 4to.); also the Answers of the Bishops of 
 Spires and Mayence to the Points mooted at Ems (1787, 8vo., 
 Brussels), 
 
 - 
 
PAPAL BULLS AND BRIEFS, ETC. 
 
 inheritance. The spirit of the age was against 
 them, their curses were disregarded, and they 
 ‘were gradually learning how bitter a thing is 
 arrogance without power, when the French Revo- 
 lution broke out, and contemptuously disposed of 
 the whole question. 
 
 Since then the pretensions of the court of Rome 
 have been settled by special concordates, the first 
 of which was concluded between Napoleon and 
 the Vatican in the year 1801. In this it is clearly 
 set forth that “no bull, brief, rescript, decree, 
 mandate or other documents of the Roman 
 chancery can be accepted, published, or printed 
 —even although it may refer merely to private 
 persons—without the express authorisation of 
 the government.” 
 
 In Sicily, a royal decree, dated 2nd September, 
 1817, ordains that no Papal bull or brief can be 
 valid without the royal exequatur. Throughout 
 Germany the powers and jurisdiction of nuncios 
 were abolished in a'special minute placed on the 
 journals of the Diet by the Elector of Mayence. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 —§ 
 
 Envoys of the Second Class.—The French Ambassador at the 
 Porte. The Austrian Internuncio.—A Polish Internuncio:—A 
 Papal Minister.—Diplomatic Envoys of the Third Class.—Com- 
 missioners. —Deputies.—Private Agents.—Secret Agents. 
 
 Envoys of DrpLomatic envoys of the second class are 
 
 the Second 2 
 
 Class. not supposed to represent the persons of their 
 sovereigns, but only to act for them in state 
 affairs. ‘They enjoy, however, certain privileges 
 and public honours, though much less than those’ 
 which are claimed by ambassadors. 
 
 The second class of diplomatists comprise: , 
 Envoys (Inviati, Ablegati, Prolegati), ordinary 
 and extraordinary; Ministers Plenipotentiary ; 
 the Austrian Internuncio at Constantinople ; and 
 the Papal Internuncios. Envoys and ministers 
 ad interim are often comprised within this class, 
 though not properly belonging to it. 
 
 By Art. IV. of the regulations established at 
 the Congress at Vienna, the rank of diplomatic 
 envoys of the second class is also accorded to all 
 ministers and other persons who are actually 
 accredited to the sovereign himself.* 
 
 * Compare Dithmar, Dissertatio de Legatis Primi et Secundi 
 Ordinis; De Hagehorn, Discours sur les différens Caractéres des 
 Envoyés Extraordinaires, p. 36; Vattel, Droit des Gens, lib. iv., 
 ch. vi., &¢, &e. 
 
FRENCH AMBASSADOR AT THE PORTE. 
 
 In recent times, it has become usual to give 
 the title of Extraordinary to all envoys of the 
 second class. Formerly they were simply called 
 envoys; afterwards the words “ extraordinary ” 
 and ‘‘ plenipotentiary” appear to have been added 
 for the sake of sound or distinction—it is not 
 easy to say which. De Calliéres says (ch. vi): 
 “Les envoyéz extraordinaires sont des ministres 
 publics, qui n’ont point le droit de représentation, 
 attaché au seul titre d’Ambassadeur; mais ils 
 jouissent de la méme sureté, que le droit des gens 
 donne a tous les ministres des souverains.”’ * 
 
 Ministers plenipotentiary have been considered 
 as belonging to the second class of diplomatic agents 
 since the middle of the last century. In France 
 we find them so characterised in 1738, and in 
 Austriain 1740. Men have so delighted in distinc- 
 tions, also, that it has sometimes happened an 
 envoy with full powers has been held inferior in 
 rank to a minister plenipotentiary.t The title 
 of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- 
 tiary, therefore, are usually now given to the same 
 person. 
 
 In the treaty of alliance between Sulieman the 
 Great and the King of France, we find it ex- 
 pressly stipulated that the ambassadors of the 
 latter (who had hitherto been frequently subjected 
 
 * See also Moser, de Real, Schmelzing, Ahnert, and C. F. de 
 Martens. 
 
 + This matter appears to have been gravely mooted at the 
 Electoral Court of Cologne in 1787: see Politic. Journal, 1787, 
 p. 447; also G. F. de Martens, Precis, vol. ii. p. 52. 
 
 Ga 
 
 81 
 
 The French 
 Ambassador 
 atthe Porte, 
 
82 
 
 The Aus- 
 trian Inter- 
 nuncio, 
 
 THE AUSTRIAN INTERNUNCIO. 
 
 in Turkey to usage contrary to the law of 
 nations) should henceforth be treated with due 
 consideration, and take precedence of all other 
 ambassadors at Constantinople. This met with 
 the strongest opposition from the rest of the 
 diplomatic corps at the Sublime Porte, till at 
 length the Emperor of Germany got out of 
 this petty difficulty, as far as he was con- 
 cerned, by changing the title of his represen- 
 tative to that of internuntius. The stipulations 
 of the treaty with France have since fallen 
 into disuse; but as the conduct of ambassadors at 
 Constantinople has been frequently obstreperous 
 and disorderly, the Austrian government have con- 
 tinued always to appoint a simple internuntius. 
 
 In v. Arnim’s Cursory Remarks of a Passing 
 Traveller, printed at Berlin in 1838, it is stated 
 that “the word internuntius originally signified a 
 rank below that of envoy.” At Constantinople, 
 says the same authority, “the precedence of am- 
 bassadors among themselves is not fixed, as in 
 other capitals, by the date of their credentials ; 
 but the French ambassador takes precedence of 
 all others. Then follow the representatives of 
 England and Austria, if Spain or Holland does 
 not contest the third place.” M. von Arnin, 
 however, seems to have forgotten all about Russia, 
 although that power was usually far too prudent 
 to be mixed up in nonsensical squabbles of this 
 kind, and has therefore frequently kept a mere 
 chargé d'affaires at the Porte. 
 
 In our day the Austrian internuncio is con- 
 
A POLISH INTERNUNCIO. 83 
 
 sidered of inferior rank to the ambassadors of 
 France and England (the only countries that still 
 retain ambassadors at the Porte); but he takes 
 precedence of the ministers and envoys of all 
 other states. De Real (TIT. v. ec. i.) mentions gece 
 Polish internuncio at the Porte, and adds that the 
 Turkish representative at the imperial court of 
 Germany bore the same title also. The papal 
 internuncios take the same rank at foreign courts 
 as envoys extraordinary. Bielefeld, Pacassi, and 
 some others who have placed internuncios in the 
 third class, and nuncios in the second class 
 of diplomatic agents, appear to be in error. 
 
 Formerly, the pope gave the rank of envoy to 
 the messenger deputed to carry the hat to a 
 newly-appointed cardinal residing in a foreign 
 country. Such envoys were, however, seldom 
 mixed up in state affairs. Some cases are men- 
 tioned, also, where the pope has appointed one of 
 the regular clergy as his representative at a 
 foreign court under the simple title of ‘‘minister.” 
 
 Such ministers have only been appointed, however, 3y;422%. 
 ad interim till a vacancy could be filled up, and 
 
 ‘their functions have ceased altogether on the 
 arrival of a nuncio. 
 
 To the third class of diplomatic agents pipomate 
 belong those who are styled merely ministers, or {°,,."""4 
 accredited ministers without other title; also, 
 ministres chargés d'affaires, a title very rarely 
 conferred. In 1784, however, the King of 
 Sweden gave this unusual name to his chargé 
 
 daffaires at Constantinople. In the Mercure 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 DIPLOMATIC ENVOYS OF THE THIRD CLASS. 
 
 Historique (1793, t. 1. p. 117) this is expressly 
 stated as the first instance of the kind known, 
 and I am not aware of any other ministers 
 resident (ministres résidents), in former times. 
 Ministers resident appear to have enjoyed certain 
 advantages which were not conceded to simple 
 residents ; but in no case can they therefore be 
 ranked with ministers of the second class. There 
 are some diplomatists, also, merely styled resi- 
 dents, who belong to the third class. This title 
 was formerly very frequently given, but it is now 
 rare. Comparatively recently, however, it was 
 borne by the Prussian representative at Frank- 
 furt; and it is usually bestowed on the diplo- 
 matic agents of the East India Company to the 
 native princes of India. To the third class 
 likewise belong chargés d’affaires. These are, 
 usually appointed only during the absence of 
 ministers, and are generally secretaries of lega- 
 tion; in which case it is customary for the minis- 
 ter to present them to the court in that capacity, 
 previous to his departure. ‘The presentation is 
 made to the minister of foreign affairs. In any 
 case they must be provided with the written autho- 
 rity of the minister before they can be admitted 
 to exercise the functions of chargés d'affaires, 
 which entitle them at almost every court to be re- 
 cognised as belonging to the third class of diplo- 
 matic agents. ) 
 
 Agents, consuls-general, even consuls, when in- 
 vested with a diplomatic character, and all envoys 
 of the third class are accredited to the minister 
 
COMMISSIONERS. 
 
 of foreign affairs at the court where they are to 
 reside, and not to the sovereign. In some cases, 
 however, they also receive special credentials. 
 The regulations of the congress of Vienna place 
 in the third class only, “ chargés d'affaires accre- 
 dités auprés des ministres chargés des affaires 
 étrangéres.” * 
 
 Ministers Resident accredited by either of the 
 Five Powers, represented at the Congress of Aix 
 la Chapelle, in 1818, viz., Austria, Great Britain, 
 Russia, France, and Prussia, form a middle class 
 between envoys extraordinary (second class) and 
 chargés d'affaires. The attempts usually made by 
 residents to claim the rank of ministers resident 
 are not borne out by the terms of the protocol. t 
 
 There is a marked difference between an envoy 
 to a foreign court and a commissioner entrusted 
 by his sovereign with a mission on state affairs to 
 any of his own provinces. Commissioners, how- 
 ever, are sometimes sent to foreign countries for 
 the settlement of boundary questions, navigation 
 laws, &c. Ambassadors are also frequently named 
 as commissioners in such matters without any pre- 
 judice whatéver to their diplomatic character. 
 
 The persons of commissioners sent. to foreign 
 countries are inviolable, and they can also lay 
 claim to certain exemptions, &c.: but it is not 
 
 * Compare Martens, Precis, t. ii. p. 52;—Moser, Versuch, Th. 
 iii. s. 50;—Th. iv. s. 579;—P. Miiller, Diss. de Residentibus 
 Eorumque Jure ;—Rousset, Cérémonial Diplomatique, t. i. p. 60; 
 —and de Wicquefort, v. i. p. v. 
 
 ++ See Protocole signé 4 Aix la Chapelle, le 21 Novembre, 1818, 
 sur le Rang des Ministres Residens. 
 
 Commis- 
 sioners. 
 
 85 
 
86 
 
 Deputies. 
 
 DEPUTIES. 
 
 customary to grant them the full privileges of ex- 
 territoriality. Thus the plenipotentiaries of the 
 Zollverein, which the German states of the Union 
 send to each other, are indeed freed from the 
 jurisdiction of the state where they reside, but they 
 are subject to the municipal and other taxes. * 
 
 It is difficult, however, to lay down the law 
 with much certainty in this matter, for the Ger- 
 man states are nearly always making some new 
 regulation. 
 
 The envoys sent by the emperors of Germany 
 to assist at negotiations for peace, &c., frequently 
 received the title of commissioners.t 
 
 Deputies sent by a union of States (such as the 
 cantons of Switzerland, or the smaller states of 
 Germany), to a congress, or a foreign sovereign, 
 have usually been admitted to possess the rights ° 
 and privileges of diplomatic envoys; and are 
 treated as belonging to the first or second class, 
 according to circumstances.{ 
 
 De Martens says, however, that the title of 
 deputy “seul ne leur donne ni leur ote les pré- 
 rogatives de ministre, ils peuvent étre ministres 
 (du premier ?) du second ou du troisiéme ordre,” 
 (v.u.p. 57). Baron Ch. de Martens says, also, in 
 the Guide Diplomatique (tom. 1. p. 46), “Ces 
 titres ne peuvent ni leur donner ni leur enlever 
 
 * See Heffter, p. 863. 
 
 + See Kliiber, Bd. i. s. 276; Ahnert, part i. p. 56; G. F. de 
 Martens, Précis, &c., tom. ii. p. 57, &e. 
 
 + Compare Breuning, diss. num mandatarius gentis pacis caussa 
 missus ipso jure sit legatus ? 
 
PRIVATE AND SECRET AGENTS. 
 
 les prérogatives et les immunités de ministres ; 
 ils jouissent ordinairement de celles accordées 
 aux ministres du second ou troisiéme ordre. Tout 
 depend au surplus de la question de savoir, jus- 
 qu’a quel point leur constituant a pu et voulu leur 
 attribuer un caractére ministeriel.” 
 
 Agents for the private affairs of a sovereign, or 
 state, cannot lay claim to the rights and privileges 
 of diplomatic agents, and this, notwithstanding 
 any title with which they may be invested. It 
 usually happens, however, that such persons 
 receive from courtesy, those privileges which they 
 are not entitled to demand by right; and they 
 are sometimes exempted both from the taxes and 
 jurisdiction of the country. These cases are, 
 however, only to be looked upon as exceptions 
 from the rule here cited. If such agents, also, 
 should at any time be entrusted with the conduct 
 of public business, they acquire certain limited 
 diplomatic rights in the same manner as commis- 
 sioners under similar circumstances. With this 
 object they are, therefore, usually invested with 
 the title of resident, or councillor of legation.* 
 It is obvious that secret agents (émissaires 
 cachés ou secrets) sent on political business to 
 any foreign state, without the knowledge and con- 
 currence of the foreign government, can in no 
 case lay claim to the rights and privileges of the 
 diplomatic character, if they subsequently avow 
 their objects, or are detected. Such agents or 
 
 * Compare Ahnert, Schmelzing, Kliiber, Schmalz, G. F. de 
 Martens, and Heffter on this subject, 
 
 Private 
 Agents, 
 
 Secret 
 Agents, 
 
 87 
 
88 
 
 SECRET AGENTS. 
 
 emissaries, indeed, may be lawfully arrested or 
 punished, according to circumstances. 
 
 Moser (Versuch, &c., Th. iv. s. 45, 417) cites 
 the case of the Marquis de la Chétardie, who 
 was expelled from St. Petersburg (1744), in sup- 
 port of this. The well-known instance of the 
 Chevalier D’EKon, who was also sent by the 
 French government to St. Petersburg, in the 
 time of Louis XIV., may be likewise adduced ; 
 and Bielefeld, de Montgon, Schmelzing, Kliiber, 
 and Reumont are all agreed upon this question. 
 The Baron Charles de Martens (Guide Diploma- 
 tique, tom. 1. p. 88,) says distinctly — “‘ Quant 
 aux é€missaires secrets que les Gouvernements 
 envolent quelquefois au dehors pour affaires poli- 
 tiques, mais 4linsu du gouvernement étranger, 
 celui-ci n’étant nullement obligé de les souffrir, ' 
 est en droit de les renvoyer de son territoire; et 
 sils se rendent coupables d’espionnage de les punir 
 selon toute la rigueur des lois.” 
 
 Nevertheless, in state affairs of great weight 
 and importance, it has been frequently the prac- 
 tice to send secret negotiators (envoyés confiden- 
 tiels, négociateurs secrets) to foreign sovereigns, 
 or their ministers. Such agents have either alto- 
 gether renounced the diplomatic character, or 
 availed themselves of it only when it was useful 
 to the progress of their business, or at a favour- 
 able crisis. Several examples of this kind may 
 be readily cited. In 1725, the Duke de Ripperda 
 was sent from Madrid to Vienna, but only pub- 
 licly declared his diplomatic mission after the 
 
SECRET AGENTS. 
 
 conclusion of peace. Moser and C. de Martens 
 both mention him. It is said, also, that the peace 
 of Munster, concluded in 1648, was brought 
 about altogether by a secret and trusted agent of 
 Duke Maximilian of Bavaria, who was sent to 
 Paris and privately arranged the whole matter 
 with Cardinal Mazarin, while the crowd of ordi- 
 nary diplomatists were making confusion worse 
 confounded as usual. De Calliéres (Maniére de 
 Négocier avec les Souverains, ch. vi.) is worth 
 consulting on this subject, and so is de Bielefeld 
 (Institutions Politiques, tom. ii. p. 176.) 
 
 It is clearly laid down by Ahnert, Schmelzing, | 
 
 Kliiber, and de Martens, that the persons of this 
 latter class of envoys are inviolable, because their 
 
 business and character must be known to the 
 
 government with which they are negotiating. 
 They are not, however, of course, entitled to any 
 ambassadorial honours or other privileges. 
 
 It sometimes happens that a person is sent to 
 a foreign court on political business, but without 
 any specific diplomatic character; though there 
 is no secrecy whatever as to the nature of his 
 mission. ‘This may arise in consequence of the 
 previous rupture of diplomatic relations between 
 the two courts, or from some other reason. In 
 such cases the envoy will usually be accorded the 
 same privileges as those granted to the private ne- 
 gotiators (envoyés confidentiels) above mentioned.* 
 
 - * See Moser, Versuch, &c., Th. iv. s. 576 and 602; de Bielefeld, 
 Inst. Pol., tom. ii. pp. 278-284 ; Kliiber, Bd..i. s, 278; and G. F. 
 de Martens, Précis, &c., tom, ii. p. 140-41. 
 
 89 
 
Right of 
 Sovereigns 
 to appoint 
 Ambassa- 
 dors. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 —-—— 
 
 Right of Sovereigns to appoint Ambassadors.—Right of Republics. 
 —The Electoral Princes of Germany.—The Princes of the 
 Empire. —The Grand-Master of the Knights of Malta. —American 
 Embassy to Russia.—Russian Embassy to Persia. —Remarkable 
 Anecdote.—Great Britain and Hanover—Choice of Ambassadors. 
 ——Refusal to receive an Ambassador.—Age of Ambassadors.— 
 Female Diplomatists.—Religion. —Nobility. 
 
 Every sovereign has the right to appoint an 
 ambassador of whatever rank he pleases. As, 
 however, the honours to which an ambassador is 
 entitled depend on the rank to which he belongs ; 
 as also the ceremonial usages of various courts 
 differ materially; and as every sovereign has an 
 undoubted right to decide on the honours to be 
 accorded to ambassadors at his court; the prin- 
 ciple above cited is necessarily subject to certain 
 restrictions. Sometimes, indeed, the general right 
 of a state to send ambassadors may be acknow- 
 ledged, while it is disputed whether she has a 
 right to send ambassadors of the first, or even 
 the second class.* 
 
 Emperors, kings, and rulers of royal rank, 
 such as the pope in his character of temporal 
 
 * Compare J. Schmelzing, Th. ii. s. 146, 147; Kliiber, Bd. i. 
 
 s. 296, 297; also the Précis du Droit des Gens Moderne, tom. ii. 
 p. 58—61; and the Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 32, 33. 
 
ELECTORAL PRINCES OF GERMANY. 91 
 
 sovereign, certainly possess this right.. Neither 
 
 is it denied to large republics, for we meet fre- Right of Re- 
 quent instances in history of ambassadors of es 
 the first class, sent by the United States of the 
 Netherlands, Venice, and the Swiss cantons. 
 
 The Swiss Confederation still retains the right of 
 
 sending ambassadors of the first class, but it is 
 
 not conceded to the cantons’ separately. The 
 
 same with the United States of North America. 
 
 The electoral princes of Germany had formerly The Mlector 
 the right of sending ambassadors of the first class Germany. 
 to the imperial court during the election and 
 coronation of the emperors; and at all times to 
 the Assembly of the States of the Empire, or to 
 each other; as well as to congresses. On other 
 occasions, however, their right was sometimes 
 disputed. 
 
 The ancient princes of the empire also laid the Princes 
 claim to the right of appointing ambassadors of Shek Viet 
 the first class, but were never able to establish it. 
 
 Both they and the other states* of the empire, as 
 well as the smaller European states generally, 
 were only as a rule allowed to send ambassadors 
 of the second or third class. Nevertheless, this 
 right was sometimes granted to the independent 
 princes of Italy, especially in cases of relation- 
 ship or friendship. It was also granted by 
 some courts to the republic of Genoa and the 
 grand-master of the Knights of Malta. The Tae teua 
 right of the latter was indeed formally recognised 
 
 * See Moser, von dem Gesandschaftsrechte der Grafen ; also, 
 Jo, Kulpis, Diss. de Legationibus Statuum Imperii, 
 
92 
 
 . THE KNIGHTS OF MALTA. 
 
 by the pope in 1747, and by the Emperor of 
 Germany in 1749. Heffter very properly rejects 
 the doctrine that the right of sending ambas- 
 sadors of the first class belongs only to emperors 
 and kings, as altogether contrary to historical 
 truth. 
 
 Sovereigns who are not of royal rank, small 
 republics, and semi-sovereign states have not the 
 right of sending ambassadors of the first class to 
 the courts of kings. They have, however, un- 
 doubtedly the right to do so among each other. 
 
 When a sovereign refuses to receive an ambas- 
 sador of the first class from any state, it is the 
 universal custom for him not to send one.* 
 
 Sovereigns who possess the uncontested power 
 of sending ambassadors of every rank, may of 
 course exercise it in any way they please; but 
 the ambassadors exchanged between courts are 
 usually of the same rank. This rule, however, is 
 not without exceptions; an ambassador may also 
 be promoted to a higher, or removed to a lower 
 rank, during his mission. In 1756, the Venetian 
 minister at Constantinople (the Chevalier Dohna) 
 was invested with the rank of an ambassador ex- 
 traordinary in order to present certain gifts from 
 the republic to the sultan; and in that character 
 he was admitted to an audience with his highness. 
 In 1763, also, Count von Rosenberg, the Emperor 
 of Germany’s minister at the court of Spain, was 
 raised to the rank of ambassador at a special 
 audience with the king, on account of the great 
 
 * See Kliiber, Martens, and Schmelzing. 
 
AMERICAN EMBASSY TO RUSSIA. 
 
 satisfaction of both courts at the manner in which 
 he had conducted the negotiations for the be- 
 trothal of the Archduke Peter Leopold with the 
 Infanta Maria Louisa. In 1765, also, the envoy 
 of the Elector of Bavaria at Vienna took the 
 rank of ambassador on the marriage of a Bavarian 
 princess with the King of Rome, but did not 
 retain that rank after the marriage ceremonies 
 were concluded. 
 
 Until very recently, the great powers of Europe 
 were accustomed to exchange ambassadors of the 
 first class. This was especially the case between 
 Austria, Russia, France, and Great Britain, while 
 Prussia only accredited envoys of the second 
 class. Spain and the Porte generally sent ambas- 
 sadors of the first class, but not always. The 
 ereat catholic powers also usually sent ambas- 
 sadors of the first class to the court of Rome. 
 Nevertheless, it sometimes happened that the 
 pope sent a legate or nuncio to a foreign court, 
 which was only represented at Rome by an envoy 
 of the second class. 
 
 On occasions of ceremony, such as royal mar- 
 ‘Yiages, exchange of presents, &c., it was formerly 
 usual for the great powers to send ambassadors 
 of the first class. Thus, in 1818, Mr. Campbell 
 was sent as American ambassador to Russia, 
 with certain presents from the President of the 
 United States to the Emperor Alexander. In 
 1817, also, General Yermaloff was sent as ambas- 
 sador from Russia to the Shah of Persia. His 
 mission was stated to be that of bearing some 
 
 93 
 
 American 
 Embassy to 
 Russia. 
 
 Russian 
 Embassy to 
 Persia. 
 
94 
 
 AMBASSADORS OF THE FIRST CLASS. 
 
 very considerable presents to the shah, and also 
 to be connected with commercial and scientific 
 objects ; but there is little doubt that it was really 
 part of the tortuous policy by which Russia is 
 oradually endeavouring to undermine the interests 
 of Great Britain in India and the East. 
 
 The practice of sending ambassadors of the 
 first class has now, however, fallen off very much 
 everywhere. By an act of congress passed by 
 the United States of North America, in 1815, it 
 was decided that ministers plenipotentiary should 
 only be sent by them to London, Paris, St. Pe- 
 tersburg, and Berlin, while at every other court 
 they only retained a chargé d’afiaires. This 
 prudent and economical arrangement has been 
 silently followed very generally, an practice, by 
 every state but France and Great Britain. ‘The 
 appointment of a chargé d'affaires (ad interim) 
 prevents any sacrifice of dignity on such occa- 
 sions ; because it is understood that an envoy of 
 a higher class will be sent immediately circum- 
 stances require his presence. 
 
 There appears no doubt that the diplomatic 
 service 1s very much overgrown; that it is often 
 a useless pageant, or a mere tinselled delusion. 
 I venture respectfully to submit, therefore, that 
 it is impossible to advocate too energetically the 
 nomination of chargés d'affaires (ad interim) on 
 all ordinary occasions. 
 
 A sovereign who possesses the full right of 
 legation may send several ambassadors to the 
 same court, either of like or of different rank ; 
 
TOO MANY AMBASSADORS. 
 
 each may be entrusted with separate affairs, or 
 all may be employed upon the same.* Under 
 ordinary circumstances, one ambassador is usually 
 held sufficient ; but in congresses, or negotiations 
 for peace, it is sometimes thought prudent to send 
 several. Cardinal Richelieu was accustomed not 
 only to employ several negotiators on the same 
 business, but entrusted each only with his own 
 part of the business. Perhaps, also, considering 
 the strange things which public men were apt to 
 do in those days, he employed one ambassador to 
 look after the other, a practice which Lord John 
 Russell’s recent mission to Vienna would seem to 
 prove is not yet entirely discontinued. 
 
 Several examples occur, however, of serious 
 difficulties having been raised by foreign courts 
 respecting the unexpected appearance of too 
 many ambassadors at the same time and of the 
 same nation. One of the emperors of Germany 
 ‘bluntly refused the electors permission to send 
 him more than one envoy at a time. At the 
 peace of Nimwegen, and at the election of the 
 Emperor of Germany, in 1741, several states 
 refused also to acknowledge the second ambas- 
 sadors of the electors. The point appears to 
 have been carried, however, at last, though France 
 yielded with a very ill grace, and with the con- 
 temptuous reservation, “ Only for this once.” 
 
 * V. St. Doletti, lib. unus de Officio Legati, &c. (Lugduni, 
 1541), ‘‘etsi plures mittantur legati, unus tamen legationi pre- 
 ficiendus ;’ a rule, however, subject to many exceptions ; see also 
 Lettres, Mémoires, et Négociations du Chevalier d’Eon de Beau- 
 mont, p. 101; Wiquefort, Schmalz, Klitber, and Martens. 
 
 95 
 
96 
 
 Remarkable 
 Anecdote. 
 
 Great Bri- 
 tain and 
 Hanover. 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN’ AND HANOVER. 
 
 Nevertheless a certain king of Sardinia, who 
 flourished in 1774, had such a weakness for am- 
 bassadors, that he quarrelled with the Republic of 
 Venice for sturdily refusing to send him two (!) on 
 a mission of congratulation at his accession to 
 the throne. The king felt really sore on the 
 subject, from an odd notion that the appointment 
 of only one ambassador to do him honour was an 
 affront to his dignity, because other crowned 
 heads were usually troubled with two on similar 
 occasions. The Republic of Venice, however, 
 appears rather to have enjoyed the joke; and the 
 end of it was, that she sent him no ambassador at 
 all, and diplomatic relations were broken off on 
 both sides. 
 
 Sometimes, several ambassadors have been 
 sent to the same monarch, when he has been the 
 king of two or more distinct countries ; and the 
 rank of ambassadors so appointed has been 
 regulated according to the importance of such 
 countries. ‘Thus, it was formerly the custom of 
 many princes to send two envoys to the court of 
 the King of Great Britam—namely, one to him 
 as sovereign of the British Islands, and one as 
 Elector of Hanover. The estates of the German 
 empire also sent two ambassadors to the Imperial 
 court, one of whom was deputed to attend to 
 foreign affairs, and the other to the internal 
 affairs of the empire.* 
 
 Also, in recent times, one ambassador has been 
 
 * See G. F. de Martens, Précis du Droit des Gens (nouv. ed. 
 1831), tom. ii. p. 61. 
 
CHOICE OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 frequently accredited to several courts; and this 
 has been especially the case with the German 
 Confederation: and, indeed, there are examples 
 of a single ambassador being accredited by several 
 independent sovereigns to the same court. This 
 occurred also frequently in former times among 
 the estates of the German empire.* 
 
 With respect to the choice of an ambassador, 
 all states are free to appoint any person they 
 please,t unless bound by special treaty to the 
 contrary. 
 
 An exception to this rule was, however, an- 
 ciently found in a right possessed by the emperors 
 of Germany and the kings of France and Spain, 
 who only bound themselves to receive such 
 nuncios from the pope, as were agreeable to 
 them in every respect.t 
 
 It may be laid down as a rule that neither 
 birth, rank, nationality, age, religion, or sex 
 can form any valid ground of objection to an 
 ambassador. § 
 
 In any case a sovereign may refuse to receive 
 
 oF 
 
 Choice of 
 Ambassa- 
 dors. 
 
 Refusal to 
 
 receive an 
 
 an ambassador who is personally objectionable, ambassador. 
 
 no matter from what cause; or if some particular 
 law of the land forbids his reception in that 
 character; or if he has been known to entertain 
 
 * See Martens, Précis, &c., vol. ii. p. 338; also the Guide 
 Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 35, and Kliiber, vol. i. p. 299. 
 
 + Compare De Bielefeld, v. ii. p. 177, and Schmelzing, Th. ii. 
 gs. 151. 
 
 t See Hiberlin, Rémisches conclave, &c., p. 23. 
 
 § See Schmalz, p. 87, and G. F. de Martens, tom. ii. p. 62. 
 
 H 
 
Ce 
 
 ~@ 
 
 CHOICE OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 hostile feelings.* It is usual for a sovereign who 
 refuses to receive an ambassador to state the 
 grounds of his refusal. This has, however, some- 
 times been a delicate matter; and sometimes the 
 grounds of refusal have been altogether frivolous. 
 Thus, in 1757, the Court of Sweden refused to re- 
 ceive the British ambassador (Goderich), because 
 he had paid a visit to a prince at war with Sweden 
 subsequent to the date of his appointment.t 
 
 To avoid disputes of this kind, a regular list of 
 persons has often been submitted to a quarrel- 
 some court, with a request to choose the person 
 most agreeable to it.] 
 
 Sometimes, also, a sovereign makes special 
 application for the appomtment of a particular 
 person to his court, or he expresses a wish that 
 an ambassador who is about to be recalled may 
 be still retained there. These instances are 
 numerous, both in ancient and modern times. 
 
 The choice of an ambassador should be deter- 
 mined chiefly by the court to which he is to be 
 sent, and the nature of his mission there. The 
 same man is seldom fit for all kinds of business 
 in all countries, nor is the same man often a 
 fit and proper person to be sent to every court. 
 Nothing also is more prejudicial to the success of 
 any negotiations whatever than the choice of a 
 
 * See Schmalz, Schmelzing, Kliiber, Martens, and Heffter. 
 
 + See De Wicquefort, PAmbassadeur, &c,, lib. i. p. 18, the 
 Mémoires of the Comte d’Estrades, &c., tom. i. pp. 237, 268, with 
 Schlétzer, Staatsanzeigen, iv. s. 458, for further examples, 
 
 ~ Vide De Bielefeld, vol. ii. p. 178 ; also Moser and de Martens 
 (Précis, &c.) in several places, 
 
CHOICE OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 wrong man to conduct them. It is idle to 
 burthen a fop or a trifler with the weighty affairs 
 which may be managed easily by the strong, safe 
 intellect of a wise man. We should fit our 
 servants to their places; for mournful experience 
 enough should have convinced the world, at last, 
 that all men are not born with the sense and 
 prudence of successful negotiators.* 
 
 I would venture to assert that, perhaps, there 
 is no position among mankind which requires a 
 clearer and a sounder mind than that of a diplo- 
 matist. The most unexpected events are con- 
 stantly arising, even at the smallest courts, which 
 require delicate handling; while occasions, which 
 a keen observer might turn to precious account 
 for restoring the peace or assuring the interests 
 of the world, pass unnoticed or unemployed by a 
 person of lower and more ordinary capacity. 
 
 Many states have adopted the principle of 
 
 refusing to receive any of their own subjects as 
 ambassador of a foreign power. This rule was 
 first established by the French kings.t It was 
 followed by Sweden, the united States of the 
 Netherlands, and by Napoleon I. In 1816, the 
 German Diet also adopted the resolution of 
 refusing to receive as ambassador any individual 
 who stood in nexu civico to the city of Frankfurt, 
 except as representative of that city. 
 
 In any case, a subject must first receive 
 
 * See De Calliéres, ch. xxi; Martens, Guide Diplomatique, 
 tom. i. p. 35. 
 + See De Calliéres, ch. vi. 
 H 2 
 
 99 
 
100 AGE OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 permission from his sovereign before he can be 
 accredited as ambassador from a foreign court to 
 his own government. ‘This permission is gene- 
 rally refused; but there are, nevertheless, some 
 recent examples to the contrary. 
 
 Age of Am- ‘The age of an ambassador cannot be urged as 
 a valid objection to his appointment. Of this an 
 odd example is furnished in the “ Histoire des 
 Anciens ‘Traités,” &c., par Barbeyrac, p. 11, 
 art. xxxi. (Traité de Paix entre le méme Empereur 
 Marc Auréle Antonin et les Quades, peuple de 
 Vancienne Germanie, année 174 depuis Jesus 
 Christ ou environ) :— 
 
 “La guerre contre les peuples de l’ancienne 
 Germanie, malgré les victoires que l’Empereur 
 Mare Auréle Antonin y avoit remportées, étoit 
 telle, quil devoit souhaiter d’y mettre fin de 
 quelque maniére. II y avoit perdu beaucoup de 
 monde, et des personnes méme distinguées. On 
 le pressoit de revenir 4 Rome. Ainsi, quelque 
 infidéles qu'il eit touvé ces peuples dans divers 
 traités faits avec eux, il se résolut a en faire de 
 nouveaux. II étoit alors dans la Pannonie, et il 
 lui venoit des ambassades de la part de plusieurs 
 peuples barbares. Les uns demandoient de 
 traiter alliance avec lui; Dion Cassius ne les 
 nomme pas, il dit seulement que le chef de cette 
 ambassades étoit un enfant de douze ans, nommé 
 Battaire. L’Empereur leur donna de I’argent, 
 c’est tout ce que nous savons du traité.” * 
 
 * See Dumont’s Collection of Treaties, augmented and arranged 
 by Rousset. 
 
AGE OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 It has, however, been much more frequent to 
 see ambassadors appointed or retained at their 
 posts long after they have reached the last 
 drivelling stage of dotage and imbecility. It 
 would be hard to say at what age a man is best 
 fitted to perform the duties of an ambassador. 
 Men differ very much, but he who is not wise in 
 middle life will seldom improve materially after- 
 wards. There is, undeniably, great advantage in 
 possessing a certain experience in affairs, and a 
 young man, however distinguished by his abilities, 
 has seldom the habits of business which belong 
 to riper years. A man may be also laborious and 
 experienced, and yet wholly incapable of con- 
 ducting a delicate negotiation. ‘The peculiar 
 functions of diplomacy especially require tact 
 and quickness of comprehension—a_ popular 
 and attractive manner without frivolity is inesti- 
 mable. 
 ~ Among the Romans certain laws were made to 
 fix the age at which persons could be appointed 
 to the chief offices of state, and we all remember 
 Cicero’s boast on this subject. But it is a great 
 question whether they were in the right. Pitt, Fox, 
 Palmerston, most of the notabilities of the first 
 French Revolution, were all early distinguished 
 and in power. It would be, however, a difficult 
 point to decide at what period the intellect of 
 a man has attained its full development without 
 losing any of its strength. It is possible to be so 
 experienced as to become a mere timid formalist, 
 and too much thought is almost as likely to lead 
 
 101 
 
102 
 
 Female Di- 
 plomatists. 
 
 FEMALE DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 astray as too little, though not perhaps in the 
 same direction. 
 
 Kolle says very sensibly, that old diplomatists 
 are often subtle and inconsistent in business, for 
 that diplomacy, in the end, has a bad effect on 
 their private character. ‘That men of strong minds, 
 however, may constantly grow wiser during all 
 the changes and chances of half a century, we 
 have examples numerous enough to prove. Stand 
 forth, shades of Andreas Italinsky and Sir Robert 
 Liston! Arise, shadows of Oxenstiern, Tott, and 
 Sparre, to confound the ribald youngsters who 
 insult grey hairs, and let the august renown of 
 living Palmerston abash them into silence. 
 
 It is sufficiently obvious that the business of 
 nations should generally be entrusted to men. 
 The diplomacy of women is very much like that ' 
 of eunuchs: it is false and dangerous; ultimate 
 good seldom comes of it. Women are good as 
 councillors, but bad as actors. Perhaps no nego- 
 tiation has ever been perfected since the creation 
 of the world without their interference and advice ; 
 but they are best kept out of sight. Their judg- 
 ment is shrewd and clear on any abstract question 
 submitted to them; but their own conduct is 
 always too much influenced by personal feelings 
 to render their entire management of affairs 
 either proper or expedient. 
 
 Nevertheless, the instances in history where 
 ladies have been employed in diplomatic missions 
 are numerous and well established. French 
 women have, perhaps, really played a larger part 
 
FEMALE DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 in diplomacy than French men. This is, per- 
 haps, the reason that the diplomacy of France 
 has seldom possessed the character of openness 
 and fair dealing, till the accession of the present 
 emperor (Napoleon IIL), who has effected quite a 
 healthy revolution in this respect. 
 
 Ladies have even been sometimes formally 
 invested with the ambassadorial character. For 
 more than half a century all Europe believed the 
 Chevalier d’Eon to be awoman. After his death, 
 however, this was discovered to be an error. 
 That remarkable personage was at first a French 
 secret emissary at St. Petersburg, but subse- 
 quently was named secretary of embassy and 
 minister plenipotentiary at the Court of St. James. 
 He died in London, May 21, 1810. 
 
 De Wicquefort very wisely observes: “ On peut 
 dire, que la Reine Eléonore de France et Marie, 
 Reine d’Hongrie étoient ambassadrices ; celle-ci 
 de l?Empereur Charles V. et celle-la du Roi 
 Francois I. lorsqu’en Il’an 1587 elles s’assem- 
 blérent & Bommy, pour y traiter d’une paix, qui 
 enfin n’aboutit qu’a une tréve de trois mois.” 
 
 And he adds: “Marguérite, Duchesse veuve de 
 Savoye, tante de Charles d’Autriche, depuis Empe- 
 reur, assistée de Matthieu Langen, depuis Cardinal, 
 conclut en l’an 1508 a Cambray* un traité avec le 
 Cardinal d’ Amboise contre la république de Vénise, 
 pour Tobliger a restituer les places, quelle rete- 
 noit au Pape, a ’Empire et 4 Louis XII. comme 
 
 * The Treaty of Cambray went by the soubriquet of the Women’s 
 Treaty (Traité des Femmes) : see De Real. 
 
 103 
 
104 
 
 FEMALE DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 Duc de Milan: de sorte que l’on peut dire, qu’elle ~ 
 y étoit ambassadrice de 1 Empereur Maximilien, 
 son pére. 
 
 “Une autre Marguérite, sceur de Francois L., 
 veuve du Duc d’Alengon, fut envoyée en Espagne 
 en l’an 1525 par la Régente de France, sa mére, 
 et fit a Madrid les prémiéres propositions touchant 
 la liberté du Roi son frére, avec l’Archevéque 
 d’Embrun, ete. si bien, que l’on ne peut nier, 
 quelle n’ait été ambassadrice quoi qu'elle n’en 
 eit pas la qualité,” etc. 
 
 These ladies, however, perhaps can scarcely be 
 called ambassadresses in the strict sense of the 
 term. 
 
 De Real cites rather an extraordinary instance 
 of a lady ambassadress; for he tells us that a 
 king of Persia once sent a lady as ambassadress 
 to the Grand Sultan. He does not, however,, 
 gratify a pardonable curiosity by informing us 
 whether the business transacted by this lady, on 
 her arrival, was of an unusually delicate nature, 
 or otherwise. 
 
 Two clearly-authenticated cases of accredited 
 lady diplomatists are, however, only allowed to 
 be incontestably established: the first is, that of 
 the widow of the French Marshal de Guebriant, 
 of whom de Wicquefort says: “Il n’y a que la 
 Maréchall de Guebriant, & qui le caractére d’am- 
 bassadrice fut donné en Il’an 1646 afin qwelle 
 parut avec plus de lustre a la conduite de l’incom- 
 parable Princesse, Marie Louise de Mantoue, 
 épouse d’Uladislas, Roi de Pologne. C’est le 
 
FEMALE DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 seul exemple, que l’on ait eu jusques ici. M. de 
 Laboureur, qui a fait un assez gros volume du 
 voyage de cette reine, y marque des particularités 
 fort considérables des honneurs, que la Maréchale 
 se voulut faire rendre par la reine, laquelle avoit 
 ordre de conduire et de ceux, qu’on lui rendit in 
 effet, tant a la suite de cette princesse, qu’a son 
 retour, en Hongrie, en Allemagne et en Italie, ot 
 elle voulut faire paroitre son caractére. Mais je 
 ne me souviens point d’y avoir lu Vinsolence, 
 quelle eit en Pologne, de prétendre le méme 
 traitement, et les mémes honneurs, que lon y 
 avait autrefois faits 4 lArchiduchesse, mére de la 
 reine défunte, lors qu’elle y conduisit sa fille. 
 J’ai eu loccasion de parler fort souvent a Madame 
 de Guebriant. lle avoit de Vesprit, mais pas 
 tant quelle s’en faisoit accroire, et de trés grandes 
 foiblesses. L’on ne peut nier, que ce ne soit 
 contre la dignité d’un Roi, que de se faire repré- 
 senter par une femme. Si Louis XIV. eut été en 
 - age, il en auroit usé autrement.” 
 
 Respecting the diplomatic performances of this 
 lady, Amelot de la Houssaye has also the follow- 
 ing authentic details; and it must be at least 
 allowed that the mission on which she was 
 employed was of so excitable a character, that 
 few men of ordinary endowments would have 
 been able to perform it with the necessary cool- 
 ness and sagacity :— 
 
 “Ce quelle fit en Pologne en 1645 ou elle con- 
 duisit la Reine Marie-Louise de Mantoue, est une 
 preuve authentique de son habilité. Car a son 
 
 105 
 
106 
 
 FEMALE DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 arrivée & Varsovie, oti elle croioit n’avoir autre 
 chose a faire, qu’a mettre la Reine au lit avec 
 Uladislas, son mari, elle trouva ce Roi si prévenu 
 de certains bruits, qui couroient et si envenimé 
 par les lettres du Marquis de Boisdaufin, fils-ainé 
 de la fameuse Marquise de Sablé, qu'il vouloit a 
 toute force renvoier sa femme en France. Une 
 affaire de plaisir en devint une d’état: les charmes 
 de la Reine, qui étoit alors la plus belle princesse 
 de lEKurope, ne servoient qua augmenter les 
 soupcons du Roi. Ce qui le devoit enflammer 
 étoit ce qui le glacoit, a causes des nouvelles qu'on 
 lui avoit mandées. Bien en prit ala Reine d’étre 
 accompagnée de la Maréchale, qui montra dans 
 cette rencontre inprévue une superiorité d’esprit, 
 a laquelle Uladislas ne put résister long-temps. 
 De sorte que cédant a la force de la raison, de la 
 bienséance et de la politique, il consomma son 
 mariage avec la princesse ; et que, pour témoigner 
 la haute estime, qu'il faisoit de la personne de 
 Vambassadrice, il déclara, que son intention étoit 
 qu'on lui fit tous les mémes honneurs, qui avoient 
 rendus a l’Archiduchesse d’Inspruck Claude de 
 Medicis en 1637, lors qu’elle amena a Varsovie la 
 Reine Cécile, fille de l’Empereur Ferdinand IL., 
 premiére femme d’Uladislas. 
 
 “La cause de la haine que Boisdaufin portoit & 
 la Reine Marie étoit qu’elle avoit dégotité de lui 
 la dame de Choisy, sa confidante, dont il étoit 
 éperdument amoureux. 
 
 “La Maréchale mourut en 1659 pendant la 
 négociation de la paix des Pyrénées. Elle étoit 
 
FEMALE DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 nommée pour étre premiére Dame d’honneur de 
 la Reine Infante Marie-Thérése.” 
 
 The next authenticated case of a lady diploma- 
 tist is that of the famous and beautiful Countess 
 of Kénigsmark, the mistress of Augustus IL., 
 King of Poland, and one of the most celebrated 
 heroines of history. It is delightful to read 
 Voltaire’s account of her mission to bluff Charles 
 the Twelfth. It appears that Augustus was so 
 harassed by his subjects on the one hand, and 
 by the armies of Charles on the other, that he 
 was willing to barter even the charms of his 
 mistress for the chance of a dishonourable peace. 
 Voltaire, who tells the story with a pungency and 
 salt peculiarly his own, thus describes her mission 
 and its results :— 
 
 “ Auguste alma mieux alors recevoir des lois 
 dures de son vainqueur, que de ses sujets. Ilse 
 détermina 4 demander la paix au Roi de Suéde, 
 et voulut entamer avec lui un traité secret. I 
 falloit cacher cette démarche au Senat, qu’il 
 _régardoit comme un ennemi encore plus intrai- 
 table. Laffaire étoit délicate, il s’en réposa sur 
 la Comtesse de Koenigsmark, Suédoise d’une 
 grande naissance, & laquelle il étoit alors attaché. 
 Cette femme célébre dans le monde par son 
 esprit et par sa beauté, étoit plus capable qu’au- 
 cun ministre de faire réussir une négociation. 
 De plus, comme elle avoit du bien dans les états 
 de Charles XII, et qu’elle avoit été long-temps a 
 sa Cour, elle avoit un prétexte plausible d’aller 
 trouver ce prince. Elle vint done au camp des 
 
 107 
 
108 
 
 FEMALE DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 Suédois en Lithuanie et s’adressa d’abord au 
 comte Piper, qui lui promit trop légerement une 
 audience de son maitre. La comtesse parmi les 
 perfections, qui la rendoient une des plus amiables 
 personnes de l'Europe, avoit le talent singulier 
 de parler les langues de plusieurs pays, qu'elle 
 n’avoit jamais vus, avec autant de délicatesse, que 
 si elle y étoit née: elle s’amusoit méme quelque 
 fois & faire des vers francois, qu’on ett pris pour 
 étre d'une personne née a Versailles —Tant 
 d’esprit et d’agrémens étoient perdus auprés d’un 
 homme tel que le Roi de Suéde. I refusa con- 
 stamment de la voir. Elle prit le parti de se 
 trouver sur son chemin, dans les fréquentes pro- 
 menades, qu il faisoit & cheval. LEffectivement 
 elle le rencontra un jour dans un sentier fort étroit: 
 elle descendit de carosse, dés qu'elle l’apercut. 
 Le Roi la salua, sans lui dire un seul mot, tourna ° 
 la bride de son cheval et s’en retourna dans Vin- 
 stant; de sorte que la Comtesse de Koenigsmark 
 ne remporta de son voyage que la satisfaction de 
 pouvoir croire que le Roi de Suéde ne rédoutoit 
 qu elle.”’— Hist. Charles XII. v. i. p. 80.* 
 
 Réal is of opinion that the Countess Kénigs- 
 mark cannot be considered as an ambassadress, 
 because she had neither the rank or the creden- 
 tials of such a character. Neither was she 
 received by the King of Sweden; either because 
 she was not furnished with full powers, or because 
 he did not think proper to negotiate with her. 
 The latter reason, however, can scarcely be 
 
 * See also Jargou, von den Regalien, &c., Bd. i. cap. xi. § 1. 
 
RELIGION, ETC., OF AN AMBASSADOR. 109 
 
 adduced in support of this opinion; for there are 
 numerous instances of ambassadors who have 
 never been received. De Réal* does not seem to 
 be warranted at all, by the memoirs and books of 
 the period, in his assertion that she was not 
 furnished with credentials. 
 
 The religion of an ambassador has but seldom Religion. 
 been made a ground of refusal to receive him. 
 Nevertheless, Roman Catholic states have some- 
 times refused to receive any but Roman Catholic 
 ambassadors. Such an act of intolerance, how- 
 ever, could hardly occur in our times without 
 calling down the general censure of Europe. 
 
 No court would either think in our times of Nobility. 
 refusing to receive an ambassador of plebeian 
 origin, as once occurred in Spain.} But when the 
 Président Pierre Jeannin was sent by Henry IV. 
 to Philip II., the latter asked him, in his first 
 audience, ‘‘ Ktes vous gentilhomme ? ” 
 
 “Oui,” replied the President tersely, ‘‘ si Adam 
 LP était.” 
 
 “De qui étes-vous fils?” then demanded the 
 curious monarch. 
 
 _ The reply of the President has happily de- 
 scended to our times, and it is the most dignified 
 and graceful reproof on record. “ De mes vertus, 
 sire,’ answered the man, whose name, after the 
 lapse of ages, is still familiar to all the scholars 
 and historians of Europe. If there was some- 
 thing too much of self-assertion in this, the rude- 
 
 * Vide La Science du Gouvernement, &c., tom. v. p. 11. 
 + Vide Schmelzing, Th. xi. p. 152. 
 
110 
 
 NOBILITY, ETC., OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 ness of the king most fully justified it. The 
 story, upon the whole, puts us rather in mind of 
 the reply told of a certain wit to a musical diplo- 
 matist, who has survived him. 
 
 “He forgot I was a peer,” mumbled out the 
 one, with revolting and ridiculous pride. 
 
 “ Pshaw! my lord,” returned the caustic 
 scholar; “ you are a peer, but he is of the stuff 
 from which peers are made.” 
 
 The British lord was angry; but it is said that 
 the Spanish king sought opportunities of distin- 
 suishing the man who had dared to reply to 
 insult from high places with wit and irony.* 
 
 Even in the middle ages also, and the story of 
 the President Jeannin, notwithstanding the pre- 
 judice in favour of aristocratic diplomatists, was 
 never so strong as at this time in England. Thus 
 Rubens, the painter, served the King of Spain on 
 two separate embassies; and when the imperial 
 minister at Vienna, in 1676, was so mad as to 
 refuse the title of Excellency, and the right of 
 precedence, to the electoral representatives who 
 were not noble, the Elector of Brandenburg de- 
 clared, “Quod sibi magis dexteritas legatorum 
 quam natales sint respiciend1.” t 
 
 There have been also occasions when the over- 
 grown rank of an ambassador has been of serious 
 disadvantage to the interests of his sovereign. 
 For instance, when the Duc de Longueville was 
 
 bf 
 
 * See Lettres et Négociations du Chevalier d’Eon, tom. i. p. 65. 
 + See Pufendorf ver, Crandenburg. lib. xiv. c. lvii., and Kliiber, 
 vol. i, p. 804. 
 
NOBILITY, ETC., OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 sent to take part in the negotiations for peace at 
 Miinster, he displayed so much arrogance and 
 pretension, that his colleagues would have nothing 
 whatever to do withshim. Also, when the Papal 
 nuncio and the Venetian ambassador entreated 
 the French king to send a plenipotentiary to the 
 Congress of Cologne, that monarch testily repled, 
 that “there was not a man in his dominions 
 whom he could employ on such a business; for 
 the greater part of the nobles, who wore swords, 
 followed altogether their own caprices, without 
 paying the smallest respect to his orders.’* 
 
 There are some special rules, however, with 
 respect to the rank of ambassadors. The Prin- 
 cipal-Commissarius of the Emperor at the 
 Assembly of the States of Germany was formerly 
 always a prince; and all foreign envoys who 
 attended the ceremony of investiture were re- 
 quired to be of baronial or knightly rank. Priests 
 and doctors of law,} soldiers of fortune, or adven- 
 turers who had raised themselves to some consi- 
 deration by their abilities, were the persons most 
 frequently sent on embassies in former times. I 
 remember even recently to have met a diplo- 
 matist, glittering with decorations, who began life 
 as a groom.{ Mericos, however, tells us (vol. i. 
 p. 148) that it would be considered the height of 
 discourtesy to send an uneducated or low-born 
 person to a foreign court. 
 
 * See Ahnert, part i. p. 27. 
 
 + When Latin was the language of diplomacy. 
 
 t See also Lord Carlisle’s Diary in Turkish and Greek Waters, 
 written partly at Vienna. 
 
 ike 
 
NOBILITY, ETC., OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 Nevertheless, Cardinal D’Ossat did not even 
 know the name of his grandfather, and was yet 
 the trusted friend of Henry the Great; while 
 Louis XI., the craftiest of princes, sent his barber, 
 Olivier Daim, as ambassador to the Netherlands.* 
 
 * Compare also Schmalz and Ahnert. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 —— tas 
 
 Credentials. —Official Letters. —Passports.—Safe Conducts in Time 
 of War.—How far Nations are bound by the Acts of Ambas- 
 sadors.—Full Powers.—Diets and Congresses.—The Hanse 
 Towns.—Instructions. 
 
 WHEN an ambassador is sent to a foreign Credentials. 
 court he is required to present his credentials 
 (creditiv, lettres de créance, litteree credenti- 
 ales) before he can enter on the business of his 
 mission. In these credentials his name and cha- 
 racter is declared by the government sending 
 him; and the foreign court is therein requested 
 to give full credence to his official statements 
 and explanations.* 
 
 Credentials are usually prepared in duplicate. 
 “An envoy delivers the sealed original to the 
 sovereign to whom he is accredited, and the open 
 authenticated copy serves as his authority towards 
 the secretary of state or the minister of foreign 
 affairs, to whom he shows the said copy before 
 he is permitted to present the original. 
 
 If the credentials are sent open, or sub sigillo 
 volante, the original must be exhibited to the 
 
 * Compare De Calliéres, ch. xi.; Ahnert, Th. i. s. 113 ; Schmel- 
 zing, Th. i. s. 161; also de Martens, Précis du Droit des Gens 
 Moderne, tom. ii. p. 65, and Baron Ch, de Martens, Guide Diplo- 
 matique, tom. i. p, 48. 
 
