4 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS | LIBRARY?* "7 Class . Book Volume 2520 G36 oe | ee \G For Je 07-10M == Best Detocty mee Sa oa) kk ee a Return this book on or before the Latest Date ‘stamped below. | Br rags ~ REID University. of Illinois Library: L161—H41 AN INTRODUCTION STUBYIOFR THEeHORY SGRIPTURES BY Rev. LRANG@ISstea GOS, S. VoL. I. General Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures; Svo, Cloth 9.) =. | suNet $200, Vou. II. Special Introduction to the Study of the Old Tes-. tament: Part J. The Historical Books. 8vo, Cloth, Net $1 50. Part II. The Poetical, Didactic, and Prophetical Writings, 3.5 co Jt 0 came outs Peparariore, Vou. III, Special Introduction to the Study of the New Tes- taMent, ys 04, eaageee eh) as tt) 7 eparaian: GENERAL INTRODUCTION STUDY OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. BY REV. ERANCIS Ey GIGOT. 96. S8uD. D., Professor of Sacred Scripture in St. Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodte, N. V., Author of “ Outlines of Jewish History,” ** Outlines of New Testament [fistory,” ** Biblical Lectures.” 5 FOURTH AND REVISED EDITION, New York, CINCINNATI, CHICAGO: BENZIGER BROTHERS, Printers to the Holy Apostolic See. TRibil Obstat. J. B. HOGAN, S.S., D.D., Censor Deputatus, Tmprimatur : ey. MICHAEL AUGUSTINE, Archbishop of New York, NEw YORK, January 4, 1900. COPYRIGHT, 1900, BY BENZIGER BROTHERS. : | > > Sad of a een 2 ea Engliaa, /7 Hv. 2S geoonare, / 35 PREFACE. THE present work is the outcome of lectures on General Introduction, delivered during several years in St. John’s Boston Ecclesiastical Seminary, and is chiefly intended as a text-book for similar institutions. As such it deals with the questions which it behooves theological students most to be acquainted with before they enter on the scientific interpre- tation of the sacred text, and which fall under the three general heads of the Canon, Text and Versions, and Her- meneutics of the Holy Scriptures. In works of this kind it is customary to join to the study of these leading topics that of Biblical Inspiration, and in consequence, a concise treat- ment of the history, proofs, nature and extent of the inspi- ration of Holy Writ will be found in an appendix to the present volume. The method which the writer has pursued in the study of these important and difficult questions is the one which was inaugurated towards the end of the seventeenth century by the French Oratorian, Richard Simon, and which is almost universally adopted by leading contemporary scholars. It is the historico-critical method, called thus from the general purpose it has in view, Wiz. to give as genuine facts, or as valid inferences from facts, only those which, in the light of historical knowledge and sound criticism, are entitled to be considered as such. It is in virtue of this truly scientific method that each part of the volume is mainly devoted to a historical account of the facts or theories connected : 107228 6 PREFACE, with its respective topic, and will be found to embody an application of the generally acknowledged Canons of scrip- tural criticism. ‘Thus it is hoped that the student of Biblical Introduction will not only secure a certain amount of posi- tive information, but also acquire gradually personal habits of reflection and accuracy. Although the writer has felt obliged to be brief in his treatment of the various topics, yet he is not without confi- dence that at least every important question has received its fair share of attention and development. Moreover, he has been careful to supply the reader with constant references to the best books from which further information can easily be gathered. The fac-similes of MSS., inscriptions, etc., which are found at the end of the volume, will also render its use more profitable to the student. They have been chiefly taken from the valuable work of Dr. Frederic J. Kenyon, Cur Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts. Finally, it will be noticed that the present volume deals only with the questions appertaining to General Introduc- tion; but the writer hopes to be soon able to add as a sequel to the work now offered to the public, two volumes of Special Introduction to the Old and New Testaments. BALTIMORE, December 8, 1899. NO [EO oT res ON Ma ED TOs No important changes will be noticed between this second, and the first, editions of the present work. They consist merely in a few verbal modifications, and in placing the chapters referring to ‘‘ Biblical Inspiration ’’ under the general head of ‘‘ Part Fourth,’’ instead ot ‘‘ Appendix,’’ BALTIMORE, March, 1901. CONTENTS. _ PAGE PROPEGOMENAtsoreicere sie facies fa 6 AIG POON, Cia aT NACE C RR AED Hee ar I! PAR De BIR BIBLICAL CANONICS. CHAPTER 1. ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT... 25 CHAPTE RSL: THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 4I SECTION I. FROM THE APOSTLES TO THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTH SEN TUR VY cane stekes SP Mer ee, feat ate cab ple a tans acto ihalel 41 CHAPTER III. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH 64 SECTION II. FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY TO OUR LAE ies emit tile Cee aie ie Pele fh Bites Atkin eee so utes 64 CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT.......-..ccee 88 CHAPTHKSV, THE APOCRYPHAL OR UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTA- CHAPTER VI. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT........ 138 7 8 CONTENTS. PART SECOND. BIBLICAL TEXTUAL CRITICISM. CHAPTERGVIE PAGE NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM .....secceceroce 163 GHAPIERSViIEL HistORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLDGERSTAMENT case c ln... oe eo 176 SECTION I, DESCRIPTION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT.... ... wee 176 CHAPTER IX. HLUISTORY OR THE LEXTOPR/THE OLD su RStAM EN Iu. veo, «4+ sss reer 193 SECTION II. TRANSMISSION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT............ 193 CHALLE RMX: HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT....... Le gy Reamer 221 SECTION I, DESCRIPTION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT............+. 221 CHAPRIERAX1: PHisTORY OF THE. DEXT OF CTHE NEW , LESTAMEN TE oss os cute ieee 236 SECTION II. TRANSMISSION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT..... Habe es 236 CHAPTER: Xt: ANCIENT GREEK VERSIONS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT .......e00:: 261 CHAPTERAXITE THE SYRIAC AND COPTIC VERSIONS OF THE BIBLE.........0000- 288 CHAPTER XIV. THE ANCIENT LATIN ‘VERSIONS..<..'c.0..-.-+ « Peed a wee Sareea ° 307 CHAPTER XV. DHE ENGUIsHAWERAIONS (han sec eet) Cedotlk. tk 2 ys. ose eee 340 CONTENTS. Q PART THIRD. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. CHAPTER AX Vie PAGE GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION... ........ 383 CHAPTER XVII. HIsTory OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS....... 406 OTA Ur le xcver LT: Hisrory oF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN ROTO UP Mepis er «as pan oe MU MEE: Heya ORAL GS Sher hehe 8 427 SECTION I. BEFORE THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION........... 427 CHAPTER XIX. HIsToRY OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURGHY io scasee il Ae ge a Te We, ME OS GPE. Sah aba. 448 SECTION If. SINCE THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION........... 448 PART FOURTH. BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. GHAPTER XX: HIsTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION.......... 471 CHAPTER: XXI. THE PRoors OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION... ...e0ceeceeeeeeeeseeves 517 CHARTER: XX1). NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION... ...eseeeecees 542 FAC-SIMILES OF MANUSCRIPTS, INSCRIPTIONS, ETC.......00c080085 561 ParES Xe TE en chicas aie ee oh 4 ole, actin are ade Seco A din bates ye erOOs GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY Oe OLY Sek LE RWRES. PROLEGOMENA. S11. Zhe L76le. 1. Definition and Various Names. The Bible is the name commonly given to the collection of writings which the Church of God has recognized as inspired. It means ‘the Book” par excellence, and is derived from the Greek expression 7u\ fe6iia. (the Books), under which the early Christians designated their saéred( volume.’ In the Latin of the Middle Ages, the plural form “ Biblia” (gen. bibliorum) —a simple transcript of the Greek — came gradually to be treated as a sing. fem. noun “ Biblia” (gen. Bibliz), and it is as a name in the singular that at the present day it is found in all the languages of the Western Church. Among the other collective names which are frequently applied to the inspired writings we may mention: (1), Zhe Scripture (H ypaph, Lat. Scriptura)’; (2), the Scriptures (al ypagai, Scripturee) ;* (3), the Holy Scriptures (Aytat ypagat, Sacree Scriptura) ;* (4), the Old Testament (Ilahata dta07479), probably employed by St. Paul to designate the books written before the coming of Our Lord,* and the ew 1 Cfr. St. Clement, ii ad Cor. xiv, 2. 2 IT Tim: iit, 16, etc. 3 TI Pet. iii, 16, etc. £ Rom. i, 2. 5 II Cor. iii, 14. The word Testamentum (hence the English) is an old Latin ren- dering of the Hebrew Ana and of the Greek Aca@yxy, the meaning of which is “Covenant.” It is now extended to designate the written records of the Old and of the New Covenant. Only in the Epistle to the Hebrews (ix, 16, 17) is the word Ava6yxn used with the meaning of testamentary disposition. EE 12 PROLEGOMENA. Testament (Kavi dca04xq4), now in common use when speak- ing of the sacred writings composed since the coming of Christ. / 2. Number of the Sacred Books. The books ‘solemnly declared “sacred and canonical’’ by the Council of Trent (Sess. iv, Decret. de canon. Script.) are as follows: “Of the Old Testament: the five books of Moses (to wit, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy), Josue, Judges, Ruth, four books of Kings, two of Paralipomenon, the first book of Esdras and the second, which is entitled Nehemias, Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, the Davidical Psalter, consisting of a hundred and fifty Psalms; the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesias- ticus, Isaias, Jeremias (that is, his Prophecies and Lamenta- tions} with Baruch; Ezechiel, Daniel ; the twelve minor proph- ets (to wit, Osee, Joel, Amos, Abdias, Jonas, Micheas, Nahum, Habacuc, Sophonias, Aggzeus, Zacharias, Malachias), two books of the Machabees, the first and the second. Of the New Testament: the four Gospels, according to Matthew, Mark, Luke and John; the Acts of the Apostles; fourteen epistles of Paul the Apostle, (one) to the Romans, two to the Corinthians, (one) to the Galatians, to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, to the Colossians, two to the Thessalonians, two to Timothy, (one) to Titus, to Philemon, to the He- brews; two of Peter the Apostle, three of John the Apostle, one of the Apostle James, one of Jude the Apostle, and the Apocalypse of John the Apostle.” From this enumeration it follows that the inspired writings are seventy-two in num- ber, forty-five of which make.up the Old Testament, and twenty-seven the New Testament. Protestants agree with Catholics as to the number of the sacred books of the New Testament, but reject those books of the Old Testament which are not found in the Hebrew PROLEGOMENA. 13 Text, so that, according to them, the Old Testament contains only thirty-nine books.’ Owing to their peculiar method of counting their sacred writings, the Jews spoke formerly of twenty-four books, and speak now of only twenty-two in the Hebrew Bible.” 3. Principal Divisions and Arrangement of the Sacred Books. Next to the general division of the Christian Bible into the books of the Old Testament and those of the New Testament, the most important division of the sacred writings is that found in the Hebrew Text. The Jews divide their sacred books into three great sec- tions called respectively “the Law” or Torah (77\n), “the Prophets” or Nebhi'im (O'"'23), and “the Writings ” or K*thubhim (8°33, in Greek dytbypaga). “The Law ” in- cludes the five books (Pentateuch) associated with the name of Moses. ‘The Prophets ” are subdivided into the eardier prophets (Josue, Judges, I, II Samuel, I, II Kings) and the later prophets (Isaias, Jeremias, Ezechiel and the twelve minor prophets). ‘The Writings ” or Hagiographa include (1) Poetical books (Psalms, Proverbs, Job) ; (2) the Five Me- ghilloth or Rolls (Canticle of Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther) ; (3) other books (Daniel, Esdras, Nehe- mias, Paralipomenon or Chronicles). Within the last two great sections, the order of the books sometimes varied, and other divisions of great antiquity are extant; but the one given is of special importance for the history of the Canon. A very different arrangement of the sacred books of the Old Testament is to be met with in the Vulgate, and also in the Septuagint from which it is borrowed. The opening books 1 The books of Holy Writ not contained in the Hebrew Bible are: Tobias, Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, the first and second books of the Machabees. 2 Cfr. FRANTsS BuHL, Canon and Text of the Old Testament, pp. 19-23; and W. R, Smitu, The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, 2d edit., pp. 149-151. 14 PROLEGOMENA. (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy) being Azstorica/, are followed immediately by all those which are considered as such, whether they relate the general his tory of Israel (Josue, Judges, Ruth, I-IV Kings, I, II Para- lipomenon, Esdras and Nehemias), or simply record partic- ular facts (Tobias, Judith, Esther). After the historical books,—without any special title indicative of the change,— come the joetical and didactic works, viz.: Job, Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus. Then follow, again without warning, the prophetical books, viz.: the books of the four great prophets (Isaias, Jeremias (with Baruch), Ezechiel and Daniel) and those of the twelve minor prophets. The series closes with the two books of the Machabees placed last in order, be- cause supposed to be the last written. So that, although there is no order formally indicated in the Vulgate, yet— with the sole exception of the books of the Machabees,—all the writings of the Old Testament which treat of the same general topic, be it history, doctrine or prophecy, are care- fully placed together. This arrangement of the inspired writings according to their general topic can easily be discovered in the list of the sacred books of the New Testament which has been given above: the Azstorical accounts of Our Lord’s life contained in the Gospels are immediately followed by the Azstorical book of the Acts of the Apostles; next come the didactic Epistles of St. Paul, St. James, St. Peter and St. John, and the list closes with the prophetical book of the Apocalypse. Such a topical arrangement has naturally led Christian com- mentators to divide the sacred writings of both Testaments into (1) Historical; (2) Didactic; and (3) Prophetical Books. } 1 The minor divisions of the sacred text introduced for use in public services or for convenience of reference will be given later on. PROLEGOMENA. i 4. Unity, Beauty and Influence of the Bible. The inspired writings which are included in these three great: divisions differ widely among themselves as regards style, authorship, date and method of composition. The historical books, for instance, are, for the most part, made up of old. materials utilized in various proportions by the writer who gave them their final form. The prophetical writings, on the contrary, are usually nothing else than a summary of the public addresses which the special messengers of God had already delivered to the people of Israel. The book of Psalms is a liturgical collection of sacred hymns, the style and contents of which vary considerably according to the century to which they belong, and differ not only from those of the prose compositions found in the Bible, but also from the other poetical productions comprised in the sacred volume. Again some of the inspired writers belonged tothe Jewish nobility, received a high degree of literary culture, or wrote during the golden age of Hebrew literature, whilst others, born and brought up among the humblest ranks of society, betray in their writings their lack of mastery of their mother tongue and of the art of composition. And yet, amidst all the differences, great and small, which may be noticed in the books of the Bible, an organic unity pervades and binds together all the integrant parts of the sacred volume. Thus, although the writers of the Old Testament lived in such different times and places, although they handled in so many different ways the written or oral tradi- tions of their race, they all clearly pursued the same religious end, and steadily contributed, each in his own manner and degree, towards the unfolding of a divine plan which cen- tred in the person and work of Christ. Such is also the purpose and burden of the New Testament writers. Despite the manifold and striking differences to be met with in their writings, their sole purpose is likewise the religious welfare 16 PROLEGOMENA. of mankind, and the burden of their compositions is also no other than Christ, His person, words and examples. The same hidden spirit guided the pen of the sacred writers of either Testament, and made of the works of those who lived before Christ an active and steady preparation for the New Testament dispensation, and of the works of those who lived after Him, a real continuation and striking fulfilment of the old Covenant. This great variety and wonderful unity of the sacred writings are indeed two very important elements of their literary beauty. There are other features, however, which have justly secured for the Bible the highest place in the literatures of the world. “Its portrayal of character is real- istic; it is free in a remarkable degree from the vanity and egotism of the literary class; events are allowed to speak for themselves without verbal coloring; there is a dignity as well as a simplicity everywhere which does not descend to comedy or satire; there is an unparalleled naturalness in every form of composition adopted by the numerous writers : these and other features place the Bible on the highest pin- nacle of literary excellence.”’ “If we ask the greatest orators and writers of the last three centuries, what has led them to read and study a book seemingly so foreign to their purpose, they will tell us that they find in it more original literary beauty than anywhere else; that the Bible narra- tives, for instance, are more exquisitely simple and true to nature, the poetry of the Psalms more airy and graceful in touch; that Job is more solemn and sublime, the Prophets more vehement and irresistible in their denunciations, more tender in their appeals, the Gospels, finally, and the Epistles more startling, and, at the same time, more touching, more persuasive in their varying tones, than any other literary productions.” * 1 A. Cave, Introduction to Theology and its Literature, 2d edit., p. 244, Sq. 2 Very Rev. J. B. Hocan, S.S., Clerical Studies, p. 453. PROLEGOMENA. 17 It is less, however, through its transcendent literary beauty, than through its priceless contents, that the Bible has exer- cised a deep and well-nigh universal influence upon the minds and hearts ofmen. The Hebrews of old justly gloried in their sacred books and drew from them those exalted doctrinal and ethical teachings which made their religious and moral life so far superior to those of the rest of the world. ‘Trained from childhood to respect and love the “ Oracles of God,” they instinctively turned to them for light and consolation in their trials, private or national.’ So was it also with the early Christians, who had little else to develop the faith which they had received from the mouth of the Apostles, to increase their fervor in the midst of the most alluring temptations and keep up their courage in presence of the most cruel persecutions. Century after century, the Fathers and Doctors of the Church, kings and lawgivers, councils and individual theologians, preachers, apologists, artists, saints, have in turn gone to the inspired writings and drawn from them light and inspiration either for themselves or for others. In our age in particular, the contents of the Bible have been examined closely by friend and enemy, utilized by the historian as well as by the theologian, read and dwelt upon by the recluse and by the promoter of social reform. § 2. General Introduction to the Bible. 1. Its Object. The title “Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures ”’ was used as early as the fifth century, when a Greek monk, named Adrian, wrote his ’Ercayoy7 ets tag Oelas ypapds. The object of his work wasa limited one: he simply aimed at instructing readers of the Bible how to understand rightly some of its difficult words and sentences. With Cassiodorus, a writer of the sixth century and the immediate 1 Cfr. I Machab. xii, 9. 18 PROLEGOMENA. successor of Adrian in his field of labor, the scope of the Introduction to the Bible was considerably widened, and in the course of centuries, it was gradually extended to all the topics which prepare the way for the interpretation of Scrip- ture. The tendency, however, in the present day,—espe- cially because the study of several of these topics has given rise to distinct sciences,—is rather to restrict the object of Biblical Introduction to a few questions, particularly .those which help directly to determine the value and meaning of the sacred writings. Among Catholics, in particular, the precise object of a, General Introduction to the Scriptures is usually limited to the preliminary questions which concern the Bible considered as a whole, to such questions for in- stance as the manner in which the inspired books came gradually to form the collection now known as the Bible, the manner in which these same books once collected were transmitted in the course of ages, etc. In consequence, we shall consider as belonging to a General Introduction only those topics which refer to the sacred writings viewed col- lectively, and we shall assign to a Sfecial Introduction all the preliminary questions about the contents, purpose, date, credibility, etc., of the separate books. 2. Its Method of Study. The first to delineate and apply the proper method of study fora Biblical Introduction was the French Oratorian Richard Simon (1638-1712). Setting aside the dry and abstract method of those who had preceded him, he undertook to make a study at once histor- ical and critical of the principal topics which belong to Biblical Introduction, hence the name of “ Histoire Critique ”’ which he gave to his great works on the Text, Versions and principal Commentaries of Holy Writ." According to him, 1 These works are: (1) Histoire Critique du Vieux Testament (Paris, 1678); (2) Histoire Critique du Texte du Nouveau Testament (Rotterdam, 1689): (3) Histoire Critique des principaux Cuommentateurs du Nouveau Testament (Rotterdam, 1693); (4) Histoire Critique des Versions du Nouveau Testament (Rotterdam, 1690). PROLEGOMENA. 1g the sacred books, no less than their various translations, are literary products which must bear the impress of the ideas and methods of composition prevalent at the time when they were written, so that to view and appreciate these works rightly one has only to study them carefully in themselves and in the light of the historical events under which they came into existence. Simon’s method was new, and as such dis- tasteful tomany. His positions, perhaps at times bold; often conflicted with the received views of his time, so that both his method and conclusions were at first strenuously opposed, and soon afterwards set aside. But time has proved the method of the French Oratorian the right one, and many of its conclusions correct. This is why scholars of our century who apply historical and critical methods of investigation to the various departments _ of human knowledge, willingly ascribe to Richard Simon the honor of having been the first to inaugurate the method according to which the questions introductory _ to the. interpretation of the Bible should be handled. They rightly call him the “Father of Modern Criticism.” Of course, whilst adopting this truly scientific method of investigation, the Christian student of the topics which belong to Biblical Introduction must always take into account the traditions and definitions of the Church. For these are both. facts and expressions of Christian belief which no one should neglect, because they have been, and must ever remain, powerful elements in the development of questions connected with Holy Writ. 3. Principal Divisions of General Introduction. The leading topics to which the historico-critical method just described is to be applied form the principal divisions of Biblical Introduction. These main divisions may be stated as follows: (1) Biblical Canonics, or historical examination of the manner in which the inspired books which make up the 20 PROLEGOMENA. Bible were gradually gathered up and recognized as the Word of God ; (2) Biblical Zextwal Criticism, or scientific in- vestigation of the way in which the sacred books have been transmitted to us either in their original language or in their principal translations ; (3) Biblical Hermeneutics, or the princi- ples and history of biblical interpretation. To these three great divisions some writers on Introduc- tion add another bearing on Biblical Inspiration; hence although the study of this difficult topic belongs perhaps more to the department of Dogmatic Theology than to that of Biblical Introduction, we shall deal with it in the Fourth Part of the present volume. 4. Recent Literature. Recent Catholic works on General Introduction are comparatively numerous ; the best known among them are the following : Abbé Vicourovux, S.S., Manuel Biblique, vol. rst (Many editions have appeared since the first completed in 1880). UpaLpo Upa.pi, Introductio in S. Scripturam, vol. 1 (Rome, 2d edit., 1882). . Abbé Trocuon, Introduction Générale (Paris, 1886). A Compendium of the same work was published in 1889. RUDOLPHUS CoRNELY, S.J., Historica et Critica Introductio in Libros Sacros, vol. 1 (Paris, 1885). A Compendium of the same work, also in Latin, was published in Paris in 1889. FRANZ KAULEN, Einleitung in die heilige Schrift A. und N. T. (Freiburg, 3d edit., 1890). A Compendium of it ap- peared in 1897. Abbé A. Lotsy, Histoire du Canon del’Ancien Testament (Paris, 1890); Histoire du Canon du Nouveau Testament (Paris, 1891); Histoire Critique du Texte et des Versions de la Bible (incomplete) (Paris, 1892, 1893). A. E. Breen, A General and Critical Introduction to thé Study of Holy Scripture (Rochester, N. Y., 1897). PROLEGOMENA. 21 CuavvIn C., Lecons d’Introduction Générale aux Divines Kcritures (Paris, 1897). During the same length of time only few Protestant Works on General Introduction have been published ; they are as follows: CHarLes A. Briccs, Biblical Study (New York, 1887). A new and more complete edition of this work appeared in 1899, under the title of : General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture. Henry M. Harman, Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures (roth edit. New York, 1894). EpuarD Reuss, Allgemeine Einleitung zur Bibel, in Band 1 of his general work entitled: Das Alte Testament, tiber- setzt, eingeleitet und erlautert (Brunswick, 1892). A. SCHLATTER, Einleitung in die Bibel (1890). The recent work entitled: A Primer of the Bible, by W. H. BENNETT (London, 1897), though useful on many points of Introduction, can hardly be considered as a General Introduction to the Bible. PART FIRST. BIBLICAL CANONICS. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER I. ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON OF THE OLD ‘TESTAMENT. I. MEANING OF THE TERMS CANON, CANONICAL (PROTO- AND DEUTERO-) Books. I. ‘Bh THE TRADITIONAL VIEW: gs E l {1 III. ae RECENT THEORIES: . Its continuation - The Second . The Third Canon Beginning of the Canon with Moses (Deuter. xxxi, 9-13; 24-26). Traces of collections of inspired books during this period. Probability that these collections were added to the Books of Moses. from Moses to the Babylonian Captivity : . Discussion as to its close at the time of Esdras. . Relation between the Alexandrian and the Palestin ian Canons of the Old Testament. . The three parts of the Hebrew Bible point to three stages in the formation of the Canon. Separate literary productions . The Preparation (songs, laws, history, proph- ecy). fora Canonin: | Distinct collections of these literary productions. Formally begun in the seventh century B.C. Its gradual development brought to a close by Esdras. The First Canon or “the Law”: Formation begun not earlier than 300 B.C. Completed by the end of the same century. Canon or “ ¢he Prophets” : This third Group of Sacred Writings mentioned in Pro- logue to Ecclesiasticus. Its formation falls probably be- tween 160 B.C, and II0 A.D. or “the Writ- —_ Or ings”: 24 PART FIRST: BIBLICAL CANONICS. CHAP DERLLE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. § 1. Meaning of the Terms Canon, Canonical (Proto- and Deutero-) Books. BerorE beginning to sketch the history of the Canon of Holy Writ, a few terms which will frequently occur in it re- quire a brief explanation. ‘The first of these terms is the word Canon itself. In its original Greek form (zavwy) it designates a straight rod, a pole, and taken metaphorically, a rule, in ethics, in grammar, in art, etc.’ Early Christian writers employed it also in the sense of a regulating prin- ciple when they spoke of “the Canon of the Truth,” ” “the Canon of the Faith.” * Later on, it came to designate— as it does now—the collection and the “st of books which 1 For examples illustrating this metaphorical meaning, cfr. Westcott, Canon of the New Testament, Appendix A; and art. Canon, in ViGouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible. 2 CLEMENT of Alexandria, Stromata, Book vii, chap. xvi.; St. IrENa&us, Adv, Her- eses, Book i, chap. ix, § 4. 3 PoLYCRATES, in Eusxrsius, Ecclesiastical History, Book v, chap. xxiv. 25 26 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the Church receives as the inspired rule of faith and prac- tice.' The corresponding term, Canonical, occurs for the first time in the fifty-ninth decree of the Council of Laodicea (fourth century, A.D.), where we are told that “private (tdwrixods) psalms should not be read in the Church, nor uncanonized (dxavdnora) books, but only the canonical ones (7a xavovexa) of the New and Old Testaments.” The word Canonical seems therefore to have meant, from the first, books which have been canonized (xavovtfopeva), that is, ratified by the Church as belonging to the collection of the Holy Scriptures. This is still its principal meaning, although it is often applied to the books contained in the Canon, without direct reference to the decision of the Church concerning them. Among the canonical books, some are called Pro/o-canon- ical, that is belonging to the Canon from the first, whilst others bear the name of Dewfero-canonical, that is, admitted into it after the doubts entertained for some time about their sacred character had been finally removed. Protes- tants, it is true, consider the Deutero-canonical books of the Old ‘Testament * as uncanonical, and hence give them the name of Afocryphal, but the impartial and careful study of the manner in which the sacred books were gathered up and recognized as inspired clearly shows that the Catholic position is the only one tenable on historical grounds. § 2. Zraditional View of the Origin and Growth of the Canon of the Old Testament. I. Beginning of the Canon with Moses (Deuter. 1 St. AMPHILOCHIUS (ft about 394 A.D.), at the end of the “‘ lambi ad Seleucum,” on the books of the New Testament; St. Jerome, Prolog. Galeatus; St. AuGusTINE, De Civitate Dei, Book xviii, chap. xxxviii. 2 These Deutero-canonical books, or parts of books, are not found in the Hebrew Bible. They are as follows: Tobias, Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, the two books of the Machabees, the fragments of the book of Esther (Esth. x, 4-xiv, 24), and those of the book of Daniel (Dan. iii, 24-90; xiii, 1-xiv, 42). ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON. 27 XXXI, 9-13; 24-26). It is to Moses, the great lawgiver of Israel, that century after century Jewish and Christian scholars have traced back the origin of the Canon of the Old Testament. ‘Their position is founded chiefly on two pas- sages of the book of Deuteronomy, the first of which (xxxi, g- 13) tells usthat Moses having written “this law,” handed it to the priests and to all the ancients of Israel, bidding them to read it every seventh year, “in the hearing of all Israel . . that they and their children also hearing, may learn and fear Jehovah, and keep and fulfil all the words of. this law.’”’ In the second passage (xxxl, 24-26), we are told that “‘ Moses wrote this law in a volume (NBD->Y), which he delivered to the Levites, commanding them to put it by the side of the Ark of the Covenant of Jehovah, that it might be for a testimony against Israel.” The law spoken of in these two passages as written by Moses and given to the people of God as the authentic rule of their religious life, has ever been considered by Jewish and Christian traditions as identical with our Pentateuch. Whence it is inferred that the first instalment of the in- spired writings of the Old Testament goes back to the time of Moses. 2. Continuation of the Canon from Moses to the Babylonian Captivity. A somewhat similar line of argu- ment is followed by the traditional school to render it prob- able that between Moses and the Babylonian captivity sacred books were collected and gradually joined to the canonical writings of the great lawgiver of Israel. Appeal is made, for instance, to the second book of Paralipomenon (xxix, 30) as implying the existence of a twofold collection of sacred hymns, viz., that of David and that of Asaph. We are also referred to the book of Proverbs (xxv, 1), where we read of the parables of Solomon, which the men of 28 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, Ezechias copied out and added to those already collected. Finally, the prophet Daniel (ix, 2), speaks of ‘the books ” which he had consulted, and among which were the proph- ecies of Jeremias. But these and other such parts of Holy Writ were not simply preserved as independent collections ; they were also added gradually to the sacred books of Moses, and thus formed, even before the Babylonian exile, a real continua- tion of the primitive Canon of the Old Testament. The first proof of this position is drawn from the book of Josue (xxiv, 25, Sq.), where we read that “Josue set before the people commandments and judgments in Sichem, and wrote all these things in the wolume of the law of Jehovah,” whereby it is implied that the successor of Moses in com- mand added his own writings to that volume of the law which the book of Deuteronomy ascribes twice to the great lawgiver of Israel. Again, what we are told of the prophet Samuel laying before Jehovah “the law of the kingdom,” which he had written ‘in a book,” is considered as a trace of the custom of placing other writings by the side of those already kept in a sacred place (I Kings x, 25). Further- more, we are reminded by conservative scholars that the Hebrew Text of the historical books composed before the Babylonian captivity (Josue, Judges, Ruth, etc.), opens with the conjunction avd (1), a fact which seems to imply that each of these writings was intended, from the first, as a con- tinuation of the preceding sacred books and as an integrant part of the same series. Finally, since after the captivity Nehemias and Judas Machabeus made up a library of sacred books (II Machab. ii, 13; cfr. Josephus, Wars of the Jews, Book vii, chap. v, § 5, and Antiquities of the Jews, Book v, chap. i, § 7), it is probable that in this they were only following the example of their ancestors. Such are the principal arguments commonly set forth te ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON. 29 prove that the Canon continued to be enlarged between the time of Moses and the Babylonian captivity. They would indeed appear very plausible, were it not that they are met by a well-nigh insuperable difficulty in the fact that the Samaritans have never regarded as sacred any other books besides the Pentateuch, although their sect was not finally organized before the time of Nehemias (middle of the fifth century before Christ).’ 3. Discussion as to the Close of the Canon of the Old Testament at the Time of Esdras. The same obscurity which surrounds the growth of the Canon of the Old Testament prevails in connection with its close. There is, indeed, a very widely spread opinion that the Canon of the Old Testament was brought to a close in the time of Nehemias and Esdras, but it is far from deserving the full credence which many prominent Catholic and Prot estant scholars gave it since the middle of the sixteenth cen- tury.” The principal grounds in favor of that opinion are: (1) The Zestimony of Josephus* (first century, a.p.), whe speaks of “twenty-two books only,” which “all Jews” consider as sacred, and which were composed before the reign of Artaxerxes (B.C. 465-425). ‘‘From Artaxerxes to our own age,’’ he adds, “the history has been written in detail ; but it is not esteemed worthy of the same credit, on ac- count of the exact succession of the prophets having been no longer maintained.” | (2) The Jourth Book of Esdras. In this apocryphal book, which was written towards the close of the first century 1 Fora careful discussion of these arguments, see Abbé Lotsy, Histoire du Canon de l*Ancien Testament, p. 33, sqq.; cfr. also Green, W. H., Introduction to the Old Tes- tament, 1 part; the Canon, chaps. ii, vii. 2 Among recent Catholic writers who maintain that position, we may mention Welte, Scholz, Ubaldi and Cornely. % Against Apion, Book i, § 8. 30 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. A.D., Esdras, shortly before his death, is represented as en- dowed with divine inspiration and dictating during forty days to five skilled scribes. The result of their untiring labor is the re-writing of the twenty-four canonical books of the He- brew Bible, together with seventy other books which should ‘be delivered only to such as be wise among the people.” ? (3) The Opznzons of such Fathers or Leclesiastical Writers as Tertullian,” Clement of Alexandria,’ St. Basil,’ Theodoret,° St. Chrysostom,’ St. Isidore of Seville,’ some of whem clearly depend on the fourth book of Esdras for their information respecting the close of the Canon of the Old Testament. (4) The Zestimony of the Talmud,* or uncanonical written law of the Jews, which in a famous passage describes the order of the books of the Hebrew Bible, and then says: «“ And who wrote them? Moses wrote his own book and the section concerning Balaam* and Job. Josue wrote his own book and eight verses of the law.'" Samuel wrote his own book and Judges and Ruth. David wrote the book of Psalms with the help of ten elders, viz.. Adam, Melchisedech, Abraham, Moses, Eman, Jeduthun, Asaph and the three sons of Core. Jeremias wrote his own book and the book of Kings and Lamentations. Ezechias and his college wrote Isaias, Proverbs, the Canticle of Canticles and Ecclesiastes. The men of the Great Synagogue "’ wrote Ezechiel, the twelve (minor prophets), Daniel and Esther. Esdras wrote 1 Cfr. 1V Esdras, chap. xiv. 2 De cultu fem., Book i, chap. iii. 8 Stromata, Book i, chap. xii. 4 Epist. ad Chilonem (Epist. xlii, § 5). 5 Preface to Commentary on the Canticle of Canticles. 6 Homily viii on Epistle to the Hebrews, (chap. v) § 4. 7 Etymologies, Book vi, chap. iii (MiGNg, P. L., vol. 82). 8 Section N®ziqin, treatise Baba Bathra, fol. 14 8. 9 Numb. xxii, 2—xxv, 12. 1 Deuter. xxxiv, 5-12. 11 The Great Synagogue, according to Jewish tradition, was a permanent council as- sembled by Esdras and having authority in religious matters. ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON. 31 _his own book and the genealogies of the book of Chronicles as far as himself.” Despite the foregoing arguments in favor of the view that ‘the Canon of the Old Testament was closed at the time of Esdras, it is the growing tendency of Catholic’ and Prot- estant scholars alike to reject a theory the main stay of which is the apocryphal fourth book of Esdras, since that book is manifestly bent on exaggerating the work of Esdras in con- nection with the sacred writings of the Old Testament. They also feel little bound by the testimony of Josephus, for at the very time when he wrote, the canonical character of Ezechiel, Ecclesiastes, Ruth, Esther, Proverbs and the Can- ticle of Canticles was still a matter of discussion among the Jews. But what leads them chiefly to maintain that the Canon of the Old Testament was not closed at the time of Nehemias and Esdras, is the difference in respect of their contents, which exists between the Hebrew Text and the Septuagint Version or oldest Greek translation of the Old Testament which the Greek-speaking Jews used freely in their religious services at and before the beginning of the Christian era. Whilst the Hebrew Bible comprises only Proto-canonical books supposed to have been all written be- fore the death of Esdras, the Septuagint Version contains over and above them, Deuéero-canonical books, some of which ——as for instance, the books of the Machabees—were evident- ly composed much later than the middle of the fifth century before Christ. As these additional books are not collected in a final appendix to the Septuagint translation, but are dis- tributed among the other books of the Hebrew Bible as if of equal authority with them, it seems impossible to admit that _ the Canon of the Old Testament was finally brought to a close at the time of Nehemias and Esdras. 1 Of such writers, for instance, as Vigouroux, Loisy, Trochon, etc. 32 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, 4. Relation between the Alexandrian and the Pal- estinian Canons of the Old Testament. The material difference just pointed out between the contents of the He- brew Bible and those of its oldest Greek translation, has given rise to the important distinction between the A/exan- adrian and the falestinian Canons of the Old Testament, thus called from the two places (Alexandria in Egypt, and Pales- tine) with which their respective origin is chiefly connected.’ That before Our Lord’s time the Jews of Alexandria—and indeed all the Greek-speaking Jews,—numbered among their sacred writings both proto- and deutero-canonical books, can hardly be doubted. For on the one hand, all the extant manu- scripts of the Septuagint Version comprise both classes of books without the least trace of difference of authority be- tween them, and on the other hand, as we shall see later, both deutero- and proto-canonical books stood on the same footing at the very beginning of the Church, that is at a time when no deviation from Jewish tradition can seriously be supposed. But, if such be the case, if it be true that, before our era, the Alexandrian Canon contained books which are not now found in the Hebrew Bible which is supposed to be identical with the Palestinian Canon, the question is forced upon us: How can we account for the present difference between the two Canons? A twofold solution is given to this import- ant question. A large number of scholars think that the Palestinian Canon never contained other books than those now found in the Hebrew Bible, so that the difference comes from the fact that, before our era, the Alexandrian Jews grad- ually added to them other books, viz., the deutero-canonical books. Other scholars contend, on the contrary, that at and before the time of Christ, both Palestinian and the Alexandrian Jews admitted one and the same Canon, viz., a Canon which 1 The Alexandrian Canon is also called the Hellenistic Canon or Canon of the Hel- denists, because it was the one admitted by the Greek-speaking Jews. ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON. 33 included the deutero-canonical books, and that since then the Jews have removed them from their Canon. The advocates of the first solution appeal to the fact that the number of books joined to those of the Palestinian Canon varies considerably in the manuscripts of the Septuagint, and thus bespeaks the gradual additions made to the Canon by the Alexandrian Jews. Again, they call our attention to the use which Philo (an Alexandrian writer who lived about TO B.C.—50 A.D.) makes of the Sacred Scriptures: he quotes from and allegorizes upon, only the books of the Pal- estinian Canon, although he betrays acquaintance with the deutero-canonical writings. Finally, Josephus is indeed aware of the existence of the deutero-canonical books, since he frequently uses them, but when he wishes to give express- ly the number of the books which the Jews regard as sacred, he speaks only of the twenty-two books of the Hebrew Bible. The scholars who are favorable to the second solution, that is who think that at a certain period in the history of the Canon, the Palestinian collection comprised both proto- and deutero-canonical books adduce the following arguments. At the close of his Antiguzties of the Jews,’ a work which narrates the history between the Creation and the twelfth year of Nero, Josephus affirms that his only authorities have been the sacred writings (iepat BiGior), although in the course of his volume he has freely used the first book of the Macha- bees and transcribed literally several passages from the deutero-canonical fragments of the book of Esther.* Another and perhaps stronger argument is drawn from the manner in which the Talmudic writers look upon several deutero- canonical books, They speak of Baruch as a prophetical writing ; ascribe the book of Wisdom to Solomon, and quote repeatedly Ecclesiasticus with a formula used only to intro- 1 Book xx, chap. xi, § 2. 2 Book xii, chap. v, §1:—Book xiii, chap. vii; Book xi, chap. vi, § 6, sq. 34 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. duce quotations from Holy Writ." Again the fact that all the deutero-canonical books of the Old Testament (ex- cept Wisdom and II Machabees) were written in Hebrew, seems to point to Palestine as the place of their composition, and hence also as the place from which the Alexandrian Jews obtained them, for Greek-speaking Jews were in con- stant communication with the holy city for things apper- taining to their religion. In point of fact the note appended to the book of Esther in the Septuagint (cfr. Vulgate : Esth. xi, 1), and the remark which we read in II Machabees (ii, 15), go far towards proving that the Jews of Alexandria were in- debted to those of Palestine for the deutero-canonical books which are not now found in the Hebrew Bible. It seems, however, that the first solution is better grounded on fact.’ § 3. Recent Theories about the Origin and Growth of the poke Canon of the Old Testament. 1. Meaning of the Threefold Division of the He- brew Bible. A close study of the traditional data concern- ing the origin and growth of the Canon of the Old Testament proves that they are both few and little reliable. It leads also to the conclusion that as long as inquiry into that im- portant question is based on such scanty and imperfect grounds, no real advance towards a more satisfactory solu- tion can be hoped for. It is not therefore surprising to find that in our age of independent investigation, biblical scholars have looked for new data which would enable them to frame theories more scientific than those hitherto in vogue. In point of fact, their untiring efforts have been crowned with considerable success, and we now proceed to state briefly their principal conclusions. 1 Cfr. TrRocHon, Introduction, vol. i, p. 118, sq.; FRANTS Bunt, Canon and Text of the Old Test., p. 46 (Engl transl.); Vicouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Canon, p. 142. 2 Cfr. Lotsy, Histoire du Canon de |’Ancien Testament, pp. 61-67. ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON. 35 The first of these conclusions refers to the very ancient division of the Hebrew Bible into three parts, viz., “the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagiographa.” ‘To account for it, the ancient rabbis appealed to a threefold degree of inspiration granted to the sacred writers. According to these Jewish authorities, the first and highest degree of inspiration, which consisted in a direct intercourse with God, had been vouch- safed to Moses alone,’ and in consequence, “the Law” due to his pen justly formed the first division in the Hebrew Text. The lower degrees of divine inspiration, viz., the prophetical ecstasy, and what the rabbis call the jp n2, some sort of still inferior divine help, had been granted to the prophets and other holy writers respectively, and this is why their works had been placed after the writings of Moses and made to constitute the second and third divisions of the Hebrew Bible. This @ priort conception of the Jewish rabbis clearly influenced the Christian scholars who, down to the present day, think that this threefold division of the sacred books in the Hebrew is to be traced to the corresponding several degrees of personal dignity with which their authors were invested. It can hardly be doubted, however, that, as recent theories maintain, this threefold division of the Hebrew Bible points to a gradual develop- ment in the formation of the Canon of the Old Testament. As the sacred books which make up the Hebrew Text were only gradually composed, so also were they only gradually gathered and made to constitute the threéfold collection which is called “the Law, the Prophets, and the other Books ” in the Prologue to Ecclesiasticus, that is as early as mAOo8.C; 2. The Preparation fora Canon. Whilst the trad 1 Cfr. Numb. xii, 8, where we are told that Jehovah spoke “‘ from mouth to mouth * to Moses, “ and plainly, and not by riddles and figures.” 36 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. tional view does not go back of Moses and the work ascribed . to him, in order to account for the beginning of the Canon, the recent theories refer us to several preparatory’ stages. They assume the existence of a large and varied Hebrew literature out of which our Pentateuch itself was gradually formed. The literature of Israel, we are told, like that of any other nation, began naturally with productions of a much more primitive character than the books of law and history found in our first canonical collection. Separate songs celebrat- ing the glorious deeds either of Jehovah or of Israel’s heroes, must have been the earliest fruit of the Hebrew literary genius, and in point of fact, some of these poetical pieces are simply embodied in the sacred writings (cfr. Exod. xv, 1, sq.; Numb. xxi, 27-30), whilst others are explicitly men- tioned as taken from the distinct collections into which they had been gathered in the course of time (Numb. xxi, 14; cir:/also Jos. x,-13 3; Lt Kings 1 =r3y etc))2 6 In tikesnanner, recent investigations into the composition of the Pentateuch have shown that several collections of Israelite laws, such for instance as the “ Book of the Covenant ” (Exod. xx, 20—xxiii, 33), the “ Law of Holiness ” (Levit. xvii—xxvi), etc., were made at different times and long before they came to be em- ployed by the sacred writer. Again, it is considered solidly established that at the root of the history contained in “the Law,” or first part of the Canon, there . lie old written traditions and previous historical compilations, the style and other peculiarities of which can still be discerned in our in- spired narrative. That collections of prophetical writings. were also made and transmitted before our present Penta- teuch had been recognized as canonical, is also affirmed by recent theories regarding the origin and growth of the Canon of the Old Testament, and the existence of such collections can hardly be denied except by scholars who look upon all these theories as utterly groundless. Ox1GIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON. 37 3. The First Canon or “the Law.” The practical means whereby one of the literary productions of Israel was finally considered as a canonical book among the Jews, is a matter of uncertainty both to the partisans of the old tradi- tional view’ and tothose of the recent theories. The latter scholars, however, point justly to two great events in Jewish history, with which a solemn promulgation and recognition of a book as sacred can well be connected. ‘The first of these events goes back to the year 621 B.c., when the Book of the Law, newly discovered in the course of repairs made to the Temple of Jerusalem, was received with the utmost respect by King Josias and his people, considered as a guide in regard to things appertaining to the worship of God, and made the basis of a thorough religious reforma- tion in Israel. Plainly the roll in question contained the words of Jehovah, and enjoyed in the eyes of all the full undisputed authority of a sacred book (IV Kings xxii, xxiii; II Paralip. xxxiv, xxxv). As this “ Book of the Law” was not the whole Pentateuch,’ but only a part of it, viz., the Deuteronomic Law,’ we have here a proof that the formal beginning of the Canon goes back to the seventh century B.c.* To this first instalment of the sacred collection, large addi- tions were gradually made down to the middle of the fifth century B.c., when in a ceremony resembling in many ways the one which had occurred under Josias, Esdras read publicly the complete law of Moses, and the people pledged themselves solemnly to live up to its requirements (II Esdras, viii, ix). . 1 Cfr. Vicouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. i, n. 26; and Lorsy, Histoire du Canon de l’Ancien Testament, p. 33. 2 Cfr, Abbé Martin, Introduction 4 la Critique Générale de l’Ancien Testament, vol. ii, p. 230, sq. 3 Cfr. CHas. Ropert, Réponse a “ the Encyclical and the English and American Catholics,” p. 52, sq.; Driver, Deuteronomy in the International Critical Commentary. € Cfr. G. WILDEBOER, The Origin of the Canon of the O. T., p. ror, sq., Eng. Transl. ; oe eee 38 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. That only the Pentateuch was thus made canonical in the time of Esdras is confirmed by the fact that the Samaritans, whose definitive organization as a separate community is to be placed a little later, do not recognize as Holy Writ any other books beside the Pentateuch.’ 4. The Second Canon or ‘‘the Prophets.’’ When it is remembered that “the Prophets ” or second part of the Hebrew Bible includes historical works (Josue, Judges, Sam- uel, Kings), which form a natural continuation to the history of the Jewish people contained in the Pentateuch, it can easily be understood that all such books avowedly compiled from prophetical sources or breathing a prophetical spirit, would be sooner or later joined, together with the prophetical writings proper (Isaias, Jeremias, etc.), to the sacred books of Moses. The period within which the second collection of inspired writings was formed can be given only approxi- mately. Begun a little later than the final organization of the Samaritan community, which does not include any of the prophetical writings in its Canon, it was brought to a close some time before the Prologue to Ecclesiasticus, which speaks of “the Prophets ” as of a well-known and perfectly defined collection of sacred writings. Hence, recent theories infer that “the Prophets,” or second Canon, was not begun earlier than 300 B.c., and was completed by the end of the same century. 5. The Third Canon or “the Writings.” Side by side with ‘‘ the Law and the Prophets,” the Prologue to Ecciesiasticus speaks of “ other books,” of “the rest of the books ” as “ delivered to the Jews from their fathers.” This reference to a third collection of sacred books clearly im- plies that when the Prologue was written (that is, about 130 1 Cir. G. WILDEBOER, loc. cit., pp. roq~11t. ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE CANON. 39 B.C.), the formation of the third Canon was at least begun for some time, but it does not give us any information about its extent in the middle of the second century B.c., or about the date at which it was brought to aclose. Probably most of ‘‘the Hagiographa ” were already in existence when the second Canon was completed, but began to be gathered up into a third Canon only about 160 B.c. This third collec- tion of sacred writings, which is designated in the New Testament under the name of “the Psalms ” (Luke xxiv, 44), from its first and oldest part, the book of Psalms, did not apparently receive the final ratification of its present contents long before the middle of the second century A.D.’ 1 For a detailed exposition of these new theories the student is referred to G. WILDE- BOER, the Origin of the Canon of the Old Testament; H. E. Ryve, Essay on the Canen of the Old Testament; S. Davipson, the Canon of the Bible; W. Sanpay, Inspiration, Lectures ii-v. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER II. THE CANON OF THE OLD ‘TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Section T, From the Apostles to the Middle of the Fifth Century. - 1. The Septuagint Version habitually quoted by New TuE CANON Testament writers. AS ADMITTED 4 2. The use of the Greek Scriptures allowed to the Neophytes. spe 3. Allusions to the Deutero-canonical books, found in APOSTLES : the New Testament. LE I. Special importance of the Testimony of the early ‘Pen aay Ecclesiastical writers. TaREe 2. The Canon of the Western and Eastern Churches. CENtuntne ue: Principal difficulties stated and examined. Ih; I. Opposition to the Deutero - canonical books in Works of : Eastern Fathers. Western writers, especially St; Jerome. THE FOURTH CENTURY AND OF THE FIFTH of the Deutero- canonical books: | FIRST PART 2. Arguments in favor ( Practical use made of them. Documents in their favor. CENTURY. 40 CHAPTER II. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Section I. FROM THE APOSTLES TO THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY. § 1. Zhe Canon as Admitted by the Apostles. 1. The Septuagint Version Habitually Quoted by the New Testament Writers. With the begin- ning of Christianity opens a new and most important period in the history of the Canon of the Old Testament. The sacred books of Israel contained in a Bible which exists in two forms (the Hebrew and the Greek), cease to be the exclu- sive possession of the Jews, and are henceforth read with equal reverence in both the Jewish and the Christian assem- blies. In the Hebrew Text, the inspired writings are still divided into “the Law, the Prophets, and the Writings,” and the contents of this last division are yet undetermined.’ In the Greek Bible, or Septuagint, this threefold division of the sacred books has long given way to the arrangement which we now find in our own copies of the Septuagint, and of the Vulgate: they present the deutero-canonical writings of the Old Testament so mingled with the proto-canonical books as to assign to them the same authority. In presence of the Bible in these two forms the founders and first writers of the Church made a choice, and their choice, which was the outcome of both natural circumstances 1 Cfr. WILDEBOER, pp. 72-75. AI 42 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and inward divine guidance, settled in a practical manner the important question: Which of the two Bibles should henceforth be regarded as the Bible of the Christian Church ? Sent to convert the Greek-speaking world, they naturally appealed to the existing Greek version of Holy Writ for oral and written proofs in favor of Christ’s messiahship and divinity. In point of fact, their quotations from the Greek Bible are so numerous (about 300 out of 350 quotations of the Old Testament in the New), and of such a nature, that some writers have seen in them a proof that the Apostles had formally ratified all its contents. ‘The inference, how- ever, is not probable. On the one hand, this distinct ap- proval of the entire Greek Bible has left no trace in history, and, on the other hand, the variety of opinions which soon arose regarding the extent of the Canon, tends to show that such an approval was never given. 2. The Use of the Greek Scriptures Allowed to the Neophytes. From the fact that the Apostles did not formulate an express decision in favor of the Septuagint Version and all its contents, Protestant writers generally draw an argument against the canonical character of the books which the Septuagint contained over and above those of the Hebrew Bible. ‘They affirm that the Apostles considered as inspired only the books of the Palestinian Canon, and that this is why they refrained from a positive approval of the Greek Bible and its fuller Canon. This line of argument is inadmissible. For, if the Apostles looked upon the deutero- canonical writings as non-inspired, it was their plain duty not only to abstain from giving them full approval, but also to exclude them from the Bible used by the early Christians. This exclusion was all the more imperatively required, be- cause the intermingling of proto- and deutero-canonical books in the Septuagint translation was such as to imply their real THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE.CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 43 equality. But far from excluding them from the Greek Scriptures, the Apostles allowed to the early Christian com- munities the use of the Alexandrian Canon, without any dis- tinction between the books it contained. It is plain, therefore, that if the attitude of the Apostles regarding the contents of the Septuagint Version proves anything, it proves that, in their eyes, all the books of the Greek Bible were really divine. 3. Allusions to the Deutero-canonical Books, found in the New Testament. Our position derives a powerful confirmation from the fact that the writers of the New Testament show a close acquaintance with the deutero- canonical books. ‘They never quote them explicitly, it is true, but time and again they borrow expressions and ideas from them.’ Again, “the examples of religious courage and constancy extolled by the author of the Epistle to the Hebrews (xi, 34, sq.), are undoubtedly copied in part from the history of the Machabees (II Mach. vi, 18-vii, 42); and just as he presents these latter to the admiration of the faithful as having claims equal to those of the heroes of sacred antiquity, so the documents relating the life of both must have had an equal value in the eyes of the writer quot- “~~ From these allusions to the deutero-canonical books, we naturally infer that when they used and put on the same level all the books found in the Alexandrian Canon, the neophytes simply followed the example set before them by their teachers. It is true, as stated above, that the New Testament writers do not quote expressly the deutero-canonical books, but this may be accounted for otherwise than by their desire of mark- ing them. 1 Cfr. for instance, James i, 19, with Ecclesiasticus v, 13, and iv, 29; I Peter 1, 6-7, with Wisdom iii, 5-6; Heb. i, 3, with Wisdom vii, 26; etc. 2 Reuss, Hist. of the Canon of Holy Scripture, p. 10, sq., Engl. Transl. 44 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ing them off as uncanonical, for, in point of fact, they have neither quoted nor even alluded to several frofo-canonical books whose sacred character they of course never ques- tioned.’ § 2. The First Three Centuries. 1. Special Importance of the Testimony of the Early Ecclesiastical Writers. In the history of the Canon of the Old Testament in the Christian Church, es- pecial importance attaches naturally to the testimony of the early ecclesiastical writers. As they stood nearest to the apostolic times, they had the best opportunity to learn which Canon had received the practical approval of the Apostles, which Canon they should themselves use and transmit to their successors. Whatever Bible they quoted from, what- ever books they regarded as inspired, the same were bound to become and remain the Bible and the sacred books of all future generations. ‘Their words form the first links in that long chain of testimonies in favor of the deutero-canonical writings, which connects the present with the past, and which depends ultimately for its worth on the strength of its first links. In point of fact, most recent biblical scholars appeal to the testimony of the earliest ecclesiastical writers, fully persuaded that these first disciples of the Apostles simply continue and give expression to the mind of their teachers in regard to the Canon of Holy Writ. 2. The Canon of the Western and Eastern Churches. One of the best ascertained facts in the his- tory of the Canon of the Old Testament during the first three centuries is that both the Western and Eastern Churches used a Bible whose contents were more extensive 1 These books are: Abdias, Nahum, Canticle of Canticles, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Esdras, and Nehemias. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 45 than those of the Hebrew Text. This Bible was either the Septuagint Version itself, naturally employed by the early Fathers who wrote in Greek, or the old Latin Version, which was made directly from the Septuagint, and contained, like the Greek Bible, both the proto- and the deutero canonical books of the Old Testament. Another fact, no less certain than the one just referred to, is that the Greek and Latin Fathers of this period quote both sets of writings, without the least suspicion that the Apostles ever disapproved of any of them. They use both for the purpose of edification and instruction, and ascribe to them equal authority. This is the case with St. CLEMENT of Rome (f I00 a.D.), who was unquestionably the most prominent figure in the sub-Apostolic age, and who, in his epistle to the Corinthians, makes use of the books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus, and summarizes the book of Judith and that of Esther, with its deutero-canonical additions.’ In like manner, the book of Tobias is known to the author of the very ancient, homily usually referred to as the second epistle of St. Clement,’ whilst Ecclesiasticus and the second book of the Machabees are made use of in ‘“ The Shepherd,” a work commonly ascribed to Hermas.* The writings of St. IREN@uS (f 202 a.p.), the illustrious Bishop of Lyons, afford us a testimony weightier still, because of his personal relations with the churches of Asia and with that of Rome. He makes use of the book of Wisdom, quotes Baruch, under the name of “Jeremias the Prophet,” and the deutero- canonical parts of Daniel as “ Daniel the Prophet.” * To 1 Cfr. I Cor. iii, with Wisdom ii, 24; xxvii with Wisdom xi, 22; xii, 12; also I Cor. ly, with Judith, passim, and Esther xiv. 2 Cfr. II Cor. xvi, with Tobias xii, 9. 3 Cfr. e. g.: 1st Commandment and sth Similitude, chap. v, with Ecclesiasticus XVili, 1; also rst Comm. with II Mach. vii, 28. 4 Cfr. Against Heresies, Book V, chap. xxxv, § 1, Book IV, chap. v, § 2; Book IV, chap. viii, § 3. 46 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, these testimonies might be added those of other Western ecclesiastical writers, such as St. Hrprpotytus of Rome (f 220 A.D.), TERTULLIAN (f 220 A.D.), St. CYPRIAN (fT 258 A.D.), but as it is granted on all hands that these witnesses quote the deutero-canonical writings without scruple, speak of them as “ Holy Scripture,” and cite passages with the solemn introductory formulas, “as it is written,” “the Holy Spirit teaches,” etc., itis not necessary to insist on their testimony.’ If from the Western we turn to the Eastern Churches, we find no less numerous, no less explicit, statements in favor of the sacred character of the deutero-canonical books. Thus, the writer of the epistle usually ascribed to St. BARNABAS quotes Ecclesiasticus iv, 36.7 St. PoLycarp (f 160) cites Tobias iv, 11;* and St. ATHENAGORAS in his “ Apology,” presented to the emperor Marcus Aurelius about 177 A.D., quotes Baruch ili, 36, as the saying of a “prophet.” * CLEMENT of Alexandria (f 220 A.D.) uses the deutero- like thé proto-canonical books for explanation and proof indiscriminately ; he quotes Tobias as ‘ Scripture,” Baruch as “ divine Scripture,” Wisdom as written by Solomon, and consequently “ divine,” etc.” In this, CLEMENT is faith- fully followed by his most illustrious disciple, ORIGEN (fF 254 A.D.), who quotes as Holy Writ all the deutero-canonical writings, claims for the Church the right to admit into her Canon books which are rejected by the Jews, and expressly de- fends the reception among Christians of the books of Tobias and Judith, and of the additions to the books of Daniel and Esther. Dionysius of Alexandria, in the extant fragments 1Cfr Breen, Introd. to Holy Scripture, p. 68, sq.; Sam. Davipson, The Canon of the Bible, 3d edit., pp. 101, 103, sq. ? Epistle, chap. xix. 3 Epistle to the Philippians, chap. x. . * Apology. chap. ix. 5Cfry Padag) Bellchapyssestromata,epi Ll chy acca L Vee Chr On hel le chads bg II, ch. 7, etc. : 6 Cfr. Comm. in Joann.; Against Celsus, Book III, chap. 72, etc., etc.; also Epist. to Africanus, §§ 4, 5. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 47 of his works, cites Tobias, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom and Baruch.’ Finally, St. MeTHopius (f 311 A.D.), the Bishop of Tyre and adversary of Origen, employs the deutero. canonical like the other writings of the Old Testament.’ In presence of this unanimous consent of Eastern and Western ecclesiastical writers, it is easy to understand how just are the following words of the late Protestant professor, Reuss: “ The Christian theologians of this period knew the Old Testament only in its Greek form (in the Septuagint), and consequently they made no distinction between what we call canonical books (Hebrew) and apocryphal books (Greek). They quote both with the same confidence, with the same formulas of honor, and attribute to them an equal authority based on an equal inspiration.” ° 3. Principal Difficulties Stated and Examined. To offset this unanimous consent of the East and the West, recent Protestant writers have brought forward various arguments which we must now state and examine. We are told, for instance, by Westcotr* that “the quotations from the Old Testament in Justin . . . . confirm exclusively the books of the Hebrew Bible. There is no quotation, I be- lieve (in his works), of the Apocrypha of the Old Testament, though Wisdom, at least, would have fallen in with much of Justin’s reasoning.” To this it may be answered, (1) that the holy Doctor had hardly any natural occasion to quote the deutero-canonical books in his Afologies to the Roman emperor; (2) that in ‘ point of fact, as admitted by the Protestant writer KEI,’ “he used the Alexandrian additions to Daniel in his first 1On Nature against the Epicureans, fragm. 3, 5; com¢ra Paulum Samos., qu. 6, 9, Io. 2The Banquet of the Ten Virgins, 1st discourse, chap. ili. 3 History of the Canon of Holy Scripture, p. 93, Eng Transl. The Bible in the Church, p. 106, new edit., 1885 5 Introduction to the Old Test., vol. ii, p. 351, Eng. Transl. 48 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, Apology, chap. 46;” (3) that in his Dialogue with a Jew named ‘Trypho, St. Justin mentions several times his purpose to quote only those Scriptures which are admitted by the Jews.’ The testimony of another apologetic writer, St. MeELiTo (fl.170 (?) A.D.), Bishop of Sardis, is also appealed to against the deutero-canonical writings. In his letter, which serves as a preface to his collection of extracts from the Old Testament,” the holy bishop gives a list of the sacred books of which he had learned the exact number and order when in the East, that is, in Palestine. This list includes all the books of the Hebrew Canon (except Esther), follows the same general order as the Greek Bible in their enumeration, and contains no deutero-canonical writing. From these facts two most important inferences, it is claimed, should be drawn: (1) ‘that the judgment of the East, or in other words of Palestine, was that which was held to be decisive on the . contents of the Old Testament;” (2) that ‘“ Melito’s list appears to be a catalogue of the books in the Palestinian Septuagint, the Greek Bible which was used by Our Lord and the Apostles.’’ Quite a different construction, however, can and should be put on the words of the Bishop of Sardis. His collection of extracts from the Old Testament, having a polemical pur- pose against the Jews, was intended from the first to contain simply passages from “the Law and the Prophets,” * and was naturally carried out only when he had ascertained to his full satisfaction “the books of the Old Testament ” which the best informed Jews, viz., those of Palestine, re- garded as inspired. In his enumeration of the writings ‘ Dialogue with Trypho. chaps. 71, 120, 137. 2 Eusesics. Ecclesiasticat History, Book 1V, chap. xxvi. 3 Westcott. The Bible in the Church, p. 124; cfr.also H. E. Ryre, The Canon of the Old Test, p. 208 4Cfr Melito's letter in Eusebius, loc. cit. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 49 admitted as sacred by the Jews, he does not follow “a Palestinian Septuagint,” of which there is no trace in all the literature which refers to the Canon of the Old Testament, but simply adopts the order of books with which he himself and his correspondent, Onesimus, a Christian of Asia Minor, were familiar in the current copies of the Septuagint Version.’ Finally, if he omitted purposely to mention the book of Esther, it was not because he personally rejected its sacred character on the authority of the Jews of Palestine, but because he did not find it admitted by the rabbis whom he consulted.” It should be said, however, that some Catholic writers— among whom Vigouroux and Loisy—hold that St. Melito accepted the Hebrew Canon on the authority of the Jews, and that, in doing so, he departed from the right tradition of the Christian churches. This last remark applies in a special manner to the con- duct of Origen. This illustrious Doctor gives practically the Hebrew Canon in the sole passage of his writings which contains a catalogue of the Scriptures of the Old Testament,? and further seems to make it his own in at least one passage of his Commentaries.* It is clearly impossible to read care- fully these two passages and to compare them with the views of Origen stated above, without feeling that here he is simply deviating from what had been, and was still in his time, the public and positive belief of the Church of Alexandria. That Church, like all those of the first three centuries, used the Greek Bible, and put exactly on the same level all the books it contained. 1 This is precisely the case with Origen when he enumerates the books of the Hebrew Canon; cfr. Eusepius, Eccles. Hist., Book VI, chap. xxv. 2Cfr. H. E. Ry ez, loc. cit., p. 204 sq.; WILDEBOER, The Origin of the Canon of the OUI. p176,.sq. 3 Cfr. Eusesius, Eccles. Hist., Book VI, chap. 25. 4 Cfr. quotations from Origen in St. Jerome, on Daniel, chaps. xiii, xiv. (Patr. Lat. vol. xxv). 590 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. The last difficulty to be mentioned here is drawn from the following fact: Side by side with the deutero-canonical books of the Old Testament, several ecclesiastical writers of the first three centuries use freely and quote as Holy Writ such apocryphal productions as the book of Enoch, the third and fourth books of Esdras, etc. Does not this seem to imply that in the early Church both the deutero- canonical and the apocryphal books enjoyed the same authority and were placed indiscriminately in the same collection of sacred books? Our answer is briefly this: History proves indeed that for some time several early writers of the Church used freely a few apocryphal books, but it proves also that at no time any of these apocryphal writings was received by all the Churches of the East and the West, and read in public services to- gether with the canonical books." This is the reason for which these apocryphal productions soon fell into discredit, whilst the deutero-canonical writings continued in use side by side with the books of the Hebrew Bible. § 3. Zhe Fourth Century and First Part of the Fifth Century. I. Opposition to the Deutero-canonical Books. Strange to say, the well-nigh perfect unanimity of the ecclesias- tical writers of the first three centuries in favor of the deutero- canonical books was not kept up during the fourth century of our era. In the East and in the West, several illustrious Doctors of the Church entertained serious doubts concerning the authority of the writings which were not found in the Hebrew Bible. This is the case with St. ATHaNasius, who, in his 39th 1 For detailed information about this point, see Lorsy, Hist du Canon de I’A. Test., pp. 79-83. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 51 festal Epistle,’ sets forth “the books included in the Canon and handed down, and accredited as divine,’ and excludes from their number all the deutero-canonical writings of the Old Testament, except Baruch. He further adds that beside these divine books, there are others “‘ not indeed included in the Canon, but appointed by the Fathers to be read by those just joining us,” to wit, “The Wisdom of Solomon, the Wis- dom of Sirach (i. e. Ecclesiasticus), Esther, Judith, Tobias, and that which is called the Doctrine of the Apostles, and the Pastor or Shepherd.” Finally, he rejects absolutely all ‘the apocryphal writings, as an invention of heretics.” Like-minded with St. Athanasius, and perhaps repeating his words, St. GREGoRY NAZIANZEN (f 389) enumerates only the proto-canonical books (except Esther) and then adds: “ If there be any beside these books, they are not genuine (0vz év yrnolos),” ‘. St. Cyrit of Jerusalem ($386) is no less explicit against the deutero-canonical books, although he distinctly claims for the Christian Church the right to settle the Canon of the Sacred Scriptures. ‘Learn diligently,” he says, “and from the Church, which are the books of the Old Testament and which of the New, and read not any of the apocryphal... Read the divine Scriptures, those twenty-two books which were translated by the seventy-two interpreters . . . Those only study and meditate which we read with confidence even in Church. Far wiser than thou and pious were the Apostles and the ancient bishops, the rulers of the Church who have handed down these: thou therefore, as a child of the Church, trench not on their established laws.” Then he enumerates the twenty- two books of the Old Testament (that is, the books of the He- brew Canon, to which he adds Baruch) and those of the New, 1A Festal Epistle was a pastoral letter put forth by the Archbishops of Alexandria ta make known each year the exact date of the Paschal festival. The 39th Epistle of St. Athanasius gues back most likely to 367 a.p. We have only fragments of it. 3 Cfr. Loisy, Canon de |’Ancien Testament, p. 104. 52 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and concludes with these significant words: ‘“ But all the rest, let them be put aside in the second rank; and what is not read in the churches, that read not thyself according as thou hast heard.” * St. EprPHANIUS (Tf 403), Bishop of Constantia (Salamis) in Cyprus, is less explicit than either St. Athanasius or St. Cyril in his opposition to the deutero-canonical books, and this is why his exact view regarding them is still a matter of discussion among Catholic scholars. It seems difficult, how- ever, not to admit with Hanneberg,’ that he numbers them all (except Wisdom and KEcclesiasticus which he holds in special esteem) among the apocryphal writings of the Old Testament. * | . As opposed to the full authority of the deutero-canonical books in the East, we may also mention the Synopsis Atha- nastana, the Canon of St. Basi, of Czsarea, in Cappadocia (tT 379 4.D.), the Iambic metres ascribed. to St. AMPHILC- CHIUS of Iconium(f 395), the 85th Canon of the Apostles, and the 6oth decree of the Council of Laodicea (A.D. 363).° Such are the Eastern documents which, in a more or less explicit manner, assign to the deutero-canonical books a rank inferior to those of the Hebrew Bible, and which are still de- scribed by most Protestant writers as the witnesses of history against the Catholic Canon. It is certain, however, that they simply express the theoretical views of their authors, for, in practice, those same authors use freely both the proto- and the deutero-canonical writings of the Old Testament, and apply to both exactly the same language. St. Athanasius, for instance, ‘introduces Judith (viii, 16) with ‘the Scripture 1 Cfr. Catechetical Lectures, Lect. iv., $$ 33, 35, 36. 2 Histoire de la Révélation Biblique, vol. ii, p. 387. Cfr. also TrRocuon, Introduction, vol. i, p. 138; anda significant passage in CAsstoporus (t 570); (Miane, P. L. vol. Ixx, cols. 1125, 1126.) 3 Against Heresies, 8th Heresy, chap. vi. * For the respective authority of these sources of information, see Loisy, Canon de VA. T., and Trocuon, loc. cit. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 53 said,’ and Baruch (iii, 12) 1s cited as Scripture. Wisdom (vi, 26) has the epithet Scripture applied to it. Sirach (i.e. Ecclesiasticus) xv, g is introduced as ‘ what is said by the Holy Spirit.’ Baruch (iv, 20, 22) and Daniel (xiii, 42) are referred to in the same way as Isaias. Tobias (ii, 7) has ‘it is written’ prefixed to it.”’ St. Gregory Nazianzen quotes Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus several times in his theological works,” and St. Basil cites Judith Gx, 4).2 St. Cyril of Jerusalem who took part in the Council of Laodicea “refers to Paruch (ill, 36-38) as che prophet ; and in adducing the testimonies of the prophets for the existence of the Holy Spirit, the last he gives is Daniel Kili e4 tas etoitachs (Meclesiasticus ) ill, 21,222) 1s. cited); Wisdom is quoted as Solomon’s (xiil, 5); the song of the three children is used (verse 55) with verses 27, 29; and Daniel (xili, 22, 45) is quoted.” * The practice of St. Epiphanius is likewise clear. He in- troduces Sirach (vii, 1) with “ the Scripture testifies ;’’ Wis- dom (i, 4) is quoted as Solomon’s; Baruch (iii, 36) is intro- duced with “as the Scripture says,” and Daniel (xiii, 42) is quoted with “as it is written.” ° It is plain, therefore, that however great may have been the difference admitted by these Eastern writers between the books of the Hebrew Bible and those found only in the Greek Bible, it did not influence much their practice. Their Bible was the Bible in universal use in the churches of thei time and country. It was the Greek Bible, which had been transmitted to them by their predecessors, and which still contained both classes of books without the least distinction as to their respective authority. They were perfectly famil- 1S. Davipson, the Canon of the Bible, 3d edit., p. 177, sq. 4 Lotsy, loc. cit., p. 105. 3 Lorsy, ibid. # Davipson, loc. cit., p. 176. 5 Dayvipson, loc. cit., p. 181. 54 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. iar with all its parts, and when they wished to edify the peo- ple or set forth proofs of revealed doctrine, they instinctively set aside their theoretical views regarding the Canon, and used indiscriminately all the books which were found in what they knew to be the Bible of the Church. It was only natural that these speculative views so prevalent in the East should exercise some influence upon the mind of Western writers. In point of fact, three of these are pointed out as placing more or less explicitly the deutero-canonical books in a rank inferior to those of the Hebrew Canon. The first in date is St. Hrtary of Poitiers ({ 368). In his com- mentary on the Psalms, which St. Jerome says was largely borrowed from Origen, the holy bishop reproduces Origen’s catalogue of the Old Testament, that is, his list of the twenty- two books. Then he says, ‘Some have added Tobias and Judith, making twenty-four (books), after the letters of the Greek alphabet.” * Whether these obscure expressions of St. Hilary must be considered as an indorsement of the views of Origen regard- ing the Canon, cannot be defined. But it is beyond doubt that, in practice, the Bishop of Poitiers quotes both proto- and deutero-canonical books in exactly the same manner. “ He cites Wisdom and Sirach (Kcclesiasticus) as ‘prophets’; . . . Il Machabees (vii, 28) is introduced with ‘according to the prophet’; Wisdom is cited as Solomon’s (viii, 2); Judith (xvi, 3 is cited); so is Baruch (iii, 36); and Daniel Rill, oe Much more explicit than St. Hilary in his opposition to the deutero-canonical books is RuFINuS (f 410), a priest of Aquileia, in Northern Italy. His aim is to enumerate all the books which “are believed to be inspired by the Holy 1 Mieng, P. L. vol. ix, col. 241; cfr. the words of CAsstoporus (M1GNg, P. L. vol. Ixx, cols. 1125, 1126). 2 Davipson, Canon of the Bible, p. 193. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 55 Spirit, according to the tradition of our ancestors and have been handed down by the Churches of Christ.” He there- fore gives all the books of the Hebrew Canon, and says “in his concluserunt numerum librorum Veteris Testamenti.”’ Next, he specifies all the books of the New Testament and adds: “ Heec sunt que Patres intra canonem concluserunt et ex quibus fidei nostrz assertiones constare voluerunt.”’ He further remarks that there are other books not canonical but ecclesiastical—Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobias, Judith and the books of the Machabees,—and of these he speaks as read in the churches “ que omnia legi quidem in ecclesiis voluerunt,” but not as authoritative in matters of faith “non tamen proferri ad auctoritatem ex his fidei confirmandam.” ' The mind of Rufinus concerning the deutero-canonical books is therefore plain: they stand on a lower level than the books of the Hebrew Canon, because ecclesiastical tra- dition has so decided. It is true that he does not name “the Fathers who have limited the canonical books to those which are contained in the Hebrew Bible, and who have set- tled that these only should be used as authoritative in mat- ters of faith,” but we can easily make them out. His views and even words connect him directly with those Eastern Fathers to whom we have just referred as opposed to the deutero-canonical books, and whose opinion he had accepted during his prolonged sojourn in Egypt and Palestine. They appear to him to form a sort of tradition from which he thinks no one has a right to depart.” Yet, despite his the- ory, Rufinus uses the deutero-canonical books and treats them as divinely inspired Scriptures.* This opposition of the priest of Aquileia to the books not 1 Commentary on the Symbol of the Apostles, §$ 36-38 (Patrol. Lat., vol. xxi, col. 374, Sq.) 2 Cfr. Lotsy, loc. cit., p. 112; ViGouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. i,n. 33; and Dic- tionnaire de la Bible, art. Canon, p. 154. 3 Cfr, CoRNELY, larger Introductio, vol. i, p. 103. 56 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. found in the Hebrew Bible is fully shared by his great adver- sary, SOPHRONIUS EusEBIUS HIERONYMUS, better known under the name of St. JEROME (f 420). ‘Time and again, this illustrious Doctor of the Latin Church rejects the author- ity of the deutero-canonical books in the most explicit man- ner. ‘Thus, in the preface’ to his translation of the books of Kings (written in 391) he says “this prologue to the Scrip- tures may suit as a helmed preface to all the books which we have rendered from Hebrew into Latin; that we may know that whatever is beyond these must be reckoned among the Asocrypha. ‘Therefore, the Wisdom of Solo- mon, as it is commonly entitled, and the book of the son of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) and Judith, and Tobias, and the Shepherd are not in the Canon... .” In his epistle to Paulinus (about 394), he draws up a Canon of the Old Testament, without even mentioning the deutero-canonical books,* whilst in his preface to Esdras (394 A.D.), he says: “Let no one be astonished that we edited only one book (of Esdras); nor let him delight in the dreams found in the third and fourth apocryphal books of Esdras. For among the Hebrews the works of Esdras and Nehemias are united in one book, and what is not found in them, and among the twenty-four old men (that is, the twenty-four books of the Hebrew Canon) should be put aside and kept at a considerable distance from them.” * A few years later (in 398), he writes in his preface to the works of Solomon these strange words: “ Moreover, there is the book zavdépetos of Jesus, the son of Sirach, and another pseudepigraph which is entitled the Wisdom of Solomon. . . . As the Church reads the books of Judith, 1 It is commonly referred to under the name of Prologus Galeatus (MIGNB, Pat. Lat, tom. xxviii, col. 555, sq.). 2 MIGNE) PiayeyOlexxil, cols 4acusd: 3 Miang, P. L., vol. xxviii, col. 1403. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 57 and Tobias, and of the Machabees, but does not receive them among the canonical Scriptures, so also it reads these two books for the edification of the people, but not for the confirmation of revealed doctrine.” * As might naturally be expected, the deutero-canonica- parts of books are not better treated by St. Jerome than the entire books we have just heard him call pseudepigraphic and uwncanonwal, ‘Thus the additions to Esther found in the Septuagint he severely qualifies as superfluous adjuncts and oratorical amplifications.” The fragments of Daniel have apparently for ‘‘ the doctors of Greece” and for him, “ noth- ing of the authority which attaches to Holy Writ;’’* whilst in his preface to Jeremias (as late as the year 414), he says: “IT did not feel bound to explain the small book of Baruch, which is usually added (to Jeremias) in the Septuagint, but . is not found in the Hebrew, nor the pseudepigraphic epistle of Jeremias”’ (that is, chap. vi of Baruch in our Vulgate).’ It is true that, at times, the opposition of the illustrious Doctor to the deutero-canonical books seems to abate a little. It is most likely, however, that he acts thus through a motive of prudence, and he himself informs us that he has trans- lated the book of Tobias “not to disobey the orders of bishops.”’* If we wish to have his full mind, we have only to read his private letter (written in 403) to a holy Roman matron named Leta. He mentions first the various books of Holy Writ in the order he wishes that her daughter should peruse them, and then he adds: ‘ Let her distrust all the apocryphal books. If, however, she desires to read them, not indeed to draw from them arguments in favor of Christian doctrines, but simply for the sake of the miracles 1 Mieng, P. L., vol. xxviii, col. 1242, sq. 2 Miang, ibid., col. 1433, sq. 3 Micng, ibid, cols. 1292-1294. 4 Mieng, P. L., vol. xxv, eols.492, 493. 5 Micng, P. L., vol. xxix, col. 24, sq. _ 58 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, therein recorded, let her understand that they are not the work of those whose name they bear, that many mischievous things have crept into them, and that the utmost prudence is necessary to seek for gold in the mud.”? Finally, St. Jerome is the sole Father on record as quot- ing sometimes the deutero-canonical books with a restriction concerning their canonical character. Thus, in his com- mentary on Jonas (about 397), he quotes the book of Tobias ‘ licet non habeatur in Canone, tamen quia usurpa- tur ab ecclesiasticis viris.” * Again, in his commentary on Aggeus, he cites a passage of Judith with the significant re- mark: ‘Si quis tamen vult librum recipere mulieris.” * In the same way, he introduces in his commentary on Zacha- rias, a quotation from Wisdom, by these words: “Si cui tamen placet librum recipere.” * Usually, however, he quotes the deutero-canonical books in the same manner as we have seen it done by Rufinus, St. Hilary, St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Athanasius, etc.: “In his letter to Eustochium, Sirach iii, 33, comes between cita- tions from Matthew and Luke, and is introduced by ‘ which is written,’ in a letter to Pammachius, whilst xxii, 6, of the same book has ‘ divine Scripture ’applied to it. Ruth, Esther and Judith are spoken of as ‘holy volumes.’”’ ® We are therefore entitled to conclude with such Catholic scholars as Corluy, S.J., Loisy, etc.,* that, as in the case of the other opponents of the deutero-canonical books, the practice of St. Jerome differs from his theory. His private view is strongly against the books or parts of books not found in the Hebrew Bible, and in so far he clearly wit- 1 Miceng, P. L., vol. xxii, col. 876, sq. 2 Mieng, P. L., vol. xxv, col. 1119. 3 Mieng, P. L., vol. xxv, col. 1394. € MIGNE, PI) vol. xxv, col: 1465. 5 Davipson, Canon of the Bible, p. 191, sq. 6 For a different view, see FRANZELIN and CORNELY. s THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 59 nesses to the existence of a restricted Canon. On the other hand, as he uses at times the deutero-canonical books, affirms that the Church reads some of them for the edifica- tion of the Christian people, translates himself a few of them because requested to do so by bishops, it is no less clear that he is aware of a fuller Canon than that of the Jews, and that he remains a strong, though involuntary witness, to a Canon which is still that of the Christian Church. 2. Arguments in Favor of the Deutero-canonical Books. Whatever reasons may be set forth to explain this theoretical deviation from tradition on the part of the illus- trious Doctors of the fourth century to whom we have just referred,’ it remains true that the practical use which they make of the deutero-canonical books goes right against their speculative views. In theory, they claim a higher authority for the books of the Hebrew Bible ; in practice, they quote indiscriminately (except at times, St. Jerome) from both the proto- and deutero-canonical writings, and apply to them all the sacred name of Scripture. They clearly know “ of a Jewish and a Christian Canon in relation to the Old Testa- ment; the latter wider than the former ; their private opinion being more favorable to the one, though the other was his- torically transmitted.” * It would therefore be difficult to find a stronger proof that the Alexandrian Canon still con- tinued to be the one found in the Bible which was commonly used and quoted in the Christian Church.* To this first argument in favor of the deutero-canonical books may be added another hardly less convincing. It is derived from the positive and direct testimony of the cata- 1 These reasons are well given by Lorsy, Canon de lA. T., pp. 121-124 ; CHAUVIN, Lecons d’Introduction Générale, pp. 124-128. 2 S. Davipson, the Canon of the Bible, p. 171 sq. 3 Cfr, MALou, Lecture de la Ste Bible en langue Vulgaire, vol. ii, p..150 ; and CorLuy, S.J., in JauGey, Dictionnaire apologétique de la foi Catholique, art. Canon, p. 368, sq. 60 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. _ fogues of canonical books which were drawn up during this same period. Leaving aside the list of the Sacred Scrip- tures ascribed by some to the Council of Nice, and that re- ferred to Pope St. Damasus, because their genuineness seems doubtful, we shall mention first the important docu- ment which was recently published by Th. Mommsen (in 1886) and which goes back to about the middle of the fourth century A.D. It claims to be “a list of the cazonical books of the Old Testament,” and it includes both the proto- and the deutero-canonical books in its enumeration.’ A similar list, a little later in date, but of greater importance because of its official character, is that which was drawn up in the Council of Hippo, in 393, and was promulgated over again by the third and sixth Councils of Carthage, held in 397 and Aig respectively. The Fathers of these Councils decree first ‘that none but canonical Scriptures shall be read in Church under the name of divine Scriptures.” Next, they distinctly enumerate the books which they call ‘‘ canonical Scriptures,” and among these are found allthe deutero-canonical writings of the Old Testament. Finally, they declare their desire that the Pope occupying at the timé the See or St, (Peter, “contirm their canon, tor say they, “ these are the books which the Fathers have transmitted to us for public reading at church.” * , Perhaps the reader will be somewhat surprised that the African bishops gathered in council, should have felt the need to promulgate the fuller Alexandrian Canon no less than three times within the short period of thirty years, and to appeal repeatedly to the Sovereign Pontiff for a confirmation of their decree ; but a sufficient explanation of this may be found in the circumstances of the time. On the one hand, 1 See that Catalogue in Vicouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Canon, p. 152. 2 Cfr. DENzINGER, Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum ; also CorNBELY, larget Introductio, vol. i, p. 85. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 61 St. Jerome, the greatest biblical scholar of the day, had publicly declared himself in 390, 394 and 405 a.p. favor- able to the limited Canon of the Hebrew Bible ; and on the other hand, St. Augustine, the opponent of St. Jerome on many scriptural topics, admitted the Alexandrian Canon,’ and was doing his utmost to have it distinctly recognized by his colleagues in the African episcopate. Finally, it was well known that St. Jerome had made a long residence in Rome, where he had been a personal friend of Pope St. Damasus (fF 384), so that it was deemed desirable to secure from Rome itself a formal approval of the fuller Canon, in order to prevent all supposition that he had borrowed from the Roman Church his views concerning the Hebrew Canon. The last official catalogue of the Western Church to be ~mentioned here in favor of the deutero-canonical books is the list of the sacred writings which Pope St. INNocenT I sent In 405 A.D., to St. Exsuperius, Bishop of Toulouse, in Southern Gaul. The latter was a personal friend and corre- spondent of St. Jerome, and the bold expressions of the great biblical scholar against the deutero-canonical books had greatly shaken his belief in their authority. He therefore consulted Pope St. Innocent about “ the books admitted in the Canon,” and received from him a list which comprised all the writings of the Alexandrian Canon.’ It is in vain that we would look for equally explicit cata- logues in favor of the deutero-canonical books on the part of the Eastern Church. Two things, however, are well known as favorable tothem. First, the Greek churches con- tinued to use the Septuagint Version which always contained the deutero-canonical books mingled with those of the Hebrew Canon,’® and next, as stated above, the leading 1 Cfr. St. AUGUSTINE, on Christian Doctrine, Book ii, chap. viii. 2 Cfr. Micne, Patr. Lat., vol. xx, cols. 501, 502. 8 This is proved by the contents of the Greek manuscripts of that period, such as the 62 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ecclesiastical writers of the East ever quoted as Scripture both classes of books. A last argument in favor of the deutero-canonical books is drawn from the usage made of them by the Syrian Fathers, notably by St. CHrysostom (f 407) and THEODORET (f about 458), the two greatest representatives of the An- tiochian school. ‘ They use the apocryphal (i. e. the deu- tero-canonical) books freely, and without distinguishing them from the books of the Hebrew Canon. ‘Thus Chrysostom, to take only one example, quotes passages from Saruch, Leclesiasticus, and Wisdom as divine Scripture.’’’ Vaticanus, the Sinaiticus, the Alexandrinus and the Ephremiticus, and also by the contents of the 4¢hiopfic and Armenian versions of Holy Writ which were made from Greek manuscripts. 1 Westcort, The Bible in the Church, p. 175. As regards Afphraates (about 340 A. bp.) and St. Ephrent (+ 378), see Lorsy, Canon de 1’A. T., pp. 109, 110; and CHaAu- vin, Lecons d’Introduction, p. 118, sq. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER III. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Section II. From the Middle of the Fifth Century to our Day. i FROM THE In the East, especially among the Greeks (The Trullan MIDDLE OF Council). FIFTH CENTURY TO ‘In the West (Italy; Transalpine Countries; North Africa). THE TENTH CENTURY: [ The twofold opinion current in the Western Church ; THE MIDDLE how accounted for. Werk The Council of Florence. . Beginning of { Opposition of some Catholic scholars to the deutero-canonical books. the Sixteenth ; Views of the reformers concerning the Canon and deutero-canonical Century : books. The Counc ( The question of the Canon examined and settled. pfelrente \is decree fully justified by a ret- FROM THE rospect. General acceptance Attitude of of deutero-canon- ical books; yet, Catholics : isolated §opposi Saoince. the tion to them. SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO ouR Day: Council of Public Confessions and _ theological Trent: Action of works. Orthodox and Ra- Protestants : tionalistic schools of nineteenth century. 63 CHAPTER III. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. SecTION II. From THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTH CENTURY TO Our Day. § 1. From the Middle of the Fifth Century to the Tenth Century. Ir would be a long and tedious task to record and examine in detail each of the testimonies, cither favorable or opposed to the deutero-canonical books from the middle of the fifth century to the tenth century of our era. Naturally enough, most of them simply reproduce the tradition of the past, and only a few exhibit features of permanent interest. Our sur- vey of the East and of the West during this period will therefore be very rapid, and will refer chiefly to the tes- timonies of real importance. 1. The Canon in the East. The first important fact to be noticed here, is connected with the two great Oriental sects known in history as the WVestorians and the Monophysites. At the time of their separation from the Church in the fifth century, they possessed both the proto- and the deutero-canon- ical writings, and, as far as can be ascertained, they ever since kept both.’ 1 Cfr. AssEMANI, Bibliotheca Orientalis, tom. iii; CORNELY, larger Introductio, vol. i, p. 113, sa. The Syrian Version made about 616 a.p. by Paul of Tella, contained also the full Canon. 64 THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 65 Another fact of hardly less importance in the history of the Canon of the Old Testament, is connected with the Greek Church. Towards the end of the seventh century, the Council 2% Zru/o' laid down positions which gradually fixed the Canon for the Greeks on the basis of the Alexandrian Canon. It did not indeed enumerate the separate books of Holy Writ, but referred to older authorities, which included among others the eighty-five Canons of the Apostles* and the decrees of the Council of Carthage. As the former reck- oned three books of the Machabees, and the latter contained all the books of the Alexandrian Canon, the Greeks, anxious not to omit from their list of sacred books any writing which had even the indirect sanction of the Council zz ZruZ/o, soon framed a Canon which appears as more than complete in our judgment. Thus did it come to pass that their catalogue of sacred writings has contained one book (viz., the third book of the Machabees) over and above those of the West- ern Church. As might naturally be expected, a few Doctors of the East, imitating in this some of their illustrious predecessors, held private views on the Canon, or rather borrowed them from the great Fathers of the fourth century. This is the case with Lrontius of Byzantium (about 600 a.p.), who, in his work, Ox the Sects, gives a Canon clearly identical — with that of St. Athanasius.® In like manner, St. JoHN DAMASCENE (f 754) records a catalogue * which seems bor- rowed from St. Epiphanius, as may be inferred from the following facts: (1) He enumerates the same twenty-two books ; (2) he arranges them in the same general order; 1 Thus named from a hall in the imperial palace at Constantinople, called tpotAAos. 2 The text of these Canons is found in CoTetigr, Patr. Apost., vol. i. The list of sacred books is at page 448 of the 2d Antwerp edition, 1700 A. D. 3 Lorsy, Canon de l’Ancien Testament, p. 137; TROCHON, Introduction Générale vol. i, p. 160, sq. # On the Orthodox Faith, Book iv, chap. xvii. 66 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and (3), like St. Epiphanius, he closes his list with this pecu- liar remark: “ The wisdom of Solomon, and Jesus, son of Sirach (i. e. Ecclesiasticus), are indeed beautiful and excel- lent works ; yet they are not numbered with the others, and in olden times they were not preserved in the Ark.” ' Finally, it is also probable that NicEpHorus, Patriarch of Constantinople (f 828), gives an incomplete Canon of the sacred books, because he conforms his theoretical views to those of some one or other of the illustrious Fathers of the past.” 2. The Canon in the West. It was only natural that the tradition of the Church regarding the Canon of Holy Writ should be kept, during this period, even more faithfully in the West than in the East. As we have seen in our last chapter, only a few Western writers had been really influ- enced by the Eastern opponents of the deutero-canonical books, and it would take a considerable time before the prefaces and other writings of St. Jerome could tell effect- ively against what had ever been considered the received Canon of the Roman Church and of the Western churches at large. In point of fact, until the ninth century, papal lists,2 contents of manuscripts,’ ecclesiastical writings, whether of Italy, Spain, or England,” witness generally in favor of the full Alexandrian Canon. It cannot be denied, however, that even before the ninth century, Pope St. Gregory the Great (f 604) seems to have been influenced by St. Jerome’s views against the deutero-canonical books, 1Cfr St. EprpHanius, de Ponderibus et Mensuris, § 4. 2 See Lotsy, loc. cit., pp. 145-149 ; TRocHon, Introduction Générale, vol. i, p. 161. 3 Those ascribed to Popes St. H1Lary (ft 468), St. GELAstus (t+ 496), St. HormMIsDAS (t 523). 4 Such as the A miatinus, the Toletanus, etc. 5 Those of Dtonystus Exiguus (ft 536), and Cassroporus (tf 562), in Italy; of St. Isrpore of Seville (f 636); St. Eucenius of Toledo (t 657); of St. ILDEFoNsus of Toledo (t+ 669), in Spain; of Ven. Bepg (t 735), in England ; etc. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 67 for he calls them “ books which, though not canonical, are received for the edification of the Church.” " To the same influence we can also trace back these words of PRIMAsIUs, Bishop of Adrumetum, in his commentary on the Apocalypse : “The twenty-four elders are the books of the Old Testa- ment, which we receive of that number as possessing canon- ical authority.” ” The ninth century presents, of course, numerous and val- uable testimonies in favor of the deutero-canonical books. But it offers, at the same time, clear proofs that the views of St. Jerome against them were gaining ground in the West- ern Church, while their admission into the Glossa Ordinaria of Walafrid Strabo (ft 849), gave them a currency sure to teli powerfully, and in a near future, against the full Alex- andrian Canon. In fact, it was at this juncture that, in a letter to the bishops of Gaul (in 865), Pope Nicholas I felt it needful to remind them that one of his predecessors, St. Innocent I, had formerly enacted a decree in favor of all the books of the Old and of the New Testaments.3 § 2. The Middle Ages. I. The Twofold Opinion Current in the Western Church. At no other period in the history of the Canon of the Old Testament do we find such an array of ecclesiasti- cal writers against the full authority of the deutero-canonical books as in the Middle Ages. The best known among them, or most decided in their opposition, are NOTKER, the librarian of St. Gall (f 912); Rupert, Abbot of Deutz, feat, Cologne (f 1135) ;‘Huco of ‘St. Victor (f: 1140); 1Cfr. Micng, P. L., vol. Ixxvii, col. 119. The view adopted in the text is that of Vigouroux, Trochon, Loisy, etc. 2 Cfr. Mieng, P. L., vol. lxviii, col. 818. 3 Cfr. Lotsy, Canon de l’A. T., pp. 151-158, 68 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. PETER the Venerable, Abbot of Clugny (f 1156); JOHN of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres (f 1180); the Dominican and Cardinal Huco a S. Caro (f 1263); the Franciscan NicHo.tas de Lyra (f 1340); and finally, the famous WILLIAM OCKHAM (f 1347). Side by side with those oppo- nents of the deutero-canonical books, lived men no less numerous and no less decided in favor of the books which were not found in the Hebrew Bible. The principal wit- nesses in their favor are the celebrated LurrpRanpD, Bishop of Cremona (f 972); BurRcHARD of Worms (about 1020), and GRATIAN (f 1155), in their collections of the sacred canons; St. STEPHEN HarpinG, Abbot of Citeaux, together with GIsLEBERT, Abbot of Westminster at the beginning of the twelfth century; PETER of Riga, and GILuLeEs of Paris, towards the end of the same century; and in the next, STEPHEN LancTon, Archbishop of Canterbury (f 1228) ; St. BONAVENTURA (f 1274),and ALBERTUS MaGunus (f 1282); finally, at the beginning of the fifteenth century, THomas of Walden (f 1430), and Joun of Ragusa (f 1450). From this simple enumeration of the principal opponents and defenders of the deutero-canonical books, it may readily be inferred that since their series keeps on from century to century, we are in presence of a twofold opinion current in the churches of the West, the one favorable to‘the writings which were not found in the Hebrew Bible, the other ascribing to them only an inferior authority. If now we inquire into the causes of this persistent divi- sion between the ecclesiastical writers of the Middle Ages, we shall find that its main, if not its exclusive, cause, is the influence which the views of St. Jerome exercised upon the minds of many Doctors of that period. Not only were his opinions against the deutero-canonical books, circulated by .1 See their testimonies in CoRNELY, larger Introductio, pp. 123-132 ; Lorsy, loc. cit., pp. 164-178 ; and Westcott, The Bible in the Church, pp. 198, sqq. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 6g means of the Glossa Ordinaria, but his Prologus Galeatus that “helmed preface,’’ in which he declares himself so strongly against all the books not found in the Hebrew Text, had become the necessary introduction to every man- uscript of the Vulgate. His prefaces to the other books were also extensively circulated, and read together with the sacred text.’ Nay more, as they were the work of a great saint whom God had raised to supply His Church with a version of the Holy Writ, and whom, as many supposed, the Holy Spirit had guided in a special manner in translating the sacred text, they at times shared to some extent in the reverence borne to the Word of God.* More usually, of course, these prefaces were treated simply as the work of an illustrious man. But even then, their authority appeared supreme in the eyes of many, for they had been composed by the greatest biblical scholar of the past, by the writer best acquainted with the ancient traditions of the East and of the West. It is not therefore to be wondered at, if the views so unfavorable to the deutero-canonical books which these prefaces contained, seemed tenable to many schoolmen, and were, in fact, held by them, in the teeth of contrary practice in the Church, and of disciplinary decrees of the Pope. Finally, as it was the fashion of the time to get rid of difficulties by means of subtle distinctions, several eccle- siastical writers saw easily their way to reconcile the state- ments of St. Jerome, in his prefaces, with the papal decrees and the practice of the Church. They readily granted two things, viz.: (1) That the Popes had ordered the reception of certain books not found in the Hebrew Bible, because they were “true and divine”; and (2), that for the same motive the Church had received them and continued to use them in her public services. But they denied that these two 1 Cfr. UDALRic, Consuetudines Cluniacenses, in Miang, P. L., vol. cxlix, cols. 643, 644 2 Cfr. CORNELY, larger Introductio, vol. i, p. 122. 7O GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. things conflicted in any way with the statements of the holy Doctor, inasmuch as his words referred only to the canonical character of all such books. They thought, therefore, that the positions of St. Jerome were perfectly tenable, and, in con: sequence, they spoke of the books which were not found in the Hebrew Bible as “true and divine,” as “received by the: Church,” “as “*so00d@and* toe sbeswecelved,” etc. ever, while they refused to ascribe to them the full dignity and authority of canonical writings. Over against the authority of St. Jerome, the defenders of the deutero-canonical books set now that of St. Augus- tine, and now that of the Popes whose decrees were clearly in their favor and had been embodied in the great collec- tions of ecclesiastical Canons. It was also easy for them to appeal to the undeniable fact that, despite all the theories of their opponents, these books had ever been and still con- tinued to be used for liturgical, doctrinal and exegetical pur- poses, in exactly the same manner as the books found in the Hebrew Bible. Finally, they naturally felt, and indeed were not slow to affirm, that to the Church alone belonged the right to declare which books made up the Christian Canon, and that she had plainly and repeatedly counted among her canonical books others beside those of the Hebrew Bible. 2. The Council of Florence. It was this tradition of the Church which was urged by JoHN of Ragusa (f 1450) in one of the sessions of the Council of Basle, when he said: Libri qui apud Judeos in auctoritate non habentur... . Qui tamen apud nos in eadem veneratione et auctoritate habentur sicut et ceteri; et hoc utique nonnist ex traditione et acceptatione universalis Ecclesia catholice, guibus con- fradicere nullo modo licet pertinaciter.’ It was this same ecclesiastical tradition which was solemnly proclaimed a 1 Lappe, Acta Conciliorum, vol. viii, col. 1751 (Paris edit., 1714 a.n). THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 71 little later in the Council of Florence, when Eugenius IV, with the approval of the Fathers of that assembly,’ declared all the books found in the Latin Bibles then in use to be inspired by the same Holy Spirit, without distinguishing them into two classes or categories. He enumerated Tobias and Judith between Nehemias and Esther; Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus between Canticle of Canticles and Isaias; Baruch before Ezechiel, and two books of the Machabees at the end of the Old Testament. Two things should be noticed in connection with this docu- ment which professes to voice the belief of the whole Church. First, it is plain “that the Church of Rome con- cerned herself very little with the caprices or the theories of her great writers (of the Middle Ages), and continued to walk with a firm step in the path marked out by the ancient usages of her ritual.” * Next, the bull of Eugenius IV did not deal with the canonicity of the books which were not found in the Hebrew Text, but simply proclaimed their 7- spiration, so that even after its promulgation one would not go against the official teaching of the Church in reserving the title of canonical for the books of the Hebrew Bible, pro- vided he distinctly acknowledged as zzsfired all the books enumerated by the Council. In point of fact, during the second part of the fifteenth cen- tury, that is, after the close of the Council of Florence, some ecclesiastical writers, such as ALPHONSUS TosTAT, Bishop of Avila (f 1455), St. ANTonINUS, Archbishop of Florence (f 1459), and Dionysius the Carthusian (f 1471), continued to hold the views of St. Jerome against the deutero-canonical books.3 1 The genuineness of the bull of Eugenius IV has been wrongly assailed by Bleek and Westcott. Cfr. Lasppr, Acta Conciliorum, vol. ix, col. 1021, sq.; and THEINER, Acta Genuina Concilii Tridentini, vol. i, pp. 68, 70. 2 Reuss, History of the Canon of Holy Scripture, p. 269 (Engl. Transl.). 8 Cfr. Lotsy, Canon de |’Ancien Testament, pp. 180-183. 72 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. § 3. from the Sixteenth Century to our Day. I. Beginning of the Sixteenth Century. As in the latter part of the preceding century, so in the beginning of the sixteenth century, do we find some Cztholic scholars opposed to the books which were not contained in the He- brew Text. The first among these is the illustrious Spaniard, Cardinal Ximenes (f 1517). Inthe preface to his magnifi- cent edition of the Bible in several languages called the folyglot of Ximenes, he reproduces the passages of St. Jerome against the deutero-canonical books of the Old Tes- tament. ‘The books,” he writes, “which are without the Canon, which the Church receives rather for the edification of the people than for the establishment of ecclesiastical doctrines are given only in Greek, but in a double transla- tion.”’* Another opponent of the deutero-canonical books during this period is the celebrated humanist, Erasmus (t 1536). He does not indeed declare himself openly against them, but his manner of referring to their rejection by the ancients, and of speaking of his own uncertainty as to the real mind of the Church regarding the whole matter, etc., shows beyond doubt that his vague expressions are due ex- clusively to his desire not to compromise himself in the eyes of his ecclesiastical superiors.” Far less guarded are the words of his contemporary, the Dominican THomas de Vio, better known under the name of Cardinal Cajeran (f 1534). At the end of his commentary on the book of Esther, the outspoken cardinal writes: ‘In this place, we close our com- mentaries on the historical books of the Old Testament, for the remaining books (Judith, Tobias, I and II Machabees) are reckoned by St. Jerome without the canonical books and placed among the Apocrypha together with Wisdom and 1 Westcott, The Bible in the Church, p. 249. 2 Loisy, loc. cit., p. 183 ; WEsTCcoTT, loc. cit., p. 252, 8q. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 73 Ecclesiasticus. . . . Nor must you be disturbed by the strangeness of the fact, if you shall anywhere find these books reckoned among the canonical books, either in the ~ sacred Councils or in the holy Doctors. For the language of Councils and Doctors must alike be revised by the judgment of Jerome; and according to his opinion those books and any others there may be like them in the Canon of the Bible, are not canonical in the sense of establishing points of faith; yet they can be called canonical for the edification of the faithful, inasmuch as they are received in the Canon of the Bible for this purpose, and treated with respect. For with this distinction, you will be able to understand the words of Augustine, and what was written in the Florentine Council under Eugenius IV, and what was written in the provincial councils of Carthage and Laodicea, and by Popes Innocent and Gregory.”’ * While Cardinal Cajetan was showing himself so opposed to the deutero-canonical books and to the traditional argu- ments in their favor, LUTHER (f 1546) and the other early reformers—ZwINGLI (f 1531), C©COLAMPADIUS (Tf 1531), Bo- DENSTEIN de Carlstadt (f 1541), and CALvIN (f 1564)— were taking a still more radical stand against them. In their desire to do away with every authority distinct from Holy Writ, they claimed that, independently of Church and tradi- tion, a book proves itself to the regenerated man as truly containing the Word of God, and worthy to be numbered among the canonical Scriptures. Of course it was no easy task to point out the manner in which a book proves itself inspired to the individual believer; this, however, was at- tempted, though with but little success. Each one, accord- ing to Luther, can judge of the canonical character of a book by the value of its teachings concerning God and 1 The passage is found in CornELY, larger Introductio, vol. i, p. 135. 74 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. man’s salvation; that is to say, by its degree of conformity with the system of justification by faith alone. Of this theory of the father of the Reformation, Westcott himself, a Protestant writer, says: ‘“‘ No Church could rest on a theory which made private feeling the supreme authority as to doctrine and the source of doctrine. As a natural conse- quence, the later Lutherans abandoned the teaching of their great master on the written Word.” ’ Nor was the test of canonicity devised by Calvin found to work better in practice. He maintained that “ the authority of Scripture is to be grounded on something higher than human reasonings or proofs or conjectures, viz., on the inner witness of the Holy Spirit.”* And again he says: ‘“ As to their question (the question of his Catholic opponents) how are we to know that the Scriptures came from God if we cannot refer to the decree of the Church, we might as well ask how we are to learn to distinguish light from darkness, white from black, bitter from sweet.’’3 This test of Calvin has indeed commended itself to many minds outside the Church during the last centuries, but only in theory. For, as Reuss justly remarks, “ the conscientious historian cannot help showing that this theory . . . has proved to be insuf- ficient in practice, and that those who formulated it were the first to diverge from it, and to drift into strange inconsist- encies,” ~ | Whatever may be thought of the practical value of these tests of canonicity invented by the early reformers, it is beyond doubt that they and their associates rejected from the first, and with remarkable unanimity, all the deutero-ca_ nonical books of the Old Testament. In their editions of 1 Westcott, The Bible in the Church, p. 265. * Cfr. Reuss, History of the Canon of Holy Scripture, p. 302 (Engl. Transl.). 3 Ctr. Reuss, ibid, p. 295. * Ibid, p. 304. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 75 the Bible—German and French alike—these books were placed apart, with a special collective title, and usually with some such notices as the following: “ Here are the bcoks which are not numbered by the ancients among the biblical writings and which are not found in the Hebrew Canon; ”’! or “ Apocrypha, that is books which are not held as of equal authority with Holy Writ, but which are useful and good for 2 Again, in a whole series of Bibles of this period, we read the following passage: “These bcoks called the Apocrypha were at all times distinguished from those which were without difficulty held to be the Holy Scriptures. . It is true that they are not to be despised, inasmuch as they contain good and useful doctrine. At the same time, it is very right that what was given by the Holy Spirit should 993 reading. have pre-eminence above what came from men. These and other such notices have much historical sig- nificance. They prove, first of all, that though the reform- ers and their early adherents denied the inspiration of the deutero-canonical books, still they did not see their way to exclude them absolutely from the Bible. In presence of the usage and tradition of past ages, they deemed it advisable to make a compromise between theory and practice, and in so far they were the real, though unwilling, witnesses to the faith and reverence which these books had ever enjoyed in the Church before the Reformation. In the second place, these notices point clearly to the real standard of canonicity which the early reformers followed when they separated the deutero-canonical books from the others, denied their inspiration and refused them the title of canonical. “Was it really in virtue of the sovereign prin- 1 This inscription is found in the Bibles of Zurich, the oldest that are complete (1529 A. 2) Rewvss, ibid, p, 307. 2 Notice found in the Lutheran Bibles of 1534 a.p.; cfr. Westcott, The Bible i in the Church, p. 262. 3 Notice in the Genevan Bibles quoted by Reuss, loc. cit., p. 308, sq. "6 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ciple of the inward testimony of the Holy Spirit? Would it be quite true to say that the first Protestant theologians, while unmoved by the enthusiastic eloquence of the author of Wisdom, so much extolled by the Alexandrians, felt the breath of God in the genealogies of Chronicles, or the topo- graphical catalogues of the book of Josue? Did they really find so great a difference between the miracles of the Chal- dean Daniel and those of the Greek Daniel that they felt bound to remove two chapters from the volume which bears Daniel’s name? I have some difficulty in believing that they arrived at the dzstinction they drew by any test of that kind. On the other hand, it is very simple to suppose, or rather, it is very easy to prove, from their own declarations, that their purpose was to re-establish the Canon of the Old Testament in its primitive purity, such as it must have existed, accord- ing to common opinion, among the ancient Jews—i. e., as we know it in our Hebrew Bibles. As an actual fact, they do not fail to invoke the custom of the Hrsrews in the notices of which I have given extracts. . . . Their procedure was exactly that which in principle they had condemned; they implicitly acknowledged the authority of tradition, and — thus returned to the very position which they had loftily de- clared their intention of quitting as untenable.” ’ Finally, these notices bear witness to the instinctive hatred which all the early reformers felt against the tradition and authority of the Church. They all agreed in rejecting the value of the deutero-canonical books, because it appeared in their eyes to be grounded exclusively on that same tradition and authority. Indeed, the expressions used in many of the notices with which they headed the so-called Apocrypha, and in which they strove to justify their conduct concerning them, were such as to produce upon the mind of the reader the impression that these books had been rejected after the 1 Reuss, History of the Canon of the Holy Scripture, p 312, sq. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 6a tradition and authority of the Church in their favor had been tested and had proved wanting. 2. The Council of Trent. In presence of these bold and repeated denials by Protestants of the inspired character of books which the Church had always regarded as sacred and truly divine, it was only natural that the question of the Canon and of the deutero-canonical books should be taken up and settled in one of the early sessions of the Council of Trent. In point of fact scarcely had all the Fathers of the Council solemnly proclaimed their assent to ‘‘ the symbo! of faith professed by the Church of Rome,” when they began to examine the question “of the Reception of the Sacred Books.” It was on the 11th of February, 1546, that the Fathers divided into three sections, called Particular Congregations and presided over by the three cardinal presidents of the Council, discussed the “manner in which the books of Holy Writ should be received.” ' A few members of the second section thought that it- was necessary to distinguish among the books received ‘ those that were authentic and canonical and on which our faith depended, and those that are only canonical, good for teaching and useful for reading in churches, after several writers and St. Jerome in his Pro/o- gus Galeatus.”’ The motion was defeated by the vote of the Fathers not only in this Particular Congregation, but also in the general meeting of the three sections’* that was held the following day, for the majority decided that “ no distinction should be made among the sacred books and that the ques- tion should be left, as it had been left by the Holy Fathers.” * On the 15th of February, the Fathers of the Council gathered again in a General Congregation decided that the sacred books 1 Cfr A. THEINER, Acta Genuina Concil. Trid., p. 49. 2 These general meetings were called General Congregations. 8 Cfr. THEINER, loc. cit., p. 51, Sq. 78 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ‘should be received purely and simply and enumerated as in the Council of Florence without stating the grounds in their favor.” They also discussed the question “ whether all the sacred books should be received egualiter et pari reverentia, although there is a great difference among them.” The majority seems to have preferred the expression pari pietatus affectu instead of the word eguatliter.’ On March 22d, a project of decree ‘‘ On the Reception of the Sacred Books and Apostolical Traditions” was dis- tributed to the Fathers, and its discussion in General Con- gregations began a few days later (March 27th). The text of the intended decree was sharply criticised in several of its parts, and the opinions were so divergent that in order to secure some manner of agreement, it was resolved to draw up a schedule of the debated points on which the Fathers would be expected to vote by PVacet or Won FPlacet in the next General Congregation (April rst). One of the debated questions (the fourth on the schedule) had been suggested by the fact that the projected decree simply reproduced the list of the sacred books (proto- and deutero-canonical included), which had been received at Florence, and made no reference to apocryphal writings such as the third and fourth books of Esdras, etc., which had hitherto been transcribed together with the inspired writings. The question was, therefore, “should these apocryphal productions be excluded positively by the terms of the de- cree, or should they simply be passed over in silence ” ?? Forty-one Fathers voted for passing them over in silence, four were in favor of mentioning expressly their rejection, eight hesitated.* | *”? appears in 1 Cfr, THEINER, loc. cit., p. 52. The expression “ pari pietatis affectu the final form of the decree, instead of the word “ zqualiter.”’ 2 Cfr. THEINER, loc. cit., p. 72. This is clearly the meaning of the fourth question: although Lorsy, loc. cit., p. 200, sq., understands it differently. 3 Cfr. THEINER, loc. cit., p. 77- THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 79 The tenth question asked “whether the words fro sacris et canonicts found in the decree should be maintained.” ‘The majority of the Fathers replied in the affirmative, while they all returned a negative answer to the thirteenth question, which ran as follows: “ Does the Holy Synod wish for a fresh discussion of points already decided in general meet- ings, as for instance not to distinguish between the received books, to enumerate them in the same manner as the Coun- cil of. Florence, étc. 2)” On April 5th, the amended project of decree was sub- mitted to the Fathers in a General Congregation. During the discussion, some of them expressed the wish that a dif- ference should be indicated between the sacred books. But their view could not, of course, prevail over the decision to the contrary which had been already reached in a General Congregation.’ The following day the revised decree underwent a last discussion in the Particular Congregations. In the course of the discussion the Bishop of Castelamare, a member of the second section, exclaimed: ‘“ The words fvo sacris et canonicis do not meet with my approval, because the book of Judith and some others are not found in the Canon of the Jews: I wish it would be said that they are in the Canon of the Church.’”’ Whereupon, the Cardinal of Holy Cross, who presided over the section, said: ‘ Your remark is quite cor- rect; but we follow the Canon of the Church and not that of the Jews. In calling these books canonical we have therefore in view the Canon of the Church: this is why the words prout in Vulgata latina editione habentur have been in- Berteciimicne sclecree, On April 8th, two months after the question of the Canon had been submitted to the Council, the decree was voted in the fourth solemn session. It ran as follows: ! Cfr. THEINER, loc. cit., p. 84. 2 THEINER, loc. cit., p. 86. 80 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. “The sacred and holy, cecumenical, and general Synod of Trent . . . keeping this always in view, that errors being removed, the purity itself of the Gospel be preserved in the Church . . . and seeing clearly that this truth .. . is contained in the written books ...; following the ex- amples of the orthodox Fathers receives and venerates with an equal feeling of piety (fard pretatis affect) and reverence all the books of the Old and of the New Testament, seeing that God is the Author of both... . ‘« And it has thought it meet that a list of the sacred books be inserted in this decree, lest a doubt may arise in any one’s mind, which are the books that are received by this Synod. They are as set down here below: “Of the Old Testament: The five books of Moses... Josue, Judges, Ruth, four books of Kings, two of Paralipom- enon, the first book of Esdras, and the second which is entitled Nehemias; Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, the Davidic Psalter ; the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jeremias, with Baruch; Ezechiel, Daniel; the twelve minor prophets ...; two books of the Machabees, the first and the second. ‘‘ But if any one receive not, as sacred and canonical, the said books entire with all their parts, and as they have been used to be read in the Catholic Church and as they are contained in the old Latin Vulgate edition . . . let him be anathema. ‘“‘ Let all, therefore, understand . . . what testimonies and authorities (fresidiis) the said Synod will mainly use in confirming dogmas, and in restoring morals in the Church.” ! By this dogmatic decree the Fathers of Trent clearly de- 1 We have quoted only those passages of the decree which have a reference to the books of the Old Testament. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 81 fined the canonicity of the deutero-canonical books and parts of books of the Old Testament, and did away with every difference in that respect between them and the books found in the Hebrew Bible. Leaving aside the question whether the sacred books differ from one another in other respects, such as for instance their usefulness for proving dogma,’ they solemnly declare that all the books of the Catholic Bible being inspired must be “ received as sacred and canonical.” As agreed upon in their meetings, they simply enumerate the books as had been done in the Coun- cil of Florence, and their list is identical with that of Eugenius IV. Finally, it is plain both from their previous meetings and from their final wording of the decree, that the Fathers of Trent simply wish to affirm solemnly against the errors of the time, the ancient faith of the Church concern- ing the books of Holy Writ. | Viewed from this standpoint, the decree of Trent must ever appear fully justified in the light of impartial history. As was shown briefly in the foregoing pages, the deutero- canonical books were never treated in the Christian Church as mere human compositions. From the Apostolic Age down to the middle of the fifth century they were used in public services, quoted in the same manner as the proto- canonical books, called Holy Scripture, and ecclesiastical tradition became gradually so strong in their favor that St. Jerome himself turned outto be its real, though unwilling, witness. So was it likewise in the following centuries and throughout the Middle Ages, despite the powerful influence of St. Jerome’s views upon the minds of many ecclesiastical writers of that period. So was it finally, at the beginning of 1 This, we think, may be inferred from their express intention “ to leave the question of a distinction among the sacred books as it had been left by the Holy Fathers,” and also from their substituting the expression Jari pzetatis affectu for the word equaliter in the framing of the decree, because “there is a great difference among them,”’ i. e., among the sacred books. 82 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the sixteenth century, when, as we have seen, even the early reformers thought it advisable to make a compromise be- tween theory and practice, and not to reject absolutely from their Bibles, books which the tradition of ages had sur- rounded with so much faith and reverence. And let it be borne in mind that, in appealing to tradition as a sure means of determining which books were really inspired and hence canonical, the Fathers of Trent resorted to no new test of canonicity that would suit a purpose of theirs—as was done by the leaders of the Reformation—but simply used a standard that we have seen applied as early as Origen. 3. Since the Council of Trent. As might naturally be expected, the decree of the Council of Trent was readily accepted by Catholic scholars at large. It was the authentic expression of the mind of the universal Church ‘the pillar and ground of the truth,”’’ and as such it deserved all the reverence and submission due to the solemn utterances of an infallible authority. Furthermore, it innovated nothing, but simply renewed the decree published in the preceding general Council at Florence, and set the final seal of supreme authority upon books which had always been “ received and venerated” in the Christian Church. It cannot be denied, however, that even after this dog- matic decision of the Council of Trent, a few Catholic writers thought it still allowable to maintain a real difference in respect of canonicity between the sacred books of the Old Testament. This was the case with MELCHIOR CANUS ({ 1550) in reference to Baruch,” with Srxtus of Sienna (+ 1599) and Ertms Dupin (f+ 1719) in reference to the fragments of Esther.* Indeed, BERNARD Lamy (7.1714) 1] Tim. iii, 15. 2 De Locis Theologicis, lib. ii, cap. ix, Conclusio 1. ® Cir; Lorsy, loc. cit, pp: 221, sq.'; 226, sq. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 83 went so far asto say: Libri gui in secundo canone sunt, | licet conjuncti cum ceteris primt canonts, tamen non sunt ejusdem auctoritatis,; and his view was indorsed by JAHN (ft 1816) at the beginning of this century.’ Whilst the difference between proto- and deutero-canonical books was slowly dying away among Catholics it was sedu- lously kept up among Protestants in their public Confessions of faith of the second part of the sixteenth century, notably in the Gallican Confession of 1559 a.D.; in the Anglican Confession of 1562 A.D. (art. vi) ; and in the Second - Helvetic Confession of 1566 a.p.° As time went on, new and at times ridiculous arguments were set forth by Prot- estant divines to justify this distinction between the two .classes of books. ‘“ Generally they are unfaithful to the very principle of Protestantism. . . . Critics insisted. on the silence of the Jews, not remembering that the authority of the Church had been cast off; on the absence of pro- phetic types, though with small effort these would have been found in the Apocrypha quite as much as in hundreds of the passages in the Hebrew code that were arbitrarily inter- preted ; on the want of originality, the unfavorable opinions of some Fathers, and other like faults. A greater number condemned them because they are not in Hebrew, the proper language of the old Covenant, the natural language of God, the primitive language of humanity. This point was a favorite argument with them because, while vindicating the use of Greek for the New Testament only and Hebrew for the Old Testament, it attained the double purpose of refut- ing the canonicity of the Apocrypha and the authority of the Vulgate. ‘‘ Those, on the other hand, who preserved more positive 1 Cfr. CHAauvin, Lecons d’Introduction Générale, p. 249. 2 Introduction to the Old Testament, § 30, p. 48 sq. (Engl. Transl... 3 Cfr. PHitrp ScuaFr, Creeds of Christendom, vol. iii, pp. 361, 490, 238. 84 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. remembrance of the old criterion, the witness of the Holy Spirit, diligently sought in the Apocrypha for historical errors, heresies, absurdities, all sorts of faults, to establish the point that religious sentiment was not wrong in exclud- ing them from the Canon. . . . The critics rivalled one with another in heaping on the Apocrypha the epithets suggested by contempt and prejudice. The Apocrypha were hated because Catholics were hated ; they were said to be filled with fables, errors, superstitions, lies, impieties ; and the violence of such attacks is surpassed only by the silliness of the proofs urged in support of them. One chides the son of Sirach for having said that the witch of Endor called forth the spirit of Samuel, orthodox exegesis pretending that it was only an evil spirit. Another discredits the story of Susanna, by finding it absurd that Joachim should have had a garden, since the Jews were captives. One is scandalized by the costume of Judith as she went to the camp of Holo- phernes ; another laughs over the name of the angel Raphael ; a third protests against the method of driving away demons by smoke. I have read one who is genuinely grieved because the demon of the book of Tobias is sent forever to Upper Egypt, whereas Jesus banished others into a desert from which they had a chance of returning. Not one of these ardent champions of the purity of the Canon foresees that criticisms so puerile, so unworthy of the subject and so pointless, will end in showing to superficial and scoffing minds the ways and means of sapping the authority of the whole Bible ; and that the scoffs thrown at the head of the little fish of Tobias, will sooner or later destroy Jonas’ whale.” ’ Nevertheless, strange to say, books described as so utterly worthless and contemptible were retained in the Bibles of all the Protestant sects down to the year 1826 when the 1 Reuss, loc. cit., pp. 359-361. THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 85 British Bible Society began to issue copies of the Word of God, from which the Apocrypha had been excluded. The example thus given was not followed at once by the Protestant sects of the European continent. ‘There, the orthodox schools were most anxious to maintain the Canon pretty much in the same condition as at the time of the firs. leaders of the Reformation. In their eyes, as in those of the Protestant divines of the last centuries, only the books of the Hebrew Bible should be considered as inspired and belonging to the Canon, but the others may be profitable for reading and should not be entirely set aside. Since 1850, however, almost all the Protestant sects have gradually given up the practice of publishing the Apocrypha, and it is well known that the English Revised Version, published in 1885, appeared without so much as a reference to them. Side by side with these more or less conservative schools of Protestant theology, there are Rationalistic schools whose principles may be traced back substantially to the work of the German critic, SEMLER (f 1791), entitled “ Essay on a Free Examination of the Canon.”* According to him the Canon is simply the list of books read in the ancient Church for the edification of the people, and the criterion of canon- icity consists in the practical utility to be derived from each book. Willingly would he have removed from the Canon the books of Esther, Judith, the Canticle of Canticles and the Apocalypse, because of their not coming up to his stand- ard of morality.” Since Semler, many Rationalists have given up all notion of a Canon, inasmuch as they look upon the Old Testament simply as the collection of the extant writings of the Jewish people, and have no manner of con- cern with the question: Whether this or that particular book 1 Abhandlung von freien Untersuchung des Canon (1771-1775). BU Cire LOIsy wiloc, Gly Pues, 86 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of the Bible should be considered as authoritative in matters of faith and morals. Others who still speak of the Canon in exactly the same sense as Semler, judge of the canonical character of a book by the sublimity and purity of its doc- trinal and moral teachings, and express freely their regret that certain writings, as for instance, Ecclesiastes, should be kept in the Christian Canon. The position assumed by Rationalists is, of course, the farthest removed from revealed Catholic truth. It cannot be denied, however, that their independent investigation of the history of the Canon has led them many a time to pro- claim the untenableness of the Protestant theories and the soundness of the Catholic position as far as the data of his- tory are concerned.’ 1 This is very particularly the case with the works on the Canon of Reuss and S. Dav- IDSON so often referred to in the foregoing pages. Sy NOP ols OPSCHAPTER TV, HIstoRY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. fF THE AGE OF THE NEW 4 ; TESTAMENT 3 WRITERS: (1 Ge THE FIRST 2 THREE - CENTURIES: | III. FouRTH CENTURY TO OUR TIME: FROM THE | | | l Preaching, not writing, the ordinary method of spreading the Gospel. Yet inspired writings composed and diffused. . Traces of primitive collections. How they consider the writings of . The Apostolic | the New Testament. Books with which they seem ac, Fathers : {| quainted. . Testimony of the principal Apologists, and of we early Heretics. . Ecclesiastical writers of the West and of the East (Canon of Eusebius). Western Before the Council of Florence. Churches : The Council of Trent. astern Lack of unity in the fourth century Churches: The Trullan Council and after. Protestant Schools and confessions of the sia Ld es teenth and seventeenth centuries cae Orthodox and Rationalistic schools eee | of the nineteenth century. 87 CHAPTER IV. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. § 1. Zhe Age of the New Testament Writers. 1. Preaching, not Writing, the Ordinary Method of spreading the Gospel. One of the leading features of the age of the New Testament writers consists in the fact that in their eyes, and in those of their Christian contemporaries, preaching, not writing, was the regular method of spreading the Gospel. Christ’s mission here below had been to preach “the Gospel of the kingdom of God,” * and this same mis- sion He had entrusted to His chosen disciples, saying: ‘“ As the Father hath sent Me, I also send you;”’ “going there- fore, teach ye all nations.”3 Conscious of their sublime mission, the Apostles considered it their supreme duty “to speak the things which they had seen and heard,” * and not to burden themselves with other occupations which, however useful, would interfere materially with “the ministry of the Word.” ® So was it also with the great Apostle of the Gentiles. Paul was called to the Apostolate for no other purpose than to preach the Gospel,’ and this was a most imperative duty in his eyes, for, says he: ‘“‘ Woe is unto me if I preach not the Gospel . . . for a dispensation is committed to me.’’’ 1 Mark i, 14; Luke iv, 43. 2 Johnixx ar = Matt. xxviii, 19; cfr. Acts i, 8. * Acts iv, 19, 203 x, 42. 5 Acts vi, 2, 4: & Acts ix, 15} xxil, 15%) Xxvil, 16, 27; Rom, 1,1; 1 Cor. i, 17, 7 I Cor. ix, 16, 17. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 89 Further, it stands to reason that oral teaching, accom- panied “ with signs and wonders,” ' could alone implant the faith among illiterate men such as were the first converts generally.” In like manner, only oral teaching could truly preserve the Christian faith among them after they had embraced it;* and this is why we see the Apostles and their successors continuing to visit the churches they had founded,‘ or setting over them faithful men capable of keep- ing up the teaching of the Apostles after their departure.° Finally, ‘‘the numerous terms used in the New Testament to designate the teaching of the Apostles express, without ex- ception, the idea of oral instruction. Everywhere,’ the ques- tion is of speaking and hearing, of discourses and auditors, of preaching, proclamation and tradition, and never once of writing and reading, except where there is express allusion to the books of the Old Testament. And later, when the writings of the first disciples and missionaries came within the reach of persons who were literate, the latter could decidedly prefer the oral source for acquaintance with evan- gelical facts, because it was more abundant.” ’ 2. Yet Inspired Writings Composed and Diffused. Although oral teaching was, in the age of the New Testa- ment writers, what it ever remained in the Church of God,’ viz., the ordinary means of spreading the Gospel, it was only natural that, during the same period, inspired writings I Thess. i, 5; Acts xv, 12; xix, 6, 11. I Cor. 1, 26; II Thess. iii, 11. II Thess. ii, 14. Acts xv, 36. Acts xiv, 21,22; I Tim. iii; I Cor. xvi, 15; II Tim. ii, 2; etc. Cfr. Rom. i, r; I Cor. iv, 15, etc.; Acts viii, 4, etc.; II Thessal. ii, 14; Ephes. vi, Togs lhessuly 1378 le Limit, tis) Gala ilinenssbetc., etc: 7 Reuss, History of the Canon of Holy Scripture, p.19 (Eng. Trans].). Cfr. the words of PaprAs recorded by Eusgsius, Ecclesiastical History, Book iii, chap. xxxix. 8 Cfr. St. IrmN#us, Against Heresies, Book iii, chaps. iii, iv; TERTULLIAN, on Prescription against Heretics, chap. xix; etc. ao ff 6 © go GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. should be composed for the use of the early Christians. One might naturally expect, for instance, that the ardent zeal of St. Paul should urge him to send letters to his recent converts, either to encourage them in their faith, or to warn them against perverse teachers, or to correct false notions, or to condemn nascent abuses, etc. It was only natural, too, that while the principal deeds and teachings of Jesus were recounted by the first preachers of Christianity, literate believers should be desirous to possess written records of the same, and that such Gospels as our Synoptic Gospels should be gradually composed.’ Of these various writings, the Epistles of St. Paul, at least those which were directed to particular churches, were in the best position for acquiring at once authority and for being rapidly disseminated. The heads of the churches caused them to be read publicly to the faithful, who were thereby officially apprised of their genuineness, and were, no doubt, allowed to secure copies of them. Further, these same officials communicated such epistles most willingly to the neighboring communities, either because they belonged to the same province, or because the Apostle had expressed his desire that they should do so. ‘Thus were all possible misgivings concerning their genuineness prevented; thus also was their circulation started without delay. ‘The other inspired writings of this period, such as our canonical Gospels, the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Catholic Epistles, etc., were apparently composed for a less definite circle of readers, and hence they had probably to overcome greater obstacles to their reception and diffusion. It is likely enough, however, that the contents of our Gospels, together with the reverence which the early Christians had for the 1 The questions connected with the Origin, Date, Authorship, etc., of the Gospels and of the other New Testament writings, will be dealt with in our forthcoming volume on Introduction to the New Testament. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. gi authors whose names they bear, secured to these sketches of Christ’s life and teachings a fairly rapid and extensive circu- lation. In point of fact, a careful comparison of the text of our canonical Gospels leads to the two following conclu- sions: (1) the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark were most likely among the current records of Our Lord’s life, which St. Luke utilized in the composition of his own Gospel ;' (2) the first two Gospels—and perhaps all the three Synop- tists—were already known to the large circle of readers for whom our fourth Gospel was written. In connection with the Catholic Epistles, it is supposed that the resemblances between the Epistle to the Romans and that of St. James, between the Epistle of St. Jude and the second Epistle of St. Peter, point also to their com- paratively rapid diffusion.’ 3. Traces of Primitive Collections. If we bear in mind the principal circumstances in the midst of which the writings of the Ncw Testament were at first circulated, we shall find it easy to understand why no general collection of these inspired books was made during the Apostolic Age. Not only were these writings composed at different times and dispersed to widely different places, but they were cir- culated while a collection of sacred books, viz., those of the Old Testament, was already in possession of the field. As long as this first collection, coupled with the Apostolic oral teaching still fresh in the memory of the faithful, would appear a sufficient rule of faith and morals, it was not likely that a second collection of inspired writings should be de- sired. Again, throughout the Apostolic Age, there was a prevalent expectation of the speedy return of the Lord, and this would naturally preclude the wish for a second collec- 1 Luke i, 1-3. 2 Cfr, Loisy, Histoire du Canon du Nouveau Testament, pp. 10=14, g2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. tion of sacred writings. Nor was there as yet such con- siderable development of heretical tendencies as to make the orthodox leaders and people realize—as it happened later on—the importance of collecting all the sacred books which had been left to the Christian Church by her first teachers, and which on that account could be turned to the best advantage against dangerous innovators. ' But while these and other circumstances of the time’ were unfavorable to the formation of a complete Canon of the Holy Scriptures of the New Testament, divine Providence was watching over'its various elements and preparing the way for their final gathering into one body of writings no less authoritative than those of the Old Testament. This providential means consisted in the partial collections which individual churches were able to make of writings directly addressed to them, or communicated by the neighboring Christian communities, or reaching them through visiting missionaries. All such collections were, of course, prized very highly and preserved carefully; they also formed so many distinct units whose genuineness could generally be shown, so that they were truly ready to enter as integral parts into the full Canon of the New Testament. The formation of these partial collections was so natural under the circumstances of the time, that all scholars grant it must have taken place, although only one trace—and even one which is not absolutely clear—of such a collection occurs in the whole New Testament.3 The variations which existed for a long time between the Canon of the New Testament as admitted by the various churches, seem also to point to collections which were incomplete from the out- 1 For details in connection with this point, see Reuss, History of the Sacred Scrip- tures of the New Testament, vol. ii, §§ 281-285 (Engl. Transl.). 2 Such as, for instance, the divisions between Jewish and Gentile converts, the fall of Jerusalem and ruin of its Temple, etc. 3 II Peter iii, 15, 16. Cfr. Luisy, Histoire du Canon du Nouveau Testament, p. 12. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 93 set. As the primitive collections contained only a limited number of the sacred writings, and these not always the same, it was only natural that dcubts should arise later re- garding the authorship and, consequently also, regarding the inspiration cf some one or other of the New Testament writings. In point of fact, several books, viz., the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of St. James, the second Epistle of St. Peter, the second and third Epistles of St. John, the Epistle of St. Jude and the Apocalypse, were the object of considerable doubts during the following centuries, and on that account they are usually called by Catholics the deutero-canonical books of the New Testament.’ § 2. The First Three Centuries. 1. The Apostolic Fathers. (Between go and 130 A.D.) One of the most important facts connected with the early transmission of the writings of the New Testa- ment consists in the line of separation which the Apostolic Fathers draw between their own writings and those of the founders of the Christian Church. Not only do they recognize the latter as issuing from men invested with a dignity much higher than their own, but they even seem to consider all such writings as in no sense inferior to the sacred books of the Old Testament. This is probably the case with St. CLEMENT of Rome (f 100 A.D.), who confirms his own words to the Corinthians by appealing to “the Epistle of the blessed Apostle Paul,” which he wrote to them “ under the guidance of the Holy Spirit” (zvevparexds).” Thus is it also with St. Icnatius, Martyr (f 107 a.D.), who seems to place the authority of the Apostles even above that of the prophets of 1 A few passages of St. Mark (xvi, 9-20), St. Luke (xxii, 43, 44), and St. John (vii, 53- viii, 11), are also deutero-canonical. 21 Epist. to the Corinthians, chap. xlvii. 94 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. old;' with the writer of the Epistle usually ascribed to St. BARNABAS, who quotes a passage from St. Matthew with the 99 2 solemn scriptural formula, “as it is written ; and finally, with St. Potycarp, who says that “neither he, nor any other like him, can come up to the wisdom of the blessed and glorified’ Paul,” and who, after referring to his readers as men “versed in the Sacred Scriptures,” affirms that ‘it is declared in these Scriptures: ‘Be ye angry and sin not,’ (Ps. iv, 5), and ‘let not the sun go down upon your wrath,’ ” (Ephes. iv, 26).° In view of the supreme authority ascribed by these and other Apostolic Fathers to the literary productions of the founders of Christianity, the question of determining the books of the New Testament with which early Church writ- ers show themselves acquainted, assumes a special impor- tance. But although this topic has attracted much the attention of recent scholars, considerable uncertainty still prevails concerning it,’ chiefly because, while the Apostolic Fathers seem to use this or that particular book of the New Testament, they do not refer to it by name, nor cite its words strictly. We think, however, that when the whole evidence which has come down to us from the time of the Apostolic Fathers’ is carefully examined, it bears out the following conclusions : (1) By the year 130 a.D., our four canonical Gospels were extensively circulated, and formed so well defined a collection that at no later date do we find any doubt among 1 Epist. to the Philadelphians, chap. v; cfr. also Epist. to the Smyrnzans, chaps. vy, vii, and Epist. to the Romans, chap. iv. 2 Epist. of St. Barnabas, chap. iv. 3 Epist. to the Philadelphians, chaps. iii, xii. 4 Cfr. SANDAY, Inspiration, Lectures vi, vii. : 5 In this connection, the evidence includes several other ecclesiastical writings, such as the Shepherd of Hermas, the so-called second Epistle of St. Clement, The Teach- ing of the Apostles, the Preaching and Apocalypse of Peter, etc., and also the testimony of the Gnostic Basilides and of his son, Isidore. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 95 ecclesiastical writers regarding the precise number of the Gospels received by the Church; (2) in the first quarter of the second century, the Epistles of St. Paul are not only well known in the great Christian centres of the Roman world, but some expressions of St. Clement and St. Polycarp seem to imply that a general collection of St. Paul’s Epistles had already been made; (3) it is not unlikely that in those early days the Acts of the Apostles andthe Epistles of St. John were usually received together with the Gospels of St. Luke-and of St. John, respectively ; (4) finally, the Epistle to the Hebrews was considered in Alexandria as the gen- uine work of St. Paul, and if we except the second Epistle of St. Peter, the Epistle of St. James, and especially that of St. Jude, all our canonical writings of the New Testament were clearly known to some one or other of the early churches.’ 2. Testimony of the Principal Apologists and of the Early Heretics. As a powerful confirmation of the positions just assumed, we may adduce at once the tes- timony of the leading apologists, who followed closely on the time of the Apostolic Fathers. Foremost among them stands St. Justin (7 163 a.D.), whose apologetic works are the earliest extant, and whose testimony in favor of our canonical Gospels is most valuable. Towards the end of his first Apology he speaks of ‘the Memoirs composed by the Apostles, and which are called Gospels,” ”’ the meeting of the faithful “on the day called Sunday... the Memoirs of the Apostles or the writings of the prophets are read as long as time permits.®”’ and says that at In another work of 1 For detailed information, see Lorsy, loc. cit., pp. 14-46, and SALtmon, Introduction to the New Testament, 8th edit., p. 359, sq. Fora different view, see DAvipson, Canon of the Bible; Reuss, History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testamer t, etc. 2 First Apology, chap. Ixvi. 3 Ibid, chap. lxvii. 96 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. his, entitled Dzalogue with Trypho, we clearly see that these Memoirs or Gospels form already a well defined collection, inasmuch as not only the Christian apologist, but even his Jewish opponent, speak of them as “ ¢4Ze Gospel.’ In the same work, St. Justin says that the records of Christ’s life, to which he appeals repeatedly, “were drawn up by the Apostles and those who followed them:”’ expressions which apparently point to the very men to whom our canon- ical Gospels are ascribed, viz., St. Matthew and St. John, the Apostles of Jesus, and St. Mark and St. Luke, the imme- diate disciples of the Apostles. Finally, when the holy Doc- tor mentions words or deeds of Christ as drawn from “the 4 Memoirs,” from “the Memoirs of His Apostles,” etc., he has distinctly before his mind the words and deeds of Jesus as they are recorded in our canonical Gospels. It is plain, therefore, that our Gospels were well known to St. Justin,’ ’ Dialogue with Trypho, chaps. x, c. 2 Tbid, chap. cili. 3 Rationalists grant that Justin knew the first and third of our canonical Gospels, They are divided as to his use of St. John’s Gospel, but every candid reader of St. Justin cannot help admitting that his expressions regarding the “ only begotten Son of the Father,” “‘ the Word,” ‘“‘ His having become flesh,” etc., imply his acquaintance with our fourth Gospel. They generally deny that the holy Doctor used the Gospel of St. Mark, and affirm that in one passage he refers to the Apocryphal Gospel of Peter for events which are recorded exclusively in our second Gospel. This passage reads as fol- lows: Kal To eimeiv peTavomaKévat avtov Ilétpov, eva Tov AmosToAwv, Kal yeypapOat ev TOLS ATOMVNMLOVEVLATLY AVTOD yeyerNMEVOY Kal TOUTO, META TOV Kai GAAOUS SVO adeApods, viovs ZeBedaiov ovras, peTwvosaKévat OvO“aTL TOV Boavepyes, 0 EaTLY Viol BpovTys K.T. X. (Dial. with Trypho, chap. cvi). Here the pronoun ovrtod refers either to Christ or to Peter. The probabilities are certainly in favor of its referring to Christ: yet, even supposing that we should refer it to Peterand render the “ Memoirs of him (Peter),” it does not follow necessarily that St. Justin speaks of the Apocryphal Gosfel of Peter, fragments of which have been recently published. The holy Doctor might still have in view the Gospel of St. Mark, since an old tradition describes Mark as the secretary of the prince of the Apostles. (Cfr. Papras in Evsesius, Ecclesiastical History, Book iii, chap. xxxix; see also Lotsy, loc. cit., p. 51; SALMON, Introduction to the New Tes- tament, Lect. VI). But further, it is far trom being proved that St. Justin was acquainted with the Apocryphal Gospel of Peter, still less that he would have used it in exactly the same manner as our canonical Gospels ; that apocryphal writing is a heretical work, and ite Docetic tenets are many a time in direct opposition to the orthodox expressions of St HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 97 and even that some time before him they had been consid- ered as authoritative by the Christian Church, which read them in her public services alongside of the prophetical books of the Old Testament. . Of the other writings of the New Testament, the Apoc- alypse is the only one about which St. Justin gives distinct information,’ but it is beyond doubt that he used the Epistles of St. Paul, and indeed all the other canonical books except the Epistle of St. Jude, the second Epistle of St. Peter, the second and third Epistles of St. John.’ The testimony of St. Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth at the time of the martyrdom of St. Justin, is also very important in the history of the Canon of the New Testament. In a passage which has been preserved to us by Eusebius,’ the holy bishop complains of the falsification of his epistles, bnt consoles himself with the fact that the same is done to “the Scriptures of the Lord ” (tov zupraxdv ypaga-), that is to the writings of the New Testament, thus designated because forming a well-defined and sacred collection." The last Christian apologist to be mentioned here is St. THEOPHILUS of Antioch (about 180 A.D.) who, in his writ- ings, shows himself ‘“‘ familiar with the Gospels and most of Justin. (Cfr. chiefly G. SaLmon, Historical Introduction to the Study of the Books of the New Testament, 8th edit., pp. 581-589.) However all this may be, the now unquestionable fact that soon after St. Justin, his disciple, Tatian, framed a Diatessaron, or Evangelical Harmony, out of our four Gospels, implies that the holy Doctor was fully acquainted with our Gospels and admitted their authority. (Cfr. the English translation of Tatian’s work in yol.ix of the Ante-Nicene library of the Fathers, Amer. Edition.) 1 Cfr Dialogue with Trypho, chap. Ixxxi, where St. Justinnames ‘‘ John, one of the Apostles of Christ ”’ as its author, and quotes its testimony together with that of the prophets of the Old Testament to prove that Christ will reign a thousand years in Jeru- salem before the final resurrection of the dead takes place. 2 Cfr. Lorsy, loc. cit., p. 57, sq., and Westcott, Canon of the New Testament, 3d edit., p. 150, sq. 3 Cfr Eusesius, Ecclesiastical History, Book iv, chap. xxiii. * This is admitted by critics belonging to very different schools, such as Westcott and S. Davidson, 7 98 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Paul’s epistles, as also the Apocalypse. He cites passages from Paul as ‘ the divine word’ (6 @ztvg Adyus), and ascribes the fourth Gospel to John, calling him an inspired man like the Old Testament prophets.”" We also learn from St. Jerome that he composed a harmony of the four Evangelists : gui guatuor Evangelistarum in unum opus dicta compin- gens, ingenti sui nobis monumenta reliquit.” Contemporary with these great champions of orthodoxy, whose testimony gives us the mind of the Christians within the pale of the Church, lived leaders of heresy whose extant writings, however fragmentary, bear witness to the fact that, without the Church, most of the books of the New Testa- ment were known, quoted and put on the same level as those of the Old Testament. Such is the case with BasILIpDEs who “ in the few pages of his extant writings refers certainly to the Gospels of Matthew, Luke and John and to the Epistles of St. Paul to the Romans, Corinthians, Ephesians and Colossians, possibly also to the first Epistle to Timothy.” * So is it also with VALENTINUS who cites the Epistle to the Ephesians as “ Scripture ” and refers clearly to the Gospels of St. Matthew, St. Luke and St. John, to the Epistles to the Romans and the first to the Corinthians, perhaps also to the Epistle to the Hebrews and the first Epistle of St. John.* So is it finally with Marcron, the celebrated contemporary of St. Justin and of Valentinus. His canon was divided into two parts: “the Gospel” and “the Apostolicon.” The Gospel was that of St. Luke, but in an altered state; while the Apostolicon comprised ten Epistles of St. Paul, exclud- ing the Pastoral Epistles and that to the Hebrews. This concordant testimony of orthodox and _ heretical 1S, Davipson, Canon of the Bible, 3d edit., p. 135. 2 Miang, Patr. Lat., vol. 22, col. 1020. 3 Westcor'r, Canon of the New Testament, p. 265, sq. * Westcott, ibid, p. 269. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 99 writers in the second century regarding the authoritative character of most of the books of the New Testament proves conclusively against Rationalists, that these sacred books must have enjoyed the same authoritative character a con- siderable time before both champions and opponents of orthodoxy had appeared. 3. The Ecclesiastical Writers of the West and of the East. At the point where the age of the early apologists and heretics merges into that of the great eccle- siastical writers of the third and fourth centuries, we meet with a most valuable testimony to the contents of the Canon of the New Testament in a fragmentary list commonly known as the M/uratorian Canon. ‘This list, discovered in the Ambrosian library at Milan, by Muratori (hence its name) in 1740, was made towards the end of the second century (about 170 A.D.), and gives us the mind of the Ryman Church at that early date. As the beginning of the Canon of Muratori is torn, it now opens with a broken sentence, which evidently refers to the position of St. Mark’s Gospel.’ The writer speaks next of the Gospels of St. Luke and St. John as the third and fourth Gospels, so that he knew of our four Gospels. He ascribes the book of the Acts to St. Luke, enumerates thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, mentions the Epistle of St. Jude, the Epistles of St. John,’ and refers apparently to two Apocalypses, the one of St. John and the other of St. Peter, this latter “(as not universally received,” but more probably to only one Apocalypse, that of St. John and to two Epistles 1 The text of the Muratorian Canon may be found in Cornely, Loisy, Breen, Westcott, etc., opp. cit. 2 The first Epistle of St. John, though not named explicitly, was admitted by the wtiter of the Canon, for he cites its first verse in connection with the authorship of the fourth Gospel (cfr. lines 26-34 of the Muratorian Canon), 100 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of St. Peter, the second of which he declares is ‘‘ not uni- versally received.” ’ It is impossible to peruse the Canon of Muratori without feeling that its “author speaks throughout of a received and general opinion, stating what was held to be certainly known, and appealing to the practice of ‘the Catholic Church.’ ”” In point of fact, the Epistle of St. James and the Epistle to the Hebrews, which he does not mention, and the second Epistle of St. Peter, to which he probably refers “as not uni- versally received,” are the very writings which we find at this time either unknown to or rejected by the churches of Gaul and North Africa, for there is no trace of them either in St. IrRENa&uS (f about 200 a.p.), the illustrious Bishop of Lyons, or in TERTULLIAN (f 220), the celebrated priest of Carthage.* But whilst Roman and Western writers seem to be opposed to the sacred character of these deutero-canonical Epistles, the tradition of the great church of Alexandria is in its favor. This is clear in the case of the Epistlé to the Hebrews, which CLement of Alexandria (the head of the Alexandrian school from 180 to 202, A.D.), and ORIGEN (Ff 254) ever reckon along with the other thirteen Epistles of St. Paul. This is also very probable in the case of the second Epistle of St. Peter and of the Epistle of St. James, fer Eusebius * tells us that in his work entitled AWypotyfoses, Clement of Alexandria “gave abridged accounts of all the 1 The text of the Muratorian Canon, referring to this point, has certainly been altered. For reasons which it would be too long to detail here, the reading proposed by Zahn as the original one, viz., “ Apocalypsi etiam Joannis et Petri waz tantum recipimus epistolam: fertur etiam altera quam quidam ex nostris legi in ecclesia nolunt .. .” scems very probable. 2 Wustcort, Canon of the New Testament, p. 199, sq. 3 This agreement of the Western churches points probably to a similarly incomplete list of sacred books in the early Latin copies of the New Testament. ‘ Ecclesiastical History, Book vi, chap. xiv; cfr. also Book iii, chap. xxv. The Hypotyposes of Clement of Alexandria are no longer extant, but were known to Photius (ninth century) who speaks of them in his Bibliotheca, chap. cix. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Io!1 canonical Scriptures, not even omitting those that are dis- puted (cas avthsyopevas), that is, the book of Jude and the other general Epistles ’’ (James, II Peter, If and III John). It is true that Origen, the most brilliant disciple and suc- cessor of Clement of Alexandria, mentions at times doubts in connection with them and numbers them among the disputed (du@iBarrAdbueva) books of the Canon of the New Testament. Yet it is highly probable that when he does so, he is not voicing the tradition of the Alexandrian church, but rather speaking as a teacher who knows that several writings,’ although received in Alexandria, are either questioned or rejected elsewhere. We even grant that since Origer used these expressions of distrust against several books of our Canon, he may be conceived of as having indorsed the doubts of past or present ecclesiastical writers. It remains true, however, that when he speaks the popular language of the time and simply conforms to the commonly received views of his church, he enumerates all the books of our present Canon without exception or restriction.’ The foregoing remarks concerning the attitude of Origen towards several books of the New Testament Canon apply also in some measure to EusEsius (f 340 A.D.), the erudite Bishop of Cesarea, in Palestine. In his “ecclesiastical History, composed about 325 4.p., he gives us valuable information as to the condition of the Canon in his time.* He distinguishes the books which claimed to be authoritative into Homologou- mena, or universally acknowledged books ; Antclegomena, or disputed books ; and /Vo¢ha, or spurious works. The first class 1 Besides the second Epistle of St. Peter, and the Epistle of St. James, Origen men- tions the Epistle of St. Jude, the second and third Epistles of St. John, among the disputed writings. 2 Cfr. especially his Homily on Josue vii, 1, where he distinctly mentions our four Gospels, two Epistles of Peter, the Epistles of James and Jude, the Epistles and Apoc- alypse of John, the Acts of the Apostles which he ascribes to St. Luke, and lastly, the fourteen Epistles of St. Paul. 3 Cfr. especially Book! chap. xxv. TO2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. comprises the four Gospels, the Acts, fourteen Epistles of Paul’ the first of John, the first of Peter, and finally the Apocalypse with the qualification etye gavety “if it be thought right.” In the second class, Eusebius includes expressly first “ dis- puted books which are recognized by most ecclesiastical authors,” viz., the Epistle of James, the Epistle of Jude, the second of Peter, and the second and third of John; and secondly and less formally, books having a more restricted currency among Catholics, such as the Acts of Paul, the Pastor, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Epistle of Barnabas, the Teachings of the Apostles, “and finally, e?ve gavety, the Apocalypse of John, which some reject, but others rank among the Homologoumena.” The third class comprises “the spurious writings which are to be rejected as altogether absurd and impious,” “and which circulate only among heretics,” viz., the Gospels of Peter, of Thomas, of Matthias, etc., the Acts of Andrew, of John, and of other Apostles.’ Such is in substance the testimony of Eusebius concerning the state of the New Testament Canon at the end of the third century and the beginning of the fourth century of our era. It clearly shows that, since the time of Origen, the question of the genuineness of the deutero-canonical books had made no advance in the Eastern churches, inasmuchas the books qualified at times as disputed by the great Doctor of Alexandria are still spoken of as such by the Bishop of Cesarea. Nay more, it seems to prove that the doubts regarding the genuineness of the Apocalypse of St. John 1 Tn his Ecclesiastical History (Book ili, chap. 1ii), Euszprius says that *‘ the Epistles of Paul are fourteen, all well known and beyond doubt. It should not, however, be concealed, that some have set aside the Epistle to the Hebrews, saying that it was dis- puted in the Church of Rome as not being one of St. Paul’s Epistles.” 2 Beside the books of which Eusebius speaks as “disputed,’”’ there are two deutero- canonical fragments (Mark xvi, 9-20 and John vii, 53—viii, 11) regarding the genuineness of which he records serious doubts. In point of fact these two fragments are omitted in the Vaticanus and Sinatticus, the only extant Greek codices of the New Testament which go back to the fourth century of our era. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 103 which made their appearance in Rome at the beginning of the third century had gradually attracted the attention of the learned world. At the same time, the very expressions used by Eusebius prove that all these deutero-canonical writings however “disputed” they might still be in theory, were acknowledged as inspired by most ecclesiastical authors, and freely circulated among Catholics. As a matter of fact, our entire Canon of the New Testament is found in the Sinazticus, a Greek codex of the fourth century, and was also probably found originally in the Vaticanus (also of the fourth century), in which the latter part of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Pastoral Epistles and the Apocalypse are wanting because of mutilation, the manuscript breaking off at Hebr. ix, 14, in the middle of the word zaéapret.’ § 3. Lrom the Fourth Century to our Time. 1. The Canon of the New Testament in the Western Churches. The history of the Canon of the New Testament in the Western churches between the fourth century and the Council.of Florence (middle of the fifteenth century) exhibits but few features worthy of notice, The first, and indeed the most important of these features, con. sists in the influence which Eastern views regarding the Epistle to the Hebrews, the second Epistle of St. Peter, and the Epistle of St. James exercised upon leading Fathers and writers of the West at the beginning of this long period. It is directly owing to the influence of Origen, that St. Hitary of Poitiers (ft 367) cites the second Epistle of St. Peter and the Epistle of St. James as “ Scripture ; ” and does the same 1 Tt seems that in drawing his list of acknowledged books Eusgsius made little or no account of the Pesztto or Syriac Version which since the latter part of the second century contained all the books of the New Testament except the second and third Epistles of John, the second of Peter, the Epistle of Jude and the Apocalypse. (Cfr. Jas. HASTINGS, Bib. Dict., art. Bible.) 104 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. for the Epistle to the Hebrews, which he ascribes to St. Paul.* St. PHiLastrius (f 387), Bishop of Brescia in North Italy exhibits also distinct traces of Oriental influence,’ whilst RUFINUS (f 410), priest of Aquileia, accepts in its fulness our present Canon because he finds it so framed by the illustrious Bishop of Alexandria, St. ATHANASIUS ({f 373). It was therefore because of their acquaintance with the ancient tradition of the East that the Western churches were induced to admit into their Canon of the New Testament the few deutero-canonical Epistles still missing in their collection.® A second feature to be noticed in the history of the Canon of the New Testament during this period consists in the rapidity with which the newly completed Canon was adopted wherever Latin was spoken. It is this full Canon which was received in Spain about 375 A.D., aS we infer from the homilies of the heretical Bishop of Avila, PRISCILLIAN (Tf 385), which have been recently published. It is this full Canon which three Councils—those of Hippo in 393, and of Car- thage in 397 and 419,—held during the lifetime and under the personal influence of St. AUGUSTINE (fF 430), approved of for the African churches. It is this same complete list that the best Latin biblical scholar of the Church, St. JEROME (t 420) accepted as his own, especially in his letter to Pauli- nus, and in his catalogue of ecclesiastical writers, extracts of which formed the well-nigh necessary accompaniment of the Latin copies of the Bible during the following centuries. Finally, it is this full Canon which Pope St. Innocent’ I sent in 405 to St. Exsuperius, Bishop of Toulouse in South- 1 Cfr. De Trinitate, lib. i, 18; lib. iv, 8; lib. iv, 11 (Patr. Lat., vol. x). * Cfr. Lotsy, Canon du Nouveau Testament, p. 186, sqq. 3 Even the list of TH. MOMMSEN (359? A.D.) bears traces of this Eastern influence, although it omits the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of James and notes doubts concerning the second of Peter, the second and third of John (cfr. Vicourovux, Diction- naire de la Bible, art. Canon. p. 176; Briccs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, p. 138; SANDAY, Inspiration, p. 455). HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 105 arn Gaul, who had consulted the head of the oman Church about “the books admitted in the Canon.”‘ Thus was it that our Canon of the New Testament, supported so power- fully and in so many different ways, ‘“ soon gained universal acceptance wherever Latin was spoken.” It was received not only in Italy and Africa but also “in Gaul and Spain, and even in Britain and Ireland.” * A third and last feature to be mentioned here, is the con- stant firmness with which the Western churches adhered to the full Canon throughout the Middle Ages. All the Latin manuscripts of this period, whatever their origin (Italian, French, Spanish, Irish, etc.), contain all the books of the New Testament; and all the commentators, theologians, canonists, correctors of the Bible, and ecclesiastical writers of any other description, know of and receive explicitly all these sacred books. It is true that several manuscripts of the time, such as the /i/densis (written in 546), the Cavensis and the Zoletanus (eighth century), etc., contain the apocry- phal Epistle of St. Paul to the Laodiceans. But it should be remembered that though considered by several Latin writers of the period, among whom St. GREGORY THE Great (f 604), the Anglo-Saxon Abbot ALFrRipD (tenth ce>- tury) and Joun of Salisbury (f 1180), as the genuine work of St. Paul, this Epistle was not regarded as canonical. It is true also that here and there, as, for instance, in St. IstpoRE of Seville (636), and Haymo of MHalberstadt (t 856),a few traces of the old doubts can still be found, but they bespeak ‘‘a display of erudition rather than attempts at criticism: 3 during the Middle Ages, the Canon of the New Testament was no longer a problem to be solved, 1 Cfr. Micne, Lat. Patrol., vol. xx, cols. 501, 502. 2 Westcott, Canon of N. Test., p. 423. 3 Westcott, ibid. For details concerning the history of the Canon of the New Tes- tament during the Middle Ages, cfr. Lorsy, Histoire du Canon du Nouv. Test., pp. 214-226; Reuss, History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament, § 328, sq. 106 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. but a firm and universally accepted tradition in the Western churches. | It is not surprising therefore to find Pope Eucrenius IV declaring solemnly with the approval of the Council of Florence (Feb. 4, 1442), that the holy Roman Church ad- mits as equally inspired with the books of the Old Testa- ment, all those of the New which are enumérated without the least distinction between proto- and deutero-canonical writings.’ Nor is it surprising to notice, on the other hand, that, speaking as erudite humanists, such men as ERASMUS (t 1536) and Card. CajETAn (f 1534), mentioned again the old doubts concerning the deutero-canonical books of the New ‘Testament.” We can hardly doubt, however, that whilst not denying positively the divinely-inspired character of these books, the bold expressions of these writers, espe- ‘cially those of Cajetan, must have seemed at the time, if not an indorsement, at least a too favorable appreciation of the wrong views of the early reformers, which the Church soon condemned formally in the Council of Trent. If we set aside all the questions agitated by the Fathers of Trent, which either have no direct bearing on the holy writings of the New Testament, or have already been suffi- ciently examined in connection with the History of the Canon of the Old Testament, we shall find that the discus- sions of the Council referred chiefly to the three following points: (1) the canonicity of several books rejected by her- etics, especially by Luther ; (2) the canonicity of the deutero- canonical parts controverted even among Catholics; (3) the genuineness of the sacred books, because of its intimate connection with their inspired character. ‘The first of these 1 Cfr. Lasse, Acta Conciliorum, vol. ix, col. 1023, sq. » Cfr. Lotsy, loc, cit., p. 226. sqq. It seems also that Cajetan rejected the authority of the deutero-canonical passages of St. Mark (xvi, 9-20), St. John (vii, 53—Vviii, 11) and St. Luke (xxii, 43, 44). HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, 107 points was soon agreed upon, for the Fathers had no other aim but to re-promulgate and sanction definitively the tradi- tion of past ages in regard to the sacred writings of the New Testament, and this tradition was in their eyes absolutely favorable to the canonical character of all the books which were then contained in the Latin Vulgate. On the second point, the Fathers of the Council were much more divided. Apparently, they did not care to define questions still con- troverted among Catholics, and although “ they thought that, at some future time, a special decree concerning the canon- icity of the fragments of the Gospels could be framed,” ! they preferred to follow the example of the Council of Flor- ence which had made no difference between the proto- and the deutero-canonical parts ; a majority of two-thirds decided that in the decree on the reception of the Gospels, a distinct mention of these fragments should not be made.’ The third point which bore on the genuineness of the sacred books had a special importance at the time of its discussion, when in the eyes of all—Catholics and Protestants alike—the in- spiration of a book ascribed to an Apostolic writer was most intimately bound up-with its authenticity. This is why, although the Fathers never intended to define this authen- ticity of the canonical books, yet they insisted that the names of the authors to whom they were ascribed by tradition should be inserted in the enumeration of writings declared ‘sacred and canonical ” by the Council.’ 1 Cfr. THEINER, Acta Genuina Concilii Tridentini, vol. i, p. 71. 2 Cfr, THerngR, ibid., p.77.. The proposed wording of the decree was apparently: ‘* Si quis autem libros sacros, prout in ecclesia leguntur, pro sacris et canonicis non sus- ceperit. . . . A. S.,” but as the Cardinal of ‘rent remarked, this wording, if applied to the Gospels, would seem to affirm “ ut ne totum quidem evangelium recipere videamur, quoniam non omnes evangelii partes in ecclesia leguntur.”’ The formula was therefore altered, and the final wording of the decree reads: “ Si quis libros svtegros, cum omnibus suis partibus, prout in Ecclesia catholica legi consueverunt et 7m illa veteri Latina Vulgata editione habentur....’? (THEINER, p. 84). 3 The theological bearing of this insertion is closely examined by Lorsy, Canon du Nouveau Testament, p. 250, sqq. 108 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 2. The Canon of the New Testament in the Eastern Churches. In adopting a Canon which included without the least distinction as regards inspiration and gen- uineness both the proto- and deutero-canonical writings of the New Testament, the Fathers of Trent simply conformed to what had been for long centuries the firm tradition not only of the Western but also of the Eastern churches. It is true that these latter churches betray some lack of unity concerning the Canon during the fourth century, as may be seen from the fact that while the Alexandrian writers St. ATHANASIUS (Festal Epistle of 367 a.p.) and St. Cyrit of Alexandria (f 444) use the full Canon, the Fathers of Pales- tine and Asia Minor—such as St. Cyrit of Jerusalem ( f 386), St. GREGORY NaZIANZEN (Tf 389), St. AMPHILOCHIUS (f about 380), etc..—seem to reject the Apocalypse, and those of Antioch—such as St. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM ({407), THEODORET (7457 ?), APHRAATES (wrote about 340), etc.,— are opposed not only to the same book, but also to the deu- tero-canonical Epistles not found in the Peshitto. Further, it is difficult in the present day, to define at least in certain cases, how far the opposition of the East to some deutero- canonical writings was not merely theoretical, even during the fourth and fifth centuries of our era. Yet even admit- ting that this opposition went as far as a positive exclusion of one or several of these books,’ it remains none the less true that after a short lapse of time it had well-nigh alto- gether disappeared. Indeed, if we except Cosmas INpD1IcCo- PLEUSTES (535 A. D.) who excludes from his catalogue the Apocalypse and the seven Catholic Epistles, it may be said that, from the middle of the fifth century, all the writers of 1 As is possibly the case with St. Cyril of Alexandria, St. Cyril of Jerusalem and St. Gregory Nazianzen. Cfr. Vicouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Canon, p. 175; Cuauvin, Legons d’Introduction Générale, p. 186, sq. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 109 Alexandria, Palestine and Asia Minor, Syria and Byzantium accept our full Canon without misgiving.’ | In view of these facts it is only natural to find that the Council 7 Zrudlo (692 A.D.) which enjoys so much authority in the East, approved solemnly of the complete Canon of St. Athanasius and the Latin Council of Carthage. In fact, had not the Trullan Council mentioned together with these authorities, such incomplete lists as that of the Council of Laodicea and the eighty-fifth Canon of the Apostles, traces of the old doubts would not have lingered in the writings of the Patriarch of Constantinople, NICEPHORUS (f 828), and of some Greek Canonists of the twelfth century.” However this may be, NICEPHORUS CALLISTUS (1330) declares expressly in his Ecclesiastical History, that the twenty-seven books of the New Testament have long been received without the least contest ‘by all the churches which are under the heavens,” ® and there is no doubt that ever since the churches of the East have ever agreed with the Western churches in admit- ting a Canon at once complete and pure.* 3. The Canon of the New Testament in the Protestant Sects. It would be a waste of time to dwell here on the tests imagined by LUTHER (f 1546) and CALvIN (f 1564) to find out an essential difference between the books so long regarded as canonical by the East and the West. Their great principle, which was also that of the other early reformers, that independently of Church and tradition a book proves itself to the regenerated man as truly containing 1 For details, see Loisy, Canon du Nouveau Testament, pp. 208-211. The admission of all the deutero-canonical books into the new Syriac Version of Bishop Philoxenus at the beginning of the sixth century, is particularly worthy of notice. The Nestorians still cling to the incomplete Canon of the school of Antioch. 2 Cfr. Lorsy, ibid., and also Westcott, Canon of the New Testament, p. 416, sq. 3 Cfr. Micnz, Patr. Greca, vol. cxiv, cols. 880-885. See also WESTCOTT, opere cit., footnote 4. 4 Cfr, TrRocuon, Introduction Générale, p. 195. IIlI0 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the Word of God and worthy to be numbered among the canonical Scriptures, was not applicable in practice and soon ceased to be—if it ever was—the real rule whereby Protestants determined the books which should make up the Canon of the New Testament.’ According to Luther, the head of the Saxon school, only four writings should be excluded from the Canon of the New Testa- ment, viz., (1) the Epistle to the Hebrews, which he regarded as ‘neither Paul’s nor an apostle’s;” (2) the Apocalypse, which he spoke of ‘tossing into the Elbe,” as “ neither apostolic nor prophetic ;”’ (3) the Epistle of James, which he pronounced unapostolic and “a right strawy epistle ;” (4) finally the Epistle of Jude which he declared spurious and use- less.” From this verdict of his master and during the very lifetime of Luther, BoDENSTEIN of Carlstadt (f 1541) differed in two important points: he rejected seven books (the usual deutero-canonical books) instead of four, and the ground of this rejection was the testimony of history instead of the dogmatic theory affirmed by Luther that the canonicity of a book depends on its teaching about Christ and man’s salva- tion. Other Lutherans of the sixteenth century, for instance Cuemnitz (f 1588) and Fracius Ittyricus (f 1575), thought it also necessary to take into account, much more than Luther had done, the data of history, and to put the deutero-ca- nonical books of the New Testament in a lower place than the others, chiefly because they had been a subject-matter of discussion in earlier ages. During the seventeenth century the Lutheran school showed itself less unfavorable to the three Epistles (I and II of John, II of Peter) whose genuine- ness had been admitted by its first founder, and “in the 1 Cfr. chap. iii, § 3,/n. 1. See also Reuss, History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament, vol. ii, § 339 (Engl. Transl.). 2 The motives putforth by Luther may be found in Westcott, Canon of the New Testament, p. 449, sq.; Loisy, Canon du Nouveau Testament, p. 236, sq. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. jE de course of time, 1ts members grew more and more familiar with the idea that the difference between the two classes of apostolic writings consisted at bottom only in the degree of certainty regarding their respective origin. . . . It was pre- ferred therefore to choose for classifying them terms that were quite inoffensive; e.g., canonical books of the first and second series, or of the first and second Canon.’ A very different reason, however, may have contributed powerfully to make the Lutherans careful not to insist too much on the supposed inferiority of the deutero-canonical books of the New Testament. They could not help noticing during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that the other schools of reformers (the Szvzss school under Zwingli, (Ecolampadius and even Calvin ;* the Arminian School un- der the leadership of Grotius (de Groot), and the Luglish Church with its first divines) never took any decisive stand against the seven Antilegomena.* All these schools settled their Canon of the New Testament more by usage than by deep historical research or by any dogmatic theory, and therefore they continued to value the full Canon of their ancestors. Nay more, the Bohemian Confession of Faith,* and to some extent the XXXIX Articles of the Anglican Church, appeal still to “ patristic tradition’ as a ground for their position regarding the Sacred Scriptures. Hence no school of reformers, the Lutheran not any more than the others, dared to incriminate the old Church for upholding a Canon of the New Testament which so many Protestant sects still preserved intact. Perhaps also may we refer to 1 Reuss, History of the Canon of the Holy Scriptures, p. 369 (English Transl.). 2 The only deutero-canonical books probably excluded by Calvin from the Canon are the second and third Epistles of John. 3 For details, see Loisy, Westcott, Reuss, etc. 4“ Docent Scripturas ss. que in bibliis continentur, et a patribus recepta auctorita- teque canonica donate sunt, pro veris habendas, etc.’ (Confess. Bohem. art.,1, quoted by Reuss, History of the New Testament, vol. ii, p. 342, Engl. Transl.). II12 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. this cause the rather singular fact that so few Confessions of the various reformed churches—four or five at most’—. give an explicit list of their sacred books of the New Testament : they were probably shy to commit themselves openly to a position which would have appeared both a condemnation of many Protestant sects, and an indorsement of the Catholic doctrine. However this may be, it is certain that at no time since the beginning of the Reformation, was the New Testament mutilated by the suppression of the deutero-canonical writ- ings. All along, these inspired books have had a place in the Bibles of all the Protestant sects, and it is only in the German editions of the sacred text that a trace may be found of a difference between the four books (Heb., Jas., Jude, Apocal.) rejected by Luther and the other books of the New Testament: these four writings occupy the last posi- tion in the printed editions, as if to suggest their inferior character. The complete Canon thus ratified during the first cen- turies of the Reformation has been maintained without the least alteration in practice in the more or less Orthodox schools of the nineteenth century, and whatever the views of their individual scholars regarding the genuineness or even the divine character of this or that particular book, the recasting of the Canon of the New Testament is not even dreamed of among them.* These schools of Protestant thought prefer to look upon the question as substantially well settled in the past, and to leave it in the statu quo, rather than to tackle what they consider a very difficult 1 The only four commonly mentioned are the Gallican and Belgic Articles, the Westminster Confession and the /rzsk Articles : they all contain a full Canon of the New Testament (Cfr. ScHarr, The Creeds of Christendom, vol. iii). 2 Scholars of évery denomination shared in the Revision of the Authorized Version of the New Testament, and 1t does not appear that any difference of views as regards the contents of the Canon of the New Testament ever showed itself among them. HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Il3 problem and a probable source of further divisions in the Protestant churches.’ Side by side with these more or less conservative schools of Protestant theology, there are Rationalistic schools, whose principles may be traced back chiefly to the work of the German critic, SEMLER (f 1791), entitled, ‘“ Essay on a Free Examination of the Canon.” His general views, as well as those of his followers, have been already sum- marized in connection with the History of the Canon of the Old Testament, and hence there remains here only to add a few words about the famous TUBINGEN school and the reaction which has set in against its principles and conclusions. The founder and central figure of the modern Tibingen school was Ferdinand Christian Baur (} 1860), who main- tained that the peculiar doctrinal contents of each writing give the key to its origin. According to him, the Christian religion emerged slowly from the strife and gradual recon- ciliation of two opposite parties, the one Jewish, claiming Peter as its head, the other Gentile, having Paul for its chief leader; the one contending that the Jewish law and customs should be imposed upon Gentile converts, the other affirming that all, such believers should not be bound to the Mosaic rite of circumcision, and to all that it implied.” ‘ The history of Christianity from the Apostolic Age to the middle of the second century was the history of this controversy in its various stages of (1) unmitigated antagonism between the two opposite tendencies ; (2) incip- ient and progressive reconciliation ; (3) consummated recon- ciliation and completed union and unity. The books of the New Testament all relate to one or other of these stages, and their dates may be approximately fixed by the tenden- 1Cfr James Hastincs, Bible Dictionary, art. Bible, p. 291, sq.; see, also, Reuss, History of the New Testament, vol. ii, p. 360 (Engl. Transl.). 2 Cfr Outlines of New Testament History, p. 267, sqq. 114 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. cies they respectively represent. A book which belongs to the first stage, and advocates either pure Paulinism or a purely Judaistic view of Christianity, is therefore early and apostolic; on the other hand, a book which belongs to the final stage and presents a view of Christianity rising en- tirely above antagonisms, must be of late date, and cannot have had an apostle for its author.” ' Applying this test to the contents of the books of the New Testament, Baur finds that only five writings have a right to be considered as undoubtedly genuine. These are: Rom., I, II Cor., Galat., which strenuously advocate pure Paulinism, and the Apocalypse, which, on the contrary, takes a purely Judaistic view of Christianity. Many of the other books are at best doubtful, and some of them belong unques- tionably to the second century. Such is in substance the theory of Baur and its many followers, Zeller, Schwegler, K6stlin, Ritschl, Bruno Bauer, etc. It practically amounted to a denial of the Canon, since ‘it allowed the greater number of its constituent parts to be lost in the stream of the history of doctrine along with other works of a very different character.”? It was therefore vigorously combated by Rationalistic critics of various schools,? who justly pointed out, among other things, “its failure to recognize the germs of organization even in the earliest Jewish Christianity, and their power; its assumption, never yet justified, of so very late date for most of the New Testament writings; its rashness of judg- ment by which the genuineness of many of them is denied, — often sacrificed rather to the logic of the system than to sufficient proof,” etc.‘ Yet it must be granted that many 1 Bruce, Apologetics, Book iii, chap. vii. 2 B. Wetss, A Manual of Introduction to the New Testament, p. 15 (Engl. Transl.). 