a 0 eee ok a eid ry "* eT a he Cada SIEM ets ee NE pein a Mags Ny : ret var pat ay p* bee Vg fee 3 4 [At i c ; - yj ; : ; . “ iy . ? i y TaN, sta SN eter ‘aye Pe oO ; ane e. ¥ PIU IONSSL FAY hare e ; ; LA Ev Wx S : ; 7 aha Wiss oh OY aa MS Rh nv te eft Bet ee: ? : oy ¥ Fee es Heh + = a i EN eae ae Se, Ref pers 44.2; ee f,25-~ rm ie ni Sacabe Pe, ‘ », sae, int - oe, ht Wy = a ne + * tet nce wat he B Sg Na Seka Se a Pad arate tee etn Rat, Fe RG AS 7 eck Sh hepa le ee tere em certo ” | O a ee =] pa — fo, O LIBRARY CENTRAL CIRCULATION BOOKSTACKS The person charging this material is re- sponsible for its renewal or its return to the library from which it was borrowed on or before the Latest Date stamped below. The Minimum Fee for each Lost Book is $50.00. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result In dismissal from the University. TO RENEW CALL TELEPHONE CENTER, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN PT hs 1 AN RE ah is AUG 1 4 94. rem fT} JUN 65 1995 When renewing by phone, write new due date below previous due date. L162 Soctal Sctence Tert=Books EDITED BY RICHARD T. ELY OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY SOCIAL SCIENCE TEXT-BOOKS OUTLINES OF ECONOMICS By RicHARD T. E Ly, PH.D., LL.D. Revised and enlarged by the AUTHOR and THoMAsS S. ADAMS, PH.D., MAx QO. LORENZ, PH.D., ALLYN A. Younc, PH.D. HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT By Lewis T. HANEY. BUSINESS ORGANIZATION AND COMBINATION By Lewis T. HANEY. PROBLEMS OF CHILD WELFARE By GEORGE B. MANGOLD, PH.D. THE NEW AMERICAN GOVERNMENT By JAMES T. YOUNG. OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY By FRANK W. BLACKMAR, PH.D., and JOHN LEwIs GILLIN, PH.D. OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY BY FRANK W. BLACKMAR, Pu.D. PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY AND ECONOMICS IN THE’ UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS AND JOHN LEWIS GILLIN, Pu.D. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN New Work THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1915 All rights reserved CopyRIGHT, 1905 AND 1915, By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and electrotyped. Published June, rors. Norwood Wress J. 8. Cushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. Saci ology \a)5 REMOTE STORAGE PREBPACE WitH the growing interest in sociology both on the part of students in the colleges and universities and on the part of an increasing number of other people organized into study clubs there is need of a comprehensive outline of the subject. More- over, the rapid growth of the subject makes a new book impera- tive every few years in order that students may keep up with the development. This book is intended to meet the require- ments of teachers of the subject in the colleges and universities and also to provide a comprehensive survey of the field for the general reader as well as for the large number of clubs interested in the study of social questions of vital interest. The writers have kept constantly in mind the teacher. The book is divided into parts, each of which deals with a particular aspect of the subject, thus assisting the instructor in the some- times difficult task of making clear the main divisions of the subject. Thus, Part I defines the subject and points out the practical purpose of its study ; Part II outlines the way in which ; some of the more important social ideas and institutions have - come to be what they are; Part III and Part IV attempt to pre- - sent an analysis of society from the genetic point of view, the former from the standpoint of the working of unconscious forces, the latter with reference to the part played by social ideals in social development; Part V deals with social pathology, a phase of social life which cannot well be omitted if the student is to be given an adequate conception of the nature of society; Part _ VI is an attempt to vitalize the study of sociology by giving the student an opportunity to make a first hand study of society and _ to supply a few simple principles to guide him in the making of » such a study; Part VII rounds out the beginner’s conception of the subject by briefly setting forth the essential differences _ between social philosophy and social science in the endeavor Vv 23D, cy 42 CB zat fed ae Za vi PREFACE to give the student a clear conception of the nature of social science and an acquaintance with the names of those who have had a part in its creation. The division of the book into parts has the added advantage that certain parts, for example, the last two Parts, may be omitted in a course where time will not permit covering the whole book. It is hoped that the questions and exercises at the end of each chapter will serve to quicken the student’s interest in the subject, as well as serve as a convenient means whereby the instructor may stimulate fruitful discussions in class. The ques- tions are framed with the purpose of calling forth independent thinking. In many cases some additional reading, as well as independent thought, will be required. The references at the end of each chapter are not offered as a complete bibliography on the subject, but are intended to indicate supplementary read- ing for both the teacher and the interested student. The authors are under special obligations to Professor Ely, the editor of the Series, and to Professor Ross, both of whom have read the book in manuscript and have given unstintedly of their time and thought in making many valuable criticisms and suggestions. CHAPTER I. 4 & ITI. II. CONTENTS PART ONE THE NATURE AND IMPORT OF SOCIOLOGY PAGE SocIAL LIFE IN GENERAL . , : - : y 3 DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY ‘ 5 AS THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY : i win BS PART TWO SOCIAL EVOLUTION SOCIAL ORIGINS . é ; ‘ : : : : Attar gd THE LAND AND ITs PEOPLE. f l . : ¥ ek. Og SocIAL ACTIVITIES : 4 i m c x oy an te SOCIAL ORGANIZATION . 4 2 i A 4 ‘ Nie AS ORGANIZATION AND LIFE OF THE FAMILY . ts any Pe DISORGANIZATION OF THE MODERN FAMILY : ‘ . 153 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE STATE. i ‘ Sheet Wi THEORY AND FUNCTION OF THE STATE E . ‘ MONG 1 54 THE SOCIAL PHASES OF PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF WEALTH . i ‘ ; : ! é : Pe Be EXCHANGE AS A SOCIAL FUNCTION . ‘ “ : e206 THE EVOLUTION OF ETHICS . , : : , . AOR THE SOCIAL ORIGIN OF RELIGION ‘ ; i Ao! THE DEVELOPMENT OF RELIGION : : : ‘ reek PART THREE SOCIALIZATION AND SOCIAL CONTROL PROCESSES OF SOCIALIZATION ; is P ; swe ad SOCIAL FORCES ; ‘ : . A ‘ ; : ay + vii viii CONTENTS CHAPTER III. Socrat Laws IV. THE SocraAL MIND . V. PSYCHICAL ACTIVITIES VI. SocrtaL CONTROL PART FOUR SOCIAL IDEALS AND SOCIAL CONTROL I. THE AIMS OF SOCIETY Il. IDEALS OF GOVERNMENT. III. CONTROL BY FORCE. IV. THE EDUCATIONAL METHOD . V. SocraAL INEQUALITIES VI. THE IDEAL OF JUSTICE VII. ESTIMATION OF PROGRESS PART FIVE SOCIAL PATHOLOGY I.. THE NATURE OF SOCIAL PATHOLOGY isis POVERTY: ITS CAUSES AND REMEDIES . TI’ CHARITIES AND CHARITY ORGANIZATION IV. Crime: ITs CAUSES AND PREVENTION . V. SocriAL DEGENERATION VI. THE ADMINISTRATION OF CHARITABLE AND CORRECTIONAL AFFAIRS PART SIX METHODS OF SOCIAL INVESTIGATION J. THE FIELD OF INVESTIGATION II. MerETHODS OF INVESTIGATION . PART SEVEN THE HISTORY OF SOCIOLOGY I. SocitaL PHILOSOPHY II. THE SCIENCE OF SOCIETY PAGE 316 329 338 349 373 379 388 393 399 408 414 425 435 457 478 499 513 523 529 541 552 PART ONE HE TNASUREVAND IMPOR TO OR SUCIOLOGY: aay year) ‘ TD tee He Nake o 4: ; *\ war a) Tk Wee Mae aden 1 ' ‘ @ rm ; Tiare ath j -? & ” my é era a 2 Ee ARTE ET BY : anh Se ee Sk oof | fe uaa ee oi oe OM) ey a ’ Lily, We OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY CHAPTER I THE SOCIAL LIFE IN GENERAL Dependence of the Individual. — How dependent is the in- dividual upon others, in spite of the fact that he often assumes that he can do as he pleases. He feels that his will is free to choose his course. So strong is this feeling of self-sufficiency that in moments when it most completely masters him he acts with a total disregard of the facts of his material environment and of the thoughts and feelings of his fellows. If physical material is in his way, he has but to remove it, his success being measured by his power to do so. If his fellows attempt to thwart his plans, he has but to thrust them aside and his pur- pose is accomplished. This ever present, persistent, self- assertive ego of man is constantly reminding him that he alone is to be consulted about his course of action. He considers, “Shall I do this or shall I do that? ” or ‘I will do this,” or “This is the most profitable for me,” just as if he had the final settlement of the affairs of life which concern him. Yet the fact is that in the complex social life of our day his actions, — indeed, even his thoughts and feelings, — are influenced in large measure by a social life which surrounds him like an atmos- phere. This conquering bent of man’s nature, developed through long-continued race habits of conquest over both the material world, the world of savage beasts and of more savage men, deceives man by making him believe at times what is only partly true. It is true to a degree that man can bend things to his will. Human achievement is marked by his ability to do so to a more remarkable degree than any other animal. However, the converse is also true, that no man 3 4 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY really acts independently of the influences of his fellow men.! Everywhere there is a social life setting limitations and pre- dominatingly influencing individual action. In government, in religion, in industry, in education, in family association — in everything that builds up modern life, men are codperating. They work together, combine, and organize for specific pur- poses, so that no man lives to himself. It is this unity of effort that makes society. Forms of Social Coéperation. — If an individual considers that he is managing his own business, regardless of others, let him pause to think of the people upon whom he is immediately dependent for the conduct of his business. If he claims to be an independent farmer, still he depends upon the miner, the manufacturer, the merchant, and the transporter, for his im- plements. He depends upon the coéperation of his fellow citizens for the protection of home and property, for the edu- cation of his children, for the building of roads, and the es- tablishment of social order. His household furnishings and his clothing largely come from the toil of others. His whole surplus wealth is dependent upon the consumption of his prod- ucts by others. If a man assume that religion, the most sacred of all motives, is his individual affair, still we find him associating with his fellows to build a church for worship and employing a teacher paid by the membership. More than this, he meets with his fellows to worship and subscribes to a creed and ritual not es- tablished by himself but by thousands of his predecessors, directly or indirectly, and over which he has little individual control. If he says, ‘‘I will educate myself,” he begins by reading books written by others, containing the accumulated knowl- edge of centuries, or he enters a school supported by the con- tributions of thousands of his fellow men. The determination, the will, the ego, in this counts for much, but it is hedged in on all sides by the social life. If a western farmer owes a man in Chicago for goods, he does 1 Cooley, Social Organization, Chaps. I and II. Ross, Social Psychology, pp. 4, 11. Baldwin, The Individual and Society, Chaps. I and II. For a contrary view see Fite, Individualism, pp. 3-6, 156-158, 233-235. THE SOCIAL LIFE IN GENERAL 5 not take a back-load of corn or beef, the products of his toil, and walk to Chicago, but he sells his corn and his cattle to others and accepts money made by the combined action of thousands. If he wishes to pay a bill in Chicago, he might board a train made and operated by others, and carry the gold to Chicago, but he accepts the alternative and goes to a bank conducted by the codperative work of others, buys exchange, and sends his money by an express company or by the postal service, two evidences of social coéperation. So that, turn whichever way he will, the ego finds another superior ego over which he has httle personal control. Assuming that he is independent, he goes about doing as others do, thinking what others think, codperating with them consciously and uncon- sciously in the work of life, frequently yielding to the will, or obeying the command of a general psychic force called society. He cannot escape it, except by searching in ships made by others for an uninhabited island of the sea, there to spend the remainder of his threescore years and ten, alone, until he perish and his works with him. Forms of Society. — In considering any material body we recognize it by its physical properties and, if living, by its activities. For example, so familiar are we with the form and life of the tree or the horse that we require no description to separate it from other organisms. Recognition of the social body is more difficult; for while we realize that there is some- thing called ‘‘ society,” it is not easy to determine its char- acteristic marks or to define its activities. But this is essential before we can have any scientific notion of society. How then shall we recognize society when we see it? Will it be by its form or its function, or both, or is society merely an abstract generic term used to give collective expression to a large number of diverse things which men do in common? (a) The Political Life. — We shall find on examination that the most prominent characteristics of an organized group of people are present in the politically organized body. The institutions of the State afford a typical example of all social institutions. Executive, legislative, and judicial bodies, ful- filling the chief functions of political control, and each repre- senting a large number of individuals, bring together all people within a given territory, uniting them into an interdependent 6 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY membership for the purposes of protection, justice, and prog- ress. From township trustee, policeman, and police judge, to senate, chief executive, and chief justice of the supreme bench we find a group of men with well-defined relations, representing and carrying out the will of the people, not the will of any single person. There is a regularity in which they act and a universality of organization which is conclusive evi- dence that the whole community is united with definite bonds and that its parts are interdependent. (6) The Economic Life. — From the foundation of human society man has codperated with his fellows in obtaining’ food, shelter, and material comfort. This process is called the economic life. Perhaps there is no clearer evidence of the co- operative existence of society than in the organized efforts of man to satisfy his material wants. Here are groups of men engaged in agriculture supporting other groups, and in turn being supported by them. Here are giant corporations for the manufacture of material goods; here are great organizations for the transport of goods and men, and other great organiza- tions for trade, commerce, and banking. Attendant upon these and growing out of them, are the labor organizations for the conservation and promotion of the common interests of the groups of wage earners. How helpless is the individual who strives alone, and how increasingly helpless as industrial organization continues to improve! The man out of bread and out of work quickly realizes how important is the organization of industrial life and the dependence of group on group as well as of the in- dividual on the whole, (c) Voluntary Associations. — If we take another view of the collective operations of men, we shall see large numbers forming themselves in voluntary associations for specific purposes. These organizations contribute to the general scheme of society and add particular lines of activity. Such are church societies, fraternal orders, benevolent and charitable associations, and social clubs. They bear less distinct relations to the whole mass than do the political groups, and unite only a part of the whole general group. Yet they have special services to perform and represent a large body of people working, thinking, and toiling in concert. (d) Educational Association. — There are educational processes THE SOCIAL LIFE IN GENERAL 7 which have much to do with the well-being and progress of humanity. Our public school system from the primary grade to the university represents another phase of the organic reality of society. This system aims to educate the child, not as a separate, independent individual, but as a member of society. It is supported by all propertied citizens, and in most instances by all who are not paupers. There are private schools of large foundations managed by voluntary associations, whose influences are less universal than the public schools but are essential to the organized community, and these schools bear well-sustained relations to the whole. There are scientific societies whose ultimate purpose is the extension of human wel- fare, which are, however, great forces as well in social control for social unity. These, and all educational institutions, give form and solidarity to society, help it to consider present needs, and to think and plan for future development. (e) Methods of Communication. — Closely allied to education, political, religious, economic, and the purely social institutions, supporting and strengthening them all, are our various methods of communication: the postal service, the telephone, and the telegraph. These draw individuals closer together and give them convincing proof of their daily and hourly interdependence. No other phases of modern life have so quickened the activities of society and contributed to the oneness of purpose and to the common thinking, feeling, and willing together as these. (f) The Family— Nor must there be omitted from this category the family life, the center from which flow many impulses of social life. Here is the vital institution for the propagation and perpetuation of the race. Genetically it is the whole social world in epitome evincing some of the elements of control, of industry, of education, of religion, and of benevolence. It has had its historical growth and is bound together by the most exact and rigid rules of social order. It is the most complete and perfectly organized group, the hearth at which are forged the strongest sympathies and the most finely tempered im- pulses of life. It is the center of the larger brotherhood of humanity. The Nature of Society. — All these groups are forms or mani- festations of society, but are they society itself? They are 1See Chap. V, Part IT, 8 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY various organizations showing us somewhat of the morphology of society, but they are only the body in which society incarnates itself. As biology studies life in all its forms in order to find out what the principle of life is, and to make practical use of that knowledge, as the science of religion studies the manifestations of religion in every rite and ceremony, every creed, every trace of devotional or controversial literature among all the peoples of the earth, so sociology in order to understand society, studies that spirit which manifests itself in political, economic, re- ligious, educational, cultural, and domestic organization; in public and private corporations, in customs and costumes, in imitations and oppositions, — briefly, in all the multitudinous ways in which men and women living in social relations manifest their social attitudes. Society therefore may be said to be humanity, or any certain part of it, in its social relations. If men have certain definite economic relations with each other, we call them an industrial or economic society. If their relations are political in nature, we call the group a political society. If the motives of their relations are religious, we call the group a religious society. Or, if we think of the extension of relationship to all men, we call it a world society. Soctety then may be defined as any group of sentient beings who are more or less alike, who recognize more or less clearly that fact, and who have recognized common interests in their social relationships? So there is society and there are societies. The two terms belong to different categories. The one is a general term, the other a special. The one denotes the most general aspects of all kinds of societies, the necessary attributes of any society, the other suggests that there are various organizations belonging to this genus society which differ from each other in certain particulars. For example, the term “society ” denotes all 1Cf. Ellwood, Sociology and Modern Social Problems, pp. 7-9. For a more complete discussion see the same author, Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, pp. 9-15. Professor Ellwood has well emphasized the mental interrelation which produces a society, but he seems to be uncertain in both these books as to whether society is ‘‘association”’ or a group of individuals associating for certain reasons of mutual interdependence. It seems clear to the present writer that it is impossible to substitute the term “‘association” for ‘‘society,”’ as against both Professor Small and Professor Ellwood, The term “association” describes the action of a society, but a society is certainly a group of beings — who are associating. Two things are necessary, — sentient beings and association. 2 Cf. Giddings, Descriptive and Historical Sociology, p. 9. THE SOCIAL LIFE IN GENERAL 9 kinds of groups which are based on any kind of social interests ; the other term, “ societies,” at once implies that an adjective is needed to convey to the mind a definite idea of what is meant. The same difference is suggested by the contrast between the term “society” and “a society.” The term “society ” therefore connotes in the most general way men in any kind of associative relations. Types of Societies. — Societies may be classified in various ways. Basing them upon their most significant characteristics, the psycho-social, Giddings has suggested eight different kinds of human societies. The following is an epitome of these eight types, with an indication of the social bonds which create them, and with concrete examples of each type: 1. Broadest groupings — animal and human. 2. Human societies. (a) Ethnic — based on kinship. (b) Civil — based on propingquity. 3. Groupings more instructive for the sociologist. (a) Instinctive. (6) Rational. These two general types combined in varying degrees give us the following classification : 1. Sympathetic — blood relatives, e.g., the clan of an ethnic tribe. 