 I 
 
114 
 
 CREDENTIALS. 
 
 secretary of foreign affairs; because it is neces- 
 sary that he should be able to vouch that its 
 purport is inoffensive before officially introducing 
 the envoy to his sovereign. French ambassadors 
 formerly* received two documents, the one entitled 
 a ‘ Lettre de Cachet, or de Chancellerie,” and the 
 other a “ Lettre de la Main.” 
 
 When two ambassadors of the same class and 
 nation are sent to the same court together, one 
 letter of credence is held sufficient for both; but 
 when one envoy is accredited to several courts, he 
 receives separate credentials for each court. The 
 same rule obtains when he is accredited to one 
 sovereign in different capacities.t 
 
 The diplomatic agents of the pope are usually 
 provided with bulls as credentials. 
 
 The ambassadors to the Porte are furnished, 
 not only with credentials for the sultan, but with » 
 letters both for the grand vizier and the reis- 
 effendi, or chief of the department of foreign 
 affairs. ‘That addressed to the grand vizier is 
 frequently an autograph letter of the sovereign, or 
 one signed by him; while that addressed to the 
 reis-effendi is merely an ordinary official docu- 
 ment signed by the minister.] 
 
 Letters of credence are usually now written in 
 as few words as possible; formerly it was cus- 
 tomary to have them drawn up in Latin.§ 
 
 * See Reumont, pp. 459—461; Schmelzing, part ii. p. 161; 
 Kliber, vol. i. p. 316; and De Calliéres, ch. xi. 
 
 + See Beck, Versuch einer Staats-Praxis, buch v. s. 240. 
 
 + C. de Martens, vol. i. p. 49. 
 § Vide Stieve on the Ceremonies of European Courts, part iii. 
 
OFFICIAL LETTERS. 
 
 There is a doubt whether an ambassador can 
 be officially received without his credentials, 
 should they have been lost by any untoward 
 accident, or omitted from negligence, or some 
 other cause. Much, however, would depend on 
 circumstances in such a case; for Moser espe- 
 cially mentions an instance which had come to 
 his knowledge, of an ambassador having been sent 
 on a complimentary mission without his creden- 
 tials, which were to be forwarded after him. Not- 
 withstanding this informality, however, he was 
 received with all the honour of his rank. 
 
 An envoy is not officially acknowledged till he 
 has presented his credentials. An envoy sent to 
 a foreign court, without being invested with the 
 diplomatic character, usually presents an official 
 letter, but not a letter of credence.* Sometimes 
 several letters of credence are given to the same 
 envoy without any reference to the circumstances 
 of his mission. Liinig (Theatrum Ceremoniale, 
 part il. p. 1560) adduces several instances of this 
 eustom. Thus, when M. de St. Romain was sent 
 as French ambassador to Switzerland, he was 
 furnished with credentials to all the thirteen can- 
 tons, collectively ; and with thirteen others, or 
 one set for each canton, separately.t He had also 
 special credentials for the towns of Bienne, 
 
 p. 238; Nettelblatt, Diss. de Forma Litterarum Credentialium 
 p. 458. 
 
 * See Beck, buch v. p. 243. 
 
 + See Kliiber, vol. i. p. 817, and Beck, buch v. p. 240. 
 
 Te 
 
 115 
 
 Official 
 Letters. 
 
116 
 
 ‘OFFICIAL LETTERS. 
 
 Miihlhausen, Geneva, and another for the Abbot 
 of St. Gall. 
 
 The Bishop of Marseilles also, who was de- 
 spatched as French ambassador to Poland in 
 1674, had numerous credentials. He had letters 
 for the states of the kingdom, the senators, the 
 Generalissimo Sobieski, the grand marshal of 
 the kingdom, the Archbishop of Gnesen, the 
 crown treasurer, the vice-chancellor, and the 
 
 grand chancellor of Lithunia; besides twelve 
 
 others, the addresses of which were left in blank 
 to be filled up at his own discretion, and pre- 
 sented to particular senators or other persons 
 of influence. 
 
 Two years afterwards (1676) the Marquis de 
 Bethune followed the bishop to the same court. 
 He carried credentials for the king, the Princess 
 Lubomirska, Prince Demetrius, Patz the chan- 
 cellor of Lithuania, Morstein the crown treasurer, 
 Wielopolski the grand Solwicz, Gwenski the vice- 
 chancellor, and Jablonowski the Russian voevode. 
 
 M. de Guilleragues was sent as French ambas- 
 sador to Constantinople with credentials for the 
 sultan, the grand vizier, the kaimacam, the 
 mufiti, &c., as well as a letter of recal for his 
 predecessor. M. de la Haye and M. de Nointel 
 were also similarly provided on their embassies 
 to the same place. } 
 
 The fact is, that in former times, when inter- 
 course with foreign states was extremely rare, it 
 was by no means easy to find out in whose hands 
 the real power of a foreign country might be. 
 
PASSPORTS. 
 
 Courts also were usually such miserable scenes of 
 jealousy and intrigue, that the objects of the 
 most important mission might fail utterly, unless 
 some worthless person (whose name was scarcely 
 known beyond the precincts of the palace) were 
 adroitly flattered and conciliated. Diplomacy was 
 then a mere game of tricks and infamies. It was 
 a regular organised system of dishonesty ; and 
 even if we read the first Lord Malmesbury’s 
 account of his mission to St. Petersburg, we 
 shall almost wonder that gentlemen could still be 
 found even in those days to soil their honour by 
 consenting in any way to be connected with such 
 disgraceful concerns. The whole may be summed 
 up in a single sentence. The projects of sove- 
 reions towards foreign nations were neither righ- 
 teous or practicable; and the nefarious means 
 which they encouraged their ambassadors to 
 adopt, in utter opposition to all sound states- 
 manship, would have justly condemned private 
 ‘persons to the gibbet or the galleys. 
 
 An ambassador must be furnished with pass- 
 ports to identify himself and his suite on his 
 journey. 
 
 Such passports must be countersigned by the 
 representative of the sovereign to whom he is 
 accredited, at his own court.* 
 
 In like manner an ambassador is provided with 
 passports from the court he is leaving on his 
 
 * Vide Gregorio Leti, part vi. p. 686 (Passaporti degli Ambas- 
 siatori) ; also Schmelzing, part ii. p. 168; and the Guide Diplo- 
 matique, tom. i. pp. 55, 56. 
 
 mur 
 
 Passports. 
 
118 SAFE CONDUCT, ETC. 
 
 return home, and the refusal of his passports 
 could only be justified by the clearest reasons. 
 
 Safe Con- In time of war an ambassador should further 
 
 duct. . : : 
 receive a safe conduct (sauf-conduit, salvi con- 
 ductus litterze) to enable him to travel in safety 
 through the country with which his own nation 
 is at strife.* 
 
 Such safe conducts were frequently given 
 
 formerly to envoys proceeding to a congress.t 
 Long discussions sometimes took place respecting 
 the style and form of these documents, which 
 tended not a little to retard the progress of 
 negotiations, | 
 
 How farNa- It is generally held that a sovereign is only 
 
 tions are 
 
 bound by bound by the deed of his envoy, in so far as the 
 the Acts 
 
 paren e latter acts in accordance with the tenor of his 
 Agents. instructions. At least, such is the practice of 
 modern times, and instances of disavowal on the ' 
 
 part of sovereigns and governments have been 
 frequent. ‘This appears also to be the opinion of 
 
 Grotius (lib. 11. cap. xxi. s. 4). The old in- 
 ternational lawyers, however, had several theories 
 
 on this subject. Achenwall says, (Diss. Juris Gen- 
 
 tium Universalis de Transitu et Admissione Legati 
 
 ex pacto repetendis, s. 1, 11). “ Legatus est 
 subditus a gente cui paret ad aliam gentem 
 
 * See De Martens, Causes Célébres du Droit des Gens, &c., 
 
 tom i. p. 285; also the Guide Diplomatique, vol. i. p. 56, and 
 Heffter, p. 239. 
 
 + See De Calliéres, ch. xi.; Liinig, Theatrum Ceremoniale, 
 Phd. Ps 4 8951000. 
 
 ~ See Projet du Médiateur d@’un Formulaire pour les Passeports, 
 du 12 Fév. 1697, in the Actes, Mémoires, et Négociations de la 
 Paix de Ryswick, tom. i. p. 305; De Vattel, lib. iii. ch. xvii. &e. 
 
FULL POWERS. 
 
 missus ut nomine illius negocium publicum cum 
 hac tractet.”” — “Gens mittens transtulit in lega- 
 tum jus, quod sibi competit, negocium publicum 
 cum ala gente tractandi.” 
 
 119 
 
 Full powers are sometimes general, and some- FullPowers. 
 
 times special.* When they are general, they 
 authorise the ambassador to treat on all matters 
 of business which may arise; when they are 
 special, they usually limit his authority to certain 
 particular affairs. The ancient commentators 
 were fond of raising the question, whether general 
 powers might not be construed as authorising an 
 ambassador to enter into negotiations with 
 every court (actus ad omnes populos). 
 
 Full powers, whether special or general, should 
 state clearly whether the ambassador has the right 
 of appointing a deputy or otherwise. If several 
 persons are empowered to act in some particular 
 business, the powers should set forth whether 
 they are to negotiate separately or in concert.t 
 
 The acts of an ambassador are not binding if he 
 has exceeded his powers. Sometimes full powers 
 are unlimited, as in the case of Prince Hardenberg, 
 the Prussian chancellor of state at the congress of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle ; an ambassador, however, who 
 acts against the tenor of his private instructions, 
 will of course do so on his own responsibility. 
 The time also is long past when any power could 
 profit by his misconduct. 
 
 * Vide Schmelzing, part ii. p. 163; Kliber, vol. i. p. 314; 
 Guide Diplomatique, vol. i. p. 51, &c. 
 + Vide De Calliéres, ch. xi.; G. F. de Martens, tom. ii. p. 68. 
 
120 
 
 Diets and 
 Congresses. 
 
 DIETS AND CONGRESSES. 
 
 - Full powers are sometimes issued “in forma 
 patente,’ when they are called full powers in the 
 strict sense of the term; sometimes they are “in 
 forma litterarum,’ when they are, properly speak- 
 ing, mere letters of credence.* 
 
 Both full powers and credentials are usually 
 given to an ambassador; for although the full 
 powers may be included in the credentials, it has 
 not been the recent practice to unite them in the 
 same document.t 
 
 Ambassadors sent to a diet, congress, or fede- 
 rative assembly, and not to a sovereign, do not 
 receive letters of credence at all. They are autho- 
 rised to transact business with each other by full 
 powers, certified copies of which are mutually 
 interchanged or handed in to a third party.{ 
 Ambassadors to the German Diets, however, were 
 formerly provided with credentials, in the same ° 
 manner as those to the German confederation.§ 
 
 The ambassadors to Congresses could so 
 seldom conduct themselves with propriety in 
 former times, that we find a singular regulation 
 established at the Peace of Utrecht, and which 
 appears to have been necessary to keep their dis- 
 putes within the bounds of respectability. They 
 were appointed only as plenipotentiaries, with the 
 express condition that they might assume the 
 character of ambassadors extraordinary on affix- 
 ing their signatures to the treaty of peace. This 
 
 * See Kliiber, vol. i. p. 315. 
 
 + See de Martens, Précis, &c., vol. ii. p. 68. 
 
 + Vide de Martens, Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. pp. 51, 52. 
 § See Baron Ch. de Martens, tom. i. p. 52. 
 
DIETS. AND CONGRESSES. 
 
 temptation appears to have been strong enough 
 to induce them to show such reluctant courtesy 
 and consideration towards each other, as pre- 
 vented any public scandal on this occasion,* to 
 the general astonishment of Europe. 
 
 With respect to the presentation and examina- 
 tion of full powers at congresses, there was a 
 special regulation made at Vienna, Nov. 1, 1814. 
 By this it was agreed that plenipotentiaries sent 
 to the congress should mutually examine each 
 other’s powers, and that they should then be 
 deposited in an office appointed for that purpose 
 in the imperial chancery of state. All persons, 
 therefore, provided with full powers were re- 
 quested to send them for inspection to the same 
 office. The verification of the powers took 
 place in the presence of three ministers pleni- 
 potentiary.t 
 
 Letters of recommendation addressed to mem- 
 bers of the royal family, ministers, high public 
 -functionaries, &c., and which are sometimes given 
 by sovereigns to their ambassadors, must not be 
 confounded with their credentials.{ 
 
 Diplomatic agents accredited to the Hanse 
 Towns frequently receive letters of recommenda- 
 tion for the principal magistrates, besides their 
 regular credentials. 
 
 * See Liinig, Theatrum Ceremoniale Historico-Politicum, Th. i. 
 p. 795. 
 
 + See Kliiber’s Acts of the Congress of Vienna, 1814-15, vol. i. 
 pp. 37, 38, &e. 
 
 + See Schmelzing, Kliiber, Martens, Ahnert, &c. respecting 
 these official letters of recommendation. 
 
 T 
 fh 
 
 121 
 
 he Hanse 
 owns, 
 
Instructions. 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 Formerly, the deputies from the states of the 
 empire frequently brought letters of recom- 
 mendation instead of credentials to the court of 
 the emperor.* 
 
 An ambassador usually receives special instruc- 
 tions previous to his departure, prescribing his 
 behaviour and the general tone he is to adopt in 
 transacting business at the court to which he is 
 accredited. 
 
 These instructions are commonly drawn up in 
 writing; sometimes, however, they are delivered 
 verbally. An ambassador frequently receives 
 special instructions, altogether separate from, or 
 even at variance with, his general instructions. 
 Sometimes his instructions are communicated to 
 him at the commencement of his mission; some- 
 times they are sent to him subsequently, or from 
 time to time, as circumstances arise. In the 
 former case they are included in a special docu- 
 ment; in the latter, they usually assume the 
 form of despatches. 
 
 Instructions are given to an ambassador for his 
 own exclusive use and information. They are, 
 therefore, privileged; and it would be a violation 
 of the law of nations to compel him to disclose 
 them. He is sometimes, however, furnished with 
 
 two sets of instructions, one of which he is per- 
 
 mitted to show, while the other is to be kept 
 secret. Kliiber says (v. i. p. 319) that “a collec- 
 
 * See Ickstadt, de Legatorum in Civitatibus Immediatis ac 
 Liberis Residentium Privilegiis et Juribus; also Ady. Kluit, His- 
 torize Foederum Belgii Federati, pt. ii. p. 545. 
 
INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 tion of secret instructions would be a treasure 
 for the negotiator and the historian.” They 
 would probably, however, show more of the folly 
 of those who drew them up than their wisdom, 
 and would doubtless be a melancholy proof of 
 the revolting duplicity and insincerity which has 
 hitherto been so mnaccountably permitted to 
 cuide the affairs of the world. 
 
 Very full and complete instructions were given 
 to diplomatic agents as early as the fourteenth 
 century. Instances, also, are to be often met 
 with in political history where several courts have 
 agreed with each other respecting the instructions 
 to be given to their ambassadors on certain par- 
 ticular affairs. In 1778 Spain and Portugal 
 conferred together respecting the instructions 
 which were to be given to their ambassadors.* 
 
 The instructions of ambassadors generally 
 give them a great deal of latitude. Montaigne 
 says that it was a custom of the Persian princes 
 to bind thei agents so closely to the letter of 
 their instructions that they could not transact 
 the smallest business without referring to them. 
 Thus custom caused the most disastrous delay 
 ‘and confusion everywhere. It has been found in 
 all respects more prudent to leave modern diplo- 
 matists to act a great deal on their own judgment ; 
 and, indeed, their opinions and advice often 
 materially alter the previous views of their own 
 ' government. There can be no doubt that when 
 an ambassador is a sensible and prudent man, 
 
 * See Moser, p. 44. 
 
 is) 
 
124 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 the less he is harassed by instructions the better. 
 This is obvious, because he is able constantly to 
 watch the progress of affairs, and take advantage 
 of passing circumstances when left reasonably 
 free to act. If his views, therefore, are known 
 to be sound, and he thoroughly understands and 
 appreciates the policy of his own government, he 
 will usually do much better if left to manage the 
 details of his business without interference. On 
 the other hand, if a man is either so weak 
 or ignorant that he cannot be trusted, he 
 should never be employed. It very frequently 
 happens, however, that an ambassador and his 
 own government take altogether different views 
 of the same question. ‘This is a fruitful source 
 of discord and failure. It appears, indeed, im- 
 possible that two opinions should exist on any 
 question if governments would consent to act | 
 always in a straightforward and honest manner ; 
 but if they will not do so, they must either allow 
 a refractory ambassador to dictate to them, or 
 adopt the far more expeditious and prudent plan 
 of dismissing him from a position where he will 
 be able to lead them into ruin and disgrace. No 
 instructions will remedy the mischief; and, 
 indeed, recent examples would go to prove that 
 ambassadors sometimes take a perverse delight 
 in disobeying them. 
 
 Polybius gives the following remarkable ex- 
 ample of defective instructions:—‘ Surgens dein 
 Aristenus pretor Acheorum, et ab _ legato 
 Ptolemeei, et ab iis qui renovando foederi missi 
 
INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 ab Acheis fuerant, sciscitatur, ecquam societatem 
 renovaturus venerit ? Quum responderet nemo, 
 et mutuo sese omnes interrogarent, magna in 
 concilio exorta est dubitatio. Oriebatur autem 
 dubitatio ex eo, quod, quum plura foedera Acheeis 
 eum regibus Ptolemei majoribus, que pro con- 
 ditione temporum plurimum inter se differrent ; 
 neque legatus Ptolemei ullam distinctionem fe- 
 cerat, cum foedus renovabat; sed universe de 
 negotio fuerat locutus: neque etiam ill quos 
 Achzi miserant: verum quasi semel dumtaxat 
 societatem pepigissent, jusjurandum simpliciter 
 nulla adhibita distinctione, et prestiterant ipsi, 
 et acceperant arege. Itaque promente in medium 
 preetore omnia priora foedera, et singula distincte 
 expendente, quoniam longe diversa illa erant, 
 volebat multitudo cognoscere, ecquod jam fcedus 
 renovaret. Id vero docere quum neque Philo- 
 pemenes posset, qui preetor renovandi fcederis 
 auctor fuerat, neque Lycortas, ceterive legati, 
 -Alexandriam iverant; hi quidem temere atque 
 inconsiderate rem gessisse publicam existimati 
 sunt: Aristenus vero opinionem magnam inde 
 retulit, ut qui solus judicio uteretur: ac tandem 
 -decretum illud firmari non est passus: sed 
 rem de qua omnes dubitarent, in aliud tempus 
 rejecit.” * 
 
 Mably (in his “ Principes des Négociations,” ch. 
 xix.) has some very sensible advice respecting the 
 instructions of ambassadors: and De Calliéres 
 
 * Ex libris historiarum Polybii Megalopolitani Excerpta Lega- 
 tionum, cap. xli. (ed. Amstelodami, 1670, 8vo.) pp. 1182, 1183. 
 
 125 
 
126 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 treats the subject with his usual prudence and 
 acumen. | 
 
 In the instructions given by Frederick Augus- 
 tus, Elector of Saxony, to his envoys at foreign 
 courts in 1791, there occurs the following passage, 
 which is especially. worth study, from the hght 
 which it throws on the politics of the German 
 princes at that time. 
 
 “Le Systéme de S. A. Seren. Elect. est de per- 
 sister invariablement dans les principes une fois 
 adoptés, de vivre autant que possible en bonne 
 intelligence avec toutes les Puissances de l’EKu- 
 rope, de prouver partout la droiture de ses inten- 
 tions, la justesse de sa marche politique, et la 
 sincérité de ses sentimens, de donner nulle part 
 de justes sujets de méfiance, de contribuer, autant 
 qu’il dépend d’Elle, a la conservation de la tran- 
 quillité publique et de la paix générale, de ne ° 
 songer qu’ la stireté et Ala défense de Ses Etats 
 et au maintien de la constitution germanique, de 
 ne Se méler d’aucune affaire qui n’a point de rap- 
 port avec ces objets, mais d’observer pour le reste 
 aussi long-temps que possible la plus exacte 
 neutralité, et par conséquent de ne Se lier les 
 mains par aucun Traité formel qui puisse l’en- 
 trainer dans les différents étrangers 4 Ses intéréts, 
 et la détourner des soins qu’ Elle donne au Gou- 
 vernement de Ses Etats. L’accession de l’Elec- 
 teur a l'association germanique n’est absolument 
 pas a regarder comme un abandon de ce systéme.’’* 
 
 * Vide Politz die Regierung Friedrich Augusts, King of Saxony, 
 (Leipsig, 1830, 8vo.) part i. p. 239. 
 
® 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 The instructions which are to be found in 
 Machiavelli’s works* for Rafaello Girolami, am- 
 bassador at the court of Charles V., are well de- 
 serving of notice here. “ Any honest man,” say 
 these curious documents, “‘ can discharge a com- 
 ‘mission faithfully ; but there is some difficulty in 
 doing so satisfactorily. An envoy to be success- 
 ful should be thoroughly acquainted with the 
 character of the prince, and of those who have 
 influence over him. He should so regulate his 
 behaviour as to have constant facilities for obtain- 
 ing an audience; for the most difficult affairs 
 grow easy to one who has constant access to the 
 ear of the prince. 
 
 “ Above all, it should be the chief aim of an 
 envoy to acquire respect. This object will be 
 best attained by proving himself to be a man of 
 honour and integrity; by a liberal and frank 
 demeanour ; by condescending to nothing either 
 false or mean; by suffering no one to entertain 
 the idea that he is acting against his own con- 
 victions. The last point is of great importance. 
 I have known some persons who by their craft and 
 duplicity have so ruined their credit with a prince, 
 that they were never afterwards able to negotiate 
 with him. Though it may sometimes be neces- 
 sary to mask a purpose with words, it must be 
 done so as not to be discovered, or, if discovered, 
 
 * See Istruzione fatta per Niccolé Macchiavelli a Rafaello Giro- 
 lami, quando ai 23 d Ottobre parti per Spagna all Imperatore. 
 They will be found in the Opere de Niccolé Macchiavelli, Segretario 
 e Cittadino Fiorentino, Filadelfia, 1797, 8vo. tom. vi. p. 850, &c. 
 
 127 
 
128 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 a defence must be kept ready.” (Very Italian 
 this ! ) | | 
 
 “An envoy may acquire great credit for the 
 correct and early intelligence he may be able to 
 forward to his government; and this may be of a 
 threefold nature: either respecting the progress 
 or success of his negotiations, or of such events 
 as are likely to occur. | 
 
 “To obtain information with respect to transac- 
 tions that are once concluded is easy, except in a 
 case where two princes enter into some alliance 
 to the prejudice of a third, as in the league of 
 Cambray between France, the pope, the emperor, 
 and Spain, against Venice. Such treaties even 
 when concluded are carefully concealed, and to 
 discover their purport will exercise both conjec- 
 ture and sagacity. 
 
 “To become well informed respecting nego- , 
 tiations still in progress is, however, incomparably 
 more difficult. Here the shrewdness and pene- 
 tration of an envoy will be taxed to the utmost. 
 In every court there are nevertheless persons 
 holding confidential employments, and whose 
 ears are ever on the watch for news. It is highly 
 advantageous to make friends with such persons, 
 and to learn from them whatever they may have 
 to communicate. 
 
 ‘“‘As, however, you may often hear more than is 
 true, your judgment must decide on the probability 
 of the news given to you. The reports you have 
 heard also, though perhaps strictly incorrect, may 
 often guide you to the truth on further inquiry ; 
 
® 
 
 INSTRUCTIONS. 
 
 or you will have the opportunity of expressing 
 your opinions thereon in your despatches, and 
 thus clearing up the doubts of your own govern- 
 ment. 
 
 **T have known a man, well experienced in the 
 business of diplomacy, who made it his duty, 
 every two months, to lay before his own govern- 
 ment a complete summary of all the affairs of the 
 kingdom to which he was sent.” It is hardly 
 possible to approve too highly of this last sug- 
 gestion. 
 
 The published despatches of our own time 
 show, indeed, that diplomatic writings are nume- 
 rous enough, but it is astonishingly seldom that 
 they contain really valuable information. In late 
 years the activity of the diplomatic service has 
 been quite alarming; yet, perhaps, never at any 
 period of history were its records so entirely 
 devoid of pith and interest. 
 
 129 
 
Letter 
 Opening. 
 
 Swift. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 —_>— 
 
 Letter Opening : Swift, Martin Luther, Duclos, St. Simon and 
 Richelieu, Kemmerich.—Anecdotes : Kliiber, Cypher, De Cal- 
 liéres, the Lacedzemonians, Richelieu, Mazarin. 
 
 ComPLAINTs respecting the unauthorised open- 
 ing of letters and despatches have been at all 
 times frequent among diplomatists. It is impos- 
 sible to stigmatise the infamy of such a practice 
 too indignantly, though persons of high repute 
 have been known to practise it with impunity and 
 applause. The art has even been pushed to such 
 shameful perfection that letters and despatches, 
 may be opened without apparent injury to the 
 seals. Lucian (Pseud. c. xxi, v. 1, p. 228) 
 actually chronicles a series of experiments on the 
 disgraceful art of opening and resealing letters, so 
 that the felony may not be discovered. 
 
 Walsingham, the famous secretary of state to 
 Elizabeth, is said to have stained his honour by 
 misdemeanors of this kind; and he is further 
 stated at last to have become so shameless a 
 scoundrel in this respect as to have invented 
 an art of filching the written confidence of other 
 people without disturbing the fastening of their 
 letters at all. 
 
 Swift bitterly complains, in one of his letters to 
 
LETTER OPENING. 
 
 Pope, that his correspondence was not safe from 
 the dishonourable tampering of official hands. 
 
 The letters of Martin Luther were opened by 
 some scandalous official rogues, who had subse- 
 quently the shocking effrontery to avow the 
 crime and question him as to their contents. 
 
 It appears that several letters had been ad- 
 dressed by Luther to some burghers of Leipsic, 
 on the subject of the religious persecutions they 
 had suffered. These falling into the hands of his 
 enemy, Duke George of Saxony, this improper 
 person feloniously opened them, and rejoicing in 
 the base means he had thus acquired of striking 
 a blow at the defenceless object of his stupid 
 enmity, he falsely accused Luther of a plot to 
 excite disturbances; and his intended victim was 
 summoned by the elector to answer the ac- 
 cusation. 
 
 Prior to this also, a letter, saed to have been 
 written by Luther to Doctor Link, a preacher at 
 Nuremberg, somehow or other came into the 
 hands of Duke George, who immediately pub- 
 lished certain unworthy slanders reflecting on 
 the character of the great reformer. Rogues of 
 rank in those days were very fond of having all 
 the publicity on their own side. They liked to 
 indulge in gibes and dull jokes. They were fond 
 of assembling together in organised bands of 
 fashionable calumniators. But they were unpre- 
 pared to find an obscure scholar, who would dare 
 to flash back the battle and rear his head in 
 
 haughty and scornful defiance of their manifold 
 K 2 
 
 Martin 
 Luther. 
 
 I3l 
 
132 
 
 LETTER OPENING. 
 
 infamies and oppressions. Martin Luther, how- 
 ever, was one of those men who cannot sit down 
 tamely under a wrong: so he very properly 
 couched his pen and attacked these paltry rogues 
 in a treatise, which, though published more than 
 three centuries ago, endures until this day. He 
 has there condemned the name of Duke George 
 of Saxony to the scorn and contempt of all time; 
 and he has taught to rogues of rank a lesson they 
 will hardly forget, that if humble men start in 
 the world without interest or friends, God in his 
 mercy has given them strong brains and fearless 
 hearts; the power to punish unprovoked assault 
 ay, and the will. 
 
 Luther neither denies or admits the author- 
 ship of the stolen letter attributed to him; but 
 he treats the subject with a quiet and biting irony 
 peculiarly his own. It is the style of a wise man 
 chastising a fool. 
 
 “This letter,” he says, “according to Duke 
 George’s statement, is mine. If so, the said 
 Duke George must of necessity confess that he 
 has abstracted my property without my privity or 
 consent. Doubtless, he must be troubled with a 
 bad conscience. From whence, however, has 
 Duke George derived the power of seizing upon 
 the property of another man against the wish of 
 its lawful owner? Who has authorised him to 
 retain such ill-gotten goods? If we grant him 
 so unprecedented a right, why should he also dis- 
 grace himself by insult and outrage? He dis- 
 poses of the property he has acquired unjustly 
 
 
 
MARTIN LUTHER. 
 
 according to his own despotic will and pleasure, 
 to the irreparable loss and detriment of the real 
 owner. ‘his stolen, violated, and intercepted 
 letter was printed for my oppression and for his 
 exaltation. I will put a case, however, on a level 
 with his comprehension. 
 
 “Tf I had obtained a letter from Duke George’s 
 Chancery without his knowledge and consent,— 
 if I had made use of it to the disparagement of 
 his honour and character,—would he be well 
 pleased with such conduct? He might perhaps 
 act with contemptuous clemency, and leave the 
 letter in my secret possession. Whether he in- 
 terfered in the matter or not, however, I should 
 stand a chance of losing my head, though my 
 neck were of steel or iron. 
 
 “Or, suppose I had taken a thousand florins 
 from a merchant without his knowledge or con- 
 sent, and then not only boasted of my crime, but 
 bullied my victim and sought his ruin; let the 
 - Duke be judge himself what such conduct had 
 deserved. ‘ Yes,’ it may be urged, ‘but letters 
 are not goods!’ My dear reader,” continues 
 Luther, playfully, “ what if a letter were of more 
 importance to you than a thousand florins? A 
 thief is a thief, whether he steals money or 
 letters.” 
 
 He then proceeds to read the Duke and his 
 adherents a stern admonition as to the propriety 
 of conforming to the command of the Almighty 
 against theft, and concludes with an explanation 
 of the seventh Psalm, which he pertinently apples 
 
134 
 
 LETTER OPENING. 
 
 to the rogues of rank, who had expected an easy 
 victory, and found utter confusion. 
 
 In another place also, the renowned pioneer of 
 religious reform reflects on his triumph with that 
 generous pain which men naturally gentle and 
 kind-hearted feel for the most dastard adver- 
 sary when he is completely discomfited. “ God 
 knows,” he says, with touching pathos, “ how 
 gladly I would have spared Duke George, not 
 only for the sake of his own peace, but also for 
 that of all the honourable House of Saxony, &c. 
 Even so, on nearer inquiry, I should have learned 
 how to give him such a cut over the nozzle (sic) 
 in my answer, that he would have lost all inclina- 
 tion for a further quest, while I need not have 
 spared his adherents.’’* 
 
 Luther’s able and stinging defence of the 
 privacy of letters has been constantly reprinted, 
 and is usually cited by all public writers on this 
 subject. Knoblauch, King, Friesen, Kemmerich, 
 and others, have since treated on letter-opening 
 with various degrees of ability. All are agreed 
 that it is one of the most unworthy of crimes and 
 pettifoggeries; the only difference among them 
 appears to be as to who shall give it the hardest 
 name; the choice being between the gentle sub- 
 stantives “ theft,’ “larceny,” “ treason,’ or 
 “ breach of trust.” 
 
 Nevertheless, and Luther’s eloquent censures 
 notwithstanding, the practice of opening letters is 
 
 * Vide Miruss, Europaische Gesandschafts Recht, part i. 
 pp. 171, 172. I have given Luther’s answer verbatim, 
 
DUCLOS, ST. SIMON, -AND RICHELIEU. 
 
 not only one of notorious frequency in our time, 
 but it has always prevailed more or less even 
 among the most enlightened states of Europe. 
 
 Duclos, St. Simon, and Richelieu have all nu- 
 
 Hi 
 
 merous passages proving the distressing height 
 which this official crime had attained in their 
 time. In the “ Encyclopédie Méthodique” (Cico- 
 nomie Politique et Diplomatique, tom. 1. p. 538,) 
 occur also the following passages :—‘‘ La méthode 
 d’ouvrir, en tems de paix et en tems de guerre, les 
 lettres et les dépéches qui peuvent contenir des 
 instructions utiles, est en usage presque partout.” 
 —“ On autorise les autres puissances a agir envers 
 nous comme nous agissons a leur égard.”—“ D’ail- 
 leurs on surcharge de travail ceux qui dirigent 
 les affaires publiques; car on sait combien les 
 ministres ou négociateurs, obligés de chiffrer, se 
 donnent de peine.”—Neither the morality or the 
 sense of this, however, is very clear. 
 
 I have frequently ventured to express the 
 opinion that secrecy in state-affairs is extremely 
 unadvisable. Nothing but the immediate con- 
 cerns of actual warfare can render it either ser- 
 
 viceable or proper; and on ordinary occasions it 
 
 is merely a cloak for folly, and a charter for dis- 
 
 honesty or incapacity. As long, however, as 
 
 nations continue to admit the principle of secrecy 
 in state-affairs, the correspondence of diplo- 
 matists has an especial claim to be respected. If 
 it were possible that there could be any difference 
 on such a subject, or any shades or degrees of 
 guilt in the crime of a felon, official despatches 
 
 Duclos, St. 
 Simon, and 
 Richelieu. 
 
136 
 
 Kemmerich. 
 
 LETTER OPENING. 
 
 have even a stronger claim to inviolability than 
 the letters of private individuals; because the 
 rights of nations are greater than those of indi- 
 viduals,—the affairs and interests of a whole 
 people are of more importance than those of a 
 few persons. Kemmerich, in his Preface to 
 Luther’s treatise, cites the following passage on 
 this subject from Just. Presbeutee Tract. de Jure 
 Legationis statuum Imperi :— 
 
 “Td certum est, legatum, cujus litere dolo 
 malo intercept sunt, non modo, ut sibi satisfiat, 
 postulare posse sed ut eo occasionem svepe pre- 
 beri, revocandi domum legati, et imimicitiarum 
 cum illa republica, quee vindicare scelus negligit.” 
 
 De Wicquefort gives several instances in which 
 sovereigns have very properly insisted on the 
 most signal satisfaction from any state whose 
 officials have been detected in the nefarious prac- ’ 
 tice of tampering with the despatches of their 
 ambassadors. Cocceji, Dissert. de Legato Sancto, 
 cap. 1. § 9, maintains that an ambassador can only 
 expect that the inviolability of his correspondence 
 will be respected as long as he keeps strictly within 
 his duties. I do not understand, however, that 
 any question whatever can be honestly raised on 
 the subject. If an ambassador be suspected of 
 malpractices, let him be expelled the kingdom in 
 which he is bringing disgrace on himself and his 
 office. ‘Lhe government of an honourable people 
 should never condescend to filch his letters. 
 
 Nations, however, appear to have positively no 
 sense of shame on this matter. Not only is the 
 
, 
 
 ANECDOTES. 
 
 correspondence of ambassadors systematically 
 intercepted and opened in many countries, but 
 couriers have been often robbed, ill-used, and 
 
 - even murdered to obtain it.* The French am- 
 
 bassador of the day once made a complaint to the 
 feeblest and worst of English ministers (the Duke 
 of Newcastle), that the despatches sent to him 
 from France had been not only opened, but were 
 actually forwarded on to him sealed with the 
 royal arms of England! 
 
 “It was in consequence of a mistake at the 
 Foreign Office,’ repled the Duke, laughing at 
 his infamy as a good joke. 
 
 The opening of despatches is looked upon as 
 such an infinite jest in some of the petty states of 
 Germany, that not long ago a certain minister 
 found that all the despatches he received through 
 the post for some time invariably reached him 
 sealed with the official seal of one of the German 
 post-offices. He remonstrated with the minis- 
 terial worthy with whom he had immediately to 
 deal. ‘‘Que foulez fous,” returned the latter 
 agreeably, “ c’est Phabitude.” Sometimes ambas- 
 sadors have been obliged to resort to a singular 
 device to escape the prying of unauthorised per- 
 sons into their correspondence. ‘They have sent 
 two sets of despatches,—one, in all the pomp of 
 official forms, to amuse the spies; and another 
 modest little packet, containing the true matter 
 of their communication, which escaped violation 
 from its apparent insignificance. 
 
 * Vide Kliiber, Kryptographik, p. 36, notes a, b, and c¢. 
 
 13 
 
 Anecdotes. 
 
 7 
 
138 
 
 Kliiber. 
 
 Cypher. 
 
 ANECDOTES, 
 
 It is obvious that any state which refuses to 
 respect the privacy of letters will inevitably 
 diminish its revenues and materially injure. its 
 commerce; for if the post-office will not transmit 
 letters without inquiry into their contents, people 
 will soon cease almost to write at all. 
 
 Kliiber, pp. 49—56, has given a long list of 
 precautions against letter-openers; and a book 
 was also published at Lubeck, on the same sub- 
 ject, in 1797: it is entitled, ‘‘ Wie sichert man 
 sich vor Brief-Erbrechung.” One of the most 
 common means to secure the contents of de- 
 spatches from coming to the knowledge of im- 
 proper people is the employment of a cypher. 
 This is a secret species of writing very much 
 employed in diplomacy, though an antiquated 
 invention, and really of little worth. Despatches 
 in cypher are usually written when the subject of » 
 them is particularly important, and a thoroughly 
 trustworthy messenger cannot be procured to 
 convey them to the place of their destination. It 
 is generally admitted, however, that no cypher has 
 been yet invented which cannot be read after 
 some study by an experienced person. Formerly, 
 it was customary to write only a small part of the 
 despatch in cypher ; but the context usually threw 
 so much light on the other and secret parts, that 
 this practice was afterwards abandoned. There 
 is a curious letter extant from the Florentine am- 
 bassadors, at Naples, to the Chancellor Adriani, 
 in which they thus refer to this subject :— 
 
 “We should inform you that your clerks and 
 
CYPHER. 
 
 notably D. Luca are very careless in their use of 
 our cypher. We desire also to observe to you, 
 that it would be better to write the whole despatch 
 without cypher than to cypher only a very small 
 portion; because the preceding and following 
 paragraphs make the whole easily understood, 
 and betray the whole cypher.”* 
 
 Nothing can be more ridiculous, however, than 
 the history of these tricks and devices of cunning 
 men to keep those things secret which would go 
 on so much more safely and better if publicly 
 
 known. The art of cyphering is one diplomatic 
 accomplishment; the art of decyphering is an- 
 other, It is a notorious fact that no foolish and 
 rigmarole precaution of this kind will prevent a 
 clever rogue from worming out the contents of a 
 despatch after a few hours’ study. He no more 
 requires what is called the “key” to this old 
 woman’s delusion than a housebreaker wants the 
 key of your writing-desk. A key may be all very 
 well in its way; but if it is not forthcoming, he 
 has got one or two rusty little instruments, which 
 will soon do all he wants without it. The only 
 thing which gives him the smallest uneasiness is 
 the fear of a policeman; for if even love laughs 
 at locksmiths, crime positively sneers at them. 
 
 There is as much difference between decypher- 
 ing as an accomplishment and decyphering as a 
 profession, as there is between a burglar and a 
 person who enters a house with a latch-key. 
 There are men who positively have a genius for 
 
 _ * See Alfred Reumont, pp. 487, 488, and De Calliéres, ch. x. 
 
 139 
 
140 ANECDOTES. 
 
 roguery; the accomplished decypherer is one of 
 
 De Callitres them. De Calliéres (ch. xx.) tells us there have 
 been many distinguished sneaks of this kind. 
 Their art also is not really so difficult as might 
 be imagined at first sight, for the crooked-minded 
 and dodgy old ladies who first bethought them- 
 selves of sending each other conundrums of this 
 kind on public business, were often so confused 
 in their ideas, that no means could be possibly 
 apphed to make sense of their mysterious com- 
 munications. Courts and cabinets were kept in a 
 constant state of distress and uneasiness by the 
 incomprehensible despatches of their agents in 
 foreign parts. Strange news was often bruited 
 about, which was supposed to have been received 
 in this way. When it had thrown a nation into 
 the utmost dismay, and given every member of 
 the government a surfeit of horrors and indi-: 
 gestion, it usually turned out to be false. Persons 
 learned that they had been frightened out of their 
 wits, because there had been a mistake either in 
 composing the conundrum, or in finding out what 
 it meant. Sometimes the riddle might be read 
 also in several ways, so that a government did 
 not know whether to rejoice or despair—whether 
 a general illumination should be commanded, or 
 a public fast. 
 
 Any class of men in the world but diplomatists 
 would have given up a series of tricks, the per- 
 formance of which was attended with such 
 serious imconvenience. They have not, how- 
 ever, been able to persuade themselves to re- 
 
CYPHER. 
 
 nounce these singular mysteries, even up to the 
 present time. ‘They have invented an expedient. 
 Diplomacy is great at expedients; and her 
 device in this instance was worthy of the occa- 
 sion. Finding, for the reasons already mentioned, 
 that it was unsafe to use a cypher which no 
 person could read correctly, the modern practice 
 has been to adopt one familiar and easy enough 
 to be generally understood (especially by foreign 
 courts) Diplomacy has thus the trouble and 
 importance of secresy, without any of its sup- 
 posed advantages. 
 
 M. de Calliéres (ch. xx.) here comes to our aid 
 with a valuable suggestion. He lays it down as 
 a rule, that despatches written in cypher should 
 always be as short as possible; and perhaps few 
 persons of our time will differ with him in so 
 reasonable an opinion. 
 
 The use of cypher appears to have early 
 puzzled the wits of mankind. It is asserted on 
 respectable authority, that the Lacedemonians 
 inconvenienced themselves by its employment: * 
 and probably it was a part of that ‘‘ Greek faith” 
 and trumpery system of intrigue which ultimately 
 led to the utter confusion of that renowned old 
 republic. 
 
 The wily diplomacy of Richelieu, however, 
 seems to have first restored the frequent use of 
 cypher in modern times. A belief in cypher still 
 
 * See Baron Ch. de Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c., tom. i. 
 p. 279; also Bapt. Porta de Occultis Literarum Notis (Montiobelic. 
 1593, 8vo.), p. 8—ll1. 
 
 14] 
 
 The Lace- 
 dzemonians. 
 
 Richelieu. 
 
Mazarin. 
 
 ANECDOTES. 
 
 remains among the remarkable hallucinations of 
 our own day, but it is not so general as in the 
 time of Richelieu. An ambassador must be at a 
 lonely and out-of-the-way court indeed, if he 
 cannot find some trustworthy person who will 
 carry an important despatch among the swarm of 
 modern travellers. Many a smart officer and 
 aspiring gentleman rejoices in the fancied im- 
 portance he will acquire as bearer of a packet for 
 the Foreign Office. A paragraph in the “ Morning 
 Post,” and invitations to dinner for six weeks, are 
 among the least of the honours which a person of 
 quality may acquire from so fortunate and ex- 
 citing a circumstance in his biography. Hence 
 cypher, at least before the outbreak of the present 
 war, was rather at a discount; and perhaps, with 
 a few more years’ peace and progress, attachés 
 and other quill-driving officials would have got 
 rid of it altogether. Cypher, however, has revived 
 a little of late, though I am privately persuaded 
 that its present activity is merely what Sir Henry 
 Halford used to call a lighting up before death. 
 
 Cardinal Mazarin* was of course a great advo- 
 cate of cypher and secret writing of all kinds. 
 He also had another pretty little deception, 
 which is so ingenious, that it has often been 
 performed since with various degrees of success 
 and ability. 
 
 Aware that his despatches would be opened, he 
 used to write many useful falsehoods therein, for 
 
 * See Breviarum Politicorum seu Arcana Politica Card. Jul. 
 Mazarini, (Ams, 1721, 12mo.) p. 2. | 
 
CYPHER. | 143 
 
 the especial purpose of misleading the inquisitive 
 rogues into whose hands he knew they would fall. 
 Stolen waters are sweet, and the thieves, however 
 wary on ordinary occasions, were prompt enough 
 to believe information they had acquired at the 
 price of a misdemeanor. 
 
 Cypher must not be confounded with steno- 
 eraphy or short-hand writing, which is of course 
 too simple and practical for the purposes of 
 diplomacy. 
 
 A gang of bandits were arrested some time ago 
 in Germany, and brought to condign punishment, 
 in consequence of their having been so indiscreet 
 as to employ cypher in communications to each 
 other respecting robberies. 
 
 Every ambassador has a distinct cypher con- 
 fided to him with the key thereof, for the special 
 use of his mission. ‘This cypher is also changed 
 from time to time, in the vain attempt to insure 
 farther security. 
 
 - Sometimes, an ambassador not only corresponds 
 with his own government in cypher, but also with 
 the rest of the corps diplomatique at the court to 
 which he is accredited. It is needless, however, 
 
 to reflect upon the disorderly and disgraceful 
 state of any country where such a precaution 
 
 should be necessary; and the public morals must 
 be reduced to a low state indeed, in a place where 
 gentlemen are unable to send a note to each other 
 without its being opened and read on the road. 
 De Flassan, in his ‘‘ Histoire Générale et Rai- 
 sonnée de la Diplomatie Francaise” (vol. iv. 
 
144 
 
 ANECDOTES. 
 
 p. 218), has the following passage: “ Le Baron 
 recut en 1760 du ministere Francais, outre ses 
 instructions, quatre tables de chiffres différentes ; 
 le premier chiffre pour la correspondence avec le 
 ministre des affaires étrangéres; le second pour 
 les piéces communiquées; le troisiéme pour la 
 correspondence avec les ministres du Roi a 
 Vienne a Stockholm a Copenhague et a la Haye. 
 Le quatriéme chiffre intitulée de réserve ne 
 devait servir que dans les cas extraordinaires, ou 
 lorsqu’on aurait lieu de soupconner que le chiftre 
 ordinaire pourrait avoir été intercepté.” 
 
 Kliiber enumerates the following various kinds 
 
 _ of secret writing, as among the best in use :— 
 
 The circular or sliding method. 
 
 The book method. 
 
 The transposition cypher. 
 
 Net or trellis writing. 
 
 The Lacedeemonian method. 
 
 The card cypher. 
 
 Baco’s method. 
 
 Mirabeau’s method. 
 
 Beguelin’s method. 
 
 The syllable cypher. 
 
 Writing in verse. 
 
 The multiplication cypher (observing the pre- 
 cautionary rules of the author). 
 
 The word cypher (a most complicated affair). 
 
 The dot cypher. 
 
 The Mnemonian cypher. 
 
 Figure and colour writing. 
 
 He explains also two other methods, and men- 
 
SECRET WRITING. 
 
 tions a third, which he says he discovered in 1805. 
 He does not, however, instruct us in the use of it. 
 Respecting this obscure invention for increasing 
 the difficulties of mankind, he says it yields to 
 none in safety and secresy; it 1s easy to write 
 and easy to read ; it may be used with uncommon 
 celerity ; it is economical, because it does not 
 require the assistance of a third person, or even a 
 second, if a man chooses to write to himself. If 
 the person desirous of employing it, however, be 
 too indolent to do even so easy a thing as write 
 in secret, according to Kliiber’s plan he may 
 employ another person, without the possibility of 
 that other person’s being able to understand what 
 he is writing about. I am glad Kluber has not 
 told us anything which will afford a guess at this 
 cunning means of deception; though, with respect 
 to the last advantage he has enumerated, few am- 
 bassadors appear to need a cypher to render their 
 despatches completely incomprehensible to every- 
 -body. One would think they might safely defy 
 the curiosity of all the world in this respect. As 
 a general rule, it may be perhaps assumed that 
 no living man is ever able to explain the meaning 
 of an ambassador’s despatch, except a minister 
 interrogated in the House of Commons; and then 
 it is not always easy to determine which is most 
 obscure—the despatch, or the explanation. 
 The “ Guide Diplomatique,” among other 
 works of the kind, may be cited as having some 
 silly and worthless instructions on this subject. 
 
 L 
 
Expenses 
 of Ambassa- 
 dors. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 BEE. 
 
 Expenses of Ambassadors. — Diplomatic Salaries. — Society.— 
 Dinners.—Public Receptions.—Residences.—Outfits of Ambas- 
 sadors.—Prince Repnin.—Servants of Ambassadors.—Carriage 
 and Six Horses.—Allowances formerly made to Ambassadors.— 
 Their Abolition by Treaty. —Presents.—An Anecdote of the Bey 
 of Tunis.—A Paltry Device. 
 
 AMBASSADORS in former times were very fond 
 of keepmg up appearances. ‘They displayed 
 great splendour in their equipages, households, 
 and entertainments. They were not altogether 
 wrong, either, in so doimg. When the inter- 
 course between distant countries was rare; when , 
 travelling was always difficult and sometimes 
 dangerous; and when nations knew little or 
 nothing of each other—it was well enough that 
 the representative of a great state should display 
 a good deal of outward dignity and importance. 
 Indeed, he would have speedily fallen into con- 
 tempt if he had not done so. He lived in 
 constant familiarity with the great nobles of the 
 court at which he resided. ‘They were compara- 
 tively much richer than at present. A man who 
 could scornfully throw away a heavy purse of gold 
 which his son’s economical habits had accumu- 
 lated, to learn the youngster to be Prince de Condé, 
 would have looked with infinite contempt on a per- 
 
EXPENSES OF AMBASSADORS, 
 
 son who was obliged to be sparing in his expenses. 
 The government of the whole world was in the 
 hands of spendthrifts and triflers of this kind. 
 _ They respected nothing but fine clothes, brilliant 
 retinues, and costly banquets. It was impossible 
 to make them any wiser; and therefore an ambas- 
 sador had no choice but to keep pace with them. 
 
 Ambassadors of the first class, especially, 
 were unavoidably put to enormous expenses in 
 this way, and it need hardly be added that vanity 
 spurred on those of inferior rank to imitate 
 them with the very greatest exactitude possible. 
 The splendour thus attached to the ambassadorial 
 character soon attracted the attention of fops and 
 courtlings, and they have gradually degraded the 
 reputation of diplomatic envoys to the lowest 
 level of absurdity. Ambassadors, instead of being 
 clear-headed men of business, with large and 
 enlightened views for the benefit and progress of 
 the world—instead of being far-sighted and 
 practical statesmen—egradually become a set of 
 well-dressed, dining, dancing, fiddling, bowing, 
 scraping, frivolous, toadying nobodies—all tinsel 
 and gewgaws. Indeed, governments appeared to 
 forget that splendour and expense, though valuable 
 in those times as accessories, were utterly worth- 
 less and ridiculous alone. 
 
 It is not easy to fix the salary which should be 
 paid to a diplomatist. It should in all cases, 
 however, be extremely liberal. The dignity and 
 becoming appearance of his household will 
 
 always have a marked effect on his position and 
 L 2 
 
 147 
 
 Diplomatic 
 salaries. 
 
Society. 
 
 Dinners. 
 
 SOCIETY.—DINNERS. 
 
 utility. He must of necessity go a great deal 
 into society. Society is expensive. It would be 
 improper for an ambassador habitually to receive 
 hospitality, and never to return it. People would 
 not like it. They are fond of going to entertain- 
 ments at the houses of ambassadors. ‘The persons 
 who are invited are usually among the wealthiest 
 people intheland. They are accustomed to live ex- 
 pensively, and they expect to be received in an 
 expensive manner. If an ambassador is too poor 
 to exchange costly courtesies with society, he will 
 know nothing. ‘The notabilities of all countries 
 are very fond of good living, and they seldom 
 choose to be at leisure during any period but that 
 of dinner. I do not say much about the letters 
 of introduction—so many drafts at sight for 
 dinners 
 
 
 
 and the crowd of friends, countrymen, 
 and lovers who are always pouring in upon am- 
 bassadors, because he may dishonour the drafts and 
 send the bearers about their business, in a polite 
 sort of way,if he pleases. Only, woe to him if 
 he does so! He will infallibly become extremely 
 unpopular; and if anybody who is in the habit of 
 travelling can do him a mischief, and contribute 
 to putting a more hospitable individual in his 
 place, it will not be for the want of trying. 
 Dining, therefore, as. Lord Palmerston very 
 justly observed, is the life and soul of diplomacy. 
 A government which leaves a large margin for 
 the entertainments of ambassadors will do well. 
 They should keep open house. It is a national 
 benefit if they do so. Their houses should be a 
 
PUBLIC RECEPTIONS.—RESIDENCES. 
 
 gathering-place for creditable celebrities, that 
 their travelling fellow-subjects may come to see 
 the show, and thus know something more of 
 foreign countries than their museums, galleries, 
 theatres, palaces, railways, steamers, diligences, 
 post-horses, geography, and hotels. Embassies, 
 in a word, should be houses of call for polite 
 information, and open to all comers of known 
 respectability, introduced or otherwise. To 
 make them so will cost money; but every 
 farthing so spent will be a universal benefit, and 
 contribute to the enlightenment and progress 
 of all countries. No salary can be too large which 
 is only sufficient to secure so desirable an object 
 —all salaries will be too small that fall below it. 
 
 It is a good and, in the main, a cheap custom 
 for a nation to purchase houses for its ambas- 
 sadors. Itisa single expense, and usually money 
 very well spent; for the house-rent of an ambas- 
 sador must necessarily be considered in his 
 salary. By the purchase of a house, also, a 
 government may save a greater part of the 
 expense of an ambassadoyr’s outfit. Besides, an 
 embassy should really be a public building, and 
 its precise situation should be indicated in guide- 
 books, just as the principal hotels are, for the 
 information of travellers and official messengers. 
 There should not be such a thing as a snug, sly, 
 private embassy. If an ambassador wants to 
 be snug, sly, and private, let him choose a pro- 
 fession in which his retirement from the world 
 will be no disadvantage to other people. 
 
 149 
 
 Public 
 receptions, 
 
 Residences. 
 
150 
 
 Outfits of 
 Ambassa- 
 dors. 
 
 Prince 
 Repnin. 
 
 OUTFITS OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 Formerly, a special quarter of the town was 
 often allotted to ambassadors; now they are usually 
 allowed to live where they please. Nevertheless, 
 at Constantinople and in some other places their 
 residences are restricted to a particular spot. 
 
 Where there is no embassy-house, an ambas- 
 sador usually receives a special allowance for 
 rent in addition to his outfit. French ambas- 
 sadors receive a considerable sum of money in 
 such cases—‘‘a titre de frais de premier établisse- 
 ment.” Extraordinary ambassadors on temporary 
 missions are frequently provided with a residence 
 by the court to which they are sent. It is rather 
 irksome, howeyer, to accept it, and ambassadors 
 recently seem to have preferred hotels in such 
 Cases. 
 