3 Cfr. B. WEISss, ibid, 4 Reuss, History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament, vol. ii, p. 359, (Eng. Transl.). HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. Irs results of the Tiibingen criticism, as well as the whole method of its investigation, and many of its premises, have been widely spread among the modern critical schools. Of late, however, Prof. Adolph Harnack, in the first part of his Chronologie (published in 1897), seems to give up the very fundamental position of Baur and other Rationalistic scholars. He frankly recognizes that “in the criticism of the sources of primitive Christianity, we are, without doubt, embarked on a retrograde movement towards tradition,” and affirms that “the chronological framework in which tradition has arranged the documents from the Pauline Epistles down to Irenzus, is in all main points right, and compels the historian to disregard all hypotheses in refer- ence to the historical sequence of things which deny this framework.” Of course these expressions of the German professor should not be taken too literally, for Harnack himself departs freely enough in connection with some canonical books from the beaten track of tradition.’ But it cannot be denied that, while speaking of Baur with respect, he sets aside Baur’s favorite positions, and discredits his method as one that started with certain assumptions regard- ing the existence and work of certain operative elements in primitive Christianity and the early Church, and made the writings conform to these. The whole style of criticism, moreover, that has derived more or less from Baur, that is ruled by the idea of “tendency,” receives here a stroke that should be fatal. It has had its day, according to Prof. Harnack, and has failed.’ Of course, the words of censure of the brilliant professor of Berlin, reach directly the unscientific method of the 1 Cfr. his chronological table of events and literature connected with Christianity in ‘The Biblical World, May, 1897. 2S. D.F. Satmonp, Harnack’s Geschichte der Altchristlichen Literatur bis Rusebius in The Critical Review, Oct., 1897, p. 398. 116 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. founder of the Tiibingen school, but there is no doubt that they are also indirectly a condemnation of the no less unscien- tific methods resorted to by the founders of the Reforma- tion, while they are a vindication of the principle by which the Church of God ever judged of the apostolic and canonical origin of the books of the New Testament. Sen) lo eee PEA Ps Ra), Tuer APOCRYPHAL OR UNCANONICAL BROOKS OF THE OULD TESTAMENT. Name and Importance of these Books. I The Prayer of Manasses. MVaeHY Pitts Third Book oo as canonical by many ec- j clesiastical writers. ENT REN of Esdras: ) Its elements almost entirely canonical. Pintions: Fourth Book of Esdras (contents, authorship and date of composition). ; Psalm 151st ascribed to David. APOCRYPHALS | The Psalter of Solomon (contents, date and author- IN GREEK pub): TArrione: EM tye third and fourth books of the Machabees. LEE ApocrypHats | 1: Names of these apocryphal books. By whom quoted? IED as Cited as Holy Scripture by several 2. The Book ecclesiastical writers. NEW Nature and contents. Teen of Enoch: | Influence upon the writings of the New Testament. WRITERS: 117 CHAPTER Ve THE APOCRYPHAL OR UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. Name and Importance of these Books. Beside the books of the Old and New Testament which the Church of God regards as sacred and inspired, there is a whole lit- erature made up of works which are commonly called Afoc- ryphal.. As might naturally be expected, this name has been understood differently in different ages;* but in the present day, as indeed for several centuries, it is usually applied to books whose claims to canonicity are not rec- ognized by the Church. It is in this sense that Protestants call “ apocryphal” our deutero-canonical books of the Old Testament ;* but as we saw in the foregoing chapters, these books have a strict right, even on purely historical grounds, to be considered as canonical. : Of course, the importance attached to this Apocryphal or Uncanonical literature has greatly varied through centuries. By most of the early writers of the Church, because of its containing “things contrary to faith or otherwise objection- able” ‘ it was considered as dangerous and worthy only of | anathema. Others,’ however, whilst not approving of its in- 1 'Aroxpudos, hidden. 2 Cfr. TRocuon, Introduction Générale, p. 471; Jas. Hastincs, Bible Dictionary, art. Apocrypha. 3 They usually call them the Apocrypha, after the manner of St. Jerome and other Latin writers. 4 Cfr. Or1IGEN, in Cant. Cantic. prologus. 5 Or1GEN, for instance,in Matth. His words are quoted in Vicouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. A pocryphes, p. 767. 118 THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 11g discriminate use, thought that real advantages might be derived from a careful perusal of its contents, and this is unquestionably the prevalent view of scholars in our cen- tury. Inthe present day the apocryphal books are studied attentively by the biblical interpreter, who hopes to find in them facts or expressions which throw light on obscure pas- sages of the canonical writings; by the student of history, who seeks to discover in them the impress of the ideas and anticipations of the period in which they appeared or which they describe; by the apologetic writer, who compares their contents with those of the canonical books, and is thereby enabled to show the incomparable superiority of the latter, etc. In view of this manifold interest, and also in order to complete our study of the Canon, we shall speak briefly of the principal apocryphal writings of the Old and of the New Testament. § 1. Apocryphal Writings in the Latin Editions of the Old Testament.’ 1. The Prayer of Manasses. Of the three apocry- phal writings which are allowed a place at the end of our authorized editions of the Latin Vulgate” the first and shortest is the Prayer ascribed to King Manasses, (+ 644 B.C.) In fifteen verses, this poetical composition describes beautifully the sentiments of genuine repentance and humble trust in God’s mercy whereby the Jewish king, as we are told in the second book of Paralipomenon (chap. xxxiii, 13, 1g), obtained forgiveness for his past transgressions anu deliverance from his captivity in Babylon. Of course this 1 We do not deem it necessary to treat here of the short apocryphal pieces found in the Vulgate under the name of the Prologue to Ecclesiasticus and the Preface to the book of Lamentations, although the former has considerable historical importance. 2Jn the editions anterior to that of Clement VIII, the Prayer of Manasses was found immediately after the second book of Paralipomenon, and the third and fourth books of Esdras came immediately after Nehemias, or second book of Esdras. I20 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Prayer has no right to be considered as identical with the one which the book of Paralipomenon tells us ‘‘ was written in the words of Hozai” (or the seers). It is a late literary imitation of the penitential Psalms, as may be inferred from its theological terms peculiar to later Judaism (such as “ 6020 TOY Otxatwy,” “ 600g TOY petavoobytwy ”’) and probably also from the almost Christian feelings it expresses.’ The Hebraisms which it contains are not a conclusive proof that it was originally written in Hebrew; they may be sufficiently ac- counted for by ascribing its composition to a Hellenistic Jew, who probably wrote in the first century before the beginning of the Christian era. The Prayer of Manasses is not indeed given by Josephus, but his mention of a prayer of that king repentant for his sins is so worded as to lead us to think that the Jewish his- torian, who used the Septuagint Version in all its parts, was not unacquainted with our apocryphal document.* This in- ference appears all the more plausible, because there is hardly any doubt that the oldest Greek manuscripts of the Septuagint contained it, since it was translated into Latin before the time of St. Jerome. It must be said, however, that the oldest distinct witness to its existence are the Afos- tolic Constitutions (Book ii, chap. xxii), which reproduced its full text and gave it a currency which it would never have possessed otherwise, on account of its obscure position among the Canticles appended to the Psalter in the manu- scripts of the Septuagint.*° Thus put into active circulation, the Prayer of Manasses was much used and quoted by the 1 Cfr. WestcoTT, in Smitu, Bible Dictionary, art. Manasses, prayer of; vol. iv, p. 1777; cfr. also Luke xviii, 13, with Prayer of Manasses (verse 8). * Cfr. JosepHus, Antiq. of the Jews, Book x, chap. iii, § 2, with Prayer of Manasses (verse 10, sq.). 3 This is its position in the Codex Alexandrinus. Prof. SwetTr (The Old Testament in Greek, vol. iii, p. 802, sq.) gives the text of Codex Alexandrinus and the various readings of the Verona and Zurich MSS. THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 121 Greek Fathers. Several ecclesiastical writers ' looked upon it as genuine and inspired. ‘Though it is still found in the Greek Huchologium, or collection of liturgical prayers in the Eastern Church, at the present day it is regarded by all as uncanonical. 2. The Third Book of Esdras. The second apocry- phal writing now placed at the end of the authorized editions of the Latin Version, is the ¢hird book of Esdras, thus called in the Vulgate because our canonical books of Esdras and Nehemias are known respectively as the rst and the second book of Esdras. In the old Latin, Syriac and Septuagint versions, it was named the frst book of Esdras from its position immediately before our canonical books of Esdras and Nehemias. ‘This latter name has great historical importance, inasmuch as when early Councils and writers of the Church speak of the erst book of Esdras they have in view our ¢Azrd book of that name, and when in their lists of sacred books they mention only ¢wo books of Esdras, the frst to which they allude is our ‘Ard book, while their second corresponds to our canonical books of Esdras and Nehemias counted together as one work.” The nomenclature just referred to is found in the African councils of Hippo and Carthage, in the writings of St. Augustine, Pope Innocent I and Cassiodorus, and proves be- yond doubt that at a given time the canonicity of the third book of Esdras was officially recognized, at least in the Western churches. About the same period, the sacred character of this book was taken for granted by the leading writers of the East, such as Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius, St. Athanasius, St. Basil, St. Chrysostom, who agree with St. Cyprian, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, and 1S. Davipson (Introd. to the O. Test., vol. iii, London, 1863) gives their names ; they all belonged to the Greek Church. 2 Cfr. Lorsy, Canon de I’ Ancien Testament, p. 91, sq. 122 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. others in the West, in quoting as Holy Writ passages found nowhere except in the third book of Esdras.’ It is not therefore surprising to find thct in presence of such unan- imity of the East and of the West, up to the fifth century of our era, some writers should have affirmed that this work is truly canonical and inspired. ‘They remark that the Catholic Church, far from rejecting it positively as apocryphal, has allowed its use and inserted it in its official edition of the Vulgate and of the Septuagint; that by far the largest part of its contents is simply a duplicate of canonical passages in the second book of Paralipomenon and in the first and second of Esdras; and that, finally, it is difficult to see how the fact that the writing in question has ceased to be in use since the fifth century of our era, can invalidate the earlier positive testimony in its favor. Of course it cannot be denied that the third book of Esdras is almost entirely made up of truly canonical ele- ments, as may be seen easily in the following table: III Esdras i is identical with II Paralip. xxxv- xxvi, 21. ji, I-15 ‘ as ‘« I Esdras i. ii, 16-31 ‘ MY ‘« I Esdras iv, 7-24. ili-v, 6 (sole matter peculiar to the third book of Esdras). v, 7-73 is identical with I Esdras ii-iv, 5. vi-ix, 36 ‘ A ‘¢ I Esdras v-x. ix, 37-55 ‘‘ hs “TI Esdras (or Ne- hemias) vii, 73-viii 13a. But should not this almost perfect identity of contents between the third book of Esdras and the books which pre- cede and follow it in the old editions of the sacred text, have suggested long ago that the third book of Esdras is 1The references to the works of these ecclesiastical writers are found in CoRNELY, Introductio Generalis, p, 202. THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT, 123 really not an independent writing, but rather a revised translation with a single inlerpolation taken from some in- dependent source viz., ili-v, 6? In point of fact, the more closely the common elements are examined, the more will they appear to point to the one and same text as underlying . the third book of Esdras and our canonical writings, and as rendered more freely in the former than in the ordinary Greek copies of the Septuagint: the more, in one word, will it become probable, that the so-called third book of Esdras is simply a version of certain parts of Holy Writ, whose sub- stance is of course inspired, but whose individuality may be rejected by the Church, as was done in the case of the old Septuagint translation of the book of Daniel.’ The third book of Esdras has been freely used by Josephus.* Perhaps it goes back in its present form to the second century B.c. Dr. Swete, in his valuable edition of the Old Testament in Greek, vol. ii, has republished the text of Codex Vaticanus with the various readings of Codex - Alexandrinus. 3. The Fourth Book or Apocalypse of Esdras. Hardly less widely circulated 3 and less highly valued in the Christian Church* than the third book of Esdras, is the Jast apocryphal writing found at the end of our authorized 1 Cfr. CoRNELY, Introductio Generalis, p. 201 ; Driver, Introduction to the Litera- ture of the Old Testament, p. 553, sq. ; and the valuable art. Esdras (first book of), by H. St. J. THackKerRAy in Jas. Hastings, Bible Dictionary. 2 Antiquities of the Jews, Book xi, chaps. i-v. 3 The popularity which the fourth book of Esdras has enjoyed is shown by the num- ber of translations (Latin, Syriac, Armenian, Ethiopic, and two Arabic) which have been made of it (for details concerning these versions, see Jas. Hastinos, Bible Dictionary, art. Esdras, second book of, p. 763, sq.). 4 The high value set on this book is evidenced (1) by the fact that such eminent early writers as St. Ireneus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, St. Ambrose, St. Cyprian, etc., have quoted it as Holy Writ; (2) by the traces it has left in the Latin liturgy (the passages may be found in ViGouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art., Apocalypses apoc- ryphes, p. 761); (3) by the influence it has exercised upon the eschatological concep- tions of the Middte Ages (cfr. Lz Hir, Etudes Biblique-, vo!, i, p, 140, sq.). I24 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. editions of the Latin Vulgate. In the Latin Church it bears the name of the fourth book of Esdras, owing to the fact that the canonical books of Esdras and Nehemias are reckoned as the first and second of Esdras respectively, while the old first book of that name is now called the third book of Esdras ; but in the Greek Church it was styled the Ajoca- lypse or Prophecy of Esdras, a title which describes well the general form of its contents, and which on that account is commonly adopted by modern biblical scholars. If we leave aside the opening and concluding chapters (i, li; xv, xvi), which are certainly Christian additions to the work,’ the Apocalypse of Esdras is found to be made up of a series of revelations (drozaddders) or visions—seven in number—given to Esdras by the angel Uriel. The scene of these visions is Babylon, where Esdras is represented in the thirtieth year after the ruin of Jerusalem, as greatly per- plexed by the question: Why is Israel, the chosen people of God, ruled over by the heathen, though the latter be even more wicked than the Jews? In answer to his complaints, the angel bids him consider that God’s judgments are in themselves unsearchable, that wickedness has its appointed time whose end must be waited for and even recognized as near by certain signs which are enumerated. Upon the appearance of these signs men will behold wonderful things : the Messias will come with His retinue, and after a prosper- ous reign of 400 years die along with all mankind. Seven days later the general resurrection will take place, and the Most High proceed with the final judgment, the furnace of Gehenna being seen on one side, and over against it the paradise of delight. Only a few will be saved, and the punishment of the wicked, like the joy of the saints, will never end, for the judgment is just and irrevocable. ‘Then it is 1 They have reference to such distinctly Christian doctrines as original sin, necessity of faith for salvation, etc. THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 125 that for the personal comfort of Esdras, he is granted an enigmatic vision, whose meaning as explained by Uriel is the future restoration and beauty of the holy city. The following vision (also enigmatic) gives a key to contemporary history, and because it refers to the present it is obscurely interpreted by the angel. In a dream, Esdras sees an eagle rising from the sea, having at first twelve wings and three heads, but gradually undergoing transformations till at last it is consumed in flame at the rebuke of a lion speaking with human voice. According to the interpretation given by Uriel, the eagle represents the last of Daniel’s kingdoms ; the twelve wings are twelve kings who are to rule over it one after another, and the three heads three other kings who in the last days will reign over the earth; these will be followed by two subordinate kings who are represented by two feeble wings which have appeared during the transformations above referred to, and who will be the last two rulers of this great kingdom ; the lion is the Messias who will arraign these last kings before His tribunal, destroy them and next set up a kingdom which will last 400 years and be followed by the resurrection and the universal judgment. In the next vision, Esdras beholds a man (the Messias) rising out of the sea and then standing upon a mountain (Mount Sion) from the top of which He consumes all His foes by the flaming breath of His mouth (the Law). Whereupon other men— some of whom in chains, whereby are meant the ten tribes in captivity—come to Him who has redeemed them. The last-chapter of the original work (chap. xiv) records how also in a vision, Esdras was told that he was soon to be taken from among men, and next commissioned by God Himself to dic- tate during forty days to five scribes. Esdras did so, and “in forty days they wrote ninety-four books ”' (the twenty-four 1 The Received Text reads “ two hundred and four books.” 126 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. books of the Hebrew Bible that were lost,’ and seventy others destined for the wise among the people), whereupon Esdras was carried away “ after he had written all these things.” Such is the bare outline of this remarkable book, which obviously is not the genuine work of Esdras, as is shown by the chrolonogical error in chap. ili, 1, which makes him con- temporary with the destruction of Jerusalem by Nabuchod- onosor. But “ it is a characteristically Jewish work in its apocalyptic form, its knowledge of Jewish traditions, its interest in the ten tribes and its deep concern in the fate of Jerusdlem. ‘There is. no ground for supposing that the author was a Jewish Christian : there is a marked contrast between the Christian interpolations (chaps. i, ll, xv, xvi, and the insertion of the name of Jesus in vii, 28) and the re- mainder of the book.” * The author was more probably a Palestinian than an Alexandrian Jew, although all take it for granted that he wrote in Hellenistic Greek.* The date at which the author wrote has been much more debated than his nationality : while some writers ascribe his work to 30 B.c., others place it as late 218 a.p. Yet, when the contents of the Apocalypse of Esdras in its original form (chaps ili-xiv) are closely examined, they supply data which lead us to believe with most contemporary scholars that the book should be dated no later than the time of Nerva (96- 98 A.D.). The writer considers, no doubt, the ruin of Jeru- salem by the Romans as past; the heathen rule over the chosen people for some time and the levitical worship is no more, so that all Jewish hopes are now directed towards the Messias who should soon appear and set up His new kingdom 1 As we saw in the History of the Canon of the Old Testament, it is on the strength of this passage of the fourch book of Esdras that several early writers of the Church ascribed to Esdras the closing of the Canon of the Old Testament. 2-H. St. J. THACKERAY in Jas, Hastinas, Bible Dictionary, vol. i, p. 766. 3 The original Greek is lost, but the Latin Version is plainly a translation from the Greek (cfr. Sam, Davipson, Introd. to the Old Test., vol. ii, p. 364). THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 127 with Sion as its capital. The eagle of the enigmatic vision in chaps xi-—xii represents imperial Rome, and its three heads are most likely the three Flavian emperors: Vespasian (ft 79) Titus (f 81) and Domitian (f 96 a.p.), while the two feeble wings which have but lately appeared and will soon be ar- raigned before the tribunal of the Messias, are no others than the old and weak emperor Nerva (96-98 A.D.) and his re- cently-associated Caesar, M. Ulpius Trajan (98-117 A.D.). It would seem therefore that the fourth book of Esdras has justly been called the Apocalypse of the year 97 a.D.' § 2. Apocryphal Writings in the Septuagint Editions. I. Psalm 151st ascribed to David. The first apoc- typhal piece peculiar to the Greek editions’ of the Old Tes- tament is a short Psalm counted as the 151st and bearing the inscription : Otros 6 Waduds wOLoypagos efg Aavid xat ZFwhzy tod ap0nod, Ore euovoudynse TO L'vdtad. This title describes well the supposed occasion of a composition which has plainly no right to be considered as part of Holy Writ, although St. Athanasius and other Greek ecclesiastical writers have con- sidered it as canonical. Its comparatively recent origin is shown from the fact that the old Latin Version did not possess it, whereas it is found in more recent translations (Armenian, Arabic, etc.), which are directly derived from the Septuagint.3 The seven verses in which it is divided add nothing to the narrative of David’s encounter with Goliath in I Kings (I Sam.) on which it is clearly dependent. On the whole it is a very tame composition. 1 For a careful examination of this difficult question, cfr. Scut!rer, A History of the Jewish People, vol. iii, div. ii, pp. g9-108; Jas. Hastrincs, Dible Dictionary, vol. i, p.. 764, sqq.; and BrssgLu, the Apocrypha of the Old Testament fp. 643, sq. 2 In the official Septuagint edition by Sixtus V, Psalm : mt ts placed among the apocryphal writings after the third book of Esdras. In the »ther editions it is found at the end of the Psalter. See the text of Codex Vaticanus vith the various readings cf Cdd. Vaticanus, Alexandrinus and the Veronaand Zurich MS»... Swete, The Old Test. in Greek, vol. ii, p. 415. 3 Cfr. CoRNELY, Introductio Generalis, p. 204, sq. 128 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 2. The Psalter of Solomonor Psalmsof the Phar- isees. Of much greater literary beauty and historical impor- tance than this 151st Psalm is almost every hymn contained in the collection ascribed to the son of David, under the name of the Psalter of Solomon. These hymns or Psalms, eighteen in number, though not actually found in the official edition of the Septuagint Version ' have a special claim to be reck- oned among the apocryphal books of the Old Testament, in- asmuch as the lists of sacred books ascribed to St. Atha- nasius and Nicephorus mention them as attdeydpeva or con- tested writings. It is true that each Psalm is composed upon a clearly defined plan, treats its own special topic and forms a separate unit; yet it cannot be denied that it forms at the same time an integrant part of an organic whole, sharing in the general tone of the collection and subserving its common purpose. This prevailing tone is one of gloom and despondency because of the heavy misfortunes which have but recently befallen the Jewish nation on account of its sins; because also of the fact that those who are spoken of as “sinners”’ are men of influence siding with the foreign- er, and abusing their power to oppress the “poor” and the “just.” With this are mingled from time to, time noble sentiments of praise to God and confidence in Him; and the whole collection closes with two Messianic Psalms especially remarkable for their exalted ideas’ of the origin, mission, personal character and public rule of the Anointed One (MwI>) of Jehovah.’ It is by means of a close study of the transparent allusions to contemporary events which are found especially in Ps. i q 1 Dr. Swere has published them in his edition of the Septuagint: The Old Testa- ment in. Greek, vol. iii, pp. 765-787. Cfr., also, the valuable edition of the Psalms of Solomon by Rytrk-and James (Cambridge, 1891). 2 For a good summary of the Messianic conception in the Psalms of Solomon, see RYLE and James, Introduction, p. lii, sqq. THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 129 ii, viii, xvii, that modern scholars are enabled to fix a very probable date for the whole collection. The period referred to is no other than the time when a mighty warrior come from afar at the head of his army was freely allowed to enter Jerusalem, where he dared to penetrate into the Holy of Holies ; when also after a bloody massacre, large numbers of Jews were carried into captivity “to the bounds of the west” (ws éx) ducpya),' and the pagan conqueror finally met with his just retribution ‘lying pierced” upon the Egyptian shore and remaining unburied.* These are the principal historical data supplied by the Psalter of Solomon, which clearly point to Pompey 3as the great general in question, and consequently to the period between 70 and 40 B. C., aS the particular time when all our Psalms appeared, for “there is nothing in the style or contents of the other Psalms to separate them in respect of date of composition from those which are definitely historical in coloring.” * The foregoing remarks prove beyond doubt that these hymns cannot seriously be thought of as written by Solo- mon; and in truth, beyond the fact that their inscriptions bear the name of that monarch, they contain no certain allusion to their reputed author. Whether they were com- posed by only one or by several writers of the same period cannot be defined, as they are in a great measure based in thought and expression *® upon our canonical Psalms. But whoever studies them in view of the principal tenets held by the Pharisees and the Sadducees in the first century before our era, must remain convinced that the whole collection bears the unmistakable impress of one or several Pharisaic © Psa xyvil, 4a. 2 Ps. ii, 30, 31. ® For details see RyLE and James, loc. cit., pp. xxxix-xliii; and ScHiirer, The Jew- ish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, vol. ifi, 2d div., p. 18, sq. * RyLe and JAmgs, ibid, p. xliii. 5 They were originally written in Hebrew. 130 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. writers ; hence, they have justly been called “ ¢e Psalms of the Pharisees.” * 3. The Third and Fourth Books of the Machabees.’ The last two books found in the Greek editions of the Old ‘lestament are prose compositions which, from the connection of their contents with incidents recorded in our second book of Machabees, have been called the ¢Azrd and fourth books of the Machabees. The former deals with an episode of Jewish history, which is described as having taken place under the Egyptian King Ptolemy IV Philopator (B.c. 222-204), and consequently before the Machabean period. It narrates that this prince, after his great victory at Raphia (217 B.C.), having wished to enter the inner part of the Temple of Jerusalem was suddenly struck by God and cast to the ground. After his return to Egypt, he meditated revenge upon all the Jews of his kingdom and caused them to be gathered in countless numbers in the hippodrome at Alexandria, intending that they should be trampled to death by 500 elephants. But the prayers of the people, and especially those of the high priest Eleazar, obtained from heaven several miracles which ensured their salvation. It would not be worth our while to speak further of a work, which, like the third book of the Machabees, abounds in absurd details,’ had it not found its way into the Apostolic Canons‘ as one of the writings of the Old Testament, and later on into the lists of several Greek writers through respect 1 For particulars bearing this out fully, see RyLE and JAmeEs, ibid, pp. xliv-lii; and E. Scutrer, ibid, p. 21 (Engl. Transl.). 2 Only the third book is found in the Sixtine edition of the Septuagint. For the text of the fourth book, see SwETE, The OJd Testament in Greek, vol. iii, pp. 729-762. 3 As for instance that it took forty days to write down even a part of the names of the Jews confined. to the circus at Alexandria; that the paper factories gave out in their efforts to produce paper enough for the purpose of registration, etc., etc. (cfr. BIssELL, The Apocrypha of the Old Testament, p. 616, sq.). 4 Canon lxxvi, apud CoTELizr, Patr. apost. 2d edit., p. 448 (Antwerp edit., 1700). THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. I31 for the Trullan Council which had mentioned approvingly the Apostolic Canons. It seems also to have enjoyed great authority in the Syrian church, as its existence in the old Syriac Version and a quotation from it by Theodoret (Ff ab. 457) clearly show.’ But Nicephorus (f 828) reckons it among the arttdeydveva, and it seems never to have been used in the Latin church, so that it has really no solid claim to canonicity. Modern critics are greatly at variance as to the precise historical fact which underlies the narrative in the third book of the Machabees.* Everything considered, the narrative is most likely another form of the story of Heliodorus which is recorded in the second book of the Machabees (chap. v) and which became connected with Egypt and Alexandria under the pen of some Jewish Egyptian writer. Several things in its opening chapters prove that the original begin- ning of the book is no longer extant. The work was com- posed probably in the first century before the Christian era. The fourth book of the Machabees is more distinctly connected with our second canonical book of that name. Under the form of an address to Jewish hearers or readers, the writer tries to prove that it is not difficult to lead a pious life, if only they follow the precepts of ‘“ pious reason,” * and for this purpose he appeals to facts of Jewish history, especially to the martyrdom of Eleazar and the seven Mach- abean brothers which are detailed in the second canonical book of the Machabees (chaps. vi, vil). Josephus is named by Eusebius and other ecclesiastical writers as the author of this apocryphal work: in reality, their view is but a guess which several things rather tend to 1 TuzoporET, Comment. on Daniel, chap. xi, 7; (Opp., vol. ii, p. 682, Paris, 1642). 2 For a statement and discussion of their views, see B1ssELt, loc. cit., p. 617. 3 Hence the secondary title of ‘On the Supremacy of Reason” given to the fourth book of the Machabees in St. Jerome, De Viris illustr., chap. xiii. 132 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. disprove.’ ‘The fourth book of the Machabees was. written before the destruction of Jerusalem, and probably not much before this great event. § 3. Apocryphals quoted by New Testament Writers. 1. Names of these Apocryphal Books. By Whom Quoted ? Among the apocryphal books of the Old Testa- ment it is usual to reckon works which ecclesiastical writers tell us are quoted as authorities in the inspired books of the New Testament. Of course itis not easy in the present day to determine whether such books—and which, if any—are thus cited by the New Testament writers. Almost all the apocryphal compositions to which early ecclesiastical writers refer in this connection are known to us only by name. Again, as passages of the Old Testament are often freely quoted_in the New, or even combined together, it is difficult to define whether a given passage of the New. Testament Scriptures not found literally in our canonical books of the old Covenant, be really a quotation from an uncanonical book, or simply a free citation or combination of passages of the Old Testament. Finally, apocryphal books were often tampered with by early Christian hands, so that passages found in our books of the New Testament which subsequent writers looked upon as quotations from uncanonical writings, may be after all nothing but interpolations of an earlier date.” However all this may be, it is certain that only a few apocryphal books were ever considered as quoted by the inspired writers of the New Testament. ‘These books are (1) a certain “ Apocryphal of Jeremias” which Origen and St. Jerome think was quoted by St. Matthew xxvii, 9; (2) 1 Cfr. SCHURER, loc cit..p 246 2 This is apparently the case with Gal. vi, 15, found in the so-called “ Apocalypse of Moses ”’ (cfr ScvurerR, The Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, vol. iii, 2d div., p. €1, Engl. Transl.), THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 133 “the Apocalypse of Elias,” which, according to the same ecclesiastical writers, is cited in I Cor. 11, 9, and again, ac- cording. to) St- Hpiphanius, ‘in Ephes’¥vj, "14; (@) “the Assumption of Moses,” which Origen, Didymus of Alex- andria (f ab. 395), etc., regard as quoted in the short Epistle of St. Jude (verse 9); finally (4) “the book of Enoch,” which Tertullian, St. Augustine, St. Jerome consider as quoted in the same Catholic Epistle (Jude, verses 14-15).' Here we shall speak only of the last-named book, “the book of Enoch,” because of the high value set upon it during the early ages of Christianity, and because of its revived importance in modern times.” 2. The Book of Enoch. When we bear in mind that the early writers of the Church took literally the words of St. Jude “ Enoch also the seventh from Adam, prophesied, saying,” * which introduce a passage from the book of Enoch,’ we can easily understand how they did not hesitate to treat as Holy Writ a book which in their eyes had the solemn approval of an apostle. In point of fact, the author of the Epistle of Barnabas (after 70 a.p.) cites Enoch twice as Scripture, and St. Athenagoras (about 170 A.D.) regards its author as a true prophet. A little later, Tertul- lian emphatically defends the divine character of the book of Enoch, whilst Origen, though not regarding it strictly as inspired, does not dare to reject it altogether. Other writers, like St. Justin, St. Irenzeus, etc., though not explicitly in favor of its divine character, are perfectly acquainted with its con- 1 A few other passages of the New Testament (Luke xi, 49; John vii, 38; and Jas. iv, 5 are also regarded by some modern writers as quotations from sources uncanonical, but which cannot be identified even conjecturally. 2 For particulars concerning the other books see Trochon, Cornely, Vigouroux, Schiirer, Bissell, etc., opp. cit. 3 The formula citand: in Jude (verses 14,15) is identical with the formula which in- troduces a passage from Isaias in St. Matt. (xv, 7) and St. Mark (vii, 6). 4 Enoch, chap. i, 9, cfr. chap, lx, 8, where Enoch is called ‘‘ the seventh from Adam,” exactly as St. Jude calls him, 134 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. tents, or quote it as an authority.’ In the fourth century however, St. Hilary of Poitiers, St. Jerome and St. Augustine agree with the apostolic constitutions in speaking of the book of Enoch as an “apocryphal,” ‘full of fables,” and under the ban of such authorities, the book soon passed out of use and knowledge till 1773, when the English traveller Bruce brought from Abyssinia two MSS. of an Ethiopic trans- lation, from one of which Laurence made the first modern translation of Enoch in 1821. The book of Enoch belongs to that apocalyptic literature which, under the form of revelations and visions, aimed at solving the difficulties connected with the righteousness of God and the suffering condition of His faithful servants— whether collectively or individually—here below. In its present form, it is clearly a compilation whose first origin may be traced back to the sense which the Jews had grad- ually evolved from the passage of Genesis (v, 24), where it is said that “‘ Enoch walked with God.” This was supposed to point “to superhuman privileges granted to Enoch by means of which he received special revelations as to the origin of evil, the relations of men and angels in the past, their future destinies, and particularly the ultimate triumph of righteousness. It was not unnatural, therefore, that an apocalyptic literature began to circulate under his name in the centuries when such literature became current. In the Book of Enoch, translated from the Ethiopic, we have large fragments proceeding from a variety of Pharisaic writers in Palestine, and in the Look of the Secrets of Enoch, translated from the Slavonic, we have additional portions of this liter- ature.’’? 1 The testimonies of these ecclesiastical writers may be found in R. H. CHARLEs, The Book of Enoch, p. 38, sqq., and ScHtirer, The Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, vol. iii, 2d div., p. 70, sqq. (Engl. Transl.). 2 R. H. CHarces, art. Enoch (the Book of) in Jas. Hastings, Bible Dict., p. 705.— Thirty chapters of the book of Enoch in the Greek were discovered in Egypt in 1886, ° THE UNCANONICAL BOOKS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 135 When the contents of the book of Enoch are closely ex- amined, they are found to bear chiefly on the justification of God’s providence inthe world. Four of its sections—out of five—have clearly for their object to describe the precise manner in which righteous and unrighteous creatures have already met or will later meet with a just retribution. Sin appeared first in the world of spirits and corruption was in- troduced among mankind by the intercourse of the unfaithful angels (the Watchers, as they are called) with the daughters of men. The Watchers were punished at once by confine- ment in a deep abyss where they await the final judgment, while the gigantic race issued from their unlawful inter- course was swept away by the Flood. Sin, it is true, con- tinues to prevail in the world through the temptations offered to the sons of Adam by the wandering spirits (demons) that have gone forth from the slaughtered children of the Watch- ers and the daughters of men; it is true also that kings and mighty trust in their power to oppress the children of God, but sin and oppression will not last forever. The righteous as a nation shall one day possess the earth in the prosperous kingdom of the Messias, and the destiny of the individual shall be finally determined according to his works: while the unrighteous will be given up to the angels of punishment to be tortured in Gehenna, heaven and earth shall be trans- formed, the righteous and the elect shall possess eternal mansions therein, enjoy the presence of the “ Elect One” and forever be like angels in heaven. Such is the general outline of these four sections, which, because they formed originally four separate works, present the problem and its solution in a somewhat different manner. It is impossible to peruse them without being struck by the number of expressions and ideas—regarding the last judg- ment and general resurrection, heaven and hell, the person of the Messias, His origin, titles, character, mission and 136 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. power, etc.,—which are common to the book of Enoch and to the various writings of the New Testament. It is plain that the two collections of books known as the book of Enoch and the New Testament are not absolutely independ- ent of each other, and since it cannot be doubted that the former existed before the latter was composed (Enoch was compiled between 200 and 65 B.c.), the great influence of the book of Enoch upon the writings of the New Testa- ment must be admitted.’ 1 All the questions connected with the book of Enoch have been admirably treated by R. H. Cuarves, The Book of Enoch (Oxford, 1893), and art. Enoch (Ethiopic book of) in Jas. Hastincs, Bible Dictionary. Here isa- short list of passages or expressions whose resemblance is very striking between the New Testament and the book of Enoch: Matt: xixs 2Silcreecilers slots lem netnibyermc recy Enoch 1xi, 5 5 IGN aa oi Klee hooob nd oboobeods [40500 cokodese Enoch I xiii, 10 3 Touke' xxi, 28 cece cole iielsieisisis emertere roan Enoch 1xi, 2 ; Aiclinetyineen eyfoendonoe poemncoe Oboe dose a 408 Enoch Ixix, 27 ; Ieidsehin Meson ouceidaqune Gacous Sasoisos00ce Enoch xxxix, 4; Rom. ix, 5; II Cor. xi, 31......---2se00- Enoch Ixxvii, 13 Ephess 1, 9.0s0snes tune oni anode amaeto eer: Enoch xlix, 43 Philip. ii, 10. /.¢.s0¢ + cieicsier a slanted ostew nn Enoch xlviii, 5 3 I Thessalsv, 3 sete 1-1 leiatent icing etre telnet Enoch Ixii, 4 3 HARM ah ar pine node odonoddo upon anes So Enoch ix, 43 Hebiiv, 53 Scents setsine sain cteerecyetele ei araetsteere Enoch ix, 5 3 Apocal. ii, 7: iii, 103 xiii, 14 ......-eeee . Enoch xxv, 4, 53 XXxvii, 5; liv, 6; Apocal. ¥X} £3. snes oicistessisieatnn Bian onleer Enoch li, 1: TT Peter. 3,14 cee cre = sveietoie ss cievsye eivialein eicleiesiy eres Enoch x, 4-6, 12, 13 ; Jude, verses 4, 6, 13-.seccecsevscceees sees Enoch xlviii, 10; x, 5,63 xviil, 15 3 JUGERVETSELS wre ticle ol olersters eieleiousie te Nareter eerste Enoch Ix, 8 ; Jude, verses 14, 15 eecessecceseceeeecer cece Enoch i, 93 v, 43 XXVil, 2. DA NOP Sa Gi AP ER Sy). PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BooKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. (First, Group: ( The Childhood of Jesus. I, Extant Gospels. Refer to ( The Passion of Our Lord, APOCRYPHAL Second Group: GOSPELS : Gospels no The Gospel of Peter. The Gospel according to the He- longer extant: brews. 13v . Names and general value. APOCRYPHAL . Brief account Of the second century. AcTs OF THE | of the principal Of the third century. APOSTLES: Acts II 1. Correspondence between St. Paul and the Corin : thians. EAL oo The Epistle to the Laodiceans. aor LES.: 3. Correspondence between St. Paul and Seneca. IV. 1. The Revelation of Peter. APOCRYPHAL 2. The Visiones Pauli. APOCALYPSES : +37 CHAPTER VI. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT, § 1. Apocryphal Gospels. 1. Apocryphal Gospels still Extant. It was but a short time after our canonical Gospels had begun to be widely circulated in the early churches, and had been fully approved for public use in Christian services, when pious believers in Christ, struck with the incompleteness of these authentic A/emoirs, earnestly desired whatever additional in- formation might be secured. Moreover, at that time, there were still disconnected stories and more or less local tradi- tions put forth under the names of such Apostlcs as James, Thomas, etc., or intimately connected with the facts or per- sonages barely mentioned in the canonical Gospels, so that it was only natural that some, at least, of the current stories or traditions should be written down and freely circulated with such titles as the Gospels of James, of Thomas, of the Infancy, etc. To these were soon added pure fictions, which were given also sacred names as a passport; and in this way a large apocryphal literature having some manner of connection with our Gospels was formed within the Church itself: it has received the general name of the Apocryphal Gospels. It cannot be denied that most of the uncanonical produc- tions have left but few traces in the writings of the Fathers of the Church, and that even the least fanciful among them are regarded by all as apocryphal and add little real infor- 138 PRINCIPAT, APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 139 mation to the data suppliec by our canonical sources. Yet, as the legends which they relate have exercised a very great influence upon the popular notions of the Middle Ages, as they are at times the only ground for certain popular beliefs about Our Lord, His Blessed Mother, His Apostles, etc., which survive down to the present day, and chiefly as the scenes which they describe have been often utilized in art and literature, some few remarks about them may be wel- come here.’ We shall therefore briefly speak of them under the two following heads: (4) Gospels referring to the Childhood of Jesus; (4) Gospels connected with His Passion. (A) Gospels Referring to the Childhood of Jesus.” The first, and indeed least objectionable, apocryphal Gospel re- ferring to the childhood of Jesus, is the so-called Protevan- gelium Jacobi. In its present form, it was not composed before the second century of our era, although it claims to be the work of James, the brother of the Lord. In its open- ing chapters it relates the angelic message to Anna and Joachim, announcing that they should have a child; the birth of Mary and her presentation in the Temple when three years of age, and her marriage to Joseph at the age of twelve. Then come the Annunciation, the journey to Beth- lehem consequent on the enrolment prescribed by Augustus, and the birth of Jesus in a cave at Bethlehem, soon followed by the visit of the Magi. The book concludes with a narra- tive of the massacre of the Holy Innocents, and with the subscription of James. It is easy to recognize in this book a historical ground- 1 Moreover, a study of the Apocryphal Gospels clearly proves their posteriority and inferiority to our canonical records of Our Lord’s life and teachings; (cfr. ViGouROUX, Manuel Biblique, vol. i, n. 69). 2 For an English translation, cfr. B. H. Cowper, the Apocryphal Gospels; and Alex. Wa ker, Apocryphal Gospels, Acts and Revelations, in vol. xvi of the Ante-Nicene Library (T. T. Clark, Edinburgh). 140 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. work, which is no other than certain facts recorded in our canonical Gospels, and which is clearly distinguishable from the additions supplied either by oral tradition or by * while the lat- ter are childish tales, the former are solid staple of history. It cannot be denied that “the prodigies related by the Prote- vangelium Jacobi, in connection with Mary, indicate that at the time special attention and honor had begun to be paid tolhens. Another apocryphal writing connected with the childhood of Jesus, and going back also to the second century of our era, is the Gospel of Thomas.? It has reached us in different recensions (Greek, Latin, Syriac), and apparently in a very mutilated form.* The book is supposed to describe the in- written works concerning Mary and Joseph; fancy of Jesus; in reality, it is made up of fictitious stories in which the puerile, extravagant, and even cruel character of the miracles ascribed to the divine Child are in striking contrast with that of the miracles recorded in our canonical Gospels. Through a combination of facts found in the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, with data supplied by the two Apoc- ryphal Gospels already mentioned, there arose somewhere about the fifth or the sixth century of our era ® another unca- nonical writing now known under the name of the Aradic Gospel of the Infancy. The first nine chapters cover pretty much the same ground as the chapters xvii—xxv of the Prote- vangelium Jacobi, for they relate the events commencing with the journey of Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem to the 1 The latter is the supposition advanced by Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur (cfr. Vicouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Evangiles apocryphes, p. 2115). 2 B. H. Cowrer, The Apocryphal Gospels, p. liii. 3 In its primitive form it seems to have been known to St. Ireneus (Against Heres, Book i, chap. xx, §1,) and perhaps to St. Justin (Dial. with Trypho, chap. Ixxxviii). 4 These recensions have been rendered into English by B. H. Cowper, opere cit. 5 Traces of it are found in the Koraz, Suras (i. e. chaps.) iii, v, xix. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. I4I massacre of the Holy Innocents. The second part (chaps. XX—xXxxv), “relates at length what is feigned to have happened during the flight into Egypt, the sojourn there, and the re- turn of the Holy Family. It is the product of an extravagant imagination, and is most likely a collection of Egyptian tales, invented and compiled with the intention of glorifying the Lord’s Mother as the chief minister of His divine power and favor.” * On the other hand, the third part of this Gospel (chaps. xxxvi-lv) bears some rescmblance to the Gospel of Thomas.’ It records events supposed to have happened be- tween the seventh and the twelfth years of Our Lord’s life, to- gether with a brief mention of His subsequent life to His thirtieth year, and of His baptism in the Jordan. The last Gospel referring to the childhood of Jesus which we shall mention here’ is called the A7story of Joseph the Carpenter. Like the preceding, it has come down to us only through the Arabic, and goes back to about the fifth century after Christ. The writer, whose object is clearly to exalt Joseph in the eyes of his readers, introduces Jesus as telling to His disciples the history of His foster-father. Joseph is herein described as a priest, married, and having six chil- dren. After the death of his wife, he is espoused to Mary, who soon conceives and gives birth to Jesus in Bethlehem. The flight into Egypt and return to Nazareth are next men- tioned, and the rest of the book is taken up with a long account of the last days of Joseph, of his terrors at the approach of death, and finally of his decease: and burial, ‘after he had completed one hundred and eleven years.” 1B. H. Cowrkgr, the Apocryphal Gospel, p. 170. 2 Of the other two Apocryphal Gospels which are usually connected with the child- hood of Jesus, the one entitled the Gosfel of the Nativity of Mary, is most likely a Latin translation and ‘adaptation of the Protevangelium Jacobi, while the other called the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, or of the Infancy of Mary and Jesus, 1s probably derived from both the Protevangelium Jacobi and the Gospel of Thomas (cfr. SALMmoN, Introduction to the New Testament, Lect. xi). ; I42 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ‘This book is characterized by features by no means devoid of interest, although most improbable, unreasonable, and in the worst possible taste. The marvellous and the super- natural abound, and the writer is not always careful to be consistent even with himself; his audacity in ascribing the narration co Our Lord, and in claiming the same authority for the observance of the annual commemoration of Joseph, will be apparent to every reader.’ ” (B) Gospels Referring to the Passion of Our Lord. Only two really distinct narratives of this kind have come down to us: these are the Acta Pilati, or “ Acts of Our Lord Jesus Christ wrought in the time of Pontius Pilate,” and the Descensus Christi ad Inferos. Since the sixteenth century they are usually published under the common name of the Gospel of Nicodemus, but beyond the fact that their narrative bears on the last scenes mentioned in our canonical records, they have but little in common, for they are works of dif- ferent dates, contents, and authorship. . The first part of what is now called the Gospel of Nico- demus, details the trial, crucifixion, burial, resurrection and ascension of Jesus, mentioning carefully the marvellous in- cidents connected with these events, and the attitude of the friends and enemies of Our Saviour. In its present form, it can hardly be older than the fourth century of our era, although a much higher antiquity was formerly assigned to it, on the ground that St. Justin had it in view when he re- ferred to the Acta Pilati’ as still preserved in the imperial records. The best critics, however, suppose that the holy martyr did not himself know of such document, and simply 1B. H. Cowper, loc. cit., p. 100. ? First Apology, chaps. xxxv, xlviii. Naturally enough, numerous apocryphal writ- ings gathered around the name of Pilate, such as the Letter of Pilate to Tiberius, the Letters of Herod and Pilate, the Report of Pilate, the Governor, the Trial and Con- demnation of Pilate, the Death of Pilate, etc., (cfr. B. H. Cowper, Apocryphal Gospels, p. 388, sqq.). PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. .143 took it for granted that Pontius Pilate had sent to the Emperor ‘Tiberius an account of his doings concerning Our Lord. St. Epiphanius (ft 403) seems to be the earli- est ecclesiastical writer acquainted with our apocryphal writing.’ _ The second part of the Gospel of Nicodemus contains an account of the Descent of Christ to the Underworld. Lucius and Carinus, two of the saints who were raised at Our Lord’s resurrection, relate how, during their confinement in Hades, they beheld with delight the appearance of Jesus at its entrance, how they saw its drazen gates broken and its numerous prisoners released, and finally how the Conqueror “went to paradise, holding the forefather Adam by the hand, and delivered him, and all the righteous, to the archangel Michael.” The exact date to which this Des- census Christi ad Inferos should be referred, cannot, of course, be determined. The earliest witness to it is, in- deed, Eusebius of Alexandria (fifth century),’ but several things go to show that it is of very great antiquity.3 2. Gospels no Longer Extant. It would be a long and useless task to reproduce here the list of all the apocry- phal Gospels which are known to us only by their title, or by a few passages still found in some one or other of the great ecclesiastical writers of the third and fourth centuries. Issuing from heretical pens, and written for the purpose of spreading or supporting heterodox doctrines, these produc- tions were naturally looked upon with suspicion by Catholic writers at their first appearance, and soon afterward put under the public ban of the Church, so that being practically con- 1 St. EprpHANius, Against Heresies (Heres. L.). 2 About this writer, who should not be confounded with Eusebius of Czsareéa, cfr. ScuAFF-HERzoG, Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, § v. 3 Cfr. SALMON, Introduction to the New Testament, 8th edit, pp. 183, 184. 144 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. fined within the narrow limits of a sect, they gradually ceased to be circulated, and ultimately disappeared.’ Two of these writings, however, deserve here a special notice, viz., the Gospel of Leter, and the Gospel According to the flebrews. The first of these Gospels, a short fragment of which was dug up in 1886 in an ancient cemetery at Akhmim (Upper Egypt) was well known to Eusesrius of Czsarea, who classed it among the heretical books which must be absolutely re- jected, and to SERaprIon, Bishop of Antioch from Igo to 210 A.D., who forbade its public use in churches.’ It is clearly the work of the Docetee of the’ second century, and it was most likely composed in Syria, where we first hear of it. In speaking of St. Justin’s acquaintance with our canonical Gospels we already stated that the holy martyr never used, if he knew at all, the apocryphal Gospel of Peter.’ Of much greater importance in the history of the New Testament writings is the second Gospel above mentioned, for speaking of it under the name of the Gospel of the Naza- renes, St. Jerome considers it as the Hebrew original of our Greek canonical Gospel according to St. Matthew. Again, many ecclesiastical writers, among whom St. Justin (Tf 163), were acquainted with it, and during the third and fourth centuries Hebrew-speaking sectaries used it as the genuine work of our first Evangelist. It is therefore a very ancient production, but as far as can be judged from the fragments which have come down to us, it has no right to originality as compared with our canonical Gospel. This is the almost 1 A well-nigh full list of the no longer extant Apocryphal Gospels is given in SCHAFF- Hxrzoc, Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, art Afocrypha of the New Testa- ment. 2 Serapion’s letter has been preserved by Eusgsius, Eccles. Hist., Book vi, chap. xii. 8 For further details, see the translation of the newly-discovered fragment published in 1892, by J. A. Robinson and M. R. James; see, also, SALMon, Introd. to the New Test., 8th edit., Appendix iii. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 145 unanimous verdict of Rationalistic’ as well as of conserva- tive scholars, and it is not improbable that, in holding a dif- ferent view, St. Jerome yielded somewhat to his well-known bias for whatever smacked of the Hebraica Veritas. Be this as it may, it is unquestionable that our canonical Gospel of St. Matthew is incomparably superior in originality and sim- plicity to the apocryphal Gospel according to the Hebrews. § 2. Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles? 1. Names and General Value. As might naturally be expected, apocryphal writings connected with the other books of the New Testament beside the Gospels, appeared during the early ages of Christianity. Most of these pro- ductions under the different names of Acts (//pd&ets), Cir- cuits (Hepfodor), Miracles (Oavpdéra), Martyrdom (Mapriproy, Tedstwots), profess to record the apostolic labors of the first preachers of the Gospel, and are on that account usually designated under the general name of the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. The principal among them are in the second century the Acts of Paul and Thecla, the Acts of St. John, those of St. Peter and St. Paul and of St. Andrew; and in the third century, the Acts ascribed to St. Thomas, the Teaching of Addai (Thaddeus), and the Clementine Recognitions. * If we except the last of these apocryphal writings, they all seem to have taken their origin in heretical circles, and de- 1 This is the view of such anti-traditional writers as Strauss, Renan, Keim, Lipsius, and Weizsacker. A good discussion of the question of St. Matthew’s originality will be found in SALMoN, ibid., p. 163, sqq. 2 An English translation of the Apocryphal Acts may be found in vol. xvi of the Ante- Nicene Library (T. T. Clark). 3 The most important works to be consulted in connection with the Apocryphal Acts are FAasrictus, Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti; T1scHENDoRF, Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha; Wm. WricuT, Apocryphal Acts (Syriac) of the Apostles; Lipsius, Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden. For a concise account of the principal Apocryphal Acts, cfr. P. BaATirFoL, art. Actes Apocryphes, in V1icouRoux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, p. 159, sqq.; and especially SALMon, Introduction to the New Testament, 8th edit., Lect. xix, pp. 325-355. 10 146 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. spite their alterations and recastings by orthodox hands, bear still traces of the tenets of the sects for the use of which they were originally composed. In the early Christian ages Ebionites, Gnostics, Encratites, etc., were busily engaged writing tales of wonders wrought by the Apostles, which would have a lively interest for heretics and orthodox alike, and by means of which doctrinal errors would be easily prop- agated. Of course, no faithful Catholic individual or com- munity.ever dreamt of setting any other record of apostolic labors and sufferings on the same level as the inspired Acts of the Apostles by St. Luke, so that this branch of Christian literature was less closely watched over by eccle- siastical authority than would certainly have been the case, if attempts at canonizing it had been made in the Church. As a consequence, these apocryphal books fell easily into the hands of Catholics, and were circulated freely among them under the form of expurgated copies which, whilst con- taining the events whose substance was supposed to be faith- fully recorded, had been rendered inoffensive to ortho- dox readers by the correction or removal of whatever was deemed objectionable. It is clear, therefore, that beside the fact that these apocryphal writings presuppose the existence of our canonical book of the Acts, and prove its incompara.- ble superiority by way of contrast, all such compositions ada very little, if anything, to our knowledge of the manner in which our New Testament writings were composed and finally gathered up into one authoritative collection. It can- not be denied, however, that a careful study of their contents may at times light up the path of the Catholic interpreter, and because of this we shall give a brief account of the most important among them. 2. Brief Account of the Principal Acts of the Sec- ond and Third Centuries. Obviously it is no easy task PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 147 at the present day to define whether and to what extent an apocryphal book of Acés has been altered for orthodox pur- poses, and this seems to be particularly the case with the Acts of Paul and Thecla. Thescene of that historical romance— which has come down to us very little expurgated from its primitive Encratic errors ’—is laid in Asia Minor and in those parts of it which adjoin Proconsular Asia. The writer relates how, after a sermon of Paul in Iconium, a virgin named Thecla broke her intended marriage with Thamyris, the chief man of the city. This was followed by the arrest of Paul, his trial before the proconsul, and his expulsion from Iconium. ‘Thecla, saved miraculously from the flames, to which she had been sentenced by her own mother, rejoined Paul, and obtained from him the _per- mission to accompany him to Antioch. There she was submitted to new and severe trials on the part of the Syriarch Alexander, who had been charmed with her beauty ; but she overcame them all through divine inter- vention. After Paul had taken leave of her, Thecla con- tinued to a great age at Seleucia, living on herbs and water, and making many converts to the faith of Christ. This story was known to Tertullian (f ab. 220), who states that a presbyter of Asia had confessed his authorship of the work and was thereupon degraded. It was also known to a large number of Fathers (Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory of Nazianzen, etc.), who, differently from Tertullian and Jerome, looked upon it as genuine. The Acts of Paul and Thecla were probably composed about 175 a.p. by a writer who modelled his work after Gnostic Acts which had been published some time before. Among the Gnostic writings after the pattern of which 1Satmon, loc. cit., p. 333, admits with Baronius (Annales) and Grabe (Svicilegium sanctorum Patrum) that “the extant is the original form” of the Acts of Paul and Thecla. ( 148 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the Acts of Paul and Thecla may have been written, we must reckon the Acts of St. John, which left so many traces on Church tradition. As far as can be gathered from the twofold Latin recension of these Acts which has long been known in the West under the names of Prochorus * and Melito, and from the Greek fragments recently published,’ this apocryphal work goes back to about the middle of the second century, and is probably identical with the Acts ascribed to Leucius, parts of which were read in the second Council of Nicaea (787 a.p.),° and declared heretical. It is in these Acts that we find it stated that Jesus interposed three times in order to prevent the beloved disciple from marry- ing, and that John’s virginity had been the reason of his special privileges, notably of having had the Virgin Mary committed to his care by his dying Master. From the same Acts of St. John is probably derived the tradition found in the Canon of Muratori and repeated by Clement of Alexandria and St. Jerome, to the effect that John’s composition of the fourth Gospel originated in the request of the bishops of Asia that the beloved disciple should write a Gospel which would put a stop to the inroads of the Ebionite heresy. Finally, to the same apocryphal book goes back | most likely the legend of John having been cast into burning oil, and taken out unhurt.’ | Two other apocryphal Acts which are certainly Gnostic in their origin, are the Acts of St. Peter and St. Paul, and those of St, Andrew. The first of these has come down to us in two Latin recensions, bearing the names of Popes 1'The recension of Prochorus was published for the first time by DE LA BIGNE, Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum, vol. ii., cols. 185-230. 2 The best edition of these Greek fragments is that of ZAHN, Acta Joannis, Erlangen, 1882. 3 Cfr. Labbe (edit. Hardouin), Acta Conciliorum, vol. iv, p. 295, sq. * Cfr. SALMon, loc. cit., p. 351, sqq. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 149 Linus’ and Marcellus, which are not older than the fourth century of our era, but may be referred ultimately to a more ancient work entitled Mepivdue Ilécpov zat Maddov, fragments of which in the Greek have been recently published.” A very important Greek fragment of the Acts of St. Andrew and Matthew has also been recently edited. It relates how Matthew, having been made captive in a country of can- nibals, Andrew was sent to his rescue by Our Lord. In the guise of a seaman, Andrew reached that land with his dis- ciples, delivered Matthew, but was submitted to terrible torments for several days. As, however, he caused a flood to inundate the city in which he was detained, the final result was a general conversion of the inhabitants. Plainly this story has but little in common with the Catholic work commonly known as the Lprstola encychca presbyterorum et diaconorum Achiae de martyrio Sancti Andree which de- scribes Andrew’s martyrdom in Patras by order of the proconsul A%geas, because his preaching had induced Maxi- milla, the wife of the proconsul, to leave her husband.’ Of-the apocryphal Acts to be ascribed to the third century, none are more unquestionably Gnostic im character than the Acts of Thomas." After much tergiversation, Thomas agreed to go to India, the country which had been allotted to him in the division of the world between the Twelve, to lend his services to a powerful king in the construction of a magnifi- cent palace. On the way, the ship touched at a city whose king was making a marriage for his only daughter... The 1 The Pseudo-Linus Acts are found in DE La BiGcneg, Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum, vol, ii, cols. 231-246 (Paris edit., 1576). * The English translation of the Pseudo-Marcellus is found in vol. xvi of the Ante. Nicene Library (T. T. Clark). 3 For bibliographic references, see Hastinas, Dict. of the Bible, art. Andrew, p. 93. For the translation of the Greek fragments and the Latin “ Epistola,’’ see vol. xvi of the Ante-Nicene Library (T. T. Clark). 4 Satmon, Introduction to the New ‘Testament, ascribes the Acts of Thomas to the second century. I50 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. marriage was blessed by Thomas, and on the very bridal night, Jesus, appearing under the form of His Apostle, in- duced the young people to practise virginity. To this they pledged themselves, to the great displeasure of the king, who would have apprehended Thomas, had he not already sailed away. Arrived in India, the Apostle received plentiful means for building the royal palace he had agreed upon, but instead of erecting it he reared a spiritual edifice by his preaching, alms and miracles, making numerous converts whom he baptized, christened and admitted at the eucha- ristic banquet. The king was greatly incensed at such con- duct, but, through a wonderful intervention of heaven, he was converted and received baptism. ‘Then it was that Thomas started on a new journey which resulted in his martyrdom. Such is the substance of these Acts which have come down to us in a very complete form, and which are well worth studying because of their description of the Gnostic ritual and also because of their copious use of the writings of the New Testament. Two facts especially lead us to think of Syria as the place where the Acts of St. Thomas originated ; the first is that they know nothing of the second and third Epistles of St. John, of the second Epistle of St. Peter and of the Epistle of St. Jude, which were still absent from the old Syriac ver- sion of the New Testament ; ‘the second is that they agree in several particulars with the Zeaching of Addai, an apoc- ryphal writing originally composed in Syriac.’ The coincidences just referred to between the Acts of Thomas and the Teaching of Addai are all the more remark- able, because, while the former work is filled with Gnosticism, the latter is absolutely untainted by heretical views. In the Teaching of Addai or Thaddzus we are told that the King 1 Satmon, ‘loc. cit., has some valuable pages on the Acts of St. Thomas. For an English translation of these Acts, see vol. xvi of the Ante-Nicene Library, p. 389, sqq. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 151 of Edessa (in Northern Mesopotamia) Abgar Oukhamé,' being afflicted with an incurable disease, and having heard of the wonderful deeds of Jesus, sent messengers to Him with a letter wherein he invited Christ to come to Edessa to heal him and share his throne, far from the plots which the Jews were contriving against Him. Jesus answers that He ‘must fulfil His mission in Judza, and afterwards be taken up to Him by whom He had been sent, but promises at the same time that, before returning to His Father, He would charge one of His Apostles with restoring the monarch to health. Addai, to whose lot it fell to preach the Gospel in Mesopotamia, started soon after Pentecost, for that country, where he healed the King and one of his courtiers likewise stricken with an incurable disease. ‘Then it was that the Apostle caused all the inhabitants of the capital to be gath- ered in the market-place, preached to them and converted them all, Jews and pagans alike. Thereupon Addai caused the heathen temples to be destroyed, and built the first Edessan church, which he governed to the end of his life. When about to’die, he appointed to succeed him Agegai, whom he had raised to the priesthood, and when dead he was buried in the magnificent mausoleum of the Kings of Edessa. Of course, the Teaching of Addai is not historical ;* it 1s a legend which was well known to Eusebius, and which has come down to us under different forms. It has, however, ex- ercised a great influence upon Syriac history and literature ; still it has really little connection with the question of the Canon of the New Testament, beyond the fact that in the decretal ascribed to St. Gelasius, de Libris recipiendis, two 1 Abgar V, son of Manou, who reigned in Edessa at the beginning of the Christian i connection with this point and with all that concerns the Teaching of Addai, cfr. R. Duvat, La Littérature Syrienne, pp. 103-116 (Paris, 1899); cfr. also, ViGouROUX, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Abgar, col. 37. sa. 152 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of its parts, the Epistles of Abgar to Jesus, and of Jesus to Abgar, are reckoned among the apocryphal writings. ‘The last work to be mentioned here is one of a very differ- ent character, and, according to the Tubingen school, one of incomparably greater importance for the history of the New Testament writings. It is known under the name of the Recognitions of Clement from its supposed author and from the successive recognitions first of his mother, next of his brothers, then of his father by St. Clement while travelling about with St. Peter. In the form of it which has come down to us in a Latin translation by Rufinus (f 410 A.D.), * we are told how Clement having lost his parents in early childhood was brought up asa rich orphan at Rome; how he earnestly searched after that religious truth which he could not find in philosophical systems; and how at last he heard in the Roman capital of the appearance in Judea of a great wonder-worker. He therefore sailed in search of Him, but arrived only after the death of Jesus. Having met Peter at Caesarea he was instructed and converted by him. At Peter’s request, Clement agreed to remain in Palestine during a disputation which was soon to take place between the Prince of the Apostles and Simon the magician. This disputation lasted three days, after which the defeated magi- cian took to flight. Peter pursued him, accompanied by Cle- ment, and having finally overtaken his adversary, completely silenced him after a four days’ disputation. It cannot be denied, as Baur and his school pointed out, that this romantic story serves only as a framework to doctrinal views, and notably to anti-Paulinist tenets. St. Paul and his labors are ignored, while St. Peter figures as the Apostle of the Jews and the Gentiles alike, and in a 1 The Latin Text will be foundin Core.irr, PSS. Patres Apostol., vol i., p. 485, sqq.; an English translation of it has been published in the Ante-Nicene Library, vol. iii, pp. 137-471. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 153 parallel narrative of the same story, called the Clementine Flomilies, it is clear that under the cloak of Simon the magician withstanding Peter to his face, Paul is really in- tended by the writer, etc. We must therefore admit that the author of the Clementine Recognitions shows a covert dislike to the great Apostle of the Gentiles ; but it does not follow therefrom, as maintained by Baur, that he is the representative of the Jewish-Christian element which was so opposed to St. Paul in the earliest days of the Church.'. On the contrary, it is beyond doubt, as unbiased historical criticism has proved, that the heretical doctrines set forth in the Clementines are those of a Jewish sect which developed only later and on considerably different lines of thought and practice from those of the primitive adversaries of the great Apostle.” As a consequence, the theory framed by Baur to test the genuineness of our canonical writings by their position of antipathy, favor or neutrality toward St. Peter and St. Paul, and which rested to a large extent on the hypothesis of a very early date for the views in the Clemen- tine Recognitions and Homilies had to be, and has actually been, given up by unprejudiced scholars. § 3. Apocryphal Epistles. 1. Correspondence between St. Paul and the Corinthians. Leaving aside the apocryphal letters of Abgar to Jesus and of Jesus to Abgar, to which reference has already been made,* we shall first mention briefly the correspondence which did indeed exist between St. Paul and the Corinthians,* but of which only unauthentic remains 1 Cfr. Outlines of New Testament History, Part ii. 2 Cfr. SALMon, Introduction to the New Testament, p. 15, sqq. (8th edition). 3 An English translation of these letters is given in the 4 focryphal ees pub: lished by B. H. Cowprr, pp. 219, 220, # Cfr. I Cor. vii, 13 v, 9. {54 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, have come down tous. Besides our two canonical Epistles to the Corinthians, there are two others extant in some Ar- menian MSS., one claiming to be from the faithful of Corinth to St. Paul, the other from St. Paul to the Corinthians. ‘The former, made up of eighteen verses, denounces to the Apostle ‘the sinful words of perverse teachers ” who are attempting to spread their errors in Corinth, and begs of him that he should write or even come to them in order ‘that the folly of such men may be made manifest by an open refutation.” In the second letter—it is called in the Armenian MSS., the “third Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians,” because of its place after our canonical Epistles—St. Paul solemnly proclaims the right belief against the perverse men who dis- turb the faithful of Corinth, condemns their errors, insists particularly on the future resurrection of the flesh by means of examples drawn from nature and from Holy Writ, and concludes by exhorting the Corinthians to drive from among them that “ generation of vipers,” those “ children of dragons and basilisks.”’ ? Of course these letters are spurious: they were unknown to the early writers of the Church, and are made up mostly of thoughts and expressions borrowed from the genuine Epistles of St. Paul. They were clearly suggested by the words of our first Epistle to the Corinthians, “ Now con- cerning the things of which you wrote ” (chap. vii, 1), and “In that letter I wrote to you not to be associated with fornicators ” (chap. v, 9); and in the present day their genuineness is denied by all.’ 2. The Epistle to the Laodiceans. This Epistle owes also its origin toa passage froma genuine Epistle of St. 1 The joint translation of these Epistles by Lord Byron and Father Aucher, in 1817, is given by STANLEY, Epistles of St. Paul to the Corinthians, p. 593, sqq. (4th edit.). * For the principal grounds for and against this genuineness, see STANLEY, loc. cit., p. 591, sq. Cfr. also Gioaa, Introduction to the Epistles of St. Paul, Pp. 27, sqq. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 155 Paul (Coloss. iv, 16), where we read: “ And when this letter shall have been read with you, cause that it be read also in the church of the Laodiceans: and that you read that which is of the Laodiceans.”* It was originally written in Greek, but is extant only in a Latin translation, found in several MSS. of the Latin Vulgate.” After giving thanks to God for the perseverance of the Laodiceans in well-doing, St. Paul warns them against the words of seducers. He then speaks of his chains, which he rejoices to be laden with for the sake of Christ, exhorts them to retain his doctrine “in the fear of God,” doing what they know to be in accordance with the divine will, and concludes by his usual salutation. Some scholars (among whom Saumon, Introduction to the New Testament) feel an instinctive repugnance to admit that this short and really insignificant letter is referred to in so early a document as the Muratorian Canon, and simply affirm that St. Jerome (f 420) is the first witness to its ex- istence. As long as an Lfzstola ad Laodicenses 1S men- tioned as apocryphal in the Canon of Muratori, and as no other uncanonical Epistle can be shown to have circulated between 170 a.p., the approximate date of that Canon, and the time of St. Jerome, it seems to us only natural to admit that our extant Epistle to the Laodiceans is identical with that which is spoken of in the Muratorian list. But how- ever ancient its fabrication, the Epistle has plainly no right to be considered as original. Almost all its nineteen verses are made up of words borrowed from the Epistles to the Colos- sians, Ephesians and Philippians. 3. Correspondence between St. Bani and Seneca. A series of letters which do not exhibit such striking marks 1 The Greek has “ rhv é« Aaodcxeias” the more probable meaning of which is “ the letter written zo Laodicea and sent again /rom Laodicea.” (Wu1INER, Grammar of the Idiom of the New Testament, p. 629) (7th edition, Andover, 1877). * The Latin Text is given by Westcorrt, in Appendix E, to his History of the Canon of the New Testament. 156 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of spuriousness were formerly believed to be the genuine correspondence between the Apostle of the Gentiles and the Roman philosopher, Seneca. It was supposed on the basis of some passages of the New Testament which speak of St. Paul’s sojourn in Rome’ and of his acquaintance with Gallio,” Seneca’s brother, that the pagan moralist was intro- duced in the Roman capital to the great Apostle, and that our fourteen extant letters are the result of their friendly re- lations. It was also added as a confirmation of this view that Seneca had certainly come under the influence of Christianity, seeing that his genuine works bear the impress of evangelical thought and expression, and even contain numerous and striking coincidences with the Epistles of St. Paul.* Finally, it was stated that St. Jerome in the fourth . century of our era speaks of letters exchanged between Paul and Seneca,* and that the Epistles which have come down to us are identical with them. Of course it would be too long to discuss these arguments in detail; to show, for instance, by a careful examination of the passages appealed to in the works of Seneca, that, de- spite their apparent Christian coloring, they are nothing but Stoic expressions, whose spirit is very different from the spirit of the Gospel.’ Suffice it to say here, that a close ex- amination of the fourteen letters supposed to have passed between St. Paul and Seneca proves that they are “inane and unworthy throughout; that the style of either corre- spondent is unlike his genuine writings ; that the relations between the two, as there represented, are highly improb- 1 Acts of the Apostles, xxviii, 30; Philip. i, 13; II Tim. iv, 17. 2 Acts xviil, 12, sqq. 3 The passages are carefully pointed out by J. B. Licutroor, St. Paul and Seneca, in Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, p. 258, sqq., and in Comm. on Epistle to Philip- pians, p. 276, sqq. 4 St. Jerome, De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis, chap. xii. 5 This is a conclusion of E. Reuss, in his art. on Seneca, in SCHAFF-HERzoG, Ency clopedia of Religious Knowledge. PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. es able; and lastly, that the chronological notices (which, how- evcr, are absent in some important manuscripts) are wrong in almost every instance. forged probably in the fourth century of our era, either to recommend Seneca to Christian readers or to recommend Christianity to students of Seneca, for in several MSS. these spurious letters precede the genuine works of the Roman philosopher. * The whole correspondence was § 4. Apocryphal Apocalypses. 1. The Revelation of Peter. As there are apocry- phal Gospels, Acts, and Epistles, so are there also apocry- phal Apocalypses, one of which, the Revelation of Peter, was little more than a name till 1886, when nearly half of its text was discovered in Egypt, together with the fragment of the Gospel of Peter already referred to. Few, if any, apoc- ryphal writings have been retained longer in use for public services than this Apocalypse or Revelation of Peter, for about the middle of the fifth century it was still read on Good Friday in some of the churches of Palestine,® and at a much later date (ninth century) it appeared still on the list of Nicephorus, which was probably made for practical pur- poses in the church of Jerusalem. This is indeed a clear proof of the popularity of our book, but none whatever of its canonicity: if the Muratorian Canon refers really to it, it is with a caution, while Eusebius * and Sozomen are most ex. plicit in declaring that its spurious and uncanonical char- acter has long been recognized in the Christian Church. 1 J. B. LicutFoor, Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, p. 319. 2 Cfr. LigHTFoot, loc. cit., p. 318. 3 SozomeEn, Ecclesiastical History, Book vii, chap. xix. * Cfr. James, A Lecture on the Revelation of Peter, p. 46 (London, 1892). This valuable little publication of Prof. James contains the text and translation of the newly discovered fragment and of the passages already known of the Revelation of Peter. 5 Cfr. Eusesius, Ecclesiastical History, Book iii, chap. iii. 158 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. The newly-discovered fragment contains three distinct parts. The first and shortest is an eschatological discourse of Our Lord after His resurrection. ‘Then comes, at the re- quest of Peter, a vision of the heavenly glory bestowed on the righteous; finally, the place and various kinds of tor- iments reserved for the wicked are described at considerable leneth. Ut is ‘trie that the name ot Peter is not» once rox plicitly given in the recovered text, but it is certainly im- plied, so that the fragment is really a part of the apocryphal writing quoted by ancient ecclesiastical writers as “the Apocalypse of Peter.” A further and still more convincing proof of this is, that a passage occurs in our fragment which is practically identical with a quotation from the Apocalypse of Peter, by Clement of Alexandria.’ As far as can be gathered from the study of all the extant fragments of the Revelation of Peter, it seems that its close literary resemblance with our second Epistle of St. Peter ” shows that its composition was suggested by such passages of this canonical Epistle as refer to the day of the Lord and to the torments which await the wicked. 2. The Visiones Pauli. It is also a passage of one of our New Testament writings, where St. Paul declares that he has been favored with “ visions and revelations of the Lord ” (II Cor. xii, 1, sqq.), which led a compiler to write the Apocalypse of Paul or Visiones Pauli. ‘The contents of this apocryphal book are briefly as follows : Under the guidance of an angel St. Paul contemplates first the joy of the holy angels who give glory to God because of the pious men who spend their life in the fear of the Lord. Next it is given him to witness the judgment of both righteous and unright- 1 Cfr. James, loc. cit., p. 72, sq. 2 The series of literary resemblances between the second Epistle of St. Peter and the Revelation of Peter are given by JAMES, loc. cit., p. 52, sq (note). PRINCIPAL APOCRYPHAL BOOKS OF NEW TESTAMENT. 159 eous immediately after their death. ‘Then comes a vision of the heavenly mansions wherein the just enjoy a ten thou- sand-fold reward, and this is soon followed by the sight of the infernal regions with their awful torments. The book concludes with a fresh visit to heaven, where Paul is greeted by “ holy Mary, the Mother of the Lord” and by the saintly patriarchs and prophets of the Old Testament.' The perfect orthodoxy of the author of the Vistones Pauli cannot be questioned, but such is not the case with his originality, despite his pretension to record mysteries re- vealed to no one but to the Apostle of the Gentiles. Besides our writings of the New Testament, which he naturally utilizes, he borrows freely from more ancient apocalypses, among which we must reckon ina special manner the Revelation of Peter.?,_ Indeed, originality would have been a hard task at the late date at which he wrote, viz., during the last years of the fourth century : and further, it is not improbable that the Apocalypse of Paul was intended from the first to be what it soon became afterwards, a work of edification for persons leading a religious life,* so that it mattered little whether or not it was devoid of originality. 1 The English translation of this work from the Greek is found in the xvith volume of the Ante-Nicene Library (T. T. Clark, Edinburgh). 2 For resemblances as to thought and expression between the Apocalypses of Peter and of Paul see JAMES, !oc. cii., p. 66, sa. 3 SozoMEN speaks of the Apocalypse of the Apostle Paul as ‘“‘still esteemed by irost of the monks ”’ (Ecclesiastical History, Book vii, chap. xix). DA iseliees ts GN ID: BIBLICAL TEXTUAL CRITICISM. SYNOPSIS(ON GHAREER Vit. / NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM. I. ( 1. Notion of Biblical criticism. Irs NATURE: Q 2. Its constructive and destructive aspects. I. Real meaning of the name. ot Integrity, [ 2. Problems Authenticity, Ve the Sacred Writ HIGHER connected with Literary Form, ings. Cpiritene Reliability, 3. Method and general results. { 1. Its starting point: the various readings of the Sacred Text. 2. Materials ( Manuscripts, Lis Translations, Available : ( Quotations. TEXTUAL 3. Principal rules to determine the relative value of CRITICISM: the various readings. 4. Division: Of the Text. History ( Of the principal Versions. 162 CHARTER VA: NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM. § 1. Lature of Biblical Criticism. 1. Notion of Biblical Criticism. The history of the Canon which we have sketched out so far proves simply, though conclusively, that the Catholic Bible contains none but books which, on strictly scientific grounds, have a right to belong to the collection of the inspired writings of the Old and of the New Testaments. It does not enable us to determine either the time and manner of their composition, or the extent of correctness with which they have been trans- mitted in the course of ages. ‘These are further questions which form the special subject-matter of another branch of Introduction to the study of Holy Writ, known under the name of Brblical Criticism. It is indeed true that the ave element peculiar to the sacred books does not fall within the range of criticism, but it is not so with the 4uman element which they have in com- mon with other literary productions. Though inspired and divine, they bear the unmistakable impress of the time, place, literary methods, etc., of their respective authors, and to all these literary features the biblical scholar may rever- ently yet scientifically apply the canons of criticism which are in vigor, to ascertain and determine the true origin and character of ancient writings. Again, though watched over in a special manner by divine Providence in the course of ages, the inspired books of the Canon have been transcribed 163 164 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. during many centuries by all manner of copyists whose ignorance and carelessness they still bear witness to, and it is only proper that we should have recourse to the art of criticism in order to eliminate the textual errors which can still be discovered, and restore the sacred text as far as possible to its genuine form. 2. Constructive and Destructive Aspects of Biblical Criticism. The foregoing remarks show plainly that the ultimate aim of Biblical Criticism is no other than to secure results of a positive character, viz., to ascertain the real author of a book or of a part of a book, to point out its special literary form, to vindicate its reliability, to determine accurately the primitive reading of a passage, etc. As any other branch of human science, this part of Biblical Intro- duction gathers up data, ascertains facts, builds up theories, imparts accurate information concerning the questions it inquires into, and in many other ways contributes positively to the increase of man’s knowledge. We must grant, how- ever, that side by side with, and indeed because of its constructive aim and method, Biblical Criticism has also a destructive aspect. To reach scientific truth it has, in con- nection with several points, to put aside time-honored theories which do not tally with recently-ascertained facts. Again, through lack of documents, or because of insufficient examination of those newly discovered, or for other reasons, | it has often to be satisfied with stating only negative con- clusions. At other times, all that it can offer as a substitute for the positive but erroneous explanations which were readily accepted as true in the past, consists in conjectural or more or less probable solutions of difficult but very im- portant problems, and in this manner, also, Biblical Criticism seems to do destructive rather than constructive work. Yet even this destructive work of Biblical Criticism is not car NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM. 165 ried on for its own sake, but rather with a view to clear the ground, lay down deeper and more solid foundations for a new and more substantial structure, or simply to remodel and strengthen parts of the old edifice of scriptural science. In short, the destructive process of Biblical Criticism is subordinate and subservient to its subsequent and con- structive purposes. § 2. Lhe Higher Criticism. I. Real Meaning of the Name. _ It cannot be denied that in our century, the destructive work of Biblical Criticism has been carried on mostly in that department of it which is usually designated under the name of Hagher Criticism. It is apparently also in this department that less constructive work has been achieved, or at least has become known to the public at large. Again, Rationalistic scholars have been foremost in claiming its verdict in favor of their irreligious notions and of their negative conclusions. It is not sur- prising, therefore, that in the eyes of many the name of Higher Criticism is nothing but a high-sounding word under which lurk the aim and principles of unbelief. In reality, the name is not an arrogant and self-laudatory title. It simply suggests that the topics dealt with in this depart- ment of Biblical Criticism are of greater importance than those which are examined in another department of this branch of study, known as TZextwal or Lower Criticism. While the latter, in its efforts to restore the sacred text to its genuine form, examines and rejects erroneous readings and points out the primitive reading of individual passages, the former rises higher when it endeavors by the careful study of whole books or parts of books to determine their genuineness and other literary characteristics. The name of Higher Criticism is not therefore a cloak which covers 166 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Rationalistic views and methods. It was employed a cen- tury ago by Jahn, an eminent Catholic professor in the University of Vienna, who declared openly that as regards “the books of the Old Testament this kind of criticism is epee absolutely necessary ;”’* and ina more recent period, Catholic scholars in France, Germany, and England have used the name of Higher Criticism freely and in a manner which does not imply the least disparagement. 2. Problems of the Higher Criticism. Although the name of this higher branch of criticism is of compara- tively recent origin, the problems it agitates are of old stand- ing. These are the great questions of integrity, authenticity, literary form, and reliability, which Zzferary Criticism has dealt with for centuries, in reference to ordinary ancient writings, but which Christian scholars, owing chiefly to their deep reverence for the written Word of-God, felt not at liberty to examine in connection with the sacred books of the Old and the New Testaments.’ In the eyes of their faith, it was sufficient that a book of the Bible should ap- parently claim to have been written by Moses or Solomon, etc., for admitting at once this authorship and for taking as granted that the authorship extended to all the integrant parts of the book in question. On account of the same implicit belief in the Word of God, it never occurred to their minds that the reliability of the sacred records could be questioned, and consequently either they did not notice the variations in detail which are found in the Gospels for in- stance, or, if they noticed them, they were not at a loss to 1 Jaun, An Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 167 (English Trans].). He speaks of ‘ the books of the Old Testament,’’ because his work bears only on this first part of the Bible. 2 Of course, the common teaching of the schools about the authorship of the sacred books influenced Christian scholars in this connection ; but this common teaching itself had been founded mostly on passages of Holy Writ, or at least on the titles inscribed to the inspired writings. NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM. 167 point out many different ways in which the several accounts could be harmonized. As long as they knew by the in- fallible teaching of the Church that all the books of the Bible were inspired, it imported little in their eyes to deter- mine what was the special literary form of any one of them. Finally, they took itas a matter of course that a book should be considered as pure history whenever it wore the appear- ance of a historical record, as strict prophecy if it apparently referred to future events, etc.’ It is true, as we stated in our Prolegomena to the present work,’ that, as early as the second part of the seventeenth century, the French Oratorian, Richard Simon (1638-1712) endeavored to call the attention of biblical scholars to these ereat questions of Literary Criticism in connection with the Bible, dealing himself with them in his masterly /7stozres Critiques du Vieux Testament, du Texte et des Versions du Nouveau Testament. But plainly the time had not yet come for such scientific investigation of the problems which belong to Higher Criticism, and, in consequence, both his method and conclusions, strenuously opposed at first, were soon after- wards set aside. Only in the nineteenth century have Chris- tian apologists fully realized the importance of dealing with the delicate problems involved in a critical study of the integrity, authenticity, literary form, and reliability of the sacred writings, and have seen their way to harmonize with their firm belief in the inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, a manner of study hitherto applied only to merely human compositions. 3. Method and Principal Results of the Higher 1 Of course, we do not intend to deny that some of the problems now dealt with by the Higher Critics had been already examined scientifically by Origen, Eusebius and St. Jerome, but after these great Christian writers, the frame of mind above descnbed was tertainly prevalent. * Cfr. Prolegomena, § 2, p. 18. 168 GENERAL INIRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, Criticism. In the treatment of these important and diff- cult problems, Higher Criticism uses principally, but not ex- clusively, internal evidence. It starts from the unquestion- able principle that every literary production bears upon it the traces of the time and place of its composition, and re- flects the peculiar frame of mind, style, and literary methods of its author. Whence it proceeds to a minute analysis of the book or part of book under consideration, to gather up its peculiarities of style, the leading views and feelings of its author, its references to past or present events, its geograph- ical and chronological details, its religious, moral or po- litical conceptions, its grammatical forms or lexical peculiar- ities, any traces of compilation, such as titles of pre existing collections, duplicate accounts of the same event, etc., etc., in a word, all the data which will furnish a solid and exten- sive basis for comparison between the work under consider- ation and any other production studied in a like manner and ascribed to the same author or to the same period. Next comes the all-important work of comparison, which at times can be pursued without much technical knowledge, as for in- stance in the case of the book of Psalms, or of the book of Proverbs, but which at other times is so delicate as to re- quire all the knowledge and skill of the expert. Of course, in following this line of internal evidence, the higher critic is welcome to utilize whatever data or guidance he may derive from the labors of those who have gone be- fore him. In fact, the unprejudiced scholar is only too glad to avail himself of the information given by external evi- dence whenever he can satisfy himself that the testimony as to the authorship of a book or part of a book goes back near enough to the time of its composition. Again, he does not simply take into account the positive testimony of tradition, but even goes as far as to examine carefully the silence of authors either contemporary or little posterior to the writer NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM, 169 whose name is inscribed at the head of a sacred book.’ In these, and in many other ways, he makes the most of all the data supplied by external evidence, and there is no doubt that when independent inquiries into the centents of a work have led him to conclusions concordant with those of tradi- tion, oral or written, he has a perfect right to point to the lat- ter as a powerful argument in favor of the validity of his method and of the accuracy of his inferences. Through the constant and painstaking application of its theoretical principles and practical rules to the examination of the inspired writings, Higher Criticism has reached con- clusions whose scientific value has been tested over and over again by scholars of different countries and of every shade of thought and belief,” and in consequence the critical views which underwent successfully this ordeal are generally con- sidered as settled. To this first general result obtained by the Higher Criticism may be added another of much greater importance. We refer to the respectful attitude which, during the last part of the nineteenth century, has prevailed through- out the world with regard to the Bible and biblical topics. While in bygone days the questions relative to the author- ship, reliability, etc., of Holy Writ were too often treated in an off-hand manner, in our day even the most declared enemies of Revelation feel bound to treat of them with that scientific care which alone can secure them a _ hearing. Again, in presence of this fair and scientific spirit of investi- gation, conservative scholars understood that, on the one hand, they could not refuse decently to meet their opponents 1 For a detailed and careful statement of the manner in which the argument ex silentio should be handled, see Chas. A. Briccs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, pp. ror-108. 