2. Congenial —like spirits, e.g., Pilgrim Fathers, a an Latter-Day Saints, Amana Society. N 3. Approbational — lawless elements drawn together ATURAL ; : , he by economic opportunity, e.g., frontier mining camps. A general approbation of qualities and conduct practically the only social bond. 4. Despotic— combination of elements of unequal strength. Social bonds, despotic power and MoRE OR servile, fear-inspired obedience, e.g., Norman LESS ARTI- England immediately following Conquest, or the FICIAL RE- South in early Reconstruction days. SULT OF 5. Authoritative — despotic power long enough estab- THOUGHT lished to be identified with tradition and religion. ABOUT Social bond, reverence for authority. Exam- SOCIAL ples: England of the Tudor and Early Stuart ORDER periods; France of Louis XIV; Russia from days of Peter the Great up to a recent period. fe) OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY 6. Conspirital — results of the disintegration of a preéxisting social order. Adventurers become the leaders by means of bribery, patronage, and special privileges. Social bond, intrigue and con- spiracy. Examples: Italy of the time of Dante; France of the Reign of Terror (to a less degree). 7. Contractual — result of perception of the utility MoRE OR of association, leading to the conscious better- LESS ARTI- ment of the general welfare. Social bond, a FICIAL RE- covenant or contract. Examples: League of the SULT OF Iroquois; Achzan League of Greece; American THOUGHT Confederation; Federal Union; Confederate ABOUT States of America; Australian Commonwealth; SOCIAL Dominion of Canada. ORDER 8. Idealistic — result of a population collectively re- sponding to great ideals and thus forming a society. Social bonds, mutual understanding, confidence, fidelity, and unselfish spirit of social service. Examples: U. S. of America (to a degree) ; some of our states; the Sylvania Asso- ciation; the Theosophical Society at Point Loma, California. Complexity of the Social Order. — Is it possible in this com- plexity of the social order to discover any constant social forces working for the building of the social structure? Can we formulate general laws which operate for the control of society? Itis the study of this complex social order that constitutes the chief aim of the science of society. There are social phenomena more or less frequently recurring, and movements more or less regular which admit of study and classification. There must be some order in this process of society building. It could not all be referred to accident. Through it all runs a constant purpose, a social trend. There are laws controlling the movement of human society; there are forces in continual action impelling it forward in well-defined lines; there is a mass of phenomena which can be reduced to classification. Need of Scientific Study.— Common as are the facts of society which we observe about us, the knowledge of their real natures and their reduction to system and order are difficult tasks. If there are forces at work, the laws controlling and limiting their action are not readily discovered. But there THE SOCIAL LIFE IN GENERAL II are many reasons why it is essential to human welfare that a sys- tematic study of society be encouraged. First, because the social life of man has been less carefully studied than other natural phenomena. It represents the class of phenomena last to be considered. Again, there is nothing which concerns human welfare more than the study of man in his social relations. The scientific and practical mastery of the lower forms of nature is in comparison far more advanced. We know much con- cerning the external world and its adaptation to our service. We have learned to adjust ourselves to the conditions of our physical environment whenever it is impossible to change the environ- ment. But scientific knowledge of how men have learned to live together in harmony, each seeking his own interest, is very difficult to acquire. The art of social life is the most difficult of all arts to master and to comprehend. Witness the long lists of wars of tribes, nations, and races, caused by not knowing how to settle their social differences properly and justly! Consider the long struggle of man with his fellows for survival, a struggle continued in the competitive business world where it is a struggle, not so much for existence as for wealth. Observe the other numerous attempts that have been made in the world for a better system of justice. All these examples testify to the diffi- culties of social adjustment. Formulation of a Science of Society. — Yet when we attempt to bring system into our knowledge of human society, we find that it is difficult to collect sufficient data to furnish the ground- work of science. ‘There is not a sufficient number of generaliza- tions proven to be universally true upon which might be estab- lished readily a well-defined body of principles of sociology. The laws that control society and the forces that operate it are not sufficiently understood to make the science of sociology easily determined or quickly mastered. Yet it is the task of sociology to compass within well-defined bounds a mass of social knowl- edge, to classify it, showing its order and logical sequence, to discover the forces that generate and move society and to deter- mine and define the laws that controlit. Its duty as a science is not done if it fails to point out the extent and manner in which society can be forced into certain lines of development or progress by the combined choice and action of mankind. 12 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY REFERENCES Cootry, CHartes H. Human Nature and the Social Order, Chaps. V, VI; Social Organization, Chaps. I, IT. ELLWwoop, CHARLES A. Psychological Aspects of Sociology, pp. 9-15. Ery, R. T. The Evolution of Industrial Society, pp. 3-110. Grippincs, F. H. Principles of Sociology, pp. 3-20; Descriptive and His- torical Sociology, Chaps. II, III. SMALL, ALBION W., and VINCENT, GEORGE E. Introduction to the Study of Soctety, pp. 15-20. Warp, Lester F. Dynamic Sociology, ‘‘ Introduction.” QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES 1. Compare Cooley’s and Fite’s contentions and state whether you can find any common ground. 2. Analyze the respective parts played by your individuality and by the various social influences around you in your determination to get an educa- tion. 3. Name all the characteristics which the following groups have in com- mon: The state in which you live; a bank; a college; a sewing society; a dancing party; a political party; a church; a lodge; a railway company. 4. Discuss the following definitions of society: ‘“‘The word society is used scientifically to designate the reciprocal relations between individuals.” — Etitwoop, Sociology and Modern Social Problems, p. 7. “The concept here outlined is that of society as a continuing adaptation, with instinctive and other physiological, subconscious processes at its beginning, and a self-conscious and self-determining mind, a group mind in the only real sense of the term, at its apex.’”’ — Davis, Psychological Interpretations, p. 79. 5. Criticize Giddings’s classification of societies given in his Descriptive and Historical Sociology, in the light of his exposition of the stages in the evolution of society in his Elements, pp. 231-330. 6. Classify according to Giddings’s scheme the following groups: The James gang of outlaws; the German Confederation; Japan of to-day; the Christian Science Church; the Amana communistic society; a national bank; England of to-day. CHAPTER II DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY Sociology Defined. — Definitions of sociology are many. While it would be hardly correct to say that there are as many as there are sociologists, it is safe to say that they are as numerous as the various points of view of the respective groups of sociologists. Generally, sociologists, instead of giving a formal definition of sociology, have entered into an extended discussion of its nature. Some, however, have used a colorless definition like “ Sociology is the science of society,” ! or “‘ the scientific study of society,” ? or “‘ the science of social phenomena.” ? Others, using more words, add but little, as for example, ‘‘ Sociology is the name applied to a somewhat inchoate mass of materials which embodies our knowledge about society.” * Other defi- nitions somewhat more definite, yet unsatisfactory in many ways, are, ‘‘ the science of social process ” ® and “ the science of social relation.” ® Better than these are, “‘ Sociology is the study of men considered as affecting and as affected by association,” ’ or, “the study of human association, including whatever con- duces to it or modifies it.” ® Of the formal definitions that have been given by scientific men, none is more comprehensive than that of Professor Giddings, which follows: ‘‘ Sociology is an attempt to account for the origin, growth, structure, and activi- ties of society by the operation of physical, vital, and psychical causes working together in a process of evolution.” ° While it 1 Ward, Popular Science Monthly, June, 1902, p. 113. 2 Giddings, Inductive Sociology, p. 9. 3 Ross, Foundations of Sociology, p. 6. 4 Fairbanks, Introduction to Sociology, p. 1. 5 Small, General Sociology, p. 35. 8 Wright, Practical Sociology, p. I. 7Small, op. cit., p. 23. 8 Dealey and Ward, Text Book of Sociology, p. 2. 3 Principles of Sociology, p. 8. 13 14 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY is difficult to give a brief comprehensive definition of sociology that will prove entirely satisfactory through all of the changes of a developing science, Professor Giddings’s definition is of great service to one who wishes a clear understanding and a precise view of the nature and purposes of the science. An adequate knowledge of the true nature and import of sociology, however, may be better obtained by a careful consideration of the underly- ing principles of the science, than by an attempt to follow any carefully formulated definition. Sociology treats of the phenomena of society arising from the association of mankind. It includes a body of classified knowledge relating to society and a number of principles and laws. It investigates causes and effects, discovers social forces, and formulates laws of control, or rules of action. Sociology Treats of the Origin of Society. — It is possible to have a science of society without going back to its origin, yet there are certain advantages in studying, as far as we may, so- ciety in its primitive state. This is the rule in all scientific in- vestigations, that complex forms are traced to simpler ones in order to discover laws and principles. Society to-day is so com- plex that the laws applying to it are high generalizations not easily discovered, while the simple movements of society in its earlier forms reveal the cause and effect of social action. Just as the botanist includes in the description of a plant the nature of its development from the seed and traces the law of growth from the beginning, so the sociologist follows the growth of society from its primitive conditions. Biology’s great ad- vances began with Darwin’s Origin of Species, a work charac- terized by the use of what has come to be known as the “ genetic method,” that is, the study of biological origins. So, sociology is given a sound basis by the study of the primitive social insti- tutions and processes. Many present-day social institutions and processes cannot be understood without a knowledge of those ancient ones from which they have developed. Therefore sociology begins with a study of social origins. Sociology Treats of the Growth of Society. — Beginning with a simple association, society has expanded or developed into a highly complex organization. Its growth is recognized by the addition of new forms and new functions and increased energy ; by the greater systemization of its parts and the greater precision of its recurring actions. To show the gradual unfolding of DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 15 society, or as it is usually termed, “the building of society,” how it developed from primitive forms to the forms found in highly civilized societies, is one of the tasks of sociology. By some this process has been called “social evolution.” In the beginning of social life society was homogeneous. It had not become highly differentiated into groups with specialized functions and complex institutions. As time went on groups of individuals became interdependent. The parts of the whole mass became segregated and a specific function or service was given to each part. ‘These parts gradually became more closely related and interdependent. From a state of simplicity, society grew more complex; it became heterogeneous. At first a mass or horde of people driven about by the influence of circumstances, following each other through imitation or led by their own in- definite desires, gradually took up new activities which were per- formed by separate individuals. This multiplication of services and duties in time brought about a high state of social complexity. Social Activities. — But while historic development is of much value as a groundwork of sociology, giving the student a broad conception of society as well as instructing him in the elemental points of social order, nevertheless, the real work of the science is with the forms and activities of a completed society. By a completed society we understand one that has all the ordinary activities and organization necessary to make an independent social body. What men are doing in concert or in groups concerns the student more than how they began to work together, so that the social activities present the formal basis of the science. The operations of the various departments of government, the work of educational institutions, of the church, of social and philanthropic groups, as well as the or- ganized industrial groups, must come under the close scrutiny of the student. Social Forms. — It is quite impossible, however, to treat of social activities without treating specifically of the structure of society. In all development of social groups the function or the action always precedes the formal organization. The United States Senate, for example, if considered as to its structure, would be treated as an organization composed of a group of individuals chosen in a specific way for a definite purpose. These individuals meeting together complete their own organiza- 16 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY tion by choosing various officers. Thus far we have nothing but the structure of a group in society. If we consider what the senate does, its various duties, services, and privileges, as a rep- resentative body, we shall have the sociological function of an organic group of society. If we were to consider in detail each separate act of the senate, we should have its history. In this case we should be outside of the field of sociology. Organic Conception of Society.— The early writers on sociology used many terms borrowed from physics and biology. It was observed that society represented various interrelated parts more or less dependent upon one another. Men saw that the social groups in their activity resembled to a certain exte the activities of the individual. Hence it happened that out of these analogies the new science received its principal terms of expression. As every new branch of knowledge must have an independent terminology, or else be expressed in the terms of other sciences, the writer of a new science must either coin new words, or put new meaning into old words. In the early history of sociology those sociologists who attempted to put new meaning into old words succeeded better in making a clear exposition of their science than those who attempted to coin a new terminol- ogy.! They saw first that there was an analogy between the organic structure of a biological body and the structure of society. As a result they wrote about the social organism, but the analogies were carried so far by some writers that they assumed identity of structure between the physical and social bodies. This led to a revolt against what is known as “ biological sociology.” In this case, as in many others, the critics were as far away from a judicially balanced statement as were those criticized for their extreme assumptions. There is a social organism, having some analogies to the physical organism, but when we use the word ‘organism ”’ in its application to society, it has a 1Tf possible, one should read Spencer’s essay on ‘‘The Social Organism,” in Es- says, edition of 1891, and Lester F. Ward’s criticism in his Outlines of Sociology, pp. 49-63. Cf. Ross, Foundations of Sociology, p. 3; Giddings, Principles of So- ciology, Pp. 420. 2See Schaeffle, Bau und Leben des socialen Koerpers, passim; Lilienfeld, Zur Vertheidigung des organischen Methods in der Sociologie (1898). This conception is also at the basis of the social theories of Novicow and his French colleagues in L’Institut internationale de Sociologie. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 17 somewhat different meaning than when applied to a_ physical body. With that understanding and in the absence of terms of wide acceptance among sociologists, it is sometimes helpful to use physical and biological terms to express the principles of a new science of society. Comparison of the Biological with the Social Organism. — The tree has its roots, trunk, bark, branches, leaves, flowers, and fruit. Each one of these parts is dependent upon the others for its existence. The activities of this physical organism are closely related. They are made up of groups of physical and chemical actions. The social organism is made up of groups of individuals more or less dependent for their existence upon one another. They perform certain reciprocal services which are essential to their respective existences. The analogy might be carried out much farther to show that the bioplast in the cell of the tree is living an independent individual existence similar to the individual in the social group. It might be shown that one group of bioplasts were building leaves, while another were making roots, and another the bark of the tree. So it might be shown that these correspond to groups of individuals, some working in one department of social life and some in another. But such extended comparisons generally lead to misconcep- tions. The characteristic work of the social organism is a psychical element which is lacking in the biological cell. The predominance of conscious effort in human society forever de- stroys the idea of making sociology merely a part of biological science. With this understanding of the phrase there is no harm, therefore, in using the term “‘ social organism.” It is not neces- sary to think of the tree or the human body, or any other organic structure, but to think of a social organism different from all of these. The only requisite is to assume that society is made up of interdependent individuals and groups more or less closely con- nected with one another. The psychic element in the social body makes it something more than an individual organism — it makes it an organization. Moreover, each individual and component group of society has its own life purpose to subserve, while the biological cell seems to live and function only for the organism of which it is a part. Sociology Treats of the Forces which Tend to Organize and Perpetuate Society. — Wherever there is action or motion there c 18 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY must be some force impelling or causing it. Part of the work of sociology, then, certainly is a consideration of the forces which are in operation in human society. What causes mankind to associate in groups? What forces brought about the establish- ment of the family and the perpetuation of the family life? What are the forces that give rise to the religious group and cause people to build churches and carry on religious association ? What forces cause people to come together in large cities, to organize in industrial groups, to build a state or a nation, and to develop a government? In short, what are the forces that are working to create and perpetuate the social organization? These are questions that must be answered by the sociologist. One of the primary purposes of sociology is to discover these forces and to trace their operations.! Sociology Treats of the Laws Controlling Social Activities. — The forces referred to are not irregular and intermittent, or there could be no permanent organic development of society. There must be a regular order in their activity and certain laws and rules of action controlling them. If, for instance, it be consid- ered that men are struggling to obtain wealth for the purpose of improving their material condition, we have in this struggle a positive social force. If we search for any regulating law, we shall discover among others that man seeks to obtain the largest possible return for the least sacrifice. Likewise, we shall find that everywhere there are forces impelling society forward, and with a description of these forces must go certain laws, describ- ing how these forces operate. One of the specific services of so- ciology is to discover these laws and to formulate them. Psychic Factors in Social Organization. — While many activ- ities tend to create and perpetuate society, none are more prom- inent than the psychic forces. There are influences of physical 1 Professor Hayes contends that the ‘‘social forces’ concept is an error. See American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XVI, p. 613 (March, 1ro11). Ward looked upon social forces as social causations. His conception of a social force, therefore, was a cause which influenced the origin, development, or activity, of society. So far as it goes, this conception was a valuable one and cannot be ex- plained as an error. However, it would have been better had he used the term ‘‘so- cializing forces,’ as this concept conforms to what he actually described. The force which is social in its origin arises from the fact of association. It is social energy. It is an increment of power arising from two or more persons working together harmoniously above that which they would accomplish working separately. It is increased utilization of energy caused by group activity. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 19 nature that compel men to codperate and combine. There are certain physical characteristics of individuals that cause their association. But the individual characteristics which arise from the psychical nature of the associational process are among the chief causes of the creation of human society. All society repre- sents the “ feeling, thinking, and willing together ”’ of people, and these elements are the most constant and permanent found in society. While the study of biology may come to the support of sociology in very many ways, social psychology is more than an analogy —it is a distinct branch of the science. After all, the strongest currents that draw society together when followed to their origin are psychical. Sociology is Both Dynamic and Static. — These terms are borrowed from mechanics and in a measure have the same meaning in sociology as in mechanics. However, the meaning of these terms in sociology is modified to suit the requirements of a science dealing with human beings with will power as against a science dealing with inanimate matter. Dynamic sociology re- fers in general to development or progress while static refers to relationship. We should have the basis of the latter if we were to take an instantaneous view of all society with its various co- relationships in regard to structure or activity. If now we could consider society moving forward and its various relation- ships changing at each successive stage, we should have the dynamic conception. In the static conception the comparison of relationships might be referred to some ideal standard which would lead us to an ethical basis of society. Some writers, carrying over into sociology the terminology of physics, have introduced the terms “ social kinetics’ and “ social statics” as subdivisions of social dynamics.! This terminology, however, as in the use of biological terms in sociology, is helpful only if clearly recognized as borrowed and not as exactly fitting social phe- nomena unless the terms are redefined. At the most they only serve to call attention to two different ways of looking at social phenomena. For, if we consider society at all, it is always developing or changing. Only for an instant do relationships continue until they are suddenly changed into new relationships by the process of social development. This constant changing ¢ 1 For an incisive criticism of the general use of the terms ‘“‘social statics” and ‘social dynamics’”’ see Giddings, Principles of Sociology (1900), pp. 56-60. 