 In 1775, Prince Repnin, Russian ambassador , 
 at the Porte, caused no less than thirty-three 
 houses to be splendidly furnished for the reception 
 of himself and suite. There was, however, a 
 good deal of calculation in this. The Turks 
 are fond of show, and measure the importance of 
 a public man a good deal by the size of his resi- 
 dence and the number of his servants. Perhaps 
 there are other nations, also, not altogether unlike 
 the Turks in this respect. 
 
 It is as well that an ambassador should have a 
 house to himself, though this necessity is very | 
 much done away with when houses are built in 
 flats, as they are on the continent. Thus, the 
 British embassy at Vienna forms merely a part of 
 the great Coburg Palace on the Bastel. 
 
' SERVANTS OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 An ambassador especially requires a good staff 
 of servants. In the draft of instructions for 
 _ Prussian ambassadors, Von Rehfues tells us that 
 an ambassador requires ‘‘an experienced porter 
 to give answers at the door and prevent the 
 diplomatist from being disturbed at inconvenient 
 times. In visiting hours, a livery servant should 
 stand ready to receive persons admitted by the 
 porter, and the groom of the chambers should 
 be in the ante-room to announce them. Another 
 livery servant, a chasseur, and a coachman ” are, 
 according to Rehfues, a “full and sufficient 
 establishment.” ‘The servants of ambassadors 
 also, we are advised, should be of sleek and 
 decorous appearance—of agreeable address and 
 polished manners; in short, diplomatists in 
 plush and buttons, with white handkerchiefs, so 
 to speak. An ambassador is recommended not 
 to surround himself altogether with the subjects 
 . of the sovereign to whom he is accredited, lest 
 they should take advantage of the familiar 
 domestic relations of private life, to discover and 
 betray some of those unlucky secrets he will 
 necessarily be so anxious to conceal. Kolle 
 (p. 145) tells us frankly the reason of this. It 
 appears that immediately an ambassador arrives 
 at a foreign court, the police employ themselves 
 in the honourable occupation of corrupting his 
 servants. Hence, the cardinals and nuncios of 
 the pope were accustomed to have secret doors in 
 their abode to let persons in and out without 
 being observed, lest some curious servant should 
 
 151 
 
 Servants 
 of Ambas- 
 sadors. 
 
~_ 
 (ude 4 
 we 
 
 ALLOWANCES OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 watch the proceedings of their guests and inform 
 against them. “Germans or Swiss” are said to 
 “make the best valets, Englishmen the best 
 livery-servants, Frenchmen the best cooks, Italians 
 the best confectioners,—Britons, Hungarians, and 
 Sclaves the best grooms; and a deaf and dumb 
 servant is valuable on particular occasions !” 
 
 It is a mystery, however, indeed that any 
 human being should voluntarily condemn him- 
 self to live among a set of steel-traps and 
 spring-guns, for the sake of assuring the secresy 
 of nonsensical schemes, which should be never 
 entertained at all. 
 
 Carriageand A carriage drawn by six horses was formerly 
 
 Besa oe supposed to be necessary to the appearance of an 
 ambassador in public. It is especially recom- 
 mended, however, by several writers who have 
 written on the subject, that diplomatic horses 
 should be perfectly bitted and broken in, lest 
 accidents of a dangerous or undignified nature 
 should occur. 
 
 Allowances J*ormerly, when embassies were neither nume- 
 
 formerly 
 
 made to YOUS NOY permanent, it was the custom for the 
 
 dors. sovereign to whom an ambassador was sent, to 
 defray all his expenses, as well as those of his 
 suite and servants. A considerable present in 
 money was also given to him.* 
 
 Thus, in 1679, the allowances made by the 
 court of Vienna to the Russian embassy were 
 about 4000 florins a-week, or 400 pounds English 
 
 * See Ahnert, part i. p. 496; Moser, Kleine Schriften, &c., 
 vol. i. p. 110. 
 
ALLOWANCES OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 money, an immense sum in those days. ‘The 
 Russian embassy which succeeded in. 1681 re- 
 ceived 500 florins a day; and a Turkish embassy 
 which arrived in Vienna about the same time 
 received 300 florins daily, and all their provisions 
 were supplied gratis. Cardinal Barberini, who 
 was sent as papal legate a latere to Paris in 
 1625, cost the King of France 2500 livres daily. 
 
 Ambassadors sent to or from the Sublime 
 Porte always had their expenses paid immediately 
 they passed the frontier. A Polish ambassador 
 named Boscamp, who was sent to Constantinople 
 in 1776, was received by the Turkish authorities 
 at Jassy, and splendidly entertained together with 
 a suite of fifty persons during the remainder of 
 his sojourn in Turkey. In 1775, the Turkish 
 embassy at Vienna cost the court 2000 rubles 
 daily. In 1777, the Turkish embassy in Poland 
 received fifty-four ducats daily, and complained 
 that they were unable to live upon it.* 
 
 Sometimes the payment of allowances to am- 
 bassadors was abolished by special treaty. Thus, 
 in the treaty of peace between Sweden and 
 ‘Russia, which was concluded at Neustadt in 
 Finland, on the 30th August, 1721, it was agreed 
 that the payment of allowances to ambassadors 
 should be altogether abolished thenceforth.t 
 
 It was not usual for the expenses of ambas- 
 
 * Compare Moser, Beitriige zu dem neuesten europaischen 
 Gesandschafts-Rechte, p. 86, 206. 
 
 + See Schmauss, Corpus Juris Gentium Academicum, tom. ii. 
 p. 1847. 
 
 153 
 
 Their abo- 
 lition by 
 treaty. 
 
Presents. 
 
 EXPENSES OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 sadors at a diet to be defrayed by the sovereign 
 in whose dominions it was held, and the EKm- 
 peror of Germany issued a special decree 23rd 
 (18th) January, 1669, requiring every state to pay 
 the costs of its own representatives on such occa- 
 sions.* 
 
 The expenses of ambassadors, however, grew 
 at last to such a height; they became so curious 
 and astounding an abuse, that special treaties 
 were hardly required for their abolition, and the 
 custom of defraying them gradually died away. 
 The usage, however, has been still kept up now 
 and then by the European courts in their diplo- 
 matic intercourse with some of the eastern 
 nations. Thus, in 1819, a Persian ambassador 
 with the elegant name of Mirza-Abul-Hassan- 
 Khan, passed through Vienna on his road to 
 London. He brought a letter and many costly 
 presents for the Emperor of Austria, and was 
 lodged and entertained at the expense of that 
 monarch until he had repassed the frontier. . 
 
 Many sovereigns, also, who have declined to 
 pay the expenses of ambassadors, have never- 
 theless given them presents so costly as amply to 
 compensate them for this loss. Presents of this 
 kind have been frequently given from motives of — 
 policy, to show good-will, and so forth, as to 
 express peculiar satisfaction at the manner in 
 which an ambassador has conducted the business 
 
 * Compare also Aut. Faber, Europaische Staats-Kantzley, part x. 
 p. 11—138. Resolutio Caesarea, in qua cujusvis status imperii jus a 
 subditis sumptus legationum exigendi agnoscitur, &c. 
 
‘PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 of his mission. Princes are wont to express 
 their good-will by means of gifts. This is not 
 
 altogether a voluntary act on their part, however, 
 
 , 
 
 but it arises from custom, which has tacitly 
 adopted the practice of gifts at certain times. 
 Sometimes the nature and value of gifts to be 
 bestowed on special occasions have been deter- 
 mined by treaty, and this has been especially the 
 case with the Porte and the states of Africa. In 
 Art. X. of the treaty of Belgrade, concluded in 
 1739, there is a provision of this kind; and also 
 in Art. X. of the Peace of Jassy, signed in 
 1792. Martens, in his Précis du Droit des Gens 
 (vy. 11. p. 313), grows rather angry on this subject. 
 
 He says, “Il n’y aurait rien & remarquer sur la 
 
 doctrine peu importante de ce § 168, si lauteur 
 navait mis parmi les présens les dons qu’on 
 s’engage quelquefois a faire par des traités ou par 
 des actes qui en tiennent lieu. Aussi longtemps 
 que ces dons ne sont que voluntaires, ils peuvent 
 étre appelés présens; mais dés qu'il y a contrat 
 et obligation, ce ne sont plus des présens. C’est 
 la ce qui rend les soi-disant présens aux gouverne- 
 
 mens barbaresques humilians et honteux pour 
 
 les puissances qui ont été réduites a en contracter 
 Vobligation.” | 
 These gifts to ambassadors were much more 
 frequent in the middle ages than at present; and 
 numerous examples occur in the history of the 
 crusades, and in the monkish chronicles. ‘here 
 was a magnificent interchange of gifts between 
 the Emperor Frederick and one of the emirs in 
 
 [addy 
 
156 
 
 An anec- 
 dote of the 
 Bey of 
 Tunis. 
 
 PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 1227. The emir, however, was more generous 
 than the Frank, for he gave the ambassador of 
 Frederick precisely double the value of the gifts 
 which he brought. Among his presents were 
 many costly and curious things from India, 
 Yemen, Syria, and Irak. One of these curiosities 
 must have been rather troublesome: it was an 
 elephant. 
 
 If an ambassador to the Porte in former times 
 brought a shabby present, he was exceedingly ill 
 received. Presents are indeed still the curse of 
 the East. There have been several attempts 
 made to abolish them, but hitherto without satis- 
 factory results. ‘The custom has been scotched, 
 not killed, and every petty vice-consul with 2001. 
 a-year 1s obliged to subscribe to it. Respect 
 and good-will is shown by presents in the Hast,—_ 
 the larger the present, the greater the good-will. 
 
 The presents of sovereigns have been now and 
 then contemptuously received, from ignorance of 
 their worth. An odd instance of this is cited by 
 a traveller in Africa in 1836. It appears to be 
 part of the early personal experience of the 
 French Algerine general Jussuf, who was brought 
 up in the seraglio of the Bey of 'Tunis. 
 
 ** Holland, or America,” (said Jussuf,) “ I know 
 not which, sent the Bey some valuable models of 
 agricultural machines and specimens of manufac- 
 tures, instead of the customary present of gold 
 and jewels. The bey, however, was incensed to 
 the highest degree: he looked upon the whole 
 affair as a bad joke, intended to laugh him to 
 
ANECDOTE OF THE BEY OF TUNIS. 
 
 scorn. He immediately despatched Jussuf, then 
 a youngster, about eighteen years old, to order 
 the consul to haul down his flag, and threatened 
 to expel that functionary from the country without 
 further notice. He just hinted to him, however, 
 with the usual childish craft of an Oriental, that 
 if his government immediately sent to Tunis 
 proper presents, instead of those fool’s toys, they 
 yet might avoid a declaration of war, and the con- 
 sequences of his anger.” ‘“‘Itis odd,” adds the 
 author of this anecdote, and we perfectly agree 
 with him, “that Europe should so long have tole- 
 rated such insolence from a handful of pirates.” 
 In former times, ambassadors frequently re- 
 ceived presents on their arrival at and departure 
 from a foreign court. This custom still exists in 
 some places: elsewhere it is, however, very pro- 
 perly forbidden. ‘The united States of the 
 Netherlands, with characteristic prudence, seem 
 to have been almost the first power which forbade 
 ‘its ambassadors to receive presents from foreign 
 courts; and a stringent order to this effect was 
 issued as early as 1651 (Aug. 10). The wealthy 
 republic of Venice, indeed, appear to have pro- 
 hibited the receipt of presents on the part of their 
 envoys still earlier, but the rule was frequently 
 evaded. The North American Union, also, wisely 
 and honourably directed its envoys to abstain 
 from receiving gifts of any kind.* Russia appears 
 
 * Compare A. KJuit, Prime Linewe Historiz Federum Belgii 
 Federati, tom. ii. p. 570; Moser, Beitriige, &c., part iv. p. 482; 
 G. F. De Martens, vol. ii. p. 369. 
 
PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 to have behaved with peculiar meanness and im- 
 propriety on this subject, and the Marquis de 
 Custine (Russia in 1839) tells us that the Czars 
 of the sixteenth century used to take away the 
 costly gifts which ambassadors brought from 
 foreign countries and appropriate them to their 
 own use. ‘Thus, on the return of Prince Yaros- 
 lawsky from Spain, he was obliged to hand overa 
 quantity of jewellery, collars, and other things 
 which had been given him by the Emperor and 
 the Archduke Ferdinand, and deposit them in 
 the treasury. 
 
 As a rule, perhaps, the custom of receiving 
 presents can scarcely be too strongly condemned. 
 The very idea of exacting a gift is repulsive and 
 contradictory. It is incompatible with the dignity 
 and independence of an envoy to a foreign court; 
 and there is reason enough for surprise that such 
 a usage should have so long outlived the disgust 
 and repugnance which high-spirited and honour- 
 able men must have always felt when obliged to 
 submit to it. It remained, however, for the good 
 sense of the republics of the Netherlands, Venice, 
 and America to deliver their ambassadors from 
 the irksomeness of being obliged to receive pre- 
 sents, and the governments in their correspond- 
 ence from the humiliation of offering them. It 
 ig an insult to any statesman to suppose he would 
 be desirous of such a reward for doing his duty, 
 or that some paltry bribe would induce him one 
 instant to forget it. 
 
 Lhe presents, however, given by sovereigns to 
 
PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 foreign negotiators have been sometimes magnifi- 
 cent enough to create suspicions little favourable 
 to either party. Thus, Marlborough received from 
 the Emperor Joseph the principality of Mindel- 
 heim; and Charles VI. gave the principality of 
 Cosel to Prince Menschikoff when the Russian 
 envoy announced to him the betrothal of his 
 daughter with Peter II. Count Lusi, Prussian 
 ambassador to the Porte, in 1791, received a pre- 
 sent of ten thousand golden ducats on his depar- 
 ture: two thousand more were also given to the 
 secretary who accompanied him. ‘The four 
 Swedish commissaries who signed the Accession 
 Act, at the treaty of Hanover, in 1727, received 
 forty thousand thalers from the courts of France 
 and England. In 1746, the Dutch ambassador 
 De Dieu received from the Emperor of Russia, 
 not only the customary present of eight thousand 
 rubles, but also a brilliant ring valued: at seven 
 thousand, and a snuff-box valued at two thousand 
 rubles more. 7 
 
 One of the most graceful presents on record 
 was, however, that given by Frederick IV. of 
 Denmark, in 1720, to Lord Carteret, who had 
 ‘done so much for the restoration of peace. As 
 the English peer received his farewell audience, 
 the king unbuckled his sword. “ Puisque,” said 
 his majesty, with exquisite tact, “ M. lambassa- 
 deur a rétabli la paix entre nous et la couronne 
 de Suéde, nous n’ayons plus besoin de l’épée, 
 ainsi M. l’ambassadeur voudra bien recevoir celui- 
 ci de nos mains pour se souvenir de nous.” 
 
 159 
 
160 
 
 PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 In 1720, Count Wratislau, the Austrian am- 
 bassador at St. Petersburg, received the order of 
 St. Andrew, with the collar which had been 
 worn by Peter II., and which was worth twenty- 
 five thousand rubles. Louis XIV. was accus- 
 tomed to present- ambassadors with valuable 
 copies of rare works printed at the Louvre. 
 The presents given by the pope, however, must 
 have been often received with an inward grimace, 
 the more bitter for the outward reverence which 
 piety, and even decency, required from any or- 
 thodox envoy who received them. ‘They con- 
 sisted chiefly of beads and relics. Sometimes, 
 however, if his holiness wished to do an ambas- 
 sador a special honour, he sent him the entire 
 body and bones of some saint or martyr. ‘hus, 
 the Duke de Crequi, a polished and elegant 
 French gentleman, who was sent by the court of 
 Versailles to Rome, was complimented with the 
 complete remains of the Holy Ovidius. When the 
 ambassador was in possession of this obscure 
 saint, he did not know what to do with him. 
 However, at last, he thought he would employ 
 the precious relic in purchasing absolution for 
 all sins, past, present, and to come; and there- 
 fore sent it to the Capuchin convent, in the 
 Place Louis le Grand. The monks received the 
 body of the blessed Ovidius with a reverence 
 only equalled by their surprise, when they dis-_ 
 covered that he was endowed with the miracu- 
 lous peculiarity of two left legs.* 
 
 * Compare Quintessence des Nouvelles Historiques et Politiques 
 
PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 The presents given to ambassadors by foreign 
 sovereigns, however, in our day, have dwindled 
 down, almost entirely, to ribbons and decora- 
 tions. Blucher rejoiced that he had already 
 received so many decorations, that foreign courts 
 disposed to do him honour were at length obliged 
 “to come out with their snuff-boxes.” Cer- 
 tain wily ambassadors have virtuously refused 
 to receive presents for themselves, but dexte- 
 rously insinuated that their wives would receive 
 a gift of jewels with infinite greediness and satis- 
 faction. It is hinted, also, that nervous and 
 dejected sovereigns have been sometimes only 
 too glad to purchase peace and immunity from 
 insults and hectoring on the terms indicated. 
 
 A curious custom formerly existed in Turkey. 
 ‘Whenever it was known that the sultan was about 
 to dine with one of the great officers of state, 
 foreign ambassadors vied with one another as to 
 which should send the most delectable confec- 
 tionary to figure at the banquet. A design in 
 barley-sugar was made to convey some delicate 
 political allusion,: and preserved fruits were 
 arranged after a fashion most propitious to the 
 objects of the sender’s diplomacy. The harems 
 of the sultan and the grand vizier were also fre- 
 quently complimented with similar delicacies, 
 and eat political sugar-plums with infinite 
 complacency. 
 
 Ambassadors have frequently displayed their 
 
 de ?An 1728, No. 88; also Mémoires et Négociations du Chevalier 
 don, p. 96; Guide Diplomatique, vol. i. p. 109, &c. . 
 M 
 
 161 
 
 A paltry du- 
 vice, 
 
162 
 
 PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 munificence and acquired popularity by sending 
 considerable gifts to the poor, or founding 
 charitable institutions. An odd instance of 
 this kind of thing occurred in 1846, when Sidi 
 Ben Agad, the Tunisian ambassador in Paris, 
 sent 10,000 francs to the priests. of the Magda- 
 len for distribution among the poor, as a token 
 of his joy at the recent escape of Louis Philippe 
 from assassination. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the salary of 
 ambassadors, when paid by their own courts, 
 has usually fallen very far below their expenses. 
 In former times, indeed, the cost of an embassy 
 was so great, and the salary, usually, so small, 
 that prudent men refused the honour of repre- 
 senting their country altogether. If they allowed 
 their vanity to master their reason upon one 
 occasion, they implored, for the sake of Heaven, 
 that they: might never be again distinguished in 
 a similar manner. In 1271, the Grand Council 
 of Venice was obliged to establish a punish- 
 ment, by fine, for those who refused to accept 
 a mission when chosen. In 1280, this law was 
 modified, but still severe illness could only be 
 pleaded as excuse by an unfortunate person, 
 who happened to be designated for one of these © 
 ruinous appointments. From this time forth, 
 however, every person chosen was immediately 
 seized with such a dangerous distemper, that the 
 business of the republic could not go on; and in 
 1360, it was decreed that every citizen declining 
 to go on an embassy should be held incapable of 
 
PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 holding any office or benefice for a whole year. 
 Even Machiavelli, whose very soul was in diplo- 
 macy, was obliged to solicit his recall to 
 Florence, on the ground of his total incapacity 
 to support the expenses of his mission, and 
 touchingly complains that he had already been 
 obliged to spend “forty ducats of his own money, 
 as well as to borrow from his brother, in order to 
 supply means for his daily necessities.” This 
 sum was so small, that he must indeed have been 
 kept in straitened circumstances to have thought 
 it worth mention. 
 
 The Russian, Portuguese, Spanish, Neapolitan, 
 and English ambassadors seem to have been 
 always remarkable for their splendour and luxury, 
 but their magnificence was frequently maintained 
 almost entirely by their own private fortunes. 
 The practice appears to have been, for states to 
 choose a wealthy subject to represent them nomi- 
 nally abroad, while a shrewd secretary really 
 negotiated, and carried on the business of the 
 mission. This was a great mistake, indeed ; but 
 it was one on which nearly every court in Europe 
 tacitly agreed to act. 
 
 Governments were even so careful about spend- 
 ing money on their embassies, lavishly as they 
 wasted it on other objects, that if they resolved 
 to invest an envoy with a higher rank than that 
 he previously enjoyed, they resolutely declined to 
 raise his salary in consequence. Thus, when 
 Count Ripperda, envoy from the Netherlands at 
 
 the court of Spain, was raised to the rank of 
 M2 
 
 168 
 
i 
 
 64 
 
 PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 ambassador, it was expressly stipulated that this 
 honour must be conferred upon him,* without 
 the smallest addition of expense to the state. 
 
 A question was often raised in former times as 
 to the funds from. which ambassadors’ salaries 
 should be paid. In our day such a discussion is 
 unknown, but it once puzzled the wits of every 
 statesman in Europe. In the Netherlands, the 
 province of Holland was charged with the expense 
 of an ambassador at the French court; and, 
 therefore, usually possessed the chief influence 
 over his appointment. 
 
 Oxenstein t has left us a quaint account of an 
 underpaid ambassador. “J’ai connu,” he says, 
 “a cette méme cour un autre ministre étranger 
 qui logea dans une gargotte, croyant apparament, 
 que tout le mérite d’un envoyé consiste & épargner 
 quelques écus & son maitre; il avait loué deux 
 chevaux dun charretier pour son carosse: quand 
 il alloit en cour. On me disait, qu’il y avait quinze 
 ans qu’il fut dans le ministére, et que sa livrée fut 
 de méme date. I] avait lair d’une perche, la 
 téte d'un brochet, et la voix de la flite d’un orgue 
 cassé ; enfin un vrai villain longissimus Andreas, 
 Je finis par lui, car il me parut le postscriptum de 
 tous les envoyés, quej’aie vu.” 
 
 Besides his regular salary, an ambassador is 
 usually held entitled to be reimbursed for cer- 
 tain extraordinaries. ‘Travelling expenses, public 
 
 * See De Lamberty, Mémoires, &c., tom. ix. p. 46; Packner’s 
 Sammlung der Reichsschliisse, part i. p. 877, 451, &c. 
 
 + See Recueil des Pensées du Comte I. O. sur Divers Sujets (a 
 Frankfort, 1721, 4 tom. 8vo.), tom. ii. p. 39. 
 
PRESENTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 festivities, house-rent, the salaries of his staff, 
 official presents, the loss upon exchange of foreign 
 money, secret service money, and table money, 
 are all understood to come within this deno- 
 mination. 
 
 In 1774, M. de Choiseul, French ambassador 
 at the court of Sardinia, received a pension of 
 six thousand livres, to indemnify him for the ex- 
 penses of the marriage of the Count d’Artois.* 
 
 The French Directory, in 1798, made a very 
 sensible resolution respecting the salaries of 
 ambassadors, and it sums up the philosophy of 
 this question in very few words. ‘ Gardons- 
 nous,’ said those clever rogues, “de placer 
 les agens extérieurs entre la pénurie et la 
 séduction.” + 
 
 * De Lamberty, Mémoires, &c., vol. xi. p. 64; G F. de 
 Martens, vol. ii. p. 873; Reumont, p. 500; and Moser, from 
 p. 268—290. 
 
 + See Le Redacteur du 13 Brumaire, An VII. 
 
 165 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 — 6 
 
 An Ambassador’s Suite. —Military Escort.—Auditors of Nuncios.— 
 Private Secretaries, — Attachés, — Interpreters. — Chaplains.— 
 Messengers. 
 
 An Ambas- Tue suite of an ambassador comprises the 
 
 suite. persons officially attached to the embassy, the 
 family of the ambassador, and the servants of his 
 household ;* a private physician is sometimes 
 added. In 1741, the suite of the Maréchal, de 
 Belleisle, ambassador at the diet of Frankfort, 
 amounted to forty persons. | 
 
 The persons belonging officially to embassies, 
 
 are secretaries, attachés, clerks, canceliers, inter- 
 preters, decipherers, chaplains, almoners, and 
 couriers. ‘To this list has sometimes been added 
 cavaliers, or gentilshommes d’ambassade, who 
 have neither pay or functions, but whose presence 
 is supposed to add to the splendour and impor- 
 tance of an embassy. These cavaliers are on the 
 same footing as secretaries of legation. Marshals, 
 pages, and noble youths have often figured in the 
 suite of an embassy. 
 
 Military A military escort seldom accompanies an 
 
 escort. 
 
 * Compare Bynkershoek, De Comitibus Legatorum ; Tract. de 
 Foro Legatorum, c. xv. ; De Bielefeld, vol. ii. p. 197; Schmalz, 
 p. 91; G. F. de Martens, Précis, &c., tom. ii. p. 63 (ed. 1831), 
 
MILITARY ESCORT. 
 
 embassy. Sometimes, however, a guard of 
 honour is sent to attend an ambassador on 
 a journey, or posted at the gates of his resi- 
 dence on his arrival. This is, however, merely 
 an act of courtesy on the part of the sovereign 
 at whose court he is accredited. Ambas- 
 sadors at the Sublime Porte are frequently pro- 
 vided with a guard of honour on extraordinary 
 occasions.* At public festivals, marriages, &c., 
 ambassadors have been sometimes allowed a 
 military escort. In 1817, also, General Yerma- 
 loff was sent by Russia as extraordinary ambas- 
 sador to the court of Persia, accompanied by a 
 powerful escort. Travelling in Persia, however, 
 is not very safe, so that the escort may have been 
 really as much for the purposes of protection as 
 display. 
 
 The whole of an ambassador’s suite enjoy the 
 privileges of exterritoriality in the same manner 
 _as the ambassador himself. It is usual for an 
 ambassador to send in a list of the persons com- 
 prised in his suite to the local authorities, and to 
 notify any changes there as they may occur. 
 ~ A state may, however, prescribe limits to the un- 
 reasonable increase of an ambassador’s suite, as 
 was done by the Golden Bull with respect to 
 the ambassadors of the electoral princes of 
 Germany. 
 
 Secretaries of embassy (attached to ambas- 
 sadors of the first class), and secretaries of lega- 
 
 * Compare Moser, Versuch, &c., Th. iii, p. 142; Th. iv. 
 p. 114: also Beitriige, &c., Th. iv. pp. 117, 207, 306. 
 
 167 
 
 Secretaries 
 of Embassy 
 and Lega- 
 tion. 
 
168 
 
 Auditors of. 
 nuncios. 
 
 _ Private 
 secretaries. 
 
 AUDITORS OF NUNCIOS. 
 
 tion (attached to those of the second and third 
 class), are appointed and paid by their sovereigns 
 in the same manner as the ambassador himself. 
 The number of the secretaries—who are some- 
 times called conseillers d’ambassade or de lega- 
 tion—depends altogether on the business and im- 
 portance of the embassy. 
 
 The papal nuncios and inter-nuncios usually 
 employ auditors (auditeurs de nonciature, audi- 
 tores nunciature, datarii, subdatari). Their 
 duties are very much the same as those of secre- 
 taries of embassy and legation.* 
 
 Several states have established two classes of 
 secretaries of embassy and legation. Trance was 
 the first state which introduced this alteration, 
 and her example was soon followed by Russia and 
 some other countries. Secretaries of embassy 
 and legation occupy the post of ambassador 
 and envoys during their absence. The English 
 government formerly bestowed the rank of 
 minister plenipotentiary on secretaries of em- 
 bassy when they became chargés d’affaires for 
 the second time. The practice has lately 
 ceased. 
 
 There is a marked difference between secre- | 
 taries of embassy and legation appointed by their 
 governments, and those private secretaries whom 
 ambassadors usually employ for their own cor- 
 respondence, and whom they pay and appoint 
 themselves. Sometimes a secretary of embassy 
 
 * See De Bielefeld, tom. ii, p. 199 ; Dictionnaire de Jurisprudence,, 
 auditeur Kliiber, v. i. p. 306, &c. 
 
\ 
 
 % 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 PRIVATE SECRETARIES. 
 
 has been employed upon business not entrusted 
 
 to his chief, and very frequently he has been the 
 real ambassador, while his titular superior was a 
 mere tinselled nobody. When the Chevalier 
 D’Kon was sent as secretary of legation to St. 
 Petersburg, he received special instructions alto- 
 gether apart from those given to his ambassador. 
 The Chevalier also carried on a private corre- 
 spondence with Louis XV., which came very 
 unexpectedly to the knowledge of the interested 
 parties after the death of that monarch. . It is to 
 be especially remarked that the Venetian secre- 
 taries of legation always received special and 
 private instructions apart from those given to the 
 ambassadors. 
 
 De Real says that the Roman Ceremonial 
 classed secretaries of embassy and _ legation 
 among public ministers, because they were 
 appointed by the same power as ambassadors. 
 The one is a minister of his sovereign in the 
 same manner as the other. He is merely of 
 lower rank, and the commands of his sovereign 
 are therefore signified to him through the am- 
 bassador, or otherwise, as may be thought expe- 
 dient. De Vattel (tom. 1. liv. iv. ch. ix.) says 
 expressly, “ Le sécrétaire de l’ambassade tient sa 
 commission du souverain lui-méme; ce qui en 
 fait une espéce de ministre public, qui jouit par 
 lui-méme de la protection du droit des gens, et 
 
 des immunités attachées a son état, indepen- 
 
 \damment de l’ambassadeur, aux ordres duquel 
 il n’est méme soumis que fort imparfaitement, 
 
 169 
 
170 
 
 PRIVATE SECRETARIES. 
 
 quelquefois point du tout, et toujours suivant que 
 leur maitre commun l’a réglé.” 
 
 Secretaries of embassy and legation are bound 
 to assist their chief in all the business of his 
 embassy; they should be present at all official 
 visits, explanations, &c. They should make 
 draughts of official notes and despatches, cipher 
 and decipher communications of importance, 
 issue passports, and preserve the official ar- 
 chives ;* they have also sometimes to look after 
 their chief, and prevent the consequences of his 
 negligence or folly. Moser (Versuch, Th. 111. 
 p. 94) says, caustically, ‘‘An ambassador is often 
 only like the hands of a watch, while his secretary 
 resembles the works.” 
 
 At the diet of Regensburg in 1778, it was 
 disputed whether a secretary of legation could 
 be empowered to act in the absence of his chief ; 
 and Baron Charles de Martens, in his “‘ Guide 
 Diplomatique” (p. 112), appears to think that 
 this question is not even yet satisfactorily decided. 
 He says:—‘‘Quoique l’on ne conteste plus 
 aujourd’hui dans un cas d’empéchement du minis- 
 tre présent, au sécrétaire d’ambassade ou de 
 légation la faculté d’étre admis aux conférences, 
 et de présenter des mémoires ou notes signées 
 par le ministre; on leur dispute quelquefois le 
 droit détre admis a toutes les fonctions du 
 ministre, quand méme ils auraient été préalable- 
 
 * See Schmelzing, Th. ii. s. 155; Kliiber, vol. i. p. 8305; De 
 Martens, Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 112, 118. 
 
ATTACHES. 
 
 ment légitimés comme chargés ad interim des 
 affaires de la mission.” 
 
 Secretaries of embassy and legation are un- 
 ~doubtedly under the protection of the law of 
 nations, in the same manner as their chiefs.* 
 
 They cannot lay claim to ambassadorial ho- 
 nours, but they enjoy every privilege attached to 
 the diplomatic character. They are now usually 
 presented in person to the foreign sovereign at 
 whose court they are accredited, although in 
 former times their presentation appears to have 
 depended altogether on the usage of different 
 courts. Ahnert says, that in 1765 it was consi- 
 dered an extraordinary circumstance that a 
 certain Herr Prasse was admitted to a farewell 
 audience with the Empress of Russia. Now, 
 Herr Prasse was councillor of legation at the 
 court of Russia to the King of Poland and 
 Elector of Saxony. 
 
 171 
 
 Secretaries of embassy and legation usually attaches. 
 
 begin their career as attachés. In some statest 
 they also serve a certain apprenticeship in the 
 law and government offices. Russian, Austrian, 
 and French attachés to be employed at Constan- 
 tinople and the East, usually receive a special 
 education. It is singular that England has no 
 institution for the preparation of her foreign 
 employés. It appears, indeed, that it would be 
 
 * See De Réal, La Science du Gouvernement, tom. v. ch. i. 
 8. iv. 
 
 + Especially in Prussia. The Prussian diplomatists are honorably 
 remarkable for their scholarship and attainments. 
 
ATTACHES. 
 
 extremely advisable to give diplomatists generally 
 an education better calculated to fit them for the 
 duties they are intended to perform, than any 
 which has hitherto been bestowed upon them ; 
 for the utility of such an education is not to 
 be disputed. Pinheiro-Ferreira says on this 
 subject ;— 
 
 “TL’auteur qui parait s’étre occupé de cette 
 matiére avec le plus de détail, dans l’intention de 
 donner a la diplomatie une forme d’enseignement 
 scientifique, est M. Hellmuth Winter, savant pro- 
 fesseur de Puniversité de Berlin, a en juger par le 
 plan qu il vient de publier de son ouvrage sur cet 
 important sujet. Cependant cet écrivain, d’ailleurs 
 si distingué, n’a pas evité le défaut essentiel que 
 tous les plans antérieurs d’une école de diplomatie 
 présentent en commun. Contents de montrer la 
 nécessité de faire étudier aux éléves en diplomatie 
 un cours de droit public interne et externe, tant 
 positif que philosophique, ces écrivains se sont 
 imaginé que, munis de ces connaissances thé- 
 oriques, les éléves pourraient sur-le-champ les 
 mettre en pratique, en passant des bancs de 
 Vécole aux légations en pays étranger. C’est une 
 grave erreur. Les jeunes gens destinés a servir 
 dans les missions diplomatiques doivent avoir 
 Servl auparavant, pendant quelque temps, dans 
 les divers départemens de l’administration pub- 
 lique les plus propres & leur donner une idée 
 compléte de tous les différens ressorts dont elle 
 se compose. Destinés 4 défendre un jour les 
 intéréts du commerce de leur pays contre les 
 
ATTACHES, 
 
 exigeances des nations étrangéres, il faut qu ils 
 connaissent les besoins et les ressources de ce 
 commerce. S’ils ne connaissent pas a fond lor- 
 ganisation et la force de larmée de terre et de 
 mer chez eux, comment pourront ils traiter dans 
 leurs négociations une foule de questions qui 
 dépendent essentiellement de ces données ? Etran- 
 gers a l’administration de la justice et des finances, 
 ignorant jusqu’a quel point état peut compter 
 sur ses ressources pendant la paix comme pen- 
 dant la guerre, sur quelles bases pourront-ils 
 asseoir les argumens qwils sont appelés 4 em- 
 ployer 4 lappui de leurs propositions ? En un mot, 
 le diplomate qui n’aura pas ajouté des connais- 
 sances bien positives sur la statistique de son 
 pays, aux connaissances théoriques de la science du 
 gouvernement, ne sera qu'un médiocre diplomate. 
 
 “C’est done dans les bureaux des départemens 
 administratifs quil faut prendre ces jeunes gens 
 destinés a étre attachés aux légations étrangéres. 
 C’est dans les rangs plus élevés de ces mémes 
 départemens qu il faut prendre les membres des 
 différens degrés de la hierarchie diplomatique. 
 Ainsi, aprés avoir servi quelque temps comme 
 attaché en pays étranger, léléve en diplomatie 
 rentrera aussi pour quelque temps, dans un grade 
 plus élevé, au département d’administration inté- 
 rieure, dot il aura été tiré; en sorte que, passant 
 alternativement du service dans le pays a celui 
 des légations étrangéres, au moyen d’une pro- 
 motion graduelle et fondée sur l’acquisition 
 progressive de connaissances acquises dans l’une 
 
 be 
 
 | al 
 
 3 
 
174 
 
 ATTACHES. 
 
 aussi bien que dans Il’autre de ces deux carri€éres, 
 le diplomate pourra rendre 4 son pays des ser- 
 vices qu’on ne saurait espérer de ceux dont toute 
 la science se borne & une stérile routine des cours, 
 seules écoles de la diplomatie jusqu’a présent. 
 
 “Les commissions des agens diplomatiques 
 sont ou transitoires ou permanentes. Les unes, 
 aussi bien que les autres, ont pour objet de régler 
 des rapports de commerce ou de politique entre 
 les deux nations; mais les missions permanentes 
 ont encore pour but de suivre les progrés de la 
 civilisation chez le peuple ot le diplomate établit 
 sa résidence. 
 
 “Tous ces objects exigent évidemment dans 
 les personnes qui en sont chargées un ensemble 
 de connaissances statistiques proportionnées au 
 role qu’elles ont & jouer dans la légation. Aussi 
 ne faut-il pas croire que pour tirer tout le parti 
 possible d’une mission permanente 11 suffise tou- 
 jours de la confier 4 un ministre habile, méme 
 secondé par un secrétaire de légation, ainsi qu’on 
 le pratique ordinairement. Sans doute que tous 
 les pays ne méritent pas également la peine d’étre 
 étudiés dans leurs progrés, ou parce quils n’en 
 font guére, ou parce quwils en font de si lents, 
 qu’on ne serait pas récompensé des frais qu’on 
 ferait en y établissant une mission assez complete 
 
 ‘pour suivre la marche progressive de toutes les 
 
 différentes branches de l’administration publique. 
 Mais le principe, qu’il faut charger les missions — 
 diplomatiques de tenir le gouvernement au courant 
 de tout ce qui se fera d'intéressant dans le pays 
 
ATTACHES. 
 
 relativement & lorganisation sociale, une fois 
 reconnu en général, on en conclura aisément 
 qu il faut les composer d’un personnel qui, sans 
 surcharger l'état d’une trop forte dépense, pré- 
 sente une réunion dindividus qui, sous la direc- 
 tion du chef de la mission, exploitent, chacun 
 dans sa partie, tout ce que le pays pourra offrir 
 dinterressant sous les différens rapports de la 
 statistique.” 
 
 I have given this extract at length, because it 
 seems to me to be very remarkable for its sound 
 and practical views of a question which has by no 
 means received sufficient attention. We must 
 not forget that the duties of diplomatists have 
 materially altered in recent times. Formerly, 
 they were merely the mouthpieces of their courts; 
 they were chiefly occupied with dynastic ques- 
 tions. Now, they are often important members 
 of the government of their country; their advice 
 - may be inestimable, if they are efficient men; the 
 able performance of their duties may nearly 
 concern unnumbered millions. The time is gone 
 by when a little French and a well-powdered 
 - peruke were sufficient for an ambassador or any 
 of his staff. It is impossible, therefore, to avoid 
 wishing that men of more marked importance and 
 ability should be sent henceforth, both as ambas- 
 sadors and attachés, to conduct the diplomatic 
 business of the world; to extend the blessings of 
 commerce and the arts; to ripen international 
 friendships, to efface uliberal prejudices ; and to 
 save us from years of war, misery, and disorder. 
 
 175 
 
176 
 
 Inter- 
 preters. 
 
 INTERPRETERS. 
 
 High civil and military functionaries are some- 
 times attached, therefore, to the embassies of 
 foreign states; and with very excellent reason. 
 Such persons, however, do not belong to the 
 ordinary staff of attachés, who are generally so 
 ill chosen that a German writer indignantly ex- 
 claims, “An ambassador would usually find better 
 auxiliaries at the Foundling.” * 
 
 Interpreters are now employed for the most 
 part only in embassies out of Europe. Their 
 duty is to translate official documents, and to 
 interpret the conversation of their chiefs at official 
 interviews. The interpreters employed by the 
 Turkish government in their negotiations with 
 ambassadors accredited to the Porte, were im 
 former times usually functionaries of very high 
 rank. ‘They were nearly always Greeks, and they 
 soon contrived to get the entire business of 
 foreign affairs into their hands. It was from 
 them that the hospodars of the rich provinces of 
 
 ~ Moldavia and Wallachia were almost constantly 
 
 chosen. Since the outbreak of the Greek revolu- 
 tion, however, the Greeks have lost much of their 
 power and influence at the Porte. 
 
 The duties of interpreter require the utmost 
 honesty and delicacy. The Porte was quite right 
 in giving her interpreters distinguished rank and 
 emoluments. A sound negotiator is not always a 
 clever linguist, and he must therefore employ 
 somebody who is; that somebody must be tho- 
 roughly trustworthy, for he will often have it in 
 
 * Vide Kdlle, p. 124. 
 
INTERPRETERS. 
 
 his power to make or mar the objects of his chief. 
 The interpreters of the embassies at Constanti- 
 nople have higher salaries than the secretaries of 
 ‘embassy and legation: still they are not beyond 
 temptation; they do not form part of the diplo- 
 matic corps, as they ought to do; their position 
 in society is not recognised; they are not looked 
 upon as gentlemen. ‘This is a very serious mis- 
 
 take, for they have literally all the business of . 
 
 the embassies in their hands; they are the official 
 messengers between the Porte and the embassies; 
 they are the real ambassadors; all depends on 
 their tact, prudence, and ability. On ordinary 
 occasions it is useless for an ambassador to make 
 a long, solemn, pompous visit to a person who 
 cannot understand a word he says. Therefore, 
 he sends a dragoman, who is received without 
 fuss or ceremony; states his mission simply, 
 without forms or absurdities; and sometimes gets 
 a plain and satisfactory answer. Bjoernstohl, in 
 ‘his “ Letters from the East,” however, I am 
 afraid said very truly that there were perhaps 
 not five dragomen who could interpret correctly 
 the most trifling official document. The muddle 
 into which affairs must get, where they are singu- 
 larly important and complicated, and yet are 
 clearly understood by no party concerned, is 
 better imagined than described. In short, the 
 dragomen at Constantinople are a most  per- 
 plexing race ; and it will not be kind or courteous 
 to say anything more about them.* 
 
 * The word Dragoman is said to be derived from the Turkish 
 N 
 
 177 
 
178 
 
 Chaplains. 
 
 Messengers. 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 A chaplain is usually among the suite of an 
 ambassador, when his religion is not that of the 
 country in which he resides, and no church is 
 established there for the celebration of its rites. 
 The rights and privileges of embassy chaplains 
 are sometimes defined by special laws. The 
 chaplains to the Prussian embassies enjoy the 
 same power over their flock as in Prussia. 
 
 The custom of transmitting letters and 
 despatches by messengers long preceded the 
 establishment of a regular post. Domestic letter- 
 carriers are frequently mentioned in Roman 
 history as forming part of the household of 
 patricians and rich men.* Slaves were sometimes 
 employed as letter-carriers among the Romans, 
 but the office was one of trust, and letters were 
 only confided to those who knew the roads well 
 and could read and write. Indeed, a Roman 
 letter-carrier was usually entrusted with the 
 contents of the epistles sent by him, and was 
 despatched as a sort of living commentary upon 
 them. He explained that which was obscure, 
 and added such details as might be demanded of 
 him. Cicero’s Dionysius seems to have been a 
 messenger of this kind, though he was also tutor 
 in the orator’s family.t Ifa Roman ‘was obliged 
 
 word trédjuman, or the Arabic tordjeman, trogman from targem, 
 to translate. 
 
 * Cicero ad Fam. i. 2, ep. 7. 
 
 + Cicero ad Att. i. 7, ep. 4, 731i. 8, ep. 7. Dionysius appears, 
 in the end, to have turned out badly, and Cicero exclaims patheti- 
 cally (ad Att. i. 1, ep. 13.), ‘‘Alas! where shall I find another 
 postman ?” 
 
MESSENGERS.. 
 
 to employ an ordinary slave as messenger, he 
 mentioned the circumstance in his letter as some- 
 thing unusual. There appears, however, even in 
 Rome, to have existed something not very unlike 
 a public post and parcels’ delivery company ; for 
 certain contractors, merchants, and public func- 
 tionaries kept a number of messengers in 
 common. ‘hese messengers were under public 
 protection, and enjoyed some peculiar privileges. 
 Official messengers, or couriers, in modern times 
 are persons sent by governments with official 
 despatches on important occasions. In England 
 they are usually called queen’s messengers; 
 abroad they are better known as “couriers de 
 cabinet.” These messengers were formerly 
 among the most valuable servants of the govern- 
 ment. They were able to bear personal testimony 
 to the truth of important events; and their 
 reports must have been often singularly interest- 
 ing to generations by whom newspapers were 
 unknown. ‘They travelled usually on horseback, 
 and thus became intimately acquainted with the 
 state of many countries through which ordinary 
 travellers would not have been permitted to pass 
 in safety. Their life was indeed hard and adven- 
 turous; but yet, considering the great advantages 
 that might have been reaped from their observa- 
 tion and sagacity, it has always appeared strange 
 that a higher and more intelligent class of men 
 were not employed by far-sighted ministers than 
 the mere hard-riders and worthless persons of 
 
 which the messengers’ corps was generally com- 
 w 2 
 
 179 
 
180 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 posed till within this last twenty years. There 
 seems to have been something shocking to the 
 ears of gentlemen in the name of messenger 
 but their duties, rightly considered, were scarcely 
 beneath the attention of a rising statesman or an 
 ambitious soldier. Men of rank and talent 
 submitted gratefully to be shelved in the pompous 
 tedium and inactivity of a petty court, but a 
 protégé of Grenville or Fox would have felt 
 insulted had it been proposed to him to obtain a 
 sound practical view of the government and in- 
 stitutions of many countries under the offensive 
 name of a messenger. ‘Thus, though the emolu- 
 ments of these appointments have been always 
 good, and their duties both agreeable and instruc- 
 tive, such is the morbid vanity of mankind, that 
 they were formerly but little sought. 
 
 It was not till the sixteenth century that the 
 general establishment of post-offices in Europe 
 partly delivered diplomacy from the expense of 
 couriers on ordinary occasions. ‘This expense, 
 always considerable, was proportionably infinitely 
 greater than now. ‘The journey of a courier 
 from Florence to Paris in the sixteenth century 
 appears to have cost between seventy and eighty 
 scudi. The Italian envoys in France were, 
 strange to say, the first who availed themselves 
 of the royal post for the transmission of. their 
 despatches whenever the time of departure was 
 suitable. The economical Florentine ambassa- 
 dors frequently profited also by the correspond- 
 ence of the merchants or money-changers, and 
 
MESSENGERS. 
 
 transmitted their official correspondence by the 
 same opportunities, bearing only half the expense 
 of a messenger. 
 
 When Machiavelli was at the court of France 
 in 1500, he sent his despatches through the 
 great mercantile house of Dei at Lyons, who 
 transmitted them with their own correspondence. 
 If despatches were sent by a private hand or 
 through the ordinary post, exact copies were 
 always taken, and forwarded by the next 
 opportunity. 
 
 The rights of government couriers were very 
 ill-defined by international law; and instances of 
 their having been arrested and outraged are dis- 
 gracely frequent. ‘Thus, Messer Paolo di Arezzo 
 was sent, in 1526, from Clement VII., with im- 
 portant propositions to France and Spain; but 
 all the power of the Vatican did not preserve 
 him from being arrested by Francis I.; and he 
 was only liberated after the most earnest remon- 
 strances. Couriers are divided into two classes 
 —ordinary and extraordinary. The former are 
 sent regularly to certain places to carry letters 
 and despatches which are not to be confided to 
 the post; while the latter are only employed on 
 special occasions as circumstances require. 
 These messengers are appointed and paid by 
 government.” 
 
 In Turkey, among the officers under the 
 
 * Moser, Kleine Schriften, Bd. iv. s. 178 (Der Courier nach 
 
 seinen Rechten und Pflichten) ; G. F. de Martens, Précis, tom. ii. 
 p. 142; Baron Ch. de Martens, Guide Dipl., tom. i. p. 115. 
 
 18! 
 
182 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 immediate control of the kiaja bey, or minister 
 of the interior, is the tatar agassi (aga of the 
 Tatars, or state couriers). There are in all about 
 a hundred messengers or Tatars, who are em- 
 ployed, however, almost entirely within the 
 sultan’s dominions, and are seldom sent abroad. 
 
 Government couriers have an official dress or 
 uniform and a badge of office. In Russia and 
 Prussia they are called feld-jiigers, and are aregu- 
 larly organised corps. The feld-jiigers are em- 
 ployed usually in time of war, and are sent 
 with despatches between the generals and the 
 war-office. The rate at which they travel is 
 surprising. 
 
 Special couriers are sometimes appointed by 
 ambassadors on extraordinary occasions. Secre- 
 taries of legation, attachés, or officers of high 
 rank, are sometimes sent with very urgent and 
 important despatches. Formerly, all despatches 
 from the King of Prussia to his envoys at the 
 court of St. Peterburg were sent by officers in the 
 army. Now they are confided to feld-jiigers, who, 
 however, hold the rank of officers. Moser says; 
 very truly, also, that when an ambassador has 
 anything particularly fortunate to communicate, 
 he usually sends one of his own friends or rela- 
 tions with the despatch, “‘to furnish them with 
 the means of advancement.” 
 
 The regulations of different states with respect 
 to couriers are little in unison. In the holy 
 Roman empire they were under the supervision 
 of the oberst-hofmeister, or high-steward. In 
 
MESSENGERS. 
 
 France they were formerly under the exclusive 
 control of the prime minister; and _ both 
 the Marquis de Louvois and Cardinal Fleury 
 delighted to add to their other titles that of 
 “grand maitre des couriers.” At present they 
 are chiefly under the orders of the minister for 
 foreign affairs. In England, however, messengers 
 are sometimes employed, both by the home and 
 colonial secretaries. | 
 
 With respect to the sending of couriers, 
 Calliére says, very justly, ‘“ Lorsqu’on a des avis 
 importans a donner, il ne faut pas épargner la 
 dépense des couriers extraordinaires pour en dili- 
 genter, et en assurer la réception ; mais il ne faut 
 pas aussi donner légérement des avis mal strs 
 par des exprés, comme il arrive souvent aux 
 négociateurs nouveaux et peu experimentés.” 
 
 Positive instructions are sometimes given to 
 envoys respecting the despatch of couriers; and 
 im any case it is well that there should be a clear 
 understanding on the subject. James II. in his 
 exile complained -bitterly of the needless expense 
 of couriers; and it is as well for ambassadors to 
 remember that other sovereigns not in exile may 
 do the same—so may a sovereign people. 
 
 Couriers are sometimes sent by very wily envoys 
 as an excuse to avoid the adoption of any precipi- 
 tate measure without further communication with 
 their government, or to gain time for further 
 negotiation. In secret missions, however, the 
 coming and going of couriers is especially to be 
 avoided, as thelr very appearance always arouses 
 
 183 
 
184 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 the suspicions of the curious and the comments 
 of the idle. If the despatches of an envoy, 
 therefore, contain such combustible matter that 
 he dare not confide them to the post, he had 
 often better forward them through the couriers of 
 a friendly power, rather than employ messengers 
 of his own. Couriers are not sent by govern- 
 ments only with instructions to their envoys at 
 foreign courts, but also with any tidings which 
 may influence negotiations on either side. 
 
 When a courier is sent by a superior to an 
 inferior, upon some matter which requires neither 
 haste or secresy, this is to be considered an 
 especial mark of courtesy or favour. Some- 
 times, also, the sending of a courier has been 
 especially stipulated for by a foreign court, to 
 make the satisfaction offered for some offence to 
 it more public. In the year 1709, Clement XI. 
 was thus required to send a special and extra- 
 ordinary courier to Barcelona with his formal 
 recognition of Charles III. of Spain.* 
 
 It was frequently stipulated in treaties between 
 states that the appointment of a new ambassador 
 on either side should be notified by special 
 courier, particularly when the ambassador was to 
 be received at the frontiers and entertained at the 
 public expense. Thus, in the treaty of peace 
 concluded between Russia and Poland in the 
 year 1672, we find im art. u.: “Adventus 
 
 * See Lettres de M. Jean de Witt, &c., tom. ii. p. 528; 
 Mémoires, &c., de Belliévre et de Sillery, tom. i. p. 5; Mémoires, 
 &c., du Comte d’Estrades, tom. i. pp. 2, 3. 
 
MESSENGERS. 
 
 utriusque solennis legationis per premissos 
 preecursores in antecessum, more consueto, de- 
 nuncietur.” 
 
 Sometimes, in cases of imminent danger or 
 difficulty, a courier is entrusted with a verbal 
 communication instead of a written despatch. 
 This precaution is especially useful in critical 
 positions, in case the murder or death of the 
 courier should cause a despatch to fall into the 
 hands of an enemy. Sometimes, also, an ambas- 
 sador may have some reason of crooked policy 
 for desirmg to prove that he has neither sent 
 despatches to his government, or received any, 
 within a certain time.* Should there be any 
 reason to doubt the safe arrival of a courier, 
 copies of his despatches, in cipher, are usually 
 sent by post, or any other convenient opportunity 
 which may offer. As all ciphers can be deci- 
 phered, the chances of secresy in such a case, as 
 well as the real value of couriers in modern times, 
 are sufficiently indicated. 
 
 It is needless to say that, in any case, despatches 
 given to a courier should be so firmly secured as 
 to bear the brunt of a journey without injury, and 
 to prevent the possibility of their coming open by 
 accident. A courier is seldom made acquainted 
 with the contents of any written despatches 
 entrusted to him. Sometimes, however, the 
 importance of his despatches is particularly im- 
 pressed upon him, to induce him to take extraor- 
 
 * See Moser, Bd. iv. s. 206; Mercure Hollandois, 1675, p. 406, 
 &e. 
 
 185 
 
186 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 dinary precautions against the improper curiosity 
 of other governments.* Sometimes, when the 
 necessity of secresy 1s supposed to be very great, 
 even: the despatches confided to a government 
 courier are written in cipher, lest they should be 
 betrayed by accident or design. 
 
 In time of peace, couriers enjoy perfect inviola- 
 bility for their persons and their despatches, and 
 a free passage through all friendly states. All 
 civilised nations have united in recognising the 
 inviolability of couriers in time of peace; and we 
 frequently find their rights clearly defined and 
 regulated by treaties.t| Sometimes they were 
 provided with an escort, and maintained at the 
 public expense in the states through which they 
 passed. 
 
 Government couriers are always entitled to 
 claim the promptest means of proceeding on their 
 way, and enjoy a preference in this respect over 
 all other travellers. 
 