2 In the following remarks we mention only the more important general results ob- tained by the Higher Criticism; its particular conclusions about the individual books or parts of books as regards genuineness, integrity, literary form and reliability will be stated and examined in forthcoming volumes on SZecéa/ Introduction to the Old and to the New Testaments. 170 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. on their own grounds, and that, on the other hand, the old arguments drawn almost exclusively from external evidence could be only of little use against positions which claimed to be based on a minute and thorough discussion of the data supplied by the sacred books themselves. ‘Thus were they led to pay more attention to internal evidence and to take it into fuller account in its bearing on their own traditional views, whether—as it did at times—it proved serviceable for strengthening their positions, or—as happened at other times ——it required that they should give them up or modify them to a considerable extent. At any rate, it was good for men of that school that they should be practically com- pelled to meet the real issues of the day on grounds accepted by all, and in a manner which proves con- clusively that the books of the Bible need not to be dealt with in an exceptional way to vindicate their genuineness or their reliability. Finally, a last general result to be mentioned here of the application of the rules of Zzterary Criticism to our inspired writings consists in the fact that the historical circumstances of their origin and the literary methods fol- lowed in their composition are now realized with a distinct- ness and accuracy unknown to past ages, and really of the greatest use for their right interpretation. § 3. Biblical Textual Criticism. 1. Its Starting Point. Instead of beginning with the contents of the sacred books with a view to ascertain the method of their composition, which is the starting-point and special purpose of the Higher Criticism, the second and lower branch of Biblical Criticism starts with the various readings which exist in the old manuscripts of the inspired writings as in those of all ancient works, and aims at restor- ing the sacred text to its genuine form. ‘This department NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM. 171 of Biblical Criticism is therefore justly called Zextwal Criti- cism, inasmuch as it deals all the time with the words whose collection and combination constitute the fext of Holy Writ. Its work does not indeed rise as high as that which is car- ried on by the //zgher Criticism, and on that account this branch is sometimes designated under the name of Lower Criticism; yet, in so far as it aims at supplying the inter- preter with the original words of the Bible, and unquestion- ably succeeds in doing so in a large number of cases, it has a considerable importance in the study of the inspired books. In point of fact, Zex/wa/ Criticism forms nowadays the subject-matter of an entire part of the General Introduc- tion to the Sacred Scriptures. ) 2. Materials Available for Textual Criticism. As might naturally be expected, the line of evidence fol- lowed by Textual Criticism is conditioned to a large extent by the purpose it has in view. As it aims at deciding which of the various readings of a passage is the primitive one, it has to consult the sources which contain those textual varia- tions, to weigh their relative authority, to eliminate readings which have less to recommend them, and finally to adopt those which are deemed original. It is plain therefore that Textual Criticism must appeal principally to external evi- dence, drawing its materials not so much from the contents of a book of Holy Writ as from copies of it or from other documents which may testify either for or against a par- ticular reading. There are three external sources from which Textual Crit- icism derives aid in ascertaining the changes which have been made in the original text of the Bible. The first con- sists in the Manuscripts or ancient copies of the sacred text, which are of the most direct, if not always of the greatest, help, inasmuch as they supply either the very words 172 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of the primitive reading or expressions closely allied to them, because belonging to the same language as the orig- inal. ‘The second source of information ccmprises the Ancient Verszons or translations of the Holy Scriptures, whose testimony is at times of much greater value than even that of the extant manuscripts, because though written in a different language from the primitive text, they may have been made from manuscripts older and better than those that have come down to us. The third external source from which materials may be drawn includes the Quofations of Holy Writ wherever found, whether in the other books of the Bible, or in the writings of the Fathers, or in the paraphrases or commentaries of interpreters. This is also a rich and valuable source of information, especially when the quota- tions are explicit, literal, made directly from the original text, or from a very ancient translation of it. As may well be supposed, each of these great sources does not supply the same quantity or quality of materials for the pursuance of Textual Criticism: both the number and the value of the materials available vary with the different books, and in general those which are connected with the text of the New Testament are more numerous and reliable than those which bear on the Scriptures of the Old Testament. But besides this external or documentary (as it 1s also called) evidence, Textual Criticism uses zz/erna/ evidence as a subsidiary means to reach the primitive reading of the sacred text. This secondary source of information sup- plies more or less probable readings derived either from the immediate context, the peculiar manner of thought or ex- pression of an author, which make it likely that he used this or that particular reading, or from the general methods of copyists, the well-known habits of a special transcriber 1 They are, well though briefly, described by Briccs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, p. 88, sq. NATURE AND DIVISIONS OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM. Fs which make it likely that the present words point to this rather than to that primitive reading. 3. Principal Rules to Determine the Relative Value of the Various Readings. When the various readings regarding a passage of the Old or of the New Tes- tament have been gathered, there remains for the biblical critic to determine, by the unbiased and skilful application of the usual canons of Textual Criticism, which is the prim- itive reading. The principal of these canons which are applicable to the criticism of the text of both Testaments ' may be briefly stated as follows : (1) Every element of evidence must be allowed its full weight of authority: this is a self-evident principle; yet it has sometimes been lost sight of by eminent critics ; (2) Great weight must be given to the testimony of in- dependent witnesses; their agreement in favor of a reading plainly outweighs the concordant testimony given by wit- nesses of one and the same class, or coming from one local- ity, although these may be numerically superior ; (3) ‘‘ The ancient reading is generally the reading of the more ancient manuscripts,” * and cvleris paribus is generally preferable ; (4) Proclivi lectioni prestat ardua: the more difficult read- ing is more likely to be correct, owing to the tendency of transcribers to alter the text from something which they do not understand into something which they do ; (5) Brevior lectio preferenda verbosiori: this rule rests on the well-known tendency of copyists to insert in the text marginal notes, glosses, etc., rather than to omit words already contained in the manuscript before them ; (6) The reading which lies at the root of all the variations 1 The special principles of Criticism for the Old Testament are given by S. Davipson, A Treatise on Biblical Criticism, vol. i, p. 386, sq. (Boston, 1853). 2 HAMMOND, Textual Criticism of the New Testament, p. 97. I74 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and best accounts for them is to be preferred ; it has clearly the best chance to be the original reading; at any rate, it is anterior to the others.’ 4. Division of Textual Criticism. The questions of Textual Criticism which are usually examined in Treatises on General Introduction to the Study of the Bible, may con- veniently be divided into those which bear directly on the Original Text and those which refer to its ancient translations. As these two sets of questions will be treated in the follow- ing pages on the same historical lines as those on which we pursued our study of the Canon of Holy Writ, this second part of our work will contain two great Divisions, called respectively: Zhe History of the Text, and The History of the Principal Versions of the Old and of the New Testament. 1 The special canons of Criticism for the New Testament will be found in ScRIvENrER, A Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament, 4th edit., 1894, vol. ii, p. 244, 8qq.; cfr. also, Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in the Original Greek, vol. ii, Introduction, p. 19, sqq. SYNOPSIS .OU-CHAPTER VIII. History OF THE ‘TEXT OF THE OLD ‘TESTAMENT. Section L. Description of the Original Text. Ue LANGUAGE 1. Most of the books written in Hebrew (minor parts of some in Aramaic), OF THE 4 ORIGINAL 2. A few books composed in Greek. Text. [ . Not the primitive language of humanity. II, . One of the Semitic languages (number and charac- / THE HEBREW teristics of the Semitic languages). LANGUAGE: . Historical sketch of the Hebrew as a living lan- guage. stone and Siloam). THE HEBREW - Ist Period: Archaic Form (inscriptions of the Moabite 2d Period: Aramaic Form (its introduction by Es- dras). WRITING: 3d Period: The square character. IV. (1. The roll (Volumen). ‘Tur Hesrew 4 2. The Hebrew orthography. TEXT. 3. The unpointed text. aie FIRST DIVISION. THE HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE BIBLE. GOAP EER ay LIT HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. SECTION I. DESCRIPTION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT. § 1. Language of the Original Text. 1. Most of the Books of the Old Testament Writ- ten in Hebrew. Most of the canonical books of the Old Testament were originally written and have come down to us in a language which is called the Aebrew, because it was that of the Hebrews * or Israelites in the days of their national independence. ‘This is the case with all the proto-canonical books composed before Our Lord’s time, with the exception of Jeremias x, 11; Esdras iv, 8—vi, 18; vil, 12-26; Daniel ii, . 4—-vul, which are written in Aramaic.” The deutero-canoni- cal book of Ecclesiasticus was also primitively composed in Hebrew * as is clearly proved by the Prologue to our Greek 1 Of the several explanations of the Gentilic "2Y the derivation from q3Y a country on the other side (of the Euphrates) with the derivative suffix? is the most probable ny (Gen. xiv, 13). Cfr. Gzsenius, Thesaurus Philologicus Criticus lingue Hebraic (sub voc.); Dr WeTTE, Introduction to the Old Test., vol. i, Appendix D. (Engl. Transl. by Theodore Parker) ; Jas. Hastincs, Bible Dictionary, vol. ii, art. Hebrew, p. 325, sq. ? These minor parts were formerly, but incorrectly, said to be written in Chaldee. 5 Cfr. the valuable edition of the newly discovered Hebrew fragments of Ecclesiasti- cus by CowLey, NEUBAUER, and Driver (Oxford), and the textual study of these frag- ments by Abbé J. Touzarp, in La Revue Biblique Internationale (Oct., 1897; Jan., 1898). 176 HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 177 translation of Ecclesiasticus. Even most of the other deutero-canonical writings of the Old Testament, viz., Tobias, Judith, Baruch, and the first book of the Machabees, and the deutero-canonical parts of Daniel and Esther, were very likely written in Hebrew, although they are no longer extant in that language. Hence it may be truly said that the language of the original text of the Old Testament is the Hebrew. 2. A Few Books Composed in Greek. There are two books, however, whose primitive language was certainly not the Hebrew but the Greek: these are the deutero-canon- ical books of Wisdom and second of Machabees. ‘They, of course, belong to the Canon of the Old Testament just as well as any other books contained therein; yet, on account of their late date of composition, and especially because of the literary kind of Greek in which they are written, and which has so much resemblance with the Greek of the New Testament, the treatment of their origin language may better be taken up in connection with the questions which gather around the language of the New Testament writings. This applies also naturally to the other deutero- canonical books or parts of books which we now possess only in a Greek translation, and in consequence we shall speak only here of the Hebrew as the original language of the Old Testament.’ § 2. The Hebrew Language. 1. Hebrew not the Primitive Language of Humanity. It would be sheer waste of time at the pres- ent day, to repeat and refute the arguments set forth for- 1The Aramaic portions of the proto-canonical books are too small to require a special treatment, and besides, the leading features of the Aramaic and its influence upon the Hebrew will be sufficiently mentioned in connection with various topics soon to be dealt with. 12 178 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. merly to prove that the Hebrew language as known to us in the sacred writings of the Old Testament, is the original language of mankind. Any one ever so little acquainted with the earliest forms of biblical Hebrew, and with the most elementary laws of linguistic growth, knows it for a fact that the oldest Hebrew contained in the Bible bears upon its face the unmistakable traces of a long previous development. Not only had human language long ceased to be made up exclusively of monosyllabic roots, but it had already gone through the stage of connecting monosyllables with each other under -a common accent, and had reached the last stage of linguistic development in which polysyl- labic roots appear modified through internal inflection.’ Again, it seems very probable that a whole family (the Aryan) of languages cannot be derived from the Hebrew idiom, or even from the whole family of languages to which tue Hebrew belongs. Hence we should infer—unless in- deed we reject the primitive unity of mankind and of human language—that the common origin of these great families of languages is to be traced back to an older language than the Hebrew in its most elementary form.’ Finally, phi- lology has. proved that the Hebrew is not the most ancient even relatively to the other languages of the Semitic family to which it belongs. It is no wonder, therefore, that the old preconceived notions about the sacred language of the Old Testament as the primitive tongue of humanity are now universally given up. 2. Hebrew one of the Semitic Languages. The Hebrew language belongs to a great family of languages 1 For details concerning the three stages of zsolation, agglutination and inflection, here referred to, cfr. HovELAcqug, The Science of Language, chaps. iii-v; Lotsy, Histoire Critique du Texte et des Versions de la Bible, p. 13, sqq. (Enseignement Biblique, Jan.-Feb., 1892). 2 Cfr. Lorsy, ibid, p. 16, 25. See. also, GEsENtus, Hebrew Grammar (Kautzsh, 26th edit.), English transl. by Collins and Cowley, p. 4, sqq. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 179 in Western Asia, designated under the name of Sem¢ic, be- cause spoken originally by all the descendants of Sem.’ The better known of these languages may be divided into four groups, as follows 7 (1) The Southern or Arabic group, made up of the classical literary language of the Arabs (such as found in the Koran), and of the modern vulgar Arabic, together with the old southern Arabic preserved only in the Sabean or Himyaric inscriptions of the penin- sula of Arabia, and its offshoots, the Ethiopic or Ge’ez in Abyssinia; (2) the astern or Assyrian group, which com- prises the Babylonian and Assyrian, the ancient languages of the valley of the Euphrates and the Tigris, whose knowledge is of invaluable help to biblical scholars ; (3) the Western or Chanaanite group, to which belongs the biblical Hebrew in its various forms and with its various descendants (the New Hebrew in the Mishnah, and the Rabbinic); also the Phee- nician, together with the Punic (in Carthage and its colonies) and the various remains of the Chanaanite dialects; (4) the Northern or Aramaic group, subdivided into the Eastern Aramaic or Syriac and the Western or Palestinian branches, both of which are of great importance. ‘To the latter be- long the Aramaic portions of the Old Testament, the Sa- maritan and a considerable part of the later Jewish literature ; to the former, several ancient versions of the Old and New Testaments, a large number of early apocryphal or pseud- epigraphic writings, and a very extensive Christian literature of a later date.’ All these languages in their several degrees are of special use in understanding the original text of the Old Testa- ment, for the simple reason that differently from the Indo- 1 Cfr. Gen. x, 21, sqq. 2 Cfr. Lorsy, ibid, p. 25, sqq; W. WriGuT, Lectures on the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, chap. ii; Briccs, General Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, p. 45 sqq. and the literature he refers to in footnotes. The Arabic and Syriac are still living languages. 180 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Germanic or Aryan languages,’ they exhibit the same general features as the Hebrew of the Bible. ‘The principal characteristics of the Semitic family in its present sone refer to both vocabulary and grammatical structure. As regards vocabulary, we may notice: (1) the dissyllabic nature of the roots usually made up of three consonants, the accompanying vowels having no radical value; (2) the substantial identity of the triliteral roots, subject, however, to certain consonantal permutations; (3) the almost com- plete absence of compounds both in the noun (except in proper names) and in the verb; (4) the fact that almost all words are derived from their roots in definite patterns as regu- lar as those of grammatical inflection ; (5) the concrete, and, as it were, material character of the roots in their origin and usually also in their development, which makes the expres. sion of intellectual ideas necessarily metaphorical. As regards grammatical structure, the Semitic family is also distinguished from the Indo-Germanic languages by features common to its various members. We may notice in particular (1) peculiar gutturals of different grades among the consonants; (2) the expression of the different shades of thought through internal inflection, that is, through the doubling of the radical consonants or the change of vowels proceeding from the three primary sounds, a, 7, ~,; (3) the fact that the noun has only two genders (masc. and fem.), and the verb (developed from nominal forms) no real tenses, but two tense-forms, the perfect and the imperfect, which are used according as the speaker contemplates the action expressed by the verb either as complete or as still in process ; (4) the use of appended suffixes to denote the possessive pronouns with a substantive, or the accusative of a personal 1 This family of languages bounds the Semitic groups on the East and North. It reaches from India to the limits of Western Europe, and includes the Sanscrit. Old and New Persian, Greek, Latin, Slavonic, Gothic, and the other German languages. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 181 pronoun with a verb; (5) the expression of the genitive re- lation by what is called construction or annexation ; (6) the small number of particles, and the extreme simplicity with which propositions are subordinated and which deprives the Semitic style of lengthened periods, reducing it to a series of short clauses united by the simple conjunction avd.’ Such are the principal characteristics of the Semitic languages which, whilst differentiating them from any other great family of languages, unite them to one another as closely as those of a sub-group (the Teutonic,’ for instance) of the Indo-German family are united among themselves. 3. Historical Sketch of the Hebrew as a Living Language. As might well be supposed from the many essential features which are common to the members of the Semitic family, the languages of which it is made up may be traced back to a common centre, which is most likely the region to the northeast of Arabia, near the Persian gulf and toward the old mouth of the Tigris and the Euphrates. It is from this wide district that, according to ancient tradi- tions referred to by Herodotus (Book i, chap. i), the Cha- naanites had come to settle on the Mediterranean shores. It is also from that region, from: ‘“ Ur of the Chaldees,” that later on Abraham 3 represented in the book of Genesis (xi, 31) as starting northward for Mesopotamia, and thence southwestward for the land of Chanaan. Whether this great ancestor of the Hebrew nation brought along with him from beyond the Euphrates the Hebrew idiom, or bor- rowed it from the Chanaanites after his arrival in their 1 Cfr.W. R. Smirn, art. Hebrew Language and Literature in Encyclopedia Britan- nica (gth edit.); see, also, GesEenrus-Kaurzsu, Hebrew Grammar, 26th edit , English translation by Collins and Cowley, p. 3, sq. It should be noted, however, that classical Arabic is an important exception as regards the absence of periodic structure in Semitic languages. 2 The Teutonic sub-group includes the Gothic, Old Norse, High and Low German (see HovELacqug, The Science of Language, pp. 252-268). 182 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. country has been much discussed. It would be too long to detail here the grounds which make the former view very probable,’ and besides, whatever opinion be adopted, it re- mains true that the historical origin of the Hebrew language, as far as it can now be reached, goes back to the early movements of the Semitic tribes. As regards the historical developments of literary Hebrew, it must be confessed that we do not possess sufficient data to describe them with anything like detail and accuracy: the documents are few, their date is often not fully ascer- tained, the vocalic element whence dialects arise usually is not written, the vocabulary and syntax depend to a large extent on the manner of individual writers whatever their century, and again, authors belonging to a period when the language is in decadence or has already ceased to be spoken, may copy successfully the style of the golden age. For these and other similar reasons, it is now impossible to do more than to give an imperfect sketch of the historical developments of the Hebrew language. It would seem that during the most remote period of Hebrew literary composition, the written differed but little from the spoken language. ‘This is the general conclusion to which point the oldest songs * imbedded in our Pentateuch and in the book of Judges, and extracted mostly from an ancient book entitled:Z%e Book of the Wars of Vahweh.* Composed near the events which they celebrate, these poetical pieces are marked by that terseness and vigor of 1 For these grounds see Lorisy, Hist. du Texte et des Versions de la Bible, p. 35; W. R. Smiru, art. Hebrew language and literature in Encyclopedia Britannica (oth edit.); Briaas, Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, p. 52. 2 The Semitic proper names of men and towns found in the Egvptian inscriptions of Thothmes ITT, or in the Tell-el-Amarna tablets, prove only that long centuries before what has been considered as the golden age of the Hebrew, viz., the time of David and Solomon, that language had been already fixed in its essential features. 3'This is the correct pronunciation of the personal name of the God of Israel; we shall henceforth use it instead of the conventional form ‘‘ Jehovah.’’ HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 183 expression, by that vividness, not to say rudeness, of im- agery and conception which bespeak the popular language of the time, and which, much more than either vocabulary or syntax, Characterize the primitive period of Hebrew literature. In point of fact, the vocabulary and syntax of these popular songs are well nigh identical with those of writings belonging to a later date. ‘This is also the con- clusion suggested by the literary characteristics of the oldest -historical parts of the Pentateuch, Judges, and Samuel, wherein may still be found, of course in due proportion, the same concision of expression, the same vigor and simplicity of grammatical structure, together with the same lexical and syntactical features.’ Gradually, however, Hebrew literature divests itself of this popular garb, and certain Psalms, the book of Job (except the speeches of Eliu), some sections in the book of Proverbs, Amos, Joel, Osee, Isaias and Micheas, whilst exhibiting pretty much the same characteristics as older writings, are com- posed in a more literary Hebrew ; the art of composition is ~ more apparent, and the style, though nervous and simple, is more easy and harmonious. The distinction between the language of the people and that of literature is especially manifest at the end of the seventh century B.c. In their popular addresses, the prophets Jeremias and Sophonias speak the language of the multitude, that is, a language which had lost much of its ancient concision and vigor, and even Ezechiel, who is more of a writer than of a public speaker, employs new words and constructions which betray the influence of the Aramaic upon the idiom of the people. This decay of the popular 1 Tn the foregoing remarks we do not refer to the 4g.2? portions of the Pentateuch, because the technical language of law is everywhere and at every period naturally archaic in its stereotyped formulas. Nor do we allude to the period of Israel’s sojourn in Egypt, because the Hebrew language seems to have been but little influenced by the Egyptian beyond the adoption of a few Egyptian terms. 184 ‘GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. tongue is all the more noticeable because writers contem- porary with Jeremias, such as Nahum and Habacuc, and post- exilic writers such as certain Psalmists and authors of Prov- erbs, possess a style which in many ways resembles that of the eighth century. It seems clear, however, that this comparative perfection of writers so late in date is due to efforts to imitate the best style of bygone days, for in point of fact, most writings posterior to the Babylonian captivity betray the great influence exercised upon them by the popular idiom which gradually melts away into the Aramaic.’ This transformation of the Hebrew into the Aramaic was slowly, insensibly effected.amid the peculiar circumstances brought about by the Babylonian captivity. ‘The poor and scanty Jewish element left in Palestine during the captivity, spoke, it is true, Aramaic, or at least a very corrupted form of Hebrew at the time of the return, but it was not probably so with the bulk of those who came back from Babylon. Allowed to live in compact groups in their land of exile, know- ing that their captivity would soon come to an end, deeply attached to the country and traditions of their ancestors, the exiled Jews who, after the short period of the captivity, chose to return to Palestine, had most likely preserved, together with their faith, the language of their nation. It is therefore very probable that the oracles of Aggeus, Zachary and Malachy were delivered from the first in the Hebrew in which they have come downto us. Nehemias made supreme but vain efforts to bring about a reaction among the Jews against their total adoption of the Aramaic.” _ Hebrew soon ceased to be the popular idiom, and simply survived as a literary language greatly influenced by, sometimes mixed 1 This is the case not only with Daniel and Esdras, but also with Ecclesiastes, Chron- icles, Esther, etc. Of course, the approximate date of these various writings will be carefully examined in our S#ecza/ Introduction to the Old Testament. 2 Nehemias, xill., 24, sq. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 185 with, the spoken language of the time, as may be seen, -for instance, in the books of Daniel and Esdras.’ § 3. Lhe Hebrew Writing. 1. First Period: The Archaic Form. As the Hebrew language belongs to the Semitic family, so does its writing belong to the Semitic alphabets. In its oldest form it was unquestionably the common Semitic character evolved from an old Hieratic Egyptian script, and used alike, in ancient times, by the Moabites, Hebrews, Aramezans and Pheenicians. The oldest monuments of this alphabet—usually designated under the name of the Phcenician alphabet—are the great inscription of Mesa, King of Moab, discovered in 1868, and two fragments of bronze vessels obtained from Cyprus in 1876 and inscribed with dedications to Baal Lebanon. Both go back to the ninth century B.c.? and exhibit those char- acters which till 1880 were supposed to have been in use by the Israelites in writing Hebrew at a very early date. This supposition was positively confirmed by the accidental dis- covery in Jerusalem, in 1880, of the famous Siloam inscrip- tion engraved in a recess of a tunnel under the ridge of Ophel and bringing water to the pool of Siloam. This Hebrew inscription records in six lines the construction of the tunnel ; and its writing, though later in date than that of the Moabite stone—it belongs probably to the time of Ezechias 3 (727-698 B.c.)—is clearly of the same type. The special interest which attaches to this old character of the Hebrew writing, is derived from the fact that it must 1 Cfr. Lotsy, Histoire du Texte et des Versions de la Bible, pp. 37-56 ; GESENIUS- Kautzsu, Hebrew Grammar (transl, by Collins and Cowley), pp. 8-17, and authors therein referred to. ? Some suppose, however, that the Cypriote inscription is the older of the two by fully acentury. Cfr. Plates i and ii, at the end of this volume. 3 Cfr. IV Kings xx, 20 and II Paralip. xxxii, 30, which refer to an aqueduct con- structed by him at the end of the eighth century B.c. 186 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. have been used for the composition of most of the prophet: ical books of the Bible. Its archaic form was employed at a much later period on the coins of the Machabees, and has remained the sacred script of the few Samaritan families still surviving at Nablus. 2. Second Period: The Aramaic Form of Writ- ing. The earliesttype of Semitic writing thus far described gradually passed into another more easily traced. which is sometimes called Szdonzan, from its chief representatives, the great inscriptions engraved on the sarcophagi of the kings of Sidon, Tabnith and his son Eshmunazar II. Under the more usual name of the Aramzan, it is now considered, and justly, as a slow and popular transition from the old and stiffer form of the Semitic letters, some remaining unchanged whilst others were gradually being transformed into a more cursive style, due chiefly to the free use of the reed pen and papyrus. The development of this new type of writing was certainly going on as early as the seventh century B.c., and its continuity may now be traced from the fifth to the first century before the Christian era, through the newly found coins struck by the Persian satraps of Asia Minor, and then by means of much later mortuary inscriptions and Egyptian papyri.’ About the middle of the fourth century it had be- come the common Semitic script, and had been for a long time already used by the Hebrews in their commercial trans- actions with the Sidonians and Arameeans. As regards the adoption of the Aramaic by the Israelites in the transcription of the Holy Scriptures, nothing can be clearly defined. It seems, however, very likely that the in- troduction of a new -type of writing in copying the sacred books was very slow, and that it was not employed in tran- 1 Cfr. for details or fac-similes, Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, Introduction, p. xi, sqq.; HaAstTi1NGs, Bible Dictionary, vol. i, p. 73, sq.; ViGou- Roux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Ecriture Hebraique, col. 1580, sq. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT. 187 scribing the Pentateuch before the definitive organization ‘of the Samaritan community. ), sometimes a short blank space left in the line, etc. ‘To save room in cases where the last line is a short one, and the paragraph is indicated by a blank space, the earliest specimens leave only a little break, and fill up the remainder of the line with the words of the next paragraph. In the early vellum MSS., the same plan is followed, with an additional full-point, however, in the space left to mark the pause, the full-point being placed on a level with either the top or the middle of the letters. When larger letters than the rest were introduced (they are found in the Alexandrinus of the fifth century) to mark 1 THOMPSON, loc. cit., p. 65. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 233 the paragraphs, the letter to be enlarged in cases where the paragraph began in the middle of a line, was not the very first letter of the paragraph itself, but that of the next line, even though it might there occur in the middle of a word, and the larger letter was written in the margin in order not to affect the normal space between the lines. Beside the breaking of the text into paragraphs, the ancient biblical MSS. offer another division in connection with the Psalms, Proverbs, and other poetical writings. The lines (attyot, versus) of these books, instead of containing on an average from thirty-four to thirty-eight letters, according to the medium average line in the MSS. of Homer, have their length determined by the sense, and form short sen- tences which correspond generally to the poetical lines of the sacred writers. It is after this ‘“ stichometric ” manner, as it is called, that St. Jerome wrote, first the books of “the Prophets,” and afterwards all the sacred writings he rendered into Latin. It was introduced into the Greek MSS. of the Pauline and Catholic Epistles, and the Acts, only in the fifth century, by Euthalius, a learned deacon of Alexandria. “The breathings and accents were not. systematically employed in the Greek MSS. before the seventh century. Such as are found in isolated passages in the ancient papyri do not appear to have been written by the first hand, and most of them are probably of much later date... . Nor were they used in the early uncial manuscripts.- The ancient codices of the Bible are devoid of them.” * The various details which have just been given about the external form of the MSS. and of the text of the New Testament, are of great importance to determine the relative antiquity of our extant Greek MSS. They belong to that branch of knowledge which is called Pa/eography, and which was treated for the first time in a systematic manner by the 1 E. M. Tuompson, art. Paleography, in Encyclopaedia Britannica, gth edit. 234 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. learned Benedictine, Dom Bernard pE Montraucon, who published his masterly book entitled /aleographia Greca in 1708. ‘The general rules he then laid down have not since been changed materially, but simply improved upon, by means of fuller sources of information. A very few remarks in this connection will be sufficient here. (1) As uncial characters were employed down to the tenth or eleventh centuries, and cursive letters began to come into use as early as the ninth, it is not surprising to find that we have some cursive MSS. older than some un- cials ; (2) In general, the more upright, square and simple the uncial characters are, the earlier is the writing ; narrow, oblong, leaning, elaborate letters came in later ; (3) The absence of letters larger than the rest is a sign of antiquity ; (4) The antiquity of copies is also ascertained by means of the scarcity or the total absence of breathings, accents and punctuation.’ 1 For further information concerning Palzographic rules, see ScRIVENER, A Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament (4th edit ) ; GARDTHAUSEN, Gric- chische Palzographie, Leipsig, 1879. ey NOSIS“ OF CHAPTER XI, HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE New TESTAMENT. Section Ll. Transmission of the Original Text. I, 1, Early and growing adulteration of copies. FIRST PERIOD: 2. Extant manuscripts described. (ro THE FIFTH 3. All important variations traceable to this period. CENTURY). « (f Tis f 1. Principal uncial MSS. (paleographic differences SECOND from earlier copies). PERIOD: Number. (TO THE SIx- 2. Cursive + Palzographic details. TEENTH Manuscripts : Text exhibited. CENTURY). ma re Terese ie first printed editions. R Ae Exact value of the “ Textus Re. THIRD red a et [ ceptus.” PERIOD: 7-4 ere ( First appearance in the eight- 4 eenth century. | (THE PRINTED | Rditions : Principal critical editions (authors | aA | and theories). EDITIONS). | 3. Concluding Remarks. eos) CHAPTER XI. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. SECTION II. TRANSMISSION OF THE ORIGINAL TEXT. § 1. first Period (to the Lifth Century ). I. Early and Growing Adulteration of Copies. The first period which we may distinguish in the history of the original text of the New ‘Testament comprises the first four centuries of its transmission. It is surrounded with great obscurity, owing chiefly to our lack of reliable sources of information, and in consequence only a few of its features can now be realized. The first of these features is connected with the fate which was undergone by the first copies of the sacred text. As we Saw in the preceding chapter, no special sacredness could be attached to almost any one of them on the ground that they had been written by the very hand of the inspired writers. Their frail material, too, was little conducive to a long preservation of them, especially if freely handled by many copyists, or often used for public reading in the serv- ices of the Church. It is likewise probable that the firm hope entertained by the early Christians of a prompt return of Jesus would prevent them from setting such high value on any particular copy of the Apostolic writings, as would make them anxious for its perpetual preservation. In view of these, and other such circumstances, which attended the 236 HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 237 publication of the sacred writings of the New Testament, it is only natural to expect that the first copies which were made of them should soon perish without leaving any trace in early history. In point of fact, writers living very near the time of the Apostles, never appeal to these primitive copies." A second, and indeed most important feature of this first period in the history of the text of the New Testament, regards the manner in which the words of the sacred writ- ings were copied, in the first centuries of the Church. Had the early transcribers been ever so careful to reproduce exactly the text before them, it is beyond doubt that, owing to their limited power of attention, errors similar to those of which we have abundant proofs in subsequent ages would have crept into their transcripts. Despite all their care, errors of the eye which misreads, of the pen which misspells, of the memory which remembers incorrectly, etc., would have cer- tainly been found in their copies when submitted to the re- visers, who also could hardly be relied upon to remove all the defects without exception. Again, in addition to in- herited deviations from the primitive copies, each fresh transcript would naturally contain fresh errors, to be trans- mitted in like manner to its own descendants. In reality, the early transcribers and correctors did not perform their important work with all the care they might have bestowed upon the transcription of the Holy Scriptures. Professional scribes were apparently more concerned about producing numerous than absolutely correct copies, the more so because MSS. for private use hardly ever, if ever, underwent a revision beyond the comparison which the scribe made himself of his own transcript with the exemplar 1 The passages of St. Ignatius, Tertullian formerly quoted as proving the reverse, have no reference to the original copies of the New Testament writings (cfr. TRocHoN, Introduction Générale, p. 300, sq. ; S. Davipson, A Treatise on Biblical Criticism, vol. ii, p. 40 sq.). 238 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. at his disposal. A minute and careful study of the quota- tions made by the early Fathers of the Church, and of the most ancient versions of the New ‘Testament, leads to the conclusion that even the official text of particular churches had suffered much from the carelessness of trans- cribers.' It proves also that a large number of the devia- tions which may be traced back to this very early period in the history of the text of the New Testament were made intentionally to improve grammatically, theologically, or other- wise, what we know full well now was no mistake, but the exact primitive reading. Nor is this a simple inference from data more or less reliable; it is a conclusion distinctly borne out by the testimony of so early and so well-informed a scholar as Origen (185 ?—254), who, in his commentary on St. Matthew,” speaks as follows: “It might appear wrong ”’ (he is speaking of Matt. xix, 19: dyamyjoets tov zAynotov) “ to as- sert that these words are interpolated here, were it not that there is such a difference in many other places between the copies of the Gospels, that neither those of Matthew, nor those of the other Evangelists agree together. . . . The dif- ference in MSS. has now become really great, both from the carelessness of the copyists and also from the arbitrary con- duct of those to whom is entrusted the correction of the copies; and further from emendations, additions, and omis- sions, made by many according to their own judgment.” It will be noticed that in his enumeration of the various sources of textual corruption, Origen does not include the perverse influence of such early heretics as Marcion, Theo- dotus, Apollonius, etc., whose daring work in corrupting Holy Writ is so loudly denounced by the Roman priest, 1 For details in connection with this difficult point of Textual Criticism, cfr. Hua, In- troduction to the New Testament, p. 85, sqq. (Engl. Transl., Andover, 1836); S., Davipson, A Treatise on Textual Criticism, vol. ii, p. 53, sqq. 2 The Greek passage of Origen is given in Hua’s Introduction, p. 87, and Davipson’s Textual Criticism, p. 62. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 239 Caius (fl. end of the second century),’ and the holy Bishop of Lyons, Irenzeus (f ab. 200).*. The reason of the silence of Origen is simply this. Duly warned by their priests and bishops against the adulterated copies which heretics scat- tered broadcast, the faithful children of the Church suc- ceeded generally in keeping their own MSS. free from alter- ations due to the hateful influence of heresy. But, while they thus suspected and rejected every corruption of the text that might come from outside the Church, both the flock and the pastors were not, to the same extent, on their guard against the various textual errors which circu- lated in copies of Catholics. It is only natural therefore to find that Origen does not reckon the influence of early heretics among the various sources of the many differences which existed in the Greek MSS. of his time. It is only natural also to hear him denounce “the carelessness of transcribers, the caprice of those who undertook the revision or correction of copies, and the meddling of critics who ven- tured upon improvements according to their own judgment and so added or omitted,” * for these were the very sources which had produced and gradually multiplied textual varia- tions in the copies of Catholics. Of course it is impossible at the present day to givea very definite idea of the number and gravity of the differ- ences existing between MSS. at the time of Origen, say be- tween 200 and 2504. p. But it is beyond doubt that, as early as the third century, textual variations were such as to call for a remedy, by means of critical revisions or /ecenszons, as they are now called, of the Greek Text. Of such recensions, three are usually admitted by modern scholars, viz., the first by Origen; the second by the Antiochian presbyter, Lucian ; 1 Cfr. Eusesrus, Ecclesiast. History, Book v, chap. xxviii. 2 Cfr. IREN@us, Ag. Heresies, Book i, chap. xxvii. 8S. Davipson, loc. cit., p. 62. 240 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and the third by an Egyptian bishop, named Hesychius; but we have solid historical ground only in favor of the last two revisions, whose existence is implied in a letter of St. Jerome to Pope St. Damasus I (f 384).'. The exact char- acter and extent of influence of these critical labors are unknown to us. It is commonly thought, however, that these recensions checked for the time being the rapidity with which alterations had hitherto been introduced, because they furnished standard copies, to which MSS. written within this or that particular district naturally conformed. A last feature to be mentioned here concerning the first period in the transmission of the Greek Text regards the total disappearance of the numerous copies written before the middle of the fourth century. While we possess frag- ments of papyrus rolls of the classics, and going back to even an earlier period,’ we have absolutely nothing of the MSS. of the New Testament of the first three centuries, although many of these must have been made of parchment. This entire disappearance of the New Testament MSS. was due to a variety of general causes, three of which can still be pointed out. There was, first of all, their constant use in public and in private, which entailed a wear and tear, not undergone to anything like the same extent by the MSS. even of Homer, the best and most widely read poet of Greece. There was, in the second place, the edict issued by Diocletian in 303, ordering that all the sacred books of the Christians should be burned,*® and in consequence of which numberless copies must have been destroyed by the 1 Cfr. Mice, Pat. Lat., vol. xxix, col. 527. 2 The principal of these fragments are those of the ‘‘ Phado” of Plato, and of the “ Antiope” of Euripides, which go back to the third century B.c. Other fragmentary papyri of the second and first centuries B. c. are also referred to in E. M. THompson, Handbook of Greek and Latin Paleography, pp. 119-125. 3 The original edict which ordered that “the churches should be razed to the ground, and the Sacred Scriptures consumed by fire,” is unhappily lost. Cfr. KusEstus, Eccl. Hist., Book viii, chap. ii. HISTORY OF THE TEXT OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 241 Roman officials. Finally, the comparatively few MSS. which survived the rage of the persecutors were easily allowed to perish when replaced by those “ more accurate ” copies, of which Eusebius and others after him speak re- peatedly,' and which soon spread far and wide after the conversion of Constantine the Great. 2. Extant Manuscripts Described. It is difficult to say whether our two oldest Codices, named the Vaticanus and the Szzazticus, should be reckoned among the “ most correct ” copies of the Greek Text of the New Testament, but there is hardly any doubt that they go back to the fourth century. The older of the two is to all appearance the Vaticanus, so called from the great Vatican library at Rome, into which it was probably brought shortly after its establishment by Pope Nicholas V ({ 1455). It is a quarto volume, arranged in quires of five sheets (or ten leaves each), and consisting at present of 759 leaves of fine thin vellum, 142 of which are devoted to the New Testament.* Each page (10 inches by 10%) is written in comparatively small but clear and neat uncial letters, and has three columns usually of 42 lines each. Each line contains from 16 to 18 letters, with no initial letter larger than the rest. The accents and breath- ings which appear throughout the Codex have been added by a later hand than the original scribe: but some of its punctuation marks are probably due to him. ‘ The writer’s plan was to proceed regularly with a book until it was finished ; then to break off from the column he was writing 1 The expressions of Eusebius and subsequent writers are quoted by P. Martin, In- troduction a la Critique Textuelle du Nouveau Testament, tom. 2, pp. 80, 147, 173, 207. 2 Originally the Vaticanus MS. was a complete Greek copy of the Bible. The first forty-six chapters of Genesis (the MS. begins at méAcv, Gen. xlvi, 28), the Ps. cv, 27-CXxxvii, 6, and the books of the Machabees, are now wanting in the Old Testament. The New Testament begins on page 618 and breaks off at page 759, in the middle of the word ka@apret (Heb. ix, 14); the rest of the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Pastoral Epistles, the Epistle to Philemon and the Apocalypse are now missing. I 242 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and to begin the next book on the very next column. Thus, only ove column perfectly blank is found in the whole New Testament, that which follows 颢oé0dvro yap in Mark xvi, 8; ... by leaving such a space the scribe has in- timated that he was fully aware of the existence of the last twelve verses of Mark’s Gospel, or even found them in the copy from which he wrote.”’ The passage regarding the woman taken in adultery (John vii, 53-vili, 11), is omitted without any gap or sign of omission. ‘The scribe has at times performed his work with great carelessness, as is evl- denced by the fact that he has repeatedly written words and clauses twice over and omitted oftener still? lines and clauses through what is called Homozoteleuton.® The Vaticanus Codex and its readings are usually referred to in critical apparatus by means of the capital letter B. “The New Testament of Jesus Christ, translated faithfully into English out of the Au- thentic Latin, according to the best copies uf the same, diligently conferred with the Greeke and other editions in divers languages, with Argaments of bookes and chapters, Annotations and other necessary helpes, for the better understanding of the text, and especially for the discoverie of the Corraftions of divers late translations, ard for cleer- ing the controversies in religion of these daies; Jz the En lish College of Rhemes. . . Printed at Rhemes by John Fogny, 1582, Cum Privilegio.”’ THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 347 translators put it, “by lack of good meanes” and because ‘‘of our poor estate in banishment.” ' There is no doubt that the authors of the Douay Version were all men of learning, and well qualified to render into English the Word of God. Besides Dr. Allen, who, in Mary’s reign, was principal of St. Mary’s Hall (Oxford) and canon of York, the scholars chiefly concerned in the translation were (1) Dr. Gregory Martin, fellow of St. John’s College (Oxford), who was reputed the best Hebrew and Greck scholar of his college,” and of whom Antony Wood, in his Athene Oxonienses, speaks as “an excellent linguist exactly read and versed in the Sacred Scriptures, and went beyond all of his time in humane literature;”3 (2) Dr. Richard Bristow, fellow of Exeter College (Oxford); (3) John Rey- nolds, of New College, who filled the chair of Hebrew at Rheims; (4) and finally, Dr. Thomas Worthington, also an Oxford man, and afterwards president of the Seminary at Rheims. In their long preface to the New Testament the translators, after having given as their purpose, that of “‘ opposing a Catholic version to heretical ones,” state their reasons for preferring the Latin Vulgate tothe common Greek Text, and the principal of which are the following: Its antiquity ; its use by the Fathers and in the liturgy; its authenticity pro: claimed by the Council of Trent; its exactness and preci sion, etc. Next, they expose the method which they followed in rendering the Latin Text. They aimed at a pre: cise and close rendering of the Vulgate, but added at times in the margin Greek or Latin words of special difficulty or im: 1 The title page of the Old Testament is worded in the same manner as that of the New Testament, except as regards the place and date of printing. The expression “ac- cording to the best copies of the same ”’ is omitted, because by this time (1609-1610), the standard text of the Latin Vulgate had been fixed by the Holy See. 2 Thetranslation itself of both ‘Testaments was the work of Gregory Martin; the rest simply revised his renderings or added the notes. 3 The text of Wood is quoted by JN. SrouGHTon, Our English Bible, p. 226, sq. 348 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. port, or even another reading, especially when the Greek was agreeable to the same. ‘They sometimes also translated the word in the margin of their Latin MSS. instead of the word found in the text when the latter was manifestly faulty. In their preface to the Old Testament, the editors’ give likewise reasons for translating the Latin Vulgate rather than the originals. ‘They state that the version having been made about thirty years ago by able and sincere men, only a few modifications, unimportant from the point of view of controversy, have been made to their work, and this to con- form it tothe most perfect Latin edition (the Clementine edi- tion of 1592). Finally, they affirm that throughout the transla- tion there prevails a perfect sincerity of renderings “ nothing being here either untruly or obscurely done of purpose in favour of the Catholike Roman religion, so that we cannot but complaine and challenge English Protestants for corrupting the text . . . which they profess to translate.” It is plain, therefore, from their own statements, as indeed from the very nature of their work, that the authors of the Douay Version did not intend to put forth a translation of Holy Writ that would have a special critical value. Had this been their aim, they would not have been satisfied with rendering into English a Latin Text, but would have natu- rally gone back to the original Hebrew and Greek, for any version made from another can hardly ever supply readings of greater value in Textual Criticism than those of the trans- lation from which it is derived. It must be said, however, that since the Douay Version was made very closely from Latin MSS. or editions of the sixteenth century, anterior to the official text published by the Popes Sixtus V and Cle- ment VIII, it may and does point in several cases to Latin 1 The chief translators Allen (¢ 1594) and Gregory Martin (1 1582) died before the first volume of the Old Testament appeared in 1609, THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 349 readings no longer found in our editions of the Latin Vulgate and thereby helps us to improve their text. From a literary standpoint, the primitive Douay Bible rec- ommends itself by several happy features, as a translation. One of these is the uniformity of the renderings. The words Amen, Rabbi, charity, multitude, work, etc., are uni- formly used, while the Authorized Version, for instance, is frequently marred by unnecessary and inconsistent diversity of renderings of the same word in the original.' A second praiseworthy quality is the remarkable discernment in using the definite article. As the Latin language lacks it, it might be expected that, of all English modern translations, the Douay would be least accurate in this respect. The very reverse is actually the case.’ In the third place, the transla- tor’s care strictly to follow the text before him, often led to happy results, the preservation of a significant phrase of the original, cr of an impressive arrangement of words. Card. Wiseman affirms that “though one of the revisers of the Douay Version, Dr. Challoner, did well to alter many too decided Latinisms which the old translators had retained, he weakened the language considerably by destroying inversion where it was congenial at once to the genius of the language and|to the; constmteuomeo: thecoriginal,. ... 7%" “lo this same care of the translators to render exactly their Latin Text is probably due the introduction of many Latin words into English, with which everybody is now familiar, as for instance, the terms acquisition, victim, gratis, adulterate, advent, etc.“ Of course, numerous felicitous renderings of a genuine Saxon ring might be quoted, and in point of fact many words and entire sentences were found so good in the 1 J. 1. Mompert, A Handbook of the English Versions of the Bible, p. 307. 2 W. F. Mouton, The History of the English Bible, p. 187, sq. 2 Essays on Various Subjects, vol. i, p. 75 (London and Baltimore, 8vo, 1853). * W. F. MouttTon, loc. cit., p. 186. 350 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Rheims Testament, that they were simply embodied in the Authorized Version.’ ‘The last, and perhaps most commend- able feature of the Douay Bible to be mentioned here, is its scrupulous fidelity. “In justice,’ writes’ Serivener, *“it must be observed that no case of wilful perversion of Scrip- ture has ever been brought home to the Rhemish trans- lators.” ” Unfortunately, this desire of abiding by the text before them prevented the authors of the Douay Version from utilizing the Hebrew and Greek texts to the extent to which this would have been at times desirable to catch the exact meaning of the Latin translation.s It betrayed them also into a literalness of rendering which is oftentimes extreme,‘ and into the preservation of Latin words and expressions that really need a translation.’ It is clear, therefore, that this distinctly Catholic Version of Holy Writ had many features to commend it to the esteem and love of the faithful at large, and it is not surprising to find that, despite its bulky appearance, it was well received at the time and soon reprinted ® with but slight alterations. But of course its great defect of excessive literalness, joined to the inconvenience of its size, and to the gradual changes 1 For examples, see MomseErtT, loc. cit., p. 306. 2 The text of ScRIVENER is quoted by Corton, Rhemes and Douay, p. 156. 3 Card. WISEMAN, loc. cit., p. 79, sqq., shows clearly how necessary it is to go back to the originals to make out the exact meaning of the Latin Version. 4 Here is one of the worst samples of this defect: “To me, the least of the sainctes, is given this grace, among the Gentils to evangelize the unsearchable riches of Christ and to illuminate all men what is the dispensation of the sacrament hidden from worlds in God, who created all things; that the manifold wisdom of God may be notified to the Princes and Potestats in the celestials by the Church according to the prefinition of worlds, which he made in Christ Jesus, Our Lord ” (Ephes. iii, 8-11). 5 As when we read, for instance, of men “ odible to God ” (Rom. i, 30): of Christians “made concorporat and comparticipant”’ (Ephes. iii, 6); of Christ, that “ He exin- anited Himself?’ etc.; etc. (Cfr. for a long list of such blunders, Momsert, loc. cit., p. 303.) 6 This is particularly true of the New Testament, which soon came to a second edition in 1600; to a third in 16213 and to a fourth in 1633. Only the edition of 1621 is 16ma (cfr. Newman, Tracts Theological and Ecclesiastical, p. 409, sq.). THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. Bar introduced into the English language, made it more. and more desirable that it should be revised and published in a handier form. ‘The first to take up the responsible work of revision was Dr. Challoner, the Vicar Apostolic of the Londor district, to whom the English Church is so much indebted. The first edition of his revision appeared in 1749, and con- sisted of the New Testament only (12mo). It professed to be “newly revised and corrected according to the Clementine edition of the Scriptures,” but gave no manner of informa- tion as to the principle, the source or the extent of the altera- tions introduced into the old version. Dr. Challoner aimed at rendering the text more intelligible, and on that account, he substituted modern words and constructions for the old, and usual or even familiar expressions for those that were obsolete or less known. At times, he adopts the readings of the Authorized Version by preference to those of the Douay Bible, and he undoubtedly sacrifices force and vividness when he dispenses with even the happiest inversions of words.’ “ Looking at Dr. Challoner’s labors on the Old Testament as a whole, we may pronounce that they issue in little short of a new translation. They can as little be said to be made on the basis of the Douay, as on the basis of the Protestant Version. Of course, there must be a certain resemblance between any two Catholic translations whatever, because they are both translations of the same Vulgate ; but this connec- tion between the Douay and Challoner being allowed for, Challoner’s Version is even nearer to the Protestant than it is to the Douay; nearer, that is, not in grammatical struc- ture, but in phraseology and diction.” ” As long as Bp. Challoner lived, no editions were published except such as followed his revision. Hardly was he dead, 1 For details, see NEWMAN, loc. cit., p. 414, sqq. (London edition, Longmans & Co, 1891). 2 NEwMaAv, loc. cit., p. 416. 252 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. when a Dublin priest, named Bernard MacMahon, publishea in 1783, a new revision of the New Testament, in 12mo, with the formal approbation of his archbishop. ‘This new edition was made on the basis of Challoner’s Text, but with still more considerable variations from the Rheims Testa- ment. Eight years afterwards, on the invitation of Dr. Troy, the actual incumbent of the See of Dublin, Fr. MacMahon published a revised edition of the whole Bible (in 4to), hence the name which it has received, of Dr. Troy’s Bible. This gave him an opportunity of introducing numerous changes more into the text of the New Testament, but as regards the Douay Version of the Old Testament, there is little differ- ence between his text and that of Dr. Challoner.’ Of the many editions subsequent to Dr. Troy’s Bible, we shall simply mention here the four principal types which, we think are still current. These are: (1) that of? Dufly, Dublin, a reprint of the text of Dr. Murray (published in 1825); (2) that of Richardson, London, which reproduces the edition which appeared in 1847, with the approbation of Dr. Walsh, Vicar Apostolic, and Dr. Wiseman, his coad- jutor ; (3) that of Dolman, London, practically a reprint of the Bible approved by Bp. Denvir in 1839; (4) finally, that of Dunigan, New York, published with many high approba- tions, apparently copied from the text published by Dr. Hay- dock, in 1811." As regards the Old Testament, these various editions represent one, and practically only one, received text, viz., that of Bp. Challoner, which did not undergo any material alterations in the course of the nine- teenth century.3 As regards the New Testament, the text 1 Cfr. NEwMAN, loc. cit., p. 423, sqq. See, also, Rhemes and Douay, by Rev. Henry Corton, p. 57, sqq. ° To these may be added, the edition of Sadlier, New York; and the Haydock’s Bible, edited by Dr. Husenbeth. Jor details see NEwMAN, aud CoTTon, Joc. cit. ® The only exception to this is connected with the work of Archbishop Kenrick, of which we shall soon speak. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 353 represented by these same four editions varies much more considerably ; ‘ so that, at the present day, there is really no one received text of the Rheims Testament among English- speaking Catholics. 2. Other Translations of the New Testament. Even before any revision of the Douay Bible was attempted, its various defects had been so strongly felt that two Catholic priests undertook and carried out an altogether new trans- lation of the New Testament. The first of these was Cor- nelius Nary, parish priest of St. Michan’s, Dublin, who published his work in 1718, with the approbation of four Irish divines, of Paris and Dublin. He had done well his duty as a faithful interpreter of Holy Writ, and was not without hope that his version would gradually take the place of the corresponding part in the ancient, bulky and expensive Douay Bible.” It does not seem, however, that his work was favor- ably received, and, even during his lifetime, a rival trans- lation of the New Testament was put forth, which “ attracted far more notice on its appearance than Dr. Nary’s had obtained.” 3 The author of this new version was Dr. Robert Witham, President of the College of Douay since 1714, who had openly blamed Nary’s pretension to give a /ifera/ trans- lation of the New Testament. His work, published in 1730, contained, besides a Preface or Address to the Reader, numerous and strong Commendations from Ecclesiastical authority, Arguments at the beginning of each Book, and Notes, expository, critical and controversial. The’ English was modernized, and the translation was superior in many ways to that of Dr. Nary. Despite, however, Witham’s high position and repute for learning, despite also the convenient 1 Cfr. NEWMAN, loc. cit., p. 443, sqq. 2 For his own appreciation of the Douay Version, cfr. the preface to his work, in Cotton, Rhemes and Douay, p. 299, sqq. 8 Corton, loc. cit., p. 44. 23 354 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. size of his edition and the real value of his version, a new edition of the Douay Bible was published as early as 1738, and his work, like that of Fr. Nary, was finally superseded by the revision of Dr. Challoner, which appeared in 1749. It must be confessed that the fate of these two transla- tions of the New Testament was calculated to discourage forever attempts at new versions of the sacred text. In point of fact, a whole century elapsed before a work of the kind was given, and then anonymously, to the public, under the title of ““ A New Version of the Four Gospels, with notes critical and explanatory, by a Catholic” (London, 1836). The author, whose name was soon known, was Dr. John Lingard, the celebrated English historian. The translation is for the most part from the Greek, although occasionally the reading of the Latin Vulgate is adheredto. The notes subjoined to each page are highly deserving of attention. Dr. Lingard says of them in his Introduction: “ The notes which are appended to the text are not of a controversial character. Their object is the elucidation of obscure pas- sages, or the explication of allusions to national customs, or the statement of the reasons which have induced the trans- lator to differ occasionally from preceding interpreters.” There is no doubt that Lingard’s Version of the Gospels must be considered as a scholarly and useful book. Arch- bishop Kenrick speaks of the work as “ elegant,’ and of the notes as “ few in number, but luminous ”’; ' while Cardinal Wiseman * says: ‘“ Throughout the notes and preface, there is a drift . . . which has our cordial approbation .. .” and ‘“ we take pleasure in bearing witness to the learning, diligence, and acuteness of the author.” Nevertheless, the confined and partial nature of the new version which com- 1 The New Testament, by Francis P. Kenrick, 2d edit., Baltimore, 1862. Genera) Introduction. 2 Essay on The Catholic Versions of Scripture written on the occasion of Lingard’s Translation. (Essays, vol. i, p. 100.) THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 355 prised only the Gospels, together with the hold which the Douay Bible had upon the memory of the clergy and laity, naturally prevented the translation of Dr. Lingard not only from superseding the one then in general circulation, but even from being as fully appreciated as it deserved. It must also be added, that some of its changes could be, and have been in fact, rightly objected to. Thus: “the change of ‘Christ’ into ‘Messiah,’ and ‘Gospel’ into ‘good tidings,’ seems unnecessary, and likely to startle ordinary readers: for the rejected words have long become part of the lan- guage.” ' The latest, and in several respects, the best translation of the Gospels, was put forth in 1898, by the Very Rev. Francis A. Spencer, O. P., under the title of ‘“ The Four Gospels. A new Translation from the Greek direct, with Reference to the Vulgate, and the Ancient Syriac Version.” ‘lhe learned author follows no single MS. or printed edition of the New Testament Greek, and “ his choice among various readings,” as he tells us in his Zvtroductory Remarks,’ “ has chiefly been determined by a consensus of well-known editors, such as Tischendorf, Westcott and Hort, Lachmann and the translat- ors of the Revised Version.” He divides the evangelical narrative into Farts according to the various periods of Our Lord’s life, and breaks it further into Paragraphs, according to the principal events recorded. The drift of his marginal notes is chiefly critical, and his footnotes are short, clear and usually correct. The usefulness of the book is enhanced by a harmony of the Synoptic Gospels indicated in the inner margins and by the mention of the Gospels for the Sundays and principal feasts of the year, in the margin opposite the opening words. It is not probable, however, that this “new 1 WIsEMAN, loc. cit., p. 100. For other examples, see Mompert, A Handbook of the English Versions of the Bible. 2 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, P. vii. 356 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. version ” will meet with a more lasting success than the various independent translations of the Gospels which have preceded it. 3. Archbishop Kenrick’s Bible. The foregoing account of the Catholic versions of Holy Writ proves conclu- sively that Catholic translators, who do not connect their work with the Douay Bible, can hope only for a transient favor with the public at large. This was realized by Archbishop Kenrick as early as 1849,’ when beginning the publication of his translation of the Bible he disclaimed all intention “ to substitute it in public acts for the received version,” and simply called his work ‘a revision of the Rhemish trans- lation’; 4 They recentitailurescote. Dr, > Lincard sav ersion caused him to doubt whether his own translation ‘“ from the Latin Vulgate ’’ would be more favorably received ; and, in point of fact, he went cautiously about issuing its various parts. He began with the Four Gospels, which he put forth ‘“‘ partly with a view to test the feasibility of the work.” Next came the Acts and Epistles with the Apocalypse (in 1851) as a natural completion of the translation of the New Testament. Six years later (1857), he published his version of the, Psalms, ‘as Jlikely ito: interest the clergy.” @ lie: Prophets and Job.appeared in 1859 ; and it was ouly in 1860 that he completed his Bible, by the publication of the Pen- tateuch and the Historical Books. In his Introduction to the Book of Job, the translator gives us information about his aim, in the following man- ner: “My chief object from the commencement has been to present in a clear point of view the relation of the Vul- gate itself to the text, and thus to furnish a vindication of ' He was only Bishop of Philadelphia at the time. He was promoted to the arch- iepiscopal See of Baltimore in 1851. 9° * Cfr. The Four Gospels, translated from the Latin Vulgate (1st edit. 1849). Title page, and Dedication to the Hierarchy of the United States. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. ooo its integrity. I have therefore continued to note, occasion- ally, at the foot of the page, the Hebrew MSS. and ancient versions which support its readings, and have pointed to the source of apparent discrepancies, often originating in mere difference of punctuation, or in a transposition of letters.”’ Among other general purposes, he constantly aims at making theological students, for the special benefit of whom he writes, acquainted with Protestantand Rationalistic views. Archbishop Kenrick’s Text shows a closer adherence to the Vulgate in the Gospels than Lingard had deemed nec- essary ; yet he adopts freely Lingard’s readings, as indeed those of the Authorized Version, whenever these seem to him preferable. In this connection, it is interesting tc record the manner in which the learned translator speaks of the Latin Vulgate, and of his own method of work: “The learned,” he says, ‘are agreed that in the books of the New Testament, its readings (those of the Vulgate) are generally preferable. In the Pentateuch it frequently gives a double version or paraphrase, or it abridges to avoid repe- titions, so that, although it faithfully renders the substance, it is not as literal and close as the Protestant translation. In the historical books it scarcely has the advantage. In the Psalms, which came to us through the LXX, the Prot- estant Version, being made from the Hebrew, is preferable. In Ecclesiasticus much freedom of interpretation by way of paraphrase has been used. In the Prophets and Job the Vulgate is literal. Respecting it as an authentic version . I have, nevertheless, read the Hebrew Text with a disposition to prefer its readings, unless critical motives weighed in favor of the Vulgate. The Protestant Version, therefore, being close, I have not hesitated to prefer it, unless where doctrinal bias led its authors to select terms for controversial effect, or by paraphrases or otherwise to favor their peculiar tenets. 358 GENERAL liJTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ‘The notes which mark the relation of the Vulgate to the text cannot be without interest, especially for students of theology and for the clergy, who should not be content with having before them the substance of revealed truth, but should know the precise terms in- which it is deliv- CLOONuen ru The annotations are generally critical and explanatory. They are numerous, clear and instructive, and for the most part selected from the holy Fathers, although occasionally borrowed not only from Protestant, but even from Ration- alistic sources. They have at times a controversial tone, but are more usually positive and moderate statements of the correct doctrine.* § 3. Zhe Protestant Translations. 1. Translations Anterior to the Authorized Ver- sion. As already stated, the first men whose work exer- cised a real influence upon the gradual formation of the Protestant English Bible, and who, on that account, are reckoned as its true ancestors, had little to recommend them as translators of Holy Writ. ‘They had,” says Blunt,3 ‘too easy a confidence in their own abilities for this great work; and their translations met with an opposi- tion from more learned scholars, which has thrown a sad shadow of disunion over the history of the Reformation Version of the Bible. Nor were the characters of the trans- lators themselves such as were likely to command the respect of men under the responsibility of important offices in the Church.” These words of a Protestant writer are 1 General Introduction to the Historical Books (Sept., 1860). 2 In 1862 Archbishop Kenrick gave a second edition of his volume on The Four Gos- pels. This was a truly revised edition, in the preparation of which new sources were consulted and special critical signs introduced into the text. No other part reached a second edition. 3 A Key to the Knowledge and Use of the Holy Bible, p. 24. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 359 not too severe to describe such men as (1) William Tyn- DALE (1471-1536), a Franciscan priest, who, having turned out a Protestant, undertook to publish a translation of the whole Bible from the original text, though he had but little knowledge of Hebrew;’ (2) Miles CovERDALE (1487 ?- 1568), an Augustinian monk, also an apostate from Cathol- icism, who “ was no Greek or Hebrew scholar,” ” although he is said to have assisted Tyndale in his rendering of the Pentateuch, so that his Bible was “only translated from the Dutch (i.e. German) and Latin;” and finally (3) John ROGERS (1500 ?—1555), also an apostate priest, who became a zealous reformer, and whose work in connection with the English Bible was practically limited to a slightly revised edition of the work of those who had gone before him. It is neither necessary nor useful to give here details about the respective work of the three translators just men- tioned. That of Tyndale, on the New Testament, was unquestionably the one destined to influence most the subse- quent editions of the Protestant Bible, and the revésers of the Authorized Version in 1881 speak of “ Tyndale’s trans- lation of the New Testament as the true primary version, for the versions that followed were either substantially reproductions of it in its final shape, or revisions of ver- sions that had been themselves almost entirely based on it.” 3 Of the Old Testament, Tyndale published himself only his translation of the Pentateuch and Jonas; the rest of his work (from Josue to JI Chronicles inclusively) was em- bodied by John Rogers in what has been called the Mat- thew’s Bible, from the pseudonym of “Thomas Matthew ” which stood at the foot of the dedication. The work of Coverdale had as its principal merit that of being the first 1 Cfr. Sm1Tu, Dictionary of the Bible, vol. iv, pp. 3427, 8q., 3431. * Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient MSS., p. 218. 5 Preface to the Revised Version, p. y. 360 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. complete English Bible published,’ whereas that of John Rogers is especially worthy of notice as marking the begin- ning of those revised editions which multiplied as time went on, and which are known in history under the names of the Great Bible (1539-1541), Laverner’s Bible (1539) the Geneva Bible (1557-1560), and finally the Azshops’ Bible (1578). Of these revisions the principal ones are (1), the Great Bible, thus called from its large size, prepared by Coverdale and enjoined by Cromwell for popular use in every church: in contents it is Matthew’s Bible, ‘ skilfully edited and re- vised ;””* (2) the Geneva Bible, thus named from the city where it was made by a few English refugees; it was based on the Great Bible in the Old Testament and Tyndale’s last revision in the New, and it became by far the most pop- ular Bible in England for private reading until the publica- tion of the Authorized Version; (3) and finally, the Bzshops’ Bible, which derives its name from the fact that a certain _ number of the revisers were bishops; it was a direct revision of the Great Bible, whose diverse parts were variously altered, and it seems to have been used almost exclusively for public services.3 2. The Authorized Version (1611). It was at the conference held at Hampton Court between the Con- formists and the Puritans (Jan. 14, 16 and 18, 1604), and presided over by James I, that Dr. John Reynolds, leader of the Puritans, suggested to the king the desirableness of a new translation of Holy Writ, on the ground that the “versions allowed in the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward 1 The Psalter of Coverdale is the basis of the version of the Psalms still found in the Book of Common Prayer. 2 J. I. Momsert, art. English Versions, in Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, vol. i. 3 The student will find details about these various revisions in MOmMBERT, KENYON, STOUGHTON, etc. THE ENGLISH . VERSIONS. 361. VI were corrupt and not answerable to the truth of the original.” ‘The king at once declared himself favorable to a new translation, but objected to any notes being ap- pended, declaring that those of the Geneva Version were untrue and seditious.‘ Nothing, however, was settled at the Conference beyond the hope thus held out. On the 22d of July, in the same year, the king, who had become interested in the project of a new version, an- nounced that he had chosen fifty-four learned men to do the work, but without any expense to himself. Professing his own poverty, he held out before the revisers the hope of Church preferment, giving order to the bishops to that effect ; while for their immediate expenses he called, though in vain, upon the bishops and chapters to contribute to- wards the required fund. At the Chancellor’s suggestion, the translators met at the universities, where they received board and lodging free of cost. The list of the revisers contains the names of forty-seven scholars only, who formed themselves into six companies, two meeting at Westminster, two at Cambridge and two at Oxford, and the parts of the original which each company undertook to translate were distributed among the members.” They were to work according to fifteen rules, drawn up probably by Bancroft, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and indorsed by: the king. The Bishops’ Bible was to be followed, and as little altered as the truth of the original would permit. The old ecclesi- astical words were to be kept, viz., the word church not to be translated congregation, etc. No marginal notes were to be affixed, except for the explanation of the Hebrew and Greek 1 They were naturally Calvinistic in character, and therefore little favorable to the royal government. 2'The two Westminster groups revised Genesis-IV Kings, and Romans-Jude; the Oxford groups Isaias-Malachias, and the Gospels, Acts, with the Apocalypse; while those at Cambridge undertook I Chronicles to Ecclesiastes, and the deutero-canonical writings. The list of their names is given by Bun’, loc, cit., p. 28. 362 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. words which might require it. Each member of a company must first translate a passage, then his work must be sub- mitted to the company to which he belonged, and finally revised by the other companies, ultimate differences of opinion being reserved to a general meeting of six members of each company. Learned men outside the board of re- visers might be consulted, and the versions to be used when they agreed better with the original than the Bishop’s Bible were pointed out to the translators.’ How closely these rules were adhered to cannot be ascer- tained at the present day; for :t does not appear that any of the correspondence connected with the execution of the work or any minutes of the revisers’ meetings for confer- ence is now extant. ‘“ Never,” rightly observes Scrivener, ‘‘was a great enterprise like that of our Authorized Version carried out with less knowledge handed down to poster- ity of the laborers, their method and order of working.”’? All we know in regard to their proceedings is limited to hints found in the works of the learned John Selden (1584-1654), and of Robert Gell, the chaplain to Archbishop Abbot, one of the revisers. The former, in his Zad/e Talk, tells us that ‘at the meeting of translators one read the translation (he had prepared privately), the rest holding in their hands some Bible, either of the learned tongues, or French, Spanish, Italian, etc.; if they found any fault, they spoke; if not,he read on.’’ The latter helps us to represent to ourselves “the differences of opinion, settled by the cast- ing vote of the ‘odd man,’ or by the strong, overbearing temper of a man like Bancroft, the minority comforting themselves with the thought that it was no new thing for the truth to be outvoted,” and to realize “that dogmatic inter- 1 These versions were Tyndale’s, Matthew’s, Coverdale’s, Whitchurch’s (a special edition of the Great Bible), and the Geneva Bible. * Introduction to the Cambridge Paragraph Bible. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 363 ests were in some cases allowed to bias the translation, and the Calvinism of one party, the prelatic views of another, were both represented at the expense of accuracy.” ? 'The work of revision, formally taken in hand in 1607, occupied two years, after. which began the final revision by a committee of six—two out of each group—who met in London for the purpose. They completed their task in the short space of nine months; and in 1611 the new Bible issued from the press with the title: ‘The Holy Bible, conteyning the Old Testament and the New. Newly translated out of the orig- inall Tongues: and with the former translations diligently compared and revised by his Majestie’s speciall command- ment. Appointed to be read in the Churches. Imprinted at London by Robert Parker, Printer to the King’s most excellent Majestie. Anno Dom. 1611.’ It is difficult to understand why the words “ Appointed to be read in the Churches ” appear in this title-page, for there is no evidence of any decree ordaining its use, by either King, Privy Council, Parliament or Convocation,’ although there is no doubt that it soon superseded the Bishops’ Bible as the official version in public services. The Dedication to James I is chiefly conspicuous for its servile adulation, and the Preface to the Reader has little more value. In this latter document we are told by the revisers that “coming together for work, they have prayed to God for light, ren- dered the Hebrew and Greek texts, and worked without haste, consulting the translators or commentators, Chaldee, Hebrew, Syrian, Greek or Latin, Spanish, French, Italian, Dutch (i. e. Luther’s version), and revising time and again their work before publishing it ....” They also claim 1Smitu, Bible Dictionary, art. Version, Authorized, p. 3436 (Amer. edit., vol. 4th). ? See a fac-simile of the title page in Ph. Scoarr, A Companion to the Greek Testa- ment and English Version, fourth edit., p. 570. * Vet it is from these words that the King James’ Version, as it is often called, has received its common name of the Authorized Version. 364 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, credit for steering a middle course between the Puritans, — who leave the old ecclesiastical words (putting washing for baptism, etc.), and the obscurity of the Papists retaining foreign words of purpose to darken the sense. In reality “the earlier versions of which the revisers of 1611 made most use were those of Rheims and Geneva. ‘Tyndale, no doubt, fixed the general tone of the version more than any other translator, through the transmission of his influence down to the Bishops’ Bible, which:formed the basis of the revision; but many improvements in interpretation were taken from the Geneva Bible, and not a few phrases and 29) 2 single words from that of Rheims. Again, the rapidity with which the final revision of their work was carried out shows that they did not always work without haste, and this haste is thus severely but justly censured by the authors of the Revised Version of 1881: “When it is remembered,” they say, “that this supervision was completed in nine months, we may wonder that the incongruities which remain are not more numerous.” * As might well be expected in a translation, undertaken and carried out by such a number and variety of scholars as the Authorized Version, the various parts of the Bible are unevenly rendered. In the Old Testament, Genesis—IV Kings, and Isaias—Malachias, rank first, and the remainder of the proto-canonical books, and especially Job and the Psalms, are decidedly inferior. In the New ‘Testament, the Acts, Gospels and Apocalypse rank in the order named for the ability with which the translation was executed, while the Epistles are considered as the worst translated among the proto-canonical books. Naturally enough, the deutero- canonical books are the worst rendered of the whole Bible.® 1 Kenyon, Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts, p. 233. 2 Preface to the Revised Version of the New Testament, p. 7. Cfr., also, CONANT, History of Bible Translation, chap. xxxi, p. 259. 8 Mombert, A Handbook of the English Versions of the Bible, pp. 375, 379 (1st edit.) THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 365 A striking and happy literary feature ot the Authorized Version is the predominance of Saxon. Gibbon has about seventy, Johnson about seventy-five, Swift eighty-nine, Shakespeare about eighty-five, and the Authorized Version more than ninety Saxon words in every hundred em- ployed. So that from this point of view King James’ translation ranks very high. In fact, the style of the ‘Authorized Version is equally admired by friends and opponents. “ All the words used in it,” says Trench, “ are of the noblest stamp, alike removed from vulgarity and pedantry ; they are neither too familiar, nor, on the other side, not familiar enough ; they never crawl on the ground, as little are they stilted and far-fetched. And then how happily mixed and tempered are the Anglo-Saxon and the Latin vocables! No undue preponderance of the latter makes the language remote from the understanding of simple “Who will say,” exclaims Fred W. Faber, after his conversion, “that the uncommon beauty and marvellous English of the Protestant Bible is not one and unlearned men.” ’ of the great strongholds of heresy in this country? It lives on the ear like a music that can never be forgotten, like the sound of church bells, which the convert hardly knows how he can forego. Its felicities often seem to be almost things rather than mere words. It is part of the national mind, and the anchor of national seriousness. Nay, it is wor- shipped with a positive idolatry, in extenuation of whose grotesque fanaticism its intrinsic beauty pleads availingly with the man of letters and the scholar.” ? At the same time, the praise bestowed upon the literary beauty of the version of 1611 should not be exaggerated. Occasionally the truth of the original is sacrificed to the 1TreNcH, On the English of the Authorized Version, quoted by ScHarr, A Com. panion to the Greek Testament and the English Version (4th edit.), p. 345, sq. ? Faper, in The Dablin Review, June, 1853, p. 466. 366 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. beauty of the English; some unseemly phrases in the Old Testament could have been easily avoided by the translators,’ and the studied variety in its renderings, which was adopted by the authors of the King James Version, has produced a degree of inconsistency which “cannot be reconciled with 2 Finally, as a translation, the principle of faithfulness. the Authorized Version is marred by numerous errors in geography, and proper names; by grammatical errors as to tenses, article, construction, etc., in the Old Testament; and in the New, by mistakes of meaning; by confusion of the aorist and perfect and other tenses; by inadequate render- ings, etc.” Judged from a critical standpoint, the version of 1611 is devoid of real value. The translators used no documentary sources, and were mostly confined to a few printed editions of the Zextus Receptus of the Old and New ‘Testaments. Even in their changes of the renderings of the Bishops’ Bible it is clear that their critical power is at times very limited, and that the improvements introduced are no proof of independent work on their part.’ Perhaps the most objectionable feature about the Author- ized Version arises from the fact that, differently from the Douay Bible, cases of wilful perversion of Scripture have been brought home to its Protestant authors. In his story of the Protestant Reformation,’ Archbishop M. J. Spalding states as a fact that “the version of King James, on its first appearance in England, was openly decried by the Protes- 1 Cfr. ScHAFF, loc. cit., p. 341, Sq. ; * Preface to the Revised Version of the New Testament (1881), (8vo edit.), p: rr, For example, the Greek verb pevecv is rendered by “to abide, remain, continue, tarry, dwell, endure, be present; ’’ the conjunction xat is translated: “and, even, also, but, yet, then, so, when, therefore, if.’’ 3 For details, see MomMBERT, loc. cit., p. 399, sq.; and also The Revision of the New Testament, by LigHTFooT, TRENCH, and ELLICOTT. £Cfr. MomBerrt, loc. cit., pp. 391, sqq. 5 Seventh edition, vol. i, p. 308, THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 367 tant ministers as abounding in gross perversions of: the ‘original text.’”” We have heard already Rob. Gell, the chaplain to Dr. Abbott, the Protestant Archbishop of Canterbury, describing to us how “ dogmatic interests were in some cases allowed to bias the translation, and the Cal- vinism of one party, the prelatic views of another, were both represented at the expense of accuracy.’’ Here we shall give only one recent Protestant testimony, viz., that of Bishop Ellicott, who does not fear to say that, “in spite of the very common assumption to the contrary, there are many passages (in the version of 1611) from which errone- ous doctrinal inferences have been drawn, but where the inference comes from the translation, and not the original.” ' In point of fact, such passages as Matt. xix, 11; I Cor. vii, Preixy 5 0cl1 27,0 eb: x, 35, etC.,shave justly been pointed out by Archbishop Kenrick,’ as so many dogmatic erroneous renderings, and it is only right to add that some of these have been corrected by the revisers of 1881. 3. The Revised Version (1881, 1885). If one had judged of the future fortune of the Authorized Version by the manner in which it was received at first in England, he would have been naturally led to foretell its final rejection. The Bishops’ Bible continued to be used in many churches, and the popularity of the Geneva translation remained intact, as is shown by the fact that no less than thirteen editions of it (in whole or in part), were issued between 1611 and 1617. Protestant ministers found fault very commonly with the renderings of King James’ translation and the best Hebraist 1 Considerations on the Revision of the English Version of the New Testament, p. 89; see also p. 88, where he speaks of ‘‘ passages in which the error is of a doctrinal nature) 3.2 2 Theologia Dogmatica, vol. i, p. 427, sq. (Philadelphia, 1839). Cfr. also F. W. Fa- BER, in The Dublin Review, June, 1853, p. 466, sq. 368 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of the day, Hugh Broughton (f 1612) attacked it with vigor. Broughton’s opposition was continued by so great a scholar as Jn.‘Lightfoot (f 1675), who, in a sermon before the House of Commons, delivered in 1646, argued powerfully for “a review and survey of the translation of the Bible, that the three nations might come to understand the proper and gen- uine study of the Scriptures by an exact, vigorous and lively translation.” Feeling ran so high against the Authorized Version, that in the very midst of the agitations of the Com- monwealth, an order for a new revision of the Scriptures was introduced in the Long Parliament in 1652 and again in 1656, and was long discussed by a special committee of the House of Commons.’ No report, however, was made, and after the restoration of the Stuarts, ‘the tide of conserva- tive feeling, in this, as in other things, checked all plans of further alteration. Many had ceased to care for the Bible at all. Those who did care were content with the Bible as it was. Only here and there was a voice raised, like Rob. Gell’s, declaring that it had defects, that it bore in some things the stamp of the dogmatism of a party.” * Gradually King James’ Version came into general use, till, “ with the reign of Anne (1702-1714) the tide of glowing panegyric set in,” ° and the schemes for revision became very rare. Only with the last quarter of the eighteenth century did serious schemes for a revision reappear. ‘Then it was that men of real learning, such as Durell, Lowth, Blayney, Ken- nicott, Geddes, Newcome, etc., contended that the Author- ized Version was far from perfect, that the Hebrew Text its authors had rendered into English should not have been closely adhered to, etc. Nor was their contention purely theoretical, for these distinguished scholars issued versions 1 For details, see STOUGHTON, Our English Bible, p. 272, sqq. 2 PLumpTRE, art. Version, Authorized, in Smitu, Bible Dict., Amer. edit., vol. iv, Pp. 3437. 3 PLUMPTRE, ibid. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 369 of particular books which may be regarded as productions truly calculated to prepare for a larger and united effort. “ But in 1796 the note of alarm was sounded. A feeble pamphlet by George Burges (Letter to the Lord Bishop of Ely) took the ground that ‘the present period was unfit,’ and from that time, conservatism pure and simple was in the ascendant. To suggest that the Authorized Version might be inaccurate was almost as bad as holding ‘ French (i. e. revolutionary) principles.’ There is a long interval before the question again comes into anything like prom- iInencesrar es aa The question came up again into prominence towards the middle of the nineteenth century, and slowly something like a consensus of English-speaking scholars of England and America was formed for a revision. Foremost among the promoters of this consensus were the Anglican bishops, Ellicott and Trench, whose words, at once bold and wise, went far towards reconciling the mind of many among the clergy and the laity, with the idea of the possibility, and even the necessity, of a revision.” Scholarly attempts at translations which gradually multiplied, and which united a profound reverence for the old translators and their work, together with a sincere desire to produce an improved Ver- sion of Holy Writ, convinced many of the feasibility of a revision, and were at the same time positive contributions towards its accomplishment. 3 The reasons chiefly urged to gradually prepare a change in public opinion, were the following: (1) the translation of the New Testament had been made from a text confessedly 1 PLuMPTRE, ibid., p. 3439. 2 The words of Evticort, in his Preface to his Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles are vigorous, and even now deserve to be read (pp. viii-x). 3 A list of these Revisions or New Translations, is givenin SmiTu, Bible Dict., Amer. edit., vol. iv, p. 3444. There was even an attempt at a Revision of the (whole) Author- ized Version, by Five Clergymen ; but the work has remained incomplete. 370 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. imperfect, and since 1611 the Greek Text had reached a condition far nearer the ¢szsstma verba of the inspired writ- ers. In like manner, the translation of the Old Testament had been made too closely from the Hebrew Zextus Receptus considered at the time as perfectly faultless; (2) obsolete words had to be changed; others, in a goodly number, had been slowly passing into a different sense, and were therefore no longer adequate renderings; (3) endless variations in renderings evidently needed correction; (4) “ grammati- cal inaccuracy was a defect pervading more or less the whole extent of the Authorized Version of the New Testament... . The true force of tenses, cases, prepositions, articles, is con- tinually lost, sometimes at the cost of the finer shades which give vividness and emphasis, but sometimes also entailing more serious errors;”’ (5) the Hebrew meanings had not been determined by means of forms in the cognate Semitic languages, and Hebrew grammars, lexicons, commentaries, etc., had been greatly improved during the nineteenth cen- tury; (6) even doctrinal errors were at times insisted upon as showing that the revision was something of a moral duty.’ At length, after upwards of a century of discussion and attempts, a new and more successful step towards a revision was taken by both Houses of the Convocation of Canter- bury. In February, 1870, they unanimously passed a reso- lution to the effect “that a Committee of both Houses be appointed, with power to confer with any committee that may be appointed by the Convocation of the Northern Province (that of York), to report upon the desirableness of a Revision of the Authorized Version of the Old and New Testaments, whether by marginal notes or otherwise, in all those passages where plain and clear errors, whether in the Hebrew or 1 PrumprTRE, loc. cit. p. 3441. For examples, see SCHAFF, A Companion to the Greek Testament and English Version (4th edit.), pp. 350-359. 2 For details, cfr. The Revision of the New Testament, by LicHTFooT, TRENCH and ELLicorTtT. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. 371 Greek Text originally adopted by the translators, or in the translation made from the same, shall, on due investigation, be found to exist.”” Eight members of the Upper, and six- teen of the Lower, House were appointed the Committee of the Convocation of Canterbury, and the Convocation of the Northern Province declined to co-operate with the Southern in this inquiry, on the ground that “the time was not favor- able for revision, and the risk was greater than the probable gain.” Early in May, the Committee of the Southern Province presented a report, in consequence of which the following fundamental resolutions were adopted: (1) that it is desir- able that a revision of the Holy Scriptures be undertaken ; (2) that the revision be so conducted as to comprise both marginal renderings and such emendations as it may be found necessary to insert in the text of the Authorized Version ; (3) that, in the above resolutions, we do not con- template any new translation of the Bible, or any alteration of the language, except where, in the judgment of the most competent scholars, such change is necessary; (4) that in such necessary changes, the style of the language employed in the existing version be closely followed ; (5) that it is de- sirable that Convocation should nominate a body of its own members to undertake the work of revision, who shall be at liberty to invite the co-operation of any eminent for scholar- ship, to whatever nation or religious body they may belong.” The Committee accordingly appointed resolved, that two companies should be formed for the revision of the Author- ized Version of the Old Testament and the New Testament, respectively; that the first should consist of four bishops and four members of the Lower House, together with eighteen scholars and divines; that the second should also consist of four bishops, four members of the Lower House, and nineteen invited scholars and divines. 