20 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY of society enables us to establish general laws of social order, but not to determine a permanent status of society. Therefore, social statics would give us a picture of society at consecutive stages of its development, but considered together, this series of snap shots would be a moving picture of social develop- ment, that is, of social dynamics! Therefore it seems better to speak of social dynamics, and then subdivide it into social statics and social kinetics, the former dealing with social movements which are not changing in rate or direction, and the latter with those which change in rate or direction or both. The Cosmic and the Ethical Processes of Society. — Man is a part of the universe, and its laws also bear upon and move him. He is influenced by physical and mechanical as well as by vital forces. Certain writers have attempted to subject him entirely to the operation of natural law, giving him no position of inde- pendent activity. They have treated him as a particle of the uni- . verse being moved here and there by the various forces of nature and of his own being. This doctrine came as a reaction against the extreme theory of the freedom of the will and as the result of the study of natural evolution. Here, as elsewhere, the middle ground is safer and nearer the truth than either extreme, for while it is recognized that man is controlled by circum- stances, his will operates with much power within certain limits. The struggle for existence in the early history of mankind gives unmistakable evidence of man’s common lot with other living organisms. As such, on the one hand, he was dependent for survival upon physical surroundings and, on the other, upon his own effort. At first this struggle was common with the beasts of the field. It was a wolfish struggle for life in which egoism 1For a statement quite similar, yet differing in some details, see Ward, Outlines of Soctology, pp. 167-178. For a more complete statement of his position see Ward, Pure Sociology, Chaps. VI, X, and XI. Cf. Ellwood, Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, pp. 22-27. For a similar conception in Economics, in addi- tion to citations by Ward, see Clark, Essentials of Economic Theory, pp. 128-132, and Chap. XII. Every careful student of sociology will wish to compare these modern concep- tions of the static and dynamic in sociology with those of Comte, who not only was the first to use the term “sociology,” but first introduced the terms “ social statics ”’ and “social dynamics.” See Comte, Positive Philosophy (Martineau), Bk. VI, Chaps. V and VI. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY at was the predominating characteristic. Then, faintly at the beginning were felt the first stirrings of altruism, which grew stronger, until now altruistic practices constitute a remarkable feature of modern society.1 The Shifting of the Struggle from a Physical to a Psychical Basis. — Meanwhile, as the altruistic principles became ascend- ant, the competition between individuals of the same species became less severe, and changed from the physical to the intel- lectual. At first this change was shown by the individual direct- ing his energy to some line of pursuit for the purpose of accumu- lating wealth instead of trying to insure survival by destroying real or supposed enemies. Each in the attempt to satisfy his desires learned to respect the rights of others. Subsequently, men learned to codperate with one another in defense and in the pursuit of wealth. Gradually the altruistic principle became more important and each tended to seek the well-being of the group as well as his own safety, believing that his final success depended upon it. The Survival of the Best. — Through the development of al- truistic sentiments and the extension of the codperative practices of mankind, the old struggle became modified and the survival of the fittest biologically gradually tended to become the survival of the best socially. The adaptability of the individual to his physical environment was followed by adaptability to his fellow men. ‘Those who codperated survived and those who failed to codperate perished. One can scarcely estimate the importance of this social fact in the development of the humanrace. So it came about that those who were most interested in their fellow men became known as the best, or, in other words, the best included not only the physically and mentally strong, but those of the largest codperative power and adaptability to social life. In this process of codperative protection the virtuous as well as the vigorous survived. It is really nothing more than an extension of the idea of the survival of the fittest to social environment, that is, to associated human conduct, when once social relation- ships were established and survival became dependent not only upon fitting into the physical environment, but also fitting into a social life in such a way as made codperation possible. Then the 1 For a classic exposition of the change see Drummond, Ascent of Man, Chaps. VI, VII. 28 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY fit was he who could control his impulses in the interests of group codperation for purposes of survival.! The Telic Process of Society. — As individuals become more unified in sentiment, thought, and action there is developed what is known as social consciousness, whereby society recognizes its own collective power. In its endeavor to use this for the benefit of all its members the society or group exercises its telic capaci- ties. In other words, the attempt to force society through certain channels, to cause it to perform certain acts for the general well-being of the social body is a recognition of the con- scious effort of society to change or reform itself. To a large extent society has been created by the effort of each individual to follow his own personal desires as they related to himself and his fellows, regardless of any attempt to build the structure of society. However, through the influence of social conscious- ness there is a realization of social ideals and social aims, as well as social defects, and there arises an attempt to remove the de- fects and attain to social well-being. The Scientific Nature of Sociology. — The foregoing state- ments represent partially and in brief the complex material with which the science of society must deal. It must consider social facts of all kinds and arrange and classify these facts and deduce therefrom universal principles or laws relating to the growth and activity of human society. The difficulty in bringing such diverse groups of phenomena into logical order and giving a scientific basis to this order is not easily overcome. Sociology is the most difficult of all the social sciences. It deals with material which has existed from the beginnings of human asso- ciation, but proposes to establish the most general fundamental truths concerning its existence. Sociology to-day represents the results of studies of different scientists sometimes along parallel lines, in other instances along converging lines and in still others, along trajectories which have crossed. Each science views society from a different standpoint, and sociology will not become a compact, well-defined science until sociologists are able to generalize the truths discovered by those approaching social phenomena from various points of view and to agree more or less closely upon the subject matter and the method of treatment. 1 For the clearest exposition of this point see Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, A Factor in Evolution, pp. 1-9. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 23 The Place of Sociology among the Social Sciences. — This point involves the real nature and scope of sociology. It is one that has caused a vast deal of discussion among writers on sociology and one which, to a certain extent, is still unsettled. There is one group of writers who hold that sociology is a synthe- sis of all the social sciences, that the science is fabricated by run- ning a thread through all the sciences and stringing them to- gether in one mass. Others a little more discriminating hold that it is a synthesis or rather an amalgamation of the results of other social sciences. Herbert Spencer used the term “ so- ciology ”’ as a generic term to include all the other social sciences. From a scientific standpoint such a usage might be of value in showing that all are branches of one great science called ‘‘ so- ciology ”’ just as Spencer included the group of all natural sciences relating to life under the term “ biology.” But the present writers hold that sociology is one of several codrdinating social sciences, the most recent of the group, created for a special purpose and standing on an independent basis, and that while economics, political science, or ethics may deal with specific laws relating to parts of society, sociology deals with the general laws which apply to the whole structure.} The Differentiation of the Social Sciences. — Let us suppose that there are numerous phenomena of human society which continually increase with the development of social order. Society may go on developing from century to century without any scientific attempt to make an orderly arrangement of these phenomena. But gradually in the progress of knowledge scholars begin to realize that there are facts that constantly recur in the social process, for instance, those relating to the moral conduct of the individual. As a result there is developed the science of ethics. The classification of these phenomena and deduction of general laws and principles make this chronologi- cally the first of the social sciences. Again, some observe that there are other groups of facts relating to government, and that there are certain principles involved in the development of social control. These facts are collected, classified, the principles established, and the science of government is brought forth. But there are other social phenomena unclassified and other purposes unsatisfied. The processes of obtaining and distribut- 1Cf. Ellwood, Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, pp. 29-35. 24 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY ing wealth as independent activities may not be involved in either ethics or politics. And so a new science called political economy is created. These various sciences continue to expand in their natural order but there still exist, outside their legiti- mate boundaries, other social phenomena unclassified and other scientific purposes still unsatisfied. No one yet has shown the universal forces at work in the growth, development, and struc- ture of society as a whole. The laws of social being have not yet been set forth. Political, religious, ethical, and economic life have been presented from specific standpoints, but the general laws of society, the regularities to be found in man’s thoughts, feelings, and purposes when engaged in any of his social relationships, whether they be economic, political, ethical, or religious, have not been developed. Here, then, is the op- portunity for a new science called sociology. It refuses to be included in any of the other social sciences, and the other social sciences refuse to be grouped under it or to be absorbed or assim- ilated by it. From scientific and pedagogical considerations it stands alone. It has a definite purpose and a specific body of classified knowledge, as well as a body of laws and principles of its own.! Characteristic Mark of Sociology. — Much of the confusion concerning this science has arisen from books whose writers fail to acknowledge that science has a subjective as well as an ob- jective boundary. It is the aim of a science, the course of reasoning and the end to be sought as much as the phenomena with which it deals that give it its distinctive mark as a science. For instance, botany and chemistry may be dealing with the same material in a certain sense, but with entirely different aims. However, added to this is the fact that in the scientific sense the “ material ”’ with which each deals is quite distinct. The chemist is dealing chiefly, though not wholly, with inorganic matter and is interested primarily in molecules and atoms of different kinds and their relations to each other. The botanist, on the other Rand, is interested in molecules and atoms only incidentally. He is studying organic matter primarily and is concerned with cells and the forms into which they build them- selves. Both are studying matter, but quite different aspects 1See Stuckenburg, Introduction to the Study of Sociology, pp. 75-77, or Carver, Sociology and Social Progress, pp. 71-87. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 25 thereof, and in widely varied relations. So with sociology, ethics, economics, politics, and history; while they all deal with the same thing in a broad sense, viz., human society, each is in- terested in a different aspect of social relationships. In the history of the natural sciences biology was the latest to develop. It is a general science, in the sense that it deals with facts and principles which underlie all the special sciences concerned with various forms of life, such as botany, zodlogy, anthropology, etc. While biology rests on all these special biological sciences in the sense that they provide facts and principles upon which larger generalizations can be made, yet its field is not precisely that of any of these special sciences. It deals with fundamentals’ common to them all. So with sociology. While economics, politics, history, anthropology, and all the rest deal with partic- ular aspects of human association, sociology is the science which investigates the regularities of human association in all its varied aspects. The special social sciences take as presuppositions the general aspects which are the objects of sociology. Take, for instance, the trust and consider all the facts and phenomena of society that arise out of it. If we consider it from an economic standpoint, we shall be determining how the trust increases the development of wealth, its effect on wages or on general distribu- tion of products, and many other economic questions. It is evident that we are working within the province of economics. If we consider the moral conduct of the individual interested in the trust, and its general effects on the morals of the community, we shall be studying ethics. If, however, we consider what legislation may be brought to control or regulate the trust, we shall be in the realm of political science. If, finally, we consider trust-phenomena in relation to their effects on the homes and migrations of people, the dispersion and concentration of social groups, in fact, the general effect on the social standard, we shall be in the realm of sociology. So we shall find, so far as the material field of operation is concerned, that all sciences cross each other more or less, and we must not forget that in reality there is but one science, — the science of the universe, — and that the division of this science into groups and individual branches is merely a matter of convenience and pedagogical relationships. Let, for instance in Figure I, — which is merely illustrative, not exhaustive, — the rectangle A, B, C, D represent all pos- 26 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY sible social phenomena, that of EF, F,G, H all the phenomena of the science of ethics, M, NV, O, P that of economics, X,Y, Z, W that of political science, S, V, T, L that of history, and J, J, R, K that of sociology, and they will have a tendency to overlap each other somewhat similarly to the arrangement rep- resented in that figure. But the sciences themselves do not over- lap for the reasons stated above. A N x as Ss B 1 Political Science ee a LN Sociology i - Ve MS ZO sd D T Ww Z P Ethics ee Ne Groups of Social Sciences. — The following schedule will represent a simple classification of the social sciences from a pedagogical standpoint. Only the principal subheads are given under each main group: I. Ethics. Principles of Ethics. History of Ethics. Social Ethics. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 27 II. Economics. Economic Theory and Institutions. Economic Politics. Industrial History. Labor Legislation. Banking and Monetary Theory. Taxation and Finance. III. Politics. Political Theory. Diplomacy and International Law. National Administration. Municipal Administration. Constitutional Law. Colonial Administration. IV. History. Political History. History of Institutions. Social History. Historical Geography. V. Sociology. Descriptive Sociology. Social Origins. Social Evolution. Social Pathology. Socialization and Social Control. Social Psychology. History of Sociology. VI. Anthropology. General Anthropology. Ethnology. Ethnography. Somatology. Archeology. VII. Comparative Religion. This list of social sciences might be extended considerably, but for pedagogic reasons this classification is sufficient to show the relative position of each. It would seem absurd to attempt to combine all these into one and to make a synthesis of the group or to build up a science on the results of the group. This would be to assume that everything that related to social life should be classified within one science. It would be like attempting to classify everything that relates to inorganic bodies in one science 28 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY and classifying everything that relates to life in another. Nor will it answer to substitute in the place of the heading “‘ Social Sciences’ the term “ Sociology,’ for this would necessarily eliminate number V from the category and leave a great gap in the scientific arrangement of social knowledge. The Pedagogic Limits of Sociology. — For pedagogic reasons, if for no other, sociology should have a definite boundary. It should not attempt to displace or absorb either political economy, ethics, political science, or any other well-established social science. It should not attempt to be merely a generic term including them all in a group, nor indeed is it a science built up of the parts of the several social sciences. Much less is it a classification or codrdination of the results of the independent social sciences. It is an independent science having a separate existence and its own methods of investigation. Nevertheless it does obtain data from economics, politics, and other social sciences. So, too, does it obtain material from biology and psychology, and yet no one would think of including these within the scope of sociology. Sociology therefore occupies a very important place in the group of social sciences. As already stated, it occupies much the same position with reference to the social sciences that biology holds to the natural sciences dealing with organic phenomena. As Ward has well said, because of its general nature, “‘ Sociology is a sort of a head to which the other social sciences are attached as a body and limbs.” ‘Therefore, its relation to other social sci- ences in the university curriculum must be very close. The Relation of Sociology to Psychology and to Biology. — Biology studies the completed individual unit and seldom goes beyond this. Its object is to show the origin and development of life in all of its various forms, and in its study it pursues the history of the individual from the first protoplasmic germ to the completed organism. On the other hand, psychology deals with the mental powers and habits of the individual. Its whole aim is to discover normal and abnormal action of the mind. These two sciences dealing alone with the individual have com- pleted the range of their scientific investigation when they have discovered and classified all the phenomena concerning the in- dividual ; the one, those manifested by him as a living being, the other, those manifested by him as a being who thinks, feels, and DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 29 wills. It is true that biology incidentally touches upon some phases of social life influenced by biological conditions, and also that psychology branches out occasionally into social psychology for the purpose of interpreting individual characteristics. But in neither case is there any aim or purpose to present systemati- cally the phenomena of social life. On the other hand, sociology has to do with the association of the bio-psychical units. It does not inquire into the growth of the individual man, either as to his origin, structure, or evolution, but deals with the phenomena arising from his association with his fellows. The Relation of Sociology to Political Economy. — Prior to the development of modern sociology, even before Spencer had written his monumental work and Ward had published his Dynamic Sociology, there was a tendency for political economy to expand from the old narrow bounds as laid down by Adam Smith, Ricardo, and others. This tendency grew with the ex- pansion of industrial life until economics was reaching out to grasp a large group of phenomena which might be treated either from the economic or the purely social standpoint. The histori- cal school of political economy brought into economic life many of the details of human society which are rather the effects of competitive economic processes on social well-being, than funda- mental principles of economics. Indeed, some went so far as to weave into their economic writings much of ethics and politics, and also some characteristics of social life other than the purely economic. But as sociology developed rapidly and covered its own particular field, economics withdrew to its own natural boundaries. Political economy deals with the social phenomena that arise from the production and distribution of wealth. In a general way it may be said that wealth is its central problem, and only the social phenomena that are closely grouped about it may be considered as economic. It is true that eco- nomic relations are social relations, but the processes of economics are different from those of sociology. Yet sociology may use for its purpose certain conclusions of political economy, just as it may use the laws and principles discovered in any other scientific field which have social bearings, as data for broader