 Whether the despatches of a courier who comes 
 from a district suspected of the plague, or other 
 infectious disorder, may be taken into quarantine, 
 has often been disputed; but it seems only 
 
 * See the Memoirs of the Count d’Estrades (¥. iv. p. 644), with 
 the Letters of Jean de Witt (tom. i. p. 72), and D’Arlington 
 (p. 296), with respect to this paragraph. 
 
 + Vide Treaty of Alliance between France and Sweden in 16388, 
 art. x. ; Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, &c., tom. vi. pt. i. p. 164; 
 Treaty of Peace between Sweden and Russia in 1661, art. ix. 5 
 Suspension of Hostilities between Poland and Russia, 30 Jan. 1607, 
 art. xix. ; Treaty of Commerce between Sweden and the Nether- 
 lands in 1675, art. xv. ; Peace of Passarowitz between Russia and 
 the Porte, 1718, art. xiii, &c, 
 
, 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 reasonable that no exception should be made for 
 him in this case. If a courier infringes the qua- 
 
 -rantine regulations, therefore, he does so at his 
 
 peril, and may be justly deprived of his rights in 
 consequence. 
 
 The baggage of a courier is usually considered 
 exempt from search; and in some places he is 
 freed from the taxes on travellers, such as barrier- 
 dues, turnpikes, bridge-tolls, &c. It is under- 
 stood, however, that he shall not abuse this 
 indulgence, or carry any articles for himself or 
 others, liable to pay duty. Instances are frequent 
 where couriers suspected of smuggling have for- 
 feited their privileges. In 1819, a Turkish 
 courier endeavoured to smuggle no less than 
 16,0002. worth of shawls. He was of course 
 arrested, though he stoutly declared that his 
 luggage contained nothing but despatches under 
 the seal of the government. 
 
 Couriers, therefore, cannot demand that their 
 baggage shall be exempt from search generally ; 
 but packages sealed with official seals* are in no 
 case liable to be examined or disturbed. 
 
 Before a courier can claim his privileges, he 
 must clearly identify himself either by his pass- 
 ports or his badge of office. The latter has not 
 always been sufficient, however; and a courier 
 who would suffer no delay must take especial care 
 of his passports. 
 
 * See Moser, Kleine Schriften, &c., Bd. vii. s. 17; Bd. iv. s. 
 413: Baron Ch. de Martens, Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 116; 
 
 G. F. de Martens, Précis du Droit des Gens Moderne (nouv. ed. 
 1831), tom. ii. p. 148. 
 
 187 
 
188 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 An ambassador must sometimes procure pass- 
 ports for his couriers from the minister of foreign 
 affairs at the court where he resides; or if, 
 according to routine, he has the power to grant 
 passports to the courier himself, such passports 
 must be countersigned by the local authorities. 
 A courier’s passport may usually be obtained 
 without difficulty in time of peace, and its refusal 
 would even be considered as an insult; although 
 it has been sometimes refused on important 
 political grounds. When governments have very 
 anxiously desired to preserve secresy respecting 
 some particular circumstances, postmasters have 
 been forbidden to furnish horses for the frontier, 
 and to detain all couriers about to leave their 
 territory. 
 
 Couriers have no claim to any ceremony or 
 official honours at their reception; though for- 
 merly, when they brought joyful tidings, their 
 entrance into a city was sometimes made an occa- 
 sion of public festivity. In 1717, a courier who 
 was sent to the imperial ambassador at Rome, 
 with an account of the capture of Belgrade, made 
 his entry into the city wearing a laurel crown. 
 His horse was also decorated in the same manner, 
 and probably with better reason. In the “ Euro- 
 paisches Fama” (part xxix. p. 865) there is an 
 account of a courier who made his entry in a sort 
 of triumphal car, bearing the standards captured in 
 a great victory. Itis melancholy to reflect how 
 the importance of government messengers has 
 declined in these days of railroads and telegraphs. 
 
MESSENGERS. 
 
 Nevertheless, they like to make a little noise in a 
 foreign capital now and then. We have therefore 
 several comparatively recent instances of their 
 thinking proper to announce their advent by 
 blowing a horn. As, however, there is the autho- 
 rity of a song, which obtained considerable popu- 
 larity in its day, that “a horn is not a thmg to 
 laugh to scorn,” perhaps the less we say on the 
 subject the better. The couriers who carried the 
 news of the treaty of peace at Paris,in 1814, eagerly 
 seized on this opportunity of creating a sensation, 
 and their joyful notes were heard at every capital 
 in Europe. We are not informed, however, 
 whether they underwent a previous course of 
 study with an individual whose mania for musi- 
 cians introduced him about this time to the 
 astounded diplomacy of Great Britain.* 
 The chief duties of couriers are, to travel with 
 the utmost speed possible ; to take every precau- 
 _tion against delays and impediments on their 
 journeys; and to avoid the roads on which they 
 might be exposed to danger. 
 When a courier is sent to several courts, he 
 - must not be improperly detained by the envoy at 
 any particular court, or prevented from proceed- 
 ing upon his journey. 
 The greatest attention must be paid to the 
 security of despatches; and, if possible, a courier 
 
 * See Moser, Kleine Schriften, &c. Bd. iv. s. 240—243, 461; 
 Mercure Historique et Politique, 1751, p. 596; De Montgon, 
 Mémoires, tom. iv. p. 457; J. Schmelzing, Th. ii, p. 224; De 
 Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c. tom. i, p. 116. 
 
 189 
 
190 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 should never suffer them to be removed an 
 instant from his presence. The despatches given 
 to couriers are usually placed in leather bags 
 carefully tied up and sealed. Sometimes, if not 
 too numerous, they are placed in a leather bag 
 locked and suspended round the body by a strap. 
 In former times, however, every art of ingenuity 
 was sometimes exhausted to prevent the discovery 
 and seizure of important despatches. They were 
 wrapped round the bullets of pistols, and did the 
 duty of wadding. ‘They were cunningly inserted 
 in rings, watches, swords, daggers, lockets, sticks, 
 and riding-whips ; in the hollow tube of a spur; 
 in the lining of a saddle or a hat. They were 
 sewn in clothes or boots, and even written on the 
 wearer’s hinen. ‘The inside of bulbous fruits were 
 carefully scooped out for their reception. ‘They 
 were inscribed on a few split beans, at the bottom 
 of a snuff-box; and even in snufi-boxes which 
 had a false bottom. They were scratched on the 
 stem of a feather in a horseman’s cap. They 
 were written in milk and invisible ink. Nothing 
 that Invention herself could have conceived was 
 left untried to guard against the violence of 
 dishonest curiosity,—and tried too often in vain. — 
 
 Tt is needless to say that a courier is enjoined 
 secresy on all political matters which may come 
 to his knowledge. 
 
 If a courier is unable to reach any place where 
 an agent of his own government resides, by 
 reason of sickness or approaching death ; if there 
 1s no person near to whom he can confide his 
 
 
 
MESSENGERS. 
 
 trust; and if the danger of his decease is immi- 
 nent, he will do well to destroy his despatches. 
 His instructions will, however, usually point out 
 whether in such a case it will be desirable for him 
 to send them on by post. 
 
 Couriers are not allowed to carry private letters 
 or parcels, without special permission; still less 
 are they allowed to take prohibited goods, or such 
 as are lable to duty. 
 
 They must deliver all despatches in person at 
 the place of their destination. Formerly, how- 
 ever, a courier who brought the hat of a newly- 
 appointed cardinal to France was obliged to 
 deliver it, with the accompanying letter, to the 
 king, from whose hands the new cardinal received 
 the formal confirmation of his dignity. 
 
 _A courier usually receives the expenses of his 
 journey in advance, or has permission to draw 
 bills upon his government for such sums as he 
 may require. His drafts, however, must be 
 countersigned by the ambassador or envoy at the 
 nearest court; oy sometimes diplomatic agents are 
 empowered to pay couriers such reasonable sums 
 as they may require, and charge them in an 
 extraordinary account. Some countries, also, pay 
 their representatives at foreign courts a fixed 
 sum annually for the expenses of couriers. It is 
 particularly worthy of observation that, in such 
 cases, despatches are usually sent by post, and 
 the secret affairs of these missions are very 
 curiously diminished immediately—probably by 
 some hidden principle of economy (political, of 
 
 191 
 
192 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 course), which miraculously comes into action. 
 To a cursory observer it would appear as if 
 ambassadors were more fond of fuss and impor- 
 tance than desirous of paying the expense of it. 
 When therefore they can indulge this reasonable 
 taste without the cost thereof they are mightily 
 satisfied, but the moment there is anything to be 
 saved or gained by them through dispensing with 
 needless mystery, no more messengers, war- 
 steamers, special trains, or hocus-pocus, are re- 
 quired. Mystery, in the abstract, is a fine thing. 
 I am afraid it is sometimes a profitable thing. I 
 have heard of some mysterious gentlemen who 
 carry on a very funny little game, in which a 
 Jewish private secretary and secresy, and foreign 
 funds, and the great Caucasian house of Abraham, 
 Isaac, and Jacob are all unaccountably mixed 
 up. I have observed those gentlemen with much 
 serene joy and satisfaction. JI am bound to say 
 that I have formed my own opinion with respect 
 to diplomatic mysteries in consequence. I appre- 
 hend they constitute a very good business, and 
 have a brisk sale. Some mysterious gentlemen 
 are in correspondence with newspapers on lauda- 
 tory terms. This is, of course, far too nice a 
 recreation to be interfered with. Some are 
 frightened to death that the nonsense and 
 folly of their conduct and negotiations may be 
 made apparent, and bring about their dismissal 
 in these strange times. Some are literally 
 ashamed of the laughable insignificance of their 
 despatches, and wrap them up in secresy (as 
 
MESSENGERS. 
 
 Moorish beauties wear their veils) to save them 
 
 from the scorn and scoffing of all men. The 
 most touching little incident of this kind, how- 
 ever, a well-known European scandal, is related 
 of a fashionable little family of diplomatists who 
 
 all borrowed money from the representative of a 
 
 ereat banking stockbroker. The secret affairs of 
 those fashionable diplomatists were kept in 
 most laudable obscurity. The riddle of the Sphinx, 
 the mysteries of ancient creeds, were easy guessing 
 to the wondrous things which were (might, could, 
 or should have been) concocted behind the im- 
 penetrable veil shrouding these fashionable diplo- 
 matists. They made but one exception to this 
 rule. It was in favour of the stockbroker; and a 
 more thriving and mysterious set of fellows never 
 blundered together in the dark, made wild mis- 
 chief, as we saw too late, and now sneer at their 
 public in prosperous infamy. 
 
 I am sorry to refer to these circumstances; but 
 the misfortune is, that if one makes a general 
 charge, an indignant army of expectant younger 
 sons cry out—Where are your proofs? If you 
 
 adduce plain, notorious, indisputable facts, such as. 
 
 are a general scandal and laughing-stock through- 
 out Europe, the same set of exasperating dunces 
 change their note, and exclaim, Oh! the Layard! 
 oh! the calumniator! till ordinary men, who wish 
 to point out a revolting and shocking abuse, 
 really do not know how to state it so as to please 
 them. They are like the drummer, who is fain to 
 mutter in despair, “ Flog ye how I will, ye are 
 O 
 
 193 
 
194 
 
 MESSENGERS. 
 
 never pleased!” But enough of these sauntering 
 and highly connected gentry. 
 
 Couriers are generally ordered to travel at a 
 certain rate, circumstances permitting. In many 
 countries there are express regulations that every 
 person shall make way for a courier; and post 
 stations have been sometimes specially established 
 for them, particularly during general congresses 
 or conferences for peace.* 
 
 Couriers are sometimes sent regularly between 
 places where there is no post, even although they 
 may not be the bearers of diplomatic despatches. 
 Such couriers very lately passed once a week 
 between Constantinople and Vienna. Couriers 
 sent by private persons cannot lay claim to the 
 same rights and privileges as those employed by 
 governments.t ‘The remuneration given for the 
 Services of couriers varies very much. Regular 
 couriers—such as queen’s messengers, couriers 
 de cabinet, feld-jiigers—generally receive a fixed 
 salary, as well as special allowances during their 
 journeys. 
 
 The bearer of important tidings 1s sometimes 
 recompensed with immediate promotion, especially 
 if he have suffered from danger and difficulty 
 upon his journey. For English queen’s mes- 
 sengers, and for them only, is no promotion or 
 
 * See Actes et Mémoires de la Paix d’Utrecht, tom. i. p. 254; 
 Mémoires du Cardinal de Retz, tom. iii. p. 91; Ambassades de 
 M. de la Boderie en Angleterre sous. le Regne de Henri IV., &c., 
 tom. i. p. 27. 
 
 + Compare Frid, de Marselaer, lib. ii. p. 626; Moser, vol, iv. 
 p. 464. 
 
MESSENGERS. 
 
 reward for good services, however arduous. A 
 set of as fine frank enterprising gentlemen as 
 ever wore boots are condemned all their lives to 
 remain in a false and subordinate position; to be 
 insulted by, the insufferable sneers and_ lofty 
 ignorance of Toreign-Office clerks, and to feel that 
 the best-directed energy and the most honourable 
 and serviceable ambition is useless to them. A 
 happy idea, which would make the fortune of a 
 foreign officer employed on such a service, is 
 received by our official wiseacres with a cold 
 sneer, and men who might be employed with 
 singular advantage to the country are converted 
 into mere postmen, with a dullness and stupidity 
 on the part of the Foreign-Office which would 
 be ridiculous if it was not sad. We have several 
 men among our queen’s messengers who are men 
 of high ability, keen observers, whose experience 
 might be precious to us; men of infinite resource, 
 ~ courage, and judgment, yet we ignore in them the 
 existence of any higher quality than a stout con- 
 stitution, and leave their minds to fester with 
 discontent, or rust away in the apathy of despair. 
 A. queen’s messenger is like a British parson— 
 once a messenger, always a messenger—whose 
 attempt to escape from thraldom is a theme for 
 smart jokes or illiberal and absurd opposition. 
 Couriers in foreign countries are frequently 
 paid according to their rank, men of high con- 
 sideration being often employed in the transmis- 
 sion of serious intelligence. Sometimes, when 
 
 money cannot be offered to a personage of 
 0 2 
 
 195 
 
196 
 
 Couriers in 
 war-time. 
 
 COURIERS IN WAR-TIME. 
 
 distinction, he receives a snuffi-box, a decoration, 
 or a watch. He is frequently also presented to 
 the sovereign. 
 
 Occasionally couriers travel at their own cost, 
 in anticipation of a reward on their arrival at 
 the place of their destination. A newly-chosen 
 cardinal, if absent from Rome, was obliged to 
 present the messenger who brought him the hat 
 with 800 or 1000 crowns. Of this sum, however, 
 one-third (after deducting travelling expenses) 
 was ultimately received by the cardinal secretary 
 of state, another third by the postmaster-general, 
 and the remaining third only was retained by the 
 courier himself.* 
 
 In war-time there is generally no security for 
 the enemy’s couriers, who are intercepted as 
 frequently as possible. ‘This is not contrary to’ 
 the law of nations; and when hostilities have 
 commenced, the couriers of enemies and their 
 allies may be arrested, and their despatches law- 
 fully seized.t A clause to this effect is sometimes 
 inserted in declarations of war. For this reason 
 it is usual im truces or negotiations for peace to 
 agree for the safe passage of couriers on both 
 sides,{ and to give them passports or an escort 
 when necessary. In general, also, powers waging 
 
 * Compare Lunadoro, Nella Relazione della Corte di Roma, p. 86; 
 De Montgon, Mémoires, &c., tom. vi. p. 193. 
 
 + Compare Schmelzing, Th. ii. s. 225; Politz, Praktisches 
 Vélkerrecht, &c. s. 312; Kliiber, Bd. i. s. 310; Rousset, Recueil, 
 &c., tom. xviii. p. 362. 
 
 ~ See De Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c., tom. i. p. 117; 
 Heffter, Das Huropiische Volkerrecht der Gegenwart, s. 239. 
 
COURIERS IN WAR-TIME. 197 
 
 war recognise the inviolability of couriers sent 
 from one side to the other, or to and from a 
 peace congress. 
 
 The envoy of a neutral power may not exercise 
 his privilege of sending couriers through the 
 territory of another neutral power for the purpose 
 of forwarding a correspondence with the enemies 
 of the latter. Sometimes all the allies, on both 
 sides, refuse the passage of each other’s couriers 
 through any part of their territories. Despatches, 
 however, are not necessarily very bulky things, 
 and we have already explained that there are 
 means enough of sending them in such a manner 
 as to defy detection.* 
 
 There exists manifestly a difference between 
 
 * See De Martens, Précis du Droit des Gens moderne, &c. (nouv. 
 ed. 1831), tom. ii, p. 143, for the usages respecting couriers in time 
 of war. Pinheiro-Ferreira (not 57, p. 371), however, comments 
 very sensibly on this passage when he says, ‘‘M. de Martens a sans 
 
 .  doute pensé quwil suffisait de se borner 4 rapporter les usages adoptés 
 par toutes ou par quelques unes des nations, sans en témoigner son 
 approbation, pour que le lecteur dit croire qwil les blamait. I1 
 aurait peut-étre raison s'il mettait une différence dans la maniére 
 de rapporter les bons et les mauvais usages; mais en racontant 
 indifférement les uns et les autres, les lecteurs, et surtout la jeu- 
 nesse, a laquelle son ouvrage est spécialement destiné, ne sauraient 
 distinguer lesquels il approuve et lesquels il condamne. Nous 
 croyons qwil désapprouvait, comme un véritable attentat au droit 
 des nations et des hommes, lusage qu’il mentionne dans cet alinea, 
 de se saisir, en temps de guerre, des malles des courriers, 4 moins 
 qu’il n’y ait entre les nations belligérantes une convention expresse 
 et contraire. Nous entendons parler des courriers porteurs de la 
 correspondance générale, car, pour celle du gouvernement, on ne 
 saurait mettre en doute qu’en sa qualité de moyen de guerre 
 Yennemi est en droit de s’en saisir. Lorsqwil sera question, au 
 livre suivant, des droits et des devoirs des puissances en guerre, 
 nous rendrons raison de la distinction que nous venons de faire entre 
 la correspondance générale et celle des gouvernemens belligérans.” 
 
198 
 
 COURIERS IN WAR-TIME. 
 
 the letters and correspondence of private persons 
 and official despatches. ‘The latter are inter- 
 cepted in time of war, because they are a means 
 of carrying on hostilities. ‘The former, however, 
 are often allowed to reach their destination, 
 though, of course, even more than usually subject 
 to inspection by the way. 
 
 The smallest violence offered to the person of 
 a courier in time of peace, is undeniably a gross 
 infraction of the law of nations. De Vattel tells 
 us, that the states-general of the Netherlands 
 unanimously declared, during the embassy of the 
 President Jeannin, that to open the letters of a 
 public minister was a distinct violation of the law 
 of nations; and Wicquefort, Schmelzing, Kliiber, 
 with the two De Martens, all support the same | 
 view, as that so honourably taken by their High 
 Mightinesses. _ 
 
 If, however, adds Vattel,* (and I apprehend 
 there can be no doubt whatever on the question,) 
 an ambassador has first violated the law of nations, 
 by mixing himself in political conspiracies and 
 intrigues, his couriers may be seized to discover 
 his accomplices, and he may be even arrested and 
 interrogated in person. 
 
 On the 17th of June, 1739, near the village of 
 Zancha, in Silesia, was murdered Major Sinclair. 
 He was an officer in the service of the King of 
 Sweden, and then travelling as courier between 
 Constantinople and Stockholm. This circum- 
 
 * Tom, ii. p. 160. See also M. C. de Martens, Causes célébres, 
 &c., tom. i, p. 143; tom. ii. p. 471. 
 
COURIERS IN WAR-TIME. 
 
 stance is, therefore, in the manifesto of 1742, as 
 one of the causes of Sweden’s declaration of war 
 — against Russia. 
 
 Outrages upon couriers have been often sternly 
 resented on other occasions. It follows, there- 
 fore, that couriers should always endeavour to 
 conduct themselves with peace and propriety, 
 and that any person offering them unjustifiable 
 offence should be punished with unusual severity. 
 
 It has sometimes been disputed, whether 
 couriers could claim their usual privileges while 
 passing through the territory of a prince noto- 
 riously at variance with their own sovereigns, 
 though not actually at war with them. The most 
 eminent authorities, however, have decided that 
 a courier cannot be legally detained, or his 
 despatches seized till after hostilities have posi- 
 tively commenced. 
 
 199 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 —»—— 
 
 Privileges of an Ambassador’s Family.—His Wife.—Sextus V. first 
 acknowledges the title of Ambassadress.—Gallantry of the Pope. 
 —First Dispute for Precedence.—An irritated Ladydom.— A 
 Panic in Diplomacy.—Magnificence of Ambassadresses at the 
 Congress of Westphalia.—Prudence of the Maréchal d’Estrades.— 
 A Public Entry.—The College of Cardinals.—The Privilege of 
 the Stool.— Kisses. —Shocking Occurrence at Stockholm in 1782. 
 —Anecdotes: France, England, Sardinia, and Spain.—Comfort- 
 able Custom at the Vatican.—Visiting.—The title of Excellency. 
 —Court Mourning.— Presents and Honours.—A Good Custom 
 of the French King is imitated by the Grand Turk.—Religion.— 
 Lady Temple.—Lady Hamilton. 
 
 Privileges of ‘I'm ~whole of an ambassador's family, and 
 moe especially his wife, are peculiarly under the pro- 
 tection of the state in which he resides. It is 
 not, however, altogether correct to say that the 
 family of an ambassador share all the privileges | 
 of his rank and order; for his children, and any 
 | relations who may reside with him, are merely 
 An Amba treated as strangers of similar condition. The 
 custom of courts has, by degrees, made an excep- 
 tion in favour of an ambassador’s wife, to whom 
 special honours are often accorded, but even in 
 
 her case they have been frequently disputed.* 
 
 * See Kliiber, vol. i. p. 810; Heffter, p. 360: compare also 
 Vattel, tom. ii. p. 159, and the Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. 
 p. 114. 
 
AN AMBASSADOR’S WIFE. 
 
 Grotius makes no mention whatever of the wives 
 of ambassadors. Though, as he was himself 
 ambassador at the punctilious court of France, 
 he must have been well aware if any honours 
 were due to his wife, who accompanied him. De 
 Wicquefort, Bynkershoek, and Moser make only 
 a few desultory remarks* on the subject. Moser,+ 
 however, has the merit of having collected the 
 scattered opinions of the other authorities, and 
 arranged them in some order. More recent com- 
 mentators on the rights of legation evade the 
 question altogether, or mention it in a very cur- 
 sory and unsatisfactory manner. The position 
 of ambassadors’ wives is very much that of the 
 wives of Scotch lords of session, and it is said 
 that James I. decided their rank. ‘J,’ said the 
 pedant king, in one of his lucid intervals, between 
 quoting Latin and slobbering his courtiers, “I 
 made the carles lords, but who made the carlines 
 ladies ? ” 
 
 In remote times, he who was sent on an em- 
 bassy, usually left his wife at home; but when, 
 during the seventeenth century, permanent em- 
 bassies came generally into fashion, ambassadors’ 
 wives remonstrated with such urgency, loudness, 
 and eloquence, that they were ever afterwards 
 entreated to follow their husbands, and by all 
 means to take their clamorous little tongues with 
 them. Then, first was heard the title of ‘“‘ ambas- 
 
 * See Bynkershoek, de Foro Legatorum, ec. xv. 
 + See Kleine Schriften, Bd. iii. gs. 133—331 (Die Gesandten 
 nach ihren Rechten und Pflichten). 
 
 201 
 
202 AN AMBASSADORS WIFE. 
 
 sadress,’ with which these ladies bedecked and 
 caparisoned themselves. In 1649, a French 
 envoy at the Hague, a profane single man who 
 had paid no attention to the important revolution 
 going on in the diplomatic world, shrugged his 
 bachelor shoulders on the arrival of a Spanish 
 ambassador’s wife, and immediately wrote home 
 to his government, “que c’était une ambassade 
 hermaphrodite:”’* a jest which delighted the 
 wits of the French court vastly. 
 
 Italy has the honour of having given a title to 
 ambassadors’ wives, as satisfactory as it is long, 
 and as euphonious as dignified. 
 
 It is usually pronounced by a groom of the 
 chambers (the best authority on such subjects), 
 with his head haughtily thrown back, his nose in 
 the air, his left foot foremost, and his hands in- 
 voluntarily extended. I will not, however, take 
 it upon myself to say that this posture is abso- 
 lutely necessary, for I think I have seen some 
 persons who can pronounce it sitting. 
 
 Sedna Sextus the Fifth was the love of a pope, who 
 
 first ac- 
 
 fnowiedges first bestowed this lengthy and beautiful title on 
 ambassa- ambassadors’ wives. It is said to have been given 
 
 ) as a particular mark of courtesy towards the — 
 
 Count Olivarez (a judicious statesman, who noto- 
 
 riously flourished under female rule), Spanish 
 
 ambassador at the Vatican. The count (father of 
 
 the still more celebrated minister of Philip the 
 
 * See Bynkershoek, c. xv. § 7; Gregorio Leti, part vi. p. 693 
 (‘‘Ambasciatrice quando, e dove cominciasse a nomarsi tale”) ; 
 Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 118. 
 
* 
 
 AN AMBASSADOR’S WIFE, 
 
 Fourth) immediately seized on the opportunity 
 as a pretext for a sumptuous banquet to the Ro- 
 man ladies; and it need scarcely be added that 
 Spanish interests at once became popular, for ir- 
 resistible tongues were advocating them all day 
 long, and all night, for ever afterwards, during 
 that generation. 
 
 The pope was by no means a potentate, ac- 
 customed to do things by halves. Having once 
 agreed to confer the title of ambassadress upon 
 the Countess Olivarez, he determined that she 
 should forthwith enjoy all the honours of 
 that distinguished rank. He admitted her at 
 once to the proud privilege of kissing his toe, 
 and the nieces of all the cardinals remarked, 
 with pardonable envy, that he received her on 
 the auspicious occasion with the ceremony due 
 to a royal princess.* Henceforth, her rank 
 
 was established, and she immediately began to 
 quarrel for precedence with the princesses of 
 Colonna and Orsini, so that no one could ever 
 venture to invite them to the same house to- 
 gether again. Meantime, it soon became appa- 
 rent to the pope, that since he had granted a 
 fine bran new title to the Spanish ambassadress, 
 he must concede the same rank to the wives of 
 other ambassadors, or prepare to leave the Va- 
 tican, as the only means left him of escaping 
 from an irritated ladydom. To any person who 
 has enjoyed favourable opportunities of becoming 
 
 * See Dumont, Cérémoniel, &c., tom. ii. p. 177; Moser, 
 Kleine Schriften, Bd. iii. p. 137. 
 
 203 
 
 peak of 
 he Pope. 
 
 First dispute 
 for prece- 
 dence. 
 
 An irritated 
 ladydom., 
 
204 
 
 A panic in 
 iplomacy. 
 
 A PANIC IN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 acquainted with the vigorous proceedings adopted 
 by a band of ladies, all of one mind on some 
 particular subject, it need not be a matter of 
 surprise, that the pope submitted without ven- 
 turing upon a parley. He was painfully aware 
 that negotiations must have added to his humi- 
 liation; and henceforth the wives of all am- 
 bassadors have held their own, under the august 
 title of Ambassadress. Woe to those who do 
 not religiously bow down before a title bestowed 
 by a pope, and worn by alady! It were wiser 
 for an Irish rogue upon his trial to forget to 
 say “yer lardship ” to the judge ! 
 
 Pope Sixtus the Fifth, however, was little aware 
 of the aspiring nature of the feminine soul, or it 
 is a question if he would not rather have endured 
 an honourable martyrdom to assure the peace of 
 the world rather than have taken this fatal step. 
 He might have shut himself up in the Vatican, and 
 excommunicated the turbulent womanocracy in 
 his nightcap from an upper window. ‘The thun- 
 ders of the church in those days struck terror 
 into the hearts of the bravest. Perhaps they 
 might have availed him something; or if he had 
 held out to the last, and then died valiantly, un-. 
 yielding, he would have been entitled to the 
 respect and affection of every usher and master of 
 ceremonies in Europe. 
 
 The ambassadresses no sooner got their title 
 than they resolved to display it in.as public a 
 manner as possible. Quiet, sober, old diplomatists, 
 all tricks and wig, were promptly married by 
 
A PANIC IN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 blooming and strong-minded young females. 
 Widows of large fortune and a taste for society 
 lay in wait for tottering elderly gentlemen, who 
 might have been their grandfathers, and bore 
 them off in spite of senile struggles to the nearest 
 clergyman. ‘here was quite a mania for ambas- 
 sadors among marriageable ladies. Numerous 
 females who had long disappeared miraculously in 
 company with a plate-chest and a captain in the 
 Guards, turned up again in the most unexpected 
 and distressing manner. ‘They threatened their 
 husbands with suits in Doctors’ Commons and 
 Consistory Courts, unless they were immediately 
 oratified by the fullest restitution of conjugal 
 rights. Other energetic ladies who had kept their 
 virtue till it was sour, and had hitherto submitted 
 to be stowed away in holes or corners, started off 
 with great decision to the most distant foreign 
 
 courts; and ambassadors who were whispering 
 ~ sweet nothings (in the interest of their country, of 
 eourse) to the most distinguished beauties of 
 Paris and Madrid were horror-stricken at receiv- 
 ing a well-known box on the ear, and an order to 
 take larger lodgings, from an awful person, with 
 a false front and an antediluvian bonnet, whom 
 they had not seen these twenty years. Diplomacy, 
 from being rather a jolly profession than other- 
 wise, became as gloomy as the private life of a 
 comic actor, and most of the small-legged, knock- 
 kneed, dried-up little beaux, in peach-blossom 
 coats, who were among the diplomatic celebrities of 
 those times, thought of the pope with a bitterness 
 
 205 
 
206 
 
 Magnifi- 
 cence of 
 ambassa- 
 dresses at 
 the Con- 
 gress of 
 
 Westphalia, 
 
 MAGNIFICENCE OF AMBASSADRESSES 
 
 and impotence of anger, which was the laughter 
 of all the pages and equerries in Hurope. 
 
 The new ambassadresses appeared with such 
 dignity and magnificence at the congress of 
 Westphalia, that no business could go on because 
 of them. At last their husbands were obliged to 
 rise during the very smallest hours of the morning, 
 steal secretly out of their houses, and meet by 
 stealth, to invent some means by which the papal 
 plague of ambassadresses could be in some mea- 
 sure mitigated. ‘The French ambassadresses of 
 course found them out. Those active ladies were 
 not to be caught napping, and they at once raised 
 the signal of revolt. Their husbands in dismay 
 turned traitors to the cause of their colleagues. 
 The ambassadresses insisted on a formal regula- 
 tion acknowledging their right to enjoy all the 
 honours and privileges of their new rank. And 
 we find the imperial ambassador Vollmar trans- 
 scribing the following passage in his diary, which 
 shows that Victory never deserts the sex.— 
 “ Martis 5. hujus (1644) cum Servientum (lega- 
 tum Gallicum) adventare nunciaretur, sub ves- 
 peras misit ad me comes Avausius ex suis, qui 
 idem nunciaret, et simul cum ipso ejus Uxorem, © 
 et appellabat Dominam Legatam. Gratias egi pro 
 indicio et quod jam aliunde nobis innotuisset, 
 mandasse nos obviam ire quosdam e nostris cum 
 rhedis salutatum, eundemque honorem Domine 
 Conjugi, quem ipsi legato, exhibitum iri, quod 
 Uxor coruscet virr dignitate.” * 
 
 * Ad Contreji Corp. Jur. Publ., &e., tom. iv. p. 45. Ambas- 
 
AT THE CONGRESS OF WESTPHALIA. 
 
 The pretensions of ambassadresses in the end 
 became so troublesome, that some courts refused 
 to treat them with any ceremony whatever, 
 although they were contented to leave them their 
 titles and immunities. At the court of the 
 Emperor of Germany ambassadresses were not 
 recognised at all. In England their titles were 
 allowed, but their right of precedence contested. 
 In France—the paradise of women—they were 
 treated with more distinction than anywhere out 
 of Italy; for the disturbance they created at 
 Rome appears to have overawed the pope and 
 the other Italian sovereigns for ever afterwards. 
 In Spain and Sweden they also received unusual 
 honours. Vattel (v. i. p. 159), however, frankly 
 confesses, that to refuse them anything was to 
 affront their husbands, and that as nothing ever 
 went right after incurring their displeasure, their 
 claims were usually allowed. Gregorio Leti (pt. 
 ~ i. p. 131,) takes the other side, and maintains 
 “Chi offende la moglie de ambasciatore non 
 offende il carattere.” It would undoubtedly have 
 been imprudent, however, to put the ungallant 
 theory of the Italian into practice. 
 
 From the moment an ambassadress enters the 
 territory of the sovereign to whom her husband is 
 accredited, she becomes entitled to the rights and 
 privileges of the rank there accorded to her. It de- 
 
 sadresses, by the way, only enjoy their rank and privileges abroad, 
 and while at the court to which their husband is accredited. At 
 home, affairs are altered. In any case, however, their importance 
 will be a matter of sincere and rational delight to a philosophical 
 beholder. 
 
 207 
 
208 
 
 THE RANK OF AMBASSADRESS. 
 
 pends, however, altogether on social customs, and 
 the state of political affairs, whether she is treated 
 with any ceremony whatever in passing through 
 the dominions of a third power. The court of 
 Great Britain sends a royal yacht to fetch an 
 ambassadress of the first class, in conformity with 
 an ancient custom.* ‘The honours shown to an 
 ambassadress travelling without her husband are 
 not so great as they would be if she were tra- 
 velling with him. A husband, therefore, though 
 not generally an agreeable travelling companion, 
 is not on this occasion so much out of place as 
 usual. Perhaps it would be a valuable suggestion, 
 to recommend his being locked up in a separate 
 carriage, and taken out like a passport to be 
 exhibited to the authorities, when wanted. Some- 
 times ambassadresses, however, who have left 
 their husbands elsewhere, have insisted on being 
 received with salvos of artillery, and carried their 
 point triumphantly. 
 
 It is generally understood that an ambassadress 
 travelling incognito must submit to all the rules 
 and regulations affecting ordinary travellers. She 
 generally contrives, however, that her rank and 
 power shall become known at the smallest village 
 where she stops. She must also be provided with 
 a passport, or a safe-conduct, if traversing a 
 hostile territory. An ambassadress is usually 
 received at the nearest station by her obedient 
 husband and respectful suite, who offer her a 
 
 * Vide Moser, Kleine Schriften, Bd. iii. s. 155; Miruss, 
 Gesandschafts Recht, vol. i. p. 252, § 228. 
 
PUBLIC ENTRY INTO A CITY. 
 
 dutiful welcome, and the homage which is clearly 
 her due. Foreign courts, however, usually de- 
 cline to participate in these proceedings, and 
 courtiers prefer as a rule to await an invitation 
 to the dinner which generally takes place shortly 
 after her excellency’s fortunate advent. 
 
 The Maréchal d’Estrades, French ambassador Prudence of 
 
 aréchal 
 
 at the congress of Nimuegen, was so nervously @'Estrades. 
 
 anxious to display his fealty to his wife and 
 suzerain lady, that he fled from his post at her 
 approach, and rushed off (attended by the warm 
 sympathies of all his married colleagues) to 
 Mook on the Maas, and there received her excel- 
 lency on landing. It is gratifying to state that 
 the maréchal’s conduct obtained her excellency’s 
 approval, and that dignitary was congratulated on 
 his return at having escaped ulterior consequences 
 by this prompt and graceful movement. Several 
 other ambassadresses, however, taunted their 
 husbands bitterly for not having done the same. 
 
 _ In cases where ambassadors have made a public 
 entry into a city, their wives have not usually 
 considered it good taste to exhibit themselves 
 as part of the pageant: nevertheless, when the 
 Marquis de lLavardin, a Trench ambassador, 
 made his solemn entry into Rome, on the 16th 
 November, 1687, his wife and daughter insisted 
 on getting up beside him in the same coach, and 
 amused themselves in flirting with two cardinals 
 (picked up by the way) throughout the whole of the 
 
 ceremony.* At the Swedish court, also, an ambas- 
 
 * See Litnig, p. 678. 
 
 A publie 
 entry. 
 
210 
 
 The College 
 of Cardinals. 
 
 The privi- 
 lege of the 
 stool. 
 
 PRIVILEGE OF THE STOOL. 
 
 sador’s wife was not only allowed to show her 
 beauty and grandeur to the good folk of Stock- 
 holm on such occasions, but both ambassador 
 and ambassadress dined in great glory at the 
 king’s expense afterwards.* 
 
 The whole College of Cardinals think it 
 necessary to welcome an ambassadress at Rome, 
 and it has been hinted that this 1s one of 
 the most pleasing of their duties. The pope 
 being a sovereign prince, however, can scarcely 
 make the first call at an ambassador’s house; 
 but no sooner has his excellency been re- 
 ceived at an official audience, than away goes 
 the pope very prudently to pay his respects to 
 her excellency. Indeed, the popes have thus 
 acquired such an approved character for gal- 
 lantry, that in no country does there exist a more 
 cheerful state of society between the court and 
 the diplomatic corps as within the States of the 
 Church. 
 
 Ambassadresses formerly possessed a very sin- 
 cular privilege, and probably do so still. It is called 
 the privilege of the tabouret, or that of sitting on 
 a stool in the presence of empresses and queens. { 
 
 The wives of ambassadors formerly received a 
 special audience from the sovereign: those of 
 envoys and other ministers were merely pre- 
 sented at court in the regular way. 
 
 Although, as I have said, the wives of ambas- 
 
 * See Lettres de M. de Witt, tom. iv. p. 255. 
 + See De Martens, Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 114; Heffter, 
 p- 360, &e. 
 
OCCURRENCE AT STOCKHOLM. 
 
 sadors at the old court of France were received 
 with extraordinary distinction, the wives of envoys 
 -and ministers of a lower class were treated almost 
 with disrespect. In the Memoirs of Saintot (p. 
 120) I find they were subject to a cruel indignity. 
 When they were presented at court, they were 
 only allowed to salute the king in the same way 
 as ordinary ladies! His majesty did not even 
 kiss them!! Lastly, when they appeared before 
 the sons and daughters of France (fils et filles de 
 France) they were neither kissed nor asked to be 
 seated !!!* Now, that any ladies should be de- 
 prived of their fair share of kissing in this way, I 
 hold to be utterly intolerable ; and I need scarcely 
 add that they never rested day or night till they 
 had made ambassadors of their husbands, and 
 thus won the right of claiming the kisses justly 
 due to them. The wives of envoys of the third 
 class and secretaries of legation, or attachés, are 
 merely presented at court in the usual way. At 
 Vienna, however, the wives of secretaries of lega- 
 tion are shamefully excluded from the court balls. 
 ‘The demand for secretaries of legation as mar- 
 riageable articles decreases therefore rapidly when 
 there is any probability of their being sent to the 
 court of his imperial royal apostolic majesty. 
 There was a great dispute at Stockholm, in 
 1782. The wife of the Austrian envoy (a diplo- 
 matist of the second class) actually refused to 
 kiss the queen’s hand unless her majesty gave 
 her a return kiss on the cheek in the same 
 
 * See Moser, Bd. iii, s, 165. 
 P2 
 
 ait 
 
 Kisses. 
 
 Shocking oc~ 
 currence at 
 Stockholm, 
 in 1782. 
 
212 
 
 OCCURRENCE AT STOCKHOLM. 
 
 manner as to the wives of senators. Here was a 
 
 pretty business. The queen refused to receive 
 
 her at all; and resolved to be revenged on the 
 bumptious little Austrian. Her majesty watched 
 an opportunity with female patience and address. 
 Tt came as all opportunities of punishing insolence 
 do come if we wait for them. The Austrian lady 
 went to a ball at the town-hall. Austrian ladies 
 dance very well, and I dare say she liked it. She 
 little knew the sleepless vivacity of a royal pique. 
 Immediately the royal family arrived, and they 
 probably came on purpose, the master of the 
 ceremonies approached her with his most official 
 countenance. Leta country gentleman ask for a 
 passport at our British Foreign Office and he will 
 get an idea of the offended majesty which glowed 
 in the master of the ceremonies’ eyes on this 
 occasion: a quaint picture of the lofty and absurd. 
 
 “Sir,” said the little lady, stopping in her 
 capers very unwillingly, “ you interrupt me.” 
 
 The official mouth moved with an official 
 whisper. 
 
 The Austrian could not or would not hear, but 
 she blushed scarlet, and her eyes filled with tears. 
 
 Again the official mouth moved. Its words 
 were not very plain or polite, official words sel- 
 dom are, but their purport for a wonder was 
 intelligible. ‘She had not been presented, and 
 therefore could not remain within the august pre- 
 cincts of the royal circle!” 
 
 I am bound to say that I would not have sat at 
 meat that evening with the offended lady—no, not 
 
ANECDOTES. 
 
 to have been introduced to an accommodating 
 bill-discounter the next morning. ‘The queen 
 _had had her revenge, but the insult so rankled, 
 that she who had received it never rested till her 
 husband had solicited his recall and stirred up 
 the imperial court to resent the affront. This 
 woman's quarrel about a kiss interrupted all inter- 
 national business between Austria and Sweden 
 during no less than six years, for another envoy 
 was not sent to Stockholm till 1788. 
 
 The obscure birth of a diplomatist’s wife cannot 
 be allowed as a valid excuse for excluding her 
 from court.* 
 
 A distinguished traveller used ‘to tell an odd 
 story as to a dispute touching the reception of a 
 Spanish minister’s wife. This lady was not re- 
 ceived at court, not because she was merely of low 
 birth, but because she had committed the indis- 
 cretion of having been found out in an intrigue 
 ~with the notorious Prince of the Peace. Her 
 husband was of course instructed by his spouse 
 to refuse to submit tamely to the indignity offered 
 to her. ‘There were many ladies about the court, 
 -she urged with great truth, who were quite as bad 
 as she was, or perhaps worse ; and as to their not 
 having been found out, she did not see what that 
 mattered, for anybody might find them out who 
 pleased. Therefore her husband wrote an official 
 letter of remonstrance, in which he argued the 
 point with unanswerable force and frankness. 
 ““My wife,” said he, in this sensible document, 
 
 * See Schmelzing, Th. ii. p. 160. 
 
 213 
 
 Ancecdotes. 
 
Ald ANECDOTES. 
 
 “as the wife of the minister of Spain, is a public 
 woman, in the same manner as [am a public man, 
 and therefore she ought to be received at court.” 
 
 “Pardon, M. le Ministre,” returned the obdu- 
 rate organ of a cruel court, ‘that is the very rea- 
 son why she is not received.” 
 
 There is an old court story also 1 remember 
 hearing more years ago than I like to remember, 
 about a buxom diplomatic dame who was refused 
 admission to the prim court of Queen Charlotte for 
 very similar reasons. She was so indignant that 
 it was thought prudent to send Lord R. to pacify 
 her. He found her unmanageable till he looked 
 at her mysteriously, and asked if she did not re- 
 member to have incautiously dropped a few words 
 in praise of revolutions ? 
 
 “T!” exclaimed the lady aghast. “I forget 
 my duty to my beloved sovereign! ”’ 
 
 “ Hush!” said the peer, who found he had 
 hazarded too much. “I have no doubt this deli- 
 cate matter may be arranged hereafter.” Of course 
 it never was, but the vanity of the lady was 
 appeased, and she consoled herself to the day of 
 her death with the idea that she had been ex- 
 cluded from the court of Great Britain on account 
 of her political principles. 
 
 Ronee: Formerly ambassadresses at the courts of 
 re France, England, Sardinia, and Spain went to 
 and Spain. court in the royal carriages on their first audience. 
 They were usually attended by a gentleman usher, 
 and their carriage was drawn by six horses. The 
 royal guards were drawn up on the road on either 
 
VISITING. 
 
 side, and an escort sometimes accompanied the 
 carriage. The usages at the reception, however, 
 differed greatly. At the court of France, an 
 ambassadress was allowed to sit on a stool; at 
 the court of England, she was obliged to stand 
 
 with the other ladies; at. the Vatican, three comfortable 
 
 . c 
 cushions were placed on the ground for her seat. t 
 
 On the whole, I think the pope displayed the 
 soundest judgment in his arrangements, for three 
 cushions form undoubtedly a pleasanter seat than 
 a stool. 
 
 After the first formal audience an ambassadress 
 had a right to attend the great parties of the 
 court. At the court of France, in the assemblies 
 of the queen, or the dinner and supper parties of 
 the king, the welcome stool was always placed 
 ready for her. She sat with the princesses of the 
 blood royal and took the first vacant place, but 
 could not claim any precedence among them. Great 
 
 -festivals were sometimes given in her honour. 
 
 om at 
 he Vatican, 
 
 According to the custom of most courts, an Visiting. 
 
 ambassadress receives the first visit from the 
 wives of all other envoys; but an ambassadress 
 pays the first visit to all the princesses of the 
 reigning house. Visits thus made to an arch- 
 duchess of Austria were not returned; at other 
 courts an ambassadress often received a return- 
 visit even from the princesses of the blood. It 
 was usually expected that she should return the 
 visits of the wives of ministers of inferior rank, 
 although she took precedence of them on all 
 occasions. 
 
216 
 
 VISITING. 
 
 Some crusty, rusty ministers and envoys of 
 inferior rank to ambassadors, did not. always 
 choose to yield precedence to ambassadresses, and 
 sometimes incurred bitter female enmities in con- 
 sequence. Prudent-or gallant men, of course, gave 
 up the point with a bow, and marched after them 
 at court festivals with becoming submission and 
 decorum. ‘There was so much irritation among 
 them, however, on these subjects, that persons 
 who were obliged to ask a bevy of diplomatists to 
 dinner, found their houses turned into a battle- 
 field at once. Ladies and gentlemen of flushed 
 faces and determined looks kept their eyes sternly 
 fixed on the door, and their feet advanced ready 
 for a spring. Livery diplomatist and his lady was 
 determined to get through first or break the rest 
 of the company’s ribs in the attempt. Their 
 hosts thought with dismay on the riot his 
 well-meaning hospitalities had provoked, and the 
 whole party perspired in silence and indignation. 
 At last, some high official personage, who was 
 constantly inconvenienced by such scenes, and_ 
 loved to dine in peace, suggested that his guests 
 should always draw lots for precedence, while 
 another and a happier wit took a wrinkle from: 
 our King Arthur, and invented a round table.* It 
 was: by no means easy even then, however, to 
 make things pleasant. 
 
 Moser tells us that ambassadresses claimed pre- 
 cedence over the princesses of those ancient fami- 
 les in Germany and Italy, who can all trace their 
 
 * See Miruss, v. i. p. 257 
 
PRESENTS AND HONOURS. Paid 
 
 descent in a direct line from the eldest son of 
 Noah; and in De Lamberty’s Memoirs (y. u. p. 
 164) there is along account of an awful dispute 
 about precedence between Madame Lillieroth, 
 the Swedish ambassadress, and the Countess 
 Hoorne, which convulsed society at the Hague, in 
 1700. Heffter (p. 360) states that the court of Eng- 
 land made ambassadresses walk after countesses. 
 No wonder Great Britain has always been so un- 
 popular abroad. Such an insult must have 
 influenced every court in Europe against us. 
 
 The title of Excellency is now most properly The ee, 
 given to the wives of ambassadors, though © 
 formerly it was sometimes refused. It is the 
 most natural and fitting title indeed for every 
 lady—a mere synonyme for female ! 
 
 An ambassadress may use a carriage-and-six in 
 the same manner as her husband. In France she 
 had the privilege of driving also into the Louvre, 
 ~an honour granted in the chivalrous and lady- 
 loving days of Henry IV. 
 
 When an ambassador puts on court mourning, Court | 
 his wife may do the same; a circumstance which es en 
 hag sometimes given quite an official air to her 
 milliner’s bill, and enabled her to maintain the 
 necessity of every item with great truth and 
 spirit. 
 
 Ambassadresses in former times were often Presents 
 honoured with especial marks of royal favour eee 
 and distinction. Thus, on the marriage of 
 Henrietta of France to King Charles in 1625, 
 the wife of the French ambassador (De Chevreuse) 
 
218 PRESENTS AND HONOURS. 
 
 enjoyed the proud felicity of presenting her new 
 majesty’s shift, and conducting her to the nuptial 
 couch upon the wedding night.* 
 A pleasing -_- A singular custom was long prevalent at the 
 the French court of France, though its origin is discreetly 
 : shrouded in mystery. On the accouchement of 
 the wife of the Venetian ambassador, the king him- 
 self stood godfather to the baby, held it at the 
 baptismal font with a fatherly tenderness, not 
 always simulated, and made it rich presents.t 
 ee This appeared so good a custom to the Grand 
 GrandTuk. Turk that he hastened to imitate it. Thus, in 
 the Mercure Historique et Politique for 1749 
 (p. 627) we have the following suggestive little 
 anecdote :—‘‘ Les derniéres nouvelles de Constan- 
 tinople qui nous sont venues par la voie de 
 Vénise et par celle de Livourne, portent que la 
 Comtesse de Désalleurs, épouse de l’ambassadeur 
 de France en cette cour la et née Princesse 
 Lubomirska, y était accouchée d’une fille, et que 
 le Grand Seigneur n’en avait pas été plutét 
 informé, qu'il en avait fait faire des complimens a 
 leur Hxcellences, et remettre en méme temps des 
 présens trés magnifiques pour l'enfant.’ The 
 Mercure Historique does not allude to the. 
 sensations of the French ambassador at receiving 
 unexpected felicitations from his highness on 
 such an occasion; but so unaccountable are the 
 thoughts and so sad is the ingratitude of man, 
 that it 1s probable they were not of that thankful 
 
 * See Mémoires du Comte de Brienne, tom. i. p. 227. 
 ‘+ Vide Moser, Bd. iii, s, 316. 
 
PRESENTS AND HONOURS. 
 
 and contented nature which might have been 
 reasonably expected. A stranger, even though a 
 king, cannot share the joys of paternity even 
 with an ambassador, lest he give occasion to the 
 smiles of the scoffer. Ambassadresses usually 
 received presents also on their departure from 
 a foreign court; but they could not insisé upon 
 them in the same manner as their husbands, nor 
 was the value of such presents regulated. If it 
 was desirable that an ambassadress should be 
 influenced in favour of any particular scheme, 
 or if she had captivated the king, she 
 of course received a large gift to purchase her 
 good-will; if not, she received a small one, or 
 none. Charles XII. of Sweden ordered four 
 hundred dollars (the usual donation to resident 
 ministers) to be paid to the widow of the Dutch 
 envoy Rumpf, on her return to Holland. The 
 papal court, however, always behaved well on 
 ~ these occasions. The cardinals were mostly gay, 
 old single gentlemen, who set a proper value on 
 an ambassadress, and knew how to treat her. If 
 she was troublesome, however, the pope merely 
 sent her the politest of blessings or St. Some- 
 body’s tooth, and besought her to depart at once 
 with these precious things to her own country. 
 The wife of Erizo, Venetian ambassador at 
 the court of France in 1695, received an enor- 
 mous present from the king. I should like to 
 have seen her picture, for I have no doubt that 
 she must have been a lady of the greatest attrac- 
 tions; and indeed I think the Venetian ladies 
 
 219 
 
220 
 
 Religion. 
 
 RELIGION. 
 
 are the pleasantest, if not the prettiest, in all 
 Italy. 
 
 An ambassadress may have a private chapel for 
 the performance of her religious duties, if she 
 does not profess the same faith as that established 
 in the country where she resides. 
 
 If she attend the religious processions of the 
 Roman Catholic church, she is entitled to the 
 same precedence as on other occasions,—but, 
 pshaw, this is carrying vanity and worldliness to 
 the gates of heaven! 
 
 An ambassadress cannot be required to wor- 
 ship the symbols of a strange faith. 
 
 In cases, however, where an ambassadress pro- 
 fesses neither the faith of her husband nor of the 
 country in which she resides, she is subject to 
 certain restrictions. ‘The rule in such cases now 
 is, that she has no claim to establish a private 
 chapel in places where the members of her sect do 
 not enjoy the right of public or private worship.* 
 
 An ambassador may officially demand satisfac- 
 tion for any affront offered to his wife, direct or 
 indirect, verbal or otherwise. 
 
 An ambassadress cannot be cited before the 
 tribunal of the sovereign at whose court she is 
 residing for debt; nor can execution be in any 
 manner issued against her person or effects.t 
 
 Amelot} mentions that the Venetian envoys 
 
 * Vide Kliber, Bd. i. p. 311; Heffter, p. 360. 
 
 + Vide Bynkershoek, De Foro Legatorum, cap. xv. § 4; De 
 Wicquefort, tom. il. p. 437 ; Moser, Bd. iii. s. 292. 
 
 t Histoire du Gouvernement de Venice, tom. i. p. 36. 
 
AMBASSADRESSES EMPLOYED IN STATE AFTAIRS. 
 
 who were accompanied to foreign courts by their 
 wives, were held accountable for any faults the 
 
 latter might commit. He does not, however, ~ 
 
 specify the nature of the faults, and it must have 
 been but a hard task at best to look for them. 
 
 Sometimes the ambassador’s wife has been 
 employed in state affairs by mutual consent, in 
 cases where it was supposed that her co-operation 
 might be useful. The wife of Sir William 
 Temple played a prominent part in state affairs 
 during his embassy to Holland. She negotiated 
 & marriage which was destined to change the 
 history of Europe,—that between William of 
 Orange and the Princess Mary. She carried on 
 a long correspondence both with the king and the 
 Duke of York; and even travelled expressly to 
 England on the subject.* I think, however, the 
 wives of several of the members of the statesman 
 house of Temple have been among the most 
 remarkable women of their time. 
 
 The extraordinary career of Lady Hamilton at 
 the court of Naples will be fresh in the minds of 
 most readers, and I could scarcely furnish an 
 apter illustration of the folly of that theory which 
 condemns one half the world as triflers for the 
 jaunty frolics of a few. 
 