372 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Soon after these two companies had begun their work, the Committee of Convocation sought the co-operation of American scholars, in order to furnish a revision for the churches which had used so far the Authorized Version. The negotiations, begun in August, 1870, were conducted mainly through Ph. Schaff, of New York. Through his exertions, two companies of American revisers, “men of ability, experience and reputation in biblical learning and criticism, and fairly representing the leading churches and theological institutions of the United States,” ' were formed before the close of 1871. After long negotiations referring OM oh! to certain difficulties which stood in the way of co-opera- tion, the American companies entered on their work on October 4, 1872. The English and American Committees of Revision counted about eighty members, exclusive of about twenty more, who died or resigned after the work began. The principal British revisers. were the £xegefes (Anglican) Trench, Ellicott, Lightfoot, Kay, Perowne, Alford; (from other denomina- tions) Alexander, Angus, Brown, Fairbairn, Milligan; and the Critics : Tregelles, Scrivener, Westcott and Hort, Saml. Davidson.” The best-known scholars among the members of the American Committee were: W. H. Green, De Witt, Stowe, H. Thayer, Ezra Abbott, Ph. Schaff, H. B. Hackett, Conant and Day. The principal rules to be applied by both Committees 3 in carrying out the revision of the New Testament are as follows: (1) to introduce as few alterations as possible in the text of the Authorized Version, consistently with faithfulness ; 1 Ph. Scuarr, The Revision of the English Version of the New Testament, Introduc- tion, p. xvii. 2 Newman, Pusey and Cook, declined; Tregelles did not, in fact, co-operate, on account of ill-health. 3 These rules are given zz extenso, in the Preface to The Revised Version of the New Testament. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. B73 (2) each company to go twice over the portion to be revised, once provisionally, the second time finally ; (3) that the text to be adopted should be that for which the evidence is decidedly preponderating, and that when the text so adopted differs from that from which the Authorized Version was made, the alteration be indicated in the margin; (4) to make or retain no change in the text on the final revision by each company, except fwo-thirds of those present approve of the same; but on the first revision to decide by simple majorities ; (5) in every case of proposed alteration that may have given rise to discussion, to defer the voting there- upon till the next meeting, whensoever the same shall be required by one-third of those present at the meeting. The English and the American Committees submitted to each other portions of their work as they went along, and they issued one and the same edition, while the final varia- tions of the American Committee were embodied in an Ap- pendix. After ten years and a half of work, the Revised New Testament appeared on May the 17th, 1881, with the title of “ The New Testament of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, translated out of the Greek: Being the Version set forth a. D. 1611, compared with the most ancient Authorities and ReVised@Awust551:7 Inetheir long /7c/ace, the’ Re- visers give, among other things, an account of their work “ under the four heads of Zext, Translation, Language and Marginal Notes.” Although the work is called a “revision,” not a new translation, it is beyond doubt that, considered under those various heads, the Revised New Testament is rather a new version of the original with reference to the Authorized Version. Thus the text adopted as the basis of the new version differs so often and so considerably from the Lextus Receptus practically followed by the translators of 374 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, 1611, that it may really be called a new Greek Testament framed on documents which the critics on the Revision Committees considered as ‘“‘ most ancient,” and as decidedly better than those which underlie the Zextus Receptus. It is true that the margin of the Revised Version was supposed, in the rules originally laid down for the work of revision, to be sufficient to record textual alterations whenever “the text adopted would differ from that from which the Author- ized Version was made.” But in point of fact, “as it was found that a literal observance of this direction would often crowd and obscure the margin of the Revised Version, the revisers judged that its purpose might be better carried out in another manner. They therefore communicated to the Oxford and Cambridge University Presses a full and care- fully corrected list of the readings adopted which are at variance with the readings presumed to underlie the Authcr- ized Version, in order that they might be published inde- pendently in some shape or another.” * This list has been published, and it proves beyond doubt that, in thousands of places, the readings ‘“‘ presumed to underlie the Authorized Version ” weighed very little in the eyes of the majority of the revisers. As with the text, so with the Zyrans/ation and the Lan- guage: the Revised Version contains alterations incompar- ably more numerous than had been contemplated by the rules at first laid down for the work of revision. 'To some extent, this was the natural outcome of the larger number of textual variations adopted by the revisers. But beside alterations due to this source, a very large number of 1, H. A. ScrtvENER, The New Testament in the Original Greek according to the Text followed in the Authorized Version, together with the variations adopted in the Revised Version; Preface, pp. v, vi. The most important variations are connected with Matt. vi, 133 Mark. xvi, 9-20; Luke xxii, 43, 44; John v, 3; vii, 53—vili, 1x3 Col. ii, 2; I Tim. iii, 16; I John vy, 7, 8. The minor ones are numberless, as can be seen by perusing the work of Scrivener just referred to, THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. Bs others were introduced, where “ faithfulness in rendering ” was in no way at stake, and consequently where they could not be called necessary.’ Finally, the AZarginal Notes differ likewise considerably from those of the Authorized Version, both in character and in number. In general, they wear a more critical appearance in the Revised Version; and in particular, the “notes recording alternative renderings in difficult or debatable passages are numerous, and largely in excess,” so the revisers tell us, ‘ of those which were ad: mitted by our predecessors.” ” When we bear in mind that the sum total of the departures from King James’ Version has been estimated, as regards the New Testament alone, at over 36,000,3 it is easy to im- agine something of the dismay with which the Revised New Testament was received in many quarters, by men thor- oughly familiar with the words and the minutest details of the Authorized Version. ‘Most of them,” well observes Ph. Scuarr, “ had previously resisted all attempts at revision as a sort of sacrilege, and found their worst fears realized. They were amazed and shocked at the havoc made with their favorite notions and pet texts. How many sacred associa- tions, they said, are ruthlessly disturbed! How many edify- ing sermons spoiled! Even the Lord’s Prayer has been tampered with, and a discord thrown into the daily devo- tions. The inspired text is changed and unsettled, the faith of the people in God’s holy Word is undermined, and aid and comfort given to the enemy of all religion.” * “The first and the prevailing impression,” says the same 1 This can be best realized by means of such works as The Diacritical Edition of the Holy Bible, published for the purpose of comparison between the two versions, by Rufus WENDELL. Cfr. also Ph. Scuarr, A Companion to the Greek Testament and the English Version, p. 434, sqq. * Preface to the Revised New Testament, p. xiii. 3 Cfr. Ph. ScHaFr, loc. cit., p. 418. * ScHAFF, ibid., p. 413. 376 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. critic,’ “was one of disappointment and disapproval, especially in England. . . . Many were in hopes that the revision would supersede commentaries, and clear up all the difficulties ; instead of that, they found the same obscurities, and a per- plexing number of marginal notes, raising as many questions of reading or rendering. ‘The liberals looked for more, the conservatives for fewer, departures from the old version. Some wanted the language modernized, others preferred even the antiquated words and. phrases, including the ‘whiches’ and the ‘devils.2. A few would prefer a more literal rendering ; but a much greater number of critics, in- cluding some warm friends and even members of the Com- mittee, charge the revision with sacrificing grace and ease, poetry and rhythm, to pedantic fidelity. The same objection is made by literary critics who care more for classical Eng- lish than the homely Hebraistic Greek of the Apostles and Evangelists.” In justice it must be said that the Revised New Testa- ment is, in several respects, superior to the corresponding part in the Authorized Version. Textual corrections, improved renderings, suppressed inconsistencies, etc., could be mentioned in large number,” so that it is not sur- prising to find that it has been steadily gaining ground among the scholars of the various denominations. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that in numerous cases regarding either the text * or the translation and language,‘ the Authorized Version is decidedly better. Upon the whole, the Revised New Testament cannot lay claim to be, 1 Schaff, ibid., p. 412, sq. It should be remembered that Ph. Scuarr was the Pres- ident of the American Revision Committee. 2 Yor numerous examples, see Ph. Scuarr, loc. cit., p. 420, sq. 5 See in particular the work (however exaggerated in its tone) of Dean J. W. Burcon, entitled The Revision Revised. 4 See, especially, Washington Moon, The Revisers’ English. In connection with the question of the Laxguage, this English literary critic says justly: “ The American company of revisers suggested many very judicious emendations which unfortunately were not duly appreciated by the English revisers ” (p. 117). THE ENGLISH VERSIONS. ey. and is not in fact, considered as a final translation of the original Greek, or even as a really successful revision of King James’ Version.’ While the Revised Version of the New Testament was assailed by critics in all directions, and was declared by a very large number of them wholly unfit to displace the old version, the revision committees of England and America were pursuing the arduous task of completing their trans- lation of the proto-canonical books of the Old Testament.” Only four years later (in 1885) did they give to the public the result of their prolonged labors. ‘The entire Bible appeared then, under the general title of ‘‘ The Holy Bible containing the Old and New Testaments translated out of the Original Tongues: being the Version set forth a. D. 1611, compared with the most Ancient Authorities and revised.” In their Preface to the Old Testament the revisers tell us * that “as the state of knowledge on the subject of the original text is not at present such as to justify any attempt at an entire reconstruction of the text on the authority of the versions, they have thought it more prudent to adopt the Massoretic Text as the basis of their work, and to de- part from it, as the authorized translators had done, only in exceptional cases.” This they have really done, and in consequence, as they practically rendered the same text as the translators of 1611, the Revised Old Testament is mnch less altered than the New. Alterations of the Authorized Version are much more numerous in interpretation and language than in text, but it cannot be denied that in 1See the admissions of Ph. Scuarr,in his work so often already referred to, p. 416, sq. ? The revision of the deutero-canonical books was not initiated by convocation, but by the University Presses, which commissioned a company, formed from the Old and New Testament Companies, to carry out the work. The Revised “ Apocrypha,” as they are called, appeared in 18095. 3 Preface, p. v (octavo edit.). 378 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. most changes—especially as regards the interpretation of the prophetical and poetical books—the revisers were particularly happy. It is only natural, therefore, to find that when the Revised Old Testament was put forth, the popular verdict was more favorable to it than it had been four years previously to the Revised New ‘Testament. “lhe improvements in interpretation of obscure passages were obvious, while the changes of language were less numerous ; moreover, the language of the Old ‘Testament books being less familiar than that of the Gospels, the changes in it passed with less observation.” ’ On the other hand, the verdict of scholars was at first, and is still, less favorable to the revision of the Old Testament than to that of the New. It is rightly felt that in many cases the revisers did not avail themselves freely enough of all the critical work which has been going on during the last hundred years, and that they did not sufficiently take into account the numerous emendations of the Hebrew Text upon which Textual Critics are fully agreed. It seems, therefore, that the Revised Old Testament must be regarded as “decidedly behind the scholarship of the age. The work was timid and cautious. There is little doubt that the next revision, whenever it takes place, will be bolder and freer, and that the ancient versions, especially the Septua- gint, will play a larger part in the work.” * The foregoing remarks concerning the Revised Version apply fully to its text as issued by the University Presses of Oxford and Cambridge (England). They apply also, almost in their entirety, to the standard edition which was recently published for American readers by Thos. Nelson and Sons, New York.® This American edition has for its general pur- 1 Frederic G. Kenyon, Our Rible and the Ancient Manuscripts, p. 244. 2 J, Paterson SmytH, The Old Documents and the New Bible, 3d edit., p. 185. See, also, substantially the same verdict in Kriccs, The :tudy of Holy Scripture, p- 216. 3 The New Testament appeared in 1900, and the Old Testament in rgor. THE ENGLISH VERSIONS, 379 pose to improve, in various ways, the text of the Revised Version. It aims, in particular, at embodying in the text those readings and renderings for which the members of the American Committees had expressed their preference while at work with the English Committees of Revision, but most of which had simply been recorded in Appendices to the copies of the Revised Version issued by the University Presses. The most obvious departures of the American edition of the New Testament from the English edition of 1881 con- sist in the addition of references to parallel and illustrative Biblical passages, and of running headings to indicate the contents of the pages. Other departures are connected with the division into paragraphs, the punctuation of the text, the titles of the books,' and the alternative title of the New Testament.? As regards language, the American editors have dropped numerous archaisms or forms of ex- pression otherwise objectionable. The American edition of the Old Testament is likewise supplied with topical headings and references to parallel passages. Its text is practically identical, in regard to rendering, punctuation, and division into paragraphs, with that published in 1885. The titles of the books have not been interfered with, but the language of the work,in respect to the use of “shall’’ and “will,” of the relative pronouns, Oia } instead of “an before’ h,” aspirated, etc:, etc., has been improved. ‘The editors have introduced the con- ventional form “ Jehovah” instead of the forms “ Lorp” and “Gop” used in the edition of 1885. They have also substituted “sheol’’ for “the grave,” “the pit,’ and “hell,” 1 The titles to the Gospels runs “The Gospel according to Matthew,” ‘‘The wospel according to Mark,” etc.; that to the Acts of the Apostles is simply ‘* The Acts’’; those to the Epistles of St. Paul read: *‘ The Epistle of Paul to the Romans,” “The First Epistie of Paul to the Corinthians,”’ etc. 2The New Testament reads: ‘*The New Covenant, commonly called the New Testament of Our Lordand Saviour Jesus Christ.”’ 380 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. in places where these terms had been retained by the Eng- lish Revision. These last changes will hardly commend themselves to most Protestant readers. The American edition of the Revised Version is, upon the whole, a decided improvement on the English edition of the same. Most, however, of the textual defects of the English Revision which have been pointed out above have been allowed to subsist, and will prevent critics at large from regarding it as anything like a final translation of the Sacred Scriptures.’ 1 Cfr. art. English Versions, in Hastines’ Dictionary of the Bible, vol. v (extra vol.). PART THIRD. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XVI (ENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION, T wary NATURE AND DIVI- 1. Nature of Biblical Hermeneutics. SIONS OF Bir- | 2. Divisions of Biblical Hermeneutics. LICAL HER- MENEUTICS: pO eee { Notion and twofold Species ; ; i {4 Has any passage of Holy Writ more Sense: | than one literal Sense ? I Definition and three- (EEE H. fold Division : eeu! et : 2. Typical Hee eh THE Coe Existence and Extent in Old and New ; Testaments. VARIOUS Its Proving Force. SENSES OF What is it? 3. Accommo- f{ When found in Holy Scripture? HoLy WRIT: dative How far allowed to Christian Inter- Sense : | preters? 4. Mythical Its notion. Is it found in Holy Sense : Writ? Follow the ordinary Laws of Human . Language. III. Conform to Decisions and Common G 1 Sentiment of the Church. PRINCIPAL A alae. Follow the Unanimous Consent of ules : the Fathers. RULES OF Take as Guide the Analogy of : Faith. INTER- 2. Special f PRETATION : Rules ap- ; The Literal Sense. plicable | ae Typical Sense. to: 382 CHAPTER XVI. GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETAYION, § 1. Mature and Divisions of Biblical Hermeneutics. 1. Nature of Biblical Hermeneutics. Of the three great parts of a General Introduction to the Holy Scriptures, the one which immediately preparcs the student for his per- sonal study of the sacred text is that which is usually des- ignated under the name of Biblical Hermeneutics. Neither Biblical Canonics, which teaches him what are the books he must regard as Holy Writ, nor Biblical Zextwal Criticism, which makes him acquainted with the means available to restore the sacred text to its primitive purity, directly help him to seize the correct meaning of the inspired records. It is different with Biblical ermenecutics, whose very name, derived from the Greek {ppyyeber, to explain, bespeaks its most intimate connection with the actual interpretation of the Word of God. At the present day the term Hermeneutics, when used in regard to the sacred text, is generally under- stood to mean the science of the principles according to which the Bible should be interpreted.’ | It is true that the general laws which govern the interpre- tation of ancient books hold good, to a very large extent, in the interpretation of the Canonical Books. Yet it cannot 1 Exegesis from the Greek é&nyeto@at, to explain, is a word of identical import to Hermeneutics. Commonly, however, the former word denotes the commentary or inter- pretation of the text; while the latter applies to the science of the principles upon which Exegesis should be conducted. 383 384 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. be denied that, owing to their Oriental, and, more particu- larly, to their sacred character, the inspired records of the Old and New Testaments demand to be interpreted by means of special rules which make up the domain of Bibli- cal Hermeneutics.’ 2. Divisions of Biblical Hermeneutics. As might naturally be expected, a different view of this domain is taken by the various writers on General Introduction. While some think it necessary to deal with certain principles of in- terpretation, others deem it superfluous because they con- sider them as plain and obvious. Again, other writers devote an entire section of their treatise on Biblical Hermeneutics to: setting forth and illustrating peculiar exegetical rules, while others give to them only a passing notice, or at least think it unnecessary to insist on them at length. Perhaps the most elaborate division of Biblical Hermeneutics, and one which has been adopted more or less fully by subsequent writers, is the following, proposed in 1852, by J. E. CEr- LERIER. (1) Grammatical Hermeneutics, or the collection of rules which guide the interpreter in ascertaining the pre- cise meaning of the words and phrases which he meets with in the original languages of the Bible ; (2) Historical Hermeneu- tics, or the body of rules concerning the influence which the external relations of position, time, country, etc., have exer- cised upon the sacred writer ; (3) Scr7ptural Hermeneutics, or a class of rules deduced from the general study of the Bible itself and from a special consideration of its various parts; (4) Doctrinal Hermeneutics, which guide us in our search for, and determination of, the divine revelation made known to usin Scripture; (5) finally, Psychological Hermeneutics, deal- 1 For further information, see CHAUVIN, op. cit., p. 436, sq. ? CELLERIER’S work is entitled: Manuel d’Herméneutique Biblique; an abridged translation of it has been published by ELtiotr and Harsua, Biblical Hermeneutics, New York, 1881. GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 385 ing with certain dispositions (intellectual and moral), which an interpreter should possess in the accomplishment of his task. It is plain that these and other such elaborate divisions of Biblical Hermeneutics are the work of writers who aim at what they consider to be a complete treatment of the sub- ject. In reality they include under the name of Biblical Hermeneutics topics which belong to other departments of scriptural knowledge, or which do not of themselves require to be developed in order to fit the student for a personal and profitable study of the sacred text. Our treatment of Her- meneutics in the present volume will be of a far more ele- mentary kind: after having briefly set forth the General Principles of Interpretation absolutely necessary to guide the student in understanding Holy Writ, we shall give a rapid sketch of the principal Periods in the History of In- terpretation. § 2. The Various Senses of Holy Writ. 1. The Literal Sense. The first duty of an interpreter of Holy Writ, is to inquire into the sense which the writer of a sacred book intended proximately and directly to convey through the words he used.’ This sense, which is now com- monly called the //era/ sense,’ is plainly the primary object of the statements made by the writer, so that no one reading or explaining them can overlook it, without running the evident risk of missing the exact meaning of the book be- fore him, and of reading into its words his own sense instead of that of the author. As every writer can, and in fact does, freely use terms in 1 Cfr. Jos. Dixon, Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures, vol. i, p. 174 (Baltimore, 1853) * Latin writers on Hermeneutics give it also the name of the Azstorical sense, imitat- ing in this the Greeks, who at times call it the sense cata tiv iotopiar St. Thomas gives an excellent definition of the 2:teva/ sense, when he says “ est id quod ex ipsa ver- borum acceptione recte accipitur ” (Quodlib. vii, quest. 6, art. 14). 386 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. their primitive and in their derived acceptation to express proximately and directly his mind, so there is a twofold literal sense to be recognized in a book of Holy Writ. If the words are employed in their natural and primitive significa- tion, the sense which they express is the proper literal sense ; whereas, if they are used with a figurative and derived mean- ing, the sense, though still literal, is usually called the meta- phorical or figurative sense. For example, when we read in St. John i, 6, “ There was a man whose name was John,” it is plain that the terms employed here are taken properly and physically, for the writer speaks of a real man whose real name was John. On the contrary, when John the Baptist, pointing out Jesus, said, “‘ Behold the Lamb of God” (John i, 29), it is clear that he did not use the word “lamb” in that same proper literal sense which would have excluded every trope or figure, and which would have denoted some real lamb: what he wished proximately and directly to express, that is, the literal sense of his words, was that in the derived and figurative sense Jesus could be called “the Lamb of God.” In the former case, the words are used in their proper literal sense; in the latter, in their tropical or figurative sense. That the books of Holy Writ have a literal sense (proper or metaphorical, as just explained), that is, a meaning prox- imately and directly intended by the inspired writers, is a truth so clear in itself, and at the same time so universally granted, that it would be idle to insist on it here. The same holds good in regard to another question, which was for- merly the object of much discussion among scholars, and which may be thus formulated : Has any passage of Holy Writ more than one literal sense? If we except a few con- temporary interpreters of Holy Writ, the best known among whom is Dr. Franz SCHMID,’ all admit that since the sacred 1 De Inspirationis Bibliorum vi et Ratione, Brixina, 1885, p. 246, sqq. GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 387 books were composed by men, and for men, their writers naturally conformed to that most elementary law of human intercourse, which requires that only one precise sense shall be proximately and directly intended by the words of the speaker or writer. It is true that St. Augustine ' maintained that some passages of Holy Writ had several literal senses, but it is no less true that no Father of the Church, before or after him, was of the same mind, so that this view of the illustrious Bishop of Hippo was clearly a personal, not a traditional one. It is also true that leading theologians of the past centuries have admitted several literal senses in con- nection with a few scriptural passages, such as Ps. il, 7; Isai. liti, 4, 8; etc.; it is beyond doubt, nevertheless, that when these and other such texts are closely examined, they are found to yield but one literal sense, so that every other meaning which is connected with them is not the one proxi- mately and directly intended by the sacred writer.” 2. The Typical Sense. Of the various meanings which Catholic interpreters have often considered as a _ second literal sense in some passages of Holy Writ, one claims the especial attention of the student of Biblical Hermeneutics. It is called the sfzretual or typical sense, and is well described by St. Thomas in the following words: “The author of the Sacred Scripture is God, in whose power it is, not only to accommodate words to signify things, but also to make the things themselves significative. That first significa- tion, therefore, by which the words signify things, belongs to the first (or primary) sense, which is historical or literal. But that signification, by which the things signified by the words, signify yet other things, is called the spiritual sense, which is 1Cfr. On Christian Doctrine, Book iii, chap. xxvii; Confessions, Book xii, chap. XXxi, etc. 2 For details, see CorNELY, Introductio Generalis, p. 522, sqq.; TrocHon, Introduc- tion Générale, p. so8, sqq.; CHAUVIN, Lecons d’ Introduction Générale, p. 456, sqq.; C. H. Toy, Quotations in the New Testament ; and commentators generally. 388 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. founded upon, and supposes, the literal sense.” ' ‘Thus the history of Isaac and Ismael, which is told us in the book of Genesis, had, beside the literal sense intended by the writer of that book, another, viz., a spiritual sense, which is made known to us in the Epistle to the Galatians, and according to which the facts recorded of Isaac and Ismael fore- shadowed both Testaments.* The spiritual sense may therefore be defined as that sense which the Holy Spirit intends to convey through the things, persons, events, etc., to which the words have a direct reference. These things, persons or events were so ordained by God as to foreshadow others, and, on that account, they can signify to us God’s thoughts or purposes. ‘They are called zyfes,3 and the name of ¢yfzcal sense is naturally given to the sense which is conveyed to us through them. Usually the typical sense is divided into allegorical, tropolog- zcal and anagogical, according to the three great classes of objects foreshadowed in Holy Writ. (1) The a//egorical or prophetic sense is given by the types which refer to Christ and His Church, and the principal of which are either persons like Adam,’ Melchisedech,’ etc., or things, such as the ark,° the brazen serpent,’ etc., or, finally, events, such as the dis- missal of Agar and her child, etc. (2) The ¢ropological or moral sense is derived from types which convey a lesson for our moral guidance. Thus the direction given to Israel in Deuteronomy (xxv, 4): “ Thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out thy corn,” teaches in the tropological sense 1 Summa Theol., pars. i, quest. i, art. x. The spiritual sense is also called mystical, because less obvious, more hidden than the literal sense. As(aleav 24. 3 Cfr. Rom. v, 14; I Cor. x, 6, 11. The name of aztityfes is given to the things, persons or events thus foreshadowed. S Romeiv, 1455 eGonexvat hy 47,< 5 Heb. vii, 1-10. 6] Pet. iii, 20, 21. TS JOnmeiyert arse GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 389 pointed out by St. Paul (I Cor. ix, 9), the obligation under which Christians are to provide for the maintenance of the ministers of the Gospel. (3) The anagogical sense is suggested by objects which typify the things of the world tow come, Ine thatysense, Jerusalem; “the capital city of Judzea, is the figure of the heavenly Jerusalem (Apoc. xxl, 2), and the temple of Solomon, the ancient tabernacle, and the Mosaic rites are but “the symbol and shadow of heavenly things’’ (Heb. viii, 5).’ It will be noticed that these examples of the various typical senses are at the same time clear proofs that the writers of the New Testament admitted the existence of a typical sense in the various books of the Old Testament. Their belief was in full harmony with the mind of their Jewish contemporaries, both in Palestine and in Alexandria, —as we see from various places of the Gospels and from the writings of Josephus and Philo *—and it has been shared in by the Fathers of the Church from the beginning * and by Catholic theologians. and interpreters generally down to the present day. In fact, the illustrious Origen, and the Alexandrian school of Biblical Interpretation have seen types everywhere in the Old Testament, and although their view is an exaggerated one, it goes far towards showing how naturally the typical sense of Holy Writ is suggested by the general conception that the Old Testament dispensation was, even in its details, preordained to dispose men for the advent of Christianity. Much more acceptable than this opinion of Origen, is the 1 Of course one and the same object may be at the same time, a prophetic, tropolog- ical, and anagogical type. This is the case, for instance, with Jerusalem, which typifies in the allegorical sense, the Christian Church, in the tropological, the Christian soul, in the analogical, heaven. 2 CHauvin, Lecons d’Introduction Générale, p. 469. 8 Cfr. St. CLEMENT of Rome, I Cor. xii; St. Justin, Dial. against Trypho, chaps. xlii, cxiv, cxxi; St. IREN#us, CLEMENT of Alexandria, etc. ‘Their texts are given in *S ROCHON, Introduction Générale, p. 554, sq. 390 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. view entertained by some Catholic authors, that the existence of a typical sense should be admitted in connection with the persons and events spoken of in the writings of the New Testament. It is true that the New Testament dispensation is the fulfilment of that of the Old Testament, and is final from the standpoint of Revelation; yet it does not seem improbable that, in some other way, it may symbolize and prefigure events in the life of the Church through centuries.’ It is clear that whoever admits the existence of a typical sense truly intended by God, as stated in the definition of it given above, must also admit its proving force wherever its existence is fully ascertained. In point of fact, the sacred writers of the New Testament appeal repeatedly to the mystical sense of passages of the Old Testament, in exactly the same manner as they appeal to the literal meaning of others.” As, however, Rationalists and Protestants generally deny the existence of such sense in the Holy Scriptures, it would avail nothing to draw an argument from the mystical sense againstthem. Besides, Catholic theologians think after St. Thomas, that one may all the more dispense with having recourse to the typical sense of the sacred books, because “this sense never conveys a truth necessary for our faith that is not found stated in a literal manner somewhere in Holy Writ.” * 3. The Accommodative Sense. It is not always easy to distinguish between the typical, and another sense, which is 1 Cfr. I Cor. x, 16, 17, where we are told that the Eucharistic bread and wine area figure of the mutual union of the faithful. In like manner, according to many Fathers, Martha and Mary typify the active and contemplative life; again, the bark of Peter on the stormy sea, is a striking image of the Church under persecution, etc. See CorNELY, loc. cit., p. 540 sq.; ViGouroux, Man. Biblique, vol.i,n. 166 bis, § 3; and more particularly St. THomas, Summa Theol., pars. i, quest i, art. x. 2 Cfr. Matt. ii, 15; Heb.i,5. In these and other such passages, the New Testament writers are generally regardedas quoting the Old Testament in its typical sense. 3“ Rx solo literali sensu posse trahi argumentum quia nihil sub spirituali sensu continetur fidei necessarium, quod Scriptura per literalem sensum alicubi manifeste non tradat ’’ (St. THomAs, Summa. Theol., pars. i, quest. i, art. x. GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 391 called accommodative, because it consists in the accommodation or application of the Scripture to something, of which there is no question in the passage quoted, either in the literal or in the mystical sense. ‘This accommodation or adaptation of the sacred words to an object to which they have no real reference may be made in two ways. One by extending their meaning to some matter like to that of which they really speak; as, for instance, if one would excuse his fault by saying in the words of Eve “Serpens decepit me;’’’ the other way is by applying the words of a passage to some subject quite foreign and unlike to that which is spoken of in Holy Writ; as for instance, if any one quoted the words of Ps. xvii, 26, ‘‘ Cum sancto sanctus eris,”’ intending thereby to point out the beneficial effects of good company for a man, whereas, in the text there is question of something entirely different, viz.: of God showing Himself kind and merciful to the kind and merciful man. Most of the time it is easy enough to distinguish this latter form of accommodation from the typical sense, but the case is oftentimes different in connection with the former way of adapting the words of the inspired records. A clear proof of this is found in the fact, that the best interpreters of Holy Writ are at variance when there is question of determining the places where the New Testament writers quote the Scrip- tures of the Old Testament in an accommodative sense. Thus while most Catholic commentators consider as taken at least in their typical sense, the words of the Old Testa- ment which are quoted in the New with some such introduc- tory formula as “ ut adimpleretur quod dictum est . . .”’ some of our very best interpreters have maintained that passages quoted in this manner, may be ’ and in fact are at times 1 Gen. fii, 13. ? See the valuable remarks of Card. WisEMAN on this point, in his Tenth Lecture on the Connection between Science and Revealed Religion. 392 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. applied by the Evangelists per accommodationem.' Of course, the same difficulty does not exist in connection with places where these introductory formulas are not used by the sacred writers. In such places most Catholic interpreters admit readily that passages from the Old Testament are quoted in the New in an accommodative sense, although they vary con- siderably in regard to the number of accommodations which should be recognized. In point of fact, the accommo- dative use of Holy Writ is granted by many to exist in the following places of the New Testament: Matt. vii, 23; x; 3Ou9 Luke xxlil) joa sl plesamiy, = 254" Romo fo moe TE CORM Vill, ot Snel eb ex Nitec mie POG y XI 4'y eLey Treading in the footsteps of the New Testament writers, the Fathers and Doctors of the Church have had frequent recourse to this accommodative sense in their expositions of the sacred text, and it is well known that the Church her- self does the same in her liturgy. Itis therefore allowable to the preacher of the Gospel to use it also in his sermons and instructions; provided, however, he be careful not to give it out as the real meaning of Holy Writ, or as a valid proof of Catholic doctrine. Far-fetched and disrespectful accommodations of the Word of God should of course be avoided.? Finally, there is no doubt that when employed with tact and genuine piety, the accommodative sense may prove highly useful and edifying.’ 1 Thus MALDONATUS, S. J.,in connection with Matt. viii, 17, says: ‘‘ Quod a propheta (Isaia) de peccatis dictum erat, Evangelista ad morbos corporis accommodat .. . quia ita solet Matthzus prophetias non ad eumdem, sed ad similem sensum accommodare ; ”’ and in connection with Matt. iv, 14 sq., he writes: “suo more ad Christum accom- modat (Evangelista), ut alias.” Cfr. also MALDoNATUS in Matt. ii, 18, 23; xiii, 35, etc. —See also ScHANz, Comm. tiber Matthzeus, quoted in The Dublin Review, April, 1895, Pp. 330. 2 Cfr. the Decree of the Council of Trent, Sess. iv, which inveighs strongly against such abuses. 3 Lo XIII, in his Encyclical Providentissimus Deus, says expressly that kept within its proper limits, “it isa most valuable means of promoting virtue and piety ”’ (p. 29, Official Transl.). GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 393 4. The Mythical Sense. Finally, another sense ascribed to Holy Writ, especially by Rationalistic scholars, is the mythical sense, thus called from the non-historical character of the facts under which certain ideas and truths are supposed to be taught to the reader. In the myth, as in the parable, the object of the writer, that which he intends to convey, is not necessarily the occurrence of a real fact, still less the correctness of the details he relates, but simply the idea or truth, historical, moral, religious, or otherwise, which he makes obvious to his reader by means of an apparently historical narrative. Those who, for instance, consider as mythical the account of man’s temptation and fall, regard as non-historical the details which are given of the serpent’s cunning speech to the woman, of the eating of an apple as the actual occur- rence which constituted man’s first sin, etc., and take them simply to be a peculiar way of setting forth the great re- ligious truth that the first ancestors of mankind once fell away from their primitive innocence through wilful disobe- dience to their Maker. In order, therefore, to obtain the mythical sense of a writer, one must first disregard the pecu- liar dress suited to the notions of the writer’s time and coun- try, under which he conveyed his thought; and, secondly, grasp the idea or truth, moral, philosophical, religious, or even the historical fact, which the writer directly intended to teach or record.’ Concerning the quest of the mythical sense, which Ration- 1 A myth, may be (1), Wzs¢orzca/, that is, relating an occurrence not as it actually took place, but only in such a manner as it must have appeared to a rude age, with its sen- suous modes of thinking and judging; (2), Phzlosophical, that is, derived either from pure speculation, or mainly from speculation combined with the data furnished by tra- dition ; (3), Poetzcad, that is, fictions imagined by a poetical mind to amplify and adorn ‘his writings; (4), Jzxed, that is, in which some historical truth is mingled with a measure of philosophical] speculation, ‘These definitions are, of course, arbitrary, and one scholar considers as a /zstoricad, what another thinks to be-a Ahzlosophical myth. (For details, see Sam. Dayrpson, Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 207, sq. 3 p. 210, Sq.) 394 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. alists of the nineteenth century have applied strictly to both the Old and the New ‘Testaments, the Protestant Sam. Davipson * speaks in the following forcible words: “To all who entertain a true regard for Revelation considered as a divine system, it is superfluous to say that the mythical interpretation is untenable, erroneous, and impious. With infernal zeal it sets itself to destroy the sacred character and truth of the books of Scripture. But the Bible is historical to such a degree as not to submit to this treatment without losing its essential characteristics. It is true that myths are interwoven with the histories of all heathen nations. They originated at a time when there was no authentic or true history. But the Scripture contains a system of doctrine based upon history, available for the instruction and moral renovation of men. If we strip it of its history, we take away the doctrine also; or reduce it at least to a meagre skeleton, without flesh and blood and vitality. We fritter away its contents to a shadow devoid of substance or solidity, where nothing is left but the few moral truths which each interpreter is pleased to deduce from the record. The Jewish religion as developed in the Old Testament was unfavorable to myths. They could not have been intro- duced into the sacred books unless it be affirmed that prophets and inspired men wrote at random, without the superintendence of the Spirit. To intersperse their compo- sitions with such legends is contrary to all our notions of inspiration, and can only be attributed to them by such as deny their spiritual illumination. Nor is there any similarity between the Grecian myths and those alleged to exist in the Old Testament. The former have no natural connection with one another; they stand separate and isolated; while the narratives of the latter, from Moses to the latest prophet, form a continuous, connected series, without a parallel in the 1 Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 215. GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 395 mythology of any nation. It is also observable that ‘the sacred records are briefer in proportion to their antiquity ; thus furnishing a presumption that they were not ornamented at a later period with a fabulous dress, or enlarged in adapta- tion to the rude notions of a vulgar people. Such concise- ness as is found at the commencement of the Mosaic writ- ings would not have appeared had myths constituted the entire history. The more barbarous the times, the more diffuse and gaudy should the myths have been to suit the prevailing taste. There is therefore no similarity between profane mythology and that which has been attributed to the Bible. “The introduction of myths into the New Testament is still more unscientific, improbable and pernicious. The time at which Jesus appeared was not a time of ignorance in the history of the world. . . . The Augustan era of litera- ture was one of light and knowledge, unfavorable to the composition of myths. ... In the New Testament, every- thing connected with the history of Jesus is so simple and unadorned—so artlessly related—so remote from strained efforts, that it were preposterous to suppose the existence of myths. . . . There is no mythical dress thrown around oc- currences ; fictitious ornaments beseemed neither the majesty of the Master whom the writers followed, nor their own art- less habits of life and cogitation. They did not belong to the philosophers of their day, but to the humblest ranks of uneducated life; nor did they know the favorite decora- tions in which mythological writers wrapped up unpalatable CEOS eee. These remarks of Prof. Davidson dispose clearly and conclusively of the Rationalistic method of interpretation, 1 See, also, the valuable remarks of 1’ Abbé H. Rautt in connection with the mythical sense, in his Cours Elémentaire d’Ecriture Sainte, nouvelle édition (Paris, 1882), vol. i, PP. 95-102. 396 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, which explains away every supernatural occurrence recorded in the Bible, by regarding all the miraculous features of the narrative as mythical. Are they equally conclusive against the view which, while admitting readily the historical charac- ter of the New Testament, and of most of the narratives found in the Old, grants, nevertheless, that the mythical element exists in the first chapters of Genesis and in some narratives of the book of Judges? Plainly, they have not appeared such to Samuel Davidson himself, who wrote thus at a some- what later date: ‘‘ The history of Samson is strongly tinged with the mythological and romantic. . . . His whole charac- ter savors of the exaggeration with which the traditions of later times embellish remote heroes. The deeds he per- forms exceed human strength, and are represented as super- . natural. . . . In short, the character of’ Samson is such a singular compound as can only be accounted for on a principle common to the early history of most nations, which embel- lishes with the marvellous the old champions who were instru- mental in their deliverance from oppressors. The legendary is begotten by popular tradition, and exalted in process of time into the miraculous. The history of Gedeon is also embellished with mythological exaggerations, which should not be construed as literary history. . . . “These observations will help the reader to see in what light the miraculous character of many relations in the book of Judges should be viewed. Popular tradition magnified into the marvellous and superhuman the deeds of heroic men and patriots. Subtracting the legendary and mythological from the contents, there is little to detract from historical truth and eredimiitye 24.7" It is this guarded manner of admitting the mythical sense in the interpretation of a comparatively few passages of * Sam. Davipson, An Introduction to the Old Testament, vol. i, p. 469, sqq. (London, 1862). GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 397 Holy Writ, which has been steadily gaining ground among Protestant scholars of the latter part of the nineteenth century, and which has apparently found some favor in the eyes of such recent Catholic writers as Francois LENor- MANT,' E. BABELON,” Father Chas. RosBeErt,*® and even Card. MEIGNAN, who, after his long and careful study of the books of the Old Testament, seems not to maintain the strictly historical character of the first chapters of Genesis in the following passage :* “One should not look in the first chapters of Genesis so much for the strict history of the world and of mankind, as for a religious and philosophical account of that same history. Indeed, we do not hereby exclude from these chapters recollections of historical facts handed down by tradition ; but, in relating them, the inspired writer has not aimed at absolute precision; he chiefly intended to set forth the moral teaching which they convey.” ° Views of similar import had also been maintained long ago by such able scholars as Dom. CALMET (71757), and J. JAHN (f 1817),’ but these views were, and still are, almost universally rejected by Catholic interpreters. 1 Especially in his work : Les Origines de 1’ Histoire d’ aprés la Bible et les Traditions des Peuples Orientaux. 2 In his continuation of LENORMANT’s Histoire Ancienne de l’Orient. Cfr. vol. vi, p. 207. 3 In La Revue Biblique, Oct., 1895, pp. 528-535. ‘This passage is extracted from an article by the learned Cardinal, entitled, L’Eden, and published in The Correspondant, Feb., 1895. 5 Owing to the great difficulty of rendering adequately Card. Meignan’s idiomatic words, we subjoin the passage in the original French: “ Il ne faut pas tant chercher dans les premiers chapitres de la Genése une histoire précise du monde et de l’humanité, que la philosophie religieuse de cette histoire. Certes, nous ne nions pas, dans ces chapitres, les souvenirs de faits historiques conservés parla tradition; mais, en les re- latant, l’auteur inspiré n’a point visé a une précision mathématique, il a voulu surtout mettre en relief la doctrine morale qui s’en dégage.” 6 See CALMET’s Commentaire Littéral sur l’Epitre de St. Jude, verse 7; p. 350 (Paris, 1726). 7 Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 242, sqq. (Eng. Transl.). Cfr. also Bishop HANNEBERG, Histoire de la Révélation Biblique, vol. i, p. 239 (Paris, 1856). 398 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. § 3. Principal Rules of Interpretation. 1. General Rules ofInterpretation. As might natur- ally be expected, the practice of scriptural interpretation, like that of every other art, is submitted to general rules, the knowledge and use of which are of real value to any one who wishes to proceed safely or to become proficient in it. It would be easy to point out many such rules and to en- large on them at considerable length ; but for the sake of brevity, we shall set forth here only those which it behooves most the student to bear in mind, and confine ourselves to a few remarks concerning them. The first general principle which the interpreter of Holy Writ should realize and act upon, is fo follow the ordinary laws of human language. ‘This first rule has for its ground the very purpose which God had in view, when He employed human agents and human language for the composition of the sacred books. In thus acting, He clearly wished to adapt His-revelation to our modes of thought and of expres- sion, so that the biblical interpreter should ever consider the language used by the inspired writers as submitted to the ordinary laws of human language. ‘This inference had been distinctly realized many centuries ago by St. Augustine, when he said: “ Neque aliquo genere loquuntur Scripture quod in consuetudine humana non inveniatur, quia utique hominibus loquuntur;”’’ and its ground had been clearly set forth by St. Hilary of Poitiers, in the following words: ‘“Sermo divinus secundum intelligentiz nostra consuetudi- nem naturamque se temperat, communibus rerum vocabulis ad significationem doctrine et institutionis aptatis. Nobis enim et non sibi loquitur Deus, atque ideo nostris utitur in loquendo.”’ ” A second law of interpretation, which is no less general 1 De Trinitate, Book i, chap. xii (cfr. MiGne, Patr. Lat., vol. xlii, col. 837). 2 Comm. on Ps. cxxi (Patr. Lat., vol. ix, col. 695). GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 399 in its application, and which is certainly of more practical import than the one just given, prescribes ready conformity tc the decisions and even to the common sentiment of the Church. Whoever believes sincerely that the Church of God is “ the pillar and ground of the truth,” ’ any time to submit to the decisions of that same Church re- will feel no repugnance at garding the meaning of the Holy Scriptures. Most readily will he accept as the exact meaning of a passage, the sense which he will know to have been defined by the Church, whether this definition was made fosztive/y, as when the Council of Trent declared authoritatively that the words: “This is My body,” * mean that the body of Christ is really and substantially under the species of bread and wine; or only negatively, as when the same Council condemned as false the interpretation which sees in the words: ‘“ Whose sins you shall forgive, they are forgiven them, and whose sins you shall retain, they are retained,” * a reference not to the power of remitting sins in the tribunal of penance, but only to the power of preaching the Gospel. Very willingly, too, will he comply with the most wise rule of interpretation, which the same Church of God first framed in the Council of Trent, and which it solemnly re- peated in the Council of the Vatican, viz.: that in matters of faith and morals the Catholic interpreter shall carefully abstain from ascribing to a passage a meaning which would be opposed to the common sentiment of the Church, because the Church has authority for judging of the true meaning of Holy Writ.’ 2 UL Tani, TOI FS, 2 Matt. xxvi, 26. 3 John xx. 23. 4 “Quoniam vero,” says the Council of the Vatican (Sess. iii, cap. 2, De Revelat.), “qua S. Tridentina Synodus de interpretatione divine Scripture ad coercenda petulantia in- genia decrevit, a quibusdam hominibus prave exponuntur, Nos, idem decretum renov- antes, hanc illius esse mentem declaramus, ut in rebus fidei et morum, ad edificationem doctrine Christiane pertinentium, is pro vero sensu Sacre Scripture habendus sit, quem tenuit actenet Sancta Mater Ecclesia, cujus est judicare de vero sensu et interpre- tatione Scripturarum Sacrarum, atque ideo nemini licere contra hunc sensum . . . ipsam Scripturam Sacram interpretari.’’ (Cfr. Concil. Trid. Sess. iv.) 400 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Together with the obligation just referred to, and incum- bent on every Catholic interpreter to abide by the decisions and the common sentiment of the Church, the Fathers of Trent and of the Vatican enacted another rule, which may be considered as the third general principle of interpretation, although it apparently does little more than point out one of the practical manners in which the foregoing rule should be carried out. According to these two Ecumenical Councils, the Catholic interpreter is strictly bound in his interpretation of the sacred text, zot Zo go against the unanimous consent of the Fathers of the Church in matters which appertain to Catholic belief and practice. Evidently, whoever would not comply with the duty thus laid on him, could not be said to interpret Holy Writ in the sense admitted by the Church of God, since she has endorsed once for all the sense which has commended itself to the mind of all her great leaders in the early ages, of all her authorized exponents of true faith and pure morality. On the other hand, in framing this general rule, the Fathers of Trent and of the Vatican never intended to bind us to accept blindly the various senses which the very best commentators of past ages have proposed regard- ing even dogmatic or moral passages; a good proof of it is found in the fact that it is the wsanzmous consent of the Fathers of the Church that is declared to be an authority by which it shall be our duty to abide. The last general rule of interpretation to be mentioned here, is 40 fake as a guide the analogy of faith, in passages whose sense is not expressly determined either by the au- thority of the Church or by that of the Fathers. This rule is well set forth by Dixon’ in the following terms: “ By analogy in general is meant a certain likeness and agreement. By the analogy of faith is meant the agreement which sub- sists between all the parts of the Christian doctrine ;. in 1 A General Introduction to the Holy Scriptures, vol. i, p. 198, sq. (Baltimore, 1853). GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION, 4ol other words, between all the parts of the deposit of faith. . . . We must, therefore, when engaged in the interpretation of Scripture, always remember that there is a body of doc- trine taught by the Church, part of which she derives from the written, and part from the unwritten, Word; and that we must take care that with this body of doctrine, no interpre- tation given by us to Scripture shall be ever found to clash . In reality, from the earliest days of the Christian Church, the liberty of the interpreter of Scripture was limited in this way. For no part of the New Testament, (and this can be easily shown in the introduction to each of the books of it), was written with the view that infidels should learn the Christian faith by reading it; but all the parts or books of it were written in order that those who had already received the faith might be more fully instructed and confirmed in the faith, and induced to regulate their lives in accordance with their faith. Such being the case, the faithful to whom these writings were first committed must have been careful not to take any meaning from them, which would be at variance with the doctrine that they had been taught already.” Guided, therefore, by the analogy of faith, the Christian interpreter will refrain from taking strictly the words of many passages, because if so taken, they would yield a meaning inconsistent with the ascertained data of Catholic doctrine. He will not, for instance, interpret as recom- mending suicide these words of the book of Proverbs: “Put a knife to thy throat:”’ nor will he look upon the following passage of the Epistle to the Romans: “ Whom God will, He endureth;”* as expressing the erroneous doctrine that the Almighty arbitrarily and by a positive act of His power hardens the heart of obdurate sinners. 1 Prov. xxiii, 2. 2 Rom. ix, 18, 402 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. 2. Special Rules of Interpretation Regarding the Literal and the Typical Sense. Beside the gen- eral principles of interpretation which have been thus far exposed, there are a few other rules, which though less gen- eral in their character, should be well known and distinctly kept in mind by the student who undertakes to explain any book of the Bible. Some of these refer to the /fera/ sense, that is, to the sense which the sacred writer intended to con- vey when he used his words either in a proper or in a meta- phorical acceptation. The first rule in this connection is to ascertain by every available means, such as familiarity with Hebrew and Greek, extensive use of the ancient versions, knowledge of comparative philology, reference to parallel passages, etc., the various meanings, proper or metaphorical, in which the words may have been employed by the inspired writers. Next comes the duty to determine whether the words in a given passage should be taken in their proper, or, on the contrary, in their metaphorical acceptation. For this purpose, two general rules should be borne in mind: (1) the words of Holy Writ must be taken in their proper sense, unless it be necessary to have recourse to their meta- phorical meaning, and this becomes necessary only when the proper acceptation would yield a sense evidently incor- rect, or manifestly opposed to the authority of tradition or to the decisions of the Church as already explained; (2) the words of Scripture can be taken in their metaphorical sense only in so far as this agrees both with the usage of the time at which the writer lived and with the laws of the language he employed. For an author writing at a given period of history, and in a special language, naturally conforms to the genius of that language and uses words or sentences in pre- cisely the same figurative sense as the one attached to them by his contemporaries. Finally, after the interpreter has de- GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 403 cided in which general manner—properly or metaphorically —the words in question should be taken, he must endeavor to determine which of the many precise meanings, either proper or metaphorical, has been directly and immediately intended by the writer. With a view to this, he must pay special attention to (1) the syntax and idioms of the original languages, and particularly of the Hebrew; (2) the subject- matter, that is, the topic of which the author is treating, and which oftentimes shows the sense which he attaches to a particular word or expression; (3) the context, i. e., the connection of one sentence with the preceding and with the subsequent parts of the same chapter, for it is beyond doubt that a meaning which is contrary to the context should be rejected, for it cannot be the true sense of the passage; (4) the scope or design which the author had in view, and in the unfolding of which he naturally made use of such words and phrases as were well suited to his purpose. Both the general and the special scopes, however, should be ascertained, so as to make it sure which precise meaning is best in harmony with them; (5) the historical circumstances of time, place, etc., in the midst of which the author wrote; for in writing he used the words in the sense received by his contemporaries, supposed as known to them a certain number of customs, facts, etc., and consequently alluded to them in a manner which is now intelligible only to those well acquainted with ‘the same historical circumstances ; (6) the parallel passages, i. e., such as have some degree of resemblance in style, rep- resentation, etc., inasmuch as they naturally exhibit coinci- dences of sentiment and expression, etc., which will enable us to catch the meaning of those that are obscure by means of those that are less so; (7) the poetical parallelism, either synonymous or antithetic, which is one of the best means to discover the genuine sense of an expression in the poetical 404 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. books of the Bible;* (8) the renderings which have been adopted by the ancient versions or by the best commenta- tors of Holy Writ. The principal rules not to be lost sight of in connection with the Zyfzca7 sense are: (1) not to be preoccupied by the idea of finding everywhere a typical sense ; (2) to recognize a typical sense only in passages where Holy Scripture or tradition have admitted one, or where the resemblance be. tween the type and the antitype is true and striking; (3) not to consider the typical sense as a valid argument in matters of faith or morals, unless it be theologically certain. 1 For details, cfr. CHAuvin, Lecons d’ Introduction Générale, p. 508, sq.; V1GOUROUx, Manuel Biblique, vol. ii, n. 590, sqq. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XVII. History or BrsyicaL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 1. Their Founder: Esdras (the Early Scribes). i: 2. The Talmudic School and its Exegesis. THE RABBINIC 3. Schools of the Karaites and the Kabalists (Methods SCHOOLS OF 4 and Principal Interpreters). IN TERPRETA- ( Theological (General Features ; 4. The Modern 4 Leading Rabbis). TION. Schools : Critical (Mendelssohn). a pa ea II. . Origin and Object of Hellenistic Interpretation. THE 2, The Allegorical ( Aristobulus. HELLENISTIC School of 2 Philo (Rules and Extent of his Alexandria : Allegorism). SCHOOL. III. THE JEWISH | 1, Importance and Difficulty of a Comparison be- tween them. INTERPRETA- tion adopted by Our Lord? TESTAMENT TION AND THE ae 2. How far were the Jewish Methods of Interpreta- | 3. Exegetical Methods of the New Testament Writers, [ WRITINGS. 405 CLUAP Tain enV LT HISTORY OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. § 1. Lhe Rabbinic Schools of Interpretation. 1. Esdras and the Early Scribes. ‘The history of early Biblical Interpretation among the Jews is shrouded in no less obscurity than the gradual formation of their sacred literature itself. Long before the time of Esdras (fifth cent. B.C.), there existed in Israel men who, side by side with the prophets, were considered as the authorized expo- nents of the will of Yahweh, and whose business it was to in- terpret the national laws and to apply them to individual cases. In point of fact, several of the sacred writings com- posed before the Babylonian exile speak of priests and lay- men as intrusted with the interpretation and application of the theocratic laws,’ but they nowhere give details concern- ing the precise method that was followed in the explanation of the sacred text. In the absence of such details, and in view of the fact that Esdras is called in Holy Writ “the Scribe,” “a ready scribe in the law,” who “had prepared his heart to see the law of Yahweh and to do and to teach in Israel the com- mandments and judgments,” and who is spoken of by the Persian king, Artaxerxes, as “the most learned scribe of the law of the God of heaven,” ® that Jewish tradition has ever looked upon Esdras as the founder of the rabbinical schools of interpretation. Most justly indeed is he still considered as such, both by Jewish it is not surprising to find 1 Cfr. Deuter. xvi, 18-20 ; xvii, 8-12; Micheas iii, 9-11 ; Sophon. iii, 3. 2 Esdras vii, 6, 10-12. 406 BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 407 and by Christian scholars, inasmuch as his aim to make _ his fellow-Jews comply perfectly with all the regulations of the law became the one aim of the scribes and rabbis who came after him. Far from being satisfied with simply interpreting into Aramaic the passages of the Zorah, which 1ad just been read in Hebrew in the public services of the synagogues, the early scribes entered into developments whose object was to show how the Mosaic precepts could apply to every minute detail of life. “ The wisdom of the scribes,” says, rightly, W. R. Smith,’ “consisted of two parts, which in Jewish terminology were respectively called Halacha and Haggada. Halacha was legal teaching, systematized legal precept, while Haggada was doctrinal and practical admoni- tion, mingled with parable and legend. But of these two parts, the Halacha,—that is, the system of rules applying the Pentateuchal law to every case of practice and every detail of life,—was always the chief thing.” It was an arduous task for the early scribes to evolve from the written law of Moses, Halachic rules that would apply to all the cases of the private, domestic, and public life of Israel. More difficult still was it to show that the unwritten or oral law, whose full authority they proclaimed, and which consisted partly of old religious and national customs and usages, partly of decrees and ordinances more or less recently enacted, to meet the ever-varying exigencies of time and place, was founded on or even harmonized with the Pentateuchal law. Hence it was only natural that, at times, the scribes should strain the text before them, in their attempts to provide an established law or custom with a biblical support.* It was only natural, too, that the prim- itive Halacha and Haggada methods of interpretation should be gradually modified; and in point of fact, the Fesha?, or 1 The Old Testament in the Jewish Church, Lect. iii, p. 44, sq. (2d Edition, 1892). 2 Cfr. Mrevziner, Introduction to the Talmud, p. 120, sq. 408 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the plain interpretation of a scriptural law or passage in its immediate literal sense, grew out. of the Halacha ; while the Derash, or more or less artificial explanation of a passage in a mystical or allegorical sense, may be considered as a spe- cies of the Haggada. The most eminent among the early scribes were Antig- onus of Socho, a disciple of Simon the Just (fourth century B.C.) ; Joseph ben Johanan, who belonged to the epoch of the Machabean wars of Independence ; Nathan of Arbela, who lived under John Hyrcanus ; Abtalion, a contemporary of Hyrcanus II ; Hillel and Shammai, contemporaries of Herod the Great. (Itsis.to Hilleli(pnroma-D.)) that |ewishetra- dition ascribes the first framing of the rules to be observed in the interpretation of the law. He reduced them to seven principles which have been called a kind of “rabbinical logic ;”” but they were enlarged later on to thirteen, by Rabbi Ismael (2d cent. a. D.).’ 2. The Talmudic School and its Exegesis. The system of hermeneutics originated by the ancient scribes was naturally kept up and developed by the Jewish teachers who came immediately after them, and who mostly belonged to the sect of the Pharisees, Like the Pharisees, these ew teachers looked upon the law embodied in the Pentateuch as the rule of life of Israel, on the condition, however, that this written law should be commented upon and explained by means of the unwritten law or “ tradition of the an- cients.” * In reality, they very often explained away the most obvious meaning of the sacred text through their subtle casuistry, “ making void,” as Our Lord declares, “ the commandment of God for their tradition.” * 1 These rules are well stated and illustrated in Mrevziner, loc. cit., p. 122, sqq. Cfr. also ScniirER, The Jewish People in the Time of Jesus Christ, where the question of Scribism is fully treated (Second Division, vol. i, p. 305, sqq., Engl. Transl.), 2 Matt. xv, 2. 3 Matt. xv, 6, see also verse 3. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS, 409 As time went on, and as these legal interpretations, more or less foreign to the true sense of the Mosaic law, greatly multiplied, especially with a view to adapt the life of the Jews to the strange conditions which were entailed by the ruin of Jerusalem and its Temple, a really independent law was formed, although it continued to claim the Pentateuch as its basis. Those who contributed most towards its form- ation were Rabbi Aqiba, who codified the oral law ; Rabbi Ismael, who placed it on a logical basis; Rabbi Eliezer, who amplified it exegetically ; and Rabbi Juda Hanasi, called simply Rabét by way of eminence, who is said to have com- pleted the Mishnah compilation, and to have made it the authoritative code of the traditional law, to the exclusion of all similar compilations by former teachers.? The principles of the Halacha and of the Haggada methods which they followed in their work are admirably summed up in the following passage of Vogué:* “ Their forty-five rules may all be reduced to two fundamental considerations: (1) Noth- ing is fortuitous, arbitrary or indifferent in the Word of God. Pleonasm, ellipsis, grammatical anomaly, transposition of words or facts, everything is calculated, everything has its end, and would teach us something. ... (2) As the image of its author, who is one by Himself and manifold in His manifestations, the Bible conceals in a single word a crowd of thoughts ; many a phrase, which appears to express a simple and single idea, is susceptible of diverse senses and numberless interpretations independent of the fundamental difference between literal exegesis and free exegesis ; in short, as the Talmud says, after the Bible itself, the divine word is like fire which divides itself into a thousand sparks, or a rock which breaks into numberless fragments under the 1 Cfr. Theodore REINACH, Histoire des Israélites, p. 13, sqq. 2 For details, see FARRAR, History of Interpretation, p. 68, sqq. 3 1,, Vocu#, Histoire de la Bible et de l’Exégése Biblique jusqu’a nos jours, p. 169 (Paris, 1881). 410 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. hammer that attacks it. These two points of view, I repeat, are the soul of the Midrash’ in general: the latter above all serves as the common basis of the Halacha and the Haggada, and it explains, better than any other theory, the long domination of the Midrash exegesis in the synagogue.” It is under the influence of these general principles, that the text of the Talmud or Mishnah was first written down and next commented upon in the rabbinical schools of the East and of the West. It is under the same influence that the leading commentaries, or Midrashim, on most books of the Hebrew Bible, were composed during the first five cen- turies of our era.’ 3. Schools of the Karaites and the Kabalists. We should not suppose, however, that the founders and expounders of the Talmud, who were the worthy successors of the Pharisees in their interpretation of Holy Writ, were without vigorous opponents of their methods. All along, as a matter of fact, they found such adversaries in the Karattes, men who, like the Sadducees of old, rejected all oral tradi- tions, and who maintained, like the Protestants at a later date, that the Sacred Scriptures were plain in themselves, and should be understood by each believer, independently of human additions. Setting aside the arbitrary and fanciful traditions of the Talmud, they were chiefly concerned with the text itself ; and in this way they truly promoted the grammatical and linguistic study of Holy Writ, especially toward the middle of the seventh century, when they began to exercise a wide and deeply felt influence. After the eleventh century, their method gradually ceased to count as an important element in Jewish exegesis, and at the present 1 The word “ AZidrash ”? means “ research,” artificial interpretation. 2 The names of the principal Midrashim are given by Vicouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. i, n. 201. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 4AIlI day they are but small local communities in Lithuania and Crimean A very different attitude towards the Old Testament was assumed by the Xadalists, the Jewish theosophists of the Middle Ages. Far from looking upon the sacred text as fully intelligible to every one, they contended that every letter of the Bible contained a secret sense for the initiated in the mysteries of the Aaéda/a, or tradition come down from God through Adam and Abraham. ‘Thus did they count for little the literal sezse, while they attached the greatest importance to the /e/ters and words of Holy Writ, which they submitted to the most arbitrary combinations to make them yield their so-called hidden sense. One of their means to pursue such fanciful interpretation, was the Vofarikon’? or the process of reconstructing a word by using the initials of many, or a sentence by using all the letters of a single word as so many initials of other words. The famous symbol iy0os standing for “Iyc0ds NXprords Oeod Vids Swryp, is an in- stance of a word thus interpreted by the early Christians. No less puerile were the other two Kabalistic methods of interpretation, the Ghematria andthe Zemura. The former, whose name is a corrupted form of the Greek word Geome- tria, consisted in the use of the numerical values of the letters of a word for purposes of comparison with other words which give the same or similar combinations of numbers. Thosyn, Gen oxlix, to “ Shiloh come,” is equivalent to 358, which is also the numerical value of Mashiah (mv): hence it is inferred that Shiloh is identical with the Messias. The latter method of interpretation, the Zemura or “ change,” is the art of discovering the supposed hidden sense of the text 1Cfr. art. CARAITE, by E. Livesour, in Vigouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible; see also REINACH, loc. cit., p. 55, sqq.; Briccs, Introd. to the Study of Holy Scripture, P. 433- 2 The name is borrowed from Moftarius “a shorthand writer,’’? because such writers used letters to stand for words. 412 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. by an interchange of letters. For instance, in Exodus xxiii, 23 “my angel? (1281) is transposed into Michael : whence it is inferred that the angel of Jehovah spoken of in the passage is the archangel Michael. ‘“ The commonest appli- cation of Temurah consists, however, in substituting for each letter in a word the letter which stands in an equivalent ordersinsthewotger shalfvorethe alphabet, omen pemcuter interest of the method lies in the fact that there seem to be mstances Of it ain ‘the Bible’ Ctr, lercunuxxy, zor ules i It goes without saying that such artificial methods of in- terpretation, however ancient, could hardly ever yield valu- able results in exegesis, although some Christian scholars of the end of the fifteenth century showed themselves very eager to become acquainted with Kabalistic methods and writings. “The most famous Kabalists are Moses ben Nachman, author of Faith and Hope; Joseph of Castile, author of Gates of Light; Moses of Cordova, author of the Garden of Pomegranates ; Isaac Luria, author of the Book of Metempsy- chosis; and Chajim Vital, who wrote’ the Zree of Life.” * But even the best work of these Kabalists will ever be more useful to Jewish scholars than to Christian interpreters. Much more valuable for Catholic commentators of Holy Writ are the works of the Karaites, Jacob ben Ruben (twelfth century), Aaron ben Joseph (} 1294), and Aaror ben Elias (fourteenth century), for their method of exposi- tion is much more scientific. The same thing must also be said of the leading Talmudic commentators of the Middle Ages, among whom may be mentioned Rabbi Saadia Gaon (1 942), ‘the pioneer of careful exegetical writers,” as he has been called; Jarchi (Rashi) (f 1105), the founder of the French school of Talmudic interpretation ; ben Ezra (f 1168), 1 FARRAR, History of Interpretation, p. 103. Cfr. ViGouRoux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Athbasch, p. 1210, sq. * Ed. Reuss, in Schaff-Herzog, Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, art. Cabala. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 413 so remarkable for his “literal and painstaking exegesis ” ; Moses Maimonides (f 1208), who, as we are told, “ sought to establish the right of free examination as against the abso- and, lastly, David Kimchi (f 1240), who rendered great services to Hebrew philology and to the grammatico-historical interpretation of Holy Writ. lute principle of authority ”’; * 4. Modern Rabbinical Schools. . Treading in the foot- steps of such good exegetical writers, the Talmudic scholars of the fifteenth and following centuries developed into what has been called the Rabbinic Zheological school of interpre- tation. This name has been given to a series of rabbis re- markable for “their progressiveness, happily blended with prudence and moderation, for their genuine piety, for their exegesis, equally foreign to the unbridled license of free thought and to the arbitrary and puerile methods of false 29 2 mysticism. Endowed with this truly ¢Aeological temper, they studied the sacred text in the light of grammar and philology, and carefully examined the context and parallel passages. As the outcome of their laborious efforts, biblical exegesis among the Jews became more and more sober, literal and accurate. Among the best interpreters of this school may be men- tioned : (1) Abrabanel (1437-1508), who made use of Chris- tian writings, rejected Kabalism, employed good grammatical methods, and brought his wide experience as a traveller to bear on the interpretation of the historical books; (2) Elias Levita (1471-1549), who wrote grammatical treatises greatly valued by Richard Simon, and who has been much praised by Gesenius ; (3) Azarias de Rossi (1514-1577), who ‘“ com- pared the various Talmudic writings with those of contem- porary pagan authors, and who shared with Richard Simon 1 FARRAR, loc. cit., p. 463. Cfr. also Kerz, Introduction to the Old Testament, vol. ii, p. 383, sq. (Engl. Transl.). 2 VoGurE, Histoire de la Bible et de ’Exégése Biblique, p. 282, sq. 414. GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the honor of being the precursor of the recent school of Biblical Criticism.” * Less sound, indeed, but far more brilliant than the Theo- logical, was the CritzcaZ school, started in the eighteenth century by Moses Mendelssohn (1729-1786), whom the Jews still call ‘the third Moses.’”’* As a powerful thinker and an elegant writer, he acquired in Germany, his native country, a prestige of which he availed himself skilfully for raising the social and intellectual level of his fellow-religionists. His commentaries on Ecclesiastes, and on the Rabbinic treatise, M/iloth Higayon (logical terminology), in which he reacted powerfully against the antiquated methods of the Talmudic schools, exercised a deep influence upon the minds of the young Jewish students. Far greater still was the in- fluence of his critical method and religious views upon the readers of his German translation of the Pentateuch, which was accompanied by the grammatical notes of such con- genial co-workers as Dudno and Hartwig Wessely. In vain did the heads of the old Jewish orthodoxy oppose him; he completed his work on the Pentateuch, and even added to it a German commentary on the Psalms and on the Canticle of Canticles. Had Mendelssohn been less careful to connect his own work with that of the Massoretes of old, there is little doubt that, despite all his literary ability, the Jewish rabbis of Germany would not have undergone his influence to anything like the extent to which they did. In point of fact, the Gerinan rabbis, together with their flocks, became better acquainted with the German style and thought of their century through these translations of the greatest living representative of the Jewish race. They learned little by little one of the lessons oftenest inculcated by Mendelssohn, 1 REINACH, loc. cit., p. 217, sq. * Cfr. F. LicHTENBERGER, Encyclopédie des Sciences Religieuses, vol. xii, pp. 656-658. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 415 viz., that, “the law is not identical with religion, and that it simply requires outward observances calculated to pre- serve religious ideas, without interfering with the progressive development of such ideas.” ' Mendelssohn’s interpretation of Holy” Writ “is grammati- cal, close, learned. His criticism is moderate, acute, con- scientious. It is not, therefore, to be wondered at that, with his literary talent and social influence, he succeeded in 99 2 founding a school, which, however short-lived, was brilliant, and impressed deeply Jewish thought. His principal disci- ples were, beside Hartwig Wessely, already mentioned, Isaac Euchel, David Friedlander, Marcus Herz, Wolffsohn, etc. A few additional words will suffice in connection with the contemporary rabbinical school of interpretation, which, because it is even more advanced than that of Mendelssohn, we may venture to call by the name of liberal. Its representatives, such men as Munk, Luzzato, Zunz, Geiger, Fiirst, etc., are all leading scholars, who will- ingly enough avail themselves of the great biblical works published by Christians, and whose exegetical publications, bearing the stamp of true scholarship, deserve to be utilized by Catholic commentators. The method applied by this school to the interpretation of the Sacred Scriptures is critical, grammatical, and historical. Side by side with this great school of Jewish thought and criticism, and in opposition to it, the old Talmudic schools still live with their antiquated methods. § 2. The Hellenistic School of Interpretation. 1. Origin and Object of Hellenistic Interpreta- tion. It will be noticed that in the brief historical sketch 1. ScHERDIN, art. Judaisme Moderne, in LicuTENBERG’s Encyclopédie, vol. xii, Pp. 659. 2 CHAuvIN, loc. cit., p. 563. 416 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of the schools of interpretation among the Jews which has been given, no mention was made of the very important Jewish school of exegesis, which is commonly designated under the name of the /Ze//enistic school. This was done with a view not to interrupt the description of the various stages through which Biblical Interpretation passed in the leading rabbinical schools, all more or less intimately con- nected with Esdras and the early scribes. Again, as the Hellenistic school and its hermeneutical methods have had confessedly a direct and considerable bearing upon the early Christian schools of interpretation, it seemed advisable to treat of that great school immediately before studying the history of exegesis in the Christian Church. As its name indicates, the Hellenistic school of Biblical Interpretation took its origin among the Jews of the West- ern or Greek Dispersion. ‘The Hellenists, or Greek- speaking Jews, having come, and living, in contact with Hellenic thought and religion, were gradually led, for apolo- getical purposes, to prove that the exalted moral and re- ligious views of the Greek philosophers, and particularly of Plato, were ultimately traceable to the divine Revelation contained in the sacred books of the Jews.’ All the wisdom of the Greeks, it was contended, had been borrowed, in a distant past, from the books of Moses rendered into Greek long before the work of the Septuagint;* and in conse- quence it was assumed that it could be shown how all the best sayings of the pagan philosophers had been taken from the writings of the Jewish lawgiver. This was just as easy an assumption as the one made by the early Jewish scribes of whom we spoke above, as claiming for the whole oral law a Mosaic support. On the other hand, the proof 1 Cfr. ViGouroux, Dictionnaire de Ja Bible, art. Alexandrie (Ecole d’), p. 359. 2 We refer to the fiction of Aristobulus, which asserted the existence of a previous and much older translation of the law (Cfr. Vicouroux, ibid., p. 360; FARRAR, History of Interpretation, p. 129, sa.). BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 417 of the former was just as hard as that of the latter assump- tion; and, in point of fact, while the early Palestinian scribes were compelled to have recourse to strained con- structions of the Hebrew Bible to substantiate their posi- tion, the Hellenistic apologists were, in like manner, led to put upon the Greek Septuagint Text meanings of their own, through what has been called the ad/egorical method of interpretation. 2. The Allegorical School of Alexandria: Philo. The possibility of extracting Greek philosophy from the Pentateuch was maintained, apparently for the first time, by the philosopher Aristobulus, a Jewish writer who lived in Alexandria under Ptolemy VI (Philometor) (181-146 B.c.). As those scholars who after him made up the school of Alexandria, he maintained his position “ partly by the mod- ification of anthropomorphic expressions, partly by reading new conceptions between the lines of the ancient docu- ments.”” In answer to a question of Ptolemy, Aristobulus told him that Scripture was not to be literally understood. The “hand” of God means His might; the “speech” of God implies only an influence on the soul of man. The ‘standing’ of God means the organization and immovable stability of the world. The “coming down” of God has nothing to do with time or space. The “fire”? and the “trumpet ” of Sinai are pure metaphors corresponding to nothing external. The six days’ creation merely implies continuous development. The seventh day indicates the cycle of hebdomads which prevails among all living things— whatever that piece of Pythagorean mysticism may chance to mean. Aristobulus, however, confined allegory within reasonable limits, and, as Dean Stanley has said, if he be . held responsible for the extravagances of Philo... he may also claim the glory of having led the way in the path 26 418 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. trodden by all who have striven to discriminate between the eternal truths of Scripture and the framework, the imagina- tive vesture, in which those truths are set forth. ‘Here, then, we trace to its source one of the tiny rills of exegesis, which afterwards swelled the mighty stream of Philonian and Christian allegory.” ' It is highly probable that between Aristobulus and Philo there lived several Jewish writers who adopted the allegori- cal method which has just been described.* Nevertheless, the man whose name has become most intimately connected with the allegorical Jewish school of Alexandria is unques- tionably Philo, a contemporary of Our Lord (he died about 50 A.D.) He it was who formulated the rules of allegorical interpretation. He it was, also, who applied them with con- sistency in his various writings. He it was, finally, whose influence is especially recognizable upon the allegorical writers of the Christian school of Alexandria of whom it will be soon question. According to him, “there are three rules to determine when the literal sense is excluded: (1) when anything is said unworthy of God; (2) when it presents an insoluble difficulty ; (3) when the expression is allegorical.’ * To these general principles Philo added twenty-three rules of the allegorical method, which Dr. Briggs * arranges hap- pily under the four heads of (1), Grammatical Allegory ; (2) Rhetorical Allegory ; (3) Allegory by means of new combina- tions (a method fully wrought out by the Kabalists at a later date) ; (4) Symbolism, which is of three kinds: of numbers, of things, and of names. One is truly surprised when he realizes the extent to 1 FARRAR, loc. Cit., p. 130, sq- 2 VicourRovxX, loc. cit., p. 360. 3 Briaas, Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, p. 434, sq. * Tbid., p. 435, BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 419 which this Alexandrian philosopher, who held the most rigid views of inspiration, did not hesitate to carry his allegorical method of interpretation. Men, things, historical facts, legal enactments, most important events, minute details, all things, in a word, may be taken as allegorical, as symbolizing now one thing and now another altogether different. Thus, the four rivers in the earthly Paradise are, according to him, the four cardinal virtues; the five cities of the Plain are the five senses. In the simple and straightforward passage about the land of promise, “cities” he takes to mean ‘renerdl virtuesiee houses,” ‘“specialevutues ; 7’ “wells,”’ ‘noble dispositions towards wisdom ; ” “ vineyards and olive- trees” imply “cheerfulness and light,” the fruits of a con- templative life. Again, Moses is intelligence; Aaron is speech ; Enoch is repentance ; Noe, righteousness; Abraham is virtue acquired by learning; Isaac is innate virtue; Lote istecensutntyee siiacl 1s) Sophistry, ‘etc., ‘etc. “As an example of the manifold meaning in which Philo takes the same object, we may give here, “the sun” which in one case is the understanding; in another, the bodily sense ; in another again, the Word of God; and in another, finally, God Himself. “In general, it may be said that hc admits the truth of the primeval Mosaic history, from the creation down to Abraham, only in its principal features, while he takes almost all the details to be purely allegorical. Thus, in the account of the creation of the world, only the creative act is with him historic truth, not the details; Adam is taken by him to be the first man; but the details of his history, such as the account of the trees in Paradise, of the serpent, of the expulsion, are mere symbols of things connected with the higher lites a.) And yet, strange to say, the hidden sense attained only by allegory is for Philo and his school the real sense intended ! GrrGrER, Philo, quoted in Hed?, Introd. to the O. T. vol. ii, p. 389 (Engl. Transl.). 420 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. by God. It is the sense designed indeed not for the uncul- tivated who are incapable of apprehending the divine wisdom, but for those who have raised themselves to a pure spiritual view of the Deity. ‘The allegorical method of interpreta- tion was in particular favor with the Essenes, and is sup- posed by some scholars to “ have left its traces in the pseud- epigraphs and apocryphal books that were composed in the meron Philo, § 3. The Jewish Interpretation and the Writings of the New Testament. 1. Importance and Difficulty of a Comparison between them. Whenitis borne in mind that the writings of the New Testament contain numerous quotations from the Old Testament; that they frequently represent what is said of events, persons, doctrines, etc., of the former Covenant as applicable in various ways to those of the Gospel dispensa- tion; that it seems antecedently probable that the Old Testa- ment should be quoted in the New according to the Jewish methods of the time; finally, that the manner in which the writings of the New Testament interpret the sacred books of the Old Law, must needs, and in point of fact, did, very con- siderably influence the Biblical Interpretation in subsequent ages, itis easy to understand something of the importance which attaches naturally to a comparison between the Jewish methods of Interpretation and those which may be discovered in the writings of the New Testament. This importance is further enhanced by the fact that for some time past, the question to determine the nature and prin- ciples of the New Testament interpretation as compared with the rabbinical and Hellenistic methods, has much en- gaged the attention of prominent biblical scholars, and has received from them different solutions. 1 BRIGG, ibid., p. 435. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 421 It is true that these scholars would have probably reached, by this time, something like a fair agreement on this point, if they had all examined the question from a non-partisan point of view. It cannot be denied, however, that, apart from the bias unquestionably exhibited by many of them, the question in itself is a difficult one. In fact, owing to the practical impossibility—which has already been alluded to— of drawing a sharp distinction between the typical and the accommodative sense of some scriptural passages, it is highly probable that the precise relation between the rab- binical and Hellenistic methods of interpretation on the one hand, and those which may be noticed in the New Testa- ment writings on the other hand, will never be defined to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. Here we can hardly do more than to direct the attention of the student to this important question, and to state briefly what may be con- sidered as sure, or at least as fairly probable, positions in connection with it. 2. How far were the Jewish Methods of Inter- pretation adopted by Our Lord? Whoever will ex- amine closely the manner in which Our Lord is reported in the Gospels as quoting the Scriptures of the Old Testament, will be led to the following conclusions regarding the extent to which He adopted the Jewish methods of interpretation prevalent in His time. Like His contemporaries, Jesus shows Himself acquainted with the “/era/ interpretation of the sacred text; as, for instance, when He answers the Tempter by quoting the words of the law: “ Not on bread alone doth man live, but on every word that comes from the mouth of God;”’ “ Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God,” and “ Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and Him only shalt thou serve.”* On the other hand, He is perfectly 1 Matt. iv, 4,7, Io. 422 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. acquainted with the legal or Halacha method of interpreta- tion so prevalent among the Pharisees and scribes of His time, and He usually defeats these rabbinical opponents of His with their own weapons. ‘Thus, His line of argument in St. John x, 34-36 is an application of Hillel’s first rule of interpretation, viz.: the inference from the greater to the less.'. Again, in His discussion concerning the Sabbath law, as reported by St. Matthew (xii, 4-8), He seems to apply another rabbinical principle of the time (the sixth rule of Hillel), in virtue of which scriptural passages could be used to supplement one another. But while Jesus thus employs the Halacha method as best suited in controversy with His rabbinical adversaries, His favorite method of teaching the people is essentially the Haggada, or homileti- cal interpretation, which admits of parabolic and familiar cx- position. Our Lord’s use of parables to illustrate or suggest moral or religious truths is too well-known to require more than a passing mention here, though it is the most convincing proof of the fact that He freely adopted the Haggadic method of exposition in use among the Palestinian rabbis of His time. To this general proof we shall add but one particular in- stance, because of the vivid contrast it sets forth between the Halachic and Haggadic methods. In St. Luke xiii, 14, sqq., we read of the ruler of a synagogue as very angry at a miracle of healing which Jesus had performed on the Sabbath day in behalf of an infirm woman, and as promul- gating the dry Halachic rule: “Six days there are wherein you ought to work. In them, therefore, come and be healed, and not on the Sabbath day.” To this bald pronouncement, Jesus returned the following Haggadic reply: “ Ye hypo- crites, doth not every one of you, on the Sabbath day, loose his ox or his ass from the manger, and lead them to water? 1 The seven rules of rabbinical interpretation formulated by Hillel have already been referred to. They are given in M1eLzrIner, Introduction to the Talmud, p. 123, sq. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 423 And ought not this daughter of Abraham, whom Satan hath bound, lo, these eighteen years, be loosed from this bond on the Sabbath day?” Is it possible to go further and to admit with some con- temporary scholars, that Our Lord, besides adopting the general methods of the Palestinian rabbis, came into con- nection with the aZegorical method of the Alexandrian Jews, and argued from the text with something of Hellenistic freedom ? In answer to this question it may be said that, at times, Jesus seems almost to use the methods of the Hellenists ; as, for instance, when He applies to Himself, in what some take to be an accommodative sense, the prophecy Of Isalase nipiesda ees) Ville 3;7) and possibly Ps. cxvil, 22-23.° Even in these passages, however, it remains pos- sible to admit that, instead of the accommodative sense, Our Lord simply applied to Himself the higher typical sense ever intended by the Holy Spirit, as He does unquestion- ably in other places. But be this as it may, it is beyond question that “‘He never employed any of the strange com- binations and fanciful reconstructions of the Sod (supposed mystical sense) of the Alexandrians, any more than the casuistry or hair-splitting Halacha of the scribes, or the idle tales and absurd legends of the Haggada.”’* A last and most important point to be noticed in connec- tion with Our Saviour’s method of interpreting Holy Writ, regards some features which are peculiarly His own. Differ- ently from all His contemporaries, He delivered doctrines on His own authority for settling questions; as for example, when answering the Sadducees who had argued the impossi- bility of the resurrection, on the basis of a Mosaic statement, He said: “ When they arise from the dead, they shall neither marry nor be married ; but shall be as the angels of God in 1 Cfr. Luke iv, 16-22. 2 Matt. xxi, 16. (Cfr. MALDoNATUS, in loc.) 3 Matt. xxi, 42-44. 4 Bricocs, Introd. to the Study of Holy Scriptures, p. 441. 424 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. * He even went farther, and contrasted His own heaven.” interpretation of the fundamental laws of the Decalogue with the traditional interpretation: ‘“ You have heard that it was said to them of old, thou shalt not kill. And whosoever shall kill shall be in danger of the judgment. But I say to you... .” In thus acting, “ Jesus interpreted divine laws from the point of view of the divine Lawgiver Himself. No human interpreter would be justified in following the Master. thither. Itis His sovereign prerogative so to interpret... . The rabbis interpreted the Scriptures to accord with the traditions of the elders; Jesus interpreted them to accord with the mind of God, their author. Hence, the character- istic authority with which He spoke; the freedom with which He added to the ancient Scriptures, and substituted a higher revelation for the lower, wherever it was found necessary.” * 3. Exegetical Methods of the New Testament Writers. The foregoing remarks in regard to Our Lord’s methods of Biblical Interpretation, will dispense us with giv- ing many details concerning the exegetical methods of the New ‘Testament writers. Antecedently speaking, these writers would naturally use the text of the Old Testament in about the same manner as their Jewish or Hellenistic contemporaries, in order to draw therefrom arguments that might be considered as valid in the eyes of the Palestinian or Hellenistic Jews. It is likewise antecedently probable that as true disciples of the one Master, Christ, the New Tes- tament writers would adopt the same exegetical methods as He had Himself used during His mortal life. Weare not there- fore, surprised to find that, as a matter of fact, they all show themselves inclined to employ one or other of the methods of interpretation in vogue among their contemporaries, and are 1 Matt. xxii, 30, 2 Briaas, ibid., pp. 440, 442. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AMONG THE JEWS. 425 all clearly influenced by the methods of the One who “had opened the understanding of His disciples, that they might understand the Scriptures.” ’ The following scheme contains references to the principal passages of the New Testament where the inspired writers have been considered to incline towards the Hagvada, the Flalacha and the AVlegory methods of interpretation, re- spectively : Haggada: Halacha: Allegory : Matt. iii, 13-18.? Rom. iy, 3. Galat. iv, 24, sq. James li, 2, 'Sq.5 Vv, 1-17.08 «L Cor, 1x,9. I Cormsg.4: Rom. x, 15.3 II Cor. iti, 74 s Heb. vii. Heb. xi. Jas. ii, 8-13. Apoc. xiii, 18 ; xii, 1, sq 3 xvi, T2)s\ XV, TO; ete. As regards the manner in which the New Testament writers were influenced by the peculiar exegetical methods of their Master, the following words of Dr. Briggs deserve to be quoted: ‘‘ The Apostles were taught by Jesus to consider the old Covenant as a whole;°* to see it as a shadow, type and preparatory dispensation with reference to the new Covenant; to regard the substance and disregard the form. Hence, under the further guidance of the Holy Spirit they eliminated the temporal, local, and circumstantial forms of the old Covenant and gained the universal, eternal, and essential substance, and this they applied to the circumstances of the new Covenant of which they were called to be the expound- ers. They interpreted in accordance with the mind of the reigning Christ, as Jesus had interpreted in accordance with the mind of His Father. . . . This organic method of inter- pretation of Jesus and His Apostles is the true Christian method.” ° 1 Luke xxiv, 45. 2 Cfr. MALDONATUS, in loc. 3 Cfr. VAN STEENKISTE, in Sti. Pauli Epistolas, vol. i, p. 162. 4 Cfr. VAN STEENKISTE, ibid., p. 302. ; 5 Cfr. Luke xxiv, 25,.44. 6 Introduction to the Study of Holy Scripture, p. 446, sq. SYNOPSISVOR CHAPTER XVITE HIsTorRY OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Section I. Before the Protestant Reformation. I. THE First THREE CENTURIES: Le if FROM THE FOURTH TO THE SIXTH CENTURY: jG ie Absap MIDDLE AGES: . The Apostolic Fathers (Aim and Methods of In- terpretation). . The Early Apologists (St. Justin and St. Irenzus). 3. The School of ( Its Origin. The Allegorism of Clement and Alexandria : l Origen, Antioch (Principal Characteristics . The Eastern and Leading Scholars). Edessa (Aphraates and St. Ephrem). Schools of | Caesarea (the Cappadocian Fathers), 2. The Latin Fathers: (St. Hilary; St. Ambrose; St. Jerome; St. Augustine). 1, Before the Scholastic Period (the Compilers of the “ Catenz,” and the leading Interpreters). 2. Scholastic Exegesis : Its Principal Characteristics. 3. The Renaissance and its Biblical Scholars. 426 CHAPTER XVIII. HISTORY OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. SrecTION I. BEFORE THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION. § 1. The First Three Centuries. 1. The Apostolic Fathers. As might naturally be expected, the early Fathers of the Church trod, in several ways, in the footsteps of the first preachers of Christianity as regards their treatment of Holy Writ. Like the Apostles and the New Testament writers, they did not aim at any- thing like a continuous or systematic exposition of the Holy Scriptures, and only occasionally did they quote the sacred text in their epistles or other extant works. Again, from their few quotations from, or allusions to, Holy Writ, we may infer that, like their predecessors, the Apostolic Fathers adopted the manner of understanding the Sacred Scriptures that was prevalent in their time, and among those to whom they wrote. Thus as St. Clement of Rome destined his letter to the faithful of Corinth, who were mostly Hellenistic converts, he naturally used, beside the literal sense of Holy Writ, what seems to be the a@/egorical method of exposition. A clear proof of this is found in the twelfth chapter, where St. Clement endows Rahab with the spirit of prophecy, because by the scarlet cord hung out of her window, she signified that redemption should flow by the blood of Christ to all who believe and hope in God. Much more frequent and 427 428 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. striking is the use of the same method of interpretation in the epistle ascribed to St. Barnabas. The one purpose of the writer is to find throughout the Old ‘Testament some- thing which, in some way or other, he may refer to Christ or to Christianity ; and, accordingly, he interprets in the strangest manner, in a thoroughly Philonian fashion, the most natural details of Jewish history.’ For example, after quoting Leviticus xx, 24, in which God promises to the Hebrews the possession of a land flowing with milk and honey, he says: “ Now learn what is the spiritual meaning of this. It is as if it had been said, put your trust in Jesus, who shall be manifested to you inthe flesh. For man is the earth which suffers; inasmuch as out of the substance of the earth Adam was formed.” Again, in the eighth chapter of the epistle of Barnabas we find a fanciful interpretation of the sacrifice of the buck-goat described in Leviticus (chap. xvi). In like manner, the entire ninth chapter of the epistle is devoted to something like a Kabalistic explanation of circumcision. According to the writer, Abraham, who was the first to bring in circumcision, circumcised 318 men of his house, because this number in Greek lettérs \(J/=10; “H=8) T3200) 1:e.,° 318), signiies Jesus (/// being the first two letters of the word /yaoos) and the figure of His cross (ie., 7). Such, he adds, is the mystery of three letters received by Abraham ; and this cir- cumcision pointed to the death of Jesus as its object. ‘ No one,” says he again, “ ever learned from me a more genuine truth ; but I know that you are worthy of it.” ° 2. The Early Apologists. This manifest influence of Philo’s method of Biblical Interpretation upon one of the 1 Cfr. Vicouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. i, n. 204. 2.Cfr. Davipson, On Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 72; FARRAR, History of Interpreta~- tion, p. 167, sqq. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 429 earliest Christian interpreters of Holy Writ, is also unmis- takable in connection with the first Christian apologist, St. Justin. Stafting from a ground common to him and to his opponents, viz., that the Old Testament writers spoke in mysteries, types and symbols, this illustrious Father of the Church arrives sometimes at strange explanations of the sacred text through his application of the allegorical method. This happens both in his Second Apology and his Dialogue with Trypho. In fact, in this latter work, as St. Justin is constantly giving strained meanings to the scriptural passages he appeals to (as for example, when he states that the wrestling of Jacob with the angel denotes the temptation of Jesus;* his double marriage with Lia and Rachel, the revelation of God in the Jewish and Christian Church,’ and the miracle of Eliseus wrought by causing the iron to swim, deliverance from the burden of sin by bap- tism,° etc., etc.), his Jewish adversary cannot help com- plaining that while God’s words are sacred, Justin’s exegesis of them is purely artificial.” Evidently, on these and other such occasions, the Christian apologist was carried too far, both by his desire to see references to Our Lord in the Scriptures of the old Covenant,’ and by his great admira- tion for Philo and his exegetical methods. It remains true, however, that his works display usually a wonderful insight into the deeper meaning of the Old Testament prophecies, and that from this point of view he shows himself a worthy disciple of the earliest preachers of Christianity. Happily for Christian apologetics and hermeneutics, principles of interpretation sounder than those of St. Justin, because less under the influence of Alexandrian allegorism, 1 Dial. with Trypho, chap. cxxv. 2 Tbid., chap. cxl. 3 Tbid., chap. Ixxxvi. 4 [bid., chap. Ixxix. 5 Cfr. J. A. Man er, La Patrologie, vol. i, p. 241, sq. (French Transl.). 439 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. were set forth by the. holy Bishop of Lyons, St. Irenzus. In his arguments against the Gnostics, who had developed allegorism on heretical lines, this champion of orthodoxy took a firm hold of the great Catholic rule, which had been formerly promulgated by St. Paul in his Second Epistle to the Thes- salonians,’ and which will ever remain the sure test and guide of Biblical Interpretation in the Church of God. Ac- 99 2 cording to him, the “ rwle of truth,”* or doctrinal tradition handed down in the churches founded by the Apostles, and more particularly “the tradition of the greatest and most ancient Church, known to all, founded and established by two most glorious Apostles, Peter.and Paul, at Rome... with which Church, on account of its pre-eminence, it is nec- essary that every church should agree,” * is the great prin- ciple of Christian interpretation. There is, assuredly, a wide difference between realizing clearly and stating forcibly a rule, and applying it constantly ; so that we are not surprised to find that, though he had so perfectly understood and promulgated /e great law of Bibli- cal Interpretation, St. Irenzeus deviated from it at times in practice. He has apparently recourse to a//egorism when he argues that there can be only four Gospels because there are only four quarters of the world, four winds, and four cherubic forms.* ‘He blames the Gnostics for drawing arguments from numbers, letters, and syllables; yet even in a matter so important as an explanation of the name, Jesus, he adopts the Rabbinic method of /Votarikon. He says that, in Hebrew, the word consists of two and a half letters and implies that Jesus is the Lord of heaven and earth.” *® There is no doubt, then, that St. Irenzus, like the author of the Clementine Recognétions, belongs to the class of /Yzs/o- 1 TJ] Thessal. ii, 14. 2 St. IREN#&us, Against Heres., Book i, chap. i. 8 St. IRENZus, ibid., Book iii, chaps. iii,iv. * St. IRENaus, ibid., Book iii, chap. xi, § 8. 5 FARRAR, loc. cit., p. 176. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 431 rico theological expounders, who follow sound and correct prin- ciples of hermeneutics. But the case stands differently with two other apologetical writers of the second century, St. Athenagoras, and St. Theophilus of Antioch, who freely in- dulged in allegorical and fanciful explanations of Holy Writ. 3. The School of Alexandria. It was in the great catechetical school of Alexandria that, during the second part of the second century, there sprang up one of the most important schools of exegesis. The object and method of this exegetical school were naturally none other than those which Philo had formerly pursued with such success in that same city of Alexandria. The object was to unite philosophy with revelation; the method consisted in the allegorical system of interpretation. _As far as can be ascertained, the founder of the Christian exegetical school of Alexandria was St. Pantanus, a con- verted Stoic, who explained orally the Sacred Scriptures, and of whose writings only a few fragments remain. As we learn from Clement, the most illustrious of his disciples, Pantznus was an eloquent and skilful master, who knew better than all other teachers how to impart to his pupils his knowledge of the prophetic and Apostolic writings. About 190 a.D. he was succeeded as the head of the Alexandrian school by the same Clement, whose deep philosophical knowledge and close acquaintance with Greek literature were so highly esteemed by the heathen themselves, that they flocked in large numbers to his lectures. Accord- ing to this new teacher, the sacred writings of both Testa- ments have a parabolic or allegorical sense, designed ‘“ for those who are chosen from among men and fitted by faith for the Christian ydors.” He admits, indeed, the ex- istence of the literal, historical sense, but this lower sense 432 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. which is obvious to all men produces only elementary faith, whereas the higher, the allegorical meaning, leads to the true yy@ots,—the sublime wisdom. Finally, he distinctly pro- claims, as we have seen St. Irenzeus do, the necessity of ecclesiastical tradition as the principle by which the true meaning of Scripture must be determined.’ But however sound, or least inoffensive, may appear the theoretical views of Clement of Alexandria, it cannot be denied that, in prac- tice, his unbounded admiration for Philo betrays him, prob- ably more than Pantzenus, into fanciful allegorical interpre- tations. Thus, for example, he expounds the Decalogue in the following manner: “ The writing of God and His for- mation of figures on the tablet is the creation of the world. The Decalogue, by a heavenly image, contains the sun, moon, stars, clouds, lights, wind, water, air, darkness, fire. This is the natural or physical decalogue of heaven. The image of the earth contains men, cattle, reptiles, beasts, and of aquatic tribes, fishes and whales; and again of birds, such as are carnivorous, and such as feed on the fruits of the earth; and of plants, in lke manner, both those that bear fruit, and those which are barren. This is the natural decalogue of the earth.” * Again, explaining the account of the erection of the tabernacle, and of the making of its furniture (Exod. chaps. xxv, xxvi), he says: “The candle- stick situated south of the altar of incense signified the move- ments of the seven stars making circuits southward. From each side of the candlestick projected three branches with lights in them, because the sun placed in the midst of the other planets gives light’ both to those above and under him by a kind of divine music.” 3 In the same allegorical strain, 1For quotations from Clement’s writings regarding tradition, cfr. ScHANz, A Christian Apology, vol. iii. p. 373. See, also, Davrpson, On Sacred Hermeneu- tics, pp. 81-88. 2 Miscellanies, Book vi., chap. xvi. ®Miscellanies, Book v., chap. vi. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 433 he tells us that the 366 bells hanging from the high priest’s robe are “the period of a year, the acceptable year of the Lord, proclaiming and echoing the great advent of the Saviour.” * Clement was succeeded and surpassed by his disciple, Origen, the greatest master by far of the Alexandrian school. “ By his Zetrapla and Hexapla Origen became the founder of all Textual Criticism ; by his Homilies he fixed the type of a popular exposition ; his Scho/za were the earliest specimens of marginal explanations; his Commentaries furnished the Church with her first continuous exegesis, his bock on First Principles was the earliest attempt at a systematic view of the Christian faith ; his knowledge of the Bible, and his contributions to its interpretation were absolutely un- rivalled.”? Like Irenzeus and Clement, this great scholar proclaims with no uncertain voice the great principle of an ecclesiastical tradition or Canon as the supreme test of exe- gesis. This exegetical tradition was handed down from the Apostles of the Lord, through the bishops of the Church; and nothing can be Christian truth which is not in accord- ance therewith.3 Like his predecessors, too, he distinguishes several senses of Holy Writ, among which he recognizes the literal, grammatical or historical. But like Barnabas, Justin, and Clement of Alexandria, he is too ready to set forth alle- gorical explanations, which remind us of Philo and his Hel- lenistic school. Nay, more, he endeavors to justify his extreme allegorism by showing the utter impossibility for the biblical interpreter to take in their literal sense, passages which, if understood in this manner, would ascribe to God mere human form and feelings, or contain something inherently absurd (such as the prohibition to eat vultures), 1 Miscellanies, Book v, chap. vi. 2 FARRAR, History of Interpretation, p. 188. 3 Cfr. for instance Origen’s words in his Preface to the wept apxov. 2 434 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. or convey unworthy or unjust precepts (as, for instance, the threat that the uncircumcised man-child should be destroyed out of his people), or imply historical contradictions, etc. As further proofs of his position, he appeals to St. Paul’s statement that “the letter killeth, but the spirit quickeneth,” ’ and to the incidental use by the same Apostle, of the pas- sage of the Red Sea by the Israelites as an analogy of Christian baptism,’ and of the story of Agar and Sara as signifying “‘ by an allegory” the two Testaments.® It is not therefore surprising to find that having thus shown, to his own Satisfaction, the lawfulness, nay, even the necessity of an allegorical exposition, Origen should very often disregard in » practice the literal and the moral senses of Holy Writ, which he had recognized in theory. A few brief specimens of Origen’s extreme allegorism will suffice here. The fact that Rebecca came to draw water at the well and there met the servant of Abraham (Gen. xxiv, 15, sq.), he takes to mean that we must “ daily come to the wells of Scripture ” in order to meet with Christ. In Gen. xvill, 2, the Septuagint says wrongly that the three men seen by Abraham stood adove him. Origen interprets this as mean- ing that Abraham submitted himself to the will of God. In connection with St. Matt. (xix, 3, sqq.), where there is ques- tion of divorce, the same scholar enters upon a long digres- sion about the marriage of the soul with its guardian angel. The words of Christ’s forerunner in St. Matt. (ili, 11) and St. John (i, 27), that he is not worthy “to bear” or “to loose” the shoes of the coming Messias, Origen refers to Our Lord’s incarnation and descent into Hades, etc., etc. Thus will it be seen that Origen, like the other Alexan- drines, proceeded in his interpretation upon the exaggera- 1 TL 'Cor, 11156; 2 TCor. x15) 8de 3 Galat. iv, 21, sqq. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 435 tion of a truth, particularly as regards the writings of the Old Testament. “If we think of that long Revelation, unfold- ing itself gradually through centuries, and growing ever fuller and clearer as it proceeds, we cannot deny that its earlier stages contained the germ of the later, that much was anticipatory and preparative, that God granted to chosen spirits a vision more or less distinct of the long-hoped-for consummation.’ The Priest, the King, the Prophet foreboded with increasing clearness the Lamb of God, the Son of David, the Man of Sorrows. There were shadows of good things to come; there were vaticinations; there were types. But it does not follow that all was type; it does not follow that the type is a perfect and elaborate figure of the antitype. The Alexandrines erred in both ways. They found symbols where there was no symbol ; they treated symbols not as in- dications, as harbingers, but as proofs.” ” § 2. Biblical Interpretation from the Fourth to the Sixth Century. 1. The Eastern Schools of Antioch, Edessa, and Czsarea. While the influence of Origen continued to be felt powerfully in the school of Alexandria, chiefly through the exegetical teaching of St. Denys of Alexandria, another Greek school of Biblical Interpretation was begin- ning to spring up in Antioch of Syria. The origin of this great school has been traced back to the catechetical school founded in the Syrian capital, by the “ presbyter Malchion,”’ 3 and powerfully developed by two of his disciples, Dorothzus and Lucian. The exegetical method of the Antiochian school stood in great contrast with that pursued by the biblical scholars of DiCins eb. xi,.73- 2 Charles Bicc, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, p. 148, sq. 8 Cfr. Eusesius, Ecclesiastical History, Book vii, chap. xxix. 436 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Alexandria. Looking upon the literal sense as the meaning directly and primarily intended by God, the school of Anti- och maintained that this sense was the one it imported most to determine, and that for obtaining it every available means, such as grammar, history, etc., should be used. It wisely re- jected every arbitrary construction of the sacred text, and all the allegorical explanations for which no sound basis could be pointed out." Whence it appears that the leading principles of this exegetical school were truly those of sober and sound hermeneutics, and this is why they are still adhered to by our contemporary exegetical writers. The chief representatives of the Antiochian school are: (1) Diodorus’ of Tarsus: (jf ab.‘ 390); (2) Theodore of Mopsuestia (ft 429) and St. John Chrysostom (f 407), the two great disciples of Diodorus; (3) Polychronius, Bishop of Apamza ({f 430); (4) St. Isidore of Pelusium (f ab. 450), a disciple of St. Chrysostom; and finally (5) Theo- doret, Bishop of Cyrus (fab. 458). Prominent among these illustrious interpreters stands St. John Chrysostom, whose exegetical works on the New Testament have contributed so much—as may be ascertained by consulting the best lexicons and critical commentaries,—towards a right under- standing of the words and phrases of the original Greek. His homilies on the epistles of St. Paul are particularly ap- preciated ; but his other commentaries, homilies, or sermons on various parts of Scripture,” bespeak all a master in the art of discovering and setting forth the true sense of the sacred text. Much better than any other member of the Antiochian school, he knows how to elicit from a passage its genuine sense (whether it be the proper, metaphorical, or allegorical), and next how to set it forth with precision, ac- 1 Cfr. ViGouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. i, n. 206. 2 Besides his Homilies on St. Paul, we have of him sixty-seven Homilies and nine Ser- mons on Genesis ; Expositions on Psalms iii-xii, xli-xlix and cviii-cl ; Commentaries on Isaias; and finally, ninety Homilies on St. Matthew. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 437 curacy, clearness, and elegance. In fact, “as a bishop in- spired with genuine love for the souls of his flock; as a preacher of surpassing eloquence whose popular exposition is based on fine scholarship and controlled by masterly good sense; as one who had a thorough familiarity with the whole of Scripture, and who felt its warm, tingling human life throbbing in all his veins; as one who took the Bible as he found it, and used it in its literal sense as a guide of conduct rather than as an armory of controversial weapons or a field for metaphysical speculations— Chrysostom stands un- surpassed among the ancient exegetes.” ’ Side by side with the Greek-speaking section of the Syrian Church, whose great exegetical school was founded in Anti- och, there was the hardly less important Syriac-speaking section of the same Church, having Edessa for its great biblical centre, and Aphraates and St. Ephrem for its lead- ing interpreters. The hermeneutical principles of Aphraates are not so sound as those for which the Antiochian school is conspicuous in the early Christian Church. It is true that like the illustrious scholars of Antioch, he is chiefly con- cerned with the historical sense of Holy Writ, does not neg- lect its typical meaning, and recognizes openly ecclesiastical tradition as the supreme test of Catholic exegesis. But differently from them, he indulges freely in allegorical methods of interpretation, and follows too readily rabbinical traditions.” From this latter point of view, St. Ephrem is decidedly superior to Aphraates, for his extant works prove conclusively that he adopted fully the exegetical methods of the school of Antioch. His interpretation of Holy Writ is remarkable for its careful investigation of the literal sense, 1 FarRAR, History of Interpretation, p. 220, sq. For the subsequent history of the school of Antioch, cfr. ViGouroux, Dictionnaire de la Bible, art. Antioche (Ecole Exégétique d’), col. 685. ? For illustrations of these statements, see J. Parisot, art. Aphraate, in Vicouroux, Dict. de la Bible, col. 739, sq. 438 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and for the tone of piety which pervades the exposition of the moral and religious teachings of the Sacred Scriptures. It might have been supposed that so illustrious a master as the holy deacon of Edessa would leave after him pupils who would write valuable works ; in reality, the disciples of St. Ephrem proved very inferior scholars,’ and the school of . Edessa can hardly be said to have survived long the death of its greatest interpreter. “The great Cappadocian triumvirate,” * St. Basil the Great (tT 379), St. Gregory Nazianzen (f{ ab. 389), and St. Gregory of Nyssa (f+ 396), is usually designated under the name of the school of Caesarea in Cappadocia, although these Greek Fathers did not gather around them disciples eager to study under them. ‘They were simply three illustrious scholars, who, in their explanation of Holy Writ, followed a kind of via media between the schools of Alexandria and Antioch, endeavoring to avoid equally the extreme allegorism of the former and the strict literalism of many members of the latter. The best-known work of the school of Caesarea is the Hexemerox of St. Basil, in which the holy Doctor pro- pounds so forcibly the literal sense of the narrative of creation.* 2. The Latin Fathers. To whatever causes may be referred the lateness of large exegetical works among the Latins,’ it must be granted that before the fourth century hardly any such Latin writing appeared in the Western churches. Thus Tertullian (f about 220), and St. Cyprian (t 258), though they be prolific writers, are satisfied with quoting Holy Writ usually in its literal sense, and with main- 1 His best-known pupils were Cyrillonas (+ ab. 396), Baleas (+ ab. 425), Isaac of Anti- och (+ 460), ete. Cfr. R. Duvat, La Litérature Syriaque, p. 337, sqq. 2 FarRAR, loc. cit., p. 210. 8 Cfr. Al. Morats, L’Origine du Monde d’apr?s la Tradition, p. 133, sqq. 4The principal reasons of this unquestionable fact are well exposed in CHAuvin, Lecons d'Introduction, p. 578, sqq. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE 'CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 439 taining stoutly against the heretics of their time, that ecclesi- astical tradition is the supreme test of sound interpretation, and it is only with St. Victorinus (f 303) Bishop of Pettau in Styria, that regular Latin commentaries on the Sacred Scriptures make their appearance. Even in the earlier part of the fourth century, St. Hilary of Poitiers and St. Ambrose are the only two commentators whose exegetical works are considerable, and who give us an idea of the method of in- terpretation prevalent in their time. They both have under- gone the influence of Origen, and indulge too freely in allegorical and mystical explanations. A much brighter era in the history of Biblical Interpre- tation among the Latins opens with the latter part of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, when such Doctors as St. Jerome (331-420), St. Augustine (354-430), St. Peter Chrysologus (f 450), Pope St. Leo the Great (ft 461), and St. Prosper of Aquitaine ({ 465), illustrate the Western Church by their numerous and_ brilliant writings. The most sober of them all, as he is also the best informed, is unquestionably St. Jerome, whose life and principal writings have been briefly given in chapter xiv. He is familiar with the writings of Origen, several of which he has rendered himself into Latin, and he professes a genuine admiration for the great Alexandrine Doctor. Nevertheless, his own exegesis, as indeed his own views about the Canon, is modelled not after Origen, but after the great Fathers of Antioch and Cesarea. Without altogether rejecting allegorical and moral explanations of the sacred writings, St. Jerome is chiefly anxious to determine their exact literal sense in the light, of philology, tradition, and history, and it must be said that his commentaries, especially those which he wrote on the Old Testament, are excellent works, equally remarkable for their scientific accuracy and their clearness of expression. 440 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Next to St. Jerome comes the illustrious Bishop of Hippo, St. Augustine, who, in his work Ox Christian Doctrine, lays down the wisest rules to be followed for a sound inter- pretation of Holy Writ, and who throughout most of his writings, scatters judicious remarks having a direct bearing upon exegesis. According to him, the object of all interpre- tation is to express as accurately as possible the thoughts and meaning of an author, and in the case of the Holy Scriptures this is not attained by strictly insisting on each single expression by itself, but by close attention to the con- text, by comparison with kindred places where the sense is more clearly and definitely given, and finally by a reference to the essentials of Christian doctrine. His brief description of the accomplished interpreter is well worth quoting, be- cause it conveys in a concrete manner some of his exegetical views. ‘ The interpreter,” says he, “ should not be a lover of contention, but possess meekness in his piety. He should be furnished beforehand with a knowledge of the original languages, lest he be at a loss in unknown words and ex- pressions. He should possess a knowledge of certain neces- sary things (biblical archzology), lest he be ignorant: of the efficacy and nature of objects used in the way of similitude. He should likewise be aided by the truth of manuscripts which a skilful and diligent emendation has effected. Thus equipped, let. him come to discuss and solve the difficult passages of the Scriptures. It cannot be denied that, judged by this very portraiture of the interpreter of holy writ, St. Augustine can hardly be spoken of as a scholar fully equipped for the work of explaining the sacred text. He knew no Hebrew, and had but a meagre knowledge of Greek. His acquaintance with biblical archeology was of necessity very limited, and the ? 291 1 On Christian Doctrine, Book iii, chap. i. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN ‘CHURCH. 441 MSS. at his disposal but few. ‘Time and -again his render- ings could not help being defective, because based on the old Latin versions, i.e.,0n mere transcripts of the Septua- gint which he wrongly considered as inspired; and further he thought that “all” or “almost all” the truth of the Gospel could be found in the Old Testament, an erroneous frame of mind bound to betray his subtle genius into count- less errors of interpretation. In point of fact, while his commentaries abound “in constant flashes of genius, and contain the rich results of msight and experience,” ' they also bear to a very large extent the impress of his native subtlety and of his great fondness for allegorical explanations. After St. Augustine, original interpreters of Holy Writ become very scarce in the Latin Church, and only Junilius Africanus, Cassiodorus, St. Gregory the Great, and St. Isi- dore of Seville, can be mentioned in the course of the sixth and seventh centuries. § 3. Biblical Interpretation during the Middle Ages. I. Before the Scholastic Period. It would be a waste of time to insist at any length on the exegetical pro- ductions of the period which intervenes between the age of the Fathers of the Church and that of the scholastic theolo- gians. Almost all the works of the time (eighth to eleventh centuries) are not original commentaries on the sacred books, but simply compilations made up of excerpts from earlier in- terpreters. ‘The number and choice of these earlier interpret- ers vary considerably with the compiler, but his work bears the uniform stamp of the fashion of the time: it is a collection of extracts which he strings up (hence the name of cafene, chains, given to such works) after an order of his own, and into which he introduces no change, except when he feels 1 FarRAR, loc. cit., p. 237. 442 GENERAL, INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, compelled to abbreviate or condense. The name of each Father or ecclesiastical writer whose works have been utilized, is given at the end of each eXcerpt, and it is but seldom that the compiler offers an opinion of his own.’ As during the period at which we have arrived in the his- tory of Biblical Interpretation, exegetical skill and methods were at a low ebb both in the East and in the West, it is not surprising to find that this compilation process was carried on both by Greek and Latin interpreters. In fact, the only practical difference between the two sets of Catene which have come down to us, is that the Greek one has a better chance to supply us with quotations from writings which are no longer extant. The principal authors of Ca/ene among the Greeks are: St. John Damascene (f ab. 750), G&cume- nius; Arethas; Euthymius Zigabenus; and Theophylact, all of the tenth century. Among the Latins, we may men- tion more particularly Ven. Bede (f 735); Alcuin (fF 804); Rabanus Maurus (f 856); Walafrid Strabo (f 849), the celebrated author of the Glossa Ordinaria, a Catena which remained the ordinary exegetical hand-book for several centuries; and finally, Lanfranc (ft 1089). Beside these authors of Catenz, we must not omit the names of more independent scholars, such as the Benedictine, Christian Druthmar (f 850) among the Latins, and the Patriarch Photius (f 891) among the Greeks.’ 2. Scholastic Exegesis. The lack of originality which we haye noticed in the predecessors of the scholastic theologians, continues to be one of the leading features of 1 The Glosse of this same period differ from the Catena, only in so far that the explana- tions borrowed from the Fathers chiefly of the first four centuries, are shorter than in the Catenz, and are written either in the margin or between the lines of a copy of the Latin Vulgate. 2 For further information, see art. Chaines Bibliques, in ViGouroux, Dict. de la Bible col. 482, sqq.; art. Catena, in ScHAFF-HERzoG, Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge; Samuel Davipson, Sacred Hermeneutics, pp. 163~171. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 443 the interpreters of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Like their exegetical predecessors also, the schoolmen admit the existence of several senses in Holy Writ, and recognize tra- dition as the supreme rule of Biblical Interpretation. It can- not be denied, however, that several among them exhibit considerable originality of thought, although it is to be regret- ted that while they all proclaim that the literal sense. alone ean supply solid doctrinal proofs, their originality shows itself chiefly in the line of allegorical interpretation. It is also to be regretted that those who wrote regular commen- taries on parts of Holy Writ, should have introduced into their treatises that dry and @ frzord method with which they were wont to handle questions of philosophy and theology. Yet, in one respect at least, their method was better than that of their predecessors ; they busied themselves with each book as a whole, and sought to determine accurately the general purpose of its author. Finally, many of the defects noticeable in scholastic exegesis would have no doubt been avoided, had the interpreters of that period been conversant with the original languages, and with the archeology, geog- raphy and history of the Bible: they had certainly the power of mind sufficient to do excellent work in Biblical In- terpretation ; they lacked the technical knowledge which was gradually attained only Icng after their time.’ The best-known interpreters among the schoolmen are: Hugo of St. Victor (f 1141); Abailard (f 1142); St. Bernard (fT iirrsS)-e beter Lombardy (ieiro4): Hugo of St. Cher (f 1260); Albertus Magnus (f 1280); St. Thomas Aquinas (| 1274); St. Bonaventura ({ 1274); and Roger Bacon (ft 1248). 3. The Renaissance and Its Biblical Scholars. With the fourteenth century opened a period of transition 1 TrocnHon, Introduction 4 l’Etude de |’ Ecriture Sainte, vol, i, p. 204 (Paris, 1889). 444 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. between the purely traditional exegesis of the preceding centuries and the more scientific method of subsequent ages. As early as 1311, Clement V and the Council of Vienne pointed out authoritatively the direction which Christian interpretation should take up and follow to resume gradually the scientific character, which it had possessed in the East and in the West, during the fourth and fifth centuries of our era. By their decree that Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and Chaldaic professorships should be established in the great universities of Paris, Oxford, Bologna, and Salamanca, they initiated a movement which must needs promote a compar- ison between the originals and the Latin versions, and entail as a necessary consequence the rejection of many received explanations which had no real basis on the letter of Holy Writ. The movement thus inaugurated was kept up and quickened by the influence of Nicholas de Lyra, O.S.F., (| 1341) the one great commentator of the fourteenth cen- tury. This scholar was well acquainted with Hebrew and Rabbinic traditions ; he admitted the fourfold sense of Holy Scripture, viz.: the “feral or historical, the mystical or spir- itual, the allegorical, and the mora/ or tropological, but clearly gave the preference to the literal sense. Here are his forci- ble words against the allegorism of those who had gone be- fore him: “ All of them (i. e., scriptural senses) presuppose the literal sense as the foundation. As a building declining from the foundation is likely to fall, so the mystic interprc - ation, which deviates from the literal sense, must be reckoned as unbecoming and unsuitable. Those, therefore, who wish to make proficiency in the study of the Sacred Scriptures, must begin with the literal sense ; especially because from it alone any argument can be brought to prove or declare what is doubtful. .. . It must: be observed, likewise, that .the literal sense has been much obscured by the method of ex- position recommended and _ practised by others who, though BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 445 they may have said many things well, have yet touched on the literal but sparingly, and have so multiplied the mystical senses as nearly to intercept and choke it. Proposing, there- fore, to avoid these and similar practices, I intend, with God’s assistance, to insist upon the literal sense, and to insert occasionally a very few brief mystical expositions.””’ In his great exegetical work, entitled, “ Postille perpetua, seu brevia commentaria in universa Biblia,’ Nicholas de Lyra followed with real success the method he had thus sketched for him- self. Unfortunately, as he did not know Greek, he could not take the original text as the basis of his commentary on the New Testament: in fact, he was satisfied to interpret the Latin Vulgate, chiefly with the help of St. Augustine and of St. Thomas. . The lack of acquaintance with the Greek language, which, as we have just remarked, made the work of Lyranus on the New Testament so inferior to his Commentary on the Hebrew Text, began somewhat to disappear in Italy in the fourteenth century, and also, through Italian influence, in some other countries. It was only, however, after the fall of Constantinople under the Turkish yoke (in 1453) had caused Greek grammarians and scholars to take refuge in West- ern Europe, that Greek language and literature were exten- sively studied. Other causes, foremost among which must be reckoned the invention of the art of printing, contributed likewise powerfully to make of the fifteenth century the period of a great movement of revival in Greek learning and art, which has been called the Renazssance and in which several Popes, notably Nicholas V and Leo X, took a prominent part. The principal commentators of this period of transition were Gerson (f 1429), whose hermeneutical principles were 1 The words of Lyranus are quoted in Davipson, Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 176, footn. 1. 446 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. far superior to the application he made of them; Alphonsus Tostat (7 1455), more diffuse than scientific as an interpre- ter; J. Reuchlin (7 1522), the first Christian who composed a grammar and a lexicon of the Hebrew language ; Erasmus (t 1536), the most celebrated Greek scholar of the time; Card. Cajetan (+1534), who has left valuable commentaries on St. Paul, the Gospels and the Psalms; finally, Santes Pagnini (f¢ 1541), celebrated for his Hebrew and Rabbinic attainments. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XIX. History oF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Section If. Since the Protestant Reformation. I. FIRST PERIOD: BEFORE THE RISE OF RATIONALISM : II. SECOND PERIOD: SINCE THE RISE OF RATIONALISM : Se ay — — . Biblical Interpreta- . Origin and Principal ( Exegetical Principles of . Exegesis of the Early | Luther. Reformers. views adopted by the How far were Luther’s other Reformers ? Happy Combination of Tradition and Scientific Method. Leading Interpreters. tion among Catho- lics : Schools of Inter- pretation : Peculiar Features. Leading Scholars, . Principal Protestant Pecan Tenets. pUncertying Principles of Phases of Banone Rationalistic Exegesis. alistic Interpreta- } Principal Schools and tion : {| Scholars. . Protestant Exegesis in Germany, England, and America. 3. Interpretation among Principal Features, Catholics : Leading Interpreters 447 CHAP TE Re crx? HISTORY OF BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Section II. SINCE THE PROTESTANT REFORMATION. § 1. first Period: Before the Rise of Rationalism. 1. Exegesis of the Early Reformers. It would be a long and tedious task to relate in detail the individual exe- getical views of the early Protestant reformers, and their vain efforts to build up a system of Biblical Interpretation altogether independent of the traditions of past ages. We shall, therefore, confine ourselves to a brief exposition of the exegetical methods of their great “ prophet” ’ Luther, and to a distinct mention of the general principles which his companions and helpers held in common with him. As early as 1520 Luther proclaimed openly that he would not submit to authority in exegesis, ‘“ Leges interpretandi verbum Det non patior.” * He recognized, indeed, the use- fulness of patristic writings, when they are read with discre- tion, yet contended that it is by comparing Scripture with clearer Scripture, that we must arrive at the truth.* We must not twist Holy Writ, but understand it in “its literal sense alone, which is the whole essence of faith and of Christian theology.” ‘In the schools of theologians it is a 1 Luther is called thus by FARRAR, History of Interpretation, p. 341. 2 Letter toePbope: een kame 8 Cfr. LUTHER, Comm, in Gen., cap. iil, p. 43a. 448 BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 449 well-known rule that Scripture is to be understood in four ways, literal, allegoric, moral, anagogic. But if we wish to handle Scripture aright, our one effort will be to cbtain unum, simplicem, germanum et certum sensum Uliteralem.” ‘‘ Hach passage has one clear, definite, and true sense of its own. All others are but doubtful and uncertain opinions.” ! Elsewhere Luther speaks of allegories as the ‘awkward, unclean, earthly, sluttish rags and shags of interpretation.” ? Strict self-consistency, however, does not seem to have been a special canon of his method of exegesis, for he reverses at times his verdict against allegorical interpretation, as, for instance, when he declares that: “ Grammatica quidem WECESSATIC CStmeL ee CTae sca. Caerloi acbel revere res; sed SEVUIE TOUTE ee ey POInt Ol. fact," when he” reads the doctrines of the Trinity and the Incarnation, and Justifica- tion by Faith, and Reformation dogmatics and polemics, into passages written more than a thousand years before the Christian era—when, ina spirit worthy of Rabbi Aqiba him- self, he infers the divinity of the Messias and the ‘Com- munication of Idioms’ from the particle myx in Gen. v, 22, he is adopting an unreal method, which had been rejected a millennium earlier by the clearer insight and more unbiased wisdom of the school of Antioch. As a consequence of this method, in his commentary on Genesis, he adds nothing to Lyranus, except a misplaced dogmatic treatment of patriarchal history.” * Two other exegetical principles which were most valuable in the eyes of Luther, remain to be mentioned. The first 1 These quotations are taken from FARRAR, loc. cit., p. 327. 2 See G. T. Lapp, The Doctrine of Sacred Scripture, vol. ii, p. 169. Cfr. LUTHER, Comm. in Gen., cap. lil, p. 42@ 5 cap. xv, p. 179@3 Cap. XXX, P. 417. 3 Comm. in Gen., cap. xvi, p. 1894. Luther is also quoted as having said: ‘‘ Gram- maticam decet Theologiae cedere.”’ 4 Farrar, History of Interpretation, p. 334. Nicholas Lyranus and Rashi are trace- able throughout Luther’s Commentary on Genesis, and Richard Simon says rightly that, “he usually added nothing to them, except his own prejudices.” 29 45° GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. regards the ferspicuzty of Scripture, which he proclaimed as follows: “ The Holy Ghost is the plainest writer and speaker that is in heaven or on earth: therefore, His words can have no more than the one simple meaning, which we call the 1 The second is the absolute scriptural or literal sense. right of private judgment, in virtue of which every Christian may, and, indeed, must, test his faith by Scripture. Of course such principles could be far more easily formulated than applied, so that it is not surprising to find that Luther himself was not a little puzzled when he was confronted with the fact that despite the so-called perspicuity of Scrip- ture there is scarcely a verse in Holy Writ which has not been interpreted in different ways, and when Zwingli, the Anabaptists, Carlstadt, etc., all appealed to the right of private judgment to interpret Scripture in a sense opposed to his own. Nor is it very surprising to find that, despairing to settle exegetical difficulties by simple appeals to the Bible, Melanchthon and Calvin should have advocated recourse to an authority distinct from the Holy Scriptures. The former proposed that all should abide by “a consensus of pious ” the latter wished that a “synod of true bishops ” should be obeyed. Such views were rejected by Luther, who, together with Zwingli, maintained that, in difficult passages, Holy Writ should be interpreted according to “the analogy of faith,” i.e., according to the whole tenor of Scripture teaching. But as by the analogy of faith, the early reformers soon understood harmony with received doctrines, the Lutheran rule of interpreting the Bible according to the ‘“‘ analogy of faith” was “soon made to mean the same as the old Romish rule that no explanation is to be admitted which runs counter to the current ecclesiastical dogmas.” ? men ; 1 Answer to Emser, quoted by LApp, The Doctrine of Sacred Scripture, vol. ii, p. 169. 7 FarRAR, loc. cit., p. 333. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 451 But however great may have been the doctrinal and exe- getical differences between the early reformers and Luther, it is beyond doubt that they were at one with him as regards the following points: (1) the rejection of scholastic methods and of a fourfold scriptural sense; (2) an instinctive dis- trust and relative giving up of allegorical interpretation ; (3) the repudiation of ecclesiastical tradition as an authority in the interpretation of Holy Writ; (4) the importance of the original languages to get at the exact meaning of the sacred writers ; (5) confidence in the possibility of clearing up dif- ficulties—at least as far.as essential truths are concerned— by a comparative study of biblical passages; (6) the tend- ) ency to consider, “the analogy of faith” as an indispens- able rule of Hermeneutics.’ Such are the leading principles which were propounded by the early reformers in common with Luther, but to which, like their great leader, they were often unfaithful in their exegetical works.’ 2. Biblical Interpretation among Catholics. While Protestant interpreters thus endeavored to frame and apply exegetical rules independently of the traditions of past ages, Catholic commentators showed themselves faithful to the spirit which had ever animated the leading interpreters of the Christian Church. Far from looking upon the Holy Scriptures as the sole and sufficient source of divine Revela- tion, they held that living Catholic tradition contains the un- written Word of God and is the authorized interpreter of the sacred writings. Far from relying entirely on their own ability and despising as worthless the labors of the great interpreters of past centuries, they not only admired the 1 Cfr. Lapp, loc, cit., p. 171; FARRAR, loc. cit., p. 342. * The principal commentaries of the early reformers are sufficiently indicated in Vicouroux, Manuel Biblique, vol. i, n. 217; and CuHavuvin, Lecons d’Introduction Gé- nérale, p. 600, sq. ? : 452 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. works of their predecessors, but also availed themselves of their valuable doctrinal and exegetical contents. Thus did faithfulness to ecclesiastical tradition prove to Catholic in- terpreters a safeguard against the many vagaries noticeable in the exegetical works of most of the early reformers, and secure to them a considerable amount of positive informa- tion. To this first praiseworthy feature of Catholic exegesis, was added another hardly less commendable. Annoyed by the boasts of truly scientific interpretation emanating from Prot- estant sources, orthodox scholars endeavored to be more strict in their exposition of Holy Writ, and further, as they were conscious of possessing the truth, they did not hesitate to follow their adversaries on their supposed vantage-ground : like the Protestants of the time, they appealed to grammar, history and criticism, and by a careful study of the sacred text, showed how, from a purely scientific standpoint, the difficulties against Catholic positions were really groundless. For this purpose, orthodox scholars paid close attention to the literal meaning of the words, examined the context care- fully, treated with moderation and real insight questions of Biblical Criticism, discussed with great skill the explanations offered by ancient interpreters, took up and dealt with the difficulties raised by their opponents, in a straightforward and thorough manner. Ina word, they so happily combined the practice of a truly scientific method with genuine res- pect for tradition, that the period which elapsed between the rise of Protestantism and that of Rationalism, and was so fertile in biblical interpreters, has justly been called the “ golden age” of Catholic exegesis. Prominent in this galaxy of able scholars, were (1) An- drew Masius (f 1573), one of the editors of the Antwerp Polyglot ; (2) Cornelius Jansenius (f 1576), Bishop of Gand,' 1 Not to be taken for his nephew, the celebrated heretic of the same name. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 453 and author of an excellent commentary on the Gospels; (3) John Maldonatus, (S. J.) (f 1583), perhaps still our best commentator of the four Gospels; (4) Francis Foreiro (O. P.) (fF 1587), the author of a remarkable commentary on Isaias; (5) William Estius (f 1613), whose excellent work on the epistles of St. Paul cannot be too much recommended to the student; (6) Benedict Justiniani (S. J.) ({ 1622), an- other remarkable commentator of St. Paul; (7) James Bon- frere (S. J.) (fF 1642), known chiefly for his /reloguia in totam Scripturam,; (8) John Morin (f 1659), whose critical works and ability are worthy of all praise ; (g) lastly, Augus- tin Calmet (O. 5S. B.) (1672-1757), who in his learned commentary on the whole Bible gives chiefly the literal sense of the sacred writings.’ 3. Principal Protestant Schools of Interpreta- tion. In strange contrast with the harmony which charac- terizes Catholic exegesis at this epoch, stands the confu- sion into which Protestant interpretation soon fell after the death of the great reformers. In fact, it is no easy task in the midst of the various ‘ Confessional Schools,” which arose at the time, to recognize and point out even the lead- ing features which characterized them all; we shall, however, endeavor to do so, without entering into a detailed examina- tion of them. As might naturally be expected, they were all animated by a strong spirit of opposition to Rome, and in consequence, none of them lost sight of the essentially Protestant principle which placed the authority of Scripture far above that of tradition. Everywhere in the ponderous “scholastic ” trea- tises of their leading divines,’ we meet with such theses as : 1 For further information, cfr. DanKo, De Sacra Scriptura Commentarius, pars tertia, P. 334, sqq.; CorNELy, Introductio Generalis, p. 672, sqq. 2 The lengthy and heavy character of these treatises is well described by Farrar, History of Interpretation, p. 361, sqq. 454 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ‘Scripture holds its authority from itself, i. e., from God who inspired it; Scripture is the supreme judge in matters of faith and for everything relating to salvation ; Scripture is the source of all authority in the Church, and the latter can as little pretend to exercise any patronage over Scripture as it can pretend to have inspired it.” * A second assumption no less dear to the Protestant schools of this period, is that the Bible contains a consistent and symmetrical system of doctrine, which can be extracted from it by means of grammar and logic, and must be considered as the Regula fide’, as a standard of doctrine against which no interpretation of the Bible should prevail. Hence “the learning of the time was much displayed in pedantic efforts to discover proof-texts not already pre-empted, or in discuss- ing such passages as seemed to refute the prevailing dog- matism; only with a view, however, to twist them so as to render them tributary to the same dogmatism (1. e., to the dog- matic bias of a different school).” A large portion of the Bible thus became wsed up as proof-texts for the current systema- tic statements of faith, and all passages of Scripture were expected to be understood by all the orthodox as in accord- ance with these statements. The number of passages, the interpretation of which was thus fixed by dogmatic considerations, was constantly being enlarged. ‘“ That an appeal was made in such cases to an inner witness of the Holy Spirit as a pledge for their truth, sounds,” says Reuss, “like grim irony.” ° A third exegetical view, and the last to be mentioned here as widely prevalent in the Protestant schools of interpreta- tion, maintained that the original text of the Bible had been transmitted in its absolute primitive purity, so that 1 Reuss, History of the Canon of the Holy Scriptures in the Christian Church, p. 343, Sq. 2 Lapp, The Doctrine of Sacred Scripture, p. 181, sq. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 455 the smallest vowel-sign or accent of the Hebrew Scriptures, the most irregular forms found in the Greek New Testa- ment, were to be held as having emanated directly from the divine influence of the Holy Spirit. It will be noticed that the tenets held in common by the leading Protestant schools down to the rise of Rational- ism were the outcome of an “irresistible demand for sta- bility,” ‘ for it was naturally felt that a supreme and final authority was a practical necessity to counterbalance the decisive influence of the right of private judgment upcn biblical exegesis.” Now this supreme and final authority could not be, for any Protestant sect, distinct from the Bible, the text of which should be beyond every suspicion of cor- ruption, and the meaning of which should be determined in difficult passages by no other means than its own teaching contained in clearer passages, and already embodied—as was claimed by each school—in a binding “ Symbol,” “ Formula,” or “ Confession of Faith.” Thus, then, a certain kind of unity and stability of inter- pretation was secured within each Protestant school, but it was Clearly to the detriment not only of freedom, but also of vitality. ‘The followers of the reformers thought they could confine and control by formulas and official seals a revolution in the realm of mind whose original force none measured, whose final goal none perceived. In the Lutheran Church, the stagnation came in, and victoriously, with the Formula of Concord (in 1580); in the Reformed, somewhat later, with the decrees of Dort (in 1619), but as the decision of a controversy between freedom and slavery in the realm of Scripture Interpretation.” * The only theological works, 1 Reuss, History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament, vol. ii, p. 572 (Engl. Transl.). 2 Cfr. FARRAR, History of Interpretation, p. 370. sq. 8’ Reuss, History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament, vol. ii, p. 572 (Engl. Transl.). See also, FARRAR, loc. cit., p. 374. 456 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and the only commentaries of this period which still retained any vitality, were those of smaller schools, which, while rec- ognizing tacitly the faith of their respective churches as a guide in their exposition of the Holy Scriptures, yet claimed and exercised a certain amount of independence. As schools of this description, we shall simply mention here (1) the Arminian school, which counted among its members ex- cellent classical scholars, and which cultivated with con- siderable success the long-neglected historical element in interpretation ; (2) the Coccezan school, which, like the pre- ceding, flourished also in Holland, and which spent a vast amount of learning upon the idea that the old Covenant being a figure of the New, should be interpreted as a con- tinuous series of types which foreshadowed the New Dis- pensation ;’ (3) the school of the /%efzsts, whose watchword was “not to interpret Scripture solely from their creeds, and thus erect the genuine popedom in the midst of their Church,” * and whose distinct aim was to bring all men into direct contact with the sacred text, that they might derive from it an increase of spiritual life by searching its mystical and typical depths ; (4) the school of Zextual Critics, which proved to evidence that the original text of both Testaments had suffered in its transmission from exactly the same causes as those which have altered the text of every other ancient writing; finally, (5) the Syzcretistic school, whose watch- words were concord and tolerance, and which admitted as authoritative both Holy Writ and the consensus of the first five centuries.* Of the Socinian school we shall speak a little later, in connection with the origin of Rationalism. 1 For an able presentation of the positions of the Cocceian school, see FARRAR, loc. Cit: pasos, SG. 2 Cfr. Reuss, ibid., p. 578. 3 For interesting details concerning the Interpretation of Holy Writ among the Puri- tans, cfr. Brracs, General Introduction, p. 459, sqq. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 457 These more or less orthodox schools ' did not produce the same number of remarkable scholars. None of them, how- ever, was altogether barren in interpreters of real ability. The better-known names among the strict Lutherans are those of Nic. Selnekker (7 1592); Dav. Chytraus (f 1600); Abr. Calovius (f 1688); and Seb. Schmidt (f 1696); and among the less strictly orthodox Lutherans, we may mention Georg Calixtus(f 1656), the great leader of the Syncretistic movement. Among the Reformed scholars, we must name J Piseator Cye1G26);) D.Fareus (} 1622); and M. Amy- raut (f 1664); and more particularly, Hugo Grotius (De Grool faio4e) sc leticus ():, Ley Clerc, | 1736); and’ J. Wetstein (f 1754), the leading members of the Arminian school. | As prominent among the Cocceians, we may men- tion beside J. Cocceius (Koch, ¢ 1669), Campegius Vitringa (for 22) ye Prcune( as 7oo); ands. Van Til (¢ 1723). The Pietists possessed such eminent scholars as the two Mich- aes (fee ae somancnc Dt 1713), and JA. Bengel (erg &2) "ee rinally among the Textual Critics and arche- ological writers of the period, we may name particularly L. Cappel (f 1658); Brian Walton (+ 1661), the editor of the London /olygfot; J. Lightfoot (f 1675) the author of the valuable Hore Hebraice et Talmudice; and C. Schottgen (f 1751), the writer of a work of similar import to that of Lightfoot, and entitled Hore Hebraice et Talmudic wn universum ovum Testamentum. 1 It should be borne in mind that the test of orthodoxy was the creed or confession of the leading sect, with which those various schools were more or less identified. ?'Tne Annotationes in Vetus et Novum Testamentum by Grotius; the Comment- ary of Vitringa, on Isaias; and the Gnomon Novi Testamenti of Benvel, still de- serve perusal. For further information concerning the leading interpreters of these various schools, see Reuss, History of the New Testament; Farrar, History of In- terpretation ; Lapp, The Doctrine of the Sacred Scripture, vol. ii; and Dictionaries and Cyclopzdias. 458 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. § 2. Second Period: Since the Rise of Rationalism. I. Origin and Principal Phases of Rationalistic Interpretation. With the middle of the eighteenth century a new era opened in the history of Biblical Inter- pretation. It was now no longer possible to think of the original text of the Bible as having been transmitted in its primitive purity, and the yoke of the objective standard of doctrine embodied in the “ Symbols” or “ Confessions,” had gradually become unbearable to many scholars of the Lutheran and Reformed churches. These scholars disliked sincerely every rule of faith, which, as they thought, could be just as erroneous as those “creeds” or ‘“ confessions,” which had been imposed by Protestant dogmatists since the time of the early reformers, and they instinctively yearned for the full enjoyment of the right of private judgment... Thus were they carried back to the rejection of every exterior authority, that is, to a principle which lay at the very basis of the Protestant Reformation, and which will ever be the main underlying principle of the Rationalistic method ‘of inter- pretation.’ Beside this general principle, and indeed as a natural con- sequence of it, Rationalism admits that reason alone is the means whereby Holy Writ should be interpreted, and that Scripture should be understood in harmony with the data of human reason. Not only does it affirm that the sacred books should be studied from a historical point of view, that is, as writings which came into existence in time and which must not be comprehended from the standpoint of our own times and ways of thinking; it proceeds farther, and contends that everything in the Holy Scriptures that would run counter or simply transcend the laws of human experience, should not be accepted literally, but rather treated as things of the kind 1 Cfr. Lapp, loc. cit., p. 2:8, sqq. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 459 are, when met with in confessedly uninspired books. ‘In Rationalism,” well remarks Fr. W. Reinhard,’ “ reason is the sole arbiter. What reason cannot comprehend and accept, can never form part of the Rationalist’s conviction. His consciousness is homogeneous, and his intellect consistent throughout. To him, Scripture is like any other book. He accepts it only when it agrees with his opinions, and then only as an illustration and affirmation, not as an authority.” However contrary to the personal views of Luther con- cerning the Bible, this second principle of Rationalism may appear at first sight, it remains true, nevertheless, that it is simply a further consequence of the absolute right of private judgment, for which the chief leader of Protestantism fought so resolutely against Rome and against Melanchthon and Calvin. This has been clearly realized by Rationalists, with whom it has ever been “a favorite view that the Ref- ormation was produced by reason asserting her rights; and that it was then an easy step to take, when they claimed as much right to use reason within the domain of Protestantism, as their fathers possessed when within the pale of Catholic- ism.” * Nay, more, it seems that Luther himself admitted implicitly this further consequence of his great principle of private judgment; when asked by the Elector of Brandeburg if it were true that he had said he should not stop unless convinced from Scripture, he answered, “ Yes, my _ lord, unless I am convinced by clear and evident reasons!” Finally, the supremacy of reason over the Bible was so natural an outcome of Luther’s principle of private judg- ment, that it was formulated and applied, at a very early date, by the Socinians. The great leader of this Protestant sect was Faustus Socinus (Sozini, ¢ 1604), who, in his various writings, ‘‘ made the divine and authoritative character of the 1 Quotedin ScHarr-HERzoG, Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, art. Rationalism. 2 J. F. Hurst, History of Rationalism, p. 31. 460 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. sacred books dependent on their authenticity and on the conformity of their contents with man’s reason, so that everything in the Bible whichruns counter to or departs from reason, does not come from God, and must be set aside.” ’ The Socinian doctrines did not play, it is true, a very ap- parent part in the history of interpretation during the golden age of Protestant scholasticism which soon followed the death of the early reformers. Yet, their partisans never gave up the fight against the representatives of the Lutheran ’ or ‘Confessions,’ and were and Calvinistic “ Formulas’ greatly aided in their efforts to show the supremacy of human reason, by the interest which gathered around the rational methods advocated by Bacon, Descartes and Wolf, and by the influence which was exerted upon the public mind by the works of the English deists, the German illuminati, and the French philosophers.* Other circumstances of the same period contributed much to render the old positions of Socinus acceptable to many scholars, who, especially in Germany, formed a school of transition between the veterans of Protestant dogmatism, and the coming phalanxes of Rationalism. They were men who, though accessible to the Rationalistic theories, did not allow themselves to be carried away by them. “At their head stood Johann August Ernesti (f 1791) and their activity began. at Leipsig. Rather philologists than theologians, they brought to the interpretation of the Scriptures rather taste and conscien- tiousness than spiritual depth and philosophical views. Much admired in their time as the antipodes of the artificial style that was departing, they have long since ceased to satisfy our age with their rhetorical superficiality. . . . They were 1 E. RasBaup, Histoire de la Doctrine de l|’Inspiration des Saintes Ecritures, p. 89. The writings of Socinus are found, in the Bibliotheca Fratrum Polonorum quos Uni- tarios Vocant (Amsterdam, 1656, sq.). ? For details concerning these various sources of influence, cfr. Hurst, History of Rationalism, BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 461 soon outstripped, and almost more neutral than conservative, ' not only had no claim to enduring influence, but were obliged to look on while their weapons, according to the usual course of things, were made use of by a more violent party.’’' Side by side with this school of transition, flourished a more thorough-going school under the leadership of Johann Salomo Semler (f 1791), who formulated distinctly the Rationalistic views which were, so to speak, everywhere in the air, and endeavored to put them on a solid basis. He questioned vigorously the extent and authority of the Canon of Holy Writ, distinguished between the local and temporary, the permanent and eternal, in the Scriptures, and invented his famous Accommodation Theory. Whatever defied the critic’s acumen or the believer’s spiritual grasp, he explained away on the principle that it was local and temporary. Whatever in the New Testament transcended or ran counter to the philosophical views of his age, he ascribed to the desire of Christ or His Apostles to adapt themselves to the prejudices or other mistaken notions of their contemporaries, and thus reduced their various utterances concerning angels, the Messias, demons, the resurrection of the dead, etc., etc., to so many accommodations to prevailing errors. Instead of calling attention to what then appeared the ob- jectionable parts of Revelation, and disposing of them as accommodations to current prejudices, the celebrated Imman- ucl Kant ({ 1804), endeavored to educe from, or rather read into the words of Holy Writ, moral teachings of the highest order, as being alone constitutive of religion and worthy of the all-perfect revealing God. The only value and object of the Bible is, according to him, to introduce, illustrate, and confirm the religion or morality of reason, and, 1 Reuss, History of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament, vol. ii, p. 591, sqq. The best known scholars beside Ernesti were: J. C. Déderlein (¢ 1792); J. G.and E. F. C. Rosenmiiller (+ 1815; + 1835). 462 SENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. in consequence, it should be interpreted in its various parts (historical, dogmatic, prophetic, etc.), so as to yield a sense calculated to further man’s morality. Kant’s exegetical system, as may easily be noticed, had a twofold advantage over that of Semler: it left in the dark the difficulties to dogmatic belief which had been made very prominent in the latter’s theories, and appealed directly to the noblest instincts of our moral nature. It is not there- fore surprising to find that it exercised a great influence upon subsequent systems of interpretation. On the other hand, its utter inadequacy was apparent. to all scholars who were familiar with the exegetical difficulties raised by Rationalism, and this led to a new attempt to meet the issues which the system of Kant had practically refused to deal with. The new school of interpretation received the name of psycholo- gico-historical, from the twofold leading aspect of its method: it regarded the facts recorded in the Bible as indeed Azstor- ical, yet as needing to be interpreted by means of psycholog- ical data. ‘The substance of the biblical narrative is there- fore to be retained as in accordance with actual occurrences, but the miraculous dress with which it is invested, should be, and can easily be set aside by the interpreter who knows how to enter into the frame of mind of the inspired narrator, and supply the natural circumstances which must have occurred, but which the imagination of the sacred writer caused him to take and describe as marvellous facts. The following example will show the nature of the system as developed chiefly by Eichhorn ({ 1827) and Paulus (f 1851). “It exhibits Paulus’ exposition of John vi, 19: When they had rowed about five and twenty or thirty stadia (about two hours space) they see Jesus walking about over the sea (John xxi, 1, on the bank or shore, which is higher than the sea) and near the ship (which kept near the shore)." In a 1 SAMUEL Davipson, loc. cit., p. 198. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 463 similar naturalistic way, are the plain statements of extraor- ° dinary facts contained in the Bible brought down to the level of human experience and comprehension. Akin to the foregoing theory is the mythical system of interpretation, which was applied to the Old Testament chiefly by De Wette ({ 1849), and to the New, by Strauss (f 1874). Like the psychologico-historical, the mythical theory believes in the sincerity of the biblical narrators, but differently from it, regards the very substance of most jmpor- tant facts as the product of man’s imagination, though they are apparently described as so many occurrences. ‘The mythical system as applied to Our Lord’s life by Strauss, in his Leben Jesu (1835), has been well summed up as fol- lows: ‘“ There was a fixed idea in the Jewish mind, fed on the Old Testament writings, that the Messias should perform certain miracles,—heal the sick, raise the dead, etc.; there was also a strong persuasion in the minds of the disciples of Jesus that He was actually the promised Messias. In con- sequence, the mythico-poetical faculty invented the miracles corresponding to the Messianic conception, and ascribed them to Him. ”* The leading disciples of Strauss in Ger- many were Ludwig Feuerbach (f 1872), and Bruno Bauer (Tt 1882), who soon showed clearly by the extreme positions which they assumed, whither their master’s teaching truly led. The last Rationalistic system of interpretation to be men- tioned is that of Ferdinand Baur (f 1860), whose peculiar Tendenz theory was set forth in connection with the last stage of the history of the New Testament Canon. His method of exegesis is the natural outcome of his critical con- clusions about the formation of our New Testament writings. t Art. Mythical Theory (the) in ScHarr-HErRzoG, Encyclopedia of Religious Knowl- edge. For details concerning this rationalistic system, see Samuel Davipson, On Sacred Hermeneutics, p. 206, sqq.; Hurst, History of Rationalism, p. 246, sqq.; Licu- TENBL.GER, History of German Theology in the Nineteenth Century, p. 320, sqq. 464 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. As he admits that they were respectively written /or or against the two great parties which existed in the early Church, viz., the party of Peter and that of Paul, their his- torical character should be studied from that standpoint. They are literary productions which bear the impress of the time when they were composed, but can be of little use be- side making us acquainted with those long-extinguished parties.’ 2. Protestant Exegesis in Germany, England, and America. It is not to be supposed that these various schools of Rationalism did not meet with numerous and able opponents even in Germany, the stronghold of Rationalistic exegesis. Despite the great and constant inroads of Rational- ism into the cainp of conservative Protestants, excellent scholars among them neglected nothing to counteract the disastrous influence of unbelieving critics. They followed step by step the ever-varying forms of Rationalistic inter- pretation, called attention to its a priori principle,—the denial of the supernatural,—and_ pointed out the unsatisfactory or even extravagant character of its conclusions. ‘To do this more effectively, they improved their own methods of study by availing themselves of every advance in philology, ‘Textual Criticism, history, archeology, etc., which had been achieved since the middle of the eighteenth century. The best known among these conservative scholars are Havernick (f 1845); Stier (f 1862); Hengstenberg (7 1869); Cé&hler (f 1872) ; Tholuck (f 1877); Philippi (f 1882); Keil (f 1888); and Delitzsch (f 18g90).” It cannot be denied, however, that 1 The history of the Schools of Higher Criticisue will be given in the forthcoming volumes on SfeciéaZ Introduction. 2 The titles of their principal works are given by A. Cave, Introduction to Theology. Most of them have been rendered into English, and are published by T. T. Clark, Edinburgh. Somewhat less conservative are the following German scholars: Ebrard; Lange, Meyer, Olshausen, Riehm, Strack, and Weiss: most of their works have also appeared in English translations. ; BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 465 during the last ten years, Rationalistic exegesis seems to have got the upper hand in German universities to an extent unknown up to that time. The case stands differently in England and America, where the various Protestant denominations have preserved much of their Confessional spirit. In Great Britain, among the more conservative scholars may be mentioned Alford, Beet, F. C. Cook, A. B. Davidson, Ellicott, Fausset, Gloag, Lightfoot, Perowne, Plummer, Plumptre, Salmon, Swete, Westcott, and Wordsworth. Among the less conservative, Bruce, Dods, Cheyne, Driver, Kirkpatrick, Sanday, and Stanley. Among American interpreters of the more con- servative type may be named, Alexander, Green, Hackett, Hovey, Robinson, Schaff, Moses Stuart, Terry, and Whedon ; and among the less conservative, Briggs, E. P. Gould, Moore, Toy, and H. P. Smith.’ 7 3. Interpretation among Catholics. While Ration- alistic Protestants drew from the principles of Luther the logical consequences therein contained, and conservative Protestants were saved from similar denials of supernatural Revelation only because they clung to the authority of their respective “ Formulas ” or “ Confessions of Faith,’ Catholic scholars moved securely on the lines of patristic tradition, such as they had been re-stated by the Council of Trent, and acted upon by the great commentators of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Beside this great safeguard, they have enjoyed, especially in the century just coming to a close, the precious advantage of having at their disposal for interpreting the sacred text, the data of history, geography, archeology, etc., to an extent unknown to their predecessors. Again, as the polemics of conservative Prot- estants were chiefly directed against Rationalism, Catholic 1 For references to their works, see Cavr, ibid. 466 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. scholars were able to draw from such conservative sources, valuable arguments against the enemies of divine Revelation. Finally, as the exegetical method almost invariably followed by Catholic commentators during this last period, has been that of the Antiochian school and of the excellent Catholic interpreters of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they have been chiefly concerned with the literal sense, studying it in the light of the context, of parallel passages, of linguis- tics, etc.; and some of their productions can compare in value with those of the best scholars of the day outside the Church. | We subjoin a select list of the most important works in German, French, English and Latin, which Catholic com- mentators have published during the nineteenth century: TAIN GICR NLA Aug. BISPING, Exeget. Handb. zum N. T. (2d Edit. 1867, sqq.). BICKELL: Der Prediger (1885); Job (1894); Die Sprtiche, etc. GUTBERLET: Das Buch der Weisheit (1874); Das Buch Tobias (1877). Adalb. MAIER: Johan., Roem., I, II Corinth., Hebraebr. (1847- 1865). NETELER: ¥zechiel (1870); Die Buch. der Chronik (1872); Esdr., Nehem., und Esther (1877); Der Proph. Isaias (1876). ROHLING: Das Salom. Sprtichbuch (1879); Daniel (1876). SCHANZ: Matth. (1879); Marcus (1881); Lucas (1883); Johann (1885). SCHOLZ: Comment. zum Joel (1885); Jerem. (1880); Hoseas (1882). THALHOFER: Erklarung der Psalmen (1880). IL, INGRRENCHs. La SAINTE BIBLE (Lethielleux, Paris, 25 vols.) A Commentary on all the books of the Old and New Test., by CLAIR, CRELIER, FILLION, DRACH, LESETRE, and TROCHON. DEHAUT: I’Evangile Expliqué, Défendu, Medité (4 vols.). Morals: l’Ecclésiaste (2 vols., 1876). BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 467 FILLION: Les Psaumes Commentés (1893). FOUARD: Vie de Notre Seigneur J.-C. (2 vols.) ; St. Pierre: St. Paul (2 vols.). LE H1ir: Etudes Bibliques (2 vols., 1869); Job (1873); Les Psaumes (1876); Isaie, Jeremie, Ezechiel, (1877); Le Cantique des Cantiques (1883). Loisy: Le Livre de Job (1892); Les Evangiles Synoptiques ; Histoire du Canon, etc. VIGOUROUX: Manuel Biblique; Bible et Découvertes Modernes, etc. Ill. IN ENGLISH; KENRICK: Commentary on the Entire Bible. McEVILLY: An Exposition of the Epistles of St. Paul and the Catholic Epistles (2 vols., 1875); An Exposition of the Gospels (3 vols., 1888, sq.). Maas: Christ in Type and Prophecy (2 vols., 1893); On St. Matthew (1898). H. J. COLERIDGE: Works on the Life of Christ. Jos. RICKABY: Notes on St. Paul (Corinthians; Galat.; Rom., 1898). BERN. WARD: St. Luke, (1897); one of the volumes of St. Edmund's College Series of Scripture Handbooks. IVS INGEAM IN: SCRIPTURZ SACRA CURSUS COMPLETUS, auctoribus R. CORNELY, G. KNABENBAUER, Fr. DE HUMMELAUER, aliis- que Societatis Jesu presbyteris. A Commentary on the whole Bible, not yet completed. BEELEN: In Philip., In Rom. (1852-1854); In Acta Apostolorum (1850). CORLUY: Comm. in Evangelium S. Joannis (1878); Spicilegium Dogmatico-Biblicum (2 vols., 1884). KAULEN: Liber Jonze prophetz (1862). NICKES: De Libro Judithe (1854); De Libro Estnere (1856). PATRIZI (Card.): De Evangeliis (1853); In Acta Comm. (1867). VAN STEENKISTE: In Librum Psalmorum (3 vols., 1870); In Evangel. S. Matt. (4 vols., 1876); In S. Pauli Epistolas (2 vols. 4th. edit., 1886); In Catholicas Epistolas. PART FOURTH. BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. SY NOPSIS“OF CHAP [i kv xx. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 1% Inrtropucrory 4 2: General Notion of Inspiration (its Difference from Revelation), REMARKS: TT? FIRST PERIOD: 1. Statements of the Sacred Books. BEFORE THE 2. Opinions of Jewish Rabbis. COMPLETION OF THE BreLE: | Ilr. ( 1. Christian The Men and their Writings. SECOND Writers of the first two How far the Inheritors of Jewish PERIOD : Centuries : Tradition ? BEFORE THE the Schools of Alexandria and 2. The Views and Antioch. RISE OF Influence of St. Jerome and St. Augustine. PROTESTANT- 3. The Middle Ages. ISM: Assertions of the Early Reformers Iv and their Immediate Followers. ’ I. Outside the 5 Strict Views of Con- PeRD Church : Pupiarrae | servatives. PrEioDS Sie Rise and Growth of ; z [ Rationalism. SEN RUE Influence of Tradition upon Catholic t Scholars. pe aeN ot 2. Within the } Difference of Views as to the Extent aes ; Church : of Inspiration. EEE: The Council of the Vatican and since then. 470 CHAPTER XX. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. § 1. Lntroductory Remarks. 1. General Notion of Inspiration (ts difference from Revelation). ‘The word “inspiration,” like many other theological terms, is derived from the Latin Vulgate, which uses the expression “ divinitus 7zzspzrata’’—a literal render- ing of the Greek word 6:6zvevcrvs—in a passage where St. Paul describes the action of God in the composition of Scripture.’ It conveys the general idea of a divine “ breath- ing into” (spzrare, in) the sacred writers, somewhat analo- gous to the action by which God is represented as breathing man’s soul into his body (Gen. ii, 7; Wisdom xv, rr), and as “ giving understanding ” to men (Job xxxii, 8). It does not necessarily imply the communication. of a permanent divine gift, but rather suggests a transient influence by virtue of which works so written may rightly be called “the oracles of God.” ” The same general notion of Inspiration is plainly suggested by another passage, in the rendering of which the Latin Version’ uses also the participial form of the verb “ inspirare.” It is in the Second Epistle of St. Peter (i, 21), where we read: “ Spiritu sancto inspirati (dx0 Ivenpatog aytov gepdyevor), locutt sunt sancti Dei homines.” We learn distinctly here that the holy 1“ Omnis Scriptura divinitus inspirata ”’ (II Tim. iii, 16). 2 Rom. iii, 2. 471 472 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY. SCRIPTURES. men of God, i. e., the Old Testament prophets, spoke as the result of a divine “afflatus.” They were borne along as a ship is carried by a strong wind, by a power which was no other than that of the Holy Ghost, so that their words were truly ‘“divinitus inspirata.”’ ’ We learn, moreover, particu- larly from the context, that, according to St. Peter, the posi- tive divine influence which we call inspiration, and which was exercised upon special men, had for its purpose to en- able them to transmit their knowledge to others. This is, in fact, the main feature which distinguishes the supernatural gift of inspiration from that of .Revelation. . By Revelation is understood a direct communication from God to man, either of such knowledge as man could not of himself attain to, because its subject-matter transcends human sagacity or human reason (such, for example, as the prophetical an- ‘“nouncements of the future, the mysteries of the Christian ‘faith, etc.), or, which (although it might be attained in the ordinary way) was not, in point of fact known to the person who received the Revelation. By inspiration, on the other hand, is meant that actuating energy of the Holy Spirit, by ‘the influence of which men especially selected by God pro- claimed His will by word of mouth, or committed to writing the various portions of the Bible. “Itis quite true,” accord- ing to the judicious words of the translators of SCHANZ’S Christian Apology, “that, ina general sense, the recipients of Revelation and the message they receive, may be, and are commonly said to be, inspired ; but we must not lose sight ‘of the fact that, in so calling them, we are prescinding from the specific concept of inspiration. An inspired book—for here we have to deal exclusively with books—means some- thing else than a book containing divine Revelation, even though there be nothing in the book but what has been 1 Cfr. T. G. Rooxg, Inspiration and other Lectures, p. 120, sq.; C. CHAuvIN, L’Inspi- ration des Divines Ecritures, p. 2, sq. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 473 divinely revealed. The recipient of God’s words might, of his own accord, write down, and that, too, most faithfully, the truths mysteriously communicated by God; and, inas- much as such a record would contain divine truth, it would doubtless be a divine book; not for that, however, would the volume be inspired. For the inspiration of a book it is required that the divine message should have been given with a view to its subsequent transmission by writing. « . .. Thus, inspiration does not directly and immediately fall upon the material contents, but on their formal enunciation in writing. In this view of the matter, it is quite plain that Revelation is not identical with inspiration, and that a book may contain revealed truth, while yet failing to be an inspired book.” ? “In many cases,” as E. LEvESQUE judiciously remarks, ‘a revelation will not be necessary to the sacred writer; he knows the things naturally, either as a witness, or by the affirmation of others, or by reliable documents; he needs _only inspiration. . . . Revelation never constitutes inspira- tion: they are two things quite distinct, just like to receive truth and to transmit it.”’” Biblical Inspiration must therefore be conceived as a divine and positive influence exerted upon special men for the purpose of transmitting truth by writing to their fellow- men. ‘This is obviously only a general notion of Biblical Inspiration; but it is sufficient to enable the student to profit by the following brief sketch of the various concep- tions held as to the nature of inspiration. § 2. first Period: Biblical Inspiration before the Completion of the Bible. I. Statements of the Sacred Books. A careful examination of the Canonical Books of the Old Testament 1 Preface to English translation of vol, ii, pp. vi, vii. 2 KE. Levesque, Essai sur la Nature de V’Inspiration des Livres Saints, p. 5 (p. 7 in the Engl. Transl.). 474 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. proves that they contain only a small number of statements which may be considered as bearing witness to their in- spiration. Thus in the law of Moses there are only two statements, viz.: Exod. xvil, 14; and xxxiv, 27, wherein it is expressly said that the great lawgiver of Israel was directed by God to write parts of our Pentateuch. The other pass- ages sometimes referred to in this connection are not to the point, inasmuch as they either state that Moses received mission to impart a divine message to Israel by word of mouth (cfr. Deuter. v, 31), or simply affirm that he wrote certain passages now found in our books of Moses (cfr. Exod. xxiv, 3,4, 73 Numb. xxxti, 2’; Deutersxxx1, g, 22,24): an neither does it appear that God gave him commission to write such passages for the instruction of others, as would be required to invest them with an inspired character.’ In like manner, the few statements of the book of Josue (1, 7, 8; vill, 31; xxxiv, 26), which refer to the writings of Moses or to those of his successor in command, as they do not mention this divine commission to write, should not be considered as bearing direct witness to their inspiration. It is only when one comes to the writings of the greater and the smaller prophets, that he meets again with explicit declarations that “men of God” received from Him the ex- press command to record their message to Israel (cfr. for example Isai. viii, 1; xxx, 8; Jerem. xxxvi,, 1-4; 27,28, 32; Ezech. xxiv, 1, 2; Habac. ii, 2). These and other such passages testify in favor only of the inspired character of those portions of the prophetical writings to which they refer, and the same must probably be said of Isai. xxxiv, 16, where we find the expression “the book of Yahweh:” in this, as in the other passages just mentioned, not an entire book, but only a relatively short section of a prophetical writ- 1Cfr. Drxon, A General Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures, p. 24 (Baltimore, 1853). HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 475 ing is apparently referred to. he case is different with Daniel ix, 2, where we are told that the prophet “ understood by the books the number of the years, concerning which the word of Yahweh came to Jeremias, . . . that seventy years should be accomplished of the desolation of Jerusalem.” At the time when the prophecy of Daniel was composed, the ex- pression “the books ” was already applied to writings whose inspired character was universally admitted, and in this particular passage (Daniel ix, 2), it most likely designates the Books of Moses.’ If we leave aside, as too indirect, the passages of Ecclesias- ticus and Wisdom which have sometimes been pointed out as affirming the inspired character of the Old Testament,’ there remains only one scriptural statement to be mentioned in that connection. It is found in the Second Book of the Machabees (villi, 23), where the expression “the Sacred Book,” points, no doubt, to a general belief of the time— clearly shared in by the sacred writer—that the book thus referred to is really inspired. In the writings of the New Testament, as in those of the Old, there are but few explicit testimonies to the inspired character of the books of the old Covenant. One of these is contained in the Gospels, viz.: in St. Matt. xxil, 43, where Jesus says of David that he spoke “in spirit” (cfr. the parallel expression in St. Mark xii, 36 ‘“ David saith by the Holy Ghost”), Another testimony is supplied by St. Paul, in his Second Epistle to Timothy (ii, 16), when he writes: ‘All Scripture inspired of God is profitable to teach,” etc. ; ° and this second testimony has the advantage over the one just mentioned, that it affirms the divine origin of the Ca- nonical Books of the Old Testament generally. In like man- 1 Cfr. A. A. Bevan, A Short Commentary on the Book of Daniel, pp. 145, sq.; 149. 2 Cfr. W. Leg, The Inspiration of Holy Scripture, p. 62, sq. 3 The phrase may also be rendered: “ All Scripture is inspired of God axd profit- able... .”’ And is wanting in the Vulgate. 476 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES ner St. Peter, both in his second epistle (i, 20, sq.), and in his second public discourse (Acts iil, 18-24) bears distinct witness to the divine influence by means of which the sacred writers of the Old Dispensation composed their works. These various texts will be examined more at length in the sequel. The foregoing are not, however, the only valid testimonies which the writings of the New Testament contain in favor of the inspiration of those of the Old. In view of the fact stated above, to wit: that the expressions “the Books,” “the Sacred Book,” etc., were currently used among the Jews to denote the supernatural origin of their canonical writings, it may readily be admitted that the similar ex- pressions, such as ‘Holy Scripture, 7“ the Scripturey’*“ the written Word,” * which the New Testament employs in speak- ing of the same writings, have not a different meaning, and therefore tell in favor of the inspired character of the Ca- nonical Books of the Old Testament. This inference appears all the stronger because Our Lord Himself refers to Moses and the prophets without distinguishing God’s Word from the writer’s, saying, “It is written ;” ‘the Scripture says,” etc.; and also because the New ‘Testament writers do so after the exampie of their divine Master. “Of its own inspiration, the New Testament naturally contains no direct proof, unless the beginning of the Apoc- alypse is a case in point.” If I Tim. v, 18 were a quotation of St. Luke, it would put his Gospel on a level with the Old Testament. But, as the passage contains a previous quota- tion from the Old ‘Testament, there is still room for doubt. . . . St. Paul’s occasional reference to the Spirit of God 1 Cir; Romi, © chive spwucea 7s Galatia sme) Dehli omens Ct Se Lier) wivers ce etc., etc. 2“ The Revelation of Jesus Christ which God gave unto him, to make known to His servants .. . and signified, sending by His angel, to His servant John” (Apoc. i, 1). HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 477 which he claims to possess, is not made for the purpose of proving that his letters were inspired, but in order to claim divine authority for his Apostolic action generally :' ‘I think that I also have the Spirit of God,’ (I Cor. vii, 40) he says; and he speaks of himself as one having obtained mercy to be faithful Gbid. vii, 25). In the introduction of the Epistle to the Galatians he appeals to the divine origin of his Gospel. Now this Gospel was first and chiefly his oral preaching to the heathen seer eter (Second Hpist,1i1, 15, 16), 00, places the epistles of Paul on a level with ‘the other Scriptures,’ and says that Paul ‘according to the wisdom given him, hath written to you.’ ” * It should be noticed at the end of this rapid survey of the scriptural statements in favor of the inspired character of our Canonical Books, that none of the sacred writers professes at any time to be distinctly conscious of his own inspiration. 2. Opinions of Jewish Rabbis concerning Bibli- cal Inspiration. The foregoing exposition of the testi- monies which the writers of the Bible give directly to its inspiration, is in harmony with the manner in which Jewish tradition speaks of the Canonical Books of. the Old Testa- ment. The first trace of this tradition is found in a letter of the Babylonian exiles which the book of Baruch has pre- served to us, and in which Moses is represented as receiving a divine command to “write the law” of Jehovah.’ In another letter, that of the high priest Jonathan to the Lacedemonians, the several books of the Canon of the Old Testament are called “the Holy Books,”’* an expression ‘characteristic. of the tone of thought which marks the Judaism of this period, which founded its high esteem for 1 P, ScHanz, A Christian Apology, vol. iii, p. 407, sq. (Eng. Transl., 2d edit.). Cfr George T. Lapp, The Doctrine of Sacred Scripture, vol. i, p. 210, sq. 2 BARUCH ii, 28. 3 This letter is given in I Machab. xii, 5, sqq. 478 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the Canonical Scriptures upon their holiness, their divine origin, their inspiration.”! Together with this formula “the Holy Books,” Philo, the celebrated Alexandrian Jew (about 20 B.c. to 40 A.D.), uses such expressions as “ the Holy Scriptures,” “the Holy Writings,” ‘“ the Divine Word,” “the Inspired Oracle,” “the Holy Oracles the most trustful witnesses ;” etc., etc., all clearly indicative of the sacred and inspired character which he, and his contemporaries, as- cribed to the Canonical Books of the Old Testament.” Philo goes even farther and gives a theory of inspiration, in which he uses the reflections of Plato upon the pagan inspiration or pavta to illustrate the Jewish doctrine. According to him, inspiration is a kind of “ ecstasy,” and the greater the degree of inspiration with which one is favored, the greater also the unconsciousness or at least the passivity of the man inspired. “The prophet,” he says, “does not speak any words of his own, he is only the instrument of God, who in- spires and who speaks through him.”3 Yet Philo admits degrees of imspiration, assigns to Moses the first place in the scale of inspired writers, and thinks that the very words of the Old Testament are inspired of God.* The positions of Josephus regarding the authority of the Old Testament and the nature of the divine influence which actuated the prophets, coincide with those of Philo. Josephus speaks of Moses as a prophet so exalted, that his words: should be considered as those of God.’ He says that “they are only prophets who have written the original and earliest accounts of things as they learned them of God Himself by inspiration. .. .” He then goes on telling of the twenty- 1 HAVERNICK, quoted by Lex, The Inspiration of Holy Scripture, p. 63, footn. 3. 2 The references to Philo’s works are found in H. E. Ry eg, Philo and Holy Scripture, D. xvi. 3 De Specialibus Legibus, § 8. 4 Cfr. Vita Moysis, Book ii, § 7. 5 Antiq. of the Jews, Book iv, chap. viii, § 49. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 479 two Jewish books “which are justly believed to be divine ..’ and of the attachment of all the Jews to their sacred writings: “ how firmly,” says he, “ we have ‘given credit to these books of our nation is evident by what we do. For during so many ages as have already passed, no one has been so bold as either to add anything to them, or to take anything from them, or to make any change in them; but it is become natural to all Jews, immediately, and from their birth, to esteem those books to contain divine doctrines, and to persist in them, and, if occasion be, willingly to die for them.”’! It is beyond doubt that these views of Josephus con- cerning the inspired character of the Canonical Books of the Old Testament, though expressed in a popular and ‘“ Grecianized ”’ form, were substantially those admitted by the rabbis of his time and by his countrymen generally.’ ‘That the rabbis entertained the same views of inspiration, appears not only from the distinctive name of ‘ Holy Writ- ings’ given by them to the Scriptures, but also from the directions that their touch defiled the hands,” * so that they may not be touched inconsiderately, but with religious awe. The whole Pentateuch was especially regarded as dictated by God, and even the last eight verses of Deuteronomy, in which the death of Moses is recorded, were said to have been written by Moses himself by means of divine Revelation. All the other books were, however, cited with the same formula‘as “the Law” itself, and were considered as truly inspired." ' Against Apion, §§ 7, 8. Like Philo, Josephw affirms that the prophets were un- conscious and passive vehicles of the divine message (Antiq. of the Jews, Book iv, chap. Wile SaSi eter) 2 Cfr. the peculiar expressions of the Sanhedrists in St. John ix, 28, 29; and the words of St. Paul to Timothy (Second Epist. iti, 15). 3 A, EpERSHEMm, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, vol. ii, p. 685. 4 For details, see ScHtirER, The Jewish Peoplein the Time of Christ, Divis. ii, vol. i, pp. 307-312 (Eng. Transl.). 480 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Finally, that the notion of Biblical Inspiration implied in the eyes of the Jewish rabbis the inspiration of the very words of Holy Writ, is plain (1) from the fact that they drew arguments from single words of the canonical writings ;’ (2) from the agreement as to words which the Septuagint trans- lators were said to have reached under divine guidance in rendering independently into Greek the sacred books of the Jews; (3) finally, from the manner in which the last chapter of the fourth book of Esdras represents this great scribe of Israel rewriting under God’s dictation the twenty- four books of the Palestinian Canon.’ § 3. Second Period: Liblical Inspiration before the Rise of Protestantism. 1. The Christian Writers of the First Two Centuries. The idea of inspiration, which we have thus far seen reflected in the sacred writings themselves and in Jewish tradition, was naturally adopted by the early con- verts to Christianity. On embracing the faith, men like Clement of Rome, Polycarp of Smyrna, Ignatius of Antioch, and the authors of the epistle ascribed to Barnabas and of the Pastor of Hermas, were taught by.word of mouth, and by perusal of the Canonical Books, to look upon these same books as not simply containing revealed doctrine, but also as having been composed under the positive. influence of God’s Holy Spirit. This doctrine they readily admitted, and by reason of the special character of their own writings, which were practical and expository, they naturally did but re-echo what they had been taught regarding Biblical Inspiration, and did not offer any theory as to its intimate nature. In fact all their allusions to inspiration are incidental. Thus, 1 Cfr. St. Paul’s argument in Galat. iii, 16. 2 TV Esdras xiv, 19-47. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 481 5 St. Clement of Rome quotes many passages from Scripture : with the words: “for the Scripture saith ;” * “ by the testi- mony of Scripture;” “the Holy Spirit saith.” * Again, he exhorts his readers to “look carefully into the Scriptures. which are the true utterances of the Holy Spirit.” ° “The short and affecting epistle of Polycarp contains little which illustrates our subject, though he tells us, with touch- ing humility, that ‘neither he nor any like him is able to attain perfectly to the wisdom of the blessed and glorious Paul ° (contrast II Pet. iii, 15,-16)," and seems for once to burn with the zeal of his master, when he declares that ‘ he is the first-born of Satan whoever perverts the oracles of the Lord. .....’