generalizations. The chief differences between sociology and political economy, then, are to be found in the fact that political economy works in a 30 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY specific, while sociology works in a general social field. Political economy has to do with the wealth phase of social life, both as it existed in the past and as it exists to-day, while sociology searches for the general laws controlling the entire structure and activity of society. Thus, their boundaries are clearly defined, their purposes are widely different, and their material fields of operation are separate except for certain overlappings, where they deal with the same social phenomena, but always look at them from a different angle. The Relation of Sociology to Political Science. — Political science generally purports to be, as its name indicates, — the science of government, — which would include the classification and study of the methods of local, state, and national govern- ments or, in America especially, the interpretation of govern- ment and methods of administration. The theory of politics, the development of the state, and state craft are subjects for its consideration. While political science is seeking to set forth the principles of government, sociology, on the one hand, is seeking for the universal elements of social activity to be found in political development, as in economic development, and, on the other hand, is studying the effects of those principles on so- ciety. Here, as elsewhere, sociology uses as data the product of another social science. There may be times when it is difficult to draw a line dividing the field work of the two sciences, al- though the respective aims of these sciences and the social facts studied in each case are clearly distinguished from each other. The history of the development of constitutions and systems of administration, while it records the progress of humanity in a given direction, is not strictly sociological, but it supplies raw material for sociology in that like every other special social science it furnishes a basis for generalization as to the way in which society as a whole originates and develops. The Relation of Sociology to History. — History deals with the details of evidence, while sociology deals with general laws and principles. History would be interested in the narration of the various facts attendant upon the rise and fall of the Roman Empire, but after giving a full and complete description of every movement its service would be finished; on the other hand, sociology cares nothing about all of these details except as they lead to some general truths relating to the origin or progress of DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 38 society. However, certain treatments of history have ap- proached nearer to the realm of pure sociology. Thus, for in- stance, recent philosophy of history, represented by Barth’s writings in contrast with Hegel’s, deals with the social causes and effects of nation building and furnishes general concepts concerning the development of single groups of known societies. A good deal that has been written under the title of sociology is nothing more than the philosophy of history interpreted in social and economic terms and frequently the philosophy of history has so broadened its scope as to be a social philosophy.t But the philosophy of society proceeds deductively while sociology works inductively. From this statement it must not be inferred that history does not deal with social facts. Among many historical writers this phase of history has been much neglected, but history is broadening its scope and is becoming more serviceable as a means of culture.2, However, in its broadest aspect it fails to include the whole range of social phenomena. Facts about society do not, in themselves, make a social science. The Relation of Sociology to Anthropology. — Anthropology in its broadest sense is the science of man, — physical, intellec- tual, and social. There is a sociological aspect to some parts of anthropology; for example, that which refers to sociological characteristics and to the natural habitat of man. But anthro- pology in its limited view should really only include the natural history of mankind. It does not include such sciences as biology, psychology, sociology, political science, or economics. Its chief purpose is to view man as an minal possessed of mental and physical characteristics, and in his normal habi- tat in comparison with other animals. Its purpose is some- what different from that of any other social science, but it very nearly approaches sociology in the fields of social origins, social population, and certain fields of social reform, like criminology, and this gives it a position among the social sciences. If it were purely biological, as is one branch of it, somatology, treating of physical structure, — of anatomy and physiology, — it would be purely a branch of zodlogy. A large portion of this work must be given up to the description of the social life of primitive 1Cf. Paul Barth, Die Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie. 2See James Harvey Robinson’s essay on History. Columbia University Press, 1908. 32 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY people in order to represent man in his true characteristics, in- dividual and social. There are many divisions of the subject of anthropology, such as somatology, or the determination of physi- cal characteristics, anthropometry, which relates to the system of measurement of mankind; ethnology, which treats of racial characteristics ; and ethnography, which concerns itself with the origin, subdivision, and distribution of races over the earth’s surface. But not one or all of these combined could be substi- tuted for sociology. Here, again, is a special social science which supplies data for the general social science, sociology. The data furnished by anthropology are the bricks from which is constructed in part the temple of sociology. Herbert Spencer, in his Principles of Sociology, and Letourneau in his Sociology, have dealt more with phases of anthropology in many instances than with pure sociology; they show the ethnic basis of society. Spencer’s Principles, as presented in the first two volumes, would represent rather a preliminary survey of the groundwork of sociology so far as it relates to primitive people. Letourneau spends much time on the so- ciological description of primitive peoples. Both furnish abasic support to sociology, but they leave off about where sociology should begin. Various Conceptions of Sociology. — While various writers have viewed sociology from many different standpoints, such as economics, philosophy of history, anthropology, biology, and political science, there are other writers who see sociology as a general science, distinct from any of these special sciences, and who seek to find some single unifying principle on which to base it. They differ, however, as to what is the fundamental social fact on which society is built up, and consequently as to the central. principle or conception’ in sociology. For example, M. Tarde in his Laws of Imitation, has laid unusual stress upon a single feature of social action, viz., imitation. This is made to dominate everything else. Later, in his Social Laws, he has attempted to reduce sociology to three fundamental conceptions ; namely, ‘‘ repetition, opposition, and adaptation.’”’ Giddings, in his Principles, viewed sociology from a single fundamental principle, ‘‘ The consciousness of kind.” In his later works, however, Giddings has broadened out his structure of sociology and has reduced “‘ consciousness of kind ” to a subordinate place, DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF SOCIOLOGY 33 where, although it is a very important concept, it occupies its true position. Gumplowicz, in his Der Rassenkampf (War of Races), has viewed society from the standpoint of the contact of races, group-struggles being the fundamental fact. Novicow, in his Les Luttes entre societies humaines (Struggle Among Human Societies), has approached this same idea from a different stand- point. And, finally, we have a new conception termed by Ward “unconscious social constraint,’’ which represents a number of writers who try to show that society has been built through the moral or psychic action of individuals in association, and that this represents, indeed, an important characteristic — an idea which is essential to all rightly constructed society. This view prevails in special studies of sociologists rather than as the foun- dation of a completed system. Such works as Ross’s Social Control, Spencer’s Ceremonial Institutions, and Durkheim’s Laws and Methods of Sociology are good examples of this concept of sociology, although each one sees it in a somewhat different light. The Foundation of Sociology. — Notwithstanding the im- portance of all the above concepts of sociology, the science rep- resents a much broader foundation than any one of them. A complete sociology must take all that is true in each one of these ideas and weave the whole matter into a logically constructed science. Such a work would be a monumental treatise of the subject. It would be beyond the range of possibility of an or- dinary textbook to give it an adequate presentation. At pres- ent we must be content to direct the mind of the student along the highway of general development, pointing out certain move- ments of society and the laws that govern them. REFERENCES ELLwoop, CHARLES A. Sociology in its Psychological Aspects, Chap. III. Gippincs, F. H. The Principles of Sociology, Chap. I1; Inductive Sociology, Chap. IT. SMALL, ALBION W. Methodology of Sociology. SMALL, ALBION W., and VINCENT, GeorGE E., Introduction to the Study of Society, Bk. I, Chap. III. Warp, Lester F. Pure Sociology, Chaps. II and III; “Contemporary Sociology,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. VII, pp. 475-500, 629- 658, 749-762. Reprinted as brochure, Chicago, 1902, p. 70. Ouilines of Sociology, Chap. I. D 34 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES 1. What are the essentials of a good definition? See Century Dictionary. 2. Judged by these essentials, which is the best definition given in this chapter ? 3. Can you cite any other sciences which have benefited by use of “the genetic method ”’? 4. How do survivals in clothing illustrate the point that it is impossible to understand certain things now in existence without knowing the origins from which they developed? Can you think of any other illustrations? 5. Write out a careful analysis of the social activities and the social structures through which the activities are carried on in your home or other community with which you are acquainted. 6. In what respects are a lodge, a bank, a state, like a tree or an animal? In what are they different ? 7. State the general outlines of Spencer’s theory of “the social organism.”’ What corresponds to the digestive apparatus of an animal? What to the brain and other higher nervous centers? 8. In what sense can we legitimately speak of social forces in sociology ? 9. What is meant by a law in sociology? 10. Name three influences of physical nature which cause men to co- operate and combine. 11. What physical characteristics of individuals cause them to associate together ? Name some physical differences which keep them from associating together. 12. Compare Comte’s, Spencer’s, and Ward’s conceptions of the term ‘social statics” or static sociology, and of “social dynamics,” or dynamic sociology. 13. Explain how a struggle based on destruction of others could result in a being whose guiding principle is love and service of his fellows and whose practice is to “turn the other cheek.”’ 14. Explain how, when such a creature once appeared in the midst of a ‘Nature red in tooth and claw,” he and his kind could possibly survive. 15. Criticize the assertion that sociology is only a hodgepodge of the various social sciences such as politics, economics, history, etc. 16. State clearly the differences between sociology and the following social sciences: economics, politics, ethics. CHAPTER III THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY Purpose. — The foregoing chapter pointed out the position of sociology among social sciences and indicated the field in which it operates. Its scientific purpose is primarily to generalize what is known about society. In attaining this ultimate aim of the science, it is necessary for the student to search a wide realm of knowledge and to acquaint himself with sociological data. He must deal primarily with facts — not necessarily with material facts, although these should not be passed by, but psychical, economic, political, moral, and social facts which exist over and above the material world; for here, as elsewhere, the first scientific process is the assembling and classification of facts. In this process social relationships are of great importance. A knowledge of society as it actually exists is essential, and this cannot be obtained by philosophizing about what society ought to be, for the result of such a course would be to generalize about an ideal society. However, it may fairly be claimed that the full purpose of the science will not have been attained until it contributes to the social well-being and the in- dividual happiness of mankind. Sociology has a practical pur- pose. Based upon a knowledge of how society has come to be what it is to-day, sociology can better point the way in which the social organization can more effectively adapt itself to the changing conditions of life. From a careful analysis of the social structures and processes of society as organized at present, sociology will derive that understanding of the nature of society which will suggest remedies for its ills. A sound social technol- ogy is based upon a careful study of the origin, development, and analysis of present-day social structure and_ processes.} 1 “Tt is vicious to encourage students to speculate about great questions of social reform before they have learned to know intimately the facts of social structures and functions.’”’ — SMALL and VINCENT, An Introduction to the Study of Society, p. 20. 35 36 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY The ought of social conduct, then, must be considered. The purpose of sociology is not fulfilled when it has classified and described social phenomena, discovered the social forces, and formulated laws of social being and growth. It should point the way to a better social life and to the improvement of the social mechanism. In short, we may say that the purpose of sociology is, first, to understand society; then, to enable us to for- mulate a scientific program of social betterment. The Object of Society. — Originally and fundamentally society had for its aim the protection of a group of individuals from the influences which tend to destroy either the group or the individ- ual. Some of these influences are those operating from with- out, others from within the group. On the one hand, the social organization operates to preserve and perpetuate the human stock by protecting it from its enemies — the ferocious animals, violent forces of nature, and savage mankind. It is organized, primarily, for the perpetuation of the group, and, secondarily, for the protection of the individual. On the other hand, by its beneficent organization, it deals out justice to those within the group and keeps them from destroying one another. For long ages this codperation was probably quite unconscious as to def- inite purpose. From the codperation to be seen in the social organizations of some of the lower forms of life, like ants and bees, the probabilities are that social codperation was early established by natural selection weeding out those who did not develop the social tendencies leading to codperation. Later the advan- tage which codperation gave for survival became apparent first to a few leaders and then to wider circles of a population. Pleas- urable results from codperation — results experienced from the earliest days of association of like beings — were intensified as intelligence developed and as new methods of codperation were devised. At first limited to economic and sympathetic codpera- tion, the field gradually widened to include an increasing number of subjects. Gradually codperation became predominantly conscious, varied in method, and wider in scope, so that in de- veloped societies the objects for which social organization exists have multiplied to include those finer satisfactions of life which are beyond the mere necessities of survival. Hence, the sys- tematic study of a society to-day having such a purpose creates a science concerned not alone with social movements, but with THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY 37 the well-being of man. This makes it one of the most im- portant of the social sciences, for it appeals directly to every- day life. Its phenomena are the everyday activities of men. Its laboratory is the world of social life. Its interest is bound up with every human aspiration and hope. The Problems of Sociology. — The numerous problems con- fronting the sociologist are of a varied nature. Perhaps the fun- damental problem is a correct conception of the origin, structure, and activities of society. A correct knowledge of the parts and functions of society and their relation to one another is of prime importance to the student. It is essential that he understand not only social phenomena, but the causes producing them and the effects which grow out of their interrelations. The demonstration of the regularity of recurring social phenomena is no less important, for without this no definite conclusions can be reached. If there are no regularities in social life, no general laws under which large bodies of social facts can be subsumed, then sociology has not reached the dignity of a science. The question of the freedom of the human will in shaping social development is another vital problem. Can the conscious purpose of man control social events? In its solution is in- volved the relation of the so-called natural development of society to its development under the control of the social mind. It leads to the problem of social consciousness and social pur- pose. Moreover, it determines the position and influence of the individual in social activities. If man’s purposive efforts for the changing of social conditions are useless, he might as well sit down and fold his hands while the slow but merciless process of natural forces work out the destiny of the race. This problem is followed, on the other hand, by the question of the possibility of applying the principles of organic evolution to society. If man can control society, then what part is left to natural forces of the world in the shaping of social development ? Again, if progress is brought about through the struggle of individuals and races and the survival of the fittest, is peace or war of greater value to the human race?! In the wake of these fundamental philosophic problems con- 1See ‘The Problems of Sociology,” by Gustav Ratzenhofer, American Journal of Sociology, Sept., 1904. 38 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY nected with sociology come many practical problems. There are the questions of the relation of ethical and religious culture to social development. Are they part of the process ? Are they causes or are they effects, or each in turn? What kind of government should be sought in view of the history of social development? What should be society’s attitude towards its waste products—the dependent, defective, and criminal classes? What message, if any, has sociology for the educa- tional and business systems of society? Does it throw any light upon the measures to be taken to direct society along lines of future development in the interest of the highest type of social personality and of social group? All these and many more problems thrust themselves upon the sociologist for answer. The Unit of Investigation in Sociology. — Each science has its unit of investigation, that is to say, its specific object of study. Thus, biology studies the living being, and anthropology man in his physical relations. Sociology studies the socius, or man in his social relations. As in the case of each of the sciences mentioned, processes and products are studied also, but these are studied in order to throw light upon the main problem, that of man’s social activities. Connected with man’s social activity are all those products and processes which we call social phe- nomena. Social phenomena, as Ross reminds us, ‘are all phenomena which we cannot explain without bringing in the action of one human being on another.’’? Moreover, these phenomena must not be exceptional, but must be so characteris- tic of a large group of people that they provide a basis for gen- eralization. For example, the phenomena which arise when two people meet and associate have no social significance if they are peculiar to those two only and are not likely to occur when two other people meet and associate under the same cir- cumstances. Sociology studies man in his social relations, as affecting and as affected by association, together with all the prod- ucts and processes consequent upon such association.® 1See Ross, Foundations of Sociology, Chap. IV, where he contends that there is no one unit of investigation, but many, such as products and processes of association, as well as the socius himself. 2 Tbid., p. 7. The position taken here is essentially that of Ward, Pure Sociology, p. 38, where he says: “It [sociology] does not really study men or the human race at all. That belongs to other sciences than sociology, chiefly to anthropology. It studies activities, results, products, in a word, achievement.” THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY 39 The Method of Sociology. — The method of sociology de- pends primarily upon its nature as a science and secondarily upon its position among other sciences. Being a general social science devoted to the broad field of human association, it must generalize upon the data furnished by other sciences bearing upon social life. Its place in the hierarchy of sciences demands the same general method as other sciences. On the other hand, owing to the fact that so many social phenomena have not been treated by any special social science, it has been necessary for sociology to collect the facts in certain fields of social activity, for example, that of the family, in order to have a basis on which to generalize, and in every field to use the essentially sociological data provided by the results of other sciences.! It is to-day a concrete science with a strong tendency to become a generalized science setting forth general principles based upon descriptive studies. Just as political economy began with the observation of special phenomena and rapidly became an ab- stract science, so sociology is moving in the same way as more general laws are discovered. But economics, even as an abstract science, never loses sight of concrete phenomena. Certain generalizations having been made, the economist proceeds with renewed vigor to the investigation of concrete phenomena. It is probable that sociology will, for many years to come, continue to be largely a concrete or descriptive science. The variations in the movements of society caused by the inventive genius of man will have a tendency to prevent the science from tran- scending the limitations of the concrete. Nevertheless the vital point of any science is “ generalization,’ and while the accumu- lation of facts is essential to its proper study, sociology will grow only through generalization. The Concrete Method. — The investigation of society will always be carried on by the observation of the life of parts of society and its movement as a whole. This will cause it to be descriptive and concrete and to reach its conclusions from the results of observation rather than from abstract reasoning. There has been too much philosophizing about society without an intelligent interpretation of the facts. Indeed, there is no social science that has not lost much through the neglect of con- crete observation and through the cultivation of deductive 1See Ross, Foundations of Sociology, pp. 81-84. 