 The rights and privileges granted to an ambas- 
 sador’s family cease legally at his death. In 
 practice, however, they are permitted to enjoy 
 their former privileges till they quit the kingdom 
 to which he was sent, if they propose to do so 
 
 * Vide Ludolf’s Schaubiihne, Th. v. s. 299. 
 
 221 
 
222 
 
 RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES. 
 
 within a definite period, or till they declare their 
 intention of remaining there, and retirimg into 
 private life. 
 
 On returning to their own country, they are 
 permitted to withdraw their property free from 
 all taxation or deductions. 
 
 The succession to a deceased ambassador’s 
 property is regulated by the laws of his own 
 country, but the point remains. unsettled 
 whether claims upon it can be enforced in the 
 country where he has resided or otherwise. 
 Several of the most esteemed commentators of 
 modern times are of opinion that such claims can 
 be enforced if satisfactorily proved.* ‘The ques- 
 tion is by no means clearly decided, however ; for 
 supposing that the privileges possessed un- 
 doubtedly by the envoy during his life, to be 
 conceded to his family and dependants till they 
 are able to leave the country, it would appear 
 that the assets of the deceased would be exempt 
 from executions in the same manner as if he 
 were still alive. The fact is, however, let lawyers 
 and philosophers reason as they will, it is ill 
 dealing with clamorous creditors. 
 
 In cases where envoys have bought estates and’ 
 died before the purchase-money was paid, or all 
 paid, their estates are liable for such moneys as 
 may remain due; providing always that the 
 agreement to purchase rests on indisputable 
 evidence. There is no period fixed at which 
 
 * See Heffter, for instance, p. 872; but he is only one authority 
 among many. 
 
RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES. 
 
 the wife and family of a deceased ambassador 
 or envoy may be considered as having become 
 subject to the laws of the country to which he 
 was sent. Even after a long series of years it 
 may be doubtful, under some circumstances, to 
 what extent they may not claim their privileges. 
 The widows of the Dutch envoys received from 
 the states-general a reimbursement of their 
 travelling expenses only when their return home 
 took place within twelve months. Formerly, if 
 an ambassador died at the court of France, the 
 king immediately sent a message of condolence 
 to the widow.* 
 
 It need scarcely be mentioned that an ambas- 
 sador’s widow receives no return credentials. 
 There is only one instance indeed to the contrary 
 onrecord. Charles XII. gave return credentials to 
 the widow of the Dutch resident Rumpf. They 
 were couched in the most gracious terms, and 
 manifested the particular esteem which the late 
 envoy had acquired during his stay at the court 
 of Sweden.t 
 _ All persons in the private service of an ambas- 
 sador, including his livery servants, stand under 
 the protection of the Law of Nations, and are 
 not subject to the jurisdiction of the local 
 tribunals. 
 
 De Vattel (tom. u. p. 159) says boldly, “ L’in- 
 violabilité de lambassadeur se communique aux 
 
 * See Moser (F. C. and J. J.), Schmelzing, Kliiber, De Martens, 
 
 Heffter, Reuss, and Kluft, Hist. Feder. Belg. Fed., tom. ii. p. 572. 
 ++ See Moser, Bd. iii. s, 330. . 
 
 223 
 
224 
 
 RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES. 
 
 gens de sa suite, et son indépendance s’étend a 
 toute ce qui forme sa maison. Toutes ces per- 
 sonnes lui sont tellement attachées, qu’elles 
 
 _ sguivent son sort; elles dépendent de lui seul 
 
 immédiatement, et sont exemptes de la jurisdic- 
 tion du pays, ou elles ne se trouvent qu’avec cette 
 réserve. L’ambassadeur doit les protéger, et on 
 ne peut les insulter sans l’insulter lui-méme. Si 
 les domestiques et toute la maison d’un ministre 
 étranger ne dépendoient pas de lui uniquement, 
 on sent avec quelle facilité il pourroit étre mo- 
 lesté, inquiété et troublé dans l’exercice de ses 
 fonctions. Ces maximes sont reconnues partout 
 aujourd’ hui, et confirmées par lusage.” 
 
 A foreign state may, however, limit the number 
 of persons in his employment. Sometimes special 
 laws compel an envoy to keep within reasonable 
 bounds in this respect. 
 
 At congresses, it has often been found con- 
 venient for ambassadors to make a general agree- 
 ment to place their servants under the local 
 authorities. This was done at the Congresses 
 of Osnabruck, Miinster, Nimuegen, and Utrecht. 
 
 There is no doubt that an ambassador, by 
 discharging the servants he has engaged in a 
 foreign country, again subjects them to the juris- 
 diction of the local authorities. 
 
 The servants of an ambassador may be 
 arrested, if caught in the actual commission of 
 any illegal act. In such cases, however, it will 
 be necessary to act with great courtesy and 
 caution. A Portuguese proclamation of the 11th 
 
AMBASSADOR’S HOUSEHOLD. 
 
 December, 1748, went so far as to declare an 
 enyoy’s household amenable to the laws, and 
 _ pronounced their privileges to be forfeited by any 
 criminal offence. ‘The household of an ambas- 
 sador has no right whatever to the other privi- 
 leges of legation.* 
 
 * Vide Glafey, Moser, Bielefeld, Schmelzing, Kliiber, C. de 
 Martens, de Wicquefort, Heffter, and Uhlich (Droits des Ambassa- 
 deurs et des autres Ministres Publics, &c., p. 37.) 
 
Duties of 
 Ambassa- 
 dors. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 ee 
 
 Duties of Ambassadors. —Minister for Foreign Affairs. —His Duties. 
 —Labours.—Patronage : in America, in the Italian Republics, 
 Florence, Venice.—An Ancient Ordinance. 
 
 Tue duties of an ambassador are of various 
 kinds. He is frequently in correspondence with 
 his sovereign and the royal family of his own 
 country, as well as with the members of the 
 cabinet and other public men. His principal 
 official correspondent and immediate superior 
 is, however, the minister for foreign affairs.* 
 
 * Baron Ch. de Martens very sensibly sums up the causes which 
 led to the establishment of this functionary as follows :—‘‘ La 
 multiplication des rapports commerciaux, suite de la découverte du 
 nouveau monde et de la nouvelle route de Inde, lessor que prirent 
 les relations littéraires par Vinvention de Vimprimerie accrues par 
 la réformation, influence respective des états entre eux et leur 
 danger commun a VPégard des puissances prépondérantes, telles 
 furent les causes qui, vers la fin du seiziéme siécle, obligérent les 
 gouvernemens a entretenir entre eux des négociations continuelles, 
 la plupart du temps trop compliquées pour étre traitées par voie de 
 correspondance et qui par conséquent rendaient souvent nécessaire 
 Yenvoi de ministres extraordinaires. Ce furent les cours des 
 grandes puissances de lHurope qui, les rapports politiques et les 
 vues plus étendues de leurs cabinets se multipliant de plus en plus, 
 sentirent la nécessité de s’observer et de se surveiller réciproque- 
 ment, et pour cet effet commencérent a s’envoyer mutuellement des 
 agens diplomatiques en mission fixe. C’est depuis la paix de West- 
 phalie et celle dUtrecht, et plus encore a dater du ministére 
 du Cardinal de Richelieu, que l'Europe se trouva sous Vinfluence 
 dune foule Vagens diplomatiques mis en action perpetuelle par la 
 
MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 
 
 Perhaps there is no officer of state in modern 
 times whose duties are of importance at all to be 
 compared to those of a minister for foreign affairs. 
 He should be a man of approved sagacity, exten- 
 sive experience—popular at home and respected 
 abroad. An error in the administration of the 
 home department or the colonies can be often set 
 right by after reflection and prudent measures, 
 while a single false step in the management of 
 foreign affairs may entail the most fatal and 
 inevitable consequences. ‘The slightest want of 
 caution—a word improperly spoken—may be the 
 origin of endless trouble. It is indispensable 
 that a minister for foreign affairs should possess 
 a thorough practical knowledge of the geogra- 
 phical position and advantages of every portion 
 of the empire whose interests are confided to his 
 care. He should be thoroughly aware of her 
 commercial interests, her wants and her resources. 
 He should know exactly all the rights and pri- 
 vileges secured to her by treaty or convention. 
 He should clearly understand, and conscientiously 
 agree with, the political principles and objects 
 
 politique remuante de ce ministre; et cet ordre de choses s’étant 
 développé de plus en plus, les nations se trouvent aujourd’hui sous 
 la surveillance constante et active de la diplomatie. Les relations 
 au dehors devenues ainsi plus fréquentes et plus utiles entre toutes 
 les puissances, rendirent bientot nécessaire la formation d’un 
 cabinet special, chargé de la correspondance politique et de la 
 direction des affaires extérieures. De 1a Vorigine de cette adminis- 
 tration connue d@abord sous la dénomination de ‘secrétariat des 
 affaires étrangéres et des dépéches,’ de ‘ministére des conférences’ 
 et de ‘chancellerie détat,’ et qui fut désignée plus tard par 
 ‘ministére ou département des relations extérieures ou des affaires 
 étrangéres.’ ”—YVide vol. i. p. 19, Guide Diplomatique. 
 Ou 
 
 Q2°7 
 
 Minister 
 for Foreign 
 Affairs. 
 
228 
 
 Opinion of 
 ouis 
 Philippe. 
 
 OPINION OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 
 
 of any cabinet of which he may form part. If 
 his opinions clash with those of the rest of 
 the government he should retire. He should 
 endeavour to acquire the earliest information 
 on all matters -of interest abroad, in order to 
 be able to act with vigour and promptitude to 
 frustrate any designs which may be projected 
 against the welfare of his country.* He should 
 be, if-possible, on terms of personal intimacy 
 and friendship with the statesmen who possess 
 influence or authority in other countries. 
 
 Louis Philippe had an odd idea that the late 
 Duke of Wellington should always have been 
 secretary for foreign affairs in England, irrespec- 
 tive of all other changes in the ministry. 
 Perhaps, however, in reality, few men could have 
 been more thoroughly unfit for such an office. 
 He was neither conciliatory, courteous, or tole- 
 rant, and a foreign minister should certainly be 
 all three. Lord Holland was fond of telling a 
 story about Godoy, the notorious Prince of the 
 Peace, who was at one time minister for foreign 
 affairs in Spain. His lordship informs us that 
 this statesman did not know the difference between 
 Russia and Prussia—he considered them as one 
 and the same. ‘The envoy from the Hanse 
 Towns he also addressed officially as “de las 
 Islas Asiaticas.” This brings us to the hacknied 
 remark of Oxenstiern and the little knowledge it 
 requires to rule the world. The truth is, men 
 who take a prominent part in political affairs 
 
 * See De Martens, Guide Diplomatique, pp. 22, 28. 
 
DUTIES OF FOREIGN MINISTER. 
 
 have often read and learned surprisingly little. 
 Walpole used to brag of his ignorance; neither 
 Kaumtz or Schwartzenburg had any book learn- 
 ing; and it would not be hard to point out a 
 dozen living statesmen who have almost a con- 
 tempt for print. A man placed at the head of 
 affairs, however, can hardly help becoming well 
 informed at last, if he pays the smallest attention 
 to the events of his every-day hfe. A statesman 
 of great natural abilities will carry on his depart- 
 ment a thousand times better than all the 
 precedent-hunters in the world. Common sense 
 and sound judgment are really more useful in 
 important business than every other quality com- 
 bined. Clerks and subordinates may grub up 
 musty records and stale nonsense if they please, 
 a statesman, in the real sense of the word, 
 should deal with facts, and make good rules 
 where he cannot find them. General regulations 
 seldom apply to particular cases. Business is 
 almost made up of particular cases. An impor- 
 tant event does not’occur once in 500 years under 
 precisely the same circumstances, and therefore 
 good sense is of more avail than learning. 
 
 In negotiations with the envoys of foreign 
 powers, a minister for foreign affairs acts in the 
 name and with the authority of his sovereign. 
 All manifestos and other documents on foreign 
 affairs are published in his name. All official 
 correspondence from foreign powers is addressed 
 to him. Credentials, full powers, and instruc- 
 tions for all diplomatic agents at foreign courts 
 
 His Duties. 
 
2950 
 
 Labours. 
 
 LABORIOUSNESS OF OFFICE. 
 
 are drawn up under his direction. The cere- 
 monies in use at the reception of foreign ambas- 
 sadors are generally decided by him. He is 
 usually employed to negotiate the marriages of 
 princes and princesses of the blood-royal, and to 
 notify to foreign courts their birth or decease. 
 In many states the government archives are 
 confided to his custody. In England, he has the 
 chief control of the consular service; and though 
 foreign consuls are usually placed under the super- 
 vision of the minister of commerce, they never- 
 theless receive certain instructions from the 
 foreign-office, even when not employed as chargés 
 daffaires. The office of minister for foreign 
 affairs requires, therefore, not only commanding 
 talents but unwearied activity. If he would be 
 even moderately acquainted with the details of 
 his business, he must work considerably harder 
 than a poor author or a lawyer’s clerk. Should 
 any one doubt of this, and take it upon them- 
 selves to fancy that the extraordinary amount of 
 labour known to have been performed by Lord 
 Palmerston during the long time he was foreign 
 secretary in England, might have been just as 
 well curtailed, let them read M. de Flassan’s 
 amusing account of the daily life of D’Argenson, 
 minister of the debonnair Louis XV. 
 
 “M. D’Argenson,” (says the historian of French 
 diplomacy), “pendant tout le temps de son 
 
 _ministére, se piqua d’une grande assiduité au tra- 
 
 vail. Levé & cing heures, ils commencait sa corres- 
 pondance ; et & neuf, il renvoyait 4 ses quatre chefs 
 
PATRONAGE. Q31 
 
 de bureau tout le travail du jour préparé et arrété. 
 Il avait habitué ses employés 4 faire des extraits 
 de toutes les dépéches et offices; ce qui lui ser- 
 vait & rapporter sommairement au conseil les 
 affaires qui méritaient moins de discussions. 
 Quant aux réponses & faire, ce ministre en écrivait 
 Vesprit en marge ; et avec ses appostilles, on com- 
 posait les dépéches pour les ministres au dehors. 
 Indépendamment de ce travail des bureaux, le 
 ministre écrivait les lettres les plus essentielles 
 ou les plus délicates. I] rédigait encore des mé- 
 moires et des récapitulations pour le Roi, des pro- 
 jets, des plans, des agenda pour sa _ propre 
 conduite, pour ses avis au conseil, et plus particu- 
 liérement pour le travail avec le Roi, ainsi que 
 pour ce qu il avait 4 demander ou & répondre aux 
 ministres étrangers.” 
 
 The sweets of patronage may be now and then Patronage, 
 some compensation for all this, but a man must 
 get rich and weary of being flattered and toadied 
 by hungry place-hunters at last. In the republic & America, 
 of America, also, and some other states, even the 
 
 sweets of patronage are cruelly diminished, and 
 ambassadors, ministers, consuls, &c., may be only 
 nominated “ by, and with the advice and consent 
 of the senate.” * 
 
 The appointments of ambassadors, &c., also, 1 the 
 under absolute governments, are usually made by Republiea 
 the sovereign himself, so that the minister for 
 foreign affairs is again deprived of his reward. 
 
 M. De Reumont, in his treatise on Italian 
 
 * See Story’s Commentaries. 
 
At Florence, 
 
 Venice, 
 
 FOREIGN ENVOYS. 
 
 diplomatists, tells us, that in the old republics of 
 Italy, the right of sending ambassadors belonged 
 to different boards, or councils, which acted entirely 
 independently of each other. At Florence they were 
 chiefly nominated’ and instructed by the famous 
 Council of Ten (Decemviri libertatis et pacis.) 
 
 Thus, in 1529, we find the Magistrato dell’ ab- 
 bondanza instructing Carducci, the Florentine 
 ambassador in Paris, to purchase corn for the ne- 
 cessities of the town. Machiavelli went to Venice 
 in the year 1525, as deputy from the consuls of 
 the clothworkers, (arte della lana? ) to make repre- 
 sentations in favour of the traders of Florence. 
 
 In Venice, the envoys to foreign ‘states were 
 usually appointed by the council of the Pregadi. 
 A law enacted by the Council of Ten, on the 31st 
 of July, 1495, commands that the nobles ap- 
 pointed to foreign embassies, should be ballotted 
 for by the assembly. After the 17th of August, 
 1497, however, the right of appointing ambassa- 
 dors was vested exclusively in the senate. That 
 many public, bodies, however, had previously pos- 
 sessed this privilege is manifest from an ancient 
 ordinance, which I find commanded ambassadors 
 always to send in their reports to the body which 
 had appointed them. 
 
 It is as well to mention, also, that where the 
 foreign secretary possesses the right of nomi- 
 nating diplomatists, the appointment must always 
 be confirmed by the crown. The minister can- 
 not, properly speaking, make the appointment 
 himself. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 fs 
 
 
 
 Despatches. —Paragraphs.—A Despatch should only treat of one 
 Subject. —Triflng Occurrences.—Some Suggestions.—Practical 
 Embassies.—Archives.—A Bright Idea.—A Good Way to Train 
 Atiachés.—If it could only be Kept Clean.—Passports,—Certi- 
 ficates.—A Suggestion.—Passports in Prussia.—In the Absolute 
 Monarchies. — Jurisdiction of Ambassadors, — A  Plain-spoken 
 Briton at Madrid in 1819.—Common Lot of Go-betweens,— 
 Warnings to Busy-Bodies. 
 
 THE despatches of an ambassador should not Despatehes. 
 be merely dry reports. They should display keen 
 observation, careful reflections, suggestions, and 
 warnings. Their style should be terse and 
 vigorous. Every sentence should be short, plain, 
 ‘and unequivocal in its meaning. There should 
 be no false wit, glitter, or tropes and figures of 
 speech. Fine writing is a most contemptible 
 _ mistake in an official document. As many facts 
 should be stated as possible, and all opinions sup- 
 ported by the reasons which led to their formation. 
 A mysterious affectation of hidden wisdom is not 
 only absurd—it is a cheat. An envoy is bound 
 to give his government the fullest information and 
 the soundest arguments he can find. He is placed 
 in a post of trust and honour so to do; if he 
 fails he commits a public fraud. As to any of 
 the paltry tricks of wiseacres they should be 
 
234 
 
 DESPATCHES. 
 
 scornfully exposed and punished. If a man is fit 
 for his post he ought to be able to give the 
 clearest and fullest information on every possible 
 subject connected with it, if he is not and endea- 
 vours to conceal his culpable ignorance by more 
 culpable shuffling, he should be at once removed 
 from a profession where he is but living like a 
 drone on the toil of better men. 
 
 There is no reason why a cheerful topic or an apt 
 illustration should be excluded from a despatch. 
 The story of even a court-ball, or a public dinner, 
 well told, may let a flood of light on some mo- 
 mentous question. ‘The writer, however, must be 
 cautious to’ confine himself to the truth, the whole 
 truth, and nothing but the truth, in the very 
 strictest interpretation of those words. <A certain 
 dignity of language should be always preserved 
 in a despatch. This does not exclude wit or 
 humour, but it absolutely forbids flippancy or 
 ribaldry. Even language that would be perfectly 
 admissible in conversation, should be kept out of 
 a despatch. 
 
 Simple truth and absolute good faith are the 
 most. important qualifications for a despatch 
 writer. He should never gloze over anything to 
 his own government. He should state frankly 
 and fairly how he stands with the court, and what 
 is the general feeling throughout the country 
 with respect to the nation he represents. There 
 is no greater mistake than living under the dread 
 dominion of a secret. If an envoy commits an 
 error he cannot have a more proper and safe con- 
 
DESPATCHES. 
 
 fidant than his official chief, and it is better to 
 lose his place than his honour, for he can then be 
 sometimes trusted again, with a good-humoured 
 warning. If anything unexpectedly disagreeable 
 occurs, he should mention it without the smallest 
 concealment or hesitation. An envoy convicted 
 of the dangerous trick of concealment, should be 
 an envoy no more. 
 
 Doubtful news, or surmises, should be especially 
 distinguished from facts and well-grounded pro- 
 babilities. Reports should never be one-sided. 
 An envoy should point out those things which 
 tell against the views of his government, as well 
 as those which speak for them. A despatch should 
 always be so passionless and impartial in relating 
 any occurrence, that no party concerned can 
 possibly take exception to any statement it 
 contains. 
 
 All unnecessary cause of offence and irritation, 
 “all harsh and censorious language, should be 
 scrupulously avoided. An ambassador is neithera 
 judge or an advocate when relating an occurrence 
 _ to his own government. I have not much opinion 
 of “secret and confidential” despatches in any 
 case, but if they can ever be forgiven it is, per- 
 haps, where their object is to spare humiliation to 
 the feelings of private persons, who sometimes 
 become unavoidably mixed up with some scan- 
 dalous affair. 
 
 It is no doubt a painful thing for an envoy to 
 be obliged to communicate mortifying or unwel- 
 come intelligence to his government. He should 
 
236 
 
 DESPATCHES. 
 
 never, however, hesitate one moment to do so, if 
 necessary; his mission is not to deceive his 
 government, but to enlighten them; he should 
 not, therefore, conceal a single fact or circum- 
 stance of importance, or alter one word of the 
 language which has been held to him during an 
 important interview. He should even study to 
 convey faithfully the look, tone, and manner of 
 the speaker—to realise the scene as nearly as 
 possible. 
 
 By these means, and furnished with any colla- 
 teral information he has been able to acquire, his 
 government will at all events understand the 
 precise state of affairs. 
 
 The reports of an ambassador commence with 
 the first events after his arrival. His first official 
 despatch usually details the manner of his recep-_ 
 tion; he should then, by diligent study of the 
 despatches of his predecessor, and by any other 
 means that may suggest themselves, endeavour to 
 acquire the fullest and most accurate information 
 as to the exact present state of the affairs between 
 the countries. He should ascertain who are the 
 most influential persons, and cultivate their ac- 
 quaintance; he should then give his own court 
 as finished and vivid a picture of the state of 
 things as possible ; he should try to describe the 
 persons and characters of the official men with 
 whom he negotiates, in such a graphic and 
 forcible manner, that his own cabinet may know 
 them almost intuitively. 
 
 A despatch which only mentions facts, and 
 
DESPATCHES. 937 
 
 neither enters into causes or motives, reads like 
 an extract from an almanack. No circumstance, 
 therefore, should be considered too minute or too 
 important, which may contribute to thei full 
 elucidation. 
 
 An ambassador will do well to keep a diary of 
 political occurrences, and have it always at his 
 elbow, for reference, when writing a despatch. 
 
 If a despatch is very long, it may be divided Paragraphs. 
 into short paragraphs (each headed and num- 
 bered separately), with great advantage to clear- 
 ness and facility of reference. Paragraphs to a 
 long official document, are as useful as windows 
 to a house. 
 
 No more than one subject should ever be a Despatch 
 treated in one despatch; each despatch should, trent of Ga 
 however, be as complete as possible. Details tn 
 apparently trivial often become of the highest 
 importance from subsequent events, or taken in 
 connection with collateral circumstances. Nothing 
 is more perplexing than the fragment of an affair. 
 
 An ambassador should remember, also, that the 
 seasonable report of some trifling occurrence may trifing 
 often lead to important deductions, when received ae 
 at the same time as certain similar news from 
 other places. An ambassador, however, should 
 always know enough of the general state of 
 politics to be able to judge of the collateral value 
 
 of small events. 
 
 If ambassadors were not to confine their cor- Some Sug- 
 respondence so exclusively to the foreign office, it econ 
 would be well. It may not be out of place here 
 
238 
 
 Practical 
 Embassies. 
 
 Archives. 
 
 A bright 
 Idea. 
 
 ARCHIVES. 
 
 to suggest that they might often be employed 
 advantageously in furnishing data to the war 
 office, the home office, the board of trade, the 
 ereat law officers of the crown, and the heads of 
 public schools, or the corresponding departments 
 in various countries. It would be idle to weary 
 the reader by dwelling on the incalculable value 
 which their services, properly directed, would be 
 for the improvement of our military and com- 
 mercial affairs, our laws, and our schools. The 
 advantage of thoroughly practical embassies would 
 soon be felt throughout the whole world. Let us 
 hope, earnestly hope, that the day may be near 
 when the onward march of improvement may 
 sweep away the fusty diplomatic absurdities of 
 the past, and open out a new future, such as may 
 establish peace, international friendship, with 
 mutual assistance and good-will, among all the 
 nations of the earth. 
 
 All embassies are obliged to keep records 
 and registers of every transaction in which 
 they are officially concerned; they are obliged 
 to keep copies of all the despatches and papers 
 that are sent from the embassy, and the origi- 
 nals of all that are received. These are called 
 the archives. When an attaché is the only 
 person left in charge of an embassy during the 
 absence of the chief and the secretary, he is 
 called “ chargé des archives” instead of “ chargé 
 Waffaires.” 
 
 Kélle says, very shrewdly, that a copying 
 machine is the most trusty secretary for all 
 
PASSPORTS. 239 
 
 important documents, and a fire-place the most 
 convenient depositary for cancelled papers. 
 
 _ In foreign missions, the attachés usually write 
 
 all despatches on ordinary occurrences ; the am- 
 bassador only signs them. In English embassies, 
 
 this is seldom the case. A good way to train a good way 
 attachés for their business, would be to make Attaches 
 them draw up reports from their own observation 
 
 of daily occurrences, for the inspection of their 
 
 chief. ‘The ideas of a fresh vigorous young mind, 
 expressed without fear or hesitation, would often 
 
 be of singular advantage, and suggest useful 
 notions to the wisest. 
 
 If such reports were sent in to the foreign 1 Ifit veo 
 
 office at the end of the year, and promotion given clea 
 to those who had most distinguished themselves, 
 there would be a marvellous gain for all parties. 
 It would do away with some natural heart- 
 burning among the youngsters, also, if we made 
 their promotion depend entirely on themselves, 
 their knowledge of their profession, and their 
 services to their country. 
 
 The chief of every diplomatic mission has the Passports. 
 ‘power of issuing passports, and is held responsible 
 for their only being given to proper people. Every 
 passport is therefore carefully registered, and 
 usually countersigned by the attaché or secretary 
 who delivers it. 
 
 Ambassadors are also frequently required to Certificates. 
 sive life certificates, and to attest the legality of 
 any document which may be required in suits 
 before foreign tribunals. According, however, to a 
 
240 
 
 A Sugges- 
 tion. 
 
 Passports 
 
 in Prussia. 
 
 PRUSSIAN PASSPORTS. 
 
 recommendation from the legal advisers of the 
 crown, made in 1849 (re Bayliss), her Britannic 
 majesty’s missions abroad were interdicted from 
 mixing themselves up in any way with private 
 affairs. It is much to be desired, therefore, that 
 certificates of births, deaths, marriages, &c., which 
 may be required for production by foreign tri- 
 bunals, should invariably bear some stamp, seal, 
 or other official mark to prove their authenticity. 
 Very serious results sometimes arise, in conse- 
 quence of the omission of all apparent proof of 
 their legality; and foreign judges have been 
 known to reject them as evidence altogether. 
 
 With respect to passports, the duties of diplo- 
 matic agents are usually very strictly defined. 
 Thus “‘ The General Passport Edict” for Prussia 
 empowers her envoys, residents, and chargés 
 daffaires accredited at foreign courts, her com- 
 mercial agents, and consuls in foreign states, to 
 issue passports; but only to Prussian subjects, 
 diplomatists, and couriers. It declares also that 
 the passports issued by foreign envoys at other 
 courts to the subjects of their sovereign are valid 
 for traversing Prussian states provided they are 
 duly countersigned by the police authorities at 
 the frontiers and other stations.” Prussia has, 
 however, since altered this rule. 
 
 The same edict authorises foreign envoys, 
 ministers resident, and chargés daffaires at the 
 court of Prussia to issue passports for quitting 
 the Prussian dominions; but only to diplomatists, 
 couriers, and subjects of their sovereign. Pass- 
 
JURISDICTION OF AMBASSADORS. Q4) 
 
 ports given to diplomatists must be countersigned 
 by the minister for foreign affairs; and those 
 given to other persons by the minister of police. 
 Without such visas no passports are to be con- 
 sidered valid. 
 
 The present system of passports in the absolute Inthe 
 states 1s far too intricate for explanation. Indeed Monarchies. 
 the granting or refusal of passports in absolute 
 countries depends altogether on circumstances. 
 Persons known to be friendly to the government 
 have no difficulty, others have no facility. British 
 agents abroad never refuse passports to British 
 subjects. There is some difficulty, however, in 
 distinguishing Greeks and Italians from Ionians 
 and Maltese. A great many frauds, therefore, on 
 the revenue of foreign countries are unavoidably 
 committed. 
 
 If a person who has become a naturalised sub- 
 ject of any foreign state return afterwards to his 
 own country, he cannot plead his naturalisation 
 or any privileges thereto belonging against the 
 authorities of his own country. 
 
 Passports and visas are given gratis at British 
 embassies and missions. J oreign countries 
 allow fees to be levied for them at their embassies 
 and missions in the same manner as at our con- 
 sulates. These fees are especially heavy at some 
 of the Spanish and Italian missions. Russian 
 travellers are subject to a heavy tax, but this is 
 also regulated very much by circumstances. 
 
 There appears some doubt as to the extent to Jurisdiction 
 
 which an ambassador may interfere in the affairs sadors. 
 R 
 
242 
 
 JURISDICTION OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 of the subjects of his sovereign. As a general 
 rule they are only to be considered as under the 
 protection of the embassy. ‘hey are only under 
 the jurisdiction of the ambassador when he has 
 been invested with special authority. He some- 
 times, however, exercises a kind of voluntary 
 jurisdiction. On ordinary* occasions he is only 
 authorised to support their interests with the 
 government, and not by any means to endeavour 
 to influence subaltern authorities or to interfere 
 in the disputes of private persons with each 
 other. If the rights of treaty have been infringed, 
 or the law of nations violated, then, and then 
 only, may he remonstrate officially. The utmost 
 he can do in any other case is to countenance the 
 claims of his countrymen by a simple recommen- 
 dation to the authorities. Otherwise he might 
 constantly run a risk of compromising the in- 
 terests and peace of nations by some trifling and 
 personal affair. 
 
 An ambassador should, however, always deem 
 it both honourable and useful to be easy of access, 
 liberal of advice when asked, and prompt to take” 
 an interest in the objects and welfare of the 
 meanest of his countrymen. He should watch 
 over their rights with vigilance, and be always 
 ready to give them a smile and a good word when 
 he can do nothing better for them. 
 
 An ambassador may always exert his influence 
 to obtain judgment in suits pending before the 
 local tribunals when any of his fellow-country- 
 
 * Martens, Guide Dipl., &c., tom. i. p. 181. 
 
, 
 
 JURISDICTION OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 men are implicated. He may endeavour also to 
 obtain more equitable conditions if the decision 
 
 _ has been unjust, or unduly severe towards them. 
 
 This privilege, however, does not permit him to 
 impede the course of justice in any way,* unless 
 he has reason to believe that the authorities have 
 been guilty of some irregularity at variance with 
 the true law of the land. M. de Martens (Guide 
 Diplomatique, tom. 1. p. 134) says also, “Il peut 
 se présenter encore un troisiéme cas ot ]’interven- 
 tion officielle du ministre dans les actes de Il’ad- 
 ministration intérieure du gouvernement prés 
 duquel il est accrédité, devient a la fois un droit 
 et une obligation. Si lagent étranger, dont un 
 des premiers devoirs est de rester au courant de 
 la marche de la législation du pays ou il réside, 
 s'apercoit que telle ou telle loi ou ordonnance, 
 bien que du ressort de l’administration intérieure, 
 porte cependant quelque préjudice aux intéréts de 
 Vétat quil représente, il doit réclamer sur-le- 
 champ, si la chose est d’une évidence incontes- 
 table ; ou bien, s'il croit pouvoir sans inconvénient 
 
 ajourner la réclamation, il doit demander des in- 
 
 structions 4 son gouvernement.’—‘ Par suite de 
 ce méme principe, si l’agent étranger, dont les 
 concitoyens auraient réclamé la protection contre 
 un jugement ou une décision des autorités du pays, 
 est convaincu que la loi a laquelle les juges se 
 sont conformés, est contraire, soit au droit des 
 gens, soit aux conventions existantes entre les 
 deux nations, il devra se prévaloir de cette 
 
 * See Schmelzing, Th. ii. s. 200. 
 
 243 
 
244 
 
 A plain- 
 spoken 
 Briton at 
 Madrid in 
 1819. 
 
 Common 
 Lot of Go- 
 betweens. 
 
 COMMON LOT OF GO-BETWEENS. 
 
 occasion pour demander la révocation d’une telle 
 loi.” 
 
 The intercession or mediation of an envoy in 
 matters relative to the private affairs of his 
 countrymen, is not addressed to the local 
 authorities, but to the court itself, or to the 
 minister for foreign affairs. This may be done 
 in speech or writing, according to circum- 
 stances. 
 
 Schmelzing tells a story of an Englishman of 
 respectability who was at Madrid in 1819. There 
 he thought proper to express publicly his abhor- 
 rence of the cruelties committed by the Spanish 
 government. He was arrested and subjected to 
 an examination, but immediately afterwards set 
 at liberty on the application of the British ambas- 
 sador. In our times, Britons who have got into 
 scrapes with foreign authorities have not been so 
 fortunate. 
 
 Any attempt on the part of an ambassador to 
 interfere in the affairs of the subjects of another 
 sovereign would of course be ill received and im- 
 proper, unless he were also accredited by that 
 sovereign, or left in temporary charge of the 
 embassy by general consent. 
 
 In many states there exist stringent laws for- 
 bidding their subjects from seeking all aid or 
 protection from foreign ambassadors. 
 
 Schmalz gives a pertinent example of the im- 
 propriety of all interference on the part of an 
 ambassador with the affairs of any persons but 
 the subjects of his own sovereign. It appears 
 
WARNINGS TO BUSY-BODIES. 
 
 that M. v. Hoey, the Dutch ambassador at Paris 
 in 1746, was often entrusted with the transmission 
 of propositions between France and England, 
 which were then as usual at war. At last the 
 Dutch diplomatist ventured so far, at the request 
 of the court of Versailles, as to forward an appli- 
 cation to London for clemency towards the pre- 
 tender and his adherents. Motives of humanity 
 are said to have induced him to do this. The 
 court of St. James’s, however, indignantly asked 
 if he had been authorised by his government to 
 act thus? and the end of the matter was that he 
 received a severe reprimand from the states- 
 general, and was reduced to the mortifying neces- 
 sity of acknowledging his error and sending an 
 apology for his presumption to the offended 
 majesty of Great Britain. 
 
 An ambassador should in no case interfere Warni 
 é P o Bus 
 with the internal government of the country in bodies. 
 
 ‘which he resides. | 
 
 He should especially avoid uttering any cen- 
 sures on passing political events there, or on the 
 -acts of the government. He is neither a judge 
 or acensor; he is merely an observer. If he 
 does not take the same views of politics as the 
 leading personages of the country in which he 
 resides, he should be careful of expressing either 
 dissent or approbation. After all, the compara- 
 tive advantages of various systems of government 
 are yet undecided, and a foreign court is not the 
 place, or is a diplomatist on a conciliatory mission 
 the person to argue against the established state 
 
 245 
 
 ngs 
 
246 
 
 WARNINGS TO BUSY-BODIES. 
 
 of things in any country.* Where we cannot 
 applaud, however, and will not deceive, it is better 
 to be silent. Nations must not be goaded into 
 war because a blundering ambassador will blurt 
 out his opinions ;° which after all, the experience 
 of mankind may ultimately prove to be incorrect. 
 In ancient times an ambassador seems to have 
 been little better than a spy, an agitator, and a 
 go-between. Let us get rid of such a contemptible 
 idea of his duties as soon as possible. 
 
 In 1747, the British ambassador at Stockholm 
 was very justly censured for committing a breach 
 of the law of nations by interfering in the internal 
 affairs of Sweden. In the capitulations of the 
 Emperor Leopold II., dated 30th September, 
 1790, the eighteenth article expressly stipulates 
 that no foreign ambassador shall henceforth be 
 allowed to interfere with the government of the 
 empire. A similar article will also be found in 
 the capitulation of Francis II. (1792.) The 
 Prince de Repnin, however, the last Russian 
 ambassador at the court of Poland, was the 
 actual sovereign of the country. 
 
 In ordinary cases an ambassador should keep 
 rigidly within the limit of his instructions, lest a 
 spirit of meddling and interference should cause 
 designs to be attributed to his government which 
 they never entertained. His conduct is always 
 watched by vigilant and unfriendly eyes enough. 
 
 * See Steph. Doletus, p. 123, ‘*Legatus non vituperet gentis (in 
 
 qua morata) mores, neque laudet, neque (et ignarus et leviusculus) 
 miretur, sed dissimulet.” 
 
WARNINGS TO BUSY-BODIES. 
 
 He is supposed to do nothing without instruc- 
 tions, and therefore he should be the more 
 cautious of compromising himself by a single 
 imprudent or unjustifiable act. 
 
 The generally received idea of a diplomatist is 
 probably that laid down by Martens (Guide Dip., 
 &¢., tom. 1. p. 187—141): “ L’agent diplomatique 
 n’a la faculté ni d’accorder, ni de refuser, ni de 
 transiger ; il doit se borner au simple exposé 
 officiel des déterminations de sa cour. Mais s’il 
 est un organe sans volonté, il ne doit pas étre 
 pour cela un organe sans intelligence. Hn 
 énoncant les décisions dont il est l’interpréte, il a 
 Vobhigation den plaider la justice et de choisir le 
 temps et les moyens den assurer le succes. Sa 
 responsabilité est tout entiére dans sa fidélité, 
 dans la connaissance des bornes de ses instruc- 
 tions, et dans son exactitude & y conformer sa 
 conduite.”—‘ Toutefois il est important de faire 
 ‘observer que dans toute instruction relative a 
 une discussion de droit, il ya des degrés d’exi- 
 gence ou de condescendance qui semblent laisser 
 une grande latitude au discernement de celui qui 
 doit agir; mais il ne doit pas s’y méprendre: la 
 responsabilité d’un agent nest pas déterminée 
 seulement par les sacrifices quil peut faire ou 
 lexigence quil doit montrer, en mesurant sa 
 conduite sur la marge que lui peut laisser la 
 teneur de ses instructions; c’est a dire, qu'il ne 
 suffit pas de bien faire pour mettre sa responsa- 
 bilité & couvert, mais que le désir de faire le 
 mieux possible, entre essentiellement dans les 
 
 47 
 
248 
 
 WARNINGS TO BUSY-BODIES. 
 
 devoirs de sa mission. Ce mieux possible doit 
 étre sans cesse en perspective devant lui, et en 
 animant son zéle, encourager ses efforts; et ce 
 sera alors d’aprés ses efforts seuls, et non d’aprés 
 les résultats, que sa conduite sera jugée,” Xe. 
 Ido not quite agree with the opinion of De 
 Martens, because it seems to me that the instruc- 
 tions given to an ambassador can never be suffi- 
 ciently minute and ample to meet every possible 
 emergency. It is as well, therefore, on the one 
 hand, to leave as large a margin as possible, and 
 on the other to take as little. An ambassador, 
 however, 1s not a machine; he is a man, and 
 should be a statesman, keen, prudent, observant, 
 quick-witted. ‘Therefore when he, being a sen- 
 sible man, fully impressed with the advantages 
 desired by his government, sees cause to deviate 
 from the tenor of his instructions, it is quite as 
 well that he should have the power to do so, 
 bearing, of course, the entire hazard and respon- 
 sibility of such conduct. It is unwise to check 
 the inspirations of genius by dull rules, while the 
 fear of consequences would always keep timid 
 mediocrity in the ranks. An example-occurs to 
 me in support of this. Wolsey was despatched 
 by Henry VII. on an embassy to Maximilian in 
 the Netherlands; but he deviated altogether from 
 the letter of his instructions to carry out the 
 spirit, and thus laid the foundation of his fame 
 and favour. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 M. le Coq in Moroceco.—Emergencies.—The Art of Negotiating.— 
 Small Diplomatists.—Public Rejoicings.—Means of Obtaining 
 Information at Foreign Courts.—Responsibility of Ambassadors. 
 —Negotiations in Writing.—Note Verbale.—Perfect Equality 
 among Independent States.—The Latin Language.—The Lan- 
 guages of Diplomacy. 
 
 Ir is sometimes not a little difficult to make M. Le Coq in 
 the objects of a mission clear to the potentate baer 
 with whom the diplomatist may have to negotiate. 
 Semilasso gives us a very good story in point. 
 
 It is about a certain M. le Coq, who was sent on a 
 mission to Morocco, in order to recover indemnity 
 for six Belgian vessels which had been plundered 
 ' by the Moors. Fully persuaded that neither the 
 sultan or his ministers knew half as much about 
 Belgium as we know of the moon, he resolved 
 . gradually to enlighten them on the subject before 
 entering on the business of his negotiation. At 
 Gibraltar, therefore, he purchased an immense 
 map, which he caused to be brightly coloured, 
 and on which Belgium appeared one of the 
 largest kingdoms of the earth. France, Holland, 
 and Germany, were almost entirely swallowed up 
 by the “ Royaume de Belgique” of M. le Cog. 
 Having thus secured his country so favourable a 
 position, it was necessary to explain how it got 
 
250 
 
 M. LE COQ IN MOROCCO. 
 
 there, and as an illustration he chose the recent 
 
 ‘case of Algiers, the only state in the world of 
 
 which the sultan or his ministers had probably 
 any real knowledge. So the fluent tongue of M. 
 le Coq proceeded to tell the sultan and his oozier 
 that a contemptible people called the Dutch had 
 in former times assailed the renowned kingdom 
 of Belgium, much in the same way as that pesti- 
 lent race the French had recently attacked 
 Algiers. In the end, however, they had met 
 with the fate which would infallibly await the 
 French, and had been driven like chaff before the 
 wind by the true believers of Belgium, who had 
 thus recently regained their country. The sultan 
 and his court were so enchanted by M. le Coq’s 
 historical knowledge and excellent principles, that 
 they at once resolved to comply with his request, 
 and entertained every proper respect for the 
 kingdom of Belgium for some time afterwards. 
 My own personal experience, however, comes 
 to my aid here, and I think I am able to say that 
 M. le Coq’s ruse was ultimately of disadvantage 
 to his country, as tricks, however well meant, 
 always are. I think the true size and importance 
 of the ‘“ Royaume de Belgique” must have at 
 last transpired, for I remember that a gentleman 
 who was sent as consul to Morocco some years 
 afterwards was very ill received, and I think 
 suffered some insult from the authorities. The 
 inevitable penalty of claiming too much respect, 
 is to receive too little. Besides, M. le Coq was 
 in the right, and there were a thousand ways by 
 
EMERGENCIES. 
 
 which he could have accomplished his mission 
 without any fanfaronade. 
 
 One of the most important parts of an ambas- 
 sador’s duties 1s to be prepared for emergencies. 
 He never knows what subject may suddenly 
 grow of importance. If there are any dormant 
 claims or matters of dispute between the two 
 nations, he should carefully acquire and arrange 
 every possible hint or information which may 
 ultimately be of use. He should endeavour to 
 form a judgment in advance on all points of con- 
 tention likely to arise at any time between the 
 two countries. He should have well digested 
 memoranda on these subjects ready whenever 
 occasion may require. If a case on which he 
 has spent much care and pains should not come 
 to an issue in his time, his judgment and expe- 
 rience may be of inestimable value to his suc- 
 cessor, or they may serve as welcome hints to his 
 government, in case of a similar discussion with 
 any other state. Sometimes, also, a careful 
 study of all existing relations between his own 
 - country and that to which he is accredited, may 
 point out to him a favourable opportunity for 
 obtaining the resignation of some claim which 
 might menace future trouble or inconvenience. 
 When an ambassador is fully up to his work he 
 can make every clause in a treaty, every word in 
 a clause available for some useful object. This 
 is a very different thing, however, to stirring up 
 trouble. He must let well alone, but be always 
 ready to seize an advantageous occasion of avert- 
 
 Emergen- 
 cies, 
 
252 
 
 The Art of 
 Negotiating. 
 
 THE ART OF NEGOTIATING, 
 
 ing probable evils. His motto should be “ Ready, 
 ay ready!” 
 
 Whatever be the line of policy an ambassador 
 is directed to pursue, he should always endea- 
 vour to remain personally popular. He should 
 thoroughly understand how to put a good face 
 on a bad business. He should have a perfect 
 command of temper and countenance. He 
 should never allow a single personal feeling to 
 interfere with his public duties. He should 
 righteously guard against the vanity of endea- 
 vouring to bring his negotiations to a brilliant 
 and speedy conclusion, lest it lead him into error 
 and imprudence. Let us hope that no British 
 gentleman could be now found to negotiate for 
 unjust objects: while, if a negotiator has right 
 on his side, he will seldom find any allies so 
 valuable as time and caution; or any foe to 
 success so redoubtable as haste. 
 
 He must be careful to distinguish between 
 the language and intentions of those with whom 
 he treats. He will find that people very often 
 talk themselves into a complying mood; and even 
 ministers are sometimes more anxious to be 
 heard and admired for new and brilliant theories 
 than desirous to enforce them. It is as well to 
 give people credit for honesty of purpose if you 
 wish them really to show it; for if we evince a 
 vulgar disposition to suspect evil, our irritated 
 adversaries will feel less scruple in verifying our 
 suspicions. On the other hand, a wholesome 
 vanity renders men desirous of proving them- 
 
THE ART OF NEGOTIATING. 
 
 selyes worthy of our good opinion. I apprehend 
 that the prime fault of all recent negotiations 
 with Russia was an evident predisposition to 
 suspect her designs. A negotiator should not 
 only be a sound and logical reasoner, but also a 
 pleasant and a graceful one. His dissent should 
 never carry a sting with it. He should be invul- 
 nerable to the very weapons he uses against 
 others, and never suffer himself to be talked 
 away from his point. He should be espe- 
 cially careful of suggesting objections for the 
 purpose of refuting them, as such are sometimes 
 eagerly caught at when the argument against him 
 had been otherwise exhausted. This is giving 
 ammunition to the enemy. Facts and logic 
 from pleasant lips—these should be his strongest 
 weapons. People cannot and should not be 
 wheedled out of improper concessions. Unhap- 
 pily, however, public men as well as private ones 
 are led more by their interests and passions than 
 by. their reason, so that a keen insight into 
 human nature will always be necessary to the 
 success of a negotiator in the best sense of the 
 word. 
 
 Perhaps one of the most finished arts of nego- 
 tiation is to endeavour to instil our ideas drop by 
 drop with happy carelessness into the minds of 
 others, and get them to adopt our views uncon- 
 sciously. A man will always give what he fancies 
 are his own opinions a warmer welcome than 
 those of other people. Many persons also shrink 
 from a new idea when introduced to them too 
 
 2538 
 
THE ART OF NEGOTIATING. 
 
 abruptly ; and a man once startled in this way is 
 not easily dealt with afterwards. 
 
 One of the first qualifications for success is to 
 have a clear practical idea of the pomt to be 
 obtained. It 1s as well, then, to remember that 
 people are not to be moved by any advantages or 
 disadvantages to you, but that they will have a 
 marvellously quick ear for theirown. If you can 
 once convince any people that what you desire is 
 really for their benefit, you will have small diffi- 
 culty in carrying your point. Now those things 
 which are right in themselves are always most for 
 the true interests of all parties concerned. Suc- 
 cess or failure in a good cause, therefore, solely, 
 wholly, and absolutely depends on the abilities of 
 the negotiator. It is the fault undoubtedly; and 
 it is the disgrace of any diplomatist who fails in 
 a mission with justice on his side. 
 
 Oh! this Russian business, what a weary and 
 shameful series of blunders it has been! If one 
 man employed had understood his duty, this war 
 would have been impossible. Such a statement 
 as this may smack of presumption, perhaps of im- 
 pertinence ; but itis true, and, by the living God, 
 I know it! J have watched that dreadful game 
 played out by hands so nerveless, and with lips 
 so pale yet rash, that I have shuddered with im- 
 patience and disgust. Any man indeed who 
 brought a fresh and unprejudiced mind to bear 
 on the question must have felt like a looker-on 
 with his eyes open watching the mistakes of two 
 blindfolded chess-players. If any reader should 
 
THE ART OF NEGOTIATING. 
 
 say, it is easy to make such a statement as this, 
 let me add, it would be easier far to pour out an 
 indignant torrent of proofs. The only difficulty 
 is to restrain it. 
 
 But I am treating of the art of negotiating, not 
 the history of failures. To sum up, then, in a few 
 terse maxims. Do not make a parade of busi- 
 ness: do not appear always in harness—you will 
 get on quite as fast. Understand your mission, 
 and pursue it. Learn to appreciate the true 
 character and requirements of the age: render 
 yourself necessary to improvement and progress. 
 Never get angry. LHfface, by your own example, 
 all prejudice against your countrymen. Seek an 
 honest renown. Associate with those from whom 
 you can be always learning something—how to be 
 better, wiser, or wittier. Learn to suit your 
 subject to your listener. Moderate your imagina- 
 tion. Study character; not an observation will 
 ~be thrown away. - Have no absurd mysteries and 
 pretensions about you. Seem to all men what 
 you really are—neither more or less. Bumptious- 
 “ness may impose on silly people for a time, but 
 in the end it is merely ridiculous. See your way 
 out of a wood before you venture into it. Pre- 
 pare for emergencies beforehand. Be easy of 
 access. Be always ready to hear useful intelli- 
 gence, no matter whence it comes. Your own 
 prudence will judge of its value. Accommodate 
 yourself to all sorts of people; that is, know 
 them, and know all about them. Be merry and 
 wise, genial and sociable. Make friends where- 
 
 255 
 
256 
 
 THE ART OF NEGOTIATING. 
 
 ever you can honestly do so. Do not be always 
 in the clouds—a Jove too majestic to be useful. 
 Act without being haunted by the fear of failure. 
 Propose to yourself right objects, pursue them as 
 justly and wisely as you can, and trust the rest to 
 Providence; it will seldom fail you. Bonne Espe- 
 rance et droit en avant. Do not show your weak 
 point, or everybody will knock against it. If you 
 have a sore place, never complain, or somebody 
 will always contrive to be rubbing it. Your 
 resentment will appear the best joke possible, 
 and malice will delight in stirring you up. Never 
 abuse any favour or influence you may enjoy. 
 Great friends are for great occasions. It is but 
 squandering your interest to use it on Little things. 
 Do not be too obsequious; it is a sort of deceit, 
 and will infallibly make people suspect you of 
 sinister designs. Beware of making promises; 
 but never break your word when given. You 
 may see the most serious disadvantage in keeping 
 it, but you will reap the benefit of having done so 
 in the end. Have no dealings with bribery and 
 secret-service money. ‘They can never be neces- 
 sary for honest objects. ‘They are the resources 
 of folly—incapacity. A wise man should be 
 ashamed of them. Politeness is a debt due to 
 every one, but excessive subservience is a lie: 
 the man who is guilty of it is not courteous, but 
 slavish. It is an improper homage to mere rank 
 and fortune; for nobody stoops to flatter the 
 most transcendent merit without them. If you 
 give, do so gracefully, so as to make the manner 
 
SMALL DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 as acceptable as the concession. Strive to be 
 essentially a gentleman. Do not condescend to 
 oppose cunning to cunning, trick by trick ; learn 
 to acquire that nameless something, which gives a 
 grace to all your words, and a sense and spirit to 
 all your actions, which is the last finishing polish 
 to every good quality. 
 
 Know how to prepare any business of import- 
 ance, and remember that we cannot sow and reap 
 atthe same time. Lastly, a clever, or even a 
 good-natured man will take care to conform to all 
 innocent local customs, and to avoid in any way 
 shocking the religious prejudices of the people 
 among whom he lives. If you cannot acquire all 
 the qualifications of a diplomatist, try to attain 
 as many as possible; or change your profession 
 before you come to public disgrace, and are driven 
 out of it by the curses of a betrayed and indig- 
 nant people. I foresee that diplomatists will be 
 looked after much more closely than they have 
 been; soit will be well for them to choose in 
 time. Of all diplomatists on the face of the 
 earth, perhaps the envoys of some of the petty 
 German and Italian states are the most tho- 
 roughly convinced of their own importance. They 
 are diplomatising all day long; and they dream 
 of nothing but the wiles and tricks of political 
 charlatans. At the theatre, or in the ball-room, 
 in private or in public, they surround themselves 
 always with the same cloudy and mysterious atmo- 
 sphere. There is a laughable story told some- 
 where of one of them, and I have not the least 
 
 8 
 
 Q 
 
 Small 
 Diploma- 
 tists. 
 
 T 
 
258 
 
 SMALL DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 doubt of its truth. It is said that somebody 
 calling to inquire after his health, was answered, 
 that “ his excellency had taken advantage of the 
 opportunity to die last night with the utmost 
 secrecy and confidence: but had left word that 
 this circumstance was on no account to be made 
 public till his burial.” 
 
 These diplomatic geniuses form, perhaps, the 
 strangest class of men who ever wearied the 
 world. ‘They are close-hearted to a degree that 
 is positively astounding. They never can pos- 
 sibly have any business to transact which is not 
 town-talk at every capital in Europe; but they 
 are enamoured of mystery. They hum opera 
 airs, and varnish their toes in the strictest seclu- 
 sion. One of them would not allow it to transpire 
 that he had dined on roast goose and plums for 
 any consideration which could be offered him. 
 He goes to bed and gets up again in silence and 
 darkness. A creaking bed would be the plague 
 of his life. If you meet him in an unaccustomed 
 place, no human power would induce him to 
 reveal the manner in which he got there. He 
 conceals trifles with such a wiseacre air of 
 
 - importance as quite takes your breath away, and 
 
 fills you with alarm till you find him out. He is 
 so accustomed to groping his own way in the 
 dark, that he is hopelessly blinded if you show 
 him alight. Talleyrand was quite right when he 
 said that the right way to puzzle such folk was to 
 tell them the truth. 
 
 I never knew but one very intimately; he was 
 
SMALL DIPLOMATISTS. 
 
 a quiet, pleasant, straightforward man of the 
 world. He had conducted some very difficult 
 negotiations also, so much to the satisfaction of 
 his sovereign, that he had received the grand 
 cross of St. Something (I forget what), and the 
 Hxcellenz-titel—a mighty thing in Germany. It 
 was quite refreshing to witness, however, the way 
 in which his frank and open manner disturbed 
 his colleagues. They used to shake their won- 
 derful wigs and belted-up little bodies, and say, 
 “P. is an excellent fellow; but he does not 
 understand his profession. He should have been 
 a—a—a—Joan Boule! Gohn Bull). Imagine 
 only a diplomatist who rides at six o’clock in the 
 morning, and goes fishing twice a-week, and then 
 (this would be said in a voice of delicious con- 
 tempt) he actually went to a—a—dinner, at the 
 palace of the Prince of the Towering Taxes, in 
 white gloves, although his effulgency was in 
 mourning for a distant connexion of the All- 
 highest family.” The time of trial came, how- 
 ever, and my friend carried his point, while these 
 ‘worthies were floundering about, as usual, in a 
 perfect sea of nonsense. 
 
 Be it understood that I am not writing against 
 forms and ceremonies. ‘l‘hey are often vastly 
 useful things in their way; but foreign diplo- 
 matists of the last generation (for I am of course 
 describing an extinct race) were rather too fond 
 of them. I shall sum up these observations, 
 already too long, by three maxims, all from the 
 
 lips of famous men, but premising that I do not 
 8 2 
 
 259 
 
260 
 
 Public 
 rejoicings. 
 
 Means of 
 obtaining 
 information 
 at Foreign 
 Courts. 
 
 MEANS OF OBTAINING INFORMATION. 
 
 agree with any of them: “'Tenez bonne table et 
 soignez les femmes,” said Napoleon, tersely. 
 “Surtout point de zéle,’ quoth the caustic 
 Talleyrand. ‘Listen,’ observed one who seems 
 to have been born in a mask, “ and look, but tell 
 and show nothing.” 
 
 It has been sometimes held that an ambassador 
 is bound to take part in public rejoicings at the 
 eourt to which he is accredited; and Cardinal 
 Acciajuoli, a papal legate at Lisbon, in 1760, got 
 into a sad scrape by not doing so. He was 
 expelled from the capital of Portugal, in three 
 hours, for refusing to ight up his house during a 
 general illumination for the marriage of King 
 Joseph’s daughter. In this case, however, there 
 was a previous desire to get rid of the cardinal 
 legate, and the Portuguese court were glad of an 
 opportunity. 
 
 If an ambassador is denied the use of bribery 
 and secret service money, a question at first sight 
 may arise as to how he is to obtain information. 
 I apprehend, however, that he will not have any 
 serious difficulty on this subject. Persons who 
 would be utterly incapable of receiving a bribe, 
 are still open to the influence of a good dinner 
 and pleasant companionship. All people are, 
 moreover, naturally communicative to a man they 
 like and respect. Everything that is worth 
 knowing transpires naturally. The late Sir 
 Charles Bagot used to say to his attachés, “ Tell 
 me anything which is the talk of the coteries and 
 clubs, but I never wish to hear secrets.” The 
 
MEANS OF OBTAINING INFORMATION. 
 
 fact is, almost all secrets are equally worthless 
 and unimportant. When they become serious, 
 they become known. An ambassador who is per- 
 sonally popular—who is on intimate terms with 
 a few members of the government and one or two 
 of the leaders of the opposition—can always find 
 the thread of any labyrinth, if it is worth his 
 while to look for it. He must not, indeed, make 
 his house a rendezvous for the disaffected ; but he 
 can always see a sufficient number of persons 
 whose interests and opinions clash, to learn what 
 is really going forward. In all countries there is 
 a vigilant and envious opposition, if only between 
 rival courtiers; and disappoimtment is open- 
 mouthed. Besides, an observant man who really 
 lives a good deal in society, learns everything it 
 is needful for him to know, without asking. In 
 hberal countries the editors of leading newspapers 
 are good people to know. <A high-principled man 
 would of course utterly scorn any attempt to 
 influence them, or to parade himself before the 
 public; but it is well to have a channel open for 
 explanations in any case of difficulty. The press 
 of all liberal countries absolutely sways public 
 opinion in many cases. It is right to conciliate 
 so mighty an interest by all prudent and honour- 
 able means. It may be of infinite advantage on 
 all affairs which will bear the light; for it will 
 always rather take the side of justice and reason 
 than any other. Jam very much mistaken, also, 
 if the publicists of to-day will not be the states- 
 men and rulers of to-morrow. America already 
 
 261 
 
262 
 
 Responsi- 
 bility of Am- 
 bassador. 
 
 RESPONSIBILITY OF AMBASSADORS. 
 
 makes them cabinet ministers and diplomatists. 
 Britain will some day do the same. 
 
 Sometimes occasions arise in which ambassa- 
 dors have to treat with their colleagues on some 
 subject of common interest. Sometimes they 
 are instructed by their governments to give aid 
 and support to each other, and act together in 
 case of need. Thus, in Article X. of a treaty of 
 alliance, concluded at Toéplitz, between Austria 
 and Russia, 28th August—9th Sept., 1813, I find 
 the following passage :—‘ Les envoyés et ambas- 
 sadeurs des hautes parties contractantes, aupres 
 des cours étrangéres receyront ordre de se sou- 
 tenir par des interventions mutuelles, et d’agir par- 
 faitement d’intelligence dans toutes les occasions 
 qui concernent les intéréts de leur souverains.” 
 
 An ambassador should pay complete respect 
 to the neutrality of any state which has declined 
 to take part in a war in which his own country is 
 engaged. He is therefore bound to treat the 
 diplomatists of hostile powers with all possible 
 courtesy. He may even thus place himself in a 
 position to be of essential service to his country 
 in time of need. If he fails in this duty, he 
 may be expelled from the court to which he is 
 accredited, or formal satisfaction for his mis- 
 conduct may be demanded of the government he 
 represents.” 
 
 It is not easy to say in what case an ambassa- 
 dor may be justified in departing from the strict 
 letter of his instructions.* In these days of 
 
 * Vide De Martens, Guide Diplomatique, v. i. pp. 150—152. 
 
NEGOTIATIONS IN WRITING. 
 
 steam and electric telegraphs his discretion is 
 seldom very sorely tried. We must not forget, 
 however, that one of the first consequences of a 
 war in Europe would probably be the destruction 
 of railways and telegraphs, or their seizure by 
 hostile parties. We must not, therefore, count 
 too absolutely on modern improvements. Per- 
 haps it may be laid down as a rule, that if a 
 thorough knowledge of the objects and policy of 
 his government justifies an ambassador in depart- 
 ing from his instructions, he should only do so 
 when he can convey early intelligence of the fact 
 to his government, as any uncertainty as to the 
 course he had pursued might plunge them into 
 serious difficulties. His acts, however, in such a 
 case, would not be binding till they were ratified 
 by his superiors; and of course he would have 
 incurred a crushing responsibility if he had been 
 led into error or imprudence. The question is 
 “really of more importance to the ambassador 
 personally than to his government; for they 
 would be perfectly justified in repudiating his 
 - acts, whereas he could hardly escape the blasting 
 consequences of his self-willed folly in case of 
 failure. 
 
 263 
 
 Lengthy negotiations are usually carried on in Negotia- 
 writing, to prevent misunderstandings, and writing. 
 
 because numerous petty scruples and difficulties 
 are best ignored and disposed of in this way. 
 Nevertheless, written negotiations are notoriously 
 open to many objections. A spoken word may 
 be recalled or explained away. It may be thrown 
 
264 
 
 Note 
 verbale. 
 
 NOTE VERBALE. 
 
 out to sound the depth of troubled waters, and 
 even the tone in which it is uttered may mate- 
 rially modify its meaning. But that which is 
 written is at the mercy of every ill-disposed 
 adversary, who may twist and turn it which way 
 he will. I remember hearing a wily old gentle- 
 man once say, “Do not speak to me of the 
 eloquence of italics: I wish some mark was in- 
 vented to diminish the emphasis of words instead 
 of adding to it.” To reconcile these two opposite 
 difficulties, certain diplomatic worthies invented 
 a double-faced document called a note verbale, or 
 summary of conversation. ‘These notes are not 
 signed. Their object is merely to refresh the 
 diplomatic memory, which is rather too apt to 
 tire and trip up. ‘They are supposed, by a 
 pleasant little fiction, to combine all the advan- 
 tages of writing and conversation. ‘Thus, if an 
 ambassador finds he has just hit the mght 
 argument, and pursued it to a satisfactory con- 
 clusion—if all parties agree about the state of 
 affairs, and there is not a hitch anywhere—the 
 note verbale is signed and becomes a great fact. 
 If there has been any mistake, it is twisted and 
 tortured all manner of ways till it becomes satis- 
 factory, or it is withdrawn and __ stultified 
 altogether. To be brief, all communications 
 which are to be considered as official must be 
 signed by the ambassador; but preliminary and 
 unofficial papers are sent without signature.* All 
 
 * See Mémoires du Comte d’Avaux, tom. ii. p. 127; tom. iv. 
 pp. 353—303 ; De Wicquefort, tom. ii. § 8; Ahnert, Th. ii. p. 97; 
 
LANGUAGES EMPLOYED IN NEGOTIATIONS. 265 
 
 independent states negotiate with each other on Perfect 
 terms of perfect equality. All states are entitled sonong In 
 to carry on their negotiations in their own states. 
 language; but they cannot require that any other 
 state shall adopt that language in treating with 
 them. ‘Thus, the communication which an am- 
 bassador sends to a foreign government will 
 usually be in his own language, while the com- 
 munications he receives will be in theirs; so that 
 both parties may be obliged to employ interpre- 
 ters to understand each other’s meaning. ‘There 
 can be no doubt that the want of a universal 
 language is as severely felt as the want of a 
 universal currency. But great statesmen are not 
 all great linguists; and the most masterly argu- 
 ment would appear poor and weak, perhaps 
 absurd, in a language with which its author was 
 not thoroughly acquainted. ‘Thus, every state 
 must grant the same privilege which it takes. 
 Sometimes, however, a translation may be re- 
 quired ; for every state has a right to require that 
 demands or explanations shall be presented to it 
 ‘in an intelligible manner. : 
 Formerly, Latin was adopted as a common The Latin 
 ; anguage. 
 language. ‘This was partly succeeded by Spanish 
 during the immense preponderance of Spain in 
 the European system. In latter times, French 
 has been the most current language of diplomacy ; 
 but its use is by no means universal or even 
 common. ‘The treaties of Osnabruck and 
 
 Schmalz, pp. 101, 102 ; Schmelzing, Th. ii. pp. 205, 206 ; Kliiber, 
 Bd. i. § 813; De Martens, Précis, &c., tom. ii. p. 115. 
 
266 
 
 LANGUAGES EMPLOYED IN NEGOTIATIONS. 
 
 Miinster in 1648; of Utrecht in 1718; of Baden 
 in 1714; of Vienna im 1725 and 1728; the 
 Quadruple Alliance, signed at London in 1718, 
 were all drawn up in Latin. In 1752 the 
 Austrian ambassador made an address in Latin 
 to the King of Naples. The treaty of Limeville 
 in 1801 was drawn up in French, but ratified by 
 the Emperor of Germany in Latin. The nego- 
 tiations of most of the Belgian ambassadors in 
 the time of Charles V. were carried on in German. 
 Livery state may, indeed, employ its own lan- 
 guage; and when it consents to employ that of 
 the state with which it is negotiating, or a dead 
 or neutral language, it is usually expressly 
 stated at the time, that this fact shall not be 
 construed into a precedent on any future 
 occasion.* 
 
 Nevertheless, since the middle of the eighteenth 
 century French has always maintained its ascen- 
 dancy; and, in some cases, states actually speak- 
 ing the same language have employed it in their 
 diplomatic intercourse with each other. 
 
 The German Confederation, in a protocol dated 
 June 12th, 1817, resolved to employ German 
 henceforth in their intercourse with foreign states. 
 They consented, however, to add a Latin or 
 French translation. ‘The treaties concluded with 
 
 * See Art. 120 of the Acts of the Vienna Congress, June 9, 1815. 
 Even then, however, Austria and the Papal Court negotiated in 
 Latin, and the German States among each other used German. 
 The Protest of Pius VII., dated 14th June, 1815, and the Austrian 
 
 Ratification of the Swiss Confederacy, 20th May, 1815, are both in 
 Latin. 
 
LANGUAGES EMPLOYED IN NEGOTIATIONS. 
 
 the Porte were usually translated into several 
 Kuropean languages. Mr. Canning was the first 
 English’ statesman who directed our diplomatists 
 to confine themselves exclusively to English in 
 their business with foreign governments. This 
 rule is obviously right and proper; for it would 
 be an uncourteous supposition to assume that 
 any foreign-office would not have some person in 
 its employment who could make a satisfactory 
 translation of an official document in any lan- 
 guage whatsoever. On the other hand, it is 
 essentially necessary that the writer of an official 
 document should perfectly understand the value 
 of every word he uses. 
 
 The plan generally adopted is for each party to 
 use their own language, and for the ambassadors 
 to annex translations of the documents he 
 receives, on transmitting them to his own govern- 
 ment. It is needless to add that French is 
 ‘almost the universal language of personal inter- 
 course, though I verily believe that every nation 
 speaks a peculiar dialect, by which a practised 
 
 -ear could discover his nationality at once. 
 
 The importance of diplomatic communications 
 necessarily requires that certain customary forms 
 shall be used on all sides; that persons shall be 
 addressed by their titles of honour; and, in short, 
 that there shall be as many moral buffers as 
 possible, to avoid the shock of collision. Diplo- 
 matic interviews at Venice must have been an 
 awful business in former times. The wretched 
 negotiator was obliged to appear before a college 
 
 267 
 
PRIVATE AUDIENCES WITH KINGS. 
 
 of six-and-twenty members, all armed at every 
 point, and prepared to give him a puzzling recep- 
 tion. Those who know what it is to deal with 
 two or three cross-grained elderly gentlemen 
 gathered together, may understand how pleasantly 
 his business must have gone on, better than I can 
 describe it. ) 
 
 Kings sometimes, formerly, bound themselves 
 to grant audiences to ambassadors whenever the 
 nature of their business required a personal con- 
 ference.* An ambassador, however, cannot in 
 ordinary cases insist upon an audience with the 
 sovereign. Private audiences are indeed sel- 
 dom refused on any occasion when an ambas- 
 sador may deem them necessary. It depends 
 on the constitution of different states whether 
 the minister for foreign affairs is necessarily 
 present at such audiences or otherwise. Direct 
 negotiations with a sovereign take place very 
 seldom. | 
 
 * See Konigs Joseph Wahl-Capitulation, d. 24ten Januar, 1690, 
 Art. 38, 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 =o 
 
 Ceremonies. — Treaty between France and Austria, 1809.—The 
 Italian Courts.—The Old Court of France.—Princesses of the 
 Blood Royal. — Royal Martyrs. — Official Rank. — Rank of 
 European States.-—-Precedence of the Pope.—The Emperor of 
 Germany and the Sultan.—Precedence of Kings.—Republics.— 
 
 ~ States of the German Empire.—Coronation of Napoleon I.— 
 Disputes.—Wrangling Peace-makers. 
 
 In ancient times ambassadors were treated with Ceremonies. 
 very little ceremony. They were received by the 
 authorities to whom they were sent, delivered 
 their message verbally, and obtained their answer 
 in the same way. If their business was of little 
 importance or easily concluded, their first audi- 
 ence with a foreign sovereign was also the last. 
 Even at the Papal court, both in Rome and 
 Avignon, these simple customs endured for ages. 
 The ceremonies usual at the reception, audiences, 
 -and departure of ambassadors do not appear to 
 have been known generally in Europe till after 
 the great congresses of Osnabruck, Miinster, 
 Nimuegen, and Ryswick.* 
 
 In the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth 
 
 * See Gregorio Leti, Il Ceremoniale Historico e Politico, part vi. 
 p. 400.—De Calliéres, ch. x. G. F. De Martens (Cours Diplo- 
 matique, &c. tom. iii.)—For Spain, p. 169; France, p. 36; Great 
 Britain, p. 253; Batavian Republic, p. 311; Denmark, p. 361; 
 Sweden, p. 400; Russia, p. 431; Prussia, p. 463; Turkey, p. 463. 
 Compare also Schmelzing, Kliiber, Reumont, and De Real. 
 
270 
 
 Treaty 
 between 
 France and 
 Austria in 
 
 CEREMONIES. 
 
 centuries, the absurd pretensions of ambas- 
 sadors were an annoyance to all Europe. I find 
 in the History of the Peace of Ryswick that the 
 mediator being desirous of avoiding the ceremony 
 of notifying the death of his sovereign to his col- 
 leagues separately, announced it verbally in full 
 congress, and received the usual compliments and 
 condolences at the same time.* Having spent 
 two or three centuries in the invention of the 
 most extravagant formalities, it became necessary 
 to exhaust every device of ingenuity to get rid of 
 them. At the Congress of Vienna the ceremonies 
 and nonsense required, before a few gentlemen 
 could sit down together and discuss the objects of 
 their assembly, were so troublesome, that several 
 of the advanced reformers among the diplomatists 
 present proposed to abolish the ceremonies alto- 
 gether. This, however, proved impossible, and 
 they were at last regulated as nearly as practi- 
 cable on the plan of preceding congresses. In 
 Article XVII. of the treaty concluded at Vienna 
 between France and Austria (Oct. 14, 1809), I 
 find diplomatic ceremonies the subject of special 
 stipulation. “‘ Sa Majesté !Empereur d’Autriche, 
 Roi d’Hongrie et de Bohéme, et Sa Majesté 
 L’Empereur des Francais, Roi d’Italie, conserve- 
 ront entre eux le méme cérémoniel, quant aux 
 rang et autres étiquettes, que celui qui a été 
 observé avant la presente guerre.” 
 
 * Compare Jer. Hoffmann, Disp. Polit. exhibens notas legati 
 subtilis et inepti: ‘‘Legatus bonus magister ceremoniarum lau- 
 datur, sed nimia earum subtilitas improbatur.” 
 
CEREMONIES. 
 
 Sir William Temple used to say very finely on 
 this subject, that the extraordinary yet petty pre- 
 ‘tensions of ambassadors had evidently been 
 originated by men who were unable to “make 
 themselves beloved.” They wished to be able to 
 insist on the external appearance of a respect 
 they could not win. “I believe, however,” he 
 adds, “that ambassadors would not take so much 
 trouble to maintain their dignity im trifles, if 
 they possessed more judgment to assert them- 
 selves on such occasions as really affect the honor 
 and welfare of states.” 
 
 271 
 
 The small Italian courts seem to have first in- due laas 
 
 troduced diplomatic ceremonies, and to have been 
 always extremely anxious about them. Previous 
 
 to the first revolution, also, the court of France The old 
 ourt Oo 
 
 delighted to distinguish itself by the perfection of France. 
 
 its etiquette. At all public festivals, the births, 
 deaths, and marriages of royal personages, in a 
 ‘word, whenever an occasion presented itself for 
 the observance of some extravagant ceremony, 
 all those old dukes and marshals, all those gay 
 _ supping marquises, and succulent young abbés, 
 were as grave as so many Scotch lawyers. Court 
 ceremonies were the true business of their worth- 
 less butterfly lives. If a great general returned 
 from a victorious campaign, during which he had 
 shed his blood for their ridiculous existence, 
 straightway they held preposterous discussions as 
 to whether he should be allowed to walk up and 
 down some staircase which was used by the king’s 
 pimps and mistresses; or pass through an arch- 
 
272 
 
 Princesses 
 of the bloo 
 royal. 
 
 Royal 
 martyrs. 
 
 CEREMONIES. 
 
 way or a gate which was generally kept closed. 
 The princesses of the blood received the visits of 
 ambassadors lying down, lest they should be 
 obliged to rise and accompany them to the door. 
 A cardinal who paid a visit to one of the ladies of 
 the royal family was not allowed to take leave till 
 her highness had twice addressed him by the 
 title of “your eminence.” After this, however, 
 he was not permitted to remain, and the moment 
 the princess used these words a second time, the 
 cardinal was bound to depart from her presence 
 with the utmost alacrity. 
 
 At the court of Spain the laws of etiquette were 
 still more strict. It is said that the consort of 
 Charles III. was thrown from her horse and 
 dragged for some time with her foot in the stirrup, 
 because it was death to lay a hand on _ her 
 majesty’s toes. There is another story which is 
 no doubt an old acquaintance of the reader’s, re- 
 specting a Spanish king who was roasted under 
 similar circumstances. The latter story, however, 
 has been satisfactorily proved to be a fable, 
 invented probably by some sneering democrat ; 
 and I doubt if the stirrup story rests on any 
 better foundation. 
 
 When John Sobieski saved Vienna from the 
 Ottoman hordes, the emperor and his cour- 
 tiers had the ungrateful insolence to take counsel 
 how they should receive him. ‘“ Receive him ?”’ 
 eried a blunt soldier, indignantly. ‘“ Why, with 
 open arms, to be sure.” The advice, however, 
 was not taken, and the Polish hero was met by 
 
OFFICIAL RANK. 
 
 the prince whose crown he had saved with revolt- 
 ing coolness. The real importance which les hid 
 however under the apparent triviality of courtly 
 ceremonies, did not escape the penetrating intel- 
 lect of Napoleon I. He used every effort to re- 
 establish them at the imperial court. 
 
 Every state fixes the rank of her own ambas- 
 sadors. The courts to which they are sent cannot 
 alter it in any way. If two ambassadors of the 
 same rank are sent by the same government to 
 the same court, he who is mentioned first in the 
 credentials or full powers has precedence over his 
 colleague. | 
 
 All ambassadors of the first class have prece- 
 dence over all of the second, third, and fourth 
 class; and this wholly apart from the rank and 
 importance of the countries they represent. An 
 ambassador from the King of Schwarzwiirst- 
 Schinkenshausen would strut before an envoy or 
 minister plenipotentiary from the United States 
 of North America or the Autocrat of all the 
 Russias.* 
 
 The rank and titles which a diplomatist may Official 
 a 
 
 enjoy in his own country do not in any way in- 
 fluence his official rank, which is fixed solely and 
 wholly by the nature of his appointment. 
 
 The popes have, however, sometimes endea- 
 voured to regulate the rank of ambassadors by 
 
 * Compare Actes et Négociations de la Paix de Ryswick, &c., 
 tom. ii. p. 26; Gutschmidt, Diss. de Prerogativa, &c., s. 22, 
 26—30. Also Kliber and Heffter, and Puffendorf, De Rebus 
 gestis Friederici Wilhelmi, Electoris Brandenburg, lib. xvi. 8. 53. 
 
 T 
 
 273 
 
O74 RANK OF EUROPEAN STATES. 
 
 the importance of the sending power. In 1504, 
 Pope Julius the Second issued an order fixing the 
 rank of European states. It is curious because it 
 conveys at all events an approximative idea of the 
 condition of Europe at that period. 
 oe 1. The Roman Emperor. 
 plore 2. The King of Rome. 
 3. ‘The King of France. 
 4, The King of Spain. 
 5. The King of Arragon. 
 6. The King of Portugal. 
 7. The King of England. 
 8. The King of Sicily. 
 9. The King of Scotland. 
 10. The King of Hungary. 
 11. The King of Navarre, 
 12. The King of Cyprus. 
 13. The King of Bohemia. 
 14. The King of Poland. 
 15. The King of Denmark. 
 16. The Republic of Venice. 
 17. The Duke of Brittany. 
 18. The Duke of Burgundy. 
 19. The Elector of Bavaria. 
 20. The Elector of Saxony. 
 21. The Elector of Brandenburg. 
 22. The Archduke of Austria. 
 23. The Duke of Savoy. 
 24. The Grand Duke of Florence. 
 25. ‘he Grand Duke of Milan. 
 26. The Duke of Bavaria. 
 27. The Duke of Lothringen, &c. 
 
RANK OF EUROPEAN STATES. 
 
 This arbitrary settlement of the question, how- 
 ever, was far too unwelcome and galling to many 
 pretensions to serve as a precedent. ‘The ar- 
 rangement of Julius the Second was soon 
 observed only at the Papal Court, and then merely 
 with respect to the first four sovereigns named in 
 the list. The King of Rome also was no longer 
 supposed to have precedence over the monarchs of 
 France and Spain, but was reduced to an equal 
 rank with them.* 
 
 The irritable jealousy which existed in former 
 times among sovereigns upon these subjects is 
 perfectly extraordinary. ‘The rank of a diplo- 
 matist does not interfere, however, in the smallest 
 degree with his business. In all civilised countries 
 the representations of a chargé d'affaires receive 
 quite as much attention as those of an ambassador ; 
 and the number of states, in which the splendor 
 of a mission has anything whatever to do with its 
 success, is diminishing fast. The rank of an 
 ambassador is a mere holyday thing which he puts 
 on and off with his gold-laced coat. It appears at 
 court festivals, coronations, triumphs, marriages, 
 processions, and public dinners. An ambassador 
 may walk, ride, or drive, before his colleagues of 
 less importance ; and sometimes even, as we have 
 seen, he carries the trumpery bauble with him to 
 church. If he condescends to take the com- 
 munion after a less magnificent individual than 
 himself, he does so with the express reservation 
 
 * See Liinig, Theatrum Ceremoniale Hist. Pol., &c., pp. 1, 9 
 
 Rousset, Mémoires sur le Rang, &c., p. 2. 
 iter 
 
 275 
 
276 EMPEROR OF GERMANY 
 
 that it shall be “ without prejudice” to his absurd 
 
 Precedence pretensions on other occasions.* 
 
 a Formerly the pope, as spiritual head of Chris- 
 tendom, claimed precedence for himself and his 
 representatives over all other sovereigns. His 
 claim was generally acknowledged everywhere but 
 
 ah Sarees 8 Russia and Constantinople. The Emperor of 
 
 Germany, the Holy Roman Empire was in undisputed pos- 
 session of the second rank among the Christian 
 potentates of Europe, the pope only having had 
 precedence of him since the time of Frederick L., 
 in kl Avge 
 
 jabs There seems to have been a brisk dispute for 
 precedence between the Turkish conquerors of 
 Constantinople and the emperors of Germany. 
 The Christian princes refused the Turkish sultans 
 the rank of emperor altogether, till the time of 
 Rudolph II. Rudolph, however, at length be- 
 stowed the coveted distinction on, Sultan Achmet, 
 with the express condition that Achmet should 
 submit to be called his “son,” and take the 
 qualifying rank of highness instead of majesty. 
 The sultans felt such childish exultation about 
 their title, that in 1737, when the Turkish empe- 
 ror found that his German “father” had only 
 sent two ambassadors to the Congress of Nimirow, 
 he immediately withdrew one of his representa- 
 tives, that he might assert his superiority to the 
 Czar of Russia, who had sent three. At the re- 
 ciprocal exchange of ambassadors on the frontier, 
 also, the Turkish worthy unfortunately began to 
 
 * See J. C. Hellbach, Handbuch des Rangrechts, &c. p. 44. 
 
AND THE SULTAN. 
 
 dismount from his horse before the German digni- 
 _ tary. Looking round in mid air he observed his 
 mistake. The deg of a Frank sat smiling in his 
 saddle. The Turk, however, paused in time, and 
 summoning the sturdiest of his attendants, he 
 caused himself to be suspended in their arms, so 
 that his dangling foot should touch the ground at 
 ‘precisely the same moment as the toes of his 
 colleague.* 
 
 It is only very lately that the sultan has been 
 addressed as “sire” and “imperial majesty.” 
 
 In recent times, most crowned heads have 
 agreed to adopt the principle of perfect equality. 
 Russia and France, for instance, agreed to con- 
 sider each other of like rank, on all occasions, 
 by the XXVIIIth article of the Peace of Tulsit, 
 dated 7th of July—25th of June, 1807.+ 
 
 Napoleon I., however, insisted on an acknow- 
 ~ledgment of his precedence, from several other 
 crowned heads. Great Britain, Sweden, and 
 Denmark, have always asserted their right to per- 
 fect equality. Of the four small kingdoms of 
 Germany, Bavaria stands first, Saxony second, 
 Hanover { third, and Wurtemberg fourth. 
 
 Monarchs who have neither imperial nor royal 
 rank, yield precedence to those who have. Never- 
 
 * Compare Giinther, pp. 1, 225, 247; Liinig, Theatrum Cere- 
 moniale Hist. Pol., pp. 11, 1438. 
 
 + ‘*Le cérémoniel des deux Cours des Tuileries et de St. Peters- 
 burg entre elles, et 4 l’egard des ambassadeurs, ministres et en- 
 voyés, qu’elles accréditeront l’une prés de l’autre, sera établi sur le 
 principe d’une réciprocité et d’une égalité parfaite.” 
 
 + See Art. IV. of the German Confederation Act, June 8, 1815. 
 
 Precedence 
 of Kings. 
 
278 
 
 Republics. 
 
 The States of 
 
 the German 
 Empire. 
 
 GERMAN STATES. 
 
 theless, the rank of the Grand Dukes and Elec- 
 tors of Hesse does not seem to have been defini- 
 tively decided. ‘The rank of the other princes of 
 Germany was settled in articles IV. and VIII. of 
 the German Confederation Act.* 
 
 Republics formerly gave precedence to empe- 
 rors and kings. The Republic of Venice claimed 
 the first rank among republics. Some of the 
 electoral princes, however, opposed her claim to 
 be ranked immediately after emperors and kings. 
 The United States of the Netherlands came after 
 Venice, and then the Swiss Confederation. Genoa, 
 especially during her possession of Corsica, 
 claimed kingly honours, though she never was 
 able to obtain them. She insisted, however, on 
 equality with Venice, and precedence of the 
 Netherlands, the Swiss Confederation, and the 
 Knights of St. John. There were constant dis- 
 putes among them for this shadow of a nothing. 
 
 The body of the states of the German empire 
 (Corps Germanique) claimed precedence over 
 kings. 
 
 When Prussia was created a kingdom, prece- 
 dence was conceded to her by the Netherlands 
 (whose people were far too sensible to care any- 
 
 * Compare Godefroy, Mémoires concernant la Préseance des Rois 
 de France, Paris (1653-4) ; Schmauss, Corpus Juris Gentium, pp. 
 1, 760 ; De Martens, Cours Diplomatique, liv. i. ch. ii. s. 38 ; liv. i. 
 ch. vili. s. 80; Wenck, Codex Juris Gentium Recentissimi, &c., 
 tom. i. p. 549; Treaty of Keinardgi, 1774, Art. V.; Protocol 
 XXXI. of the Ministerial Conference at Vienna, May 16, 1820; 
 and Kliber, Offentliches Recht des Teutschen Bundes (4’Aufl, 1840), 
 ss. 115, 181. 
 
CORONATION OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 thing about the matter), but disputed by the vain 
 
 _triflers of the Venetian Republic. 
 
 , 
 
 Kingly honours were sometimes accorded to the 
 United States of the Netherlands ; but they were 
 never acknowledged either by the Republic of 
 Genoa, or the Electors and Princes of the Ger- 
 man HKmpire.* The Dukes of Lothringen and 
 Burgundy disputed precedence with the Swiss 
 Confederation. 
 
 Semi-sovereign, or dependent states, yielded 
 precedence to those which were sovereign and 
 
 - independent. Sometimes, however, they disputed 
 
 precedence with republics. 
 
 In the visits of sovereigns of like rank to each 
 other, the host always yields precedence to his 
 guests. The same rule is observed by the chief 
 magistrates of republics.t ‘The emperors of 
 Germany, however, did not yield precedence to 
 kings on such occasions. On the other hand, 
 therefore, kings refused precedence to the empe- 
 rors. Frederick Wilhelm I. nevertheless gave 
 
 way at his own court to the Emperor Charles VI. 
 
 279 
 
 The Duke de Rovigo gives an odd account of coronation 
 
 the meeting between Napoleon I. and the pope, ae 
 
 when his holiness was on his way to Paris for the 
 imperial coronation. Bonaparte went to meet 
 
 * See Kluit, Hist. Fed. Belgii Fed., tom. ii. p. 521; Rousset, 
 ch. xxviii. ; Zwanzig, Theatrum Precedentiz, &c., tit. xlvii., xlviii. ; 
 with Heffter, Reumont, Meyer, Schmalz, and De Martens. 
 
 + See Giinther, part i. p. 277; Moser, Nachbarliches Staats 
 Recht, parti. p. 10; Martens, Précis, &., tom. i. p. 805 ; Rousset, 
 Mémoires, ch. xiii. ; Mémoires du Duc de Rovigo pour servir & 
 Histoire de ?Empereur Napoleon, tom. ii. ch. ix. p. 110. 
 
280 
 
 CORONATION OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 his guest on the road to Nemours. To avoid any 
 ceremony, however, a hunting party was the 
 ostensible pretext of his journey. When Napo- 
 leon approached the place of meeting, he left his 
 suite behind in a wood and rode forward with a 
 few attendants on horseback. He was dressed 
 merely in a hunting costume. When the great 
 spiritual and the great temporal potentates came 
 in sight of each other; the carriage of the pope 
 stopped, and his holiness, dressed all in white, 
 alighted from his carriage, on the left side. ‘The 
 road was rather dirty, and the pope hesitated some 
 time before he walked on in his white silk shoes. 
 He was obliged to do so at last, however. Napo- 
 leon then dismounted to receive him; and they 
 embraced. In the meantime, the emperor’s car- 
 riage which had been brought on purpose was 
 drawn a few steps nearer, as if by mistake; but 
 two servants stood on each side and kept the 
 doors open. The emperor now turned to the 
 right hand, and one of his suite led the pope to 
 the left, so that these two illustrious personages 
 could both mount at precisely the same time. 
 This must have been rather an inconvenient ar- 
 rangement, considering the springs then in use; 
 but it disposed of a difficulty which engaged the 
 attention of all the old ladies in Europe. The 
 pope was, however, deceived. He had stipulated 
 that if he attended the coronation, the same cere- 
 monies should be observed as at the coronation 
 of the ancient kings of France at Rheims. Napo- 
 leon gave his plenipotentiary orders to waive the 
 
CORONATION OF NAPOLEON I. 
 
 question of ceremonies, and astonished the pope, 
 not a little, by settling it on the spot, and taking 
 precedence over him, as if there could be no 
 manner of dispute on the subject. 
 
 The subsequent ceremony of the coronation 
 was equally curious, and showed that watchful 
 spirit of calculation, which attended Napoleon in 
 all his actions. 
 
 According to ancient custom, the king about to 
 be crowned entered the church without any of 
 the ensigns of royalty, and received the crown 
 and symbols of his power from the pope. Napo- 
 leon, however, caused the pope’s procession to 
 take place some time before his own; and he 
 entered the church adorned with the laurel gar- 
 land, and the imperial mantle. By his side was 
 carried a sceptre and a large antique crown, made 
 in imitation of that of Charlemagne. The pope 
 . then anointed him three times, on the forehead, 
 on the arms, and hands. He spoke a benediction 
 over the sword with which he girded Napoleon, 
 and he placed the sceptre in his hand. As 
 ~ Pius VII. laid hands on the crown, however, 
 Napoleon watched his movements, and taking it 
 nimbly from his holiness, placed it on his own 
 head. Nothing, indeed, could be more thoroughly 
 mortifying than the position of the pope through- 
 out the whole affair. Napoleon suspected all the 
 actions of his guest, he took small pains to con- 
 ceal it, and the emperor feared to concede Pius 
 precedence on one occasion, lest he should claim 
 authority on all. 
 
 281 
 
282 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 The rank of sovereigns has sometimes been de- 
 cided by :—The date of the independence of their 
 kingdom. By the antiquity of the royal family. 
 By the date of the conversion of their people to 
 Christianity. The power of the state. The title 
 of the sovereign. His victories and deeds of 
 arms. ‘The nature of his government. ‘The ex- 
 tent of his colonies. The number of his vassals, 
 and even by his services to the pope and the 
 Catholic church.* 
 
 Bluff Oliver Cromwell decided the disputes of 
 ambassadors after a manner of his own. It is 
 needless to add it was successful. In 1651, 
 when Langenfeld, the Swedish ambassador, made 
 his public entry into London, there arose a dis- 
 pute in the streets between the Marquis de Liode, 
 the Spanish ambassador, and-the President Bour- 
 deaux, ambassador of the French king. Crom- 
 well had previously promised to grant precedence 
 on all occasions to the French ambassador, and 
 when he found the Marquis de Liode disposed to 
 dispute his commands, he sent down a sturdy 
 company of thwack-loving guards, who separated 
 these belligerent diplomatists by breaking the 
 heads of their attendants with much godliness 
 and satisfaction. ‘The Spanish ambassador knew 
 the stern crop-eared Protector -far too well to 
 expect any satisfaction for the psalm-singing and 
 thumps which had been administered to the 
 
 * See Giinther, part i. p. 203 ; Stieve, part. i. pp. 9—72; Réal, 
 
 La Science du Gouvernement, tom. v. ch. iv. s. 3; A. De Wicque- 
 fort, lib. i. p. 24; Kliiber, v. i. p. 151. 
 
CONGRESS OF RYSWICK. 
 
 servants. We hear no more of ambassadorial 
 _ squabbles in England during the commonwealth.* 
 At the Congress of Ryswick, the ambassadors of 
 the Hmperor of Germany demanded that a par- 
 ticular space should be set apart for their car- 
 rlages to stand, and insisted afterward that this 
 should be considered the post of honour. Not 
 contented with this, they asked for a private 
 room to discuss the knotty affairs of their im- 
 perial master without interruption. On this 
 point there was a struggle. These ministers of 
 Peace all began squabbling among one another 
 lke so many washerwomen in their cups. At 
 length it was agreed that every diplomatist 
 should have a private room to rehearse his 
 speeches and admire himself in the looking-glass 
 without observation. The mediator, a sensible 
 man, promised to content them, and the riot 
 - ended.t | 
 
 _In the time of Leo X. (1513), the following 
 order appears to have been established in proces- 
 sions and festivals at the papal court. First came 
 the deputies or orators of the provinces of the 
 church; then the ambassadors of Florence, 
 Venice, Spain, France, and the Emperor of 
 Germany; then followed the senator and prefect 
 of Rome, the Duke of Urbino, and the papal 
 
 * Compare Wagenzeil, Dissertatio de Legato 4 Latere, s. iii. ; 
 Schott, Diss. de Leg. Nat.; A. Crusii, Tract. de Jure Proédria, 
 8. R. J. Electorum nec non Seren. Dom. Neoburg, &c. 
 
 + See Actes et Mémoires des Négociations de la Paix de Ryswick 
 
 (nouv. ed. a la Haye, 1725, 8vo.), tom. ii. pp. 17, 18. There were 
 similar disputes at Nimuegen, Cambray, and Passarowitz. 
 
 2838 
 
DIET OF REGENSBURG. 
 
 cross. ‘There appear, however, to have been 
 disputes for precedence among the ambassadors, 
 the senators, and the governors of Rome. Riots 
 were frequent, especially at Christmas, Easter, 
 and the festival of St. Peter. Nothing could 
 ever keep the pride and loftiness of diplomatists 
 within the bounds of decency. They were an 
 awful race of wranglers, who were as-a perpetual 
 blister round the neck of every ruler in Europe. 
 In 1696, one Count Martiniz, a dreary dog who 
 was sent as imperial ambassador to Pope Inno- 
 cent XII., immediately began hunting the car- 
 dinals with extraordinary eagerness and length 
 of wind. For four mortal hours on a hot 
 Italian day, this exasperating peace-maker worried 
 a proud-stomached churchman, till at last the 
 latter turned and stood at bay. ‘The pope in- 
 sisted that an ambassador who had shown 
 himself as stiff-necked as a cardinal should be 
 recalled, and Martiniz was sent to breed trouble 
 elsewhere ; while the pope for some time was 
 obliged, in self defence, to forbid the presence 
 of ambassadors at all at the ceremonies of the 
 church. 
 
 An odd regulation was made at the diet of 
 Regensburg with respect to the rank of the am- 
 bassadors of Pomerania, Mechlenburg, Wurtem- 
 burg, Hesse, and Baden. ‘Their precedence was 
 decided by arithmetical rule, as follows, each 
 having precedence over the rest twice in ten 
 days: 
 
DISPUTES FOR PRECEDENCE. 
 
 Fahl: M. W. H. B. 
 27 Mae Ny B. pee is 
 Sa Warmers B. M. Bs 
 4, 4H. Wi M. B. P: 
 bie EB: Ve Hs M. We 
 Gees M. Wa B. H. 
 1 eh Be W. its B. 
 So Wate B: Ee ds M. 
 Ae as Jee W. B. M. 
 10.- 5; We M. H Py 
 
 he five letters are of course the initials of 
 eaese fractious little states. 
 
 The ambassadors of crowned heads, royal 
 widows, and minors still under wardship, were 
 also declared to have precedence over the ambas- 
 sadors of electors and republics.* 
 
 The disputes of Hanover and Wurtemburg on 
 these absurd subjects—on points that really did 
 not matter to either party the tenth part of a 
 straw—were so virulent and acrimonious as to 
 excite the surprise and laughter of all Europe. 
 “The conduct of Hanover was ridiculous beyond 
 belief.t In fact, these squabbles are utterly in- 
 explicable to any reasonable human being. The 
 ‘united wisdom of all the wiseacres at the Con- 
 oress of Vienna was exhausted in vain to form 
 some rule by which the rank and precedence of 
 states should be decided in such a manner as to 
 put an end to these disputes. 
 
 Sometimes the home government of nations has 
 acted with a common sense which must rather have 
 
 
 
 * See Liinig’s Archives of the German Empire, Pars. gen., part i. 
 D208 
 
 + See Kliiber’s Acts of the Congress of Vienna, ii. pp. 110, 122, 
 130, 147, 181, 187. 
 
 285 
 
 Disputes, 
 
| 286 WRANGLING PEACE-MAKERS. 
 
 put pretentious diplomatists to the blush. Thus, 
 in 1824, a Count Loéwenheim, Swedish minister 
 at the Porte, got up a quarrel with the Marquis 
 de Gropallo, the Sardinian envoy. He wanted to 
 march first on some exciting occasion, because 
 he had seen the sultan, and because Sweden had 
 not taken part in the Congress of Aix la Chapelle. 
 Bernadotte, however, was not then the man for 
 that sort of nonsense. The count received a 
 stern command to yield precedence to the 
 Sardinian envoy, and if he valued his place, never 
 again to send an account of his having made 
 himself so ridiculous to the court of Stockholm. 
 The French embassy then at Constantinople 
 sent home to ask whether English secretaries of 
 embassy, when holding the temporary rank of 
 ministers plenipotentiary, should be considered 
 as taking precedence of ministers resident. ‘The 
 cabinet of the Tuileries replied, ‘‘ Certainly.” 
 
 Diplomatists employed on extraordinary mis- 
 sions have no superiority of rank over those 
 employed on ordinary missions. The ties of 
 relationship or alliance between various courts 
 give no precedence to the diplomatists accredited 
 on either side. 
 
 There have been various ways of quieting the 
 ravenous and indelicate vanity of ambassadors, 
 when two or three of them have been obliged to 
 tolerate each other’s presence on important 
 public business. 
 
 Wrangling § 1. Every ambassador on sitting down has 
 
 Peace- 
 
 makers. glared round at his colleagues, and declared his 
 
WRANGLING PEACE-MAKERS. 
 
 seat to be the post of honour or head of the 
 _table.* 
 2. They have insisted on changing places with 
 
 each other from time to time, every ambassador 
 
 thirsting for the moment when he could put his 
 portfolio under his arm, button his coat, toss up 
 his chin, and march solemnly to the head of the 
 table, accompanied by the rancorous envy of his 
 colleagues. Sometimes they have cast lots for 
 distinction, and disputed with the winner. 
 
 3. Every diplomatist has handed a copy of the 
 treaty negotiated to his colleagues, signed by him 
 alone; so that his honoured name has been both 
 first and last, and he has had a whole sheet of 
 paper to himself. 
 
 4. Sovereigns have been even obliged to as- 
 sume an alias, and go about incognito to avoid 
 being set upon and worried into eminence. They 
 -have been obliged to withdraw a wrangling am- 
 bassador, and sent a diplomatist with his claws 
 cut, or a chargé d'affaires. 
 
 5. They have insisted on perfect equality, or 
 some arrangement by which the rank of all 
 parties remained undecided, so as to give a pre- 
 text for a fight at some future time. 
 
 6. Some of the most quiet gentry have now 
 and then been persuaded to give and take. Thus 
 when a door was so narrow that they could not 
 all strut through it together; or a president’s 
 ear, having only one hole, could not admit all 
 
 * Compare Liinig, Theatrum Ceremoniale Hist. Polit., part i. 
 p. 20. 
 
 287 
 
288 
 
 WRANGLING PEACE-MAKERS. 
 
 their talk at once, they have reluctantly agreed to 
 walk and talk first by turns. Every man has, of 
 course, observed the other, on such occasions, 
 with a stop watch, lest he should exceed his time 
 by only half a second, and (probably) a stick to — 
 give him a gentle poke in the ribs as a warning 
 to make way for his successor. 
 
 7. Sometimes every diplomatist has remained 
 shut up in a dark room lest his dignity should be 
 compromised by appearing on the scene of his 
 duties.* 
 
 8. Sometimes the raging vanity of these official 
 peacemakers has been soothed by fixing their 
 place at a conference according to the date of 
 their arrival, and many post-horses were killed 
 in this way before the invention of railways. 
 
 9. Sometimes they have been all allowed to 
 enter a room at the same time through different 
 doors. Each diplomatist having a man Friday to 
 peep through the keyhole, and see that he was 
 prepared to make a rush (and win by a neck, if 
 possible) immediately the bolt was withdrawn, 
 and the signal to start given by the master of the 
 ceremonies, or one of the sticks in waiting, who 
 were, of course, obliged to be present as a gentle 
 warning on, such occasions. 
 
 10. Jocular ambassadors tossed up for prece- 
 dence, heads or tails, or they got up little games 
 of odd and even, hazard, fortune’s wheel, or that 
 kind of thing. The ambassador who lost imme- 
 diately showed temper, brought the whole thing 
 
 * See Miruss, vol. i. pp. 358, 354. 
 
CEREMONIES. 
 
 to a wrangle, and cursed his colleague the winner 
 _with the true diplomatic indiscretion. 
 
 11. Sometimes diplomatists who had _ been 
 sent by their governments to negotiate at a con- 
 gress of peace, prudently refused to see their 
 colleagues, lest they should suddenly have it out, 
 and cuff each other soundly. Every ambassador 
 stumped in stilts and a foolscap crown about his 
 own house, the awe of his servants, and the 
 laughter of his attachés. He was afraid to ven- 
 ture out lest a longer-legged ambassador should 
 outstrip him in the street, or a stronger arm 
 than his own hustle him from the wall into the 
 gutter. very ambassador sent his communica- 
 tions to his colleagues in writing,* and his secre- 
 tary smoked a cigar with small men of equal 
 rank, and explained his chief’s ideas over a little 
 supper in the evening. It seems to me that the 
 secretaries had the best of it. The stilts and the 
 foolscap crown must have seemed absurd even to 
 their own wearer sometimes. 
 
 No wonder Oxenstiern cried out in disgust 
 about the folly of statecraft, since such monstrous 
 devices as those I have related have been neces- 
 sary to prevent international peace-makers from 
 tearing each other to pieces, whenever they were 
 called upon to discuss the gravest interests of 
 mankind. Why should I, dear Public, write of 
 
 * See Giinther, part i. p. 275; Rousset, Mémoires sur le Rang, 
 p. 66; Schmauss, part ii. p. 1743; Kliiber, Europiiisches Vélker- 
 recht, Bd. i. pp. 164, 165; G. F. De Martens, Précis, &c., tom. i. 
 p. 307; Moser, Hofrecht, pp. 1, 265. 
 
 U 
 
 289 
 
290 
 
 CEREMONIES. 
 
 such buffooneries seriously. It is but right that 
 you should know how your business has been 
 done. Itis but right that you should know why 
 War is immortal and Peace so frail. Yet if I told 
 it you in other language, it would sicken and 
 weary you too utterly to read. Let us laugh at 
 diplomatic antics together, my Public, and by the 
 blessing of God, we shall some day make Down- 
 ing Street at least ashamed of them. 
 
 It appears from the senseless frolics of these 
 wiseacres, that at a round table the place nearest 
 the door is considered the place of honour. ‘The 
 place opposite is the last. The right-hand side 
 of the president is the side of honour, and the 
 order of rank among the sitters at a table changes 
 from the right to the left. In going downstairs, 
 the man who first puts his foot on the second 
 step is the most honourable. A staircase, how- 
 ever, must be rather a dangerous race-course — 
 after fifty. A diplomatist who, with great 
 manceuvring, has contrived to get on the right- 
 hand side of a Grand Turk, has been mortified 
 out of all self-possession by learning that among 
 Eastern nations, the left-hand side is the side of 
 honour. I saw a young vice-consul once turn 
 blue when he found that he had made this painful 
 mistake. 
 
 Now for a puzzler. Suppose. a band of well- 
 wigged diplomatists to be seated at a long table, 
 two sides of which are precisely equal. Their 
 ideas are all dated 1801 of course, and they are 
 met to take counsel for the peace of the world. 
 
CEREMONIES. 
 
 Very good! The well-wigged diplomatist: who 
 has just been slightly inconvenienced by having 
 sneezed out a jovial trio of false teeth, on which 
 he has relied to do the smiling part, is at the 
 head of the table. The man on his right, who 
 seems kept from doubling up by a most porten- 
 tous cravat, holds the second place, and hard 
 work he has had to get it, having been twice 
 winded by a person who seems all snuff and nose, 
 and who would infallibly have got the second 
 place, but that somebody trod on his favourite 
 corn during the general scuffle at the door. The 
 second man on the right-hand side is the third 
 in rank, and the second man on the left is the 
 fourth, and the third man on the right is the 
 fifth.*—Do you want any more of it, dear Reader, 
 or have you lost all patience with such profane 
 balderdash already. In signing treaties, the re- 
 presentatives of the contracting parties sign their 
 names in two columns. Happy indeed is the 
 diplomatist who can contrive to affix his sig- 
 nature first in that honoured list on the left eye 
 side of the reader. Never mind the contents of the 
 treaty. It may let us into half a century of war 
 and 500,000,000 pounds sterling expense. This 
 is a trifle, if our diplomatist’s lordly name can 
 only appear to the librarian of the foreign office 
 on the left eye side.t ‘This is really the principal 
 business, all the rest is mere wax and parchment, 
 
 * See Putter, Instit. Juris Pub. Ger., s. 89, note ; Martens, 
 Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 95. 
 + Kliiber, Eur. Vol., v. i. pp. 160, 161. 
 vu 2 
 
ri) 
 
 ew 
 
 CEREMONIES. 
 
 —and as for the blood and money, we can sing 
 the songs of Dibdin and Campbell till we are quite 
 in a patriotic glow about it. 
 
 When two ambassadors get together in their 
 own house, decency forbids the host to walk first. 
 If an ambassador asks an envoy, a plenipoten- 
 tiary minister, a chargé d'affaires, or other person 
 to dinner, he should bring a sharp appetite, for 
 he will have to eat a toad in the anteroom, and 
 sneak after his host with becoming humility. ‘The 
 nuncios* of the pope usually trip foremost into 
 their own dining-rooms with much alacrity, unless 
 an ambassador of the first class cunningly con- 
 trives to edge unobserved to the door. I am sur- 
 prised that a trap-door has never been invented 
 to convey an ambassador (with a lady on his arm) 
 into the dining-room like a flash of lightning 
 before the common door is unbolted, and his guests 
 allowed to scuftle after him. ‘However, perhaps 
 this would be too brisk a device ; for dinner parties 
 proceeding to the banquet-halls of ambassadors 
 usually resemble funeral processions in gloom 
 and gravity. 
 
 Ambassadors of the first class only yield pre- 
 cedence to princes of imperial and royal blood. 
 They claim superiority of rank over all others. 
 
 The rank granted by one court to the ambas- 
 sador of another will, however, usually depend on 
 that which is conceded on the other side. No 
 ambassador can claim privileges at a foreign 
 
 * Compare Vittorio Siri, Mercurio, &c., tom. v. pp. ii. 877; also 
 Gutschmid, Kliiber, and Martens. 
 
CEREMONIES. 
 
 court, which are not accorded by his own under 
 similar circumstances. De Martens also says 
 very sensibly (L quote him, lest#it should be 
 thought I am writing in irony): “Si Vhistoire 
 nous offre plus d'un exemple que des ambassa- 
 deurs impériaux ou royaux aient prétendu avoir 
 le pas sur les électeurs en personne, aucun prince 
 régnant, aucun chef de gouvernement, méme ré- 
 publicain, ne souffrirai aujourd’hui que le délegué 
 d’un autre gouvernement prit le pas sur lui.... 
 Par le commun assentiment des gouvernemens 
 monarchiques, les jils et les fréres des empereurs 
 et des rois ont le pas sur les ambassadeurs. On 
 est généralement d’accord aussi sur le principe 
 développé plus haut, que Vhonneur accordé de 
 traiter immédiatement avec le prince, pres duquel 
 il est accrédité, bien qu'il le mette dans le cas de 
 jowr de diverses distinctions que l’on n’accorde 
 qu’aux souverains, ne l’autorise pas 4 présent a 
 toutes celles qui sont dues & ces derniers.... Il 
 est & regretter qu’en reconnaissant la préséance 
 des jils et des freres des empereurs et des rois sur 
 les ambassadeurs, on ne l’ait pas également re- 
 connue pour les autres membres des familles 
 impériales et royales. Il serait aussi 4 désirer 
 qu’on eut décidé formellement la question de 
 préséance entre les ambassadeurs et les membres 
 des maisons régnantes non impériales ou royales, 
 telles que les maisons électorales, grand-ducales, 
 etc.” * 
 
 * Vide Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 98. Compare also Struvii 
 Syntagma Historie Germanie, &c. (Jenw, 1716. 4to.), p. 1056 :— 
 
294 
 
 CEREMONIES. 
 
 Ambassadors are now seldom welcomed with 
 any extraordinary demonstrations. Nevertheless, 
 when Sedi Ben Aschasche, Pasha of Tetuan, was 
 sent as ambassador to Paris by the Emperor of 
 Morocco, he was accompanied by M. Leon Roches, 
 Captain Pourcet, and M. Urbain, first interpreter 
 of the French army, who were necessary to make 
 
 out what he had got to say. Turkey is now, 
 
 however, the only European power which makes 
 much fuss about ambassadors on ordinary 
 occasions.* 
 
 ‘‘Tn sequenti anno 1455 nova Comitia Neostadtium indixit Im- 
 perator, quibus preter Jacobum Trevirensem, Albertum Branden- 
 burgensem, Carolum Badensem, aliosque Principes, multi etiam 
 legati interfuerunt. Ibidem Pap legatus proximum a Cesare 
 lgerm adfectabat, &c.” 
 
 * See Moser, De Real, Schmalz, Kliber, and especially Christ. 
 Hoffman (Nova Scriptorum ac Monumentorum, partim rarissimo- 
 rum, partim ineditorum Collectio, &c., tom. ii. p. 744, 745—777). 
 We find the following account of the coment reception and entry of 
 ambassadors at Rome :—‘‘Non solebant olim Legati Principum, 
 simulac advenerant, properare ad Palatium ; Principum hoc erat, 
 se eo statim conferre, et eorum inprimis, cy hospitio recipiebantur 
 a Pontifice. His quoque, modo sedendi inter Cardinales jus et 
 locum haberent, obviam mittebantur preeter reliquos, qui obviam 
 aliis procedere solent, Cardinales bini, a quibus ad portam urbis 
 reciperentur, et inde ad Palatium perducerentur. Ht tune Pontifex 
 vocabat ad se quatuor vel sex Cardinales, quos honoris gratia secum 
 haberet, quando veniebat Princeps. Nostris temporibus etiam 
 Legati simulac allati sunt, tendant ad Pontificem ut ei pedes oscu- 
 lentur. Verum, cui bono tanta festinatio? Nonne osculabantur 
 ipsi manus, os et, pedes, paucis post diebus in publico Consistorio ? 
 Necesse est profecto tollere morem pravum, et varlis incommodis. 
 procreandis aptum, simulque curare, ut Legati, simulac advenerint, 
 non ad Papam statim, sed domum suam se conferant, neque inde 
 usque ad diem publici Consistorii egrediantur. Recipiuntur jam 
 Legati iisdem ritibus, qui in recipiendis Principibus non magno 
 honori erant sedi Apostolic. Res ruet in pejus, nisi opportunum 
 adhibeatur remedium.”—‘‘ Kodem libro Ceremoniarum continetur, 
 
CEREMONIES. 
 
 In 1687, the cantons of Zurich and Berne sent 
 _two ambassadors to the French king. These 
 Swiss gentlemen, however, who had formed pro- 
 bably the usual bumptious idea of ambassadorial 
 
 ut Legatus, qui obedientize preestande causa accedit, quive in pub- 
 lico recipitur Consistorio, unicum tantum introitum, eumque equo 
 faciat ; quod semper est observatum. Jam vero duplicem celebrare 
 cceperunt, alterum equo, alterum vero curru, modo plane novo et 
 inconveniente, ipsique Pontifici, Sacro Collegio et Curis universze 
 incommodo. Unde opus est, tollere morem pravum, et curare, ut 
 semel equo ingrediantur Legati seque statim domum conferant, si 
 quidem ipsis, quando ad hanc curiam accedunt, cure esse debet, ut 
 venerentur Pontificem, honoremque Sacro Collegio exhibeant, non 
 autem ut illis molestias creent et incommoda.’’—‘‘ Quamvis verum 
 sit, quod male applicentur hee exempla ad Legatos obedientiz, qui, 
 quamvis Regii sint, genuflexi omnia Legationis suze munera obire 
 tenentur.’’—‘‘Sciendum quoque est, quod Legatus non nisi tribus 
 casibus coram Papa sedere soleat, si ipsi magna est familiaritate 
 conjunctus, vel de negotiis tractat, vel ob morbum nec stare, neque 
 genua flectere potest.” 
 The same author, v. 1, pp. 433, 434, gives us a peep at the 
 reception of legates on their return to the Papal court :—‘‘ Die 
 _Lune, XXVIII. Novembris Reverendissimus Dominus Cardinalis 
 de Campeggio ex sua Anglicana Legatione reversus, quo tempore in 
 domibus suis secrete latuit, hodie summo mane ad Sanctam Mariam 
 de Populo, ut fieri per omnia solitum est, et ibi a Collegio sacro 
 receptus est, et visitatur, ac inde cum solitis ceremoniis conductus 
 _ad publicum Consistorium, in quod Papa venit, et servatis servandis, 
 ac duobus propositionibus per Advocatos factis, ipse Legatus 
 ingressus est, et admissus a Papa cum hilari facie, et in fine familia 
 Legati osculata est pedem Pap. Finito Consistorio, Collegium 
 duxit Legatum ad edes suas, ut moris est, licet aliquibus videbatur, 
 ut ipse Legatus debuisset eligere in Palatio pro isto die, et pro isto 
 actu, aliquam mansionem, donec Collegium ex Camera paramenti 
 ad ipsam mansionem eum conduxisset, non autem per urbem 
 equitasset, sicut dicebat, fuisse factum in reditu duorum Legatorum, 
 ultimo loco, id est, hac zstate, sicut supra, associatorum et con- 
 ductorum. Sed ego non yolui, quia illud fuit propter immensos et 
 insupportabiles calores, quod nunc cessat, et Papa approbavit dictum. 
 meum. Deinde ipse Legatus visitavit Papam una die, et alia visi- 
 tavit Cardinales, incipiens a Decano Collegii, et inde per suam 
 commoditatem illa die et alia, et postea Decanos, &c.” 
 
 rie) 
 ox 
 
96 
 
 CEREMONIES. 
 
 importance, were so ill satisfied with their recep- 
 tion, that they returned without their errand, 
 never having been once admitted to an audience 
 with his Gallic majesty. In fact, ambassadors 
 often made themselves so excessively disagreeable, 
 that it was necessary to insist on their reception 
 in many cases by special treaty. > 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 —_>—- 
 
 Arrival of an Ambassador.—Ceremonies at the Reception of Am- 
 bassadors.—Official Visits. —Envoys and Ministers of the Second 
 Class. —Third and Fourth Class. —Constantinople.—China. 
 
 In modern times, an ambassador of the first Arrival of 
 class sends a secretary to notify his arrival to fda 
 the minister for foreign affairs. He forwards a 
 certified copy of his credentials, and then requests 
 an audience with the sovereign. When this is 
 accorded, an officer of the royal household, 
 charged with that duty, presents himself at the 
 embassy, in order to conduct the ambassador 
 into the presence of the sovereign. In some 
 courts there are persons specially appointed to 
 present ambassadors. In Vienna, it is the high 
 ‘chamberlain ; in Rome, the cardinal secretary of 
 state; in the old court of France, there was an 
 “ Introducteur.” ‘The secretary for foreign affairs 
 is, however, usually present at the interview.* 
 
 An ambassador of the first class rides (or may Sersmomes 
 ride) to court in a coach and six horses. He is (Pyonct 
 accompanied by his whole suite, and in former “"™ 
 times was often attended by the rest of the diplo- 
 matic corps; he is received, on his arrival at the 
 
 * See Schmelzing, Schmalz, Kliiber, Martens, and Ahnert. 
 
CEREMONIES AT RECEPTIONS. 
 
 palace, by the proper officers in full uniform; he 
 is saluted with military honours by the guards in 
 attendance; he walks up the grand staircase 
 (sometimes called lescalier des ambassadeurs) ; 
 two folding-doors stand open for his passage, as 
 he is marshalled into the hall of audience. The 
 hall in which the pope formerly gave audience to 
 ambassadors was called the “ salle royale.” 
 
 - He approaches the sovereign accompanied by 
 the principal gentlemen of his staff, and they all 
 bow thrice. On the right hand of the sovereign 
 stand the princes of the blood-royal; on the left 
 are the ministers and great officers of state. The 
 hall is sometimes lined also with the rest of the 
 corps diplomatique, and the chief officers of the 
 royal household. 
 
 The sovereign rises from his throne, bare- 
 headed, to greet an ambassador; then his majesty 
 makes a sign for the ambassador to cover his 
 head, and at the same time covers his own. He 
 then motions the ambassador to a seat, as he 
 resumes his own. 
 
 The ambassador, now seated and covered, 
 
 makes a short complimentary speech, the matter 
 
 of which is usually made known to the minister 
 for foreign affairs beforehand. This speech is 
 usually spoken in French, but an ambassador 
 may use his own language if he pleases. 
 
 In his speech he alludes to his credentials, and 
 taking them from the hands of his secretary, 
 delivers them either to the sovereign or at- 
 tendant minister of state. The speech made by 
 
ENVOYS OF THE SECOND CLASS. 299 
 
 the ambassador is then answered by the minister, 
 . or on rare occasions by the sovereign. 
 
 After this the ambassador rises, uncovers his 
 head, and after having bowed again three times 
 to the sovereign, quits the hall of audience, ac- 
 companied by his suite. 
 
 By this audience the ambassador is received 
 and acknowledged. ‘Thenceforth he enters for- 
 mally on his official duties, and enjoys all the 
 honours and privileges of his order. It is not 
 absolutely necessary, however, even for an ambas- 
 sador of the first class to receive a public audience, 
 and sometimes his first interview with the sove- 
 reign takes place in private. 
 
 It is to be remarked, also, that in audiences with 
 empresses and queens an ambassador does not 
 absolutely cover his head, but merely makes a 
 movement as if about to do so; for it 1s necessary 
 
 ~to his reception as ambassador of the first class 
 that he should be permitted to appear with his 
 head covered in presence of the sovereign to whom 
 he is accredited.* 
 
 Immediately after his audience with the sove- oficial 
 yeion, the ambassador usually visits the royal ““* 
 consort, the princes and princesses of the blood. 
 
 The etiquette of some courts requires that the 
 ambassador shall kiss the hand of the princess 
 who gives him audience. 
 Ambassadors of the second class, or envoys Envoys and 
 Ministers of 
 
 the second 
 
 * Compare Gregorio Leti, pp. vi. 706, 707, 709, 711, 771, 796, class. 
 805, 808, 810; Schmelzing, part ii. p. 176; De Martens, Guide 
 Diplomatique, tom. i, p. 101; Reumont, p. 474. 
 
300 
 
 Third and 
 fourth 
 class. 
 
 ENVOYS OF THE THIRD AND FOURTH CLASS. 
 
 and ministers plenipotentiary are generally re- 
 ceived at a private audience. In the private 
 audiences of sovereigns 1n modern times no par- 
 ticular ceremony is observed. ‘The enyoy or 
 minister is not even received in the hall of 
 audience, but merely in some private apartment 
 of the palace. The sovereign, however, is usually 
 attended by one or more of his ministers and 
 several of the principal officers of his household. 
 He usually receives the envoy standing, and 
 replies by a short speech to the address of the 
 envoy on presenting the credentials. Envoys 
 and ministers of the second class are also ad- 
 mitted subsequently to audiences with the royal 
 consort and the princes and princesses of the 
 blood.* 
 
 Diplomatists of the third and fourth class, 
 ministers resident, and chargés d’affaires, seldom 
 receive a special audience with the sovereign. 
 They present their credentials to the chargé 
 daffaires. ‘There are some exceptions, however, 
 to this rule, particularly as regards ministers 
 resident. At some courts they are admitted also 
 to an audience with the sovereign after they have 
 already presented their credentials to the minister 
 
 for foreign affairs.t 
 
 There are some peculiar usages at the au- 
 diences of ambassadors at the Papal court. For 
 
 * See Schmelzing, pp. 11, 177, 178; Schmalz, p. 96; G. F. De 
 Martens, Précis, &c., tom. i. p. 75 ; Ch. De Martens, Guide Diplo- 
 matique, tom. i. p. 103. 
 
 + Compare Kliber, vol. i. pp. 363, 364; De Martens, Précis, 
 tom. ii. pp. 75, 76, 345 ; Schmelzing, part ii. p. 179. 
 
AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 instance, when ambassadors are sent to attend the 
 election of a pope, a chosen committee of the 
 cardinals grant them audience through a small 
 window, and formerly they always scrupulously 
 avoided calling ambassadors by the title of 
 excellency.* 
 
 At Constantinople, ambassadors must always Constan- 
 
 receive an audience from the grand vizier before 
 they can be presented to the sultan. Ambas- 
 sadors both of the first and second class receive 
 public audiences both from the vizier and the 
 sultan. Those of the third class, however, merely 
 present their credentials to the grand vizier in a 
 visit of ceremony which they make to him for the 
 purpose. 
 
 In former times, ambassadors were always 
 received on divan days, and the Janissaries and 
 flower of the troops were drawn up and paid in 
 their presence. A quaint piece of childish 
 oriental make-believe! They were received on 
 Tuesdays. ‘The divan assembled at daybreak, 
 and though the Christian ambassadors were all 
 compelled to live inthe suburb of Pera, they were 
 obliged to present themselves at the gates 
 (Bagdsche Kapussi) of Constantinople before 
 dawn. The T’schausch Bashi (or marshal of 
 the empire, as Hammer calls him, though I 
 should rather say, captain of the guard) here 
 awaited him in a kiosk or pavilion set apart for 
 the purpose. The Tschausch Bashi welcomed 
 the ambassador as his guest, and then the proces- 
 
 * See Moser (Appendix), p. 142. 
 
G> 
 
 WO 
 
 AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 sion began, attended by a strong military escort 
 both of horse and foot. . ‘he suite and servants 
 of the ambassador in all the splendour of 
 uniforms and liveries swelled the cortége. ‘The 
 Tschausch Bashi rode first, unless the ambas- 
 sador were of the highest class. He rode, how- 
 ever, on the right hand of an ambassador even 
 of the first class, and scarcely yielded him a 
 kind of surly precedence. As the procession 
 drew near the grand street of the divan (divan 
 joli), it halted near the seraglio wall, in the 
 neighbourhood of a small pavilion known as 
 the Alai Kiosk, whence the sultan generally 
 watched the procession. Here the ambassa- 
 dor was kept waiting a longer or shorter time 
 according to his rank, after which the grand vizier 
 appeared, and accompanied him to the second 
 gate of the seraglio ; then they proceeded on foot 
 to the divan. 
 
 In the second court of the seraglio the soldiers 
 were drawn up waiting for their pilaff and pay, 
 which they received as the train of the ambas- 
 sador slowly moved on towards the divan. The 
 Tschaush Bashi and the high chamberlain, who 
 had gone on before, now returned with their silver 
 staves of office, which they struck on the ground 
 as they walked, and out spoke the cymbals and 
 the kettle-drums. Then the ambassador moved 
 on towards the divan, past the executioners in 
 waiting and the eunuchs of the guard. At the 
 door of the divan he left the whole of his suite 
 except his official secretaries and staff. The grand 
 
AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 vizier here held open court and sat in judgment 
 upon criminals. He was surrounded by leather 
 sacks of money, from which the soldiers were still 
 being paid. Behind the judgment seat of the 
 vizier was a little window or grating, through 
 which the sultan took silent note of the proceed- 
 ings with much dignity. After the divan broke 
 up, the ambassador dined alone at the grand 
 vizier’s table, the rest of his official suite being 
 seated at the tables of the Kadiaskere and the 
 Nischandschi. 
 
 The grand vizier then proceeded alone to the 
 sultan, and begged that since the Christian am- 
 bassador had been fed and clothed by the bounty 
 of his highness, he might be admitted to an audi- 
 ence. This was no mere figure of speech, for, after 
 dinner, the ambassador and his suite received 
 robes of honour and kaftans according to their 
 rank. ‘The ambassador and his suite, however, 
 were still made to wait a weary while, after which 
 he was permitted to enter the imperial apartments 
 accompanied by not more than twelve of his suite. 
 The sultan was attended by the 'T'schaush Bashi, 
 the high chamberlain, the master of the house- 
 hold, the chief of the white eunuchs, and the long- 
 haired axe-bearers; and the courtiers of the 
 sultan were all arrayed in cloth of gold of 
 dazzling magnificence. 
 
 The ambassador and the members of his suite 
 were now seized under the arms each by two stout 
 chamberlains, and, being lifted off their feet, were 
 borne rapidly forward, through an antechamber, 
 
 305 
 
304 
 
 AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 into the immediate presence of the sultan. This 
 was a lofty hall, but narrow and dark. The 
 chamberlains, who still held the ambassador and 
 his suite under the arms with one hand, took 
 their heads with the other, and made them duck 
 dutifully, in sign of reverence. 
 
 Hereupon the ambassador made a speech, 
 which his interpreter explained, sometimes intel- 
 ligibly, sometimes otherwise. His credentials, 
 enveloped in cloth of gold and laid on a cushion, 
 were borne by his secretary. After the speech, 
 he presented them to the vizier, who laid them 
 at the foot of the throne. ‘The sultan seldom 
 deigned to take the smallest notice of any of these 
 proceedings. 
 
 When the ambassador had delivered his cre- 
 dentials, the audience terminated. His horses 
 and suite awaited him without the second door of 
 the seraglio. There he was obliged to remain 
 some time, that the grand vizier and suite might 
 take precedence of him. Then he returned, 
 accompanied as before by the T’schaush Bashi, 
 who left him at the water-side, where he entered 
 his official caique and returned to Pera, under the 
 roar of a salute from the batteries. 
 
 He seldom spoke to the sultan afterwards, or 
 received another audience till his departure, 
 unless they met by accident during one of his 
 highness’s pleasure-parties on the Bosphorus. 
 Then an ambassador sometimes received the 
 unusual honour of a recognition. 
 
 When an ambassador brought presents, as he 
 
AT CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 usually did, he delivered them immediately before 
 his audience.* 
 
 In our day, the reception of ambassadors at 
 Constantinople is a most undignified affair. They 
 go when they like to see the sultan, and they do 
 what they please in his presence. They (or some 
 or one of them) lecture him as though he were a 
 culprit, and he answers with fitting humility, 
 every nerve twitching with the bitter sense of his 
 fallen fortunes. I never saw anything so touch- 
 ing as one audience. I would as soon have been 
 present at the ceremony of administering the rod 
 to a weakly boy, or the application of the cat-of- 
 nine-tails to a sickly soldier. I felt a sensation 
 of sincere pity, almost of national humiliation, 
 when I (among a crowd of some thirty or forty 
 tinselled nobodies, who all scuffled in a disorderly 
 manner into the presence together) witnessed the 
 vulgar and shameful scolding by which a Christian 
 ambassador thought proper to insult the mild 
 and helpless prince who now sits on the tottering 
 throne of the Eastern Cesars. ‘here was small 
 bowing or reverence there; and the court of the 
 sultan might as well have been a bear-garden. 
 
 The Baron von Ottenfels, Geschwind- Austrian 
 internuncio at the Porte, in 1835, put the rest of 
 the diplomatic corps to shame, by pronouncing 
 his address to the sultan in Turkish.t 
 
 * See Von Hammer, in many places. It is to his minute and sur- 
 prising industry that I have been chiefly indebted for these details. 
 + Vide Von Arnim’s Cursory Remarks of a Traveller (Berlin, 
 1838), pp. 1, 104, for some information on this subject. 
 x 
 
 305 
 
306 
 
 China. 
 
 CHINESE CEREMONIES. 
 
 The sultan appears to have first received the 
 title of “Imperial Majesty” from the States of 
 the Zollverein, in a treaty signed in 1840. 
 
 Ambassadors who were sent to China, in former 
 times, were introduced into the presence of the 
 emperor by an ‘agreeable fiction, in which they 
 were represented as bringing tribute from subject 
 states. Ambassadors were, however, frequently 
 refused an audience, even under these humiliating 
 circumstances ; and they were sometimes ill-used, 
 imprisoned, and murdered. A Portuguese am- 
 bassador appears to have been the first who was 
 received, and, after undergoing many adventures, 
 he returned home with a few insignificant pre- 
 sents. The Russians and Chinese, however, 
 made acquaintance on the field of battle. The 
 Chinese were accustomed to call the Czar “the 
 Independent White Khan of the North,’ and to 
 treat him with respect, accordingly, from very 
 early times. 
 
 The first Russian embassy was sent to Pekin 
 in 1656. ‘The ambassador sternly refused to 
 conform to the absurd usages of the court. He 
 obtained an audience, however; and another 
 mission that was sent shortly afterwards obtained 
 several important privileges. In 1720, the Czar 
 Peter sent an ambassador to China. The name 
 of this diplomatist alone was alarming. He re- 
 joiced in the appellation of Wassilewicz-Ismailoff. 
 He scornfully told the Chinese that he did not at 
 all appreciate the beauty of their little fiction 
 about tribute and that kind of thing. ‘‘ Russia,” 
 
CHINESE CEREMONIES. | 
 
 said this plain-spoken personage, “is mightier 
 than China, and has not the smallest fancy for 
 playing the part of a vassal.” Wassilewicz-Is- 
 mailoff was, however, a little too hasty on this 
 occasion, as he was at last obliged to conform to 
 the usual ceremonies. He did so, however, on 
 the express condition that all Chinese ambassa- 
 dors sent to Moscow should conform, in every 
 respect, to the ceremonies of the Russian court. 
 The Son of the Heavens was persuaded to 
 agree to this. To the astonishment of every 
 mandarin present, he took the cezar’s letter 
 from the ambassador with his own hand. John 
 Bell (Travels in Asia, 1788) says, one of the 
 functionaries of the court called out three 
 times, to all who appeared in the imperial pre- 
 sence, “ Kneel down!” “Arise!” “ Kneel down!” 
 “ Arise!” “‘Kneel down!” “ Arise!” Every 
 time the wretched courtier knelt down he was 
 compelled to knock his forehead against the 
 sround—a perilous exercise for a stiff elderly 
 gentleman. 
 
 The Portuguese tried in vain to obtain the 
 same honours which had been accorded to the 
 Russians. Two English embassies also returned 
 without their errand. Napoleon very properly 
 blamed Lord Amherst for refusing to conform to 
 the ceremonies of the Chinese, after he had 
 accepted a mission to the emperor of that 
 country. An ambassador, as a general rule, is 
 obliged to submit to the usages of the court to 
 which he is accredited; and Lord Amherst could 
 
 x 2 
 
 307 
 
308 
 
 CHINESE CEREMONIES. 
 
 hardly demand special exception in his favour, 
 Tt is certain that the British Ambassador returned 
 to his own country without an audience, in conse- 
 quence of his obstinacy. The failure of his 
 mission, however, is said not to have had 
 an unfavourable effect on British trade at 
 Canton. 
 
 There was formerly no minister for foreign 
 affairs in China among the six great officers of 
 state. Foreign ambassadors were required to 
 announce their arrival to the officers at the 
 frontier. ‘hey were required to declare whence 
 they came and what tribute they brought; and 
 lastly, what favours they desired from the Children 
 of the Heavens. After they had answered these 
 questions, they were allowed to proceed to the 
 capital under certain restrictions. ‘They trans- 
 
 acted business, afterwards, “with the officer 
 
 intrusted with the reception and care of guests,” 
 who held a subordinate appointment to that of the 
 minister of public worship. This officer had also 
 a colleague, called the Honglusse, a kind of master 
 of the ceremonies. The last-named functionary 
 was the officer who accompanied the ambassador 
 at his audience, and told him to “kneel down” 
 and ‘“‘arise’’ so briskly. ‘The ambassadors being 
 considered as guests of the Children of Heaven, 
 were also boarded and lodged at the expense of 
 the state as long as they remained in the 
 empire. 
 
 ‘hese customs are said to have been materially 
 altered in modern times ; and it is probable that 
 
CHINESE CEREMONIES. 
 
 Sir John Bowring may some day tell us a very 
 different story.* 
 
 * The Allgemeine Zeitung, Oct. 7, 1844, has some curious infor- 
 mation about the reception of ambassadors in China. See also 
 Theatrum Europ. Contin. part xi. p. 564. With respect to audi- 
 ences in Persia also, and other states not mentioned here, see 
 Schmelzing, part i. pp. 184—193. 
 
 309 
 
Festivals, 
 Coronations, 
 &c. 
 
 Visits. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 oe 
 
 Festivals, Coronations, &c.—Visits at Congresses.—The Title of 
 Excellency.—Royal Arms.—Arms of Pretence.—Sudden Wars. 
 Privileges.—Exterritoriality.k—The Bavarian Code.—Insults to 
 _ Ambassadors. 
 
 At all public festivals, coronations, triumphs, 
 funerals, assemblies of states, &c., a place of 
 honour is usually set apart for the diplomatic 
 corps. 
 
 According to the etiquette of some courts, none 
 of the diplomatic corps are ever asked to dine 
 with the sovereign; at other courts, invitations 
 are only given to ambassadors of the first, or first 
 and second class. Sometimes the whole of the 
 diplomatic corps are invited, including the secre- 
 taries and attachés. It is always customary to 
 invite an ambassador on the occasion of any 
 festivities given in honour of the visit of any of 
 his own royal family at the court to which he is 
 accredited. 
 
 The visits of ambassadors to each other, even, 
 have been the subject of all sorts of rules and 
 regulations. At a diet held in the time of the 
 Emperor Charles VI. (1711) at Frankfort, the 
 Electoral College decreed that— 
 
 1. The ambassadors who arrived last should 
 notify their arrival to those already assembled. 
 
FESTIVALS, CORONATIONS, AND VISITS. 
 
 2. The notification to be made, however, by a 
 secretary, and not by the ambassador in person. 
 
 3. The acquaintance of the whole diplomatic 
 corps to be made in this way. 
 
 4. And of every member in particular. 
 
 5, The return compliment to be made at once. 
 
 It was further provided that every ambassador 
 might make his visits with as many carriages and 
 as much parade as he thought proper. The car- 
 riage of an ambassador was to be allowed to 
 drive into the court-yards of great houses, but 
 the carriages of his suite were obliged to remain 
 without. Chairs were to be handed to them by 
 pages or chamberlams. Ambassadors of the 
 second or third rank were to receive the same 
 honours as those of the first, unless they were 
 accompanied by a superior, &c. 
 
 In modern times, an ambassador of the first 
 class generally announces his official audience, and 
 recognition by the court at which he is accredited, 
 _ to the ministers and the corps diplomatique, by 
 sending a secretary or attaché to each. After 
 this, he usually receives the first visit from the 
 ministers of state and the members of the corps 
 diplomatique. Sometimes, however, ministers of 
 state, and especially ministers for foreign affairs, 
 receive the first visit even from ambassadors. 
 
 An ambassador of the first class usually fixes 
 the day and hour upon which he will be prepared 
 to receive the official visits of envoys and 
 ministers of the second class. 
 
 An ambassador usually returns the visits of 
 
 dll 
 
312 
 
 At Con- 
 gresses. 
 
 The title of 
 Excellency. 
 
 TITLE OF EXCELLENCY. 
 
 envoys and ministers of the second class in the 
 same order as that in which they were paid. He 
 does not, however, make such visits in person, 
 but merely leaves cards. He only makes per- 
 sonal visits to ambassadors of his own rank. 
 
 The minister for foreign affairs returns the 
 visit of an ambassador not only for himself, but 
 as representative of his sovereign, who cannot, 
 according to etiquette, return the visit in person.* 
 ~ At congresses, the ambassadors who arrive last 
 pay the first visit to those of equal rank who 
 have already assembled. 
 
 The title of “ excellency,” now given to ambas- 
 sadors of the first class, was known as early as 
 the fourteenth century. It was then applied to 
 the Frankishs and German emperors, and to 
 kings. In the fifteenth century it was taken by 
 the Italian princes, and soon passed also to the 
 younger members of princely families. As the 
 cardinals, however, changed their ancient title of 
 Illustrissimus for that of Eminence, so the 
 princes of the reigning houses gradually gave up 
 the title of Excellence for that of Highness. 
 Ambassadors now eagerly seized the vacant title. 
 It was first bestowed on Louis de Gonzaga, Due 
 de Nevers, ambassador of Henry IV. of France 
 to the court of Rome in 1593. He took this 
 title as a born prince of the ducal house of 
 
 * See De Martens, Précis du Droit des Gens, tom. ii. pp. 78, 346; 
 Schmelzing, pp. 11, 195; Schmalz, p. 96 ; Gutschmidt, Diss. Jur. 
 Gent. de Prerogativa Ordinis inter Legatos, s. 34; De Calliéres, 
 phy. X., cach 
 
TITLE OF EXCELLENCY. 
 
 Mantua. The Spanish ambassador, however, 
 immediately pounced on the same distinction, 
 and so did the ambassadors of Savoy and Venice. 
 There was, of course, a fierce dispute on the 
 matter, and the claim of ambassadors to the title 
 was not generally allowed till the Peace of West- 
 phalia. The papal nuncios, who at first were 
 content with the style of Signoria [llustrissima, 
 now chose to be called Excellencies. The am- 
 bassadors of the electors and princes of Germany 
 also made the same claim; but the princes and 
 electors of those times were too much occupied 
 with tustling for their dominions, to give their 
 representatives the support which they had ex- 
 pected. They got their way, however, at last ; 
 though I am not aware that it ever did them any 
 good. The French court were a long time before 
 they would grant either the title of excellency or 
 ambassador to these electoral and princely repre- 
 -sentatives.* ‘The Duke de Longueville, French 
 ambassador at Miinster, in 1645, claimed the 
 title of highness, a pretension which was laughed 
 to scorn by the ambassadors of the German em- 
 -peror. The same preposterous claim was set up 
 by the papal nuncios, but always with a like 
 result.+ The Austrian minister Kaunitz turned 
 the morbid vanity of the electoral ambassadors at 
 the Peace of Ryswick to good account; for he 
 
 * See Mabillon, De Re diplom., lib. ii. c. iv. s. 12; Goldast, 
 Const. Imp., tom. i. s. 6, p. 277 ; Kliiber, Bd. i, p. 355; Caesarini 
 Fiirstenerii Tract. de Jure suprematus ac Legationis principum 
 Germanie, &c. 
 
 + See Meieri, pp. 1, 382, 424, 495—500. 
 
 od: 
 
Royal Arms. 
 
 ROYAL ARMS, 
 
 eranted them the title of excellency only after a 
 fierce dispute, and on condition that they should 
 use their influence to obtain the establishment 
 of the ninth electorate, which was then the 
 darling project of the court of Vienna.* 
 
 Since the Congress of Osnabruck, the title of 
 excellency has been conceded to all ambassadors 
 of the first class. It is applied to them by 
 ministers of state and public officers of foreign 
 countries, but not by the sovereign himself. 
 During the vacancy of the papal chair also, the 
 title of excellency is never given to ambassadors 
 by any of the cardinals, because the pope must 
 be chosen from among them. Envoys and 
 ministers of the second class cannot claim the 
 title of excellency. It is, however, sometimes 
 
 conceded by courtesy, to thelr immense delight 
 
 and gratification. At very small courts, the title 
 is sometimes given even to diplomatists of the third 
 and fourth class. ‘alleyrand, who saw the judi- 
 cious advantage that might be made of the aspira- 
 tion after excellency among the Germans, agreed, 
 in 1807, to grant it to all ministers of the second 
 class who were members of the “ Fursten Colle- 
 glums.t 
 
 At the Congress of Nimuegen, diplomatists 
 first ornamented their houses with the arms of | 
 their sovereigns. ‘The right of so doing, however, 
 
 * See Actes et Mémoires des Négociations de la Paix de Ryswick, 
 tom. ll. p. xxvi.; and Moser, p. 248 (Beitrage). 
 
 + See Winkopp, Der rheinische Bund, &c., H. ix. 8. 447; Mar- 
 
 tens, Précis, &c., tom. ii, pp. 81, 347; and the Guide Diploma- 
 tique, tom. i. p. 107. 
 
SUDDEN WARS. Ole 
 
 appears to rest merely on custom. ‘The practice 
 would be useful, even in modern times, to indicate 
 
 the residences of ambassadors, and must have 
 been still more so when reading was rather a rare 
 accomplishment. In our days, ambassadors seem 
 
 to have almost entirely given up the convenient 
 custom of distinguishing their houses in this 
 manner. It is, however, still very properly con- 
 tinued by consuls. Moser says that formerly, at 
 
 the German diets, the houses of ambassadors 
 were distinguished by a black shield, on which 
 
 the name of their sovereign was written in legible 
 characters. Some trouble has arisen in conse-. arms of 
 quence of sovereigns frequently blending arms of ass 
 pretence with their own. Thus, the Marquis de 
 Prié, who was sent as imperial ambassador to 
 Rome, in 1712, not only blazoned the emperor's 
 legitimate arms over the door of his palace, but 
 
 also those of Spain, Sicily, Naples, and the Duchy 
 
 of Milan. Count Koenigsegg, another imperial 
 minister, committed the same absurdity, even 
 
 at Madrid, to the excessive disgust of the 
 Spaniards.* | 
 
 The arms of a sovereign are of course taken 
 
 down from the house which has been occupied by 
 
 his ambassador after the departure of the latter, 
 
 or if relations are broken off in any way between 
 
 the two states. 
 
 In case of a war suddenly breaking out between suaden 
 
 two states, the ambassadors on either side are Sk 
 
 * See De Montgon, tom. i. p. 293; De Real, Science du Gou- 
 vernement, tom. v. ch. iv. s. 4. 
 
Privileges. _ 
 
 Exterri- 
 toriality. 
 
 EXTURRITORIALITY. 
 
 suffered to go in peace and uninjured. ‘The Porte 
 only, in former times, prevented their departure, 
 and confined them in the Seven Towers, lest they 
 should be exposed to any outrage from the people. 
 This practice is now, however, abolished.* The 
 position of ambassadors shut up in the Seven 
 ‘Towers was anything but pleasant. They were, 
 in point of fact, prisoners; and they were obliged 
 to purchase the smallest comfort from the aga 
 who held them in custody. 
 
 There is no doubt that both an ambassador and 
 the whole of his suite stand under the special 
 protection of the law of nations. Any insult 
 offered to them is an insult to the sovereign or 
 nation they represent. Their persons are abso- 
 lutely inviolable. Nevertheless, if an ambassador 
 or any of his suite gets into a scrape with a pyi- 
 vate person to whom his character is unknown; 
 if he puts himself purposely in the way of mischief; 
 if he meddles in affairs which do not concern him ; 
 or if he misconducts himself and breaks the law, 
 his privileges avail nothing. 
 
 There is also a question as to whether he can 
 be permitted, under any circumstances, to take 
 the law into his own hands, or whether he must 
 confine himself to making a complaint to the 
 constituted authorities. On the one side, it is 
 urged that the laws of a foreign country are only 
 binding on the subjects of the state, and that 
 they cannot thus affect an ambassador in any 
 
 * See Langler, Histoire de la Paix de Belgrade, tom. i. p. 23; 
 Von Hammer, Constantinople and the Bosphorus, vol. i. p. 624. 
 
INSULTS TO AMBASSADORS. 317 
 way, inasmuch as he possesses the full privileges 
 of exterritoriality. 
 
 On the other hand, however, it is far more 
 
 reasonably urged, that both common prudence 
 
 tf 
 
 and state policy should prevent an ambassador 
 resorting to violence, even in self-defence, if 
 possible. No European government, either, but 
 that of Turkey, would now tolerate a systematic 
 cuffing and thwacking of its subjects by diplo- 
 matic fists.* 
 
 It is clear that it would be both ungraceful 
 and improper to refuse the promptest satisfac- 
 tion to an ambassador for any inconvenience 
 to which he may have been exposed, unless 
 he has previously placed himself decidedly in the 
 wrong. 
 
 By the Bavarian Code, art. 306, n. il, any ae 
 person insulting an ambassador, or breaking the 
 conditions of a treaty between Bavaria and 
 another state, is punishable as a traitor’to his 
 country in the fourth degree. 
 
 There are examples enough, however, of am- Insults to 
 
 Ambassa- 
 bassadors having been very roughly handled. A ¢™ 
 
 _ papal legate, who brought a bull which the pope 
 
 had fulminated against Visconti, tyrant of Milan, 
 was made to eat that document. Visconti marched 
 the legate gravely to the Naviglo bridge, and 
 then said to him abruptly, “ Choose whether you 
 will rather have something to eat or something to 
 drink, in memory of your mission ; for one of the 
 
 * See Von Romer, p. 298; Von Mosham, p. 210; Pacapi, p. 
 167 ; Kliiber, p. 329; and Heffter, Das Eur. Vol. der Geg., p. 328. 
 
INSULTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 two you shall surely have before you depart.” The 
 holy man turned a miserable and imploring look 
 on his persecutor, and then an anxious glance on 
 the deep stream which roared below. ‘The latter 
 determined him ; and fearing that if he decided on 
 drinking, he would be bundled at once into the 
 river, he gasped out that his choice was made— 
 he would “ Eat!” 
 
 “Do so, then,” sneered Visconti, grimly ; 
 ‘““ swallow this piece of lead and the silken fasten- 
 ing to your bull.” 
 
 The legate at once saw that remonstrance 
 would be useless, even a wry face might be 
 dangerous ; so he munched the lead and silk in 
 rueful silence. When he had eaten it, Visconti 
 complimented him on his digestion, and sent him 
 about his business. It is needless to say that 
 the reverend gentleman never looked behind 
 him.* 
 
 The Dey of Algiers, also, who loved a prac- 
 tical joke dearly, stuffed the French consul, Le 
 Vacher, into the mouth of a cannon. Having 
 duly rammed him down, he fired him off in 
 defiance at the ship of Admiral Duquesne, whose 
 flag was flying in the neighbourhood. Several 
 portions of the French consul actually reached 
 his countrymen in this unexpected manner. 
 
 The jocular dey, however, had scarcely done 
 chuckling at his own wit, than he was obliged to 
 decamp, bag and baggage, and leave his deyship 
 
 * See Sismondi, L’Histoire des Républiques Ital., tom. vii. ; 
 Froissart, L’ Histoire de France, &c., tom. i. p. 248. 
 
INSULTS TO AMBASSADORS. 
 
 behind him. “The first companion of pride,” 
 says M. Semilasso (who relates this anecdote), 
 very justly, “is folly; the second, repentance.” 
 
 It really seems, however, as if there was some- 
 thing in the very name of ambassador which 
 turns even the strongest heads. Not even the 
 shrewd wit and clear judgment of Bernadotte was 
 able to resist its influence; and he showed that 
 bumptiousness and diplomacy are one and indi- 
 visible. On the 14th of April, 1798, Bernadotte, 
 who was then French ambassador at Vienna, 
 thought proper to hang the tricolor flag from 
 his balcony. Towards evening, a crowd assembled 
 round the embassy, and rapidly increased to some 
 20,000 persons. They called out to him to re- 
 move the flag; he refused to do so. With 
 extraordinary rashness, he drew his sword, and 
 threatened to attack the murmuring multitude. 
 His servants also fired a few shots; and if General 
 _ Kinski had not speedily arrived with a large mil- 
 tary force to his assistance, he would have been 
 of course torn to pieces. No less than 8000 
 soldiers were required to disperse the exasperated 
 “mob. In the end, Bernadotte was obliged to ask 
 for his passports, and escape by night.* 
 
 At the Congress of Rastadt, the French pleni- 
 potentiaries were assassinated. 
 
 * See also Martens, Causes Célébres du Droit des Gens, tom. i. 
 pp. 1—46, 47, 54, 174—205; tom. ii., Appen., pp. 391—427. 
 (Nouvelles Causes Célébres du Droit des Gens, tom. ii. pp. 71—175), 
 Assassinat des Plénipotentiaires Francais au Congrés de Rastadt, 
 le 20 Aout, 1799. 
 
 319 
 
Exemption 
 from Taxes, 
 &e. 
 
 Official 
 Residence. 
 
 CHAPTER XXL 
 
 —_~—— 
 
 Exemption from Taxes, &c.—Official Residence.—Immunities.— 
 Exceptional Cases. —Debts.—Anecdote of Lucien Buonaparte.— 
 - Frederick II. of Prussia.—Police Regulations.—Jurisdiction of 
 Ambassadors.—Distinctions to be observed between Officials and 
 Private Servants.—Private Printing Press.—Jus Quarteriorum. 
 —Jus Asyli.—Private Worship.—Privileges of Ambassadors in 
 States where they are not accredited. 
 
 By reason of their privilege of exterritoriality, 
 ambassadors and their suite are exempt from all 
 the taxes and burthens of the country in which 
 they reside. Articles for their own use are also 
 admitted to a certain extent free of customs dues. 
 This privilege was so shamefully misused for- 
 merly by ambassadors with a turn for commercial 
 speculation, that it is now subject to express 
 restrictions. Even things absolutely prohibited 
 in other cases may be sometimes imported for 
 or by ambassadors. 
 
 When, however, they think proper to make 
 purchases of lands and houses on their own 
 account, such property is of course liable to the 
 same taxes and burthens which would be charge- 
 able upon it if belonging to anybody else. The 
 official residence of an ambassador, however, is 
 exempt from all taxes. Ambassadors cannot 
 claim exemption from postage, turnpikes, and 
 
IMMUNITIES. 
 
 bridge-tolls, &c., unless by special treaty. Ambas- 
 sadors are usually forbidden to trade, and in- 
 stances of their having been discovered in 
 carrying on commercial speculations are so rare 
 that it is doubtful how far they would be able to 
 profit by their privileges in this case. Trading 
 ambassadors usually keep their own counsel.* 
 Most European courts now only grant exemption 
 from customs’ dues to ambassadors for a specified 
 time, usually a year after their arrival. ‘Their 
 suite have still a more limited privilege in this 
 respect. At Vienna and Madrid it was formerly 
 customary to send an ambassador a certain sum 
 of money, once for all (according to his rank), as 
 an indemnity for customs’ duties. 
 
 The goods of an ambassador may be subjected 
 to an examination at the frontier. The right is 
 usually waived, however, unless some very gross 
 abuse is suspected. When goods are once within 
 the walls of an embassy, they are no longer 
 subject to any examination whatever. Almost 
 every state has some special regulation on 
 this subject, and the practice varies very much 
 according to circumstances. Hvery nation has 
 also clearly a right to fix the privileges which 
 are to be granted to ambassadors in this respect. 
 
 Sometimes, the custom-house authorities, 
 warned by experience, have felt it necessary to 
 request ambassadors to open sealed packets 
 
 * Compare V. Steck on Trading Ambassadors, p. 197. De Cal- 
 liéres, Uhlich, Moser, Romer, Pacassi, Schmalz, Kliiber, and 
 Martens, have all treated on these subjects. 
 
 Y 
 
 B21 
 
Immunities. 
 
 Exceptional 
 Cases. 
 
 EXCEPTIONAL CASES. 
 
 which formed part of their luggage, in order to 
 satisfy a reasonable doubt respecting smugeling,* 
 on too serious a scale. An ambassador cannot 
 be summoned before the civil tribunals of the 
 country in which he resides unless under excep- 
 tional circumstances. For instance : 
 
 1. If at the time of his appointment he was 
 a subject of the sovereign at whose court he is 
 accredited, and no formal resignation of jurisdic- 
 tion has been made. 
 
 2. If he is likewise in the service of the 
 sovereign at whose court he is accredited. 
 
 3. If he summons any subject of the state in 
 which he resides before the public tribunals, he 
 must appear in answer to the complaint of the 
 defendant (actor sequitur forum rei). 
 
 4, In cases where he formally renounces his 
 privilege (by consent of his sovereign), and 
 voluntarily places himself under the jurisdiction 
 of the local tribunals in some particular affair. 
 
 5. If he possesses lands or immoveable goods 
 in his private capacity. 
 
 6. If he is a merchant or manufacturer, or 
 possesses moveable goods as private property, 
 
 and not in his public character. 
 
 In any of these cases the local tribunals will 
 have jurisdiction over him as far as such excep- 
 tional cases may extend.t 
 
 * Compare -Uhlich, Les Droits des Ambassadeurs, p. 49; De 
 Lambertz, Mémoires, tom. iv. p. 220; CO, de Martens, Causes: 
 Célébres, tom. ii., App., p. 367. 
 
 + Compare Bynkershoek, cap, xi. xiv. xxiii. ; Merlin, Répertoire, 
 
t 
 
 DEBTS AND ARREST. 
 
 No action can be entered against a foreign Debts. 
 
 ambassador for debt ; nor can he be arrested, or 
 
 molested in any way. The debts of an ambas- 
 
 sador, though even incurred on protested bills of 
 exchange, cannot authorise any proceedings 
 whatever against him, or the seizure of any of 
 his goods and chattels. Even when preparing to 
 quit the country after the termination of his 
 mission, he can seldom be molested; and most 
 governments expressly forbid the local authori- 
 ties to interfere with him in any way on such 
 occasions.* Passports have, nevertheless, some- 
 times been refused to ambassadors who owed 
 more than they could pay, and they have been 
 arrested. But on these occasions the local 
 authorities have been invariably pronounced in 
 the wrong. Thus, in 1794, the Venetian ambas- 
 sador, Venier, was preparing to leave Paris, and 
 his successor, Erizo, had already arrived, when 
 
 he was arrested for debt, by order of the “ lieu-’ 
 
 tenant-civil.” In the end, however, this func- 
 tionary was obliged to go and beg pardon of the 
 diplomatist, and to smooth his ruffled plumes 
 
 ~ again.t 
 
 &e., tom. vill. p. 271; Bergmayr, De Judice et Foro Legatorum, 
 s. 81; Kliiber, Bd. i. s. 343; Uhlich, Les Droits des Ambassa- 
 deurs, &c., p. 96. 
 
 * De Martens, Guide Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 64; Roth’s Ar- 
 chives, &c,, H. i. s. 93; Kemmerich, p. 39; Causes Célébres du 
 Droit des Gens, tom. i. p. 47 (l’arrestation de Pambassadeur de 
 Russie de Mathweof a Londres pour dettes, et satisfaction donnée 
 a cet égard en 1708, tom. ii. p. 110.) 
 
 + See Theatrum Eur. Contin., part xiv. p. 702. See also the 
 Election-Capitulation of the Emperor Leopold II. (1790), Art. xxv. 
 
 x 2 
 
 323 
 
O24 
 
 EXEMPTION FROM FOREIGN JURISDICTION. 
 
 The exemption of ambassadors from the 
 jurisdiction of foreign countries appears to rest 
 on the fiction that they are representatives of the 
 state sending them, and therefore cannot be in 
 any way subject to the laws of another. 
 
 Ambassadors are also free from the criminal 
 jurisdiction of foreign countries. ‘There were 
 formerly many disputes on this subject, but in 
 modern times their right of exemption is 
 universally acknowledged.* 
 
 s. 7, and Art. xxxvi. s. 8; and that of Francis II. (1792), ss. 7 
 and 8, Art. xxv. In Prussia, the United States of America, Great 
 Britain, Sweden, and most other countries, the law is particularly 
 distinct on this subject. Grotius, lib. ii. cap. xvii. s. 9, lays down 
 the following principle :—‘‘ Bona quoque legati mobilia, et que 
 proinde habentur, persone accessio, pignoris causa, aut ad solu- 
 tionem debiti capi non posse, nec per judiciorum ordinem, nec, 
 quod quidam volunt, manu regia, verius est. Nam omnis coactio 
 abesse a legato debet, tam que res ei necessarias quam que per- 
 sonam tangit, quo plena ei fit securitas. Si quid ergo debiti con- 
 traxit, et ut fit, res soli eo loco nullas possideat, ipse compellandus 
 erit amice, et si detrectet, is qui misit, ita ut ad postremum usur- 
 pentur ea que adversus debitores extra territorium positos usurpari 
 solent.” 
 
 * See Grotius, lib. ii. cap. xvii. s. 4 :— 
 
 “*4, Conjectura quoque hine stat. Verius enim est privilegia ita 
 intelligenda, ut aliquid tribuant ultra juscommune. Quod si legati 
 ab injusta tantum vi tuti essent, nihil in eo magni esset, nihil 
 precipui. Adde quod securitas legatorum utilitati que ex peena est 
 preponderat. Nam pcena haberi potest. per eum qui legatum misit 
 volentem : et si nolit ab ipso exigi bello, tanquam criminis appro- 
 batore. Objiciunt aliqui satius unum plecti quam bello multos 
 involvi. Atqui si is qui legatum misit factum ejus probet, legati 
 poena bello nos non eximet. Parte vero altera valde in lubrico 
 locatur salus legatorum, si actuum suorum rationem alii reddere 
 debeant quam a quo mittantur. Nam cum plerumque diversa, 
 seepe et adversa sint consilia eorum qui mittunt legatos, et qui 
 accipiunt, vix est ut non semper aliquid in legatum dici posset, 
 quod criminis accipiat speciem, Et quanquam quedam sunt ita 
 
rs 
 
 OFFENCES AGAINST THE LAWS. 
 
 Montesquieu says we must beware of deciding 
 matters belonging to the right of nations by ordi- 
 
 manifesta, ut dubitationem non habeant, sufficit tamen ad equi- 
 tatem et utilitatem legis universalis periculum universale. 
 
 **5. Quare omnino ita censeo, placuisse gentibus ut communis 
 mos, qui quemvis in alieno territorio existentem ejus loci territorio 
 subjicit, exceptionem pateretur in legatis, ut qui sicut fietione 
 quadam habentur pro personis mittentium (Senatus faciem secum 
 attulerat, auctoritatem reipublice, ait de legato quodam M. Tullius) 
 ita etiam fictione simili constituerentur quasi extra territorium, 
 unde et civili jure populi apud quem vivunt non tenentur. Quare 
 si tale sit delictum quod contemni posse videatur, aut dissimu- 
 landum erit, aut e finibus jubendus excedere legatus, quod Polybius 
 ei factum narrat qui Rome obsidibus fugiendi causam prebuerat. 
 Unde obiter datur intelligi, quod alio tempore legatus Tarentinorum 
 qui idem deliquerat virgis czesus est, id eo evenisse quod Tarentini 
 victi sub Romanis esse ccepissent. Si crimen sit atrocius, et ad 
 publicum malum spectans, mittendus erit legatus ad eum qui misit, 
 cum postulato ut eum puniat aut dedat, quomodo Gallos postulasse 
 legimus ut sibi dederentur Fabii. 
 
 **6, Sed, quod supra diximus aliquoties, humana jura omnia ita 
 esse comparata ut non obligent in summa necessitate, id de hoc 
 quoque preecepto sanctimonie legatorum obtinebit. Verum is apex 
 necessitatis non est in sumtione pcenz, quam et aliis in casibus tolli 
 jure gentium infra apparebit cum de solennis belli effectibus agemus : 
 multo minus in loco, tempore ac modo sumende pcene, sed in pree- 
 cautione gravis mali, presertim publici. Quare ut obviam eatur 
 imminenti periculo, sialia nulla est ratio idonea, et retineri et inter- 
 rogari legati poterunt. Ita Consules Romani Tarquinii legatog 
 deprehenderunt, literarum in primis habita cura, ut Livius loquitur, 
 ne interciderent. 
 
 ‘*7, Quod si vim armatam intentet legatus, sane occidi poterit, 
 non per modum pcens, sed per modum naturalis defensionis. Sic 
 Fabios, quos violatores juris humani Livius vocat, Galli occidere 
 potuerunt. Itaque apud Euripidem Heraclidis Demophon fecialem 
 ab Eurystheo missum et vi supplices abripere conantem vi pro- 
 hibuit, et cum ille diceret :— 
 
 Tun’ fecialem cedere hue missum audeas ? 
 Respondet :— 
 Ni fecialis dexteram a vi temperet. 
 
 Huic feciali nomen fuisse Copreo, et quia vi ageret a populo Athe- 
 niensi interfectum narrat Philostratus vita Herodis. Distinctione 
 
 325 
 
326 
 
 OFFENCES AGAINST THE LAWS. 
 
 nary political laws.* It is obvious, indeed, that 
 the arrest of an ambassador might sometimes be 
 of the most serious disadvantage to the state he 
 represents. It might also be resorted to upon 
 some pressing occasion by a dishonest govern- 
 ment. It might be a pretext for the gravest 
 mischief. 
 
 If an ambassador offends against the laws of 
 the land in which he resides, representations 
 must be made to his government. His recall 
 may be justly demanded, and satisfaction even 
 required. He may be refused the usual audi- 
 ences ; or, In minor cases, he may receive a verbal 
 non dissimili solvit Cicero quesitum illud, an patrem patrise pro- 
 ditorem filius accusare debeat. Vult enim debere ad avertendum peri- 
 culum imminens, non autem vitato jam periculo in facti pcenam.” 
 
 * Vide Montesquieu (De Esprit des Loix, part 2, liv. xxvi. 
 ch. xxi.: ‘‘Qwil ne faut pas décider par les loix politiques les 
 choses qui appartiennent au droit des gens”), sagt dagenen :— 
 
 ‘* Les lois politiques demandent que tout homme soit soumis aux 
 Tribunaux criminels et civils du pays ot il est, et 4 Panimadversion 
 
 ‘du Souverain. 
 
 **Le Droit des Gens a voulu que les Princes s’envoyassent des 
 Ambassadeurs, et la raison tirée de la nature de Ja chose, n’a pas 
 permis que ces Ambassadeurs dépendissent du Souverain chez qui 
 ils sont envoyés, ni de ses Tribunaux. Ils sont la parole du 
 Prince qui les envoie, et cette parole doit étre libre; aucun 
 obstacle ne doit les empécher d’agir; ils peuvent souvent déplaire, 
 parce qwils parlent pour un homme indépendant: on pourroit 
 leur imputer les crimes, sls pouvoient étre punis pour des 
 crimes ; on pourroit leur supposer des dettes, s’ils pouvoient étre 
 arrétés pour des dettes : un Prince qui a une fierté naturelle, par- 
 leroit par la bouche d’un homme, qui auroit tout a craindre. I 
 faut done suivre, a l’égard des Ambassadeurs, les raisons tirées du 
 Droit des Gens, et non pas celles qui dérivent du droit politique. 
 Que s’ils abusent de leur Etre représentatif, on le fait cesser, en les 
 renvoyant chez eux : on peut méme les accuser devant leur Maitre, 
 qui devient par-la leur Juge ou leur Complice.” 
 
 Also consult Wheaton, p. 170. 
 
ANECDOTE OF LUCIEN BUONAPARTE. B27 
 
 or written warning to alter his conduct. An 
 ambassador, however, may be ordered at once to 
 leave the country, or be even expelled for a 
 serious crime. 
 
 There is a laughable story about Lucien anecdote 
 Buonaparte, which shows that the dignity and Bacco 
 privileges, enjoyed by ambassadors, may some- 
 times lead them to do strange things. While 
 Lucien was ambassador at the court of Charles IV. 
 of Spain, he became enamoured of a Spanish 
 lady. She had a husband; but returned the 
 advances of the ambassador with all the liveliness 
 and spirit of her countrywomen. Her husband 
 was not a philosopher. He did not consider the 
 subject with the calm and refined courtesy which 
 should always mark the intercourse of a true 
 gentleman and his wife. In vain the lady 
 besought him to consider the excellency of her 
 adorer; in vain she insisted strongly on the 
 usages of good society in Madrid; in vain she 
 proved to him (beyond a doubt) that the snow in 
 the immediate neighbourhood of the North Pole 
 was not by any means so frigid as she; in vain she 
 delicately alluded to the advantage which it would 
 be to their prospects in life, and their mutual 
 position in society, to have the ambassador's 
 carriage constantly at their door; in vain she 
 urged that what might have appeared levity to a 
 censorious world, was, in point of fact, diplomacy. 
 She had been puzzling her poor little head to 
 make a leading position for her husband in public 
 life, and—and—(she took out her pocket-hand- 
 
328 
 
 ANECDOTE OF LUCIEN BUONAPARTE. 
 
 kerchief) this—this—this this this was her— 
 reward! She burst into tears. She vowed to 
 the little Don (who stood scowling in a corner, 
 after the manner of husbands) that he had been 
 the one long dream of her life; that his interests 
 and affection had been her only object in the 
 world ; that she had long admired him in secret 
 before they met; that she had married him in 
 spite of the remonstrances of her friends, but that 
 she had pleased her eye (here she looked up 
 smiling) if (here she began to cry again) she was 
 to break her heart! In short, she exhausted all 
 the bewildering arguments of ladydom. But her 
 husband was one of those dull dogs who are 
 always listening about on staircases, and peeping 
 through key-holes; and the blockhead was not a 
 philosopher. | 
 
 “Madam!” quoth the unappeased little wretch, 
 “if you had felt for me the admiration which, as 
 you justly observe, 1s my due, you would not—”’ 
 He was about to allude to the key-hole, but his 
 wife interrupted him with passionate sobs. “Ah,” 
 she cried, “you little know how far the devotion 
 of a fond wife to the interests of an adored 
 husband will carry her! I may indeed appear to 
 be wrong, but St. Twentytoes, whose blessed feet 
 arrived from Rome last week, will bear me witness. 
 Listen, and I will explain everything. She cleared 
 her throat; she parted her hair from her fore- 
 head; she settled herself more comfortably upon 
 the sofa. She had made up her mind she would 
 talk the Don out of his view from the key-hole: 
 
ANECDOTE OF LUCIEN BUONAPARTE. 329 
 
 yea, even and the—testimony of his own ears. 
 A sharp twinge of recollection, however, seized 
 the Don before she had got fairly into her story. 
 “Go to, Madam!” he roared, endeavouring to 
 arouse his mind before it got hopelessly entangled 
 and mystified by lady-like logic, “I will have no 
 more of such sacrifices ; you shall go to a convent.” 
 Upon this, the lady seeing that nothing was to 
 be done with such an unreasonable brute, fainted, 
 to gain time; and, in that state of apparent insen- 
 sibility, was transferred to a religious institution, 
 where she furnished a most welcome and exciting 
 topic of conversation for some time to the nuns. 
 Accordingly, when she was thus disposed of, 
 and the Don allowed to pursue his own devices 
 uncontrolled, of course he got into mischief. All 
 husbands do when they are released from the rosy 
 and judicious restrictions of a matrimonial super- 
 intendence. He ungratefully challenged the am- 
 ‘bassador, in return for his excellency’s kind 
 attentions to his wife and youthful family. All 
 the Buonapartes were constitutionally brave ; so 
 -was Lucien. He at once accepted the challenge ; 
 but somebody happening to observe to him that 
 he was not only a hero, but the representative of 
 a great nation, it occurred to him that he might 
 as well just think over the matter. Le Thiers, 
 the historical painter, was then at Madrid, and 
 politely offered to take the troublesome little 
 affair off his excellency’s hands. ‘Do so,” said 
 Lucien, with great urbanity. 
 When the hostile parties were assembled, the 
 
380 
 
 Frederick 
 II. of 
 Prussia. 
 
 FREDERICK II. OF PRUSSIA. 
 
 Don thought of the key-hole, and looked round 
 with a wrathful eye. “Where is the individual 
 who has dared to insult the honour of Don Diego 
 Alonzo Gonsalvo Maria y Thirtynames? It is 
 my intention to bleed him on the spot.” 
 
 “Tam your man!” answered Le Thiers, with 
 all the loftiness necessary to his character as a 
 temporary diplomatist. 
 
 -“ You!” cried the Don, with infinite disgust. 
 A nobleman of the courtly house of Thirtynames 
 cannot fight with such a fellow as you /”’ 
 
 So saying, he put up his sword, rushed back 
 to Madrid, and published the affair among his 
 cloaked and bearded friends, thinking thereby to 
 arouse the vanity of the ambassador into giving 
 him battle at last. He had scarcely been round 
 to the chocolate shops, however, and made his 
 family affairs the talk of a delighted society, when 
 he was tapped on the shoulder and marched off 
 to his estate, to the disappointment of everybody 
 who had not yet heard the story. ‘ The Court of 
 Madrid,” says Schmelzing, in commenting upon 
 this strange tale, “ very properly considered the 
 matter in a purely philosophical point of view.” 
 
 The lively proceedings of ambassadors have 
 not, however, always ended so agreeably; for, 
 when Frederick II. of Prussia heard that his 
 representative at Turin had offered some insult 
 to a Sardinian officer, his majesty at once indig- 
 nantly recalled him. I cannot help thinking, 
 either, that his majesty was undoubtedly in the 
 right. For if it has been deemed necessary, by 
 
JURISDICTION OF AMBASSADORS. Gol 
 
 the wisdom of nations, to place ambassadors 
 beyond the reach of the laws in the countries 
 where they reside, they must not look upon their 
 privilege as a charter for follies and disorder. It 
 especially behoves their own government to look 
 with unusual severity into their conduct, and to be 
 prompt to punish any derelictions from propriety. 
 
 An ambassador is bound, also, to obey all Police © 
 police regulations for the preservation and secu- ean 
 rity of public peace and good order. He cannot 
 be cited before the police authorities, and punished 
 in case of refusal; but a complaint should be 
 made to his government, and satisfaction de- 
 manded for any troubles which he may have occa- 
 sioned. An ambassador, also, may be arrested, if 
 actually discovered in the act of violating a law, 
 or endangering the security of the state which has 
 received him.* . 
 
 Ambassadors have been sometimes allowed the Jurisdiction 
 ae es ae 5 ee ee of Ambas- 
 right of civil and even criminal jurisdiction over sadors. 
 the subjects of their sovereign. In modern times, 
 however, this right'is seldom exercised or admitted 
 
 - anywhere in Europe except in Turkey. 
 If one of an ambassador’s suite commits a pistinction 
 
 criminal act beyond the walls of the Embassy, it 2.e2” 
 
 oi ei é : we ane bet 
 will be necessary to distinguish if he is in official dfieials 
 
 employment, and therefore beyond the law, or Sewante” 
 if he is merely in the private service of the 
 ambassador. 
 
 In the latter case, the release of the offender 
 
 would seldom be refused, on the special application 
 
 * See Moser, Schmalz, Kliiber, and Martens. 
 
2D 
 
 w 
 
 PRIVATE SERVANTS. 
 
 of the ambassador, even although he were not a 
 subject of the state represented by him. The 
 practice generally observed, however, is to sur- 
 render such offenders at once to the judgment 
 of the local tribunals. An arrest can never take 
 place in the house of an ambassador without his 
 express consent. 
 
 To prevent all possible collision on the subject 
 it is usual for an ambassador to dismiss an 
 offender at once from his private service. If, 
 however, the offender form part of his official 
 suite, and can thus be neither dismissed or sur- 
 rendered, the ambassador is authorised to send 
 the said offender back to his own country under 
 proper escort to prevent his escape. In no case, 
 however, 18 an ambassador now allowed to 
 exercise jurisdiction over criminal offenders, or 
 to go beyond a mere examination into the proofs 
 of their guilt. 
 
 The right of criminal jurisdiction over their 
 own subjects, or their private servants, has been. 
 denied even to sovereigns themselves during their 
 temporary residence in a foreign country. Thus 
 the King of France took it extremely il when 
 Christina of Sweden caused Monaldeschi to be 
 executed in the gallery des cerfs. 
 
 There was a dispute also between the court of 
 Russia and the elector Palatine of Bavaria, in 
 1790. ‘The Count de Bruehl, Prussian represen- 
 tative at Munich, claimed criminal jurisdiction in 
 the case of one of his own servants, said to have 
 committed suicide beyond the walls of his house. 
 
PRIVATE SERVANTS. 
 
 The local authorities, however, refused to deliver 
 up the corpse.* 
 
 _ Ambassadors usually concede voluntarily a 
 limited power over their private servants to the 
 police, beyond the walls of the embassy. 'This has 
 been especially the case at congresses, where the 
 servants of ambassadors are necessarily very 
 numerous.t 
 
 * See De Vattel, liv. iv. ch. ix s, 124 :—‘‘ Les Gens de la Suite 
 du Ministre Etranger étant indépendans de la jurisdiction du pays, 
 ne peuvent étre arrétés ni punis sans son consentement. Mais il 
 seroit peu convenable qwils vécussent dans une entiére indépen- 
 dance, et qwils eussent la liberté de se livrer sans crainte a toute 
 sorte de désordres. L’ Ambassadeur est nécessairement revétu de 
 toute l’autorité nécessaire pour les contenir. Quelques-uns veulent 
 que cette autorité s’étende jusqu’au droit de vie et de mort. Le 
 Marquis de Rosny, depuis Duc de Sully étant Ambassadeur extra- 
 ordinaire de France en Angleterre, un gentilhomme de sa suite se 
 rendit coupable d’un meurtre ; ce qui excita une grande rumeur 
 parmi le peuple de Londres. lL’ Ambassadeur assembla quelques 
 Seigneurs Francois, qui ’avoient accompagné, fit le procés au meur- 
 trier, et le condamna a perdre la téte; aprés quoi, il fit dire au 
 Maire de Londres, qwil avoit jugé le Criminel, et lui demanda des 
 Archers et un Bourreau pour exécuter la Sentence. Mais ensuite, 
 il convint de livrer le coupable aux Anglois, pour en faire eux-mémes 
 justice, comme ils l’entendroient; et M. Beaumont, Ambassadeur 
 ordinaire de France, obtint du Roi d’ Angleterre la grace du jeune- 
 homme qui étoit son parent. Il dépend du Souverain d’étendre jusq’a 
 ce point le pouvoir de son Ambassadeur sur les gens de sa Maison, 
 et le Marquis de Rosny se tenoit bien assuré de l’aveu de son Maitre, 
 qui en effet approuva sa conduite.” 
 
 + Vide Réglement touchant les Cérémonies Publiques et la Police 
 outre les Domestiques (Actes et Mémoires de la Négociation de la 
 Paix de Ryswick, nouv. ed., 4 la Haye, 1725, 8vo., tom. ii. p. 25, 
 Art. ix.) :—‘‘Si quisquam domesticorum Legati aut Plenipoten- 
 tiarii criminis alicujus et violate tranquillitatis publice reus com- 
 pertus fuerit, Legatus aut Plenipotentiarius juri suo de delinquente 
 pro arbitrio statuendi renunciabit, ipsumque pro abdicato et privi- 
 legiis omnibus, quee illi ex clientela competebant, exuto habebit, 
 curabitque insuper, ut tradatur ordinariis justitiz administris, sive 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
334 A PRIVATE PRINTING PRESS. 
 
 In 1778 the ambassadors at the Diet of Regens- 
 burg empowered the city watch to eject any of 
 their servants who might be found playing at cards 
 or games of chance in public taverns. 
 
 The jurisdiction, exercised by foreign ambas- 
 sadors and consuls over the subjects of their 
 respective states in Turkey, is a marked excep- 
 tion to all the foregoing rules. It varies, how- 
 ever, considerably according to the separate trea- 
 ties concluded by each state with the Porte. Itis a 
 power, however, fearfully abused and ill-defined. 
 Such mighty interests are constantly placed in 
 jeopardy by it, that I would venture respectfully 
 to submit that there is no portion of international 
 law which requires a more careful revision.* 
 
 A private 
 Printing 
 Press. 
 
 Ambassadors have sometimes claimed the 
 right of having a private printing-press. The 
 Prussian ambassador at the Diet of Regensburg 
 possessed one during the seven years’ war. ‘The 
 Portuguese ambassador at Rome, in 1759, also 
 possessed one; but, in 1815, when the Spanish 
 ambassador at Rome desired to establish so 
 terrible an auxiliary, the cardinal secretary of 
 
 in urbe, sive alio loco, ubi delictum commissum fuerit, addita etiam 
 requisitione, ut contra eundem juxta juris constitutionem et loci 
 exigentiam procedatur.”’ 
 
 * See Moser, part iv. p. 329; V. Steck, Versuche, &c., p. 88 ; 
 F, A. G. Wenckii, Codex Juris Gentium Recentissimi, &c. tom. i. p. 
 538 ; De Mably, Droit Public de ’ Europe Fondé sur les Traités, &c., 
 tom. li. ch. vi. p. 20; Rousset, Recueil d’ Actes, Mémoires, Traités, 
 &c., tom. Xvili., pp. 17, 18. ; Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. vii. 
 part ii. p. 4; Dictionnaire du Citoyen, ou abregé Hist. et Prat. de 
 Commerce, tom.i. p. 48; and Stengel, Kliiber, Martens, Heffter, &c. 
 
PROTECTION. 
 
 state declared this privilege to be abolished by 
 command of the pope.* 
 
 In former times ambassadors were sometimes 
 allowed to take persons under their protection 
 who were neither attached to their suite nor 
 subjects of their sovereign. This right was either 
 established by special treaties or allowed by 
 ancient custom. Thus, the Huguenots or French- 
 
 men of the reformed religion, who had fled from | 
 
 their own country and sought safety in Turkey, 
 were still considered under the protection of the 
 French embassy. In 1758, however, the Sultan 
 formally remonstrated against the perpetual 
 meddling of ambassadors in the affairs of 
 his Christian subjects. In subsequent treaties 
 with Christian powers, also the Porte always 
 endeavoured to insert a clause prohibiting am- 
 bassadors from granting protections to any but 
 their own subjects.t The electoral ambassadors 
 _were accustomed also to take many persons under 
 their protection during the election of a new 
 Emperor of Germany, because all persons not so 
 protected were obliged to leave the city (nm which 
 the election took place) on such occasions. 
 Ambassadors to the German Confederative As- 
 sembly were forbidden to take any person under 
 
 * See Ahnert, part i. p. 472; Kliiber, vol. i. pp. 848, 344; De 
 Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c. tom. i. p. 62. 
 
 + Moser, part ili. p. 146; part iv. p. 320; Ahnert, part i. 
 pp. 404, 405; Treaty between Great Britain and the Porte, Jan. 5, 
 1809, Art. x.; De Martens, Recueil, &c. (Supplém.), tom. v. 
 p. 162; Kliiber, vol. i, pp. 307, 308; De Martens, Précis, &c., 
 tom, ii., p. 100. 
 
336 
 
 Jus Quar- 
 teriorum. 
 
 JUS QUARTERIORUM. 
 
 their protection, save such as belonged to their 
 legitimate suite. Nevertheless, the right of so 
 doing appears sometimes to have been conceded.* 
 The exterritoriality, supposed by a legal fiction 
 to belong to the residence of an ambassador, in 
 ancient times very frequently extended over the 
 whole quarter of the town or street in which the 
 embassy was situated. This franchise des quar- 
 tiers (jus quarteriorum, jus franchitiarum) as it 
 was called, was frequently allowed at Madrid, 
 Venice, Rome, and Frankfort-on-the-Maine, during 
 the election and coronation of the emperors. 
 The street or quarter of the town, thus placed 
 under the protection of an ambassador, was in- 
 dicated by the arms of his sovereign, put up 
 in some conspicuous place, and it was thus de- 
 livered from the jurisdiction of the local autho- 
 rities as well as all taxes and other burdens. 
 
 In Rome an ambassador was not only allowed 
 to protect any criminal who sought asylum in his 
 house; but a criminal was beyond the pursuit of 
 the law, when he entered any part of the quarter 
 of the town in which an embassy was situated. 
 
 The neighbourhood of an embassy was a sanc , 
 
 tuary as sacred as the precincts of a royal palace. 
 On the death of the French ambassador D’Etrees 
 in 1686, Innocent XI. very properly endeavoured 
 to abolish this absurd privilege; but Lous XIV., 
 in the insolence of power, actually sent another 
 
 * See Kliiber, Offentliches Recht des Teutschen Bundes und der 
 Bundesstaaten (4 Aufl. 1840), s. 143. 
 
JUS ASYLI. 
 
 ambassador (Lavardin) with an armed following 
 of seven hundred men to maintain it by force.* 
 
 This Franchise de Quartier, or right of sanc- 
 tuary, is now universally abolished. As late as 
 1759, however, the French ministers at Genoa 
 would not even permit the local police to pass by 
 their hotel; a ridiculous and offensive insult to 
 the native authorities. In Spain these privi- 
 leges were suppressed by a royal ordinance in 
 1684.t 
 
 Oot 
 
 The principle of exterritoriality has been gene- Jus Asyli. 
 
 rally held to establish the right of asylum (droit 
 d’asile, jus asyli) within the walls of an ambas- 
 sador’s residence. This right, however, has been 
 sometimes disputed when taken in too extended 
 a sense, and has been frequently voluntarily 
 abandoned. ‘Thus it was given up by the Polish 
 ambassadors in 1680, by the Spanish in 1682, and 
 by the English in 1686.} 
 
 _ * See Lavardini, Legatio Romana ejusque cum Romano Pontifice, 
 Innocentio XI., dissidia, 1697; De Martens, Causes Célébres, 
 vol, ii. (App.), p. 380. . 
 
 + See De Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c., tom. i. p. 80 :— 
 ‘¢ A Rome cependant quelques légations, telles que celle de France 
 et de Espagne, jouissent encore d’une certaine franchise de quar- 
 tier; et dans la banlieue placée sous la protection de l Ambassadeur 
 d’Espagne, la police n’est exercée que par des sbirres appartenant a 
 ga mission.” 
 
 + See Helfrecht, Von den Asylen (Hof, 1801, 4to.), p. 3; 
 Osiander, De Asylis, p. 40; Merlin, Repertoire, tom. viii. p. 541 ; 
 Kluit, Historia Federum, tom. ii. p. 541; Moser, Versuch, &c., 
 part iv. p. 307; Pacassi, p. 142 ; Uhlich, p. 183; Kulpis, Diss. de 
 Legationibus Statuum Imperii, &c. ch. xx. s. 11; De Real, La 
 Science du Gouvernement, &c., tom. v. s. 8; Thomasius, Diss. de 
 Jure Asyli Legatorum Aidibus competente, s. 20 ; Bynkershoek, De 
 Foro Legatorum, &c., cap. xxi. ; Martens, Précis, &c. tom. ii. p. 97 ; 
 
 Z 
 
338 
 
 Private 
 Worship. 
 
 PRIVATE WORSHIP. 
 
 In modern times the ambassadorial right of 
 asylum, which gave rise to so many abuses, is 
 abolished in all European states. It is now 
 everywhere laid down as a rule that an ambas- 
 sador cannot shield the subject of a foreign 
 sovereign from the vengeance of offended justice ; 
 and although the dwelling of an ambassador is 
 inviolable, he is bound to give up to the law any 
 criminal not a subject of his own sovereign. A 
 difference is, however, made between offences 
 against the state and private crimes.* 
 
 Formerly, the right of asylum applied to the 
 carriages of ambassadors, and even now they 
 cannot in any case be searched or examined 
 without the express consent of their owner. 
 
 The right of private worship is only granted to 
 ambassadors under certain restrictions. ‘That 
 they may have private prayers said in their own 
 houses, and for their own family (devotio domes- 
 tica simplex) cannot of course be disputed. But 
 it may be a question whether, according to the 
 principles of international law,t they have an 
 Grotius, lib. ii. cap. xviii. s. 8, p. 2:—‘‘Ipse autem legatus an 
 
 jurisdictionem habeat in familiam suam, et an jus asyli in domo 
 sua pro quibusvis eo confugientibus, ex concessione pendet ejus 
 
 ‘apud quem agit. stud enim juris gentium non est.” 
 
 * Vide V. Pacassi, p. 255; J. G. Ulrich, p. 151; Schmalz, 
 p. 118; J. L. Kliiber, vol. i. p. 327; G. F. de Martens, vol. ii. 
 p. 98; Bn. Ch. de Martens, vol. i. pp. 81, 82. 
 
 + Vide H. Grotius, lib. ii. cap. xx. s. 48; Chris. Thomasius, 
 ss. 16—18 ; Rechtliche Griiuzen der Unverletzbarkeit, Xc., s. 27 ; 
 A. Faber, part xiv. p. 253; J.J. Moser, Versuch, part iv. p. 156 ; 
 J.G. Ulich, Les Droits des Ambassadeurs, &c., pp. 61—84 ; C. G. 
 Ahnert, part i. p. 473; J. C. Liinig, Selecta Scripta Illustria, &c., 
 pp. 1040—1042. 
 
PRIVATE WORSHIP. 
 
 absolute right to the privilege of performing 
 religious ceremonies under the regular superin- 
 
 - tendence of a priest. 
 
 , 
 
 According to universal custom, however, ever 
 since the grand schism in the Church during the 
 sixteenth century, the right of private worship 
 has been at least granted to ambassadors— . 
 
 1. If in the place of their residence there is 
 neither public or private performance of the rites 
 of the church to which they belong.* 
 
 2. If no other ambassadors from the same 
 eourt are accredited with them; for in the latter 
 case all must make use of the same chapel. 
 
 3. If the ambassadors are resident, and not 
 merely on special and temporary missions. 
 
 Under these conditions an ambassador is 
 allowed a private chapel within the precincts of 
 his residence. A priest may be appointed as 
 chaplain for the regular performance of the ser- 
 vices of his church, as well as such other assist- 
 ants as may be necessary for the due celebration 
 of its rites. The functions of such priest or 
 
 _ priests, however, are to be strictly confined to 
 
 the limits of the embassy; and it is not usual 
 for the place where they perform worship either 
 
 * Vide J. Schmelzing, part ii. p. 254; G. F. de Martens, Précis, 
 &e., vol. ii. p. 103. The Emperor Joseph II. took away the pri- 
 vilege of a private chapel from ambassadors after he had granted a 
 general toleration to the Protestants in Vienna. In Constantinople 
 there are two Catholic chapels under the protection of the Austrian 
 embassy ; the rest are under French protection. The Russian 
 embassy also has not only a private chapel, but the ceremonies of 
 the Greek Church are publicly performed under its protection. 
 
 ‘ 
 m2 
 
 339 
 
340 
 
 PRIVATE WORSHIP. 
 
 to have the outward appearance of a religious 
 edifice, or for them to make use of bells or an 
 organ. 
 
 In recent times, the right of attending an am- 
 bassador’s chapel has been not only granted to his 
 suite, but also to such other subjects of his sove- 
 reign as may be in the place of his residence.* 
 
 Sometimes, also, the chaplains of embassies 
 are allowed to exercise their religious functions 
 beyond the precincts of the embassy.t 
 
 The right of worship which has been usually 
 eranted only to ambassadors of the first and 
 
 * See Chr. Thomasius, s. 18: ‘‘Non poterit Princeps, apud 
 quem Legatus degit, ipsi interdicere, ut privatum in edibus reli- 
 gionis sue exercitium cum iis, qui ad ipsum pertinent, non habeat, 
 potest tamen, salva justitia, postulare a Legato, ut alios, sive sub- 
 ditos illius principis, sive etiam extraneos ad istum cultum domes- 
 ticum non admittat, sive Legatus exdem religioni sit addictus, cuz 
 princeps loci favet, sive aliam profiteatur, eamque vel cum Domino 
 suo communem habeat, vel minus. Subditos autem suos et extra- 
 neos ad Legatum non pertinentes non solum ex ratione justitiz, sed 
 et salvo decoro poterit arcere ab isto cultu Legati privato, preeprimis. 
 si hic non receptze in loco illo religioni se adscripserit. Quin et si 
 publicum religionis cujuscunque exercitium Legato in edibus 
 indulget, salvis amicitiz legibus ab isto postulare poterit, ut cultus. 
 sacer in illo saltem idiomate fiat, quod apud Legati Dominum in 
 usuest. Si vero Legatus postulatis istis condescendere nolit, poterit 
 princeps loci salvis justitiz regulis eum bona pace dimittere, ita ut 
 neuter, neque princeps loci, Legato ultra dicta nihil indulgere 
 volens, nec Legatus, postulatis Domini non assurgere cupiens Jus G. 
 proprie dictum, ut bello propterea locus sit, violasse censeri debeat.” 
 J.J. Moser, Versuch, part iv. pp. 188, 226; J.J. Moser, Beitriige, 
 part iv. p. 185; J. J. Moser, Beitriige zn dem neuesten Europii- 
 schen Gesandschaftsrecht, p. 216; Chr. Gotth. Ahnert, part i. 
 p. 478; Schmalz, p. 121; J. Schmelzing, part ii. p. 252; J. L.. 
 Kliitber, Bd. i. pp. 353, 854; Bn. Ch. de Martens, Guide Diplo- 
 matique, &c., tom. i, pp. 84, 85; A. W. Heffter, Das Europiische 
 Volkerrecht der Gegenwart, pp. 250, 251. 
 
 + Vide Bn. Ch, de Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c., tom. i. p. 85.. 
 
NEUTRAL STATES. 
 
 second class,* ceases with the termination of the 
 embassy. Nevertheless, it has been usual on the 
 death of either sovereign, to permit the continua- 
 tion of it, and in latter times it has even been 
 allowed during the entire vacancy of an em- 
 bassy.} 
 
 od] 
 
 Ambassadors only enjoy all their privileges in privileges 
 
 of Ambas- 
 
 the states to which they are accredited. The sadors in 
 
 States 
 
 highest authorities on international law are where they 
 
 . . . a 
 indeed divided as to whether an ambassador may a 
 
 not claim his privileges in such states as he is 
 obliged to pass through while going to post. 
 The point, however, appears to be decided that 
 in all other states except those to which he is 
 accredited, an ambassador is considered as a 
 private person. An exception must be made 
 nevertheless, in favour of ambassadors at con- 
 gresses, who are entitled to all their privileges, 
 although not accredited to the authorities of the 
 * place where the congress is held. ‘Thus foreign 
 ambassadors to the German Confederation at 
 Frankfurt enjoy all their privileges, and although 
 this is scarcely a fair instance, because Frankfurt 
 forms a constituent part of the confederation, yet 
 the case would not be altered were it other- 
 wise. 
 
 Ambassadors travelling through neutral states 
 are generally not only permitted to pass without 
 
 * The same right is granted to consuls in Turkey and in 
 Africa. 
 
 + Vide G. F. de Martens, Précis, &c., vol. ii. pp. 106, 107, 361 ; 
 
 Bn. Ch. de Martens, Guide Diplomatique, vol. i. p. 85; A. W. 
 Heffter, p. 351. 
 
 re not 
 
 ecredited. 
 
342 
 
 STATES AT WAR. 
 
 impediment, but frequently accorded special 
 marks of distinction; these, however, depend 
 altogether upon courtesy, and not upon right.* 
 An ambassador cannot claim freedom from 
 customs duties in travelling through a third 
 state; but it is generally granted by courtesy.t 
 In time of war,{ itis not held contrary to the 
 law of nations to seize and imprison an ambas- 
 sador travelling through a country at war with 
 his sovereign, without proper passports or per- 
 mission. ‘The ambassadors, however, accredited 
 to the sovereign of a conquered country are 
 invariably considered inviolable by the victor. 
 
 * Vide J. Schmelzing, part ii. pp. 222, 223 ; G. F. de Martens, 
 Précis, tom. ii. pp. 135—139; Bn. Ch. de Martens, Guide Diplo- 
 matique, &c., tom. i. pp. 86, 87. 
 
 + Freedom from the jurisdiction of a third state is not so easily 
 accorded. 
 
 + Vide H. Grotius, lib. ii. cap. xviii. ss. 4, 5; J. Schmelzing, 
 part ii. p. 223; G. F. de Martens, Précis, vol. ii. p. 137; Bn. Ch. 
 de Martens, Causes Célébres, vol. i. p. 285. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 eves 
 
 Termination of Embassies.—Letters of Recall.—Prince Repnin’s 
 Departure from Constantinople in 1776.—Death and Burial.— 
 Papers and Effects. Inheritance. 
 
 Aw embassy terminates :—1. When an ambas- Termination 
 sador has concluded the business of his mission: sis 
 for instance, when a congress is dissolved ; when 
 negotiations for peace have terminated ; or when 
 he has accomplished any particular object, he 
 was sent to perform, as in embassies of cere- 
 mony, &c. 
 
 2. At the expiration of some period previously 
 determined. Thus the functions of an ambas- 
 sador ad interim terminate on the appointment or 
 return of the ordinary ambassador. Letters of Letters of 
 recall are not necessary for an ambassador ad 
 interim ; though this has been disputed.* 
 
 3. By the death of the sovereign on either 
 side. This does not necessitate the departure of 
 the ambassador, or even the cessation of his 
 functions, but that he should receive fresh letters 
 of credence.} 
 
 * Vide Lettres, Mémoires, &c., du Chevalier d’Eon, p. 85; Kliiber, 
 vol. i. p. 372 ; Martens, Précis, &c., tom. i. p. 125. 
 + The official notification of the death of a sovereign, and letters 
 
 of credence from his successor, are sometimes presented at the same 
 time. 
 
304 
 
 LETTERS OF RECALL. 
 
 4. By the declaration of an ambassador, for 
 given reasons, that his mission is to be consi- 
 dered at an end.* 
 
 5. By the sending back or expulsion of the 
 ambassador. This is, however, a rare occurrence. 
 On war being declared+ between two powers, it 
 is usual for both to recall their ambassadors. 
 Nevertheless, in 1777, during the whole war 
 between Spain and Portugal, the Portuguese 
 and Spanish ambassadors remained at their 
 posts. 
 
 6. On the resignation of an ambassador.} 
 
 7. On the recall of an ambassador. 
 
 8. On the death of the ambassador. 
 
 The privileges of an ambassador continue 
 during any temporary suspension of his functions 
 through the death of either of the sovereigns, Xc. 
 
 Various rules are observed as to the recall of 
 ambassadors. In former times some powers § 
 would only leave the same individual a certain 
 time at the same court. Venice considered three 
 years quite long enough. 
 
 On the recall of an ambassador, his embassy 
 terminates from the time he presents his letters 
 of recall. 
 
 If the recall has not been occasioned by some 
 misunderstanding or disagreeable affair, it is 
 
 * Vide J. L. Kliiber, vol. i. p. 372. 
 
 + Vide Bn. Ch. de Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c., vol. i. p. 
 155; A. W. Heffter, p. 370. 
 
 t Vide Kolle, pp. 807, 313, 314, for some not very sensible 
 arguments on this head. 
 
 § Vide Von Kélle, Bebrachlunger iiber Diplomatie, pp. 307, 308. 
 
LETTERS OF RECALL. 
 
 usual to solicit an audience of the sovereign, 
 which takes place with more or less ceremony, 
 according to circumstances. In this audience 
 the ambassador presents his letters of recall to 
 the sovereign, and usually makes a farewell 
 speech * (discours de congé), he receives at the 
 same time his letters of recredence t (lettres de 
 récréance, récréditif), and sometimes presents ; 
 as well as passports for himself and suite. After 
 this audience he makes and receives his farewell 
 visits in the same manner as on his first recep- 
 tion, and then takes his departure. When an 
 ambassador’ receives letters of recall during the 
 absence of the sovereign to whom he is accredited, 
 or during his own absence from his post, he 
 takes leave in writing.! 
 
 Sometimes the object of a special mission will 
 require that an ambassador should take leave 
 without awaiting his letters of recall. Sometimes, 
 also, in cases of misunderstanding, he receives 
 orders to quit his post without ceremony. In 
 this case he has only to ask for his passports, 
 which cannot be refused hin, although there are 
 some rare examples to the contrary.§ 
 
 Sometimes an ambassador is informed that he 
 
 * See part ii. pp. 33, 35. 
 
 + Vide J. J. Moser, Beitriige, &c., pp. 264—268. 
 
 + Vide J. Schmelzing, part ii. pp. 260—265 ; Schmalz, pp. 127, 
 128; J. L. Kliiber, vol. i. p.373; G. F. de Martens, Précis, vol. ii. 
 pp. 126, 127. 
 
 § Vide Schmalz, p. 127; J. Schmelzing, part ii. p. 266; G. F. 
 de Martens, Précis, tom. ii. pp. 127, 128, 369; Bn. Ch. de Mar- 
 
 tens, Causes Célébres, vol. ii. pp. 275, 463, 482. See also Capefique, 
 Eur. Dip., part ii. p. 182. 
 
 345 
 
346 
 
 Prince 
 Repnin’s 
 departure 
 from Con- 
 stantinople 
 in 1776. 
 
 Death and 
 Burial. 
 
 } 
 
 DEPARTURE ; DEATH. 
 
 will be granted an audience to take leave, which 
 is a mild way of getting rid of him. 
 
 As late as the last century we have an instance 
 of the departure of a foreign ambassador in 
 state.* In 1776, the Russian ambassador at 
 Constantinople (Prince Repnin) took his de- 
 parture from the Porte, accompanied by a pasha 
 with two tails, &c., together with the band of the 
 erand vizier, which attended him from his quar- 
 ters to Ponte Piccolo. An ambassador is very 
 rarely received with any public honours on his 
 return home.t 
 
 If an ambassador delays his departure beyond 
 a reasonable time after having taken leave of the 
 sovereign, he may be called upon to explain the 
 reason, and a certain period fixed, at which his 
 privileges will be considered to have ceased. If 
 he remains after this, he is treated as a private 
 individual, and any civil process which has been 
 commenced against him even during the con- 
 tinuance of his official functions may now be 
 carried before the ordinary tribunals. 
 
 When an ambassador dies in the territory of 
 the sovereign to whom he is accredited, he is 
 interred with the funeral honours due to his. 
 
 * It may be as well to remark, that it is usual for an ambassador 
 to take leave of a sovereign even during a temporary absence from. 
 his court during his mission. Thus, in 1782, M. de Lyndew, the 
 Dutch ambassador in Sweden, having made a journey of a few 
 weeks to Copenhagen without taking leave of the king, the latter 
 desired his ambassador to complain in very strong language to the 
 States-General. Vide J. J. Moser, Versuch, part iv. p. 429 ; 
 J.J. Moser, Beitrige, pp. 271, 272. 
 
 + Vide J. J. Moser, Beitriige, pp. 274, 275, 279. 
 
PAPERS AND EFFECTS. 347 
 
 rank, and with the ceremonies, and in the burial- 
 ground of his own church. 
 
 If, however, there should be no church of his 
 religion established, the corpse cannot be denied 
 the rites of interment elsewhere. More parti- 
 cular regulations on this subject are often to be 
 found in treaties. The body is also frequently 
 sent home.* 
 
 The same rules are observed on the death of 
 any of an ambassador’s suite. 
 
 The first step to be taken on the death of an Papers and 
 ambassador, is to seal up his papers and effects. 
 The right of sealing up an ambassador’s papers, 
 &e., was often claimed by the court to which he 
 was accredited, and gave rise to frequent disputes 
 in former times.t 
 
 According to recent custom, the sealing up of 
 an ambassador’s papers, &c., 1s considered as an 
 act which does not at all concern the authorities 
 of the country to which he is accredited.} 
 
 The sealing up of the papers, and taking an 
 inventory, when: necessary, of the property of a 
 deceased ambassador, is performed by his official 
 secretary, or, if there be two ambassadors of the 
 same country accredited to the same court, then 
 by the survivor of them. 
 
 * Vide Siebenkees, Neues Juristisches Magazin, part i. p. 403; 
 J.J. Moser, Versuch, &c., part iv. p. 559; J. J. Moser, Beitriige, 
 &e. partiv. p. 361; Schmalz, p.125; J. Schmelzing, part ii. p. 268. 
 
 + Vide Rechtliche, Griiugen der Unverletzbarkeil, &c., 8. 29 
 (1790) ; also Rémer, p. 428. 
 
 + Vide J. Schmelzing, partii. pp. 269, 270; J. L. Kliiber, vol. i. 
 pp. 340, 374. 
 
348 
 
 Inheritance. 
 
 INHERITANCE. 
 
 In the absence of either, an ambassador, or 
 secretary of embassy or legation of the same 
 country as the deceased, at the nearest court is 
 usually sent to do what may be necessary.* If 
 circumstances, however, render communication 
 with such persons impossible, then the sealing 
 up and making an inventory of the effects is 
 confided to the representative of some friendly 
 sovereign,t and in Rome to the cardinal protector. 
 In the absence only of all the persons here 
 named, can the government of a foreign state 
 interfere at all in the matter.| 
 
 Disputes respecting the inheritance of an 
 ambassador’s property are determined by the 
 laws of his own country. § 
 
 If, however, he possessed any houses or lands 
 in foreign countries, the succesion to such houses 
 or lands is subject to the laws of the country in 
 which they are situated. || 
 
 * Sometimes these duties are confided to some other subject or 
 officer of his residing in the country. 
 
 + Vide G. F. de Martens, Précis du Droit des Gens, &c., tom. ii. 
 pp. 129, 180; Bn. Ch. de Martens, Guide Diplomatique, &c., tom. i. 
 pp. 160, 161 :—‘‘ L’apposition des scellés et inventaire du mobilier 
 se font par un ministre ou chargé d’affaires (une cour de famille 
 ou alliée, qui, aprés avoir apposé son sceau aux archives de la 
 légation, avec celui de ses collégues qwil aura invité a lassister, 
 &e.”—‘‘ Un procés-verbal en double, de cette apposition des scellés 
 est dressé, et lors de la remise 4 agent désigné pour remplacer 
 Pagent décédé, on dresse en triple expédition un procés-verbal de 
 levée des scellés.” 
 
 t+ Vide Bn. Ch. de Martens, tom. i. p. 161. 
 
 § Vide G. F. de Martens, Erzithlungen Merkwurdiger fille, part 
 ii. p. 811; Schmalz, p. 126. 
 
 || J. Schmelzing, part ii. p. 27; J. L. Kliiber, vol. i. p. 876; Bn. 
 Ch. de Martens, Guide, Xc., vol. i, p. 172; A. W. Heffter,p. 372. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 —+e— 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Havine now appointed, followed, recalled, 
 lulled, buried, and disposed of the effects of an 
 ambassador, there remains little more to be said 
 on the subject. I cannot, however, dismiss so 
 easily all discussion about the present state of 
 the diplomatic service in England. 
 
 It seems surely that the most careful, com- 
 plete, and early reforms demand grave con- 
 sideration. They should not be influenced by 
 personal feeling nor party-spirit. Reform here 
 concerns us all alike, and more nearly, more 
 seriously by far. than we have been accustomed to 
 think. It is not a Tory question, nor a Whig 
 question. It is a matter of mighty national 
 importance. 
 
 If we reward every one who ventures to lift his 
 voice against existing abuses, with ostracism; if 
 we try by savage threats and slanderous clamour 
 to silence the boldest; if we impute the most 
 generous Sself-sacrifices for the public good to 
 vulgar disappointment, or greedy grappling at 
 place and profit,—the councils of our elders 
 must be confounded; and the revolting idols we 
 have impiously set up—the Gog and Magog 
 
350 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Nepotism and Patronage—shall be cast down 
 and shattered by the hot indignation of angry 
 men. 
 
 I would not have these words misconstrued as 
 the sad mutterings of a melancholy mind. Go, 
 doubting reader, to the play, the clubs, the ex- 
 change, the market, the farmer's ordinary, the 
 cheap dining-house, the race-course, or the parks. 
 
 Take any one of the signs of the times, the 
 broad sheet of a daily paper, or the higher class 
 of those weekly publications which are sold 
 among our bluff democracy by hundreds of 
 thousands. Consider dispassionately the pro- 
 gressive state of education, and the liberal 
 opinions general throughout the country—then 
 say how long Folly and Incapacity will be able 
 to hold the spoil they have been so strangely 
 allowed to filch from reason, wisdom, and labour. 
 I am no apostle of a new doctrine, dear Reader, 
 no preacher of a second crusade against the 
 Paynims who have seized upon our temple. I 
 am no knight-errant spurring against the dragon 
 that molests whosoever travelleth on the road 
 to honour. I am now but a commentator on 
 passing events, a mere reporter, or at best a 
 précis writer. I am abridging only the writings 
 of other men; pointing out the meaning and the 
 matter of them, but inventing nothing. 
 
 Lastly, in all sincerity let me add, I do not 
 wish to trace one word of factious censure against 
 the present government. For Lord Palmerston 
 especially, I entertain the most loyal respect and 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 the warmest admiration. His colleagues are 
 mostly practical and able men. But who can 
 seriously deny that they are absolutely fettered 
 and shackled by the tyranny and strength of 
 cliques, coteries, and shadows? Let the true 
 public, however, the great mass and body of the 
 nation, only stand fairly by our rulers in reform, 
 and we may have good hope. Let the gentlemen 
 of the press muster manfully and boldly to 
 advocate their own cause, the cause of genius and 
 capacity. 
 
 Let the might, and right, and intellect of Eng- 
 land band together, irrespective of petty dif- 
 ferences. Let the honourable publicists of this 
 country associate in the good cause, and there is 
 no fear of their ultimate success. Most mar- 
 vellous it is that the genius and practical ability 
 of our land have so long remained in voluntary 
 self-condemned obscurity. How long will any 
 eifted men be yet found to write their own degra- 
 dation daily—to sell their birthright for a mess of 
 potage, to give up the rich and righteous heritage 
 of their brains for Grub-street and the bench ? 
 
 Let the author and the orator, the real teachers 
 of nations, rally loyally round the existing govern- 
 ment, to sustain them in the right course, and we 
 are always certain to find among them good men 
 and true. Let us, however, urge on reforms 
 unflinchingly. We should remember it is the 
 interest of the selfish crowd of chartered abuse- 
 mongers to cry out that all opposition to them is 
 
 the mere outpouring of personal spite and dis- — 
 
352 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 appointment. We should sneer and pooh-pooh 
 this kind of thing. They are cunning of fence, 
 but their favourite thrust will glide by us harm- 
 lessly when we see it coming. We, too, have a 
 doughty weapon. It is right hearty scorn. 
 
 Let us back, however, yet a short while to the 
 present matter. It is sad to think how noble a 
 calling diplomacy should be, and to know how 
 pitiful a thing it is. It was the profession of my 
 choice. I sacrificed a considerable income to 
 enter it, and I would not have changed my pro- 
 fitless commission to have married the daughter 
 of the Great Mogul, and lived happy ever after- 
 wards. I worked at it as an ambitious lawyer 
 drudges at the law, I loved it as a soldier loves 
 his sword. I felt a devotion to it as sincere and 
 earnest as that of those stiff-hearted Knights of 
 the Temple, or St. John, who rode in old 
 days to Palestine, buoyed up by the enthusiasm 
 of the warrior and the loftier zeal of the priest. 
 
 In a word, I believed in it. Diplomacy seemed 
 to me that which it should and might be—a 
 happy and peaceful means of furthering all the 
 best and highest interests of the world—the nurse, 
 the tutor, and the guardian of commerce—the 
 pioneer of science—the angel of peace, destined 
 to banish strife and discord from the world—the 
 teacher of nations—the kindly messenger of love 
 and good-will among all the peoples of the earth. 
 
 I collected with laborious care whatever seemed 
 to me 1p any way to bear upon the duties I might 
 some day be called upon to perform. No fact 
 
CONCLUSION, 
 
 appeared too trifling, no research too minute that 
 gave me a clearer insight and a higher appreci- 
 ation of all things belonging to my profession. 
 
 By these means I slowly collected the facts in 
 this volume, and I now offer the fruit of my 
 studies to the public at a time when parliament 
 seems disposed to give serious attention to such 
 subjects, and many sincere and able men are 
 devising needful reforms. 
 
 They have not, at least, began their task too 
 early, or before their prompt and energetic inter- 
 ference was most sorely wanted. It is sad and 
 surprising to think what foul stains have been 
 brought upon a noble calling by the paltry mass 
 of tricks, deceit, and infamy, which bad and weak 
 men have tagged to it. Jong and well assured 
 experience has convinced us all of this; and it 
 therefore behoves every one to whom fate denies 
 
 the honour of serving his country actively, to toil 
 ~ in the good cause of reform, and to aid it accord- 
 ing to his opportunities. 
 
 For, till the diplomatic service be reformed, 
 many sensible and talented men will be con- 
 demned to fritter away their lives among its most 
 trumpery vanities, to pass through a petty mar- 
 tyrdom into beggary and despair, if lavish 
 fortune, or a constant soul, do not render them 
 superior to both; or if they be not by nature 
 indifferent to the baubles of prosperity, and by 
 long high patient thought made scornful of aught 
 but duty, whether guerdoned or not. 
 
 They might labour anxiously,—deeming, per- 
 AA 
 
 B58 
 
LAGS 
 
 Nei d 
 
 CONCLUSION, 
 
 chance, that by cheerful ponderings and well- 
 reasoned deeds, their names should at last stand 
 clearly forth, enrolled among the worthies of their 
 age, and be a watchword for young hope ever- 
 more. 
 
 They would be systematically snubbed and 
 ignored by a few imbecile doting old men, whose 
 low antics and vile manceuvres would disgust them 
 unutterably. In the race for their hard-earned 
 honours they would see empty-headed unfledged 
 lordlings flaunt by them in dozens, till all pride 
 and pleasure in their work was over. ‘They 
 might toil long years fruitlessly. They might put 
 their shoulders sturdily to fortune’s wheel, and 
 turn it round till all men stopped and listened to 
 its pleasant hum, but they would not advance one 
 step. The Apollo-Johnson of the Germans him- 
 self might weary every quality’s perfection in 
 vain, unless he had votes in the House of Com- 
 mons. Ina word, British diplomacy is an inhe- 
 ritance in a few great familes. ‘This cannot be 
 repeated too often. Truths improve with age, 
 and proverbs are wisest when musty. To be 
 brief, then, let us say that any gentleman with 
 the divine right of a fortunate connexion may 
 prosper prodigiously; or a few lucky toadies may 
 pass on to power, and leave learning, genius, wit, 
 with the greatest qualities of consummate fitness, 
 behind them. 
 
 I have written thus in all earnestness and 
 affection towards my country. It has seemed 
 to me better to serve her, by showing realities, 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 however harsh and unpleasant, rather than see 
 her drift unknowingly into ruin. No good is 
 done either, but through some man’s sorrow. 
 Be mine, then, O England! such evil as may 
 come from adverse fortune, with the scathing 
 ribaldry of false tongues; and be the profit and 
 the vantage thine. 
 
 God knows, I have no personal interest, in this 
 matter ; I seek none of the vanities of notoriety. 
 Whatever celebrity these books have acquired 
 from a most indulgent and large-hearted people,— 
 whatever future popularity they may win, I shall 
 never claim them. It is enough for me to have 
 laboured unknown to a great end, and to watch 
 with eyes thrice blessed a good time drawing 
 nigher. Were I to avow myself, the case would 
 be little altered ; for the time is over in England 
 when the keenest eyes could discern any difference 
 _ whatever between the rewards of toil and the con- 
 solations of indolence. But we should love labour 
 for its own sake; look upon the public as a plea- 
 sant, cheerful friend, whose ready goodness sym- 
 pathises right largely in all true affliction,—as one 
 in whose service it 1s ungrateful and impossible 
 to be weary. So sensible that I have laboured 
 after my most inadequate ability, yet with unfal- 
 tering zeal, to bring some abuses to the knowledge 
 of all men, I shall endure the sneer of folly and 
 the scoff of those whose strongholds I have 
 attacked with unwavering constancy. 
 
 I would dwell, however, strongly and anxiously 
 on the high respect I- feel for the true purposes 
 
 355 
 
356 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 and objects of my noble and useful profession. I 
 humbly hope that I have never said or written 
 one word which could be misconstrued in this 
 respect. I ought no more to be charged with an 
 attack on diplomacy, than Luther, who opposed 
 the sale of indulgences, could be accused of 
 impiety ; or Bacon, who cleared our schools of 
 the dust of ancient times, could be taunted with 
 despising the great truths of philosophy. 
 
 In our own day, Lord Brougham has surely 
 never been held a foe to the laws, because he has 
 passed so many years of his valuable career in 
 ably advocating legal reforms. Dickens has never 
 been censured as a jail-bird or a ragamuffin for 
 having popularly exposed the mazy horror of a 
 chancery suit, and drawn the immortal characters 
 of Dodson and Fogg, or Brass of Bevis Marks. 
 Neither is it to be inferred that he, one of the 
 oreatest and kindliest public teachers England has 
 ever known, desires to ridicule the institutions of 
 marriage and will-making, because he laughs with 
 such inimitable grace at the Commons in “ David 
 Copperfield,” or describes the true startling sad- 
 ness of a poor man’s sullied hearth in ‘“ Hard 
 Times.” One may be sincerely pious, yet repu- 
 diate the doctrines of the Mormons, the Jumpers, 
 and the fuddled tenets of the inspired cobbler who 
 improved an occasion last week on Kennington 
 Common. Mr. Layard may be an ardent re- 
 former, without going so far as that high-born 
 Mr. Bligh, whom the papers informed us lay on 
 his stomach and harangued the crowd during the 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 recent disturbances in Hyde Park. May I not, 
 therefore, be allowed to point out abuses to the 
 full as bad as those which the strong hand of 
 glorious Brougham pulled happily down, or those 
 which the pleasant pen of Dickens is daily 
 fretting so perseveringly away ? 
 
 If we did not live in a progressive age,—if this 
 were not indeed a summer dawn of hope among 
 us, I should lay down my pen in despair; as it 
 is, I have already learned from the past to glean 
 promise for the future; and because many things 
 have changed for the better, to expect confidently 
 that others will change also ;—if not in my time, 
 then afterwards, since it is not permitted by 
 Almighty Wisdom for all who sow to reap a 
 harvest, for all who pass their years of pain and 
 travel in the wilderness to enter into the promised 
 land. | 
 
 Unhappily, most unhappily, no great evil can 
 be attacked, without saying some strong things of 
 the class of persons who profit by it. Livery man 
 belonging to that class seeks out the cap which 
 - fits him, puts it on his own head triumphantly, 
 and though no personal affront was meant him, 
 imprudently claims a right to be angry. Some 
 gentlemen who go thus in search of grievances 
 may be simple, weak-minded persons, who are 
 merely blindly doing wrong in an orthodox way, 
 as their forbears have sinned from time imme- 
 morial. Such people feel sore, and as they think 
 justly angry, when their prosperous little mono- 
 polies and peculations are attacked. They believe 
 
 [eos 
 
 =I 
 
358 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 simply antl truly that it is a proper and constitu- 
 tional thing for them to wax fat in idleness, to 
 receive large vails for doing fussy nothings, to err 
 tradition, and by custom fail. 
 
 It is difficult specially to exempt such witless 
 
 offenders from that censure which only properly 
 
 applies to those who are designedly wicked and 
 corrupt; it would suggest an odious comparison. 
 It is hard even to include them in indiscriminate 
 reprimand. 
 
 If I have been obliged, therefore, to write 
 harsh things, I have always done so with true 
 pain and reluctance; I have sincerely regretted 
 that it was impossible to call attention to most 
 fearful mischief without doing so; I felt that it 
 would ill become me to shrink from the task, and 
 that I was urged forward by that good spirit which 
 sits on the pen of an honest writer. But I repeat 
 most emphatically, that throughout these discus- 
 sions I have never had one personal feeling or 
 object, and I would rather my right hand forgot 
 its cunning than degrade a public evil into a 
 private wrong. 
 
 I thank the gentlemen of the press most 
 heartily, that they have looked upon my feeble 
 exertions in this light. They have condescended 
 to take note that I have stood firm against fearful 
 odds to struggle for right, honour, and fair deal- 
 ing, in place of the nonsense, mystery, and some- 
 thing worse which have so long disgraced our 
 intercourse with foreign countries. 
 
 They have seen for the rest that there was a 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 fight between one man and a great many bears. 
 The gentlemen of the press are not official men, 
 -and so they did not help the bears. 
 
 After all is said and done, however, the pur- 
 suit of literature is scarcely satisfactory. When 
 our best labours are over, we feel that so much 
 might have been done, which has been left un- 
 done; and that which has been done, might 
 have been done better. The condition of the 
 human mind is one of progress. We learn 
 something every day. The intellect develops, 
 the thoughts take a wider range. The opinions 
 of a thinking man at the conclusion of a long 
 and arduous labour are seldom precisely the 
 same as when he began it, and the most careful 
 author on reading over his work will find some 
 passages on which he would have bestowed more 
 care, and others thoughtfully elaborated, which 
 he would, perhaps, have rejected altogether. I 
 think, therefore, if I were to write this book 
 over again, I should treat some subjects with a 
 sterner pen, and more emphatically denounce the 
 - follies and absurdities which I have touched here 
 and there with too ight a hand. 
 
 It seemed to me, however, at the time, 
 impossible to speak seriously about interna- 
 tional quarrels for a kiss; the vagaries of am- 
 bassadors too dignified to fight their own duels, 
 and not too dignified to allow somebody else to 
 fight for them; now struggling for a place at a 
 dinner-table, and now hanging half-way between 
 the saddle and the ground, lest their diplomatic 
 
 359 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 feet should touch the earth an instant before 
 the aspiring toes of a colleague. But why go 
 over the same ground again? Let me now lift 
 
 my hat dutifully to the reader, and bid him good 
 speed. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 BRADBURY AND EVANS, PRINTERS, WHITEFRIARS, 
 
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