* The last quotation 1s valuable, for, when compared with passages of Clement (I Cor. lili, xix), it proves that the same term (ca Adyra) was used in quoting the Old and New Scriptures. Again, Polycarp writes:° ‘that he trusts his hearers are well versed in the sacred writings,’ alleging at the same time, Ps. iv, 4; Ephes. iv, 26.’” St. Ignatius, in his letter to the Magnesians,° speaks of “the divinest prophets who lived according to Jesus Christ . . . being inspired by His grace;” and in his epistle to the Philadelphians,’ he says that “the beloved prophets announced Him (Christ); but the Gospel is the perfection of immortality.” More explicit than Ignatius is the author of the epistle ascribed to Barnabas. He uses such phrases as the follow- ing when quoting Holy Writ: “The Lord saith in the proph- et” (Ps. .xvil, 45); “the Spirit of the Lord proclaims ” 1T Cor. chaps. xxiii, xxxiv. 2 Ibid., chaps. xiii, xvi. 8 Ibid., chap. xlv. 4 PotycarpP, Epistle to the Philippians, chap. iii. 6 Tbid., chap. vii. 6 Ibid., chap. xii. 7 WestcoTtT, Introduction to the Study of the Gospels, Appendix B. 8 Chap. viii. Sr Chiapet&s 31 ¥ 482 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. (Psi xxxiiijvrs)* ~He affirms thatr Moses spoke vinatic SDiLLE a in many passages of “the Law” andthe history of the Jews. and he accordingly recognizes a spiritual meaning In fact, it is impossible to read this epistle throughout, with- out feeling that its author is animated with a strong convic- tion that all the Canonical Scriptures are inspired. Finally, “the Shepherd of Hermas evinces by its form and reception the belief of the primitive age in the nature and possibility of inspiration. . . . Its existence is a distinct proof of the early recognition of a prophetic power some- where existent in the Church.” * When the Apostolic Fathers give way to the apologetical writers, opinions as to the nature of inspiration begin to appear. ‘Thus St. Justin, the first of the apologists whose writings have come down to us, not only quotes Scripture in such singularly expressive manner as the ‘“‘ above-mentioned prophet and king (David) speaks thus by the spirit of proph- ecy;”* ‘the holy spirit of prophecy taught us this, tell- ing us by Moses;”° “the prophet Isaias being divinely inspired by the same Spirit;”*® etc., etc.; but he offers an explanation of the psychological process going on in the mind of the inspired writers. In his /irst Apology,’ he says that “ when you hear the utterances of the prophets spoken as it were personally, you must not suppose that they proceed from the men who are inspired, but from the divine Word who moves them.” Elsewhere, viz., in his Hortatory Address to the Greeks, he explains his theory more fully: “Neither by nature,” says he, “nor by human thought can 1 Epistle of Barnabas, chap. ix. ? Barnabas, chap. x. 3 Westcott. loc. cit. 4 First Apology, chap. xl. 5 Tbid., chap. xliv. § Tbid., chap. xxxv. Chap. xxxvil 8 Chap. viii' It must be said, however, that this work is not regarded by all as Justin’s. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 483 men recognize such great and divine truths, but by the gift which came down from above upon the holy men, who needed neither art of words, nor skill in captious and contentious speaking, but only to offer themselves in purity tothe energy of the Divine Spirit, in order that the divine power of itself might reveal to us the knowledge of divine and heavenly things, acting on just men as a plectrum on a harp or lyre.” In like strain, another Christian apologist, Athenagoras (fl. 2d cent.), describes the Jewish prophets as men who, ‘while entranced and deprived of their natural powers of reason by the influence of the Divine Spirit, uttered that which was wrought in them, the Spirit using them as its in- struments, as a flute-player breathes into a flute.” ’ A little before, the same apologetical writer says, “ we have witnesses of our creed, prophets who, inspired by the Spirit, have spoken of God and the things of God. And you will admit . that it would be irrational for us to cease to believe in the Spirit from God, who moved the mouths of the proph- ets like musical instruments, and to give heed to mere human opinions.” The last apologetical writer to be mentioned is St. The- ophilus of Antioch, who, about the middle of the second cen- tury, addressed his admirable defence of Christianity to a heathen named Autolycus. According to him, “ the con- tents of the Prophets and of the Gospels are found to be consistent, because all the writers spoke by the inspiration of the one Spirit of God.”’* In another passage, he speaks of “ the words of the prophets as the words of God.” * Again, he describes the gift of inspiration in about the same manner as Justin and Athenagoras, when he says:* ‘“ The men of 1 A Plea for the Christians, chap. viii. 2 Tbid., chap. vii. 8 Ad Autolycum, Book iii, chap. xii. * Ibid., Book ii, chap. xxxiv (Cfr. also Book i, chap. xiv). 5 Ibid., Book ii, chap. ix. 484 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. God, borne along by the Holy Spirit, and gifted with proph- ecy, having inspiration and wisdom from God, were taught of Him and became holy and just. Wherefore, also, they were deemed worthy to be made the instruments of God and receive the wisdom which cometh from Him, by which wisdom they spoke of the creation of the world and all other things. .. . And there was not one or two, but many, at various times and seasons among the Hebrews, and also among the Greeks there was the Sibyl.” It was only natural that men educated in the principles of heathen philosophy, such as the apologists just quoted, should, especially when writing controversial works against the heathen, apply their early belief about the pagan pavta to explain or define the Christian idea of inspiration. This is, in fact, suggested by the last words of Theophilus re- garding the Sibyl of the Greeks, and by references of St. Justin to the Sibyl and Hystaspes (Cfr. /irst Apology of Justin, chaps. xx, xliv). It is highly probable, however, that their own theory as to the nature of Biblical Inspiration was directly borrowed from the tradition of the Jewish rabbis, and particularly from the works of the celebrated Alexandrian Jew, Philo, whose very expressions they re- produce.’ As belonging also to the second century we must mention St. Irenaeus, the holy Bishop of Lyons, who clearly shows himself independent of Alexandrian influence.” He wrote not against pagan unbelievers, but against heretics, who, though rejecting many Catholic truths, still preserved a dis- tinct belief in the inspiration of Holy Writ. This accounts, no doubt, for the fact that he never treats the topic, as we 1 Compare in particular the expressions of St. Justin with those of Philo, when the latter describes the Hebrew prophet as one who ‘‘ does not speak’ any words of his own, but is only an instrument of God, who inspires and who speaks through him.” 2 A similar independence of Irenzus of Alexandrian influence has been already noticed in connection with his manner of interpreting Holy Writ (cfr. chap. xviii, § 1). HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 485 would say, ex professo, but simply refers occasionally to it. He maintains that “all who foretold the coming of Christ re- $9 1 ceived their inspiration from the Son, and that “the Scriptures are indeed perfect, since they were uttered (dcf@) by the Word of God and His Spirit.”’* In one passage, he even tells us that Matthew might certainly have said, ‘“‘ Now the birth of /esws was on this wise;” but the Holy Spirit, foreseeing the corrupters of the truth, and guarding by antici- pation against their deceit, says by Matthew, ‘ But the birth Yet he admits that “from many instances, we may discover that the Apostle (St. Paul) of Christ was on this wise.” ® frequently uses hyperbata on account of the rapidity of his sentences and of the vehemence of the spirit which is in Titi pra ee When these and other such passages of St. Irenzus are allowed their full weight, they seem to point to the two following conclusions: (1) he believes no less sin- cerely than the other Catholic writers of the second century in the inspiration of Holy Writ; (2) but more distinctly than they, he admits, together with this divine element, an- other, a human element, so to speak, which he recognizes particularly in connection with the epistles of St. Paul. 2. Patristic Doctrine of Inspiration during the Following Centuries. As in the first two, so in the subsequent centuries, the Fathers and Doctors of the Church are unanimous in proclaiming the inspired character of the Canonical Scriptures. This is the case, for instance, with the Italian writers Caius (fl. 210),° Novatian (fl. 251),' 1 Against Heresies, Book iv, chap. vii, § 2. 2 Ibid., Book ii, chap. xxviii, § 2. 3 Tbid., Book iii, chap. xvi, § 2. 4 Ibid., Book iii, chap. vii, § 2. 5 The testimony of Caius is given in Eusrsius, Ecclesiastical History, Book v, chap. XXVili. 6 Cfr. his treatise On the Trinity, chap. xxviii. 486 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. and St. Hippolytus of Porto (f 230);’ and with the North- African Latin writers, Tertullian (f ab. 220),* and St. Cyprian (f 258).° The same must be said of the two great teachers of the Alexandrian school, Clement (f ab. 220), and Origen (Ft 254), who expressly maintained the inspiration of Holy Writ, despite the many difficulties which they met in their scientific study of the sacred text. It was their purpose to reconcile Greek culture with Christianity, and this led them to frame theories which exercised considerable influence during their lifetime and afterwards. The principal views of Clement in this connection may be briefly stated as follows : Although Greek philosophy and prophets may be traced back to God’s providence in the world, yet they are very inferior to the Revelation and the prophets of Israel: * the former were but an indirect, the latter a direct prepara- tion for Christ. God spoke to men in the Law, the Prophets and the Psalms, so that Holy Writ offers a secure basis to our faith: ‘ Not one tittle of the Scriptures,” says he, “ shall pass without being fulfilled, for the mouth of the Lord, the Holy Spirit, spoke it.” ° Elsewhere, he affirms that “ there is no discord between the Law and the Gospel, because they both proceed from one and the same author, God.” ° The divine influence which he recognizes as exerted upon the sacred writers, he considers as far different from the pagan ecstasis, for, according to him, the ecstatic state is 1Jn his treatise On Christ and Antichrist ($ 2), Hippolytus says that the sacred writers “ having been perfected by the spirit of prophecy . . . were brought into inner harmony, like instruments, and having the Word within them as a plectrum, were moved by Him and announced that which God wished. For they did not speak of their own power nor proclaim that which they wished themselves.” 2 In his Apology, chap. xxxix. 8 Cfr. De Lapsis, §$ 7,20 Epist. lviii, $§ 3, 5, 6, etc. 4 Cfr. for inst.: Miscellanies, Book vi, chap. viii; Padag., Book i, chap. xi. 5 Exhortation to the Heathen, chap. ix. 5 Miscellanies, Book ii, chap. xxiii. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 487 the characteristic feature of false prophets.' Yet this same divine influence made “almost the whole of Scripture speak to us in an oracular language,”* the enigmatic sense of which should be investigated with humility, patience, and obedience to the tradition of the Church. Finally, he ap- peals to this inner allegorical meaning to vindicate the per- petual usefuless of many passages of the Holy Scriptures. The views of Clement were shared by his greatest pupil, Origen; with this difference, however, that the latter pushes them farther, with a view to solve the difficulties with which his personal study of the sacred text has made him acquainted. Like Clement, Origen professes his distinct belief in. the inspired character of the whole Bible* and describes prophetical inspiration as something very different from heathen ecstasis: ‘‘ We can show,” says he, “ from an examination of the Sacred Scriptures, that the Jewish proph- ets, who were enlightened as far as necessary for their prophetic work by the Spirit of God, were the first to enjoy the benefit of the inspiration; and by the contact—if I may so say,—of the Holy Spirit, they gained a keener and a clearer intuition of spiritual truth. . . . If, then, the Pythian priestess is beside herself when she prophesies, what spirit must that be that clouds and confuses her mind and other natural powers, unless it be akin to those demons which many Christians are wont to drive out?”* Like his teacher, he prizes equally all “the words of God,” and admits “that we cannot say of the writings of the Holy Spirit that anything in them is otiose or superfluous, even if they seem to some obscure.” * He declares also with Clement of Alexandria, that there is “no jot or tittle in the 1 Miscell., Book i, chap. xvii. 2 Miscell., Book v, chap. vi. 3 Cfr. De Principiis, Preface, § 4. # Against Celsus, Book vii, chap. iv. 5 Philocalia, chap. x. Cfr. also'Comm. in Rom., Book i, chap. i. 488 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Scriptures which does not work its own work, when men know how to employ it.” ' It is precisely at this point that Origen takes leave of his great teacher. While Clement is satisfied with showing in a practical manner how the typical sense of Holy Writ enables the Christian interpreter to vindicate the truth or the usefulness of scriptural statements concerning things that belong to the past,’ Origen wants to make of allegori- cal interpretation a universal principle of solution for difficul- ties connected with the Holy Scriptures. For this purpose, he constantly emphasizes what seems to him self-contradic- tory, unworthy of God, etc., in the sacred writings, and infers from it the necessity to have recourse to the allegori- cal meaning.’ In particular, he argues vigorously that this allegorical sense is the only possible solution of the many discrepancies of the Evangelists: “ If one,’ says he, ‘“ were to set them all forth, then would he turn dizzy, and either desist from trying to establish all the Gospels in truth and attach himself to one, . . . or, admitting the four, grant that their truth does not lie in their corporeal forms” (thatis, in their literal or historical sense).* Differently, also, from Clement of Alexandria, Origen as- cribed the peculiarities of style in the New Testament writ- ings and their linguistic defects to the natural traits of their respective authors.” Had he gone no further, he would practically have adopted a view which we have already seen admitted by St. Irenzeus. But this recognition of a human element in the composition of the Apostolic writings soon led him to maintain a difference in the degree of inspiration 1 Philocalia, chap. ii. 2 CLEMENT: Miscellanies, Book ii, chap. xvi; Book v, chap. vi, etc. 3 Cfr. Origen; In Exod., Homil. ii; In Josue, Homi) ix, etc., etc. 4 Comm. in Joan., tom. x. 5 Cfr. Pref. to Comm. on Romans. In his Homily xiii on St. John, he says: “ Joan- nes, ceu sermone rudis, obscure scripsit quod mente conceperat.”’ HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 489 among the sacred writers. He held that the inspiration of the Apostles was not the same as that of the prophets, and that in the writings of the former there are many passages the tenor of which excludes an immediate influence on the part of God.’ Yet he always distinctly affirmed that the New Testament writers were shielded from every kind of Giron Despite the genius and vast learning of Origen, and the number of his devoted friends and admirers, his innovations were bound to evoke opposition even among some who held him most in reverence. This opposition gradually centred in the Antiochian school, which strenuously fought against the extreme allegorism of the great Alexandrian teacher. Yet even that school underwent the influence of his views concerning inspiration. As on the one hand, its various members looked upon the literal sense of the Holy Scriptures as the meaning directly and primarily intended by God, and as on the other hand they could not but feel the force of the difficulties which Origen had accumulated against it,? they were led to admit conclusions from which they would have instinctively shrunk otherwise. This accounts to a large ex- tent for the fact that the most illustrious writer among them, St. John Chrysostom, though speaking of the mouth of the prophets as the mouth of God, and of the words of the Apostles as the words of the Holy Ghost,* adopts, nevertheless, such views as the following: (1) the Gospel narratives disagree in details of minor importance, and this disagreement is a proof of the reliability of the Evangelists, inasmuch as if they all perfectly agreed in everything, adversaries could suspect 1 Pref. to Comm. on St. John, § 5. 2 On St. Luke, Homil. xvii; on Jerem., Homil. xxi. ° Tt is this force of Origen’s difficulties against the historical sense which induced St. Ambrose to say: “Ostendit hic locus, que propter fragilitatem humanam scripta sunt, non a Deo scripta ” (On St. Luke, Book viii, §§$ 7, 8). 4 Homil. xix, in Act. Apost.; Homil.i, in Joann.; Homil. in I Tim. v, 23. 4990 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. them of collusion ; * (2) “occasionally St. Paul speaks in a manner which is human, and he does not always, enjoy grace, but is allowed to set forth something of his own.” Idk dv0pwrivus Ovahgyetat, xal od mavtTayud THES xdpttus anohabet, GAG xai map favt0d Te ovyywpsitat elagipet.) ? Views similar to those of St. Chrysostom were probably held by Theodore of Mopsuestia, who assumed two degrees of inspiration, and denied the gift of prophecy to Solomon ; * by Junilius Africanus, who closely followed Theodore’s opin- ions in biblical matters; and in a somewhat modified form by Theodoret, the erudite Bishop of Cyrus, who considered it an idle question to ask who was the human author of the Psalms,* and deemed it much more important to seek the sense of Holy Writ than to cling to its letter.’ But beside these and other writers,—such as St. Metho- dius, St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Epiphanius of Salamis,— who belonged to the Antiochian school, several other Fathers show clearly the influence)of that great school. Among these may be mentioned the Alexandrian scholars, Didymus and St. Cyril, and in a particular manner, the illustrious Cap- padocian writer, St. Basil of Caesarea. In various places, the last-named Father refers indeed the style and words of the sacred books to the influence of the Holy Spirit. Yet in his Zreatise against Eunomius, he lays it down as a proof of the divinity of the Holy Ghost, that He differs from “the sacred writers who sometimes speak of themselves (i. e., 1 Homil. i, in Matt., § 2. He distinctly observes that there is not the least disagree- ment among them, when there is question of important points “ in rebus pracipuis, qua ad vitam nostram et ad predicationem tuendam pertinent. . . . Quenam autam precipua sunt? Deum hominem factum esse, miracula edidisse, crucifixum et sepultum fuisse reslrrexisse. 20. 1.0) 2 Homil. xlix on the Acts of the Apostles, § 1. 3 It was on that account that Theodore was condemned by the Second General Coun- cil of Constantinople (553 a.p.). Cfr. P. Dauscu, Die Schriftinspiration, p. 65, sq. 4 Preface to Comm. om Psalms: “ Quid enim mea refert, sive hujus (Davidis) omnes sive illorum aliqui sint, cum constet divini spiritus afflatu universos esse conscriptos ?” 5 Quest. xxxix in Genesim. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 491 their own thought), sometimes express what God inspires them with.” * Belonging to neither of the two great schools of Alexan- dria and Antioch, yet influenced by both, stands St. Jerome, the greatest biblical scholar of the Western Church. The influence of Origen and his school may be seen from the manner in which Jerome speaks of the words, syllables, and other minute details of the sacred text, ‘ Singuli sermones, syllabe, apices, puncta in Scripturis Sanctis plena sunt sensibus, et spirant czelestia sacramenta,’’ and also from his allegorical interpretation of many passages of the Holy Scrip- tures.” Greater, however, was the influence which the Antiochian school exercised upon the solitary of Bethlehem. Thus he declares himself in favor of the historico-gram- matical method of interpretation,’ and recognizes openly the characteristic literary features and other peculiarities of the sacred writers. If he belonged to the Antiochian school he would hardly speak more freely of Biblical Inspiration than he does in the following passages: “ Multa in Scripturis dicuntur, juxta opinionem illius temporis, quo gesta referun- 1“ Hoc namque vere ostendit Spiritum non esse creaturam, quoniam rationalis omnis creatura modo a seipsa loquitur, modo ea que Dei sunt, ut cum dicit Paulus: De virgini- bus autem preceptum Domini non habeo; consilium tamen do tanquam misericordiam consecutusa JJomino. At iis qui matrimonio juncti sunt precipio ego,non Dominus. . Spiritus autem non sic. Nonenim modo sua, modo que Dei sunt, loquitur; id enim pertinet ad creaturam ”’ (Adv. Eunomium, Book v, § 3d before the end). 2 Cfr. for instance, Epist. lii, ad Nepotianum, §§ 2-4. 8“ Alii syllabas aucupentur et litteras, tu quere sententias. ... Obtrectatores mei querant et intelligant non verba in Scriptura consideranda sed sensus” (Epist. lvii, ad Pammachium, §§ 6, 10). 4 Of Tsaias he says: “‘ De Isaia sciendum quod in sermone suo disertus sit: quippe ut vir nobilis et urbane eloquentiz, nec habens quidquam in eloquio rusticitatis admistum ” (Pref. to Isaias, Migne, vol. xxviii, col. 771). ‘‘ Jeremias propheta .. .sermone quidem apud Hebrzos Isaia et Osee et quibusdam aliis prophetis videtur esse rusticior. .. . Porro simplicitas eloquii, de loco ei in quo natus est accidit ’? (Pref. to Jeremias, Migne, ibid., col. 847). Of 3t. Paul he writes: “ Divinorum sensuum majestatem digno non poterat Graci eloquii explicare sermone. Habebat ergo Titum interpretem : sicut, et beatus Petrus Marcum, cujus Evangelium, Petro narrante, et illo scribente compositum est. Denique et duz epistole feruntur Petri, stylo inter se et charactere discrepant. ..?’ (Epist. CX X, ad Hedibiam, Migne, vol. xxii, col. 1002). 492 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. tur, et non juxta quod rei veritas continebat;”' ‘ Reperi loca, in quibus scripta sunt que videntur facere quaestionem. Ac primo etimabam indissolubilia esse, szcut et multa sunt align Elsewhere he says: ‘ Quid prodest heerere in littera, et vel scriptoris errorem vel annorum seriem calumniari, cum manifestissime scribatur: littera occidit, spiritus autem vivificat?”’® In another passage,+ he seems to admit with St. Basil and St. John Chrysostom, that St. Paul was allowed to give vent to a human feeling. Finally, in his commentary on the prophet Micheas (chap. v, verse 2) he relates without condemning the view of those who ascribe to failings of the memory of the Apostles or Evangelists, the changes even as to the sense which are observable between the passage in the Old Testament andthe quotation made of it in the New.° It was that freedom of St. Jerome in treating biblical statements, which led St. Augustine to write to him these significant words: “ But I have learned to hold the books of the Canonical Scriptures in such reverence and high esteem as to firmly believe that no one of their authors has fallen into any error.’’* In point of fact, the illustrious Bishop of Hippo, in using these words, was but drawing a natural inference from his view that the Scriptures are “divine,” ‘holy,’ a “chirographum Del,” *venerabilis stylus Spiritus Sancti,’ written by the members of Christ ‘“‘ dictante capite,” “God speaking to them or through them,” etc., etc.’ In these, and in many other such statements, 1 Comm in Jerem. Liber v, cap xxviii, vers. 10, 11. Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. xxiv, col. 855. It will be noticed that St. Jerome directly refers to Azstorical statements in Holy Writ. 2 Epist.to St. Damasus (Epist. xxxvi) § 10, Migne, P. L., vol. xxii, col. 456. 3 Epist. to Vitalis (Epist. ]xii) § 5, Migne, ibid., col. 676. 4 Comment. in Galat., lib. iii, cap. v, verse 12 (Migne, vol. xxvi, col. 40s). > Comm. in Michzam, Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. xxv, col. 1197. 6 Epist. lxxxii, chap. i, § 3 (Migne, vol. 33, col. 277). Cfr. Epist. lxxv, chap. iii, § 4 (Migne, ibid., col. 252). 7 The references to St. Augustine’s work will be foundin Dauscu, Schriftinspiration, p. 78. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 493 the holy Doctor seems to refer so entirely the writing of the sacred books to the divine action, that one is surprised when one finds him recognizing a large human element in the composition of the Holy Scriptures. ‘If any one,” says he, ‘affirms that the Evangelists ought to have had that power imparted to them by the Holy Spirit which would insure them against all variations in words, arrangement, or figures given, that person fails to perceive that, just in proportion as the authority of the Evangelists is made pre-eminent, the credit of all other men who offer true statements of events ought to have been established on stronger basis by their instrumentality. For seeing how different witnesses may tell the same story, and deviate from one another in certain particulars, without being justly impeached for untruthful- ness, they also are emboldened to tell the truth, being able to point to precedents set them by the Evangelists.” ’ Elsewhere, he admits that the memory of St. Matthew sup- plied him wrongly with the name of Jeremias, in quoting a passage of Zachary, and explains how his error was allowed by the Holy Spirit.” The general “reason which he gives for the discrepancies found in Holy Writ, lies in the action of the writers, which action he allows to have been influenced by the scope and tendency Oftheirewritings. 1) Thus he says: ‘Ut quisque meminerat, et ut cuique cordi erat vel brevius vel prolixius, eamdem tamen explicare sententiam, ita eos explicare manifestum est;’’ * and again in his Comm. on St. John,’ he writes: “ Audeo dicere forsitan nec ipse Joannes dixit, ut est, sed ut potuit, quia de Deo homo dixit. Et quidem inspiratus a Deo, sed tamen homo.” 1 De Consensu Evangelistarum, Book ii, § 28 (Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. xxxiv, col. 1091). The whole paragraph is most interesting. 2 De Consensu Evangel., Book iii, chap. vii, pp. 29, 30 (Migne, ibid., cols. 1174, 1175). Cfr. also editorial note in Migne, P. L., vol. xxvi, col. 205, footn. c. 3 P, ScHanz, A Christian Apology, vol. ii, p. 425 (Engl. Transl. 2d edit.). # Cfr. Migne, P. L., vol. xxxiv, col. rogo. 5 In Joannem, Tract. 1, § 1. 494 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. It is in view of the two sets of passages from St. Augustine just referred to, that Prof. Schanz writes these significant words: “In his work on the Gospels, he puts forward two views of inspiration, so sharply antagonistic, that at first flush one suspects a contradiction lurking within. So much stress is laid on the divine influence, that human action seems almost effaced ; on the other hand, the scope allowed to man’s work is so wide, that we find ourselves on the borderland of inspiration. But St. Augustine pursues the same method both in this question, and in the question of grace and free will.” ’ 3. The Middle Ages. As time went on, the difficul- ties raised or emphasized by Origen against the literal sense of Holy Writ gradually ceased to engage seriously the at- tention of Christian scholars, and the theories which the Antiochian or other Fathers had framed to meet them were proportionately forgotten. Thus, in the ninth century, we find but a single faint echo of them in a discussion between Agobard, Bishop of Lyons, and Frédégis, Abbot of Tours, concerning the literary imperfections of the sacred writers.’ In like manner, in the tenth century, we meet only one ref- erence to the ancient difficulties and theories, in the com- mentary of the Eastern writer, EKEuthymius Zigabenus, where we are reminded that the Evangelists having written long after the events, may have forgotten many things, and that such failings of memory may account for their discrep- ancies.3 It is not therefore surprising to find that, in the twelfth cen- tury, that is in the course of the Middle Ages, the ancient diffi- culties connected with the human element in the composition 1 A Christian Apology, p. 424. The general remarks of Schanz about the patristic views of inspiration, in the same volume (p. 427, sq.), are well worth reading. 2 Cfr. Micne, P. L., vol. civ, col. 159, sqq- 3 On St. Matt. xii, 8. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION 495 of the Canonical Books had been forgotten. The Decretum Gratiani, completed about the middle of that century, quotes only the passages of St. Augustine which contain the strongest expression of his belief in- the absolute relia- bility of the Scriptures.’ St. Anselm (f 1109), and Peter Lombard (f 1164) have no doubt about the full inspiration of Holy Writ, and St. Thomas Aquinas (f 1274), though recognizing several degrees of prophetical Revelation, and distinguishing between the inspiration granted to the prophets and that bestowed upon the other sacred writers, admits that all the authors of the Canonical Books were favored with a divine illumination which preserved them from error, without, however, interfering with the normal use of their natural powers.’ Similar views, though couched in less scientific terms, are found in the writings of St. Bonaventura (f 1274), the greatest mystic of the Middle Ages. Hecalls Holy Scripture “the Heart,” “the Mouth,” ‘the longue merce ore s0d; 3 afiirms that ‘we have received Holy Writ from the Father of light, through divine Revelation, not through human invention,” and maintains that all the contents of the sacred books are useful, true, and reasonable.* In like manner, Hugo of St. Victor, another great mystical writer of that period, regards as not belonging to the Holy Scriptures “ille. in quibus veritas sine contagione erroris non percipitur,’ for, says he “nequaquam iste divinitatis nomine censeri dignz sunt.” “Sola autem,” he adds, “illa Scriptura jure divina appella- tur que per Spiritum Dei aspirata est, et per eos qui Spiritu Dei locuti sunt, administrata.”* It must be said, however, 1 Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. clxxxvii, cols. 49, 50. 2 Cfr. for instance, Summa Theolog., 2a 2%, quest. clxxi, art. i, ad 4um; art. v; quzst. clxxiv, art.ii, ad 3um; Questiones Disput., de Veritate, quest. xii, art. vii, etc (For a full study of St. Thomas’s doctrine, see Dauscn, Schriftinspiration, pp. 93-97.) 8 Cfr. Dauscn, loc. cit., p. 99. 4 Micneg, Patr. Lat., vol. clxxv, col. ro. 496 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. that Hugo of St. Victor seems to have confused this divine element in Holy Writ with the supernatural divine guidance enjoyed by saintly men here below, and to have admitted that the author of Ecclesiastes drew from his own re- sources.’ More incorrect still than this opinion of Hugo of St. Victor, was that entertained by Abailard, when he sfirmed that “the prophets and Apostles had many times mistaken their own conceptions for the voice of God, and wrongly considered themselves as inspired,” quoting Galat. ii, 11, Sqq. in support of his assertion. But the opinions of Abailard and Hugo of St. Victor were only their individual views, and the bulk of Christian scholars maintained un- hesitatingly the divine character and absolute reliability of Holy Scripture, in the sense in which they were then embodied inthe dogmatic formula: ‘“ Deus est auctor Scrip- ture.” * Whatever difficulties might have been suggested against these positions by the study of the literal sense, either escaped the attention of Catholic interpreters, or were easily bridged over by appeals to the typical or allegor- ical sense.3 § 4. Third Period: Biblical Inspiration Since the Sixteenth Century. I. Outside the Church. As the Protestant Reforma- tion was started on the basis of the supremacy of the sacred books, it might have been expected that its first leaders would hold the strictest views concerning Biblical Inspiration. In point of fact, the foremost among them, 1 Cfr. A. Micnon, Les Origines de la Scolastique et Hugues de St. Victor, vol. i, p. 212; HAGENBACH, Hist. of Christian Doctrines, § 16r. 2 Cfr. Dauscu, loc. cit., pp. 102-103. 3 For the views of Jewish Rabbis regarding inspiration during the Middle Ages, see L. Wocug, Histoire de la Bible et de l’Exégése Biblique, pp. 208-296; Encyclopedia Britannica, art. Inspiration; Dauscu, loc. cit., p, 104, sq., etc. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 497 Luther, declares that he looks upon the Bible “as if God Himself spoke therein,” that it is “a queen, alone worthy to issue orders to be obeyed by all,” that “one of its letters or titles is worth far more than heaven and earth,” that God spoke with an “audible voice” and the Holy Scrip- tures transmit and preserve His words, etc. Yet inconsist- ently with these statements, he freely charges the sacred writers with inaccurate statements, unsound reasonings, the use of imperfect materials, and even urges the authority of Christ against that of Holy Writ.’ In a word, as is ad- mitted by a recent Protestant writer: ‘“ Luther has no fixed theory of inspiration; if all his works suppose the inspira- tion of the sacred writings, all his conduct shows that he make himself the supreme judge of it.” ” Zwingli and Calvin maintained as’ firmly as Luther the supremacy of the Bible, while also keeping a considerable freedom of thought as to its various parts. The former spoke of Holy Writ as “‘ pelagus immensum et impermeabile, a nullo adhuc pro dignitate emensum,” and yet affirmed that the inner word of God in our heart enables us to judge of the outward divine word in the Bible, and that this outward word is not free from errors in detail, though perfect in matters essential.* According to Calvin: ‘God Himself speaks in Scriptures, so that the doctrine therein contained is heavenly.” * He nevertheless openly acknowledges in- accuracies of detail in the biblical narratives, and says that “they do not trouble him much.” ® He admits also “a wide difference”? as regards the declaration of the power of 1 For references to the works of Luther cfr. F. LicHTENBERGER, Encyclopédie des Sciences Religieuses, vol. xii, art. Théopneustie; Edouard Rasaup, Histoire de la Doctrine de |’Inspiration, pp. 34-40. Lapp, The Doctrine of Sacred Scripture, vol. ii, p. 165, sq. 2. RABAUD, loc. cit., p. 42. 3 Cfr. LICHTENBERGER, loc. cit., p. 106. 4 Institutes of the Christian Religion, Book i, chap. vii, § r. 2 Comm. on Epist. to the Hebrews, xi, 21. 32 4938 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Christ between the fourth Gospel and the Synoptists, affirming that the latter have “but a few sparks of that great light which shines forth with such brilliancy in St. John.” * In like manner, Carlstadt in his Lzbel/us de Canonicis Scripturts recognizes the fallibility of the Bible | while maintaining the Protestant doctrine of the supremacy of Holy Writ, and the same general spirit prevails through the works of Melanchthon, Brenz, Bullinger, Bugenhagen, etc., and other immediate followers of the early reformers. It must be granted that the position thus assumed by the founders of Protestantism was rather awkward, for there was an almost palpable inconsistency in asserting on the one hand that the Bible was the supreme rule of Christian be- lief, and on the other hand, that it contained errors. The awkwardness was apparently felt very early, for the earlier and greater of the Protestant Symbols speak of the inspiration of Holy Writ only in cautious and general terms, stating simply, that ‘all things necessary to salvation, both as re- gards faith and morals, may be derived from the Bible, and can be authoritatively derived only from this source.” * But this awkwardness soon disappeared. For polemical purposes Protestant divines soon felt it necessary to oppose to the Catholic doctrine of an infallible Church, the claim of an infallible Bible, as a secure basis for their tenets. They, therefore, gave up the laxer views of inspiration which had been advanced by the early reformers, and were, in fact, gradually betrayed “into the farthest extreme of the pre- Christian theory”* of the Alexandrian Philo. At first, Flacius Ilyricus (¢ 1575), denied that the sacred narratives 1Cfr. LICHTENBERGER, loc. cit., p. 105. 2 See in Scuarr, Creeds of Christendom, vol. iii, the Gad/ice Confession, art. 5; the Belgic Confession, art. 7; the Scotch Confession, art. 18; the Westminster Confession, chap. i, $6; the 7irty-nine Articles of the Church of England, art. 6. 3]. A. Dorner, A System of Christian Doctrine, vol. i, p. 187 (Engl. Transi., T. T. Clark, 1891). HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 499 contained contradictions of detail. Next, Calovius (7 1688), —the author of what is called the Orthodox Protestant theory of inspiration,—claimed that inspiration is the form which Revelation assumes, and that every statement of Holy Writ was divinely suggested and inspired." Quenstedt (f 1688), Baier ({ 1694), and Hollaz (f 1713) went farther, and affirmed that the writers were dependent upon the Spirit for their very words, and that there are no solecisms in the Scripture. The Buxtorfs, Gerhard and Heidegger extended inspiration to the vowel-points of the Hebrew Text ;* and Gisbert Voetius to the very punctuation. Moreover, while the idea of inspiration was thus gradually made to reach everything in the text, the sacred writers were proportion- ately reduced to passive instruments, to whom ‘“ nothing was left but mechanical activity in apprehending the words con- taining the matter, and in writing. Such overstraining of the divinity of the Holy Scriptures had for its obverse the denial of the inspiration of the Aersons, of the holy men themselves, to whom all productive power of their own was refused, and whose own knowledge of the contents they wrote down was regarded as a matter of indifference, if not as an actual source of danger to the pure divine character of the contents.” 3 Side by side with this, and opposed to it, ran a second cur- rent of Protestant thought likewise traceable to views en- tertained by the early reformers regarding inspiration. Their admission of errors in the sacred books was repeated by L. Socinus (f 1562) and Castalio (t 1563). It was also adopted by such Arminians as Episcopius (f 1643), Grotius (fT 1645), and Clericus (f 1736), and practically indorsed by the Pietist, J. Bengel (f 1752) who exhorted Christians to 1 This theory was embodied in the Consensus Repetitus fidet vere Lutherane. 2 This view was adopted in the Porsula Consensus Helvetict, the text of which is found in HAGENBACH, History of Christian Doctrines, vol. iii, p. 61, sq. (Engl. Transl.). 3 DorRNeER, loc. cit., p. 187. 500 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. feed on the bread of life (i.e. on Holy Writ) without bother- ing about some extraneous matter which may be mixed with the wheat. Meanwhile, ‘Textual Criticism showed _ con- clusively that the extreme conservative school was wrong in claiming an immediate divine origin for the Hebrew vowel- points, and for all the more or less irregular forms found in the Greek Text of the New Testament. The reaction thus set in against the strict views of inspiration, was powerfully helped along by the influence exerted upon the public mind by the works of the English deists, as well as by the ra- tional methods advocated by Bacon, Descartes, and Wolf, and by the teaching of such men as Baumgarten (Tf 1757) and Tollner (f 1774), the great forerunners of Rationalism. Inspiration was indeed ascribed to Holy Writ by Baumgarten, but it was reduced to a minimum, “the Spirit having per- mitted each writer to compose according to the peculiar powers of his mind, and to arrange facts according to his own comprehension of mind.”* Tollner went farther still, and admitted that some books were written without inspira- tion of any kind, and were only subsequently approved by divine sanction. In fact, he rejected altogether the inspired character of the historical writings of the Old Testament, and of the book of the Acts, and said that the Gospels of St. Luke and St. Mark were simply approved by the Apostles.’ Thus was the way paved for the publication of the Wo/fen- biittel Fragments, in which Reimarus, their author, represents the Bibleas abounding in errors as to matters of fact, and in statements at variance with human experience, reason and morality.2 Thus, also, was the ground prepared for the scientific efforts of Semler to put on a solid basis the views of Rationalism which had long been everywhere, so to speak, 1 Hurst, History of Rationalism, p. 112. 2 Hurst, loc. cit., p. 201, sq. 3'The Wolfenbiittel Fragments were published by Lessing, only after the death of Reimarus. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 501 in the air; and it must be said, that under his influence, the cause of Rationalism seemed practically won in Germany. ‘Some of his contemporaries who taught in other universities seized upon his tenets and began to propagate them vigor- ously. ‘They made great capital out of them for themselves. Semler invaded and overthrew what was left of popular faith in inspiration after the efforts of Wolf, but here he stopped. His adherents and imitators commenced with his rejection of inspiration, and made it the preparatory step for their attempted annihilation of Revelation itself. Soon the theo- logical press teemed with blasphemous publications against the Scriptures; and men of all the schools of learning gave themselves to the work of destruction. Gottingen, Jena, Helmstedt, and Frankfort-on-the-Oder were no longer schools of prophets, but of Rationalists and Illuminists.” * Ever since Semler’s time, the Rationalistic view which looks upon the Bible as a book merely human in its origin has been widely entertained by German scholars, in spite of the Creeds or Confessions of the sects to which they be- longed, and the same holds good, though not to the same extent, as regards prominent Protestant writers of France, Great Britain, and America. Thus, side by side with the old Conjfesszona/ theory, or Mechanical or Dictation theory of inspiration,” which re- gards the sacred writers as hardly more than machines writ- ing what was suggested to them by the Holy Spirit in the very act of writing, four principal theories, more or less Rationalistic in their tenor, are widely accepted in Protestant circles. The first, which may be called the theory of Vatura/ inspiration, admits that there are errors of detail in the Ca- nonical Books, and that strictly speaking, their authors should 1 Hurst, loc. cit., p. 137. 2 Among the advocates of this theory may be mentioned Rob. Haidane (ft 1842), Gaussen (f 1863), C. Hodge of Princeton (f 1878), etc. 502 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. not be called inspired, except in the sense in which Milton, Shakespeare, Homer, Plato, Socrates, etc., can be looked upon as inspired. | Christianity, according to them, is indeed a religion, but only ove of the great religions of the world, which claim for themselves the authority of supernatural Revelation. The best-known partisans of this thorough-going Rationalistic view in the nineteenth century are Kuenen in Holland, Ewald in Germany, F. W. Newman in England, and Theodore Parker in America. A second theory, which reminds one of the opinion ad- vanced in the Middle Ages by Hugo of St. Victor, though it has more of a Rationalistic tinge about it, identifies the inspiration of Holy Writ with the illumination common to every believer. This is, in substance, the theory indorsed by Schleiermacher (f 1834), Neander ({ 1850), Farrar, Maurice, and F. W. Robertson. The third leading opinion, which bears the name of Partial inspiration theory, limits inspiration to certain parts of the Bible; either to the doctrine, or to special revelations, or to things naturally unknown to the writer, or to the ideas in genera]. This view held by Paley (ft 1805), and Horne (ft 1862),” was regarded in 1863 by the British Privy Council as sufficiently in harmony with the XX XIX Articles of the Church of England. Its watchword is “the Bible contains the Word of God,” as against the formula “the Bible zs the Word of God.” One of its best-known propounders in America is George T. Ladd, particularly in his work entitled The Doctrine of Sacred Scriptures.’ Lastly, the fourth opinion, which has been called the Ivlumination theory, maintains that the Bible is not equally inspired in all its parts, and that four degrees of divine in- 1 A View of Evidences of Christianity, Part iii, chap. iii. 2 Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, vol. i, Appendix No. ii. 3 Vol. i, pp. 454, 460. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 503 fluence at least should be recognized. These are called (1) Inspiration of Direction; (2) Inspiration of Swperin- tendency ; (3) Inspiration of “levation ; (4) Inspiration of Suggestion, according to the degree of illumination and guid- ance bestowed by God upon the sacred writers.’ In the lower degrees, those who hold this view think there is ample room for imperfection and error. This is apparently the position assumed by Dorner (f 1884) in Germany, and by Briggs, H. P. Smith, and other scholars recently tried ios heresy by American Presbyteries.’ 2. Within the Catholic Church. While Protestant scholars, applying their great principle of Private Judgment, and following out the views of the early reformers, were led in large numbers to deny to the Bible all divine authority, Catholic writers, guided by the voice of tradition, always main- tained the inspiration of the Holy Scriptures. As already stated, the teaching of tradition had been embodied during the Middle Ages in the theological formula: ‘‘ Deus est auctor Scripture,” and it is this formula that “the Roman Church” solemnly made her own in the Council of Flor- ence (in 1431), when she declared that “she believes most firmly . . . in one and the same God as the author of the Old and New Testaments ... because the same_ Holy Spirit spoke through the holy men of both Testaments . . .”* It is true that in thus solemnly adopting it, the Church did not declare in what precise sense she understood it. Yet the meaning she then attached to it can hardly appear doubtful when we bear in mind that the universal belief at the time was in the inerrancy of Holy Writ, and that such 1 Cfr,. Horne, ibid. 2 Cfr.R. F. Werpner, Theological Encyclopedia and Methodology, Part i, p.251, sq. For an account of Protestant theories regarding inspiration in France, see E. RABAUD, Histoire de la Doctrine de 1’ Inspiration, chaps. vi, vii, viii. 3 Decretum pro Jacobitis, sive Bulla Eugenii IV ‘“‘ Cantate Domino.” Cfr. DEn- ZINGER, Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum, n. 600. 504 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Pontiffs as John XXII and Clement VI had already de clared themselves officially in favor of that belief.’ As, however, on the one hand, the Council of Florence had nct expressly defined the extent of inspiration, and as, on the other hand, the decree fro /acobitis, had been apparently framed only for the instruction of those to whom it was directed, there were Catholic scholars who considered themselves free to admit the existence of minor errors in the sacred books, as several Fathers had done before. This was the case with Erasmus (f 1536), who in his Commentary on St. Mat- thew (chap. 11), says in addition to a similar remark of St. Jerome: “It may be that the Evangelists did not extract their quotations directly from the sacred books, but trusted to their memory, and thus fell into error. Christ alone is called the Truth; He alone was free from all error.” And in his answer to Eck, he writes: “‘ Neque protinus meo judicio vacillet, ut tu scribis, totius auctoritas Scripture, sicubi memoria lapsus Evangelista, nomen ponat pro nomine: puta Zsazam pro Jeremza cum hinc cardo rei non pendeat. Ut enim non protinus de tota Petri vita male sentimus, quod Augustinus et Ambrosius affirment illum, et post acceptum ccelestem Spiritum, alicubi lapsum esse: ita non continuo fides abrogatur libro, qui ncevum aliquem habet.. .”* This was also the case with Father A. Pighius, who, in his Assertio Ecclesiastice Hierarchie, went so far as to say that “lapses of memory and false statements may be attributed to the Evangelists Matthew and John.” * 1 One of the questions put to the patriarch of the Armenians by Clement VI, was “ Si credidisti et adhuc credis, Novum et Vetus Testamentum in omnibus libris, quos Romane Ecclesiz nobis tradidit auctoritas, veritatem indubiam per omnia continere ” (Cfr. Dauscn, loc. cit., p. 103). 2 Cfr. TrocHon, Introduction Générale, p. 67, footn. 12. 3“ Matthzus et Joannes evangeliste potuerunt labi memoria et mentiri.” Eccl. Hier. I, 2 Cologne, 1538.) Likewise Bened. Pereira (Comm. in Rom.) and Gordon Huntlaus (Controv. lib. iii, 4) are referred to by Davuscu (loc. cit., p. 175, footn. 4), as denying the special inspiration of St. Luke. (Assertio. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION, 505 The Catholic tradition regarding Biblical Inspiration was - reaffirmed by the Council of Trent, in its ““ Decree Concerning the Canonical Scriptures ”’ in the following terms: “ The Synod, following the examples of the orthodox Fathers, re- ceives and venerates with an equal feeling of piety and reverence, all the books both of the Old and of the New Testament—seeing that one God is the author of both. . . . But if any one receive not as sacred and canonical the said books entire with all their Datts... . let himbe anathema.’ It will easily be noticed that in-this decree the point expressly defined is the sacred and canonical char- acter of the books of Holy Writ, without it being said what is implied thereby, and that the formula of Florence bearing directly on their inspiration, is repeated without further explanation concerning the extent of Biblical Inspiration. This is why, even after the Council of Trent, numerous Catholic writers may be mentioned who, while maintaining the doctrine of the inspiration of the Bible, thought it allow- able to restrict its extent in various ways. It is true that immediately after the Council of Trent, theologians and commentators generally—among whom may be mentioned Salmeron (f{ 1585)," Maldonatus (¢ 1583),3 Bannez (f 1604),* Estius (f 1613),° Suarez (fT 1617),° etc.,— maintained that the divine influence extended to the style and words employed by the sacred writers. But even be- fore the end of the sixteenth century, somewhat freer views of inspiration began to be entertained by Catholic scholars. In 1585, the Jesuits Lessius and Hamelius (du Hamel), both professors in Louvain, set forth the three following 1 Session the Fourth, April 8th, 1546. 2 Comment. Lib. i, Proleg. 26. 8 In Evangel.. Preface, chap. ii. * See his words quoted in Dauscu, Schriftinspiration, p. 168, footn. 7. 5 Comm. in divi Pauli Epistol., in II Tim. iii, 16, 6 De Fide, disput. v. Sect. iii. n. 3. 506 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. propositions: (1) Ut aliquid sit Scriptura sacra, non est necessarium singula ejus verba inspirata esse a Spiritu Sancto; (2) Non est necessarium ut singule veritates et sententiz sint immediate a Spiritu Sancto ipsi scriptori inspirate; (3) Liber aliquis, qualis est fortasse secundus Machabzorum, humana industria sine assistentia Spiritus Sancti scriptus, si Spiritus Sanctus postea testetur ibi nihil esse falsum, efficitur Scriptura sacra. In thus speaking, they went against the most common view of their time, and therefore naturally drew upon themselves the censure of the celebrated University of Louvain. As, however, the censure directed against them was not upheld either by the University of Paris or by the Roman authorities, the posi- tions they had assumed—especially after the third proposi- tion had been somewhat modified,'—rapidly gained ground, and were accepted not only by the Jesuits Bellarmin (f 1621), Mariana (f 1623),° Bonfrére (ft 1642,)° and Cor- nelius a Lapide (f 1657,)° but also by such independent scholars as Contenson (f 1674),° Rich. Simon (f 1712), Ellies Dupin (f 1719), Dom Calmet (f 1757),” and in the nineteenth century, by Movers (f 1856), Hanneberg (f 1876),° and many others. Two things in particular contributed to render these views of the Louvain professors acceptable to Catholic theologians and commentators, First, they were clearly in harmony with the teaching of tradition, inasmuch as they 1¥For details, cfr. TRocHon, Introduction Générale, pp. 64-67 ; Dauscu, loc. cit., p. 146, sqq. 2 De Verbo Déi, lib. i, chap. xv, ad rum. 3 Tractatus de Vulgata Editione. 4 Prolegomena, viii, sect. i. 5 In II Tim. iui, 16. 6 Cfr. DAuscH, loc. cit., p. 163, footn. 3. 7 Dauscu, ibid., p. 155, sqq. 8 Dissertatio de divina Librorum Sacrorum inspiratione ad II Pet. i, 21; Comm. in Nov. Test. ad II Tim. iii, 16. ® Cfr. Dauscu, loc. cit., pp. 157-159. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 507 left untouched the fact of inspiration, and the inerrancy of. Holy Writ; and secondly, in embodying the traditional teaching in a novel form, they presented it in terms which did away with the obvious difficulties connected with the old theory according to which the style and words of the sacred writers had been immediately inspired by the Holy Spirit. In so far, however, as they offered a new interpretation of the’ formula" Deust ést> auctor Scripture,” they may be considered as the starting-point of other constructions of a less guarded character, which were soon put upon the same formula. Thus inthe middle of the seventeenth century, an English doctor of Sorbonne, Henry Holden (f{ 1665), went so far as to maintain the following view: “ Auxilium speciale divinitus preestitum auctori cujuslibet scripti, quod pro verbo Dez recipit Ecclesia, ad ea solummodo se porrigit, que vel sint pure doctrinalia, vel proximum aliquem aut necessarium habeant ad doctrinalia respectum. In iis vero que non sunt de instituto scriptoris, vel ad alia referuntur, eo tantum subsidio. Deum illi adfuisse judicamus, quod plissimis ceteris auctoribus commune sit.”’ God is still, according to Holden, the author of Holy Writ, though He is not the author of all its parts in the same manner: in parts containing statements which may be matters of our faith, He granted a special help, which by its very nature preserved the writer from error; in other parts, the general influence which God exercises upon very pious authors, was deemed sufficient by Holden to make them “God’s Word,” though it did not necessarily imply the inerrancy of the writer. This was indeed a bold position to assume; yet since Holden distinctly affirmed the de facto inerrancy of the sacred writers,” his view though sharply criticised by many, was allowed to pass uncensured. The possibility of mistakes in 1 Divine fidei Analysis, lib. i, cap. v, lect. r. (First edition appeared in 1652, Paris). 2 Cfr. Dauscu, loc. cit., p. 180, sq. 508 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. Holy Writ, which the English doctor had admitted with a view to answer more easily the difficulties raised against the Holy Scriptures, was adopted for the same reason by several prominent scholars after him. This was the case with Amort ({ 1775),’ Feilmoser (f 1831),” Chrismann (f 1792),° and apparently also Archbishop Dixon (f 1866),’ and Fr. Matignon.° The next step taken by several Catholic writers brought them back to the position which Erasmus, Pighius and others had assumed before the Council of Trent. In pres- ence of the new difficulties, historical, geographical, scientific, etc., urged against statements found in the Bible, French- men such as the Abbé Le Noir (f 1860), and Frangois Lenormant (f 1883); Germans such as Langen, and Reusch, etc., were led to deny the infallible character of the biblical statements which have not an immediate bearing upon faith and morals. However venturesome, these views do not seem to have been expressly condemned by the Council of the Vatican, any more than those of Erasmus, Pighius, ¢éte., -had)-beensbysthe Councilof il renters. tue Vatican decree concerning the inspiration of Holy Writ, reads as follows: “Si quis sacrz Scripture libros integros cum omnibus suis partibus, prout illos Sancta Tridentina Synodus recensuit, pro sacris et canonicis non susceperit, aut eos dvinitus inspiratos esse negaverit, A.S.”° This Canon repeats and confirms the decision of Trent regarding the “sacred and canonical character” of all the books of Holy Writ, and adds to it an explicit definition of their dvzne 1 Demonstratio Critica Religionis Christiane, quast. xix, quoted in Dauscnu, loc. cit., Doz, toOuns x, 2 Einleitung in die Biicher des N.: Bundes. 8 Regula Fidei Catholica. 4 General Introduction to the Sacred Scriptures, vol. i, p. 27 (Baltimore, 1853). 5La Liberté de l’Esprit Humain dans la Foi Catholique (Paris, 1863). 6 Concil. Vat. Cazones. II. De Revelatione, Can. iv. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 509 inspiration, against modern Rationalists. But it does not ap-. parently condemn views of Catholic scholars as regards the extent of divine inspiration. The only pronouncement of the Vatican Council in this connection is found in the second chapter of the dogmatic Constitution “ Dez /ilius,” which precedes the canons of the same Council, and in which it is declared that the books of the Old and New Testaments, as enumerated by the Council of Trent “are held by the Church as sacred and canonical, not because, having been carefully composed by mere human industry, they were after- wards approved by her authority, nor merely because they contain Revelation without any admixture of error, but be- cause having been written by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, they have God for their author, and have been delivered as such to the Church herself.” " By this solemn declaration and by the addition of the words “eos divinitus inspiratos ” to the Tridentine definition already quoted, the Vatican Council clearly rejected the opinion of “those who wished to derive the canonical character of certain books from the approbation of the Holy Spirit or of the Church, or discussed the probability of such canonization, e. g., in the second book of Machabees; or who considered freedom from error alone, without positive action, a sufficient test of canonicity. . . But it lay outside the scope of the Council to determine how we are to conceive the inspiration in the Apostolic authors. Again the Vatican explanation does not determine by what way or criterion the Church came to know the inspiration of the several books.’’’ It is not therefore surprising to find that after, as before, 1 Here is the Latin Text of this declaration: ‘‘ Eos vero Ecclesia pro sacris et canoni- cis habet, non ideo quod sola humana industria concinnati, sua deinde auctoritate sint approbati, nec ideo dumtaxat, quod revelationem sine errore contineant, sed propterea quod Spiritu Sancto inspirante conscripti, Deum habent auctorem, atque ut tales ipsi Ecclesia traditi sunt.” 2 Scuanz, A Christian Apology, vol. ii, p. 439, sq. 510 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the Vatican Council, Catholic scholars deemed themselves free to investigate the question as to the extent of Biblical Inspir- ation. In fact, as early as 1872, Rohling, in an article in Natur und Offenbarung, entitled Die Lnspiration der Bibel und thre Bedeutung fiir die freie Forschung, seemed to maintain that inspiration should be restricted to matters of faith and morals. Again in 1880, Fr. Lenormant, while professing ‘to be a thorough Christian,” “ to believe firmly in the inspiration of the sacred books and to subscribe with absolute submission to the doctrinal decisions of the Church in this respect,” declares openly that “he knows that these decisions extend inspiration only to that which concerns religion, touching faith and practice. . . . In other matters, the human character of the writers of the Bible is fully evident. Each one of them has put his personal mark upon the style of his book. Where the physical sciences were concerned, they did not have exceptional light, they followed the common, and even the prejudiced, opinions of their age. ‘The intention of Holy Scripture,’ says Cardinal Baronius, ‘is to teach us how to go to heaven, and not how the heavens go, still less how the things of earth go, and what vicissitudes follow one another here.’ The Holy Spirit has not been concerned either with the revelation of scientific truths or with universal history.” ’ Far more guarded in its expressions, and less venture- some in its positions, was the article* written by the late Card. Newman (f 1890), the purpose of which was “ to state what we (Catholics) really do hold as regards Holy Scrip- ture, and what a Catholic is bound to believe.” According to the learned Cardinal, “the Canonical Books cannot be regarded as inspired in every respect, unless we are bound 1 The Beginnings of History according to the Bible and the Traditions of Oriental Peoples, Preface, pp. ix, x (Eng. Transl.). The book is on the Jzdex. 2 This article appeared in The Nineteenth Century, for February, 1884. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION, Sit de fide to believe that ‘terra in externum stat,’ and that heaven is above us, and that there are no antipodes. And it seems unworthy of divine greatness, that the Almighty should in His revelation of Himself to us undertake mere secular duties, and assume the office of a narrator, as such, or an historian, or geographer, except so far as the secular matters bear directly upon the revealed truth. The Coun- cils of Trent and the Vatican fulfil this anticipation ; they tell us distinctly the object and the promise of Scripture Inspiration. They specify ‘faith and moral conduct’ as the drift of that teaching which has the guarantee of in- Spiration.) mee gains De speaks) of athe! solemn? “duty ” incumbent upon “ the Catholic scholar'or man of science . nevcr to forget that what he is handling is the Word of God, which, by reason of the difficulty of always drawing the line between what is human and what is divine, cannot be put on the level of other books. .. .”* A little farther, he ascribes to the human writers, and not to God, the odzter dicta (i. €., unimportant statements, accessory details, etc.), as, for instance, what is said of the dog of Tobias,® St. Paul’s penula,’ and the salutations at the end of the epistles, remarking that neither Fr. Patrizi (f 1881), nor Prof. Lamy dares to censure such a view.° “This practical exception to the ideal continuity of in- spiration,” as Newman calls it, was admitted a few months later by an American writer, Fr. Walworth, in his article on The Nature and Extent of Inspiration,’ and apparently also by Abbé de Broglie (fF 1895),’ and by other Catholic ” scholars. ‘Even in many theological seminaries,” writes La Controverse,* “ students were taught as a probable theory 1 The Nineteenth Century, loc. cit., p. 189. 2 Thid.. p. 192. 3 Tobias xii, 9. 20 ly Lim. iv, £3: 5 The Nineteenth Century, loc. cit., p. 198. 6 The Catholic World, Oct., 1884. 7 Cfr. Dauscu, Schriftinspiration, p. 177. 8 Mars, 1886. La Controverse is one of the leading Catholic magazines of France. 5l2 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. that perhaps the historical books (Kings, Paralip., Judges, etc.), are inspired and free from error only in their dogmatic and imoral parts.” Views of a similar kind were expressed by the Canon Salvatore di Bartolo, in his work, JL Cyréteri Teologici, where, after distinguishing several degrees in Biblical In- spiration, he maintains that in passages which do not bear directly on faith or morals, or are not essentially connected therewith, divine inspiration exists only in an_ inferior degree which does not necessarily secure inerrancy.’ This was done also by Jules Didiot, one of the best known pro- fessors of the Catholic Institute of Lille (France),’ and finally, though not so freely, by Mgr. d’Hulst (Ff 1896), the eminent Rector of the Catholic Institute of Paris.3 While these more or less extreme views were extensively circulated, almost all the leading theologians (such, for instance, as Franzelin (| 1886), Fr. Schmid, Mazella, Ber- thier, Pesch, etc.), who treated of Scriptural Inspiration ex professo, and “from the safe harbor of dogmatic theology,” * endeavored to set forth a satisfactory analysis of the formulas used by the Vatican Council: ‘God is the author of Scripture,” ‘“ Spiritu Sancto inspirante, conscripti sunt libri canonici.” ‘This led them to define inspiration as a ‘‘imotio Dei in scriptorem sacrum qua Deus est proprie auctor libri sacri,’ and to consider it as implying three things: (1) a divine impulse prompting the author to write ; (2) a special illumination imparted to his mind, and_ sup- plying not indeed the words, but the thoughts to be written down ; (3) an assistance enabling the writer to set forth, only, but yet entirely, the divine message. Others, however, among 1 Cfr. Neuviéme Critére, Seconde Proposition Négative, p. 251 (French Transl., Paris, 1889). The work is on the /zdex. 2 Logique Surnaturelle Subjective, p. 103. 3 “Ta Question Biblique,” an article published in The Correspondant, January, 1893. 4“ Vom sichern Port der Dogmatik”’ (Dauscu, loc. cit., p. 178). HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 513 whom may be mentioned Ch. de Smedt, S. J., and Corluy, S. J., though maintaining the complete inerrancy of Holy Writ, seemed at times inclined to make concessions to those who held a different view. The former quotes approvingly the words of St. Jerome we have already cited: “ Multa in Scripturis. Sanctis dicuntur juxta opinionem illius temporis quo gesta referuntur, et non juxta quod rei veritas con- tinebat;’’’ the latter admits that St. Paul, writing under inspiration, “ realized only imperfectly the thought of God, and hence intended to affirm in some passages of his epistles, that he and his readers would be really among the living ” at the time of Christ’s second coming.” However this may be, it is at this juncture that the Holy See judged it advisable to reaffirm the traditional teaching of the Church regarding Biblical Inspiration. A few months after Mgr. d’Hulst’s article mentioned above, Pope Leo XIII issued his Encyclical letter Providentissimus Deus,’ on “ The Study of Holy Scripture.” In thisremarkable document, the Sovereign Pontiff proclaims with St. Augustine that “the Holy Ghost who spoke by the sacred writers, did not intend to teach men these things (i. e., the intimate nature of things visible), things inno way profitable unto salvation,”* and with the An- gelic Doctor, that the sacred writers “ went by what sensibly appeared,” ° or put down what God, speaking to men, sig- nified in the way men could understand and were accustomed to.© Soon after these remarks, the Pope says: “ hec ipsa deinde ad cognatas disciplinas, ad historiam presertim, juva- bit transferri ; ” after which he proceeds solemnly to declare d 1 Principes de la Critique Historique (Liége, 1883). 2 Cortvy, att. Fin du monde, in JAuGEy, Diction. Apologétique de la Foi Catho- lique, col. 1280. 3 It is dated November 18th, 1893. 4 De Genesi ad litteram, Book ii, chap. 9, n. 20. 6 St. Tuomas, Summa Theolog., pars i, quest. lxx, art. i, ad 3. 6 Encyclical letter, Official Engl. Transl., pp. 36, 37. 33 514 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. that “it is absolutely wrong either to narrow inspiration to certain parts of Holy Scripture, or to admit that the sacred writer has erred. - For the system of those who, in order to rid themselves of these difficulties, do not hesitate to con- cede that divine inspiration regards the things of faith and morals, and nothing beyond, because—as they wrongly think—in a question of the truth or falsehood of a passage, we should consider not so much what God has said, as the reason and purpose for which He said it—this system cannot be tolerated. . . . So far is it from being possible that any error can co-exist with inspiration, that inspiration not only excludes every error, but excludes and rejects it as necessarily as it is impossible that God Himself, the supreme Truth, can be the author of any untruth (quam necessarium est Deum, summam Veritatem, nullius omnino erroris auctorem esse).”” A little farther still, the Holy Father describes inspiration as follows: ‘“ By supernatural power, He (the Holy Ghost) so moved and impelled them to write—He was so present to them—that the things which He ordered, and those only, they, first, rightly understood, them they willed faithfully to write down, and finally expressed in apt words and with in- fallible truth. Otherwise, it could not be said that He was the author of the entire Scripture. . . . Whence it follows that those who maintain that something false is found in any genuine passage of the sacred writings, either pervert the Catholic notion of inspiration, or make God Himself the author of such error.”’ ’ As might well be expected, this authoritative pronounce- ment of the Roman Pontiff made Catholic scholars at large more careful and precise in their statements regarding the inspiration of the sacred books. They all profess to reject error from the inspired writings, and explain in different 1 Encycl. Letter, ibid., p. 38, sq. 2 Encycl. Letter, p. 4o, sq. HISTORY OF THE DOCTRINE OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 515 ways how scientific and historical passages may be harmo- nized either with each other, or with extraneous sources of information. Most appeal to St. Jerome’s and St. Thomas’s view mentioned in the Lycyclical itself, to show how many biblical statements, which, when taken absolutely, might be considered as erroneous, are really true, when viewed properly—that is, as couched not in scientific, but in popular language,’ or as conforming to the opinions of the men for the immediate use of whom such inspired statements were intended. Others tell us that “when the sacred writers do not claim to write history or to write it as demanded by modern criticism, they cannot be accused of error if the re- presentation does not correspond to the standard of severely historical science.” * Others again bid us remember that the inspired books embodying traditions with their varying accounts of the details of one and the same fact, may be conceived as exhibiting a more accurate record of that event than others.* But in whatever way they manage to show the accuracy of Holy Scripture, they, each and all, profess their belief (1) in the inspiration of all the genuine parts of the Canonical Books; (2) in the inerrancy of the sacred writings ; while almost all admit this notion of inspiration : “that God is the chief author (auctor principals), and that the writers are the instrumental, though rational, authors (auctores instrumentales).” * ‘ Cfr. for instance, Essai sur la Nature de l’Inspiration des Livres Saints, by E. LEVESQUE, p. 13,8qq. (p. 16, sqq. in Engl. Transl.). 2 P. SCHANZ, quotedin Dublin Review, Oct., 1895, p. 296. 3“ Quem eventum Matt. viii, 28-34, breviter narratum legimus in illa enumeratione miraculorum omnis generis qua Jesu potentiam nullis circumscribi limitibus docetur; quare Matthzus solum enarrat id quod ad miraculum spectat. Multo accuratius narrant alii duo (Synoptici). .. . Qua omnia (all the differences the author points out) ex traditione facillime explicantur; aliter enim ab aliis idem eventus narrari solet ” (KNABENBAUER, S. J., Comm. in Evangelium secundum Lucam, p. 289, Paris, 1896). 4 Scuanz, A Christian Apology, vol. ii, p. 440 (Engl. Transl., New York, 1896). Cfr. also the valuable articles of Father LAGRANGE, O. P., on Inspiration, in La Revue Biblique Internationale, for 1895, pp. 199-220; pp. 496-518 ; and the able work of Abbé Cuauvin, L’ Inspiration des Divines Ecritures, chap. vi. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXII. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 1. Great importance for Protestants to prove the In- spiration of the Bible. I The inspiring and elevating character ; of Holy Writ. ARGUMENTS 2: Arguments The superhuman structure and con- Pua roRWwie tents of the Bible. drawn from se Its organic unity joined to the ad- mittedly divine origin of many of ye RS A es | its component parts. 3. Appeals to ( of Christ and the Apostles. the Authority ( of the Early Church. II 1. Grounds common {The authority of Christ and d | the Apostles. . to them and to PROGR EE | me human testimony of the SAREE ae Protestants : Early Church. Clearioes 2. Special ground: The Divine Authority of the living Church. 516 GHAPTER ‘XXI. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. § 1. Arguments put forward by Protestants. 1. Great Importance for Protestants to Prove the Inspiration of the Bible. Before proceeding to state the proofs upon which Catholics rest their belief in the inspired character of the Bible, it may not be amiss to explain and examine the position of Protestants in that regard. The importance of the question for the latter can- not be exaggerated.t Catholics build their faith primarily on the teaching of a living Church, whereas Protestants rest their whole belief on the written Word of God. ‘They have, therefore, to establish by irresistible arguments the divine character of the sacred books of the Old and New Testaments. A difficult task, at which the ablest minds among them have assiduously labored, but with results far from satisfactory, as we shall see presently, and as, in fact, some of the most enlightened Protestants candidly confess. One of them,’ in an inductive essay on Biblical Inspiration, writes pertinently: “ The point which strikes us: is that Christians are more certain that the Bible is inspired than they are of the grounds of their certainty.* . . . The belief may be well grounded, and yet no one who holds it may be 1 Cfr. R. S. Foster, The Supernatural Book, p. 34. 2 Robert F. Horton, The Inspiration and the Bible, p. 5 (Seventh: edit., London, 1896). 3 This is indeed true of Protestants, but not of Catholics. Cfr. W. H. Mattock, The Intellectual Future of Catholicity, in The Nineteenth Century, for November, 1899. way 518 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. adequately able to state the grounds, and all the statements put together and harmonized may still leave one in some astonishment how a conviction so sure and so momentous should rest upon so slender and wavering a foundation.” In dealing with this topic, the interest of which has been revived by recent controversies among Protestants, we shall not come back on the altogether subjective criteria of in- spiration, which were put forward by Luther, Calvin, and other early reformers, and which, as we stated in the His- tory of the Canon, soon proved utterly useless in theory and in practice, as means to determine which books should be regarded as the Word of God. But we shall faithfully relate, in the words of their best exponents, the principal arguments advanced by contemporary Protestant scholars, and simply subjoin a few remarks concerning their respect- ive proving force. . 2. Critical Arguments put forward by Protes- tants. Of the many evidences which Protestants have of late set forth in favor of Biblical Inspiration, some have been called crztica/, because they are based exclusively on an examination of the phenomena exhibited by the sacred books themselves. There is first of all the argument drawn from their zzspz7- me and elevating character. “The whole drift of the Bible,” writes H. Ward Beecher, “is to be a practical book,—a book to teach men the highest way of life ; to teach them how to live so as not to be degraded by their senses ; so that they shall be able to meet the inequalities of life; so that it shall be possible for them to use the world without abusing it; to teach them how to live in this world so that they shall come to a higher and better one. If there ever was a book the aim of whose teaching was that the man of God 1 Bible Studies, chap. i, The Inspiration of the Bible, p. 14. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION, + 519 might be thoroughly furnished unto every good work, that book is the Bible.” This same characteristic of the sacred writings is no less beautifully described, while it is more directly presented as an argument to prove their inspiration, by James Paterson Smyth, another Protestant scholar, in the following terms: “ As my study of the Bible continues, there seems borne in on me the conviction that the Book has a mysterious power of rousing men to grander, nobler lives ; that the study of it tends powerfully to deepen the sense of sin and arouse the desire of righteous- ness... .1 Men feel by their own spiritual experience that the Book witnesses to itself. ‘The Spirit itself beareth witness with their spirit’ that the Book is the Book of God... . Its words have moved them deeply; it has helped them to be good; it has mastered their wills and gladdened their hearts till the overpower- ing conviction has forced itself upon them: Never book spake like this Book. ‘“ Need I point you to the world around, to the miraculous power which is exercised by the. Bible, to the evil lives reformed by it, to the noble, beautiful lives daily nourished by it? Did you ever hear of any other book of history, and poems, and memoirs, and letters that had this power to turn men towards nobleness and righteousness of life? Did you ever hear a man say, ‘I was an outcast, and a reprobate, and a disgrace to all who loved me, till I began to read Scott’s poems and Macaulay’s History of Eng- land?’ Did you ever hear a man tell of the peace and hope and power to conquer evil which he had won by an earnest study of the Latin classics ? “ Well, you can get a great many to say it of the study of the Bible, ten thousand times ten thousand, and thousands of thousands. You can see the amount of happiness and good that has come to the world even from the miserably imperfect following of it. You can see that the world would be a very paradise of God if it were thor- oughly followed. . . . The Book whose tendency is thus to repro- duce heaven we may fairly judge to be of heavenly birth, The Book 1 How God Inspired the Bible, p. 65. 520 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. whose beautiful ideals no man, no nation, has ever yet attained, is surely not of human growth.” } To strengthen this argument, Protestant writers bid us contemplate the numerous beneficial effects of the Bible upon society at large: how it has been a powerful source of progress to those nations it has enlightened, guided and raised far above the great historical nations of heathendom, how much its doctrines and precepts, “resting upon the highest sanction and enforced by the strongest motives, have contributed to effect the regeneration of man, both individu- ally and socially, their power under the agency of the Holy Spirit arising from their adaptation to meet our moral and spiritual wants ;”* how “ states cannot without Christianity accomplish their aim of securing consistently with the general welfare, the greatest amount of temporal good to each in- dividual”. . . for “ where the religion of Christ does nc* prevail, government generally becomes a system of organized oppression, .”* finally, “the most polished nations now in existence are indebted to it (the Bible) for the preserva- tion and diffusion of literature and of the fine arts. It is interwoven with the finest productions of the human mind; it forms the inspiration of the loftiest poetry, and pervades the highest productions of genius.” * Such in mere outline is the argument drawn from the in- spiring and elevating character of the inspired volume. It has been presented in very striking terms by some of the most eloquent Catholic and Protestant speakers and writers of the nineteenth century, and has no doubt contributed to confirm the belief in the divine character of the Bible in numerous souls which Rationalistic Criticism had caused to 1 How God Inspired the Bible, p. 37, sq. 2 Chas. Eviiort, Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, p. 155. 3 ELuioTtT, ibid., p. 159. # Ecuiort, ibid., p. 160, sq. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 521 waver in their faith. Far, therefore, be it from us to treat it slightingly, to deny, for instance, the great beneficial effects conferred by the written Word of God upon mankind. Their importance and number and persistency are simply wonderful, and should always move us to return thanks to the divine goodness which bestowed such a constant source of blessings upon men at large. It seems, however, that in their desire to carry conviction into the minds of their hearers or readers, some Christian apologists have unwittingly ad- vanced to prove the inspiration of the Bible from its ele- vating character, much which is due directly not to Holy Scripture, but to the preaching of the Christian religion, and consequently should be used rather asa proof of the divinity of Christianity than of that of its sacred reccrds. This is the case, for instance, with the writer just quoted, who speaks “ofr they religtonmor sc hrist’“)/as, necessary, ‘to secure wise government, material progress, etc.’ Nor do we intend to deny the inspiring and ennobling influence of Holy Writ upon individual souls by directing their attention to God, and the things of God, by supply- ing them with salutary warnings against evil, and sublime motives for well doing, yet it may be. doubted whether this influence is so deep, so universal, so necessary, as to form a conclusive proof of the inspired character of a// the Canoni- cal Books. Even supposing that such would be the case in connection with the books of the New Testament, the Apoc- alypse itself included, it seems doubtful whether such a view could be held as to all the writings of the old Cove- nant, the Canticle of Canticles not excepted. Protestant readers of the Bible are oftentimes shocked by the perusal of the last-named book, and of not a few passages in other books, so that they are far from deriving from them the 2 Cfr. also R. S, Fostrr, Studies in Theology : The Supernatural Book, p. 29, sqq., etc. 522 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. great spiritual benefit which would lead them to recognize, as it were, the breath of the Spirit of God in those writings. They continue, it is true, to regard them as inspired, but it is 72 spite of such an unfavorable impression, and because of a reason very different from the inspiring and elevating character of these parts of the Bible: they were formerly taught to look upon the whole Bible as the Word of God ; they admitted this belief on the authority of their parents or teachers, and they now wish to persevere in their belief. In point of fact, not so very long ago, Goldwin Smith in his able article, entitled Christianity’s Millstone,’ simply voiced the sentiment of many no less sceptical but less out- spoken Protestant scholars, as to the highly beneficial character of the writings of the Old Testament, when he advocated the giving up of the Old Testament bodily, as a burden too heavy for Christianity to carry. A second argument—perhaps less subjective than the one just stated—in favor of the inspiration of the Bible, 1s based on the superhuman structure and contents of the sacred books. “Other historians,” we are told by HORNE,® “differ continually from each other; theerrors of the first writers are constantly criti cised and corrected by succeeding adventurers, and their mistakes are sure to meet with the same treatment from those who come after them. Nay, how often does it happen, that contemporary writers contradict each other in relating a fact which has -happened in their own time, and within the sphere of their own knowledge ? But in Scriptures there is no dissent or contradiction. They are not a book compiled by a single author, nor by many hands acting in confederacy in the same age; for in such case, there would be no difficulty in composing a consistent scheme, nor would it be as- tonishing to find the several parts in a just and close connection. But most of the writers of the Scriptures lived at very different 1 This article appeared in The North American Review, for December, 1895 (vol. 161, PP. 703-719). * An Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, vol. i, p. 167, sq. (New York, Carter and Brothers. 1856). THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 523 times, and in distant places, through the long space of about sixty hundred years; so that there could be no confederacy or collusion, and yet their relations agree with, and mutually support each other. Not only human historians, but philosophers even of the same school, disagree concerning their tenets ; whereas, the two Testaments, like the two cherubs (Exod. xxv, 20), look steadfastly towards each other, and towards the mercy-seat which they encompass. The holy writers, men of different education, faculties and occupations .. . notwithstanding the diversity of time and place, the variety of matter, .. . yet all concur in carrying on one consistent plan of super- natural doctrines; all propose the same invariable truth, flowing from the same fountain through different channels. Go, then, to the Sacred Scriptures, examine them closely and critically. Can you find oze writer controverting the statements or opinions of his predecessor ? One historian who disputes any fact which another had stated? Is there in the prophets any discrepancy in doctrines, precepts or predictions? However they vary in style, or manner of illustration, the sentiment and morality are the same. In their predictions they exceed one another in particularity and clearness, but where is there any contradiction? The same remarks apply to the New Testament. . . . Whence, then, arises this harmony of Scripture ? Had the writers been under no peculiar influence, they would have reasoned and speculated like others, and their writings would have opposed each other. But if they were inspired,—if they all wrote and spoke under the influence of the same Spirit,— then is this harmony accounted for, and it is impossible to account for it upon any other principle. Hence we may conclude that all Scripture is not only genuine and authentic, but divinely inspired.” In connection with this part of the second argument,— which has been put forward by several Protestant writers as a distinct argument in favor of Biblical Inspiration,—a few remarks may be made which go far to show how “this harmony and intimate connection subsisting between all the parts of Scripture” are not a conclusive proof “ of its au- thority and divine original.” ’ It seems, first of all, that the 1 Horng, ibid., p. 167. Cfr. Chas. Ettiorr, The Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, Part ii, chap. ii, p. 126, sqq. 524 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. independence of the sacred writers of their predecessors or contemporaries, which is assumed by the defenders of the argument, is at times contrary to fact: the author of Chroni- cles can hardly be said to be independent of the books of Kings, or the Synoptists of each other (or at least of a common source), or the epistle of St. James of that to the Romans, etc. Again, the sacred writers do not seem to be in so perfect agreement as affirmed in the argument: it has never been an easy matter to harmonize the details in the Gospel narratives, and very few of the best scholars, ancient and modern, would go so far as to say that the harmony be- tween the first three Gospels is so striking as to prove their divinely inspired character. The same remark applies to such passages as Amos v, 25, and Ezechiel xliv, which look like direct contradictions, the former; to the Mosaic narrative of the sojourn of Israel in Egypt; and the latter, to the primitive distinction between priests and Levites stated in Exodus and in other parts of Pentateuchal legislation. Finally, as admitted by Protestant scholars, the discrepan- cies in Biblical History which have been emphasized so strongly in the nineteenth century, and so freely considered as positive errors by Protestant interpreters,’ count for much among the causes of the great disquiet which prevails in Protestant communities, regarding the very fact of inspira- tion,” so that it is difficult to see how “ the wonderful harmony and connection subsisting between all the parts of Scripture, are a proof of its divine authority and original.” ° The second part of the argument, which is oftener urged as a separate argument than the one just set forth—infers 1 Cfr. Rooks, Lectures on Inspiration, p. 144, who declares that “it is foolish, or, if not foolish, disingenuous to deny that such discrepancies (i. e., due to slips of memory, or other failings of the sacred writers) do attach to the comparison of passages in Holy Writ.” 2 Jas. P. Smytu, How God Inspired the Bible, p. 4. 3 HORNE, loc, cit., p. 167. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 525 the inspiration of the Bible from the superhuman character of its contents. ; “We find in it a Jewish national history. Never surely was national history so extraordinarily written. Everything is looked at in relation to God. Records of other ancient nations tell of what this or that great king accomplished ; how the people con- quered or were conquered by their enemies. In the Jewish records everything is of God. It was God who conquered, God who de- livered, God who punished, God who taught. There is no boast- ing of the national glory, no flattering of the national vanity ; their greatest sins and disgraces and punishments are recorded just as fully as their triumphs and their joys. “Inthe records of other nations the chief stress is laid on power, and prosperity, and comfort, and wealth. In these strange records goodness seems the only thing of importance. To do the right seems of infinitely more value than to be powerful, or rich, or successful in life. Strange, indeed, if such history-writing be-en- tirely of the earth! Pity that we have not learned such history- writing ourselves ! “We hear continually, as it were, a mysterious Voice all through the history, threatening, encouraging, pleading with an unwilling people. The sole business of prophet, and historian, and legis- lator, seems to be to rebuke men for sin, to incite them to holi- ness, to point to them the sometimes but dimly seen ideal of a noble, beautiful life. A rare phenomenon, indeed, in the histories of a nation! “Will some one say that this was the natural development of the moral tendencies of the Jewish race? The race whose prominent tendencies, by their own confession, were idolatry and impurity. Remember how unwillingly they received that teaching, how rarely they obeyed it, how they killed the prophets that declared it to them. ... Nay, surely not from the natural - consciousness of Israel could such a Voice have come. “Look next at the national poems and hymns of the people, the greatest miracle in the whole of the world’s history. ... I cannot conceive any honest, earnest unbeliever studying these carefully and believing them to be but ordinary human produc- tions. When I turn to the secular: history of the world at the 526 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. time when the Psalms were written, even at the lowest date that criticism may assume; when I read of its filthiness and de- pravity, of its worship of images and fetishes, of its degraded conception of God and duty; and when I place that history be- side my Bible open at the book of Psalms, it seems to me that the veriest infidel should be overwhelmed by the contrast... . “And here is another extraordinary fact. We find as we ex- amine this Book a series of teachers, who could not have been mere fanatics because of their calm common sense, who could not have been impostors because of the nobleness of their teach- ing and the danger that it exposed them to, yet claiming to speak for Jehovah. They seem to have felt a mysterious Spirit striving with their spirit, teaching, enlightening, sometimes almost com- pelling them to speak... . ‘Another peculiarity of the Book. It predicts the future, and its predictions are fulfilled. What unaided sage or statesman can do that? ‘Who as JI,’ saith God, ‘declareth the thing that shall be ?.. 72 It may be admitted freely that the inference thus drawn from the wonderful contents of the sacred books should not be lightly set aside. In many ways the Bible appears superior to all other human books. Yet it does not seem that this superiority is such as to strictly prove its divinely inspired character. Its ‘“‘Godward aspect,” as it is called by the writer just quoted,” has its counterpart in confessedly uninspired books, such as the De Civitate Dei by St. Augustine, or Le Duscours sur 0 Histoire Universelle by Bossuet, or even in ancient Semitic inscriptions, such as the Moabite Stone, where everything also is directly referred to Chamos, Moab’s God. An enthusiastic praise of earthly grandeur, of worldly splendor and riches and prosperity and agerandizement, is found in connection with the glorious reigns of David and Solomon,} and if more of the kind is 1 James Paterson SmMytH, How God Inspired the Bible, p. 26, sqq. 2) J .PV SMYTH, abide. pros. 3 Cfr. II Kings viii; III Kings iv, 7, sqq.3 x, 2, sqq., etc. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 527 not heard of in the Bible, one may well suppose that it is because the biblical record of the various Jewish reigns is extremely short, or because these same reigns did not ex- hibit anything worthy of like praise. Again, the book of Judges seems hardly to exhibit that sublime character which is claimed for the historical books of the Bible, in order to lead us to admit their inspiration. As regards the prophets of the Old Testament appealed to in this connection, it should be borne in mind that even the granting of the inspired character of their spoken words is no conclusive proof of the inspired character of their written records. An inspired writing is not simply a faith- ful account of utterances formerly delivered. with the help of the Holy Spirit, or even of superhuman doctrines ob- tained through Revelation; it is a book composed with a_ divine commission to write, with a positive influence from God upon the writer. As the prophets were inspired speakers only in so far as they were divinely commis- sioned to speak, and divinely guided in their speech (this is granted in the argument above quoted), so must they be regarded as inspired writers only in so far as they are shown to have enjoyed the same privileges while writing. Finally, the predictive element found in the Bible, though unquestionable, when closely examined is far from furnish- ing a clear evidence of Biblical Inspiration. Side by side with fulfilled prophecies, there are predictions the accom- plishment of which has been, and still is, the matter of very serious controversy. And here again it must be remem- bered that a book containing true prophecies, that is, con- taining true revealed data, is not on that sole account an inspired book. The last critical argument to be stated and examined is chiefly derived from the organic unity prevailing through- 528 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. out the Bible. It is well and briefly stated by Rooke and Westcott in the following terms: “ There is in the Bible as a whole,” says the former writer,’ “a certain organic unity by which all its parts are bound together around the central figure of Christ. Preparation for Christ by type, prediction, and providential arrangement manifestly per- vades every part of the Old Testament, and the New Testament is as manifestly devoted to an explanation of these features of the Old Testament. Yet no one can say that the preparation is of human design or origin, or that the correspondence between the two parts of the Bible and their meeting-point in the historical person of Christ is the result of deliberate human skill or artifice. It is either a marvellous piece of chance, or else one of the phe- nomena in whieh we are compelled to recognize the divine and supernatural element. . . . Nor can we pretend to have given even a plausible account of Holy Scripture, unless we have found room ‘in our explanation for a reasonable theory concerning this organic unity of the Bible, whence it arises, and what it means.” In the same strain, Bishop Westcott writes : * “The Bible contains in itself the fullest witness to its divine authority. If it appears that a large collection of fragmentary records, written, with few exceptions, without any designed con- nection, at most distant times, and under the most varied circum- stances, yet combine to form a definite whole, broadly separated from other books ; if it further appears that these different parts: when interpreted historically reveal a gradual progress of social spiritual life, uniform at least in its general direction; if, without any intentional purpose, they offer not only remarkable coinci- dences in minute details of facts, for that is a mere question of accurate narration, but also subtle harmonies of complementary doctrine; if, in proportion as they are felt to be separate, they are felt also to be instinct with a common spirit; then will it be readily acknowledged that however they came into being first, however they were united afterwards into the sacred vol- 1 Lectures on Inspiration, p. 143 (Edinburgh, 1893). ? The Bible in the Church, p. 14. For a more detailed exposition of this argument, see A Clerical Symposium on Inspiration, art. ii, by Stanley LEATHES. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 529 ume, they are yet legibly stamped with the divine seal as ‘in- spired by God’ in a sense in which no other writings are.” As a confirmation or continuation of the argument just stated, some Protestant writers appeal to the admittedly divine origin of many of the component parts of the Bible. “The Bible,” they say in substance, “is an organic whole, whose character as a whole must be judged by the character of its principal parts. Now these principal parts,—the sublime moral lessons which are inculcated, the revelations and prophecies which are recorded,—are the inspired Word of God. Hence the Bible, taken as a whole and with all its parts, must be recognized as the inspired Word of: God.” The argument drawn from the organic unity of the Bible is of all the crztica7 arguments the one most in favor among recent Protestant scholars. ‘The reason of this is that the existence of a certain unity in the biblical writings can not only be inductively established, it can also be set forth in a manner calculated to produce a deep impression upon re- ligious minds. But however strikingly this organic unity of the sacred books may be described, it is beyond question that the argument based on it cannot be considered as a conclusive proof of Biblical Inspiration. On the one hand, it is difficult, not to say impossible, to assign to entire books, such as Esther, Ecclesiastes, etc., a real share in “ the organic unity by which all the parts of the Bible” are said to be “ bound together around the central figure of Christ.” On the other hand, it looks strange, indeed, that such books as the books of the Machabees, which seem almost indis- pensable to the full scheme of Biblical History, and which are recognized as belonging to Holy Writ by the Greek and Latin churches, should be placed by Protestants outside the Canon of the Sacred Scriptures. Apparently, the inspired or non-inspired character of the sacred books is independent of their amount of share in the organic unity of the Bible; 34 539° GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. how then can this organic unity itself be the basis of an argument for or agaist their inspiration? Again, we are told by a Protestant critic that ‘‘ within the Canon of Sacred Scripture, a considerable number of writings stand only on the border-line; it is even doubtful whether certain writings would have been admitted into the Canon at all if mistaken views of their nature and origin had not prevailed when they were canonized.’ But even granting that all the sacred books admitted by Protestants were rightly inserted into the Canon, and can, on that score, form a sound basis for an argument drawn from the organic unity of the Bible, a further difficulty remains. This argument cannot be shown to be absolutely conclusive, 4s long as one can conceive that many biblical writings may have been the mere natural outcome or development, under peculiar circumstances, of conceptions already found in pre-existing Jewish literature, and may have been gathered and united to the books already collected, precisely because they were their natural sequel or complement. It is plain, therefore, that the organic unity of the Bible, however real we may suppose it to be in most of its parts, is no strict proof of the inspired character of all the canonical writings. 3. Protestant Appeals to Authority to prove Bib- lical Inspiration. The more one realizes the inadequacy of the critical arguments put forward by Protestants in favor of Biblical Inspiration,—the principal of which have just been stated and examined,—the better able he is to under- stand how many of them feel compelled to fall back upon what may be called the Catholic ground of avzfhority. Those we refer to appeal first to the authority of Christ and the Apostles, whose verdict is recorded in the Bible itself, 1G. T. Lapp, The Doctrine of Sacred Scripture, vol. i, p. 747. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 531 and endeavor to show how it is a conclusive proof of the inspired character of all the sacred books of the Old and New ‘Testaments. “Tt is undeniable,” we are told,! “that the Saviour and His Apos- tles regarded the Old Testament with at least as much reverence as did the Jews in their day. . . . Now be it observed, that the Jews, in the time of Christ, considered the writings of the Old Testament as dzvznely inspired; not merely in respect to their doctrines, but their whole matter and substance. Josephus says,’ that in his time they were universally believed to have been written by men ‘as they learned them of God Himself by inspira- tzon, and were justly believed to be ‘dzvzme.’ ... Hence we see that Jesus and His Apostles, in coinciding with, and in ap- pealing to and promoting the current sentiment of the Jews in their days, must be considered as having, really and in the fullest sense, espoused and confirmed the doctrine of the devine tnspira- tzon of the Old Testament scriptures. ‘But, unanswerable as is the above attestation, we have a direct assertion on the part of St. Paul of still greater import- ance. Having reminded Timothy, that from a child, he had known ‘the Holy Scriptures... he makes this positive and conclusive declaration: ‘4 Scripture ts gtven by tnspiration of God. ... Here, then, is the plain testimony of Paul... that whatever in his time was included under the name of ‘Scripture ' or ‘Holy Scriptures, was of divine inspiration ... to. wit: that collection of sacred books to which the Jews notoriously ap- plied such names, or, in other words, the books of the Old Testa- ment.” Again we are reminded that “The employment in the New Testament of the general titles ‘Word of God, ‘Oracles of God, ‘the Scriptures,’ ‘all the Scriptures,’ etc., etc., which recognize. the Hebrew canonical books as a whole, is of a twofold service in the argument for their in- spiration. In the first place, the testimony in such form to the 1 McILVAINE, The Evidences of Christianity, p. 394, sqq. 2 Against Apion, Book i, § 7: 532 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. inspiration of the Old Testament is an addition to the evidence derived from what the New Testament writers have said of the inspiration of particular passages of it; and in the second place, it puts on the same level, as to authority and inspiration, the whole of the writings included under the general names applic- able to the Old Testament, whether they be quoted in the New or not, and whether we know or do not know the authorship of the particular books, or indeed know anything at all beyond the fact that they truly belong to the collection of writings which are included under the various names of ‘the Scripture;’ ‘ the Law and the Prophets;’ ‘the Word of God; ‘the Oracles of Godda Having in this way established to their own satisfaction the . inspired character of the books of the Old Testament, Protes- tant writers preface their argument in favor of the inspiration of those of the New, by the remark that : “Tf the writings of the Old Testament were given by inspiration of God, much more were the writings of the New so given. ‘If the ministration of death, written and engraven in stones, was glorious, .... how shall not the ministration of the Spirit be rather glorious?’ (II Cor. iii, 7,8). Though the New Testament is more glorious, yet its religion does not differ from that of the Old. The prophets of the Old declared beforehand the coming salvation; the evangelists of the New announced its accomplish- ment. It was not a different revelation that Moses and John were commanded to write... . With this view of the connection be- tween the Oid Testament and the New, it is impossible to separate between the inspiration of the one and that of the other.” ? After this prefatory remark, the inspiration of the writings of the New Testament is inferred ‘‘From the evident inspiration of the Apostles in their preaching 1 Chas. Evuiott, Inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, p. 182. For a very detailed ex- position of this argument as regards the Old Testament, see Abraham Kuyrer, Ency- clopedia of Sacred Theology, pp. 428-460. 2 Chas. ELxtroTT, loc. cit., p. 182, sq. Cfr. also McILvarng, loc. cit., p. 397, sqv THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATICN. 533 and other official actions. It was expressly promised by the Lord, that when they would stand before enemies, in defence of the Gospel, they would speak by zzspzratzon of God (Matt. x, 19, 20; Luke xii, 12; xxi, 15). . . . But inspiration was promised by the Saviour, in terms of the most comprehensive kind, when He promised to send to His disciples a Comforter—the Holy Spirit—who should abide with them forever, . . . ‘the Spirit of truth,’ . . . asa substi- tute in all respects for the presence, the guidance, the instructions of their Lord Himself. . . . The Spirit of truth ‘ sha// teach you all things. ‘ Hewilllead youtntoalltruth. ...‘ The Spirit of truth shall bring all things to your remembrance whatsoever [ have satd unto you. ... Now all these promises are positive proofs that the Apostles were inspired in their ministry, as soon as their fulfilment - took place. Thus, when the Day of Pentecost was fully come, and the Spirit descended upon them, ‘they were all filled with the Holy Ghost,’ and ‘began to speak as the Spirit gave them utter- ance. , . . By the same help, Peter discerned the spirit of Ananias and Sapphira. Their liewas unto the Holy Ghost, inasmuch as it was to one whom the Holy Ghost inspired. . . . Paul, by inspira- tion, went forth on his mission from Antioch to the lesser Asia. . . . When the Apostles, and elders, and brethren were assembled in council. ... they consulted and determined as they were guided by inspiration of God. ‘/¢ seemeth good to the Holy Ghost’ was the solemn sanction annexed to their sentence. They claimed to be always received as inspired. Their speech and their preaching, they asserted, were ‘in demonstration of the Spirit,’ ‘not in the words which man’s wisdom teacheth, but which the Holy Ghost teacheth.’ . .. All these statements... abundantly confirm the position that the Apostles, in their preaching and other official actions, were in the highest sense zzsfzred. ‘‘ Hence it would seem to be very naturally and reasonably inferred, that when they wrofe for the permanent guidance of the churches they wereinspired also. Canit be supposed that St. Paul, in preach- ing to the Ephesians or Corinthians spoke as he was moved by the Holy Ghost, and yet was entirely bereft of that divine aid when he sat down to the much more important work of composing epistles to those churches? . .. It seems to be a necessary con- clusion, from the above premises, that the authors of the New Testament were divinely inspired, as well when writing for all 534 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, people and all ages, as when speaking to the congregation of a single synagogue.” 4 For Catholics, as well as for Protestants, the references of Christ and the Apostles to the Old Testament generally, and to individual books, are a proof of their divine charac- ter, and as such are commonly appealed to by Catholic theologians. But the proof is incomplete. Even admitting that the authority of Christ and His Apostles proves con- clusively the inspiration of the entire Old Testament, it is difficult to see how their testimony has the same cogency regarding the inspired character of all the books of the New Testament. None of these was written before Our Lord’s ascension, and several of them could not be included within the Scriptures of the New Law, whose inspiration is some: times said to have been declared by St. Paul writing to Timothy: “All Scripture is inspired of God,”’ or by St. Peter when speaking of St. Paul’s epistles “in which are certain things hard to be understood, which the unlearned and unstable wrest, as they do also she other scriptures, to * In fact, itis with a view to escape their own destruction.” the difficulty just pointed out that most Protestant writers— as is the case with the one whose words are quoted above,— instead of appealing to these testimonies of St. Peter and St. Paul, have recourse to an @ /ortior¢ argument based on Christ’s promise of divine assistance to His messengers in the discharge of their Apostolic mission. If we must grant, we are told, that in virtue of this promise, the Apostles were under the guidance of the Holy Spirit when addressing a synagogue by words of mouth soon to perish, with much greater reason must we grant that they enjoyed the same 1 McItvainyg, loc. cit., p. 399, sqq. Seealso Chas. ELtiortT, loc. cit., p. 183, sqq.; KuyPeErtT, loc. cit., p. 460, sqq., etc. 2-7 Tim. it, 06, 5 II Pet. iii, 16. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 535 divine guidance when writing for all peoples and all ages. The argument, though ingenious, is not strictly conclusive. Even at its best, it could not prove directly the inspiration of our second and third Gospels, since St. Mark and St. Luke were not Apostles. And if it is said that these Gos- pels were approved by the infallible authority, or written under the influence of St. Peter and St. Paul, as affirmed by tradition,’ the very recourse to an authority distinct from that of Christ and His Apostles as recorded in Holy Writ, is a proof that the argument is insufficient by itself to establish the inspired character of all the books of the New Testament. Further, we are not told anywhere that the Acts of the Apostles, which are generally regarded as the work of St. Luke, ever obtained such Apostolic approval. Finally, when one remembers how difficult it is to prove the Apostolic authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and of some other writings of the New Testament, such as the Gos- pel of. St. Matthew, the Gospel of St. John,’ etc., he sees clearly that the argument, which, as set forth above, as- sumes the Apostolic authorship of all the books of the New Testament, does not rest on an absolutely solid foundation. In view of the foregoing remarks, it is easy to understand how some Protestant writers fall back on the authority of the early Church to confirm and complete the preceding argument. ‘“ Whatever truth there may be in regard to the influence which Peter and Paul exercised in the composition of them (Mark’s and Luke’s Gospels) one thing is firmly established, and must be re- ceived as an undoubted fact. They were immediately and uni- versally received by the Church as possessing divine authority. They were never placed in the same category with the spurious documents, which soon made their appearance after them. . S Chasm Bcreio tT, loc citsperso: 2 The questions connected with the Or7g’z and Authorship of the writings of the New Testament will be dealt with in the forthcoming S/ecéaZ Introduction to the New Testament. 536 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. The Church must have had satisfactory reasons for putting them on a level with the other two Gospels,—reasons which justify the same claims to inspiration accorded to the other books of the New Testament.’’! Other Protestants go even farther. They distinctly admit with Bishop Wordsworth, “ that the Sacred Scriptures as a whole can be received upon no other authority but that of the testimony of the primitive Church.” This appeal of Protestants to the authority of the early Church adds undoubtedly to the value of an argument drawn from the authority of Christ and the Apostles, but this additional value is derived from a non-biblical source, and indeed from one essentially opposed to the leading principle of Protestantism, to wit: the rejection of all ecclesiastical tradition. Nor is this all. In denying the inspired character of the deutero-canonical books, all such Protestants as claim to admit the authority of the primitive Church go right against its verdict, for impartial history bears witness to the fact that “the Christian theologians of this period (that is, of the first three centuries) knew the Old Testament only in its Greek form (the Septuagint), and consequently made no distinction between what we call Canonical Books (Hebrew) and Apocryphal Books (Greek). They quote both with the same confidence, with the same formulas of honor, and attribute to them an equal authority “*, so ithat, in denying athe based on an equal inspiration. inspiration of the deutero-canonical books, these same Protestant scholars reject as unsound the verdict of the Church herself, and treat her authority as an insufficient proof of Biblical Inspiration. 1 Chas. EvxiortT, loc. cit., p. 186. Cfr. McILtvarng, loc. cit., p. 403, sqq. ° Cfr. Inspiration. A Clerical Symposium, p. 191. Cfr. also in Lux Mundi, p. 283, the admissions of Canon Gorr. * These words of the late Protestant Prof. Reuss, have already been quoted (chap. ii, § 2, n. 2) as a concise and accurate statement of the testimony of the first three centuries of the history of the Old Testament Canon (Reuss, History of the Canon, p. 93, Engl. Transl.), THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 537 § 2. Proofs set forth by Catholics. 1. Grounds Common to them and to Protest- ants. Several of the arguments advanced by Protestants in favor of the divine character of the Bible have been used with great effect by Catholic apologists in the nineteenth century. The elevating character of the Sacred Scriptures, their superhuman contents, and their organic unity, are grounds common to all believers in Holy Writ, and when set forth in a striking manner are very helpful to souls struggling against infidelity. Catholic theologians, however, while mentioning these as a confirmation of the Christian belief in inspiration, prefer to appeal to authority as a proof in favor of this doctrine. Here again they meet with those Protestants who, as stated above, have felt the need to fall back upon the testi- mony of Christ and the Apostles, and even upon that of the early Church, to obtain solid proofs for the inspired character of Holy Writ. The first ground, then, which is common to Catholic and to Protestant scholars, is the authority of Christ and His Apostles. On both sides they point out how every man who recognizes the divine character of Christ and be- lieves in His heavenly mission, must regard as inspired all the books of the Old Testament, because He either quoted them explicitly as the Word of God,’ or referred to them in general.terms, such as “the Scripture,” “the Holy Scrip- ture,” etc.,” the obvious meaning of which at the time was that they had been written under a special divine influence.3 On both sides, too, they appeal to the testimony of the Apostles who spoke of the Old Testament Scriptures in exactly the same terms as their divine Master, and un- 1 Cfr. for instance Matt. xxii, 31; 41, sqq., etc., etc. 2 Cfr. for inst., John xix, 36; sq. ; Luke xxiv, 44, etc., etc. 3 For details, cfr. Catholic theologians such as FRANZELIN, PESCH, SCHMID, CHAUVIS, etc. 535 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, questionably shared the belief of their Jewish contempo- raries in the inspiration of all their contents. As regards these books of the New Testament which were written by the Apostles, both Catholics and Protestants consider as an argument in favor of their inspiration, the promise of special divine help made to them by Christ for their ova/ preaching. They feel that such a divine guidance should naturally be admitted also in connection with what may be called the written preaching of the Apostles. In both cases; the posi- tive influence on the part of the Holy Ghost seems equally necessary for the carrying out of their divine mission, and if anything, special divine guidance would appear more needed for their writings than for their preaching by word of mouth, because they were destined not to perish at once, but rather to shape the faith of the Christian Church in all future ages. In fact, the manner in which St. Peter, in his Second Epistle, speaks of the epistles of St. Paul generally, placing them on the same level as the other divine Scriptures,’ seems a power- ful confirmation of the view that writings known to have been composed by Apostles were at once held as inspired. The second ground common to Catholics, and to a certain number of Protestant scholars, is the testimony of the early Church. Apart from the infallible character of her teach- ing, the early Church bears witness to the fact that, when the sacred writers had not yet all left this world, or had but recently disappeared, her great teachers, such as St. Clement, St. Polycarp, St. Justin, St. Irenzeus, etc., had learned to regard as divine, and to quote as the words of the Holy Ghost, the writings of the Old and New Testaments. It is indeed true that in the present day we are not able to describe the exact manner in which these great lights of the Church were led to put certain books (particularly those of our New Testament which are not referable to the Apostles and 1 JI Pet. iii, 16, sq. THE PROOFS OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 539 which do not seem to have received their distinct approval), : on a level with those which Jesus and His Apostles had ex- pressly treated as divine. But no one can reasonably doubt that they must have had satisfactory reasons for doing so, reasons which justify the same claims to inspiration accorded to the other sacred writings. Thus, then, the human testi- mony of the early Church may be appealed to by Catholics and Protestants, in order to complete whatever might be missing in the preceding argument to prove that a// the books of the Bible should be regarded as inspired. It should, however, be borne in mind, as already pointed out, that once this testimony of the early Church is regarded as valid, the inspiration of the deutero- as well as of the proto-canonical books of the Old Testament, should be ad- mitted, since it is a historical fact that the early Church held these two classes of books as equally sacred and inspired. 2. Grounds Special to Catholics in Favor of In-: Spiration. Over and above the grounds which are com- mon to Protestants and Catholics, there is the distinctly Catholic argument, which rests the belief in the inspiration of the Bible directly on the divine authority of a living Church. It is plain that whatever difficulties may be raised against the doctrine of Biblical Inspiration, in the name of History, of Higher Criticism, of Geology, etc., Catholics will ever find a solid ground for their faith on this point, in the simple consideration that the inspired character of the Bible is certain beyond all doubt, since the Church, speaking with divine, and consequently infallible, authority, teaches it as a truth revealed by God. This is the ground which Catholic theologians and ecclesiastical writers naturally ap- peal to after they have established the right of a living Church to teach Revelation with divine authority; and it is the proof upon which St. Augustine,—and no doubt count- 540 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. less minds after him,—felt necessary to fall back upon, when he said: “I would not believe the Gospel, unless the au- thority of the Church moved me thereto.” "Finally, accord- ing to many polemical writers among Catholics, it is the only adequate proof that can be given of the inspiration of Sacred Scripture, because, viewing it as a divine operation, not necessarily known even to the mind that is acted upon, they hold that the testimony of God Himself is required to make men perfectly sure of it, and that this divine testimony comes to our knowledge only by the voice of the Church | which He has commanded us to:hear.? 1 Contr. Ep. Fundam., chap. v. 2 Cfr. WisEMAN, Principal Doctrines and Practices of the Catholic Church, Leet. ii; Bp. WEATHERS, in the Clerical Symposium on Inspiration, p. 193, $q. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER XXII. NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. II. NATURE OF INSPIRATION : III. EXTENT OF INSPIRATION : IMPORTANCE AND INTRICACY OF THE QUESTION. { The Bible zs the Word of God. - The twofold (Divine ; and Human) Au- : thorship. 1. The common | es an Divine opera- | | ! tions in inspiration. teaching of the Human co-operation, Church: Simple Divine assist: ance. Simple — subsequent Divine approval. Yaa tee approba- Wallin teens Denied: tion of the Church. Verbal Dictation Theory. Verbal Inspiration as recently un- derstood. 2.Questions [ freely debated : 1 oats Illumination Theory. I. The two tendencies regarding it defined. Extension of inspiration They to matters other than Faith and Morals. Exclusion of every posi- sence tive and formal Bae AO Admission of simply rela- tive truth in certain In- spired Statements. 2. The two ten- dencies com- pared : They disagree as to Scientific admission of simply | Statements Relative Truth as Historical regards” - . Matters. 541 CHAP THR x colts THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. § 1. Lmportance and Intricacy of the Question, Or the ‘many religious questions which have engaged the attention of the learned world during the second part of the nineteenth century, very few, if any, have assumed the same importance as the question which regards the precise nature and extent of Biblical Inspiration. In the eyes of unbe- lievers bent on disproving the supernatural origin of Chris- tianity, it imported supremely so to restrict the extent and lower the nature of Biblical Inspiration as to make it appear practically identical with the kind of sacredness which Oriental nations have ever claimed for their own religious books. On the other hand, it was of still greater import- ance to all believers in the divine character of the biblical records, not to allow such a desecration of Holy Writ, but rather to vindicate against all attacks its true and full in- spiration. ‘To most Protestants, in particular, so accus- tomed to look upon the whole Bible as absolutely and perfectly divine, the least effort to restrict the extent of its inspired character appeared as a sacrilegious attempt to do away with its inspiration altogether, and consequently to destroy the very basis of the Christian religion. As tc Catholics, it is true that, in their eyes, the same question is not invested with so vital an importance, because their faith rests not on the Bible alone, but also on the Church. 542 atin’ i eS tae THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 543 It is nevertheless true that any opinion concerning the nature and extent of Biblical Inspiration that would depart widely from the traditional teaching, must cause concern to them, and especially to the pastors of the Church, who are divinely commissioned to watch over the perfect purity of -revealedmdoetnne. In pomt ofsfact, it was this’ that prompted Leo XIII, a few years ago, to issue the Encyclical Providentissimus Deus on the “Study of Holy Scripture,” wherein he sets forth the traditional concept of inspiration, and declares that positions recently assumed by some Catholic writers regarding the nature and extent of Biblical Inspiration “ cannot be tolerated.” Equal to the importance of this question is its intricacy. In the name of Astronomy, Geology, History, Archzology, Philology, Higher Criticism, etc., objections without num- ber and of the most perplexing kind have been vigorously and persistently urged by specialists, against the traditional view of Biblical Inspiration. Nor have these specialists always been Rationalists bent on undermining all faith in the Holy Scriptures. Some also belonged to the ranks of the most earnest defenders of Christian Revelation. Perplexed and perhaps shaken in their traditional belief as regards the extent of inspiration, they urged such difficulties in order to show the necessity of restricting the doctrine of inspiration within such limits that it could be most effectively defended against those who denied inspiration altogether.” Finally, the treatment of this question is all the more difficult, be- cause history clearly proves that during the course of Chris- tian ages the Fathers and ecclesiastical writers varied considerably regarding the extent and even the nature of Biblical Inspiration.3 1 Cfr. I Tim. vi, 20; II Tim. iii, 14; Acts, xx, 27-31; Luke xxii, 32. 2 Cfr. CHaAuvin, Lecons d’ Introduction Générale, p. 48. 3 For details, see chap. xx, History of the Doctrine of Biblical Inspiration. 544 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. On account of the great intricacy of the subject, we shall confine ourselves to a brief treatment of the nature and extent of inspiration, and to pointing out rather than dis- cussing some of the difficult problems connected there- with. § 2. Nature of Biblical Lnspiration. I. The Common Teaching of the Church. As Catholics abide by the traditional teaching of the Church, they naturally agree in admitting certain positions and in rejecting others, accordingly as they are implied in, or, on the contrary, excluded by, the teaching of the Church regarding Biblical Inspiration. ‘This agreement does not indeed prove that all such positions must be either held or rejected with the very same degree of certainty, for they are not equally either bound up or inconsistent with the definitions of the Church as to this point of Christian belief. But it sets forth, both in a positive and in a negative manner, the common teaching of the Church regarding the true nature of Scriptural Inspiration ; and because of this, the positions either affirmed or denied by all Catholic scholars deserve a very special notice. Starting from the definitions of Trent and of the Vatican quoted in a preceding chapter (chap. xx), Catholic the- ologians regard as most intimately bound up with the notion of inspiration therein declared, that of the divine authorship of all the books of the Bible. They likewise maintain that because of such divine authorship, the inspired writings have God for their prvzzczpa/ author, and consequently do not simply contain the Word of God, but ave in a true sense the Word of God; for the one truly said to be the author of a book is obviously its principal cause, and on that account, the words of the book are regarded and cited as his words. nial eee a a ee eee THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 545 By a further, but no less necessary deduction from the same definitions, they admit that the human writers of the sacred books by means of whom they have been composed, are at best, yet truly, co-agents with the Holy Ghost in their com- position ; and this, in fact, is the plain meaning of these words of the Vatican Council: ‘“Spiritu Sancto inspirati conscripti (sunt libri).” ’ Having thus recognized God as the principal author of the Canonical Books, and the inspired writers as the secondary or instrumental causes of the same sacred writings, Catholic theologians proceed to describe the manner in which the in- fluence of God, on the one hand, and the action of the human agents, on the other, combined to produce the Holy Scrip- tures. As regards God’s share in this production, they tell us that “ Inspiration, in the special and technical sense, in- cludes the three following operations of the Holy Ghost upon the sacred writers: (1) the impulse to put in writing the matter which God wills they should record ; (2) the sugges- tion of the matter to be written, whether by revelation of truths not previously known, or only by the prompting of those things which were within the writers’ knowledge; (3) the assistance which excludes liability to error in writing all things, whatever may be suggested to them by the Spirit of God, to be written.” * This description of the manner in which God acts upon the mind and will and attention of the sacred writers has a twofold advantage: it fully embodies the tradition of Christian ages concerning this divine action, and it clearly states in what way God’s design to express in writ- ing certain truths by means of human instruments was safely carried out. It is not therefore surprising to find that it has recently received the solemn approval of the Holy See 1 Constit. de Fide Catholica (sess. iii), cap. ii, de Revelatione. 2 Card. MAnninG, The Temporal Mission of the Holy Ghost, p. 161 (3d edit.); cfr. also, FRANZELIN, PESCH, 'TANQUEREY, etc., etc. 35 546 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. in the following words of the Encyclical Providentissimus Deus: ‘‘Nam supernaturali ipse (Deus) virtute ita eos ad scribendum excitavit et movit, ita scribentibus astitit, ut ea omnia eaque sola que ipse juberet, et recte mente con- ciperent, et fideliter conscribere vellent, et apte infallibili veritate exprimerent: secus, non ipse esset auctor sacre Scriptures universe.” As regards man’s share in the production of the sacred writings, Catholic scholars bid us to remember that though acting as co-agents under God’s special influence, the in- spired writers are no mere passive instruments, but bear themselves under the divine action as truly intelligent, active, and free agents. This they infer particularly from the words by which the author of the Second Book of the Ma- chabees confesses that in undertaking his work of abridging (the five books of Jason of Cyrene) he has taken in hand no easy task, yea, rather a business full of watching and sweat and has, according to the plan proposed, studied to be brief” * .. . ; and also from the statement of St. Luke in his Prologue, where he says that he has investigated with great care all the matters he is about to write down.” From these same passages and numberless others in Holy Writ. Catholic theologians conclude likewise that the sacred writers may have been unconscious of the fact of their inspiration, and that, as they may have committed to writing things which they already knew, so they may have also embodied in their books pre-existing documents.* Side by side with these positions which all Catholic scholars maintain as embodying the positive and correct notion of inspiration, there are a few opinions which they expressly reject as insufficient, and which have been, or are 1 TI Machab. ii, 27; cfr. also, verse 24. 2) Sta Lukes sce 3 Cfr. NewMAN, On the Inspiration of Scripture, in The Nineteenth Century, Feb: ruary, 1894, p. 195 ; ViGouROux, Manuel Biblique, vol. i, n. 253. THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 547 still, held by either Catholic or Protestant scholars. Among | these we may mention, first, the view of those who affirm that the divine assistance, which would simply exclude lia- bility to error, is sufficient to constitute the notion of in- spiration. Clearly this opinion is opposed to the scriptural expressions Ozdrvevotos 3* O20 tod Ilebpatog aylov gepbpevot,* the first of which conveys the idea of positive previous impulse on the part of God upon the writers; and the second describes the same sacred writers as actual instru- ments carried along by the Holy Spirit. Further, this notion likens the sacred writings to the infallible utterances of Popes and Councils, which all grant are not, strictly speak- ing, zzspired,; and it is difficult to see how a mere surveil- lance or watching over a writer can truly make God the author of the book of that human writer. A second theory likewise rejected, because inadequate, is that of theologians, who, with Lessius, have thought that for inspiration it was enough that a book written with ordinary care and diligence, but without supernatural divine aid should be declared free from error by subsequent direct ap- probation from God. On the one hand, such subsequent divine approbation cannot be considered as equivalent to a divine action which would enable us to speak of God as the true author of a work thus exclusively written by man; and on the other hand, this notion of inspiration is directly op- posed to the doctrine of Pope Leo XIII, in his Encyclical quoted above, and to that of the Council of the Vatican speaking of the sacred books as written jointly by the action of the Holy Ghost and by that of the human writer: “ Spiritu Sancto inspirante, conscripti.”’ Still more inadmissible is the view according to which the subsequent approbation of ¢Ae Church would suffice to make 1171 Tim. iii, 16. 2 TI Pet.i, 21; cfr. also, verse 20. 5458 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. of an ordinary book an inspired writing. The Church has indeed the mission to declare with infallible authority whether a book has been written under the divine influence which is called inspiration; but this does not impart to her the power of supplying whatever amouni of divine influence might have been missing in the book at the time of its com- position. Besides, the Church herself assembled in the Vatican has openly disclaimed this power, when she said: “that she holds the books of both Testaments as sacred and canonical, not because, having been composed by mere human industry, they were afterwards approved by her authority . . . but, because having been written under the inspira- tion of the Holy Ghost, they have God for their author.”’ ’ 2. Questions freely Debated. Beside the positions | which all Catholic scholars agree in admitting or in reject- ing, there are theories regarding the nature of inspiration, which, though correct from the standpoint of Catholic ortho- doxy, have not won universal acceptance. In their several degrees of probability they have been or are still freely de- bated in the Church, and, as such, claim a passing notice. The first, which, as we have seen,” has been admitted by many Fathers and ecclesiastical writers, looks upon the sacred writers as mere amanuenses of the Holy Spirit. In thus conceiving of inspiration as a divine dctation, which the human authors of the various books simply set down in writing, one may feel perfectly sure tat his notion of in- spiration includes all the elements required by the Church in order that God may be truly said “the author” of the sacred writings. He may well doubt, however, if his theory of verbal inspiration, as itis called, does not detract too much from the share of the human agents in-the composition of 1 Vatic. ConctL., Constit. Dogmatica, Dei Filius, cap. ii, de Revelatione. 2 Cfr. chap. xx, On the History of the Doctrine of Inspiration. THE NATURE AND EXTENT Of BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 549 the inspired books, by reducing it to the mere mechanical act of writing. On the one hand, most Fathers and ecclesi- astical writers have ascribed a greater share than here ad- mitted to the human writers of the books of Holy Writ; and, on the other, the individual peculiarities of style, diction, thought, manner of treatment, and more particularly the discrepancies as regards the details recorded, tend to prove that the so-called human element of the Sacred Scriptures is much greater than this “‘ mechanical theory ” of inspiration would have us believe.’ The second orthodox theory,—also called a verda/ inspir- ation theory,—maintains that though an active and free agent in the composition of an inspired book, the sacred writer was under the special divine influence which is called inspiration, at the very time when he either wrote or dictated to an aman- uensis, the words which go to make up his inspired work: According to this theory, the human author of a book of Holy Writ selects indeed freely and according to his literary ability, information, etc., the words which he puts down, but his selection and use of them are not withdrawn from the influence of the Holy Spirit. This second opinion, which makes due allowance for the peculiarities as regards the matter and form of the various books, has the further ad- vantage to harmonize well (1) with the description of Scrip- tural Inspiration quoted above from the Pope’s Encyclical, in which Leo XIII implies that the divine assistance guided the sacred writers from the beginning to the end of their work ; (2) with these expressions of the Council of the Vatican: “ Spiritu sancto inspirante conscripiz (sunt libri),” which naturally suggest that the selection and use of the primitive words of the inspired records, were not made in- dependently of, but rather conjointly with, the divine action. It is not, therefore, surprising to find that it has been steadily 1 For further details, cfr. Vigouroux, Manuel Biblique, n, 15, dzs. 550 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. gaining ground, and that it counts among its advocates such Catholic writers as De Schaezler, Fernandez, Le Hirt, ‘Tan- querey, Loisy, Lagrange, Lévesque, Chauvin, etc.’ The last opinion to be mentioned ascribes still more scope to the individual action of the sacred writers in the compo- sition of the Holy Scriptures. It maintains that God may truly be said “the author ” of an inspired book, even though His action, as regards those things which were already within the writer’s knowledge, should be limited to an impulse to write on a given topic, and toa general indication of the things already known, which He wishes should enter into the composition of the book. It is thus, we are told, that several Papal documents have been framed, the authorship of which everybody ascribes to the Sovereign Pontiff who promulgated them.* In the abstract, this view, which may be called a Limited [/lumination theory, seems sufficient to meet the requirements of the definitions of the Church concerning inspiration, inasmuch as a book thus composed may strictly be called “the Word of God.” It can hardly be. denied, however, that when considered in the concrete, a work thus written would hardly have been composed under the divine influence-as it is described by Catholic theologians at large, and by Leo XIII, in the passage of the Encyclical Prove dentissimus Deus, quoted above. § 3. “extent of Biblical Inspiration. 1. The two Tendencies Regarding it Defined. However difficult the question as to the nature of inspiration may appear, that which regards its extent is still more so. On the one hand, the definitions of the Church have a more immediate application to the notion of Scriptural Inspiration 1 Fora skilful exposition and defence of this theory, see particularly CHauvin, L’In- spiration des Divines Ecritures, chap. vii. 2 Cfr. Cortuy, S. J., in JAuGry, Dictionnaire Apologétique dela Foi Catholique, col., 935: OE ET EE Ol CC OE THE NATURE ANL EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 551 than to its extent; and, onthe other hand, scholars have, as, may be seen in detail in the chapter on the History of the Doctrine of Inspiration, framed more disparate theories con- cerning the latter question than concerning the former. The difficulty of the question as to the extent of inspiration may further be realized from the fact that a detailed examination of these various theories can hardly be made without pre- vious acquaintance with other intricate questions which be- long either to Sfecza/7 Introduction, or to scriptural exegesis. Leaving, therefore, aside every attempt at an exhaustive treatment of this topic, we shall confine our remarks (1) to a brief description of the two main tendencies now prevalent among Catholic scholars regarding it; and (2) to a short comparison between the most important positions indorsed by their respective advocates. It is beyond doubt that all Catholic writers look upon the traditional teaching of the Church regarding the sature of inspiration as a valid means to. determine its ex?emt, and it is no less certain that were they simply to draw therefrom strictly logical consequences, they would naturally be led to the conclusion that the sacred boc ks in their primitive form, were perfect in every respect. ‘They would naturally main- tain that since “ God is their author ” in such a manner that they must be regarded as truly ‘“‘ His Word,” everything in them—the words no less than the thoughts, the apparently unimportant statements, no less than the sentences directly connected with faith and morals, etc., etc.,—must bear the manifest impress of their divine origin. In reality, there is none among them, who, after the example of the Fathers and other ancient writers of the Church, does not feel the necessity of modifying such a frvori views, so as to bring them into harmony with the actual features of the inspired writings. All grant, for instance, that the grammatical inaccuracies or other defects of style and composition noticeable in the 552 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. sacred books, should not be reckoned among the objects to which divine inspiration is directly extended. So that, ac- cording to all Catholic scholars, the traditional teaching of the Church, or, more precisely, deductions from this teaching, and the features exhibited by the inspired writings as de- termined by a scientific investigation of the sacred text, should be both combined in an attempt to determine the exact extent of the divine influence under which the Canoni- cal Books were composed. Now it is precisely in regard to the manner in which these two elements should be combined, that two general tendencies may be discovered among Catholic writers. While most of them seem chiefly inclined, not indeed to deny, but to interpret, well-ascertained facts, so as to bring them into harmony with the deductions which they regard as validly drawn from unquestionable principles ; many, on the contrary, think that in connection with some particular facts, it would be better to allow greater weight to them, and to modify the theoretical deductions on their account. 2. The Two Tendencies Regarding the Extent of Inspiration Compared. The divergent tendencies just exposed account for the fact that, though agreeing upon the main points connected with the extent of Biblical Inspiration, Catholic writers are still divided concerning some points of great importance. We now proceed briefly to set forth, first, the positions upon which they all agree ; and, next, those respecting which they remain at variance. The first, and perhaps best-grounded, position common to all Catholic scholars, is the natural sequel of the tradi- tional views regarding the nature of inspiration, which have already been exposed. It is to the effect that dene mm- spiration must extend to matters other than faith and morats, because this is an obvious inference from the dogmatic THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 553 formula: “The sacred books of both Testaments have God for their author.” This view, which has also been generally inferred from the decree of Trent that “ the sacred books w7h all their parts”? must be held as sacred and canonical, has the further support of the testimony of Our Lord andthe New Testament writers, who regard indiscrimi- nately as God’s Word, passages which have a bearing on faith and morals, and those that have not. Again, it is the only position in harmony with the well-nigh universal and constant consent of the Fathers and _ ecclesiastical writers ;' and the opposite view has lately been disapproved and rejected by the Holy See, in the following terms: ‘“ The system of those who, in order to rid themselves of these difficulties, do not hesitate to concede that divine inspiration regards the things of faith and morals, and nothing beyond . this system cannot be tolerated.” * As regards those matters not appertaining to faith ard morals, which should be considered as inspired, Catholic theologians admit, generally, that they include “ omnes omnino res et sententias, quz ab auctore scripte sunt.’’3 The grounds set forth for this view are practically those that have just been exposed ; and to them may be added the fact, that whatever things or statements may be proved to have been added to the primitive text by any one beside an inspired writer, are at once considered as merely man’s word; while, on the contrary, whatever may be proved to have belonged primitively to the text, is treated at once, wherever found, as the Word of God. The second leading position admitted by all Catholic scholars, is that divine inspiration so extends to all the con- 1 Cfr. Lotsy, La Question Biblique et l’Inspiration des Ecritures. 2 Encyclical Providentissimus Deus, p. 39 (Official Engl. Transl.). 3 C. Pescu, S. J., Institutiones Propedeutice ad Sacram Theol., prop. Ix. Cfr. TANQUERFY, De Locis Theologicis, n. 55; CHAuvin, L’Inspiration des Divines Ecri- tures, Clap, yi, etc. 554 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. tents of Holy Writ as to exclude from it every positive and Jormal error. ‘The chief ground for this position is the tradition of the Church, which, as well remarked by Loisy, “never looked upon the Bible as a mosaic made up of erroneous human statements set side by side with state- ments true and divine. Whoever starts from the data supplied by tradition must admit that there is no room for error in Holy Writ.”' And this is precisely the ground taken by Leo XIII in his memorable Encyclical Provident. essimus Deus, where, after having stated that “so far is it from being possible that any error can co-exist with inspira- tion, that inspiration not only is essentially incompatible with error, but excludes and rejects it as absolutely and neces- sarily as it is impossible that God Himself, the Supreme Truth, be the author of any error whatever,” the Sovereign Pontiff adds: “ This is the ancient and unchanging faith of the Church,” quotes as a proof the words of the Council of the Vatican, and concludes: “ Hence, because the Holy Ghost employed men as His instruments, we cannot, there- fore, say that it was these inspired instruments who, per- chance, have fallen into error, and not the primary author.” ” But while thus excluding every positive and formal error from the genuine passages of the sacred writings, Catholic scholars do not intend to affirm that divine inspiration makes them all to be true in exactly the same manner: “ Vi inspira- tionis non omnia eodem modo vera sunt.’?? Most state- ments of Holy Writ must, of course, be taken as expressing a plain objective fact, and consequently as containing an absolute truth. This is clearly the case with such state- ments as: God created heaven and earth; Jesus suffered and died for our sins, etc. But there are other statements a Locacttesnaet: 2 Encyclical, On the Study of Holy Scripture, pp. 39, 40 (Official Eng. Transl.). 8 Pgscu, ibid., prop. lx; and also, n. 629. THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 555 in the Bible, such, for instance, as refer to purely scientific matters (that the earth is immovable; that the sun rises and sets; that the moon is larger in size than the starg, etc.), which, on the one hand, cannot be regarded in exactly the same light as those referred to above, since they do not contain the expression of something absolutely true; and which, on the other hand, should not be set down simply as erroneous, because they are part and parcel of inspired writings, that is of books from which every positive and formal errer must be excluded. Whence the third position common to all Catholic writers, that in certain biblical statements, not absolute, but simply relative truth may be admitted. That this third position 1s not an evasion in- vented to escape the difficulties recently raised in the name of science against the truth of the biblical records, is plain from the fact that such an ancient theologian as St. Thomas (f 1274) practically held it, when he wrote: ‘ Moyses rudi populo loquebatur, quorum imbecillitati condescendens, illa solum eis proposuit quz.manifeste sensul apparent.”’ In fact, as early as the time of St. Augustine (f 430) it was clearly seen that statements referring to purely scientific matters should not be taken as expressing absolute truth, because, as this holy Doctor says “the Holy Ghost who spoke by them (by the inspired writers) did not intend to teach men these things which were in no way profitable to salvation.” It is not therefore surprising to find that in his Encyclical on “ The Study of Holy Scripture,” which em- bodies so well the tradition of Catholic ages, Pope Leo XIII -draws the following conclusion : “ Hence they (the inspired writers) did not seek to penetrate the secrets of nature, but rather described and dealt withthings in more or less figur- ative language, or in terms which were commonly used at 1 Summa Theologica, pars. i, quest. Ixx, art. i, ad 3um. 2 De Genesi ad Litteram, Book ii, chap. ix, n. 20, 556 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. the time, and which, in many instances, are in daily use at this day, even by the most eminent men of science. Ordi- nary speech primarily and properly describes what comes under the senses; and somewhat in the same way the sacred writers—as the Angelic Doctor also reminds us— ‘went by what sensibly appeared,’ or put down what God, speaking to men, signified, in the way men could under- stand and were accustomed to.” * Thus, then, according to this position of Catholic scholars, an erroneous impression might indeed be gathered from certain statements of the sacred writers, as for instance, from their unscientific descriptions of natural phenomena. But the erroneous impression may and should be set aside by treating the popular language under their pens, as we treat similar language on the lips of even the best-informed men of science. It describes external phenomena without reference to their true nature, and describes them accurately as they appear. In a word, it contains not absolute, but only relative, truth. It is precisely in connection with the manner and extent in which relatively true statements should be admitted in Holy Writ, that differences of views arise among Catholic writers. While many would restrict such relativeness of truth to a comparatively few biblical passages which refer to purely scientific matters, others think it should be extended to all scientific matters and to many historical statements besides. The main argument set forth by the latter class of scholars for extending the relativeness of truth to historical state- ments, is drawn from the many discrepancies which they meet with in the historical books, the numerous inaccuracies as regards chronology, geography, etc., which they think are found therein. To save the truthful character of the in- spired narratives, without going against what appears to ? Encyclical Providentissimus Deus, p. 36, Sq. THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 557 them the plain meaning of the text, they affirm that here, as in connection with purely scientific statements, appeal should be made to an accommodation by the sacred writers to the manner in which historical matters were dealt with in their time. The compiling of traditions or documents, for instance, was in vogue in their day, without reference to the objective truth of these sources of information; and in consequence, we find such traditions or documents with their variations, simply embodied in the sacred records. Again, as Schanz puts it: “when the sacred writers do not claim to write history, or to write it as demanded by modern criticism, they cannot be accused of error, if the representa- tion does not completely correspond to the standard of severely historical science.” ’ As a confirmation of their position in regard to purely historical matters, the same Catholic scholars remind us that no less illustrious a writer than St. Jerome seems to have affirmed it when he wrote: “ quasi non multa in Scripturis sanctis dicantur juxta opinionem temporis quo gesta referuntur, et non juxta quod rei veritas continebat.” ” Finally, they tell us that far from having been rejected by the Holy See, the view that purely historical statements found in Holy Writ may be treated in about the same man- ner as some of its scientific statements, has been practically endorsed by Leo XIII, in his Encyclical “On the Study of Holy Scripture.” For having adopted and approved the view that the language of the sacred writers may be taken as not conveying the strict scientific truth, the Sovereign Pontiff says a little later: “the principles here laid down 993 will apply to cognate sciences, and especially to history. 1Tn the Theol. Quart.-Schrift, for 1895, p. 188. Cfr. also, p. 191, where the same writer says: “In Chronicles, many differences of dates and facts could be adduced, which are explicable in part from the aim of the book, in great part only from the use of different sources.” 2[n Jeremiam, cap. xxviii, verses 10, 11. 3 Encyclical, p. 38 (Official Eng. Transl.)- 558 GENERAL INTRODUCTION TO THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. The second main difference between the advocates of the two tendencies described above, bears precisely on this: that while many Catholic scholars admit the existence of relatively true’ scientific statements only, when the sacred writers do not make such statements their own, many others, on the contrary, affirm their existence, even in cases where these purely scientific views are countenanced by the in- spired writers. Here again, the latter scholars appeal to the manner in which the Bible speaks of such matters, as a ground for their position. They tell us that the sacred writers, as granted on all hands, were not favored with a special revelation concerning the true nature of purely scientific facts; that in their language they so clearly share the opinions of their time, that did we not know that such opinions are not absolutely corresponding to the reality of things, we should never suspect that they were not fully en- dorsed by them ; that, far from even giving us a single hint showing that they hold different positions from those which they state, they assume the current notions of their time as a basis for their arguments; that, in a word, everything in the manner of the inspired writers is so calculated to pro- duce the impression that they themselves countenance the scientific views which they express, that every attempt at showing the reverse must clearly appear to lack a basis of fact. Hence, they conclude that as far as the plain meaning of the biblical statements is concerned, it bears out their own position. At the same time, these Catholic writers distinctly maintain that such endorsements of views not absolutely true, are not positive and formal errors on the part of the sacred writers. “We have not the remotest intention of saying,” writes Schanz,’’’ “that the sacred writers have erred, or were liable to err in things even unimportant and accidental, but 1 A Christian Apology, vol. ii, p. 434 (Engl. Transl., 1896). THE NATURE AND EXTENT OF BIBLICAL INSPIRATION. 559 only that in such matters as profane science and _ profane history, they leave the responsibility of borrowed statements to the source whence they drew them, or that they followed a common and well-recognized way of thinking and speaking. If any one should here think it is his duty to protest against the supposition that God could have been the occasion of an erroneous chronology, his contention would only show a mistaken notion of inspiration.” Willingly, too, these same authors admit with St. Augustine, that “the sacred writers, or to speak more accurately, the Holy Ghost who spoke by them, did not intend to teach men these things (that is to say, the essential nature of the things of the visible universe) things in no way profitable unto salvation.” ’ In bringing to a close this brief exposition of the leading conclusions of contemporary Catholic scholars regarding the extent of Biblical Inspiration, we subjoin the three following remarks: (1) the points of agreement among Catholic writers are both more numerous and more important than the points of disagreement; (2) as long as the advocates of either of the two tendencies which have been exposed, maintain the exclusion of every positive and formal error from genuine bibhcal statements, they seem to remain within the lines of Catholic orthodoxy; (3) the extending of relativeness of truth to all scientific statements and to historical statements not having a direct bearing on points of faith and morals, is not perhaps necessary either for exegetical scholars to de- termine accurately the sense of the sacred records, or for apologetical writers to vindicate that exclusion of positive and formal error which Catholic tradition has ever main- tained regarding all the statements of the Holy Scriptures. 1 Words of St. Augustine as quoted by Leo XIII in the Encyclical Providentisstmus Deus,—In reference to the exact bearing of the same Encyclical see the valuable article entitled ‘‘ A Negative View of the Encyclical vrozsaen’ ssimus Deus,’ by Rev. A J Maas. S. J., in the Catholic Quarterly Review for :8 5, pp. 1€2-175. AD Xk. xs; Le 5 rot Meant, ie eye | IPL aly Mieke ye I. TABLE SHOWING THE DERIVATION OF THE HEBREW CHAR ACTERS FROM THE EGYPTIAN. II. MoABITE STONE—circa B.C. 890. III. ORIGEN’S HEXAPLA. IV. SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH ROLL (NAPLOUS). V. HEBREW MS.—oth cent. (? ) VI. CopDEX VATICANUS—4th cent. VII. CopEx SINAITICUS—4th cent. VIII. CopEx ALEXANDRINUS—Sth cent. IX. CopEX EPHR&MI—5th cent. X._CODEX.BEz7 =— 6th cent: XI. CuRSIVE GREEK MS.—a.D. 1022. XII. CURETONIAN Syriac MS.—5Sth cent. XIII. FEsHItro SyrrAc MS.—a.p. 464. XIV. SAHIDIC MS.—5Sth cent. (?) XV. CODEX VERCELLENSIS (OLD LATIN )—4th cent. XVI. CopEx AMIATINUS ( VULGATE)—circa A.D. 715. XVII. WYCLIFFE’s BIBLE—A.D. 1382. XVIII. TYyNDALE’Ss NEW TESTAMENT—A.D. 1525. XIX. SPECIMENS OF THE ENGLISH [TRANSLATIONS OF THE BIBLE f Ae Ear) i , ‘re | r oe Wits Meare e € HIERG- GLY PHIC 2/Q |S c|a- Oia 5|n |g & 6 lFta| Daa 7 | hed “ES & |xchl @ 9} tf 10 liq) Ys, [} |X [ass I2; 1 ji Ss tetecu|s 14] 1's 1 2 3 4 1 [AraAwA 3 a ae He = I7{p ec IS il i) bce 20) r |< 2 | [SGh ani 22 (tu) | 27 HIERATIGC. 12 & 18 DYNASTY AEE Leal re XE RF ca = MESA |PHENICIAN| SIDONIAN 9TH CENT (SILOAM |ESHMUN, B.C. |IMSCRIPHIN! IV SEC. (CHARACTER) HEBREW} GQUARE |; 4 Oe Z&L, (49) o~, m4 fy < 3% Imm t7 (AR biliO35, 1 STA er Raxyy 2a, eid 4B = oo 43199 1 IAA & dy BA as ’ a 23 =t iva TABLE SHOWING THE DERIVATION OF THE HEBREW CHARACTERS FROM THE EGYPTIAN. MOABITE STONE—CIRCA B.C. 890. = Sha ae } S, _~ oa = == Re eee 4 oa 7 ' es ae ik a = ira Ce ea ah) UM oh Te nd 3 hale ate te ee oe ve ee . ‘ ‘ . 3 ba - £t,° Ww, a . ao | ig? . “on x c ©) > We 8 penal a i Ae, eee. Lae 4 ar ‘ , rae if av i) i. ( “ ae ait te) : avs) nee, Seed UOd & o, co , *“WIdVXad}H sS,NADIXO “ak ata yx agandgo sah ala yox agandqo “akh ala yx agaodso raked alka ago yox Aon0d90 AQ2 aga $639 9 n2012%2 Whdp ag, | aor 5929 g nzoljoug EXdp ag, | qr 5939 -Q K2D12%3 UXdn ag. | and Sp3e g AsDraxg MyoyodIe Ad, “NOLLOVOS GC, 10 “SOXVAWIE ‘ “SVVAGY ‘(gy ‘y¥ -uay) VIdYHLa rnorughy ‘aorl Soin waikyx ‘cord, raorl AgyA 33 nord aoyn wosypxg]-7x norualiy 33 wx] Soin wwslyn7x noizgh | nor wosypx3 soruady "1Awg3Y 1909 dunuy gots ix agian woluphk ox | sqiqo wokuphe colg yox | -py 93 SFonsrilstw..te ox | up 10% aqige coups | ox vicdosriviarino nokg | LNLTLL OOS yeodoy, Soiuka 129 | ykodoy, Sota 129 Yluocuj, si0¥% 119 yor ylodoy, Syou 129 | -#3n0 yuodoy daa 1% Cy CAL fRi.Ne, ‘NOLLOVOIS 0, 10 "SOXVANWAZ SEU ce ee ee ‘NOWIVESS Ct : * NAVVA “daa OL ‘(h ‘EE SQ) V1dVX3H "Q0100 (U4 “n0290 2G} “orl ‘novi nzy.2rg Agr | ‘aor! wzyiond Auer] | Snzyiowg algpro Sasyiowg akgpi9 ‘aon! 310% AO2 azyiong = sleripo yeni CGE wom? 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CAML eae Ms : Ve ee ee Ch ae 405% ; ’ g tte to ‘; 4 nq = i ; ? ite ae i Laat STM RP Bp Aah PE Ee , Fides me Miah Paine SIE aaah Shindtin Pntige rn ers ich sic eet we an," Ten ’ Fs => 5 A ' 7 ‘ Tt © = ie Fis f , oP oy ely . a ‘ on . + | . . a . é ee ead CURSIVE GREEK MS.—a.p. 1022. — - é F > Peete pee came nent ~ Re ter er ae ea eens ame ~ Dior yn Anse beer Rree” “antl Erin ~~ rr ae eh oe on aetna er an pm a earn ee inn anne among Saran me 0D SOA ELSE 5 ARIE CAS IRONS ie OOO ERG © » 1 gi ) j ’ ¥ I ' Se Aiea evga | B90 ‘INA HLQ—wzag Xadop Pp Sut 92: aan Snopn : a = L? ay le ey TE a 6, t i le tad , » Dons § . x i ; \ ae thru rs ’ : i ie ti f) r) h hw i ' f hy ¥ ; ‘ i i A . ‘ fl { ‘ 3 Lf a * " . ' ‘ it . ; : pe diag ‘ ve 5 ‘ oe 5 { ’ j a i 1 ’ - i ah ee i a * i iy f 7 ‘ at ‘ ) , i “ P ‘ i : ¢ f pe Baar J ‘a= . LJ v9 a any {5 ls a . " coe | ry 42 : << ; ‘ ; ‘AD a q ‘a of " " h ote Py ka ay ie ee | a Poy ie uy ie ‘ ' « : y iad ‘ x! H 1 4 ins rs 4 4) ba oy f Ps Us on i ‘ wa a\| Gas mn? a", pie , ee Wri 7 t J ru ’ Prim veto sk!) fine el BS G18 renee PESHITTO SyrRtac MS.—a.p. 464. é Hie: 7 ull m ha ‘ dah ‘ wn P ; Uh ih i y ij " 7 Pi ay Li Hi . ? j ae iy ME hy) CURETONIAN SyRIAC MS.—5tTH CENT. NAL ee a tes de ae WA Kea? ee eran adem, ee (a; CODEX VERCELLENSIS (OLD LATIN)—4TH CENT. : id 1 - ¥ 7 f { : S 1 Lid | vi ‘he iP - ' 7 a ea j ‘ ¥ 1; 4 +s Me. ’ * . . %% eal . , : ' dal at ’ “> pies 4 cae ’ fl 7 : - a J { * ‘ « a , ¢ ; > x a] % : S i “4 ’ ; Fi 7h j = ae ye, > & te } 1% : an te z by ie rs (ae : Pine ray a I J ’ mys « y % ¢ 2 “dis :,* ; . +, : it t ; me ov ‘ ; ¢ * le h. \; pe , <4 < ; 4 \ ; 4 Es 1 . v * , { ‘ m8) , w a t ba > “* : . ty (4 ‘ ; r , a “y . : % b ay ad “ ‘ L ; Ny — ; he ¢ an ve ‘ : ; pa w a e. ? . da, ar aol : oe 7 . ks it ue : ar > PAs: ri - PP ee - hy ae bese —— we

9 | Od CPrgar fungdsed o§2.04 23m Jodo} tof usargun7g tans nanos ) a0 Fe gee 294012 7*990) St 30) | eee eae a4 $ psueabo a 4 pasting aye ah} UN ba Tyndale, 1525. God in tyme past diversly snd many wayes, spake vnto the fathers by. prophets: but in these last dayes he hath spoken vnto vs by hys sonne, whom he hath made heyre of all thyngs: by whom also he made the worlde. Which sonne ‘beynge the brightnes of- his. glory, and. very ymage off his sub- ‘stance, bearynge vppe all thyngs with the worde of his power, hath in his awne per- son pourged oure synnes, and is sytten on the right honde of the maiestie an hye, and is more excellent then the ‘angels in as moche as he hath ‘by inheritaunce obteyn- ed anexcellentername then have they, For vnto which off, the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thou arte my sonne,.this daye begate I_ the? And agayne: I will be his father, and he shalbe ‘my: sonme. And a- gayne when he bryng- eth in the fyrst be- gotten sonne in-the worlde, he sayth: And all the pngels of god shall worshippe hym. And vnto the angels he sayth: He maketh his angels spretes, and his ministers flammes of fyre. But vnto the sonne he sayth: God thy seate shal be for ever and ever. The cepter of thy kyngdom ‘is a right cepter. Thou hast loved rightewes- nes and hated ini- quitie: Wherfore hath goa, which is thy god, anoynted the with the oyle off gladnes above thy felowes, “ 1 Coverdale, 1535, God in tyme past dyuersly and many wayes, spake vnto y® fathers by prophetes, but in these last dayes he hath spoken vnto vs by his sonne, whom he hath made heyre of all thinges, by whom also he made the worlde. Which (sonne) beynge the brightnes of his glory,.and the very ymage of his sub- staunce, bearinge vp all thinges with the worde of his power, hath in his owne per- sonne pourged. oure synnes, and is set on the righte hande of the maiestie on hye: beynge even as méch more excellent then: y° angels, as he hath optayned a more ex- cellent name “then they. For’ vnto which of the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thou art my sonne, this -daye have I begotten the? And agayne: I ,will be his father, and he shalbe my sonne: and agayne, whan he bryngeth in the fyrst begotten’ sonne in to the worlde, he sayeth : And all the angels of God shal worshippe him. And of the an- gels he sayeth: He maketh his angels. spretes, and his myni-- sters fiammes of fyre. But vnto y* sonne he sayeth: God, yi seate endureth for ever and ever: the cepter of y! kyngdom is a right cepter. Thou hast loved ¢ and hated iniquyte: wherfore God (which is thy- God) hath an- | God oynted the with the oyle of gladnesse a- hove y! felowes, righteousnes,: SPECIMENS Matthew, 1537, God‘ in tyme past dyuersly and many wayes, spake vnto the fathers by y* Pro- phetes but in these last dayes he hath spoken ynto vs by hys sonne, whom he hath ‘made heyre of all thinges: by whom also he made yé worlde. Which sonne beynge the brightnes of his glory, and very ymage of hys sub- stance, bearynge’ vp all thynges wyth the worde of hys ‘power, hath in hys awne person purged oure synnes, and is sytten on the righte hande of the maiestye on hye, and is more excellent then the angels, in as moche as he hath by inherytaunce obteyn- ed an excellentername then haue they. For vnto whych of the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thou arte my sonne, this daye begate I_ the? And agayne: I will be his father, and he shalbe my sonne. And a- gayne when he bring- eth in the fyrst begot- ten soune into the worlde, he sayth: And all the angeis of God shall worshyppe hym. | And of the angels he sayth: He maketh hys angels spretes, and hys ministres flammes of fyre. But vnto y® sonne he sayth: God, thy seate shalbe for ever and ever. The scepter of thy kyng- dome is a ryght scep- ter. Thou hast loved ryghtewesnes and hat- ed iniquyte. _Where- fore God whych is thy od, hath ‘anoynted the with the oyle of gladnes aboue_ thy felowes. OF THE ENGLISH | Great Bible (Crom- well’s), 1539. God in tyme past diuersly and many ways, spake vnto the fathers by Prophetes: but in these last dayes he hath vs by ae awne sonne, whom he hath made heyre of all thinges, by whom also he made the worlde. Whych (sonne) beinge the brightnes of hys glory, and the very ymage. of hys substance rul- ynge all thynges wyth the worde of hys pow- er, hath by hys awne ‘persun pourged oure synnes,and sytteth on the righte hande of the maiestye on hye: beynge so moch more excelient then the an- gels, as he hath by in- erytaunce obteyned @ more excellent name then they. For vnto whych. of the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thou art my sonne, this daye have I begotten the? And agayne: I will be his father, and he shalbe my sonne. And agayne,when he bring- eth in the fyrst begot- ten sonne into the worlde, he sayth. And let all the angels of God worshyppe hym. And vnto the angels he sayth: He maketh hys’ angels spretes, and hys ministres a flamme of fyre. But vnto the sonne he sayth: Thy seate (O God) shalbe for ever andever. The scepter of thy kingdome is a ryght scepter. Thou hast loved ryghtewes- nes, and hated ini- quyte. Wherfore, God, even thy God hath an- oynted the with the oyle of gladnes aboue thy felowes, spoken vnito | | The Gene 15 1. At son and in divi God spake time to ou?’ the Prophet 2. In these he hathe s: us by his So) he hathe n all things, also he : worldes, 3. Who brightnes < rie, and forme of h and bear things by i worde, hat self purged and sitteth : hand of th in the high 4, And is much mor then the A muche as obteined a lent name 6. For vn the Angels anie time, my Sonne begate I th gaine, I wi ther, and my sonnet 6. And aga bringeth i begotten | the world And let ali t of God wo! 7. And of he saith, the Spirits ' gers,and h a flame of 8. But vn? | he sath, throne és 1 euer: the scepter of 9. Thou righteousr ted iniquii fore God, God, hath thee with gladnes ak lowes. Tyndale, 1525, God in tyme past diversly snd many wayes, spake vnto the fathers by. prophets : but in these last dayes he hath spoken vnto vs by hys sonne, whom he hath made heyre of all thyngs: by whom also he made the worlde. Which sonne beynge the brightnes of- his. glory, and. very ymage off his sub- ‘stance, bearynge vppe all thyngs with the worde ot his power, hath in his awne per- son pourged oure synnes, and is sytten on the right honde of the maiestie an hye, and is more excellent then the ‘angels in as moche as he hath by inheritaunce obteyn- ed anexcellentername then have they, For vnto which off the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thou arte my sonne,.this daye begate I the? And agayne: I will be his father, and he shalbe my: sonme. And a- gayne when he bryng- eth in the fyrst be- gotten sonne in the worlde, he sayth: And all the angels of god shall worshippe hym. And vnto the angels he sayth: He maketh his angels spretes, and his ministers flammes of fyre. But vnto the sonne he sayth: God thy seate shal be for ever and ever. The cepter of thy kyngdom is aright cepter. Thou hast loved rightewes- nes and hated ini- quitie: Wherfore hath god, which is thy god, anoynted the with the oyle off gladnes above thy felowes, Coverdale, 1535, God in tyme past dyuersly and many wayes, spake vnto y® fathers by prophetes, but in these last dayes he hath spoken vnto vs by his sonne, whom he hath made heyre of all thinges, by whom also he made the worlde. Which (sonne) beynge the brightnes of his glory,.and the very ymage of his sub- staunce, bearinge vp all thinges with the worde of his power, hath in his owne per- sonne pourged oure synnes, and is set on the righte hande of the maiestie on hye: beynge even as moch more excellent then y® angels, as he hath optayned a more ex- cellent name ‘then they. For: vnto which of the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thon art my sonne, this daye have I begotten the? And agayne: I ,will be his father, and he shalbe my sonne: and agayne, whan he bryngeth in the fyrst begotten’ sonne in to the worlde, he sayeth : And all the angels of God shal worshippe him. And of the an- gels he sayeth: He maketh his angels spretes, and his myni-- sters fiammes of fyre. But vnto y® sonne he sayeth: God, y' seate endureth for ever and ever: the cepter of y! kyngdom is a right cepter. Thou hast loved and hated iniquyte: wherfore God (which | is thy- God) hath an- oynted the with the oyle of gladnesse a- bove y' felowes, righteousnes, SPECIMENS OF THE ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS OF THE Matthew, 1537, God' in tyme past dyuersly and many wayes, spake vnto the fathers by y* Pro: phetes but in these last dayes he hath spoken vnto vs by hys sonne, whom he hath ‘made heyre of all thinges: by whom also he made yé worlde. Which sonne beynge the brightnes of his glory, and very ymage of hys sub- stance, bearynge’ vp all thynges wyth the worde of hys power, hath in hys awne person purged oure synnes, and is sytten on the righte hande of the maijestye on hye, and is more excellent then the angels, in as moche as he hath by inherytaunce obteyn- ed an excellenter name then haue they. For vnto whych of the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thou arte my sonne, this daye begate I the? And agayne: I will be his father, and he shalbe my sonne. And a- yne when he bring- eth in the fyrst begot- ten soune into the worlde, he sayth: And all the angels of God shall worshyppe hym. And of the angels he sayth: He maketh hys angels spretes, and hys ministres flammes of fyre. But vnto y°® sonne he sayth: God, thy seate shalbe for ever and ever. The scepter of thy kyng- dome is a ryght scep- ter. Thou hast loved ryghtewesnes and hat- ed iniquyte. .Where- fore God whych is thy God, hath anoynted the with the oyle of gladnes aboue thy felowes. Great Bible (Crom- well’s), 1539. God in tyme past diuersly and many ways, spake vnto the fathers by Prophetes: but in these last dayes he hath spoken vnto. vs by hys awne sonne, whom he hath made heyre of all thinges, by whom also he made the worlde. Whych (sonne) beinge the brightnes of hys glory, and the very ymage of hys substaace rul- ynge all thynges wyth the worde of hys pow- er, hath by hys awne ‘person pourged oure synnes,and sytteth on the righte hande of the maiestye on hye: beynge so moch more excellent then the an- gels, as he hath by in- herytaunce obteyned amore excellent name then they. For vnto whych. of the angels sayde he at eny tyme: Thou art may sonne, this daye have I begotten the? And agayne: I will be his father, and he shalbe my sonne. And agayne,when he bring- eth in the fyrst begot- ten sonne into the worlde, he sayth. And let all the angels of God worshyppe hym. And vnto the angels he sayth: He maketh hys’ angels _ spretes, and hys ministres a flamme of fyre. But vnto the sonne he sayth: Thy seate (O | God) shalbe for ever andever. The scepter of thy kingdome is a ryght scepter. Thou hast loved ryghtewes- nes, and hated ini- quyte. Wherfore, God, even thy God hath an- oynted the with the oyle of gladnes above thy felowes, The Geneva Bibie, i5 ‘te i. At sondrie times | and in divers maners God spake in y® olde time to our fathers by the Prophetes : 2. In these last dayes he hathe spoken vnto ust S e.whome he hathe mu rv of all things, b yme als n 18 the worides : W ho 11 tae brightnes of tne gio- rie, and th» ingraued forme of his persone, and bearing vp_all things by hs mightie worde, hath by him self purged dur sinnes, and sitteth at the right hand of th} maiestie in the high st places, 4, And is made so much more excellent then the Argels in as muche as he hathe obtemed a ore excel- lent name tien thei, 6. For vn which of the Angels aid he at anie time, Thou art my Sonne, this day begate I thie? and a- gaine, I wilbe his Fa- ther, and he shalbe my sonne? ‘6. And agaiie when he bringeth i) Ads first begotten fonne into the worldé he saith, And let all .he Angels ‘of God wovhip him. 7. And of he Angels he saith, [¢ maketh the Spirits lis messen- | ' gers, and hs ministers: a flame of fre. 8. But vniiithe Sonne he saith, '| God, thy throne is {¢ ever and euer: the icepter of thy kingéme’ is a scepter of righteous- nes, 9. Thou Jast loued | righteousné ‘and ha- ted iniquiti. Where- fore God, euen thy God, hathe anointed thee with /* oyle of gladnes abce thy fel- lowes, BIBLE. 1568. 1. God which in tyme past, at sundrie tymes, and.in diuers maners, spake vnto the fathers in the prophetes : 2. Hath in these last- dayes, spoken vnto vs. in the sonne, whom he hath appoynted perry of all thynges, y whom also he made the worldes. 3. Who beyng the bryghtnesse of the glo- rie,and the very image of his ‘substaunce, vp- holdyng all thynges with the worde of his power, hauing by him- selfe pourged our Sinnes; hath syt on the ryght hande of the maiestie on hye: 4. Beyng so much more excellent then the Angels, as he hath by inheritaunce ob- tayned a more excel- lent name then they. 5. For vnto which of the Angels sayde he at any tyme: Thou art my sonne, this day haue I begotten thee ? 6. And agayne, I wyll be to hym 2 father, and he shalbe to me asonne? and agayne, when he bryngeth in the first begotten sonne into the worlde, he saith: And let all the Angels of God worship hym. 4. And vnto the An- gels he sayth: He ma- keth his Angels spi- rites,and his ministérs a tlambe of fyre. 8. But vnto the sonne |. the sayth] Thy seate God [shalbe] for euer and euer: The scepter of thy king- dome [is] a scepter of ryghteousnesse. ¥. Thou hast loued ryghteousnesse, and hated iniquitie: Ther- |. fore God,euen thy God, hath annoynted thee with the oyle of glad- nesse, abone thy fe- lowes. ! ‘The Bishops’ Bible,| The Rheims New Testament, 1582, 1 Diversely and many Vvaies in.times past God: speaking to the fathers in the pro- 2 phets; last of al in these daies hath spo- ken tovsinhisSonne, vvhome he hath ap- pointed heire of al, by vvhome he’ made vvorldes. the brightnesse of his glorie, and the figure of his substaunce, and carying al things by the vvord of his povver, making pur- gation of sinnes, sit- aiso the 3 VVho being teth on the right hand of the Maiestie in the high places: 4 being made so much better then Angels, as he hath inherited a® more excellent name aboue them,’ 5 For tovvhich of the ‘Angels hath he said at, any time, Thow art my sonne, to day haue Lt begotten thee? and againe, J vvil be- to him a father, and he shal be to-me a 6 sonne. And vvhen againe he bringeth in the first begotten into the vvorid, he ‘saith, And let al the Angels of God zdore 7 him. And to the An- gels truely he saith, He that maketh his Angels, snirites: and his ministers, a 8 flame of fyre. But to the Sonne: Thy throne 6 God for euer and euer: arod of equitie, the rod of 9 thy kingdom. Thou hast _loued iustice, and hated iniquitie : therfore thee, God, thy God hath anoint- ed vvith the oile.of exultation aboue thy Jellovves, The Authorised Version, 1611. 1 God who at sundry times, and in diuers manners, spake in time ast vnto the Fathers y the Prophets, ‘2, Hath in these last dayes spoken vnto vs ‘by his Sonne, whom he hath appointed heire of gll things, by whom also he made the, worlds, e 3.*Who being the brightnesse of his glo- ry, and the expresse image of his person, and vpholding all things by the word of his power, when. hee had by himselfe purged our siInnes, sate down on y° right hand of the’ .Maiestie on high, 4 Being madesomuch better then the An- gels, as hee hath by inheritance " obtained a moreexcellent Name then they. - For vnto which of ‘the Angels said he at any time, Thou art my sonne, this day haue [ begotten thee? And a- gain, I will be to him a Father, and he shall be to me a Sonne. 6 And again, when he bringeth in the first begotten into the world, hee saith, And let all the Angels of God worship him. 7 And of the Angels he saith: Who maketh his Angels spirits, and his ministers a flame of fire. 8 But-vnto the Sonne, he saith, hy throne, God, is for euer and euer: a scepter of righteousnesse zs the scepter of thy king- dome. 9 Thou hast loued righteousnesse, and hated iniquitie, there- fore God, ewen thy God hath anointed " thee with the oyle of glad- nesse aboue thy fel- lowes, The Revised Ver- sion, 1881. 1 Gop, having of old time spoken unte the fathers in the prophets by divers portions and in di- 2 vers manners, hath at the end of these days spoken unto us in his Son, whom he appointed heir of all things, through whom also he made 3 the worlds; who be- ing the effulgence of his glory, and the very image of his substance, and up- holding all things by the word of his power, when he had made purification of sins,sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high; 4 having become by so much better than theangels,as he hath inherited a more ex- cellent name than 5 they. Forunto which of the angels said he at any time, 7 «thou art my Son, This day haye [ begotten thee? and again, Iwill be to him a Father, And he shall be ta me a Son? 6 And when he again bringeth in the first- born into the world, he saith, And let all the angels of God worship him. 7 And of the angels he saith, Who maketh his angels winds, And his ministers a flame of fire : 8 but of the Son he saith, Thy throné, 6 God, is for ever ‘and ever; And the_sceptre of-uprightness is the sceptre of thy kingdom. 9 Thou_ hast! loved righteousness, - and hated ini- quity; — Theretore God,thy God, hath anoin- ted thee With the oil of gladness above thy fellows, detieisa Nn AP - Abaiiard, 443, 496. Abrabanel, 413. Accommodation Theory, 46r. Accommodative sense, 390 sqq. . Acta Pilati, 142 sq. Acts, apocryphal, of the Apos- tles, 145 sqq ae Paul and Thecla, 147 uit ‘St. John, 148; —of St. Peter and St. Paul, 148 sqq. 5 —of St. Thomas, 148 sqq. Addai, the Teaching of,’ 150 sqq. Agobard, 494. Albertus Magnus, 68, 443. Alcuin, 330, 442. Alexandrian, Canon, 32 sqq.; —Text, 256 ; —School, oo, Sqq-, 431, 486. Alexandrinus Codex, 245 sq., 281. Alford, 253, 465. Alfric, 105, 342. Allegorical, Interpretation, 417 SQq-, 423, 427 $qq5 —Sense, 388 Allegorism of Origen, 434 sqq. Allen, W., 337, 346. Ambrose (St)., 121. Analogy of Faith, 400 sq. Anagogical sense, 388 sq. Anglo-Saxon Versions, 389, 417 340 sqq. Anselm (St.), 495. Antigonus of Socho, 408. Antilegomena, see Lusibius on the Canon. Antiochian, School, 435 sqq., 449, 466, 489, 491; —Text, 256. Antoninus (St.), 71. Aphraates, 289, 293, 437. Apocalypse, of Elias, 133; —of Esdras, 123 sqq.; —of Paul, 158 sq.; —of Peter, gg. Apocrypha, 75 sq., 83 sqq., PLO ete, TRING aes XxX’, Apocrypha! books, of the Old Testament, 118 sqq.; —of the New Testament, 137 Sqq. Apologists, early, 95 sqq., 428 sqq. Apostolic, constitutions, 1203 —Fathers, method of inter- pretation of the, 427 sqq. Aqiba, 199, 278, 285, 409, 449. Aquila, 197, 219, 284 sqq. Arabic, Gospel, 140; Lan- guage, 179; Version, 293. Aramaic, Language, 176, 179, 184; Targum, 215, 218 sq.; Writing, 186 sq. Aristeas, Letter of, 263 sqq. Armenian Version, 304. Arminian school, 116, 456.. Articles of the Church of England and Biblical In- errancy, 502. Assistentia Divina, 547. Assumption of Moses, 133. Assyrian, Language, 179; —Writing, 187 zote. Athanasius (St.), 50, 52, 65, 121. Athenagoras, 46, 431, 483 sq. Augustine (St.), 61, 70, 73, ROduM oT. 262,) .etG:) ¢his method of interpretation, 440 sqq.; his views on in- spiration, 492 sqq. Authenticity of the Vulgate, 333. Sqq. Authorized Version, 350, 360 sqq.; —rules given to authors of the, 361; silence which surrounds the prepara- tion of the, 362; publica- tion of the, 363: uneven value of the parts of the, 364; literary and critical value of the, 365 sqq.; Protestants’objections to the, 367 sq.; reasons for revision of the, 369. Babelon, E., 397. Bacon, Roger, 443. 601 Bacon, Fr., 460, 500. Baer, S., 210. Baier, 499. Barnabas, Episcle of, g4 102 480 sq. Baronius, 510. Basilides, 98. Basili\(St.); 52.125, 92. Bauer, Bruno, 14, 463. Baumgarten, 500. Dai whee rises 1N2) Se, 438, 490, 463. Beardslee, 379. Bede, Venerable, 340, 442. Beelen, 467. Belgic, see Confessions. Bellarmin, 337, 506. Bengel, J. A., 253, 457, 499- Bensly, 296. Berzeny o.oo: Bernard (St.), 443. Bessarion, 282. Beza, 251; Codex of, 246 sq. Bible, Definition and various names, 113 Divisions, 13 Sq.; 34,413; Unity, Beauty, and Influence of the, 15 sqq.; Meaning of the threefold division of the Hebrew, 34 sq.; inspir- ing and elevating charac- ter of the, 518 sqq.: superhuman structure and contents of the, 522 sqq.; organic unity of the, 527 sqq.; inspiration of the (see Zzspzration). Biblical Interpretation, tory of, 427 sqq. Bickell, G., 213, 293, 466. Bishops’ Bible, 360, 367. Bisping, 466. Bohairic Version, 298 sqq. Bomberg, editions of, 209, Bonaventura (St.), 68, 443, his- 495. Bonfrére, 453, 506. Books, number of sacred, 12; arrangement in Hebrew Bible, 13; order in Vul- gate and LX X,123sq.,41 602 Book of the Law, 37. Book of the Wars of Yahweh, 182. Breen, A. E., 20, Briggs, Chas A., 21, 214, 418, 425, 465, etc. Brown, Fr., 214. Burgon, J. W., 258 zote. Burkitt, 296. Buxtorfs, 211, 499. Czadmon, 340. Cajetan, 72, 106, 332, 446. Callixtus, 457. Calmet, A., 397, 453, 506. Calovius, 457, 499. Calvin, opposition of, to deu- tero-canonical books, 73 ; views on Biblical Inspira- tion, 497. Canus Melchior, 82. Canon, notion of the, 25; origin and growth of the Canon of the Old Testa- MENG ZO SO. 24) SUG. close of the Canon of the Old Testament, 29 sqq.; Old Testament Canon in the Christian Church, chaps. ii and iii; —of the New ‘Testament, chap. iv ; —of Muratori, 99. Canonical, books, 26, 70; etc.; —Proto- and Deutero-, 26, 31, 41 Sqq., 75 Sq-, 93, 111; —Gospels, 94 sqq.; etc. Cappadocian Fathers, 438. Cappel, Ik, 211,457. Carafa, 282, 337. Carlstadt, 73, 110, 450, 497. Carthage, councils of, 60, 73, $24. Cassiodorus, 121, 329, 441. Catenz, 441 sq. Cavensis, Codex, 105. Cellérier, 384. Challoner, 349, 351 Sqq. Chauvin, 21, 379, 550. Chemnitz, 10. Cheyne, 465. Chrysostom (St.), 62, _ 436, 489 sqq., 492. Ciasca, 2092. Clair, 466, Claromontanus Codex, 246 sq. Clement, of Alexandria, 46, 100, I2T, 264, 431, 486; —of Rome (St. ); 45, 93, 427 Sq., 480 sq. Clement V, 444. Clement VIII, 338. Clementine, Homilies, TE 7° —Recognitions, 152 SQ., 430. Clericus, 457, 499. Cocceius, school of, 456. Codex, origin of the, 2293 —Argenteus, 305. T21, INDEX. Coins of the Machabees, 186. Collections, primitive, of New ‘Testament writings, 91 sqq. Complutensian Polyglot, 251 281. Confessions, Protestant, Faith, 83, 111 sq., 460. Coptic Versions, 298 sqq. Copyists, general methods of, 72s Corinthians, Third Epistle to tiie; e15 4. Corluy, 58, 324, 467, 513. Cornely, 20, 308, 379, 467. Cornill, 213, 290. Corrections of the Scribes, 197. Correctoria Biblica, 331. Council, of Carthage, see Ca7- thage ; —of Florence, on the Can- on, 71, 73; 78;* On iIn- spiration, 503 sq.; —of Hippo, 60, 121; —of Laodicea, 52, 73, 109; —of Nice, 60 ; —of Trent, on the Canon, 77 8qq., 106 sqq.; on the Vulgate, 333 sqq.; on in- spiration, 505 sq.; —of the Vatican, on inspira- tion, 509 sqq. Coverdale, Miles, 359. Crelier, 466. Critical Editions of the Greek New Testament, 252 sqq. Criticism, notion of, 163 ; con- structive and destructive aspects of, 164; Higher, Lower, see the words. Cureton, 295. of Cursive, MSS., 248; writing, 189, 231 Sqq. Cyprian (St.), 46, 121, 300, 438, 486. Cyril (St.), of Alexandria, 499 ; —of Jerusalem, 51, 262, 490. Damasus (St.), 60, 61, 240, 315 Sq. Davidson, A. B., 465. —Samuel, 394 sq. De Broglie (Abbé), srr. Dehaut, 466. De Hummelauer, 467. De Rossi, Az., 212, 413. Delitzsch, F., 210, 464. Descartes, 460, 500. De Smedt, 513. Deutero-Canonical books, 26, 33, 41 SQq., 93, IIT, 313, ere: De Wette, 463. D’ Hulst, 512 sq. Diatessaron of ‘Tatian, 292, 297 Sq. Di Bartolo, S., 512. Didymus, 316, 490. Diocletian, edict of, 240. Diodorus of Tarsus, 436. Dionysius, of Alexandria, 46; —of Corinth, 97; —the Carthusian, 71. Dixon, 400, 508. Dorner, 503. Douay Version, 345 sqq. 3 qualifications of its au- thors, 347; critical and literary value of the, 348 sqq.; revisions of the, 35: sqq. Drach, 466. Driver, 213, 214, 465. Dupin, Ellies, 82, 506. Duval, R., 293, 297. Ebrard, 464 zoe. Edessa, school of, 437 sq. Egyptian Versions, see Coptic Versions. Eichhorn, 308, 462. Ellicott, 367, 369, 465. Elzevir Editions, 25r. Encyclical on inspiration, 513 $qq-, 543 Sqq. English Versions, see Douay, Authorized, Rez 2sed. Enoch, Book of, 50; ap- parently quoted Inet, Jude, 133; character and contents, 134 Sq.; relation to New Testament writ- ings, 135 sq. Ephrem (St.), 289, 293, 437 Sq. Ephreemiticus MS., 246, 281. Epiphanius (St.), 52, 53, 292s 490. Episcopius, 499. Epistles, apocryphal, 153 sqq. Erasmus, 72, 251, 332, 446, 503, 508. Ernesti, 460. Esdras, 29, and the early scribes, 406 ; Third book of, 50, 78, 121 sqq.; Fourtn book* of 72050310, 150,176. 123 sqq., 48o. Estienne, R., 209. Estius, 453, 505. Ethiopic Version, 303. Eucherius (St.), 328. Eugenius IV, 71, 73, 106. Eusebius of Czsarea, on the Canon, ror sq.; —and the Hexaplar Text, a7g/ ee Euthymius Zigabenus, 442, 494. Ewald, H., soz. Exegesis, definition of bibli- cal, 383 ote. —of ‘the early reformers, 448 sqq. External evidence, 172. : Faber, Fred. W., 365. Farrar, 502. Fathers of the Church, unan- imous consent of, 400; see also, Canon, [iter- pretation, Inspiration, etc. Feilmoser, 508. Field, 282. Fillion, 466 sq. Flacius, Illyricus, tro, 498. Formula Concordia, 455. Formulas, Protestant, of faith, 83, 111 sq., 460; see Confesstoits. Fouard, 467. Frankel, 290. Franzelin, 512. Frédégis, 494. Fuldensis Codex, 105. Fiirst, 415. Gallic Confession, 83. Geiger, A., 213, 415. ~ Gelasius (St.), 151. Gemara, see 7almud. Geneva Bible, 360 sq., 367. Gerhard, 499. Gerson, 445. Ginsburg, 210. Glossa ordinaria, 69, 442. Godet, 258. Gospel, preaching of the, S8 sq. —of James, 139; —of Thomas, 140; —of Peter, 144; —of the Nazarenes or ac- cording to the Hebrews, 144. Gospels, apocryphal, 138 sqq. Gothic Version, 283, 303, 305. Gould, 465. Grabe, 282. Gratiani Decretum, 495. Gratz, 213. Great Bible, 360. —synagogue, 30, 21r. Greek idiom of the New Testament, 221 sqq. —text of the New Testa- ment, 226 sqq} —copies of the New Testa- ment, soon and_e ex- tensively adulterated, 236 sqq. Green, W. H., 465. Gregory, C. R., 308. Gregory (St.), the Great, 66, 105, 329, 441 3 —of Nazianzen, 315, 438 5 —of Nyssa, 438. Griesbach, 253. Grotius, H., 457, 499. Gutberlet, 466. 51, 53, Hackett, 465. INDEX. Haggada, 407 sqq., 422. Hagiographa, 13, 35, 38, 189, 219. Hahn, 253. Halacha, 407 sqq., 422. Hamelius, 505. Hampton Court Conference, 360 sq. Hanneberg, 52, 506. Harkel, Thomas of, 208. Harman, H. M., 21. Harnack, 115. Hauptj be nae Havernick, 464. Hebraistsand Purists, 221 sq. Hebrew Bible, first printed, 209 } —language, 83, 176 sqq.; —writing, 185 sqq.; —rolls, 188 sq.; —-orthography, 189 sq.; —=fEXt loss Lod, U2 T4,e 1G sqq., 268 sqq. Hellenistic dialect, 224 ; —school of interpretation, 415 qq. Helvetic Confession, 83. Hengstenberg, 464. Hermas, 45, 480 sq. Hermeneutics, 20, 383, 384 sq., etc. Hesychius, 208, 283. Hexapla, 197, 278 sqq., 288, 300. Hexaplar Text, 279 sqq., 284, 304. Higher Criticism, notion of the, 165; problems of the, 166 sq.; methods and results of the, 167 sq. i Hilary (St.), of Poitiers, 54, 103, 311, 439. Hillel, 408. Hippo, Council of, 60, 121. Hippolytus (St.), of Porto, 486. —of Rome, 46. lahayabey, Wie 1Bhy sdey, Holden, 507 sq. Hollaz, 499. Holmes and Parsons, 282. Horne, T. H., 502, 522 sq. Hort, 302. Houbigant, 212. Hozley, 297. Hugo, a St. Caro, 68, 331, ree ee —of St. Victor, 67, 443, 495 Sq., 502. Ignatius (St.), of Antioch, 93, 480Sq. Inerrancy of Scripture, 503, 507, 514 Sq. | Innocent I (St.), 61, 67, 104, 121. 603 Inspiration, notion sqq.; difference Revelation, 472; state- ments of the Sacred Books regarding, 473 sqq.: according to Jewish Rabbis, 477 sqq.; in the Christian writers of the first two centuries, 48o sqq.; in the Fathers of the following centuries, 485 sqq. —and the human element in Scripture, 485, 488, 493; Views on, during the Middle Ages, 494 sqq.; Views of Luther, and the other early Re- formers on, 496 $qq., 503 ; Orthodox Protestant theory of, 499; Rational- istic views of, sor sqq.; Mechanical theory of, 5o1 sqq.; Natural theory of, 501 sqq ; Partial In- spiration, theory of, 502 ; Ulumination, theory of, 502 sq.; in the Catholic Church since the Middle Ages, 503 sqq.; and in- errancy, 503 sqq., 507, G4 S5o5 Sd Cugeotes= tant proofs of, 517 sqq. ; Catholic proofs of, 537 sqq-; Grounds common to Catholics and to Prot- estants in favor of, 537 sqq.; Nature and extent of, 542 sqq.; Common teaching of the Church regarding the nature of, 544 sqq.; Questions freely debated regarding, 545) Sd. ca theory. of Verbal, 548 sqq. ; limited Illumination, theory of, 550; the two tendencies regarding the extent of, 550. Sqq. Internal Evidence, 168, 172. Interpretation, rules of, 3098 sqq.; methods of, adopted by Our Lord, 421 sqq. Irenzus (St.), 45, 100, 262, 264, 430, 484, 538. Isidore (St.), of Pelusium, 436. \ Isidore (St.), of Seville, 105, 329, 441. Itala, 307 sqq: of, 471 from Jacob ben Chayim, 20g. Jahn, 166, 213, 397. James I and the Authorized Version, 360 sqq. Jansenius, C., 452. Jerome (St.), an opponent of the Deutero-Canonical 604 books, 56 sqq., 61, 73, 813 the author of Latin Vul- gate, 314 sqq.; principal writings of, 316 sqq.; Reviser of the old Latin Version, 317 sq. ; begins new Version from the Hebrew, 318 sqq.; quali- fications as a translator, 3198q.; his Hebrew text, 321; method of render- ing, 321 sqq.; excellence of his translation, 325 sqq.3; opposition met with by his work, 327 sqq.; method of inter- pretation of, 439; on in- spiration, 491 sqq., 513, 557: Jewish interpretation and the New ‘Testament Writ- ings, 420 sqq. John (St.), of Damascus, 65, 442 5 John, of Ragusa, 70 ; John, of Salisbury, 68, cos. Vosephus, 920, 33,5 120, | 531, 264, 277, 330, 478 sq. Junilius Africanus, 441, 490. Justin (St.), 47 sq., 95 sqq., 262, 264, 429, 433, 482, 538. Kabalists, 410 sqq., 418. Kant, 461 sq. Karaites, 410 sq. Kaulen, 20, 308, 379, 467. Keil, 47, 464. Kennicott, B., 212. Kenrick, 354, 367, 467 ; origin and value of his Bible, 356 sqq. Kenyon, 293, 297. Kimchi, 413. King James’s Version, Authorized Version. Kirkpatrick, 465. Knabenubauer, 467. Kouvy Acadextos, 223 ; in the New Testament, 224 sqq.} in the Septuagint, 267 sqq. Kostlin, 114. Kuenen, 502. see Lachmann, 253, 355. Ladd, 502, etc. Lagarde, 282. Lagrange, 500. Lamy, B., 82. Lanfranc, 331, 442. Langton, 68. Language, see Hebrew, Greek, etc. Laodicea, Council of, 52, roo. Laodiceans, Epistle to the, 154 Sq. : Latin, old, version, 307 sqq., INDEX. 3213 importance and principal characteristics of the, 312 sqq. ; —Fathers, method of in- terpretation of the, 438 sqq. Latin Vulgate, see Vulgate. Law, the, or First Canon, 37. Le Hir,*467, 550. Lenormant, Fr., 397, 508, 510 sqq. Leo (St.), the Great, 439. Leo XII1I and Inspiration, 513 Sqq-, 543 Sqq. Leontius of ‘Byzantium, 65. Lessius, 505 sq. Lévesque, 473, 550. Levita, Elias, 413. Lewis, Mrs., 296. Lightfoot, Jno., 368, 457 ; —-J. B., 465. Lingard, 354 sq.” Literal sense, 385 sqq.; rules regarding the, 401 sqq. Loisy, 20, 49, 58, 467, 550, 554- London Polyglot, 252 zofe. Lower or Textual Criticism, name of, 165; starting point of the, 170; mate- rials of the, 171 ; Canons of, 173: Lucian, 279, 281 sqq., 305. Luther, opposes deutero- canonical books, 73 sqq., 109 sqq.: his interpreta- tion of Scripture, 448 sqq.; his connection with Rationalism, 459; his views on inspiration, 497. Maas, 467. Machabees, Thirdand Fourth books of the, 130 sqq. Maimonides, 413. Maldonatus, 453, 505. Manasses, Prayer of, 119 sq. Mauuscripts, as materials for Textual Criticism, 171 ; Hebrew, 188 sq.; Public and Private, 207 sq.; of the New Testament, 228 sqq., 241 sqq.; of the old Latin Version, 312 ove; of the Latin Vulgate, 332 note. Marcion, 08. Martin, Greg., 347. —J. P., 213, 258. Masius, 452. Massorah, 198 sqq., 209 ; --Greater and Lesser, 204, 208. Massoretes, Textual Criticism of the, 202 sqq. Massoretic, points, 191, 205, 208 3 —text, 206 sqq., 210 sqq., 22K; eos seks SUC. Matignon, 508. Matthew’s Bible, 359 sq. Mazella, 512. McEvilly, 467. Meignan, 397. Melanchthon, 459, 498. Mendelssohn, 414. Melito (St.), 48 sq., 289. Mesa, Inscription of, 185, 190. Mesrob (St.), 304. Metaphorical or Figurative Sense, 386. Methodius (St.), 47, 490. Michaelis, 457. Midrashim, 410. Mill, Jno., 252. Mishnah, 200, 409 sqq. Moabite stone, 185, 190, 526. Montfaucon, 234. More, Thos., 465. Morin, J., 211, 453. Moral sense of Holy Writ, 388. Motais, 466. Munk,:-415. Miinster, S., 209, 332. Muratori, Canon of, 99 sq. Mystical sense, see Typical sense. ' Mythical sense, notion of the, 393; various kinds of the, 393 ote ; how far found in Holy Writ? 394 sqq. Nary, atranslator of the New Testament, 353. Neander, 502. Nestorians, Canon of the, 64, Neteler, 466. Newman, Jon Teepe tion, 510 sqq.; F. W.. 502 New Testament writings their origin, 88 sqq. ; ex egetical methods in, 42, sq. Nicephorvs, 66, 109. Nicholas I. 68. Nicholas de Lyra, 68, 444. Nickes, 467. Notker, 67. Novatian, 485. (Ecolampadius, 73. (Ecumenius, 442. Old Latin versions, 307 sqq 321. Old cetera Name, 11; —Canon, 24 sqq. ; —-Text, 175 sqq.; —Deute ro- Canonical, books of, 26 zote. Olshausen, Justus, 213. Onkelos, Targum of, 219. Oracles of God, 471. Origen, on the Canon, 46, 49, 54, 82, 102 ; on adultera- tions of the Greek Text of the New Testament 238 sq. ; Hexapla of, 278 sqq., 281 ; methods of in- terpretation of, 433 sqq.; on inspiration, 486 sqq. Originals of New Testament, publication of the, 226. Orthodox, Protestant school, If2. Orthography, Hebrew, 189. Osiander, 332. Palestinian Canon, 32 sqq., 42. Palimpsest MS., 246. Pantanus (St.), 431. Papyrus Rolls, 228 sq, Parchment MSS., 228 sqq. Patrizi, 467, 511. Paul (St.), and Seneca, 155 sq., and St. Peter, 113 sq. Paul of Tella, 64 xote, 283, 288. Paulus, 462. Pentateuch, the Samaritan, 194; compared with the Hebrew Text, 216 sqq. Perowne, 465. Pesch, 512. Peshitto Version, 288 sqq. Peter, Gospel of, 144 ; Reve- lation of, 157 sq. Peter (St.), Chrysologus, 439. Peter Lombard, 495. Philippi, 464. Philo, 33, 264, 276, 417 sqq., 431, 478, 484, 498. Philoxenus, 298. Photius, 442. Pietists, school of the, 456. Pighius, 504, 508. Pilati, Acta, 142 sq. Plummer, 465. Plumptre, 465. Points, Hebrew, rgr. Polycarp (St.), 480 sq., 538. Priscillian, ro4. Private pease right -f, 450, Prosper Gt ), of Aquitaine, 328, 4 Priphets. (the), or the second Canon, 38. Protestants, their test of Canonicity, 73 sqq., 83 sq., 109 sqq.; their con- fessions of faith, 83, 460, etc. ; their translations of Scripture, 338 sqq.; ex- egesis of the early, 448 sqq.; early Protestants on inspiration, 496 sqq. ; their appeals to authority to prove biblical inspira- tion, 530 sqq. Psalter of Solomon, 128; Psalterium, (allicanum, 318; Romanum, 318. Purists and Hebraists, 221 sq. Puritans, 360. INDEX. Rabanus, Maurus, 329, 442. Rabbinical schools of inter- pretation, 406 sqq. Rabbula, 292. Rashi, 412. Rationalism, rise of, 455; method of interpretation of, 458 sqq ; connection with Luther, 459; and inspiration, 500 sqq., 543- Recensions, 239. Regula fidei, 454. Reimarus, 500. Relative truths in Scripture, 554 Sqq.- Renaissance, and its biblical scholars, 443 sqq. Reusch, 508. Reuschlin, 446. Reuss} E., 21,747; 74: Revelation of Peter, 157. Revised Version, 367 sqq. Rheims Testament, 346 sq. Rickaby, 467. Riehm, 464 zote. Right of private judgment, 459; 459- Ritschl, rr4. Robert, U., 308. —Ch., 397. Robertson, F. W., 502. Rogers, 359. Rolls, 188 sq., 207, 228 sqq. Rooke, 528., Rufinus, 54 sq., Rupert, 67. 104, 315. Sabatier, P., 307. Sahidic Version, 273, 298 sqq. Samaritan Canon, 29; Pen- tateuch, 194, 216 Sqq., 274. Sanday, 308; 465. Schaff, Ph., 375, 465. Schanz, 466, 472, 494, 557: Schleiermacher, 502. Schmid, 386, 512. Schmidt, 457: Scholastic interpretation Holy Writ, 441 sqq. Scholz, 466. Schools, Protestant, 111 sq., etc. Schottgen, 457. Scribes, their freedom in tran- scribing, 196 sq., 214 Sq. of their carelessness, 237 _Sqq- Scrivener, F. H., 247, 258, 298, 350, 362. Selden, J., 362. Semitic languages, 149 sqq. Semler, S., 85, 461, 500 sq. Senses of Holy Writ, see literal, figurative, moral, etc. Septuagint Version quoted in _the New Testament, 41 sqqa.: historical imnor- 605 tance of the, 261 sq. ; in- spiration of the, 262; origin of the, 263 sqq.; character of the, 267 sqq5 compared with the He- brew Bible, 270 sqq.; subsequent history of the, 275 sqq.; rejection by the Jews, 277 sqq.;3 alterations in, 277 sqq.; Hexaplar Text of the, 279 sqq., 284, 304: MSS. of the, 280 sqq.; printed text of the, 281 sqq. Sidon, inscriptions of, 186. Siloam, inscription of, 185, 190. Simon, Richard, 38 sq., 211, 506. Sinaiticus MS., 242 sqq., 254, 258, 280. Sixtus of Sienna, 82. Sixtus V, 263, 282, 337. Smith, i. B., 465, 503: smyth, J. P.,.519 Socinian School, 456, 460. Socinus, F., 459; L., 499. Spalding, M. J., 366. Spencer, 355. Stanley, 417, 465. Stephens, R., 250, 252, 332. Strabo, Walafrid, 67, 329, 449. Strauss, 463. Stuart, M., 465. Suarez, 505. Swete, H.B.; 123,282,465. Symmachus, Version of, 197, 278, 226. Synagogue Rolls, 207 sq.: the Great, 30, 211. Syncretists, school of the, 456. Synoptic Gospels, 90, 355- Syriac language, 179; Ver- sions, 288 sqq. Syrian Text, 249, 256. Talmud, 30, 187, 191, 199} contents of the, 200. Talmudic school and its ex- egesis, 408 sqq. Talmudists and their textual criticism, 199 sqq- Tanquerey, 550. Targum, see Onkelos; Ara- mate. Tatian, 292 sq , 297. Taverner, 360. Tertullian, 30, 46, 438, 486. Testament, rr sqq., etc. Text of the New Testament, 226 sqq. IOI, 309, Textus Receptus, 215, 230, 249 sq. Thalhofer, 466. Theodore of Mopsuestia, 436, 4Q0. Theodoret, 62, 292, 436, 490- 606 Theodotion, 197, 278, 300; origin and leading fea- tures of his Version, 285 sqq. Theophilus (St.), of An- tioch, 431. Theophylact, 442. Thomas Aquinas (St.), 443, ., 495) 555: Tiberias, school of, 202, 205. Tischendorf, 242 sq., 253 sqq., 282, 296, 365. Toletanus Codex, 105. Tollner, 500. Torah, 13. Tostat, 71, 446. Toy Ca tlm. 466 Transmission of the original text of the Old Testa- ment, 193 sqq.; of the New Testament, 236 sqq. Tregelles, 253, 255. Trench, 369. Trent, see Councit. Trochon, 20, 308, 379. Tropological or moral sense, 388. Trullan Council (or in Trul- lo), 65, 109. Tiibingen school, 113, 116, E52. Tyndale, Wm., 359. Typical sense, 387 sqq., 404, 488. Ubaldi, 20. INDEX. Ulfilas, 305. Uncanonical books, 118 sqq. Uncials, 230 sq. Unity, organic, in the Bible, 15, 527 sqq. Unpointed text of Old Testa- ment, 190 sq. Valentinus, 98. Van Steenkiste, 467. Variations in Hebrew manu- scripts, 193 sqq.; all im- portant in Greek text, go back to a very early period, 244 sq. Vaticanus Codex, 103, 241 Sq. 254, 258, 273, 280. Verbal inspiration, theories of, 548 sqq. Vercellone, 338. Versions, see Septuagint, Vulgate, Armenian, Gothic, etc. Vigouroux, 20, 49, 308, 379, 6 467. Vincent of Lerins (St.), 328. Vitringa, 457. Vogué, L., 409. Volumen (Roll), 188. Vowel points, ror, 205, 208. Vulgate Version, 263, 307, 3133; author of the, 314 sqq. ; component parts of the, 320: critical and literary value of the, 321 sqq.; divergences from Hebrew text, 321 sqq.; excellence of the, 325 sqq.; history of the, 327 sqq. ; authenticity of the, 333 sqq.; official edition of the, 336 sqq. Walton, Brian, 252, 282. Ward, B., 467. Weiss, B., 464 xote. Wellhausen, Jul., 213. Westcott, 47, 74, 320, 465, 528. Westcott and Hort, 253, 255 Sqq., 258, 293, 355+ Western text, 256. Wetstein, 457. Winer, G. B., 223. Wiseman, 307, 352, 354- Witham, a translator of the New Testament, 353. Wolf, 460, 500 sq. Wordsworth, 338, 465. , Writing, cursive, 189 ; uncial, 230; Semitic, 191 sq. Wycliffe, 343 sqq. Xantes, Pagninus, 332, 446. Ximenes, 72, 209, 249, 281 332. Vahweh, 182. Zeller, 114. Zunz, 415. Zwingli, 73, 450, 497: PRINTED BY BENZIGER BROTHERS, NEW YORK. 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