40 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY reasoning that has frequently ended in a vast amount of the- orizing not always conducive to the development of science nor the advancement of mankind. Yet there are always general laws to be formulated, and it is the proper use of the facts, rather than the facts themselves, that makes a science. Hence, abstraction and generalization necessarily follow. The large number of social phenomena make it necessary for the student to collect, classify, and arrange them in logical order before he can reach definite conclusions. ‘The best sociologists of to-day have not at their disposal a sufficient number of concrete data respecting the constitution and activities of society. Great as is the difficulty, the observation of concrete phenomena fur- nishes the only true basis for the construction of a formal science of society. There remains much work of this character yet to be done. We have only just begun the practice of studying in- tensively and comprehensively cross sections of our social life by means of the social survey. The Data of Other Sciences. — While the sociologist carries on his investigation independently, he accepts the conclusions reached by other sciences and uses the data collected by them. It would be idle to ignore what biology has taught us concerning the physical system of man, the primary causes of association, or, indeed, the influence of heredity, for these must enter as primary causes of social development. We must not neglect what psychology has to teach us of the nature of the mind of the individual, for it is from this that we start in our efforts to understand the social mind. Political economy in the study of the economic life has given us many principles and laws and accumulated data which must be utilized in developing the science of sociology. And the same is the case with political science, ethics, and history; they have gained knowledge of certain aspects of social life, and it is idle for the sociologist to ignore their conclusions and attempt to do the work over again. But, as stated in the last chapter, sociology cannot become a synthesis of these sciences, nor is it a mental science simply because it studies the social habits of thinking people. Its scope is much wider than this. As Ross has so well pointed out, the sociologist is not looking for the same things as the historian, the economist, the political scientist, or the psychologist. The sociologist is trying to rise THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY 4I from particular cases to general terms. He wants not solitary or striking facts but recurrent phenomena, no matter how trivial they may seem to scholars in other fields. The only require- ment is that these phenomena be social and that they show tendencies and reveal regularities of social activity. Sociology studies objective groups, relations, institutions, subjective im- peratives and uniformities in society. All of them are products of the social process. It also studies the social processes by which these social products are produced.' Sociology differs from the other social sciences in two respects. It begins where they leave off, and its data are those growing out of association in all its aspects. Sociology varies from Other Social Sciences chiefly on Account of its General Nature. — Sociology has its own inde- pendent purpose and its own definite scope, and therefore can accept what has been accomplished without interfering with the status of other sciences. In seeking to discover and present general laws it transcends the limited position of each of the other social sciences. The difficulty attending its generalization makes the development of the science slow.? The scope of the sociological field as well as its differentiation from the fields occupied by the other social sciences is clearly indicated by Professor Ross’s Map of the Sociological Field which is here added.® The Course of Reasoning. — _M. Comte, who first made a formal declaration regarding sociology, placed it in the category of descriptive and concrete sciences, but his own treatment of the subject in his Positive Philosophy was that of a social philos- 1 Ross, Foundations of Sociology, p. 90 sq. 2“ Sociology is one of the abstract sciences. The sociologist aims to rise from particular cases to general terms which he can employ in formulating generalizations and laws. He wants not unique facts, but recurrent facts, for which he can frame a concept that shall neglect details and emphasize common properties. The facts he uses are in many cases too numerous and too insignificant to attract even the notice of the historian. . . . History is not, as many suppose, the quarry to which sociologists resort for their material. The records of the past — its monuments, survivals, legends, and documents are the common quarry for both historian and sociologist. The former explores them for events, i.e. things that occur only once, and are definite as regards date, place, and person. The latter prizes most the humble facts of repetition which interest the historian only at those rare intervals when he interrupts the current of his narrative to exhibit the staie or transformations of domestic life, manners, industry, law, or religion.’’ — Ross, Foundations of Sociol- ogy, pp. 81, 82. 8 Ross, Foundations of Sociology, p. 98. OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY 42 SOyqng ‘SPMOID sqnosy snopinjsoy SONIdNOUD "AIIARIS “OBETESSE A ‘asepidng "oSR]UII[D) “gsvU0I]eg “Aquos y “drysopdiostq ‘drysAjoins *AIOIMI9yY “diysMoyyoq SNOILVTaaA slondaoug aALoalao “SUIAT] JO sprepurys *sumo}snd) *SIQUUPAL "S9DUIIOS "SyIV "SUOISTIOY *SoISO[OUIAT “sosensur’y, 98198907 SUL, ‘roqovreys dnory *PMOIO OY} JO [NOS IT, p4auay) ‘suotutdg "svop] "solIso(T “suOT]EnyeA ‘aspo[MOUY ; Sea *sjoquiAs "u0r} -P]IUIISSe o[qIOIOT *[O1]UOD [BID0S ‘u0r}e}10[dxy ‘uoT}eonpy uUoyDUIModT ‘9SINOIIOJUT “UOI}epIUUIJUT “UOT}L]IWT “UOIJBUINSe YT UOUDZUDIIOS “UOT}BITUNWIWO.) “UOI}eUIpPIOqnS UONDIIOSS V "UOI}RS9I139C ‘uoryesn{uod UOT] PI} UNIOBIC UOT} eB9ISU07) UOUvIYYyoMS “uor}vOTTCN NY (4a1905 fo sisauar) ‘uor}yeonpe Aq UOT}eTTUISSY « UMois ‘seapl [euosied jo o1jdo[eIp,, Aq uorjeyIWIssy ADINIYAD T (SANVId YO) SAILIWMOZINA slonaoug aAoafaas ‘aflT JO spow Aq uorzeTIWIssy ‘uoryednd90 Aq uorj}eTTIUNISSY *JusWIUOIIAUS Aq UOT}eIIUIssy SASSOON QTd TVOIOOTOINOS AHL AO dVW TVIOOS KUVN -INITAY 43 THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY Sa1YIADAIL FT Saut4oynp “SUPBZIO [BII0G "suOT} -eln0sse = aATSOding SGNOAL) JDUOYJIUN J *suor}e10di107) =p "SOTIIBIIPIJUOD "$07B1S SoqEiL SGNOAX) JSILIqQUT “SUOTJUNT “SUOISSOJOIg “SolqIVg "$199S "SOSsel) "saqseg Sqnotry ssauayvT “SorJTUNUUIWIO7) ‘SpoIpury rig Leads § SGNOAL) [DANJD NT *[PUOISSIJOIg ‘TeLsnpuy *[BOT]SBISIIOW “ATCT TROT od “orystin f “OTJSOULOG, SNOILOLIISNI “SeUIsO(T *SUOTJUDAUOZ) "SoTN YY ‘suorjounfuy “soyepury SHAILVAAdWI “UOI}CAOUUT *SOIN}IND JO UOT}EZITI}I9F-SsoOIT “UOI}RISIF UOT} ezIUeqI() “UOI}99T9S *yUOU -UOIIAUD JO UOl}vOYIpou [eyUIpOUT ‘Teyides jo uorjepnuinsoy “sroquinu Jo asvoiouy | UOUDZINIDISKAD ‘spuoq [R19 -OS JO UOT}N[OSSICT ‘[O1} -U09 JO SUIZITeIOGVT ‘ainqjno JO UOT}VOYISIOAIC, UOUDSTON PUP U ‘uor}ezIUOSeIUYy *JUIMIOBUIIST uUounuay py ‘UOI}R[NSI yy “UOI]EZIULZIO “IOQe] JO UOISTAIG, “pre yenjnyy uo1nsagQoy UOT] VUIeS[eULY “astumoIdul0d "UOI}RIIO T, uoynigdopy “UOISSNISIC ‘uor}TaduI0d *9[SSdNI}S sse[D uoytsoggg AAILONULS ~NOODY TVIO0S 4A OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY ophy rather than that of an inductive science. In the beginning it was very natural that sociology should be a philosophy in order thatits place among the philosophic interests might be determined and its field so delimited as to show its possible value. However, recently emphasis has been given to inductive study. Facts or data have; been observed, collected, and classified and general principles have been deduced. The substantial prog- ress of the science has been along the lines of concrete investigation by establishing principles from constantly re- curring regularities in the mass of data. The experimental process of society building in which each new form of association or organization has tried to meet the exigencies of the case, and the consequent passing of customs, habits, and laws rendered obsolete by the “law of survival,” would seem to indicate that no formal science based on axioms, postulates, and theorems capable of demonstration could be established on such a shifting experimental basis. But as no cycle of reasoning is complete without both methods, the de- ductive will always be used along with the inductive. Scientific Method must be Observed. — It is very important, whatever process of reasoning is employed, that there should be a strict scientific method in all treatment of social phenomena. Comte _made the first step in this direction by giving sociology an honored place in the hierarchy of sciences, and Spencer early acknowledged the need of more extended data, which in part accounts for his Descriptive Sociology and the large collection of social facts in his Principles. Ward, in his Dynamic Soctology, has approached his main topics from the concrete and rounded his argument with a deductive method. Yet how many writers on sociology have succeeded in doing little more than record im- pressions or, at least, expound theories from their respective points of view! Every science has made material advancement just in proportion as it has discovered facts and arranged them in scientific order. Therefore, sociology will develop in pro- portion as speculation ceases and thorough scientific investiga- tion advances. Difficulties indeed present themselves at once when the endeavor is made to bring some classes of social facts under statistical control. It is difficult, for example, to measure the growth or decline of a custom, a belief, a tradition. We may be convinced that there has been an increase or decrease ; THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY 45 but the scientific determination of the quantitative differences is much more difficult in sociology than in the biological sciences, or even in psychology or education. Nevertheless, the sociolo- gists have made a very creditable beginning. Dealing first with the measurement of the most easily controlled social facts, such as population, housing, wages, poverty, pauperism, crime, insanity, and feeble-mindedness, the sociologists have attempted to bring under control of exact scientific measurement the much more intractable social phenomena of the social mind. Many Phases of Sociology. — The descriptive phase of the science of sociology must be made prominent, for it is only by such description that clearly defined notions of the subject matter can be obtained. Without it people are led into error. For example, many people wrote about the trust, disposing of it with summary methods when its real nature, as well as its origin and development, was unknown to them. ‘They wrote in the dark, hence their conclusions were mostly worthless. Com- paratively little of all that has been written about such subjects as “Money,” “‘ Marriage and Divorce,” ‘‘ Education,’’ “ Social- ism,” ‘‘ Trusts,” ‘‘ Labor and Capital ”’ is of real value because the facts were not known and the relations of the particular sub- ject under discussion to other subjects were not understood. Social statistics must occupy a large place in social science and its work will, so far as possible, include the whole range of social development. There is great need of careful statistical studies of many aspects of our social life. The studies in the Reports of the United States Census are valuable as far as they go. They give us a grasp of some aspects of our social life, such as population, its composition, and organization in family groups. The census has also contributed special studies on marriage and divorce, on religious bodies, on the colored people in certain employments, etc. Each decade some new aspects of our social life are studied statistically, but it leaves so much untouched that the sociologist feels how inadequately the Census as a whole represents our complex social life. From the stand- point of the novice in sociology, often a much better understand- ing of the nature of the subject is obtained by selecting a small unit like a rural township or one or more city blocks and study- 1Such a study is Giddings’s “‘The Social Marking System,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. XV, p. 721. 46 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY ing that unit intensively according to a definite plan mapped out by some competent person. Social evolution contributes much to the understanding of social life besides making clear the forces that act in society building and the laws that govern it. Therefore the student of sociology studies carefully the development of civilization in different parts of the world. He goes to descriptions of the nature peoples, to folklore, and to the life of the classic peoples of the past, to medieval customs, and to survivals of all kinds in our modern life, in order to learn the steps in the development of social institutions and processes, in the hope that he may find regularities of social action and reaction common to them all and thus discover generalizations or laws of society. While the normal society is the great object of study, one must not neglect the obsolete forms of society, for it is in the broken-down parts that we frequently discover the laws of social growth and social decay. Just as it was by the study of dis- ease in the human being that we came to know about the normal body and normal mind, so by following up the evidence dis- played in degenerate types of social groups, one is frequently led to the truths which underlie normal society. Such study must be thorough and scientific and far removed from all mor- bid sentiment or philosophic hysterics. Social pathology may have as an important result the determination of the ought of social action. REFERENCES Gippincs, F. H. Inductive Sociology, Chaps. I, III. RATZENHOFER, GUSTAV. ‘The Problems of Sociology,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. X, p. 177. Ross, E. A. Foundations of Sociology, Chaps. I and IV. SMALL, A. W. ‘Methodology of Sociology,” American Journal of Sociology, Vol. IV, pp. 113-144; 235-256; 380-304. Warp, Lester F. Pure Sociology, Chap. IV. QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES 1. How is the primary purpose of sociology related to its practical pur- pose? 2. If it should be established that the conscious purpose of man can have no influence upon social development, what would be the practical effect upon movements to improve social conditions? THE PURPOSE AND METHOD OF SOCIOLOGY 47 3. Make out a broad, general outline of the things you would want to investigate, if you were going to study society so as to get a general idea of its nature. 4. In connection with the section on the problems of sociology, read Giddings’s Principles of Sociology, pp. 70-76, and then write out in outline form a statement of the problems of sociology. 5. Why is it that statistics were not applied so early to the study of social phenomena as to the study of, let us say, the biological ? 6. Name all the groups of social facts which you know have been treated statistically. 7. Name some social phenomena which have not yet been studied by the statistical methods. 8. Outline a study of your own home community, dividing the study into the various heads and subdivisions under which the facts concerning it would best be grouped in order to enable one to understand that community from a sociological standpoint. es (i , % i y a Ort ae ‘ak + Vodid ni a hair.) rap 000 ae ed AS A PA ist ole Gi) SOCIAL EVOLUTION pie asin: ing e igi ae ied ny fu Me CHAPTER I SOCIAL ORIGINS Social Evolution. — By studying the various types of con- temporary societies one may learn how society itself came into being. The student might begin by considering the evolution of several social groups which have grown up under his eyes. One might consider them in the order of their complexity, for example, first taking up the rural family, next, perhaps the farm- ing community, then the village, and then the city.!. On the other hand, an understanding of the simple processes in the for- mation of a society might be obtained by a study of existing social institutions, traditions, customs, and organizations in various societies in different stages of development. The latter method would show cross sections of societies in successive stages of evolution. Both methods are needed in order that the student may get a comprehension of the way in which societies come to be. The social institutions of to-day have had a his- tory, have gone through phases of development. We shall know them only as we understand their respective origins and the course of their various developments. Some are survivals from a stage long since passed. ‘They are fossils as much out of place in the present-day world as the skeleton of the dinosaur. The sanctions which once gave them vitality and significance have passed away. They remain only as traditions, anachro- nisms. Others are living, vital social institutions and processes, deeply rooted in the social necessities of the present. The work of the biologists, beginning with Darwin, has made clear to us many features of early social life. This knowledge has been supplemented by the culture historians and archeolo- gists, dealing with both the prehistoric and the historic peoples. Perhaps most illuminating of all has been the work of the com- 1 Such is the method employed by Small and Vincent in An Introduction to the Study of Socicty, Bk. II. 51 52 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY parative ethnologists, who have brought to our attention in the last few years the social organization, the language, customs, beliefs, and ideas of what are called the nature peoples of all lands. Their labors have made it almost possible for the student of society to retrace, step by step, the road along which society has progressed to its present stage. In our study of social evolution we shall follow the method of the comparative ethnologists.! The purpose of the study of social evolution is to acquaint the student with social origins and the processes of social growth. He must bear constantly in mind that society has expanded from simple beginnings, part by part, and function by function. Moreover, society is always developing. It is changing in size, in character, in the complexity of its institutions, in the number of its interests, and in the diversity of methods by which it ex- presses its social purposes. This is not to deny that societies exist in a state of arrested development. There are such, but they too are phenomena of social evolution, for they have been different and have become what they are through reacting to certain definite social and environmental conditions. By reason of the fact, however, that arrested or degenerate societies are societies caught in the back eddies of the stream of human life, our chief interest is in those societies which are in a state of progressive development. Perhaps it hardly needs to be said that in the study of social origins it is assumed that man has developed from a lower animal form. The work of the prehistoric anthropologists and archeologists has made it comparatively easy to retrace in some degree the steps in the physical evolution of man from a be- ing which was neither man nor ape, but had characters similar to those of both. The remains of Dubois’s Pithecanthropus erectus, of the Neanderthal man, and of the Heidelberg man give us our best conception of what that being was. The remains of prehistoric men found in the caves of France and Portugal rep- resent the next higher step in evolution. The development in the art and industry of prehistoric men corresponds roughly with their physical evolution. What their social life was like we do not know. The fact, however, that man has developed from 1¥For a full statement of the reasons for following this method, see Giddings, Elements of Sociology, p. 231; Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins, pp. 3-13. SOCIAL ORIGINS 53 animal-like ancestors, considered in connection with the social habits of certain higher animals, makes it highly probable that man’s prehistoric ancestors had a social organization interme- diate between that of the animals and that of lower types of living men. All these discoveries have made a little clearer for us that shadowy past out of which man emerged with some social organization and some social ideas.! Social evolution is difficult to present summarily, for society has not developed uniformly from a single idea, but rather from a group of ideas more or less interrelated. Hence, in its treat- ment we cannot follow through successive stages a clearly defined process like the growth of the tree from the seed, but must con- sider different phases of activity, such as religion, government, law, political organization, industrial activity, and the family life, each leading from a simple to a complex state of society and each contributing to the solidarity of society as well as to the enlarged number of its activities. An outline of origins followed by a brief survey of the development of important phases of social life is all that can be attempted here. The Society of Animals. — While sociology deals with human society, it is well to note that the beginnings of social organization appear among animals lower in the scale of existence than man. This fact gives the student a ground plan for the superstructure of society. It indicates also how the informal beginning of society rests on a physical basis and develops in proportion to intelligence. It cannot be shown that there is an uninterrupted continuity of development from the social practices of animals to the social practices of human beings, but there is a similarity in many points between the lowest human’ societies and the highest animal societies. The chief difference is found in the variety and versatility of association. If we consider the law of conflict and survival, it applies alike to animal societies and to natural human groups; also the principle of association for protection is the same in both. The social instinct exhibited in the pure love of companionship is less pronounced in animal societies than in human societies. The sexual instinct plays 1¥For an introduction to the interesting and instructive discoveries of the past twenty years see Clodd, The Story of Primitive Man; Duckworth, Prehistoric Man; Keane, Ethnology; Starr, Some First Steps in Human Progress; Chapin, An Intro- duction to Social Evolution. 54 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY an important part in each group, but has less force in the former. The greatest difference is found in a rapidly growing altruism and larger mental power of the human group which permit a high state of codperation and organization. In other words, animal societies show a few social qualities in embryo which | never pass a low grade of development, while human societies show these and many others in a highly developed state.! We shall find roughly classified two great groups of animals, the non-social and the social, roughly corresponding to the carnivora and the herbivora. The former are highly individ- ualistic, they hunt alone and live most of the year alone; the latter codperate in defense, live in families, and develop in con- sequence elementary social qualities. Some birds of different species work together unconsciously, each species seeking to help itself. Others of the same species develop a community life, they hold assemblages for migratory purposes, they mix out of pure sociability, and they have the family instinct. But, as Darwin clearly shows, in all animal association the moral sense seems to be wanting. There is no reflection on past acts and no comparison of past acts with present ones, no valuation of their relative importance — char- acteristics which give rise to morality.? Herds of antelopes live in harmony and peace, the leaders giving warning of danger to the group. Elephants have been seen in herds numbering from five to a hundred and fifty. These groups are based on family relationships. Monkeys of the Old World live in troops composed of family groups. One species (Cercopithecus) engages in expeditions under the direction of a leader. He commands the troop, stations sentinels, and gives orders that are understood and obeyed. Another species (Cynocephalus), according to Brehm, exhibits a still higher state of organization The Causes of Aggregation. — Many influences have caused individuals to associate in groups. Among the more important may be mentioned the desire for companionship, including 1 Yet, how striking is codperation among animals and how important a part it played in the evolution of animals and man has been most clearly shown by Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, A Factor in Evolution. See also Parmelee, The Science of Human Behavior, Chaps. XVIJ-XIX. 2 See Darwin, The Descent of Man, Chap. IV. 8 See Topinard, Science and Faith, p. 121. SOCIAL ORIGINS | 55 sexual attraction, the influences of climate, the physical condi- tions of the earth, the food supply, the consciousness of similar- ity, identity of interests, the necessity of protection against animals and men, the influence of controlling personalities, and codperation in industry. Responding to some or all of these influences, animals have formed social groups. Primitive men, moved by the same factors as the animals and often led by those with a more developed mentality and a keener social consciousness, formed themselves into groups in which social pleasure was fully awakened and in which various social and economic advantages appeared. Illus- trations of how animals form into groups are given by the herds of buffaloes which once covered our West, by the beaver colonies to be found even yet in parts of our country, and by such social insects as the ants and the bees. In some of these cases the group is a temporary one, in others more lasting, and in some so stable that one almost wonders if they do not in the matter of stability surpass human social groups. The Horde. — The simplest aggregation of people without formal organization is called a horde. It is less than the human equivalent of the animal “herd.” Its leadership is natural, not formal. Its bonds are stronger in some ways, but very little different from those natural bonds of physical and mental superiority and deference to be observed in animal groups. It represents one of the phases of social development. Numerous examples of a horde are cited by Westermarck in his History of Human Marriage There is little organization among such peoples. The constituent families of hordes wander from place to place with no permanent dwellings; the group is large to- day and small to-morrow. ‘There are some sighs of temporary leadership, but no permanent organization. Life is largely sub- ject to accident. Yet this group of people represents, to a certain extent, the foundation of human society, for it is out of this simple homogeneous assemblage that complex society has risen. The Beginnings of Social Organization. — Within the human horde appear small, more closely related groups of people which form the primordial social organizations. Small industrial, 1 Parmelee, The Science of Human Behavior, Chaps. XVII-XIX. See Thomas, A Source Book for Social Origins, pp. 461-468. 56 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY family, and religious groups appear which gradually transform the rather indefinite mass into a social order. These small centers of organized power appear spontaneously. They are the radiating centers of organized social relationships. Here Vogue begins to establish its power. Here Tradition begins to lay down its sacred laws. In these centers social interests find their organized expression. The superior man finds here a way to forward his own ambitions through leadership. The weaker cleave to the stronger because thus they find protection and benefit. Finally, relationships are adjusted and the small groups become independent. Beginning in the differences of sex, at an early period of social life the division of labor causes the differentiation into inchoate industrial groups. As social classes are founded largely on industrial occupations, industrial specialization gives an impetus to the general organization of society. Yet one must not forget that some social classes grow up apart from occupational interests. For example, the ruling class springs in part from the lust for power and deference to the superior, the ecclesiastical from fear of the unknown, the secret societies so often found in primitive groups from the de- sire for acknowledged precedence, and those strange groups based on the sex taboo observed in some primitive communities, ! from the mystery of reproduction and its allied phenomena. But in all of the changes that take place society is organized about small voluntary groups, springing up because of apprecia- tion of the pleasure or advantage to be secured thereby. New groups are formed by a process analogous to budding, but they often branch off in consequence of the development of such motives as jealousy of the power of a leader, fear of a superior, consciousness of’ temperamental difference between persons and the clashing and occluding of interests. Kinship. — In primitive society the family life was very differ- ent from what it is at present. It was more indefinite and irregular. But, beginning with the sympathy of the mother for her offspring, the unity of the family group grew as the bonds of common interest multiplied. Members of the family group were held together primarily by kinship or blood relationship. Whether through the close association of the family group or 1QOn the last see Jenks, The Bantoc Igorot; Crawley, The Mystic Rose, pp. 33- 58. SOCIAL ORIGINS 57 through the actual consciousness of blood relationship, the family group finally became a unit of social order. Kinship played an important part in all the early phases of social organization. Those of the same blood recognized and protected one another, uniting in offensive and defensive war with other tribes. Such temporary union grew into racial or tribal unity and led to the development of race aversion. Adoption. — But the family group enlarged in other ways than that of natural increase. In the warfare which occurred among various tribes it frequently happened that one tribe was conquered, broken, and scattered, and its members who sur- vived the shock of battle had no protection except when they joined themselves to other tribes. There was no state, no politics, no political government, but only the family or tribal organization. Hence, when an individual or a small family group was left alone, it was obliged to fight its own battles in- dependently or else unite with some family for protection. It became a common custom for conquering tribes to adopt such stray survivors into their own tribes, the only conditions imposed being that of a strict compliance with the laws and customs of the tribe. Thus it was that the family group enlarged con- tinually by natural increase and adoption. The adopted mem- bers became identified with the family, helping to fight its battles, following it through its migrations and engaging in the economic pursuits of the tribe. The Consolidation of Groups. — There were always in early society certain tendencies to consolidate small groups into larger ones. Many causes contributed to this result. Among them may be mentioned the external pressure of the physical environ- ment causing the various groups to unite for protection from the weather or from wild animals, the danger from stronger hostile groups which often forced weak groups to unite to resist a common enemy, the recognition of kind whereby like groups tended to unite and like individuals to associate with one an- other, and possibly, more than all, the industrial life demanding unity of effort. The attempt to satisfy a common hunger led to a common sympathy and a common codéperation. This unity of effort extended to other departments of life and had a tendency to consolidate groups which otherwise would have been separated and destroyed. | 58 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY The Origin of Language. — Probably language grew out of the instinctive cries andzsounds produced by primitive man under the stress of strong emotions excited by elemental joy, fear, love, and hate, or out of the sounds which he heard about him in a nature full of danger or beauty. These sounds became conventionalized and united with his facial expressions and gestures — his prelingual methods of conveying his thoughts and feelings to others. Doubtless, progress began to be rapid in the development of language when the satisfaction of his social instincts led him to play with his fellows. Out of this social fellowship grew the rhythmic dance and choral song. The excitement of the primitive dance, linked as it so often was with the deepest feelings he possessed, the sex and hunger im- pulses, the joyous exhilaration of the mock combat, the awe- inspiring ceremonies of tribal religion, quickened and heated the mind to the pitch of forging a language, which served to satisfy in a new way his desire for expression and at the same time tended to become a new sharp instrument of emotional stimulation.! Once language had developed under social stimulation to the point where signs and sounds had become independent and dis- tinguished in thought from the objects they designated, hu- manity had speech. After this achievement man was able to make comparatively rapid progress. While association pro- vided the stimulus which gave rise to speech, the latter in turn became a veritable fulcrum of Archimedes in lifting social life to a new complexity and perfection.? Another important step was taken when language became written. Beginning with “ reminders ” like sticks stuck in the ground or holes dug therein or cords tied in knots, or strung with shells to assist the minstrel or medicine man of the group to recall certain important events, and proceeding through ideograms, signs standing for ideas, such as are still used by the Indians of our Southwest and as they were used by the Dakota Indians in Schoolcroft’s time, written language developed pho- nograms, or signs which stood for certain phonetic values, as in the Chinese and especially in the Japanese language of modern 1 Darwin, Descent of Man, Chap. XIX; Cooley, Social Organization, pp. 66-72. On the development of animal language and its relation to human speech, see Romanes, Mental Evolution in Man; Origin of Human Faculty, pp. 51 ff., 163 ff. For the connection of the origin of speech with social excitement see Giddings, Principles of Sociology, pp. 222-225. SOCIAL ORIGINS 59 times and in the ancient Egyptian language. The Phcenicians borrowed from the Egyptians certain of these phonograms, attached to them simple sounds and combined them variously in the different words in use and thus gave the world an alphabet. These probably in a general way are the steps in the develop- ment: “ reminder,” ideogram, phonogram, and letter. Written language had even greater importance for humanity in its social development than spoken language.’ Language has always fulfilled an important function in social. organization. Through it as a means of communication the small group has been developed and strengthened and other groups have been united. People of similar languages are attracted towards one another, while those of foreign languages have a tendency to repel one another. The difficulty of estab- lishing social order among diverse groups of people, speaking different languages and having diversity of thought and senti- ment, is very great. Even now this difficulty of socialization is observed in our large American cities with their heterogeneous populations. But though in such cases language causes sepa- ration, it originally caused association. It is the attempt to communicate thought that gives birth to language. One who seeks for the origin of society will find one of its causes and one of its effects in the action and reaction of language. — Physical Pressure.— Another of the important causes of the rise of social groups is the pressure of physical nature on the population. Apart from the fact that the food supply caused people to assemble in the localities where food was most plenti- ful and most easily obtained, the influences of climate and the physical surface of the earth forced people into groups. Wan- dering along the rivers in pursuit of fish and game, men came into contact with one another and learned to dwell together. The mountain ranges stayed their migrations and caused a denser population on their slopes or in the adjacent valleys. The shores of the ocean and inland seas and lakes caused them to pause for long periods and finally to establish permanent 1 For a brief survey of the steps in the development of writing see Starr, Some First Steps in Human Progress, Chap. XXI. One of the earliest valuable contribu- tions to the knowledge of the development of speech and writing was Tylor, Anthro- pology, Chaps. IV-VII. Perhaps the most incisive and discriminating discussions of the importance of the development of language on social development is sup- plied by Cooley, Social Organization, pp. 68-79. 60 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY homes. Violent storms caused them to seek shelter in caves where early associations were formed, and the ice flow from the north caused the population to assemble in the southern valleys. Thus the influence of physical nature everywhere tends to favor the aggregation of men and their association. | Social Pressure. — The movement of tribes and races over the earth has caused the extinction of some, the breaking up of others, but the consolidation of still others. The pressure of nomad tribes on the ancient civilization of the various Aryan groups in Europe, of the Huns upon the Teutons, of the various Greek and Roman tribes upon one another, caused a closer social union among the survivors of the struggle. This pressure forces the growth of social institutions as a hothouse forces the growth of plants. These institutions are the result of new ideas, the result of the group consciousness struggling with new situ- ations forced upon it by the pressure of a hostile group. Two of many historic illustrations may be cited to show this. When the white man reached America and began to settle in the North Atlantic region, two great groups of Indians were struggling for the possession of the Atlantic seaboard and the fertile valleys which led down to it. The Algonquins were pressing down from Canada upon the Iroquois already in possession of these places. One result was a confederation known as the league of the Troquois. An organization was devised whereby the various independent tribes were welded together for defensive purposes. A great development was taking place within these tribes when the coming of the whites interrupted the process. Another example may be seen in the Norman conquest of England. The more or less loosely organized elements of the British popula- tion, consisting of the ancient population elements, Celts, Angles, Saxons, and Danes, fused somewhat already in the early Saxon kingdoms and then developing under Danish rule into a larger and more solid organization, were finally welded into a demotic unity and a strongly organized whole under the Normans and their successors. The process culminated under the Tudors and early Stuarts. During the course of this development social structures were greatly multiplied in number. The aggregation of unlike population elements resulting in class conflicts forced the development of agencies of domination, status, and toleration. The instruments of justice, like the SOCIAL ORIGINS 61 courts, were improved, all kinds of judicial machinery were invented like the jury, grand and petit. The laws were greatly multiplied and changed to meet new conditions. Even the common law, the child of custom, was greatly elaborated. Every form of social life underwent readjustment. Social devices of all sorts multiplied.) Common Ethical Sentiment. — The union of various groups of people always depends to a considerable extent upon the existence of a common ethical sentiment, for ethics are deeply rooted in the emotions. In the beginning of society, as now, feeling played a much more important réle than reason. The sociological ‘basis of morality is custom. Custom is rooted in the feelings and in that mighty social force, social approbation. Therefore, tribal customs touching the relationship of man with man would tend to repel groups with different moral codes and attract those with similar. The importance of moral sentiments in the formation of social groups rests on the fact that the moral codes of primitive peoples are very rigid and exacting, and therefore play a great part in the socializing process which makes for group unity. Hence, the origin of morality is of importance in any study of the origins of society. Morality had one of its roots in mother love. At first it was purely instinctive, probably caused by blind natural selection. As such it brought in the wake of its manifestation its own emo- tional reward and thus became established in the feelings and habits of the creature. The social root of actions which may come to have a moral value is to be found in custom, by which is meant an act adopted and practiced by a group of people.2, Out of some customs grow moral acts. Which actions shall become customary, and which of the customary actions of a group shall become moral in their nature depends upon social considerations arising from the so- cial life of the group rather than upon legal or economic consid- erations. How an act may come to be customary and then moral may be illustrated best by a concrete example. A group of primitive 1 For many of the facts of this illustration the writers are indebted to unpublished lectures by Professor Giddings. 2 See Wundt, Principles of Morality: Facts of the Moral Life, Chap, ITI. 62 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY people come face to face with a new experience such as a pesti- lence or a famine. At once individuals in that group begin to struggle with the problem of how to avert the calamity. In the individuals’ minds psychologically there arises the stress and tension induced by fear in the presence of a new danger. The tendency of the human mind under such conditions is to relieve itself by motor reactions of some kind. Instead of anticipating the modern adage, “‘ When you don’t know what to do, do nothing,”’ the primitive mind tends to do something — or any- thing. What shall be the act which is to relieve the emotional tension depends much upon the character of the minds com- posing that group, and upon their previous experiences — what they did in previous more or less similar cases. Or, in the absence of any similar experiences some one will do the first thing that suggests itself to him as in any way appropriate. Others may follow his example. Perhaps the families of these men do not die. After the danger is past what they did is re- called, it is related to others and becomes a part of the group’s traditions. In any recurrence of the same or a like danger this act will be performed by many imitators. Thus it will become established in the customs of that group. It is a psychological fact that custom, mere groupal habit, will soon attract to itself certain very definite and strong emotions, and these emotions will be strengthened when the act becomes traditional, fostered by forceful and dogmatic personalities and associated in the common consciousness with group safety. Again, since some religious practices have their roots in similar emotional tensions,! the custom often will be adopted by re- ligion and be still further strengthened by coming under re- ligiously dominating influences such as the fear of punishment or the hope of reward by supernatural beings. In all such ways may custom be established. Whether a customary action was considered moral, immoral, or unmoral was determined by such considerations as the rela- tions of the act to the welfare of the group, and the relations of certain instincts of the individuals to the traditions of the group. The falling away of certain individuals from fixed customary standards aroused ethical questions. ‘This is in accordance with 1King, Development of Religion, pp. 54, 101. For a slightly different emphasis see Wundt, Principles of Morality; Facts of the Moral Life, pp. 134-139. SOCIAL ORIGINS 63 the law of mental development, that matters come to our knowl- edge by our first becoming aware of the incongruity between the feelings we have enjoyed in the presence of the usual and the feelings aroused when the smooth current of our conscious- ness has been disturbed by the unusual. Therefore, originally morality was chiefly negative: ‘Thou shalt not” do this or that. Primitive life is largely a life of privation, a constant struggle against the forces of nature, against wild animals and hostile men. Suffering was the common lot. It was an econ- omy of pain.!. Hence, primitive ethics and primitive religion stressed negative acts of self-deprivation and suffering. This tendency, moreover, was in entire accord with the necessity of repressing the individual in the interests of the group. Only after the group had become consolidated and unified to a certain degree was it safe to emphasize and encourage individual acts positive, independent, and original in their nature. Such acts again were connected psychologically with the partiality of the mother for her child, leading her to sacrifice herself for its bene- fit, and strengthened by the fact that after a certain social de- ‘velopment had been reached they were of advantage for the survival of the group, so that they finally became sanctioned by the whole group. Thus moral sentiment expressed itself in positive acts, and morality became conscious and rational.? Beginning thus with self-sacrifice for the young, the altruistic act extended to self-sacrifice for the wider kindred within the group, then further with the growing consciousness of kind so as to include the nation, the Kingdom of God, and the whole world. Origin of Public Control.— Leadership is implied in all movements of mankind where there is human concerted ac- tion. It may be only temporary or accidental leadership, but it must exist under all circumstances except where men are moved to act by common impulse. Wherever, then, there is social order there will be, to a certain degree, leadership. Whether the leader is the head of the household, the medicine man, the man rich in cattle and land, as in ancient Ireland, the chief of the tribe, or the temporary war chief, who leads the host in battle, social 1 Patten, Theory of the Social Forces, pp. 75-80. See Ward, Pure Sociology, pp. 187-188. Cf. Ross, Social Control, Chaps. XXV, XXVI. 64 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY order is established in proportion as leadership becomes strong and permanent. As social development proceeds, leadership becomes more varied in its fields. At first the leader was only the strong man, or the man of superior cunning, as the medicine man. Out from these crude beginnings of social leadership, however, in response to growing complexity of social interests and specialization of functions sprang leadership in many lines of activity. Eventually this leadership may develop into a kingship, a parliament, a council, or a constitution; or into fashions and crazes; into educational, economic, and social ortho- doxies; into vogues, philosophies, modes of thought, and vari- eties of the Zeitgeist; but it must appear somewhere as a repre- sentative of social authority. It becomes a great power for consolidating and unifying the group, tribe, or nation and then for enriching the social life of the particular group. The Beginning of Justice. — While the establishment of justice is not the primary cause of social amalgamation, yet once the group has been established, it certainly hastens the process of socialization. In fact, wherever we find social order appearing there is an opportunity for the development of civil justice, for people cannot associate on a common basis without some means of enforcing justice. The social elements act and react against one another blindly before formal justice is es- tablished. Conflicts arise between individuals in the group which must be settled. At first might makes right — the stronger man overpowers his antagonist and makes a decision from his own standpoint. But soon civil justice brings in a third party who adjusts the relations between the two, allotting to each man his just dues. ‘The first stirrings of a sense of social justice may even be observed in a herd of animals when one bullying member finally attracts the attention of a number of the herd who unite in meting out punishment to the offender and so secure a form of justice between the two individuals primarily involved. In the human group the origins are much more complex. Here the brute strength, impartial judgment, and finer sympathy of a third individual are supplemented by the weight of tradition as to moral rights and duties and the usages more or less applicable to the dispute, and by an apprecia- tion of the necessity of smoothing out differences that imperil the welfare of the group. Moreover, the increased appreciation SOCIAL ORIGINS 65 of leadership and the growth of moral sentiments in even the lowest savages make for increased deference to the decision of the third party. Like moral sentiment justice began within the group. Within the confines of a blood-kindred would the moral sense first express itself most naturally and easily. Special impetus to the tendencies just noticed to secure formal means of settling disputes doubtless was given by the danger from a hostile group. | The Force of War. — Perhaps no other visible agency has accomplished so many and such great changes in the progress of society as war. Conflict of individuals has led to strength of individual character, just as conflict between tribes has led to social strength. True they may both end in the destruction of one or both parties, but those who survive are made stronger to cope with the opposing elements of social life. War has destroyed individuals, tribes, nations. Millions of lives and countless treasures have been sacrificed to war, and yet through it have developed many of the finer qualities of life. Through it man has been taught to obey the will of the stronger; through it he has been taught not to abuse the weak. War is great in discipline, preparing wild or savage people for the conduct of civil government. It is one of the most important factors in accounting for the origin of many social institutions.! War, how- ever, gave rise to a firmer social structure chiefly by a rough- hewing selective process which threw out all unsound material, and, as Ward has shown,? by so multiplying social contacts between alien peoples as to stimulate the growth of rigid social structures. It was especially important in securing the transi- tion from an ethnic to a civil society.2 On the other hand, in mutual aid, we have a social beginning of great importance.‘ Arising in the animal group by natural selection mutual aid developed in the kinship group by reason of the heightened social pleasure it provided, and was firmly established in the war measures invented against enemies of the group. 1See Ward, Pure Sociology, pp. 202-215. 2 Ward, Pure Sociology, pp. 193, 215. 3 The best exposition of war’s connection with this important step is by Giddings, Descriptive and Historical Sociology, pp. 473-480. 4For a detailed presentation of the part which mutual helpfulness has played in the beginnings of society see Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, A Factor in Evolution. Cf. Ward, Pure Sociology, pp. 201, 202, 215, 216. For a corrective discussion of Kropotkin, see Parmelee, The Science of Human Behavior, pp. 404-406. F 66 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY REFERENCES BRINTON, DANIEL G. The Basis of Soctal Relations, pp. 163-201. CHAPIN, F.S. An Introduction to Social Evolution. DaRwIN, CHARLES. The Descent of Man, Chap. IV. DucxwortH, W.L.H. Prehistoric Man, New York, 1912, Chaps. I, II. Ey, R. T. Evolution of Industrial Society, Chaps. I, II. Grippincs, F.H. Principles of Sociology, pp. 199-356. Grppincs, F. H. ‘‘A Theory of Social Causation,” Publications of the American Economic Association, Third Series, Vol. V., or Descriptive and Historical Readings in Sociology, pp. 118-121. Ross, E. A. Social Control, Chap. I. TuHomas, W.I. Source Book for Social Origins. TOPINARD, PAUL. Science and Faith, pp. 60-173. WarD, LESTER F. Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., Chap. VII. QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES 1. Why should the student of sociology study social origins? 2. After reading Duckworth, Chaps. I and II, write a description of the probable physical appearance of the earliest man of which we have any remains. 3. What are the fundamental social institutions the origins of which go back to a very early time in the history of man? 4. Trace back to its beginnings in outline, one modern social institution, such as language. 5. What is the importance of language in the development of society? 6. Observe a group of animals, such as a herd of cattle in the pasture, and write a description of the society which they form. (Before writing this exercise read Darwin, Descent of Man, Chap. IV.) 7. How does a human horde differ from an animal herd? 8. Put down in tabular form the chief causes of the coming together of human beings into groups. g. Read Giddings, A Theory of Social Causation, and state briefly the ways in which the physical environment affects the formation of human societies. 10. Name the agencies which originate common ethical sentiments in your home community. 11. What bearing on the peace movement has the view of war presented in the text? CHAPTER II THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE Physical Nature and Social Development.— In the last chapter reference was made to the influence of physical nature on the origin of society. It is still more influential on social development. Everywhere we find man’s possibilities limited by the conditions of his physical environment. It would almost seem as 1f man sprang out of the soil, so great is his dependence upon it. Always the lines of his development are determined in part by the nature of his contact with the soil, and his social progress is measured by his effective mastery of the forces of nature. For early man at least the character of social life is determined primarily by the manner in which the group at- taches itself to the land. The compactly organized Oriental tribe that wanders in the desert is very different from the Teu- tonic village community, and the manorial group very different from the community settled in the United States on small inde- pendent farms. ‘The prevalence of great estates means a peas- ant population and possibly a race of serfs. Just what influence physical environment has upon intellectual and social development is a matter of controversy. Some, for example, Montesquieu and von Treitschke, have thought that climate and the topography of the country affect a people directly. The former thought frankness was produced by cold climates, the latter that the difference in artistic temperament between Switzerland and other Alpine regions and the more level regions of Swabia, Franconia, and Thuringia was due to the paralyzing effect of majestic mountains upon the minds of men. Buckle, Spencer, Ellen Semple, Giddings, and others have seen that the problem is not so simple.! 1 For a good brief review of the steps in the development of the conception of the influence of physical environment on a people see Giddings, ‘‘A Theory of Social Causation,” Publications of the American Economic Association, Third Series, Vol. Ve Noranpp: 1517 552: 67 68 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY The Conflict with Nature. — Everywhere and at all times man appears to be in conflict with nature. He struggles against the wild animals of the forest, exterminating or subduing them; he seeks to avoid the winter’s cold or summer’s heat; he wrests from the forest, the stream, and the soil his means of subsist- ence. He turns the forces of nature from his destruction to his salvation. Water power and wind, steam and electricity finally become his servants. On the other hand, he is attacked by parasites and germs of disease. The deadly microbe causes his perpetual warfare for its extermination. ‘Two theories pre- vail among philosophers, one that nature is niggardly and harsh; the other that she is bounteous and generous. There is truth in both. By his intelligence man arranges his life in conformity with the regularities of nature and by his effort he forces nature to yield her treasures. Nature is bounteous in the supply of all man’s needs if only by intelligent effort he compels her to open her treasure house. Certainly the medial statement is true, that all man’s wants are supplied from nature through in- telligent and well-directed effort. Character of the Land and the Development of Society. — By “land” is meant land, air, and water — the physical en- vironment. Climate, soil, and humidity determine whether there shall be any society at all. Nine tenths of the globe’s surface is not suitable for man’s occupation. Parts of it are water, other parts are too high in altitude, some lack water, others have an impossible climate, and still others lack the plant food which we call fertility of soil. One has but to reflect in order to appreciate how important are the influences of the physiography upon man and his social development. Oceans and mountain ranges have great in- fluence upon climate. One ocean current makes Labrador, with the same latitude as England, uninhabitable, while another has made it possible for England to be an important seat of Western civilization. The contour of a coast together with an ocean current and the effects of ocean tides may make a harbor of one place while destroying the entrance to another. Mountain barriers, on the one hand, and rivers, the natural highways, on the other, determine the direction in which an inflowing tide of immigrants shall go. Witness the directions taken by the barbarian invasions of Europe. Moreover, it is THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE 69 probable that those invasions were started partly by physical causes, the drying up of the central plateaus of Asia.! Coast lines much indented by the sea, thus offering harbors and abun- dant opportunities for man to reach the interior easily, have much to do with social development. Minor features of topog- raphy, such as lakes, waterfalls, mountain passes, cafions, and fertile plains, have determined where settlements of men should occur. Valleys, like rivers, are natural highways of communication. One has only to look at a map of our own country to see how important has been the influence exerted upon American society by the physical factors.? Moreover, the primary and secondary sources of subsistence, as Giddings, following Buckle, calls them, have much to do in determining where human settlement shall occur and, to a degree the character of the society man creates.3 Out of these physical conditions grew man’s economic relations, his social attach- ments, and many of his interests and animosities, forces so important to human society. Man Touches Nature at an Increasing Number of Points. — In primitive society life was simple and the wants of man were supplied from a few sources of nature. But as civilization ad- vanced man continually came in contact with nature at an increasing number of points. Thus, in primitive life when man obtained his subsistence from roots and berries, his shelter from rocks and caves, and his clothing from rushes and leaves, his command of the resources of nature was very slight. During all this period he was at the mercy of the elements. Subse- quently when he had learned to hunt and to domesticate animals, and when the women had learned to keep a fire, other great steps forward were taken, but when he obtained a permanent relation to the soil and developed agriculture, he added to the momentum of his progress a thousand-fold. In the history of the race man has advanced the practical arts of civilization exactly in proportion as he multiplied the number of points of 1 Kropotkin, Mutual Aid, A Factor in Evolution, New York, 1904, pp. 118-119. Pumpelly, Explorations in Turkestan, Vol. I, pp. 13, 16. Huntington, E., The Pulse of Asia, pp. 106-132. 2 Gregory, Keller, and Bishop, Physical and Commercial Geography, Chaps. I-IX. Spencer, Principles of Sociology, Secs. 6-21. 8 Giddings, Descriptive and Historical Sociology, p. 68. Buckle, History of Civiliza- tion in England, Chap. II, quoted in Carver, Sociology and Social Progress, Chap. X. 70 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY contact with nature, and utilized the possibilities of this contact for his advantage. The use of the streams and the seas for transportation, of the winds for propelling ships, of water power for turning machinery, of steam power in its numerous and extensive offices, of electricity in all of its varied services, of the commercial value of minerals, and of new articles of food made him independent. ‘These things give evidence of the fact that man’s progress is due to the utilization of all the forces and materials of nature. The story of civilization has been one of more and more complete understanding of nature, of man’s adaptation to nature, and therefore the more perfect subjection of her powers for man’s benefit. Attachment to the Soil. — Beginning with a very loose at- tachment to the soil, man has come to an ownership of the soil in fee simple. At first the primitive man owned no land. It was merely the hunting ground of the group; each individual member of the group took from it what he wanted. There was only group ownership and for the wandering, pastoral Bedouin tribes that was so loose that it was often disputed. The group was here to-day and there to-morrow. Ownership focused now about a well-watered old glacial delta in a rapidly drying-up plateau, as in the case of the long-buried cities so recently brought to light in Eastern Turkestan,! now about a spring in a desert, as in the Arabia of the Nomads, and again about a ~ clearing in the forest or a tun or hill easily defended. The pas- toral or tillable land about this center was the group’s posses- sion so long as they could hold it by force. That was the be- ginning of a closer attachment to the soil. Feudal agrarian relations grew up partly on the basis of pastoral feudalism and partly on the newly developed emphasis upon cultivation of the soil.” Through his permanent attachment to the soil man was enabled to develop a distinct and separate class of social services. It aided the tendency already strong towards the segregation of families into separate permanent homes and thus developed family life, which furnished the strongest element in social order. The close proximity of more people than could possibly 1Pumpelly, Explorations in Turkestan, Vol. I. * Giddings, Readings in Descriptive and Historical Sociology, pp. 467-473, and Elements of Sociology, pp. 267-269. THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE 71 be supported by pastoral industry taught respect for mutual rights and established duties, for higher socialization takes place only when people are brought into close personal relationship. Under such circumstances custom changes into law; powers of government become differentiated and established; the division of labor in industry prevails; and society is divided into inter- dependent groups, each having a common relationship with the general social body. But so important is this attachment to the soil in determining the character of civilization that its history would reveal the fundamental characteristics of social life. Thus the tribal method of occupation, the village com- munity, the feudal system, the manorial system, and the owner- ship of land in fee simple, are so many different economic bases of social relationships. The Various Uses of Land.— In man’s choice of land the three chief considerations are position, fertility, and mineral products. The first has reference to situation and also to sheer standing room. The relation of the population to the soil and its distribution give rise to many distinct social phenomena. It would seem at first thought that there would be ample room for the millions that inhabit the globe, but their distribution and the means of support afforded by natural features and resources cause the population to arrange itself in various centers, press- ing more and more together on certain small territories until at length such cities as New York and Chicago are formed. This crowding of the population into congested groups has a vast influence in the development of social relationships. Villages in fertile valleys, the great cities of manufacture and trade, and the mining towns that spring up in a single night are made by people attracted by the lure of commonly appreciated advantages there to be found. The result of this is increased land values rising in some instances to enormous figures. Thus the land on lower Broadway in New York sells for hundreds of dollars per square foot simply because there is demand for it by many people for commercial and social purposes. On the other hand, in the Far West hundreds of acres may be bought for the price of a single foot on Broadway. Because man may obtain from the soil the means whereby he may satisfy his wants, he seeks to possess it. Grain, vege- tables, and live stock for food, trees and forests for houses and 72 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY furniture and various mechanical uses are all yielded from the riches of the soil. Likewise man obtains from beneath the soil gold and silver, iron and coal, and all the minerals for mechani- cal services. Thus a general human demand for the products of certain soils causes the aggregation of population and brings all types of society into accord with the uses made of the soil and its products. Every increase in population which causes an increase in demand for the products of the land augments the value of land and often leads to changes in the uses to which it is put. Increase of Population.— In primitive society tribes were obliged to go where the food supply existed, and consequently when a tribe exhausted the food supply there was division, colonization, or migration. The increase in the food supply by the use of a new variety of food frequently changed condi- tions so that it was not necessary to migrate. The same effect was produced by the discovery of processes by which some natural product hitherto not fit for food could be used for food. Such a discovery was the use of fire by primitive man in the preparation of food. By that means not only was food made more palatable and more easily digested, as in the case of meats, thus releasing energy for social purposes, but it increased the food value of many products, such as the starchy foods, and rendered edible others which up until then had been almost, if not entirely, worthless as food.! Moreover, with the adoption of agriculture food supplies were increased. Domestication of animals leading gradually to breeding for a definite purpose was another step which increased the food supply and made certain semi-desert parts of the earth’s surface available for human habitation. The development of transportation and the practice of exchanging the products of one part of the world for those of another part have further increased the ability of the world to support a larger population. New inventions, furthermore, in agriculture, stock breeding, and in manufacture, new methods of organization both on farm and in factory, have further increased the available food supply. These, and many similar facts, also explain the concentration of ever larger ag- gregations of people in one small area, as in New York and 1Spencer, Principles of Sociology, Sec. 26. Starr, Some First Steps in Human Progress, Chap. III. THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE 73 London, because each draws its sustenance from a large ter- ritory. If the population of New York City was limited for its food supply to the territory within one hundred miles, most of its people would starve within a few months. The Efforts to Satisfy Wants the Basis of Society. — Many different theories have been advanced regarding the basis of society. Some have tried to establish kinship or blood rela- tionship as the foundation. Others have insisted that the race idea, which is only an extension of this, is the formal basis of society. Again, others have held that religion is the great motive resulting in the establishment of huge social bodies. Some others have held that conflict is the cause of social develop- ment, and still others that social contact is the basis of society. It must be apparent, however, that man is moved in social matters by two sets of factors, physical conditions either limit- ing or stimulating his organism, and emotional impulses arising from within his own organism, stimulated and given direction by the environing physical and social influences. Two great physical instincts man possesses in common with all animals, the hunger and the sex instincts. The physical environment plays an important part in giving direction to his activities. He has been forced here and there by physical influences and through their operation he has found himself associated with his fellows who were influenced in a similar manner. For ex- ample, the storm causes people to seek the same shelter, the stream draws them to the same spot, and they meet on the best hunting ground. In seeking to satisfy hunger and to avoid the discomforts of inclement weather, primitive men were forced together, sometimes into companies. ‘The sex instinct and the desire for companionship operated powerfully upon primitive men to cause them to congtegate together. Where they should gather depended largely upon physical conditions. Without forgetting that sometimes a land poor in food supplies forced men to separate into small groups, watercourses, teeming lakes and rivers, game-filled forests, and plains strewn with herds of animals good for food were attractions which often caused primitive men to converge. Mountain barriers, deserts, and broad seas determined bounds beyond which even hunted men could not go. Ever acting with the impulse of hunger were the social instincts, —the attraction of the novel in sex and the mys- 74 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY terious but alluring adventure of establishing companionship with the unknown stranger more or less like himself. Aggre- gations were thus easily formed, impelled by such instincts, and by the favoring influence of climate and soil, mountain, stream, and ocean. The Survival of the Social Group. — The character of the group, however, is always dependent to a considerable degree upon the nature of the country within which it has been formed. The ultimate determinant of the composition of a group of people is the physical characteristics of the place where people con- gregate and form in social groups of a permanent character. In their bearing upon the nature of the social groups naturally nurtured by them the various physical environments may be divided into four different kinds, as pointed out by Giddings, viz., a poorly endowed region isolated by natural barriers, one poorly endowed but easy of access and egress, a richly endowed but isolated region and one richly endowed and readily acces- sible. In the first the population will be formed by the natural birth rate rather than by immigration and therefore will be relatively homogeneous in blood. Whether it increases will depend on the relation of the birth rate to the death rate. In the second kind of country the vigorous, alert spirits will emi- grate, but there will be few immigrants. The population, again, will be homogeneous in blood. In both cases there will be little or no group conflict, the result of intermixture. The tendency in the population in the first case will be inbreeding, but with a slower deterioration than in the latter ; in the latter rather rapid degeneration both in stock and in culture will occur. Examples of the first may be seen in Greenland, Central Thibet, and Cen- tral Australia, and of the latter in many of the New England rural districts whence the former inhabitants emigrated to better lands. In the third kind of environment, such as is ex- emplified in the Hawaiian Islands and Central Africa, one finds again a genetic group of one blood, but large in numbers. It is a variety of this kind of environment which has furnished the migrations of history. Let such an environment change its character by reason of either a gradual desiccation or of a sudden 1 Giddings, ‘“‘A Theory of Social Causation,” Publications of the American Eco- nomic Association, Third Series, Vol, V No. 2, pp. 151, 152; Descriptive and Historical Sociology, pp. 68, 118-121. THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE 715 failure of crops, and the sturdier and more restless elements of the population will surge forth in search of better habitats. The fourth kind of environment, typified by such regions as the Nile valley, the Shenendoah valley of Virginia, and the fertile fields of our own Gulf States, or better still the great Mississippi valley, attracts people from everywhere. This makes for a highly mixed population, made up of the strongest and most venturesome spirits from all parts of the world. After the social group had been fully formed so that it had a permanent identity and its numbers had increased sufficiently to crowd its habitat, it began its career of struggle for the soil with other groups. If the group represented a vigorous racial stock and was successful in locating under favorable circum- stances, it had many opportunities for survival. The larger and stronger group was, by its vigor and foresight, sure to locate in the best territory. However, if through accident a strong racial stock was forced to remain for a period of time under less favorable circumstances, the opportunities for success were much decreased. On the other hand, if a race lacking in vigor of body or in intellect should locate in the most fertile district and with the most favorable environment, the opportunities for survival would be even less than that of the vigorous race, which settled under unfavorable circumstances, because the well- directed effort of man is the prime factor in his survival. Hence, where a race of low vitality locates on a barren soil or is thrust back on poor hunting grounds its chance for survival is very small. The history of races shows how thousands of these groups are thrust aside by stronger races and perish, leaving no record of civilization. The results of land occupation, therefore, will depend largely on the size and activity of the social group which settles upon it. If the group be strong and vigorous, it moves more rapidly in subduing nature and bringing to its support her various bounties. The Natural Races. — Everywhere we find in contrast the so-called natural races and the civilized races. By natural races we mean those which have not reached any high degree of civilization, although some of them may have the capacity for progress. Wherever races have developed and become civilized they have met in their migrations these natural races. Whether in Europe, Asia, or Africa, the migrations of the stronger tribes 76 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY have encountered a population of lower grade. The American continent was covered with these natural races which had not yet entered the pale of civilization when the Europeans landed there. Some of them, like the Peruvians, the Aztecs, the Pueblos, the Cliff Dwellers, and the Mound Builders, have left some records of the beginnings of culture,' Art and industry, religion and government had been developed to a considerable extent, but a great majority of the living tribes of the New World were either stationary or degenerating at the time of their first contact with European races. They occupied intermittently nearly all the land areas of America. They used them mostly for hunting purposes, so that their land tenure was of a very primitive sort, usually consisting of nothing more than tem- porary occupancy. ‘Tribal ownership prevailed with the excep- tion that in some small villages a family had the right, for the time being, to the soil on which it built its wigwam or hut. However, the beginnings of a settled agriculture were made among some of them, and the evolution of political organization was developing when the coming of the whites stopped the pro- cess of evolution. For example, the Iroquois, and probably some of the other American Indians, had developed a gentile confederacy of tribes.2, They were undergoing the transforma- tions through which the Greek tribes had gone in the prehistoric period. Had they been permitted to continue their develop- ment without interruption by the whites, it is probable that they would have developed, after a time, a civilization of a high type. The achievements of some of the Central and South American tribes in architecture certainly point in that direction. During a long period the tribes continued to migrate or kept changing their locations. However, there was not so much real migration as is generally supposed, because the tribes had two methods of occupation. One was the territory where their villages, pasture lands, and permanent hunting grounds were located, and the other was the territory claimed by them for hunting purposes. At different seasons of the year they were found going from their villages to these hunting grounds and back. It was out of contention over these less permanent abodes 1 National Geographic Magazine, Vol. XXI, pp. 596-621, 1002-1020; Vol. XXIV, PP. 315-338, 403-573. 2 Morgan, Ancient Society, New York, 1878, Chap. V. THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE rie that most of the Indian wars originated. In the migrations of tribes, often when the stronger invaded the territory of the weaker, the former settled down in tribal ownership of the soil, which it held for the good of all. This is true even among semi- civilized groups like the early Greeks, the Romans, or the Teutons, in their migrations. Habitable Land Areas. — The lands of the world are con- sidered either habitable or uninhabitable, but these are really relative terms, for the habitability of land areas depends upon the stage of civilization and the standard of life prevailing in the various countries of the world. There are unoccupied territories that could be made to support a meager population. Many low tribes lead a miserable existence on certain barren soils or on inferior hunting grounds. Some of the arid land west of the Mississippi River, generally considered uninhabitable, has been subdued and utilized through the science and indomitable efforts of a civilized race. The territory of New England sup- ports a high civilization largely on account of the character and energy of the people who brought with them the arts and in- dustries of a civilized life. Many of the mountain ranges and their approaches will not permit a thickly settled population and, indeed, in some instances, practically forbid the permanent habitation of man. On the other hand, the fertile valleys of the Mississippi and of other great rivers permit a gradually increasing population of great density. Mankind is constantly searching out such fertile spots and developing all their resources to support a large population. The Settlement of Tribes.— The Indian tribes of North America had spread over nearly the whole territory. The great Algonquin tribe occupied nearly the whole of British America and extended into the boundaries of the United States, covering the New England states and the northern Mississippi valley ; the Iroquois tribes occupied New York and a part of North Caro- lina, Tennessee, South Carolina, and Georgia. On the eastern slope of the Rocky Mountains was the great Siouan tribe, and the southwestern part of the United States was occupied by the Shoshonean tribe. The Athapascans occupied the north- western part of North America and a part of the territory in the extreme southwest of the United States. Other tribes were located on different territories of the United 78 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY States, a large number of them clustering along the Pacific coast. They all showed the effects of migrations and wars in the struggle for territory. While they occupied large areas their centers of population were along the streams and in the fertile valleys, following, like civilized man, the sources of food supply and the natural lines of travel. Very few of this vast body of natives could be considered sedentary. Most of them were located in Arizona and New Mexico. Possibly also a few of the Iroquois tribe and some of the ancient Mound Builders in the southern part of the United States occupied permanent habita- tions. When the Europeans came to America their migrations followed the same natural routes as those followed by the natives. Their most densely populated groups were located in the districts most densely populated by the Indians. The streams were followed, the valleys occupied, and subsequently the great plains. In view, however, of the extensive migrations by individuals which have occurred in the last one hundred years among civi- lized nations one is tempted to say that the movements of the American Indian tribes or even the historic migrations of the Aryans in comparison were but pigmy affairs, and that these primitive peoples were relatively settled in their life as compared with modern peoples. Nevertheless, there is a great difference between the two migrations. The migrations of the Indians and of the peoples in Europe in historic times were group affairs, while modern migration is predominantly an individual matter. When comparing individuals, one can say that there is more movement to-day than at any previous time. When, however, we think of groups, we must say that the tribes of American Indians, of Arabian Bedouins, and of Aryan peoples were less settled on the land than are our modern peoples with their highly organized governments which give permanence to a popu- lation even when the individual constituents of that population are constantly and swiftly changing. The wit of man in the face of the loosening of the former immemorial bond of kinship has caught at the device of substituting for it settlement within a given geographic area combined with a sharpening of the con- sciousness of political unity. An absolute prerequisite of politi- cal stability is attachment of the social group to a definite terri- tory. THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE 79 Growth of Population in Relation to Land Areas. — The ex- tent and character of the land has always been a controlling influence in the development of population, not only on ac- count of the limitations of the food supply, but also on account of the union of various tribes and groups into a more compact and integrated body. Here, as elsewhere, the impelling forces of nature have a vast influence in advancing social union. If, for example, the land is broken by mountains and valleys so that people in the different valleys are kept apart from each other, social integration will be retarded. In fact, differentia- tion will set in. The language will vary in the different valleys in course of time, customs will become different, modes of thought and codes of conduct will grow up, varying within de- grees in each of the isolated groups from those prevailing in the others. Good examples of such social variation are to be seen among the inhabitants of the various valleys of the German and Swiss Alps and of the Kentucky mountains. But especially has population been limited by land areas when there was no room for expansion, for then it must be limited in its resources for supporting life. When the food supply, with the method of utilization in vogue, would support no larger population, either new methods of increasing the food supply were found, or the standard of living was lowered, or else the population expanded beyond its earlier boundaries. Colonization has usually grown out of the pressure of population upon food supply furnished by the area occupied in comparison with the real or reputed possible supply to be found elsewhere. The Greeks colonized when there was an overcrowding of the population, the barbarians of the North invaded the Roman territory when their own territory would not well support them with their existing mode of life. The great modern movement of elements in the populations of various countries of Europe offers a modern instance. On the other hand, the intensive agriculture of the Nile Valley in ancient times and of the valleys of Indian and Chinese rivers to-day has made it possible for a small area to support an enormous population. Often, however, as in the case of the Chinese and the inhabitants of India, a lowering of the standard of living and intensive farming have been the double alternative to emigration.! 1 Ross, The Changing Chinese, Chap. IV. 80 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY Various Forms of Land Tenure. — The history of land tenure reveals various prominent influences in social development. When the tribe settles down upon the soil and owns it and controls it without any individual ownership of the land, there is always a limitation placed upon man’s individual effort. There is a tendency for all to hold the property in common and likewise a tendency toward democracy so far as property is concerned. It also develops a closely integrated social group that wields absolute authority. Forms and customs prevail and are perpetuated because of the dominance of tradition as a method of social control. In the old village life we find a little variation because permanent ownership of the home or house lot exists for the family and the small family group develops its independent life more truly than where tribal ownership pre- vails in its entirety. In both forms, however, community cul- tivation of the soil is involved. Under this system there is no incentive to the cultivator to do more than “skin ” the land, for no one knows whether in next year’s allotment he will have the same piece to cultivate as he had last year! Before great progress in agriculture can be made some form of land tenure by which the land can be held and cultivated by the same in- dividual year after year must arise. Two forms of such tenure did arise, tenancy for years and ownership in fee simple. The old Roman laws developed from land holding gave character to the entire Roman policy. The basis of feudal society rested upon the system of feudal land tenure. The great farms and estates of England and Scotland were conducive to the develop- ment of aristocratic government, while the small, individual holdings of America,:if persisted in, would insure democracy forever. Land tenure has usually been of a communal nature among primitive tribes, but the individual system early developed out of it. Wherever individual possession has been recognized, there has always existed a great diversity in the size of the holdings. Large and small holdings have existed side by side, although in most instances the tendency has been to increase the large holdings and to develop a landed aristocracy. 1 Gibbins, Industry in England, New York, 1906, p. 41. Warner, Landmarks of English Industrial History, London, 4th ed., p. 44. THE LAND AND ITS PEOPLE 8I REFERENCES Grwpincs, F.H. Elements of Sociology, Chap. II. Buckie, THomas Henry. History of Civilization in England, Chap. II, or CarvER, T. N. Sociology and Social Progress, Chap. X. DEGREEF, GUILLAUME. Introduction dla Sociologie, Part I, Chap. III. LAVELEYE, EMILE DE. Primitive Property. THACKERY, S.W. The Land and the Community, Chaps. I, II, and III. WALKER, Francis A. The Land Question. THomas, W.H. Source Book for Social Origins, pp. 47-54. QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES 1. Trace the origin and growth of the various settlements in your county, showing what physical and geographic features had to do with the establish- ment of the various villages and cities of the county. 2. Why was Virginia settled before Ohio? 3. What were the geographical features which determined the location of the railroad in your city or village? 4. Show how a “backwoods community” of which you may know has been made different by physical conditions so far as the character of the people is concerned. 5. Account for the backwardness of the Kentucky mountaineers on the basis of the influence of physical conditions. 6. Point out specific ways in which the White Man who dispossessed the Red Man was more closely attached to the soil. 7. What physical reason is there which helps to make land in New York City worth thousands of dollars per front foot, while land ona fertile prairie of the Central West is worth only a hundred dollars per acre? 8. Show what physical conditions predetermined America to be a country of a very composite population — a very ‘‘ melting pot”’ of the nations. 9. Show that the physical factors alone are inadequate to explain social phenomena, by indicating the reasons why the White Man is able to sustain a very much larger population in the United States than was the Indian. 10. Why does individual tenure of land make for the betterment of a country rather than the communal tenure of Europe in the Middle Ages? 11. Take a city block and a rural square mile and compare them as to the proportion of the occupants who live in rented places in each and the pro- portion who own the places they occupy. 12. Compare the results as to exhaustion of the soil and careful farming in the modern rental tenure of farms with the same points in the communal tenure of land on a manor in Medieval Europe. CHAPTER III SOCIAL ACTIVITIES Social Forms Preceded by Social Action.—It is evident from every side that social forms have been developed from social.action. Just as the tiny clam grows and builds his house over him in the form of a shell, so each social action creates a certain social form about it. No established law or rule of action appears until first the need for it has been occasioned by the action of individuals or groups. Indeed, in most cases the action precedes its formal acknowledgment as well as the formal establishment of an institution. The social activities, like those of an individual, result from the endeavor of the social group to adapt itself to its environment in order to secure the satisfaction of certain felt social needs. We judge of the com- position of society by its activities, and of its organs or parts by the functions of such organs or parts. Ward asserts that the purpose of organization is function and thus he holds that the performance of social activities is the object of human institu- tions. But primarily the social activities were merely to satisfy human desire and, incidentally, permanent human in- stitutions composing the social structure were created. After the unconscious creation of the social structures the conscious social effort appeared and under its direction the structures were changed and improved by the conscious direction of society. Feeling and Restraint. — The first general effort of man arises primarily from the sources of sensation. The sense of hunger causes him to make an effort to satisfy it. The pain of cold leads him to seek warmth by changing location, or else by making shelter. The desire for companionship induces him to seek associates. The emotions of fear and love prompt him to act 1“The function is the end for which a mechanism is constructed.’’ — Warp, Pure Sociology, New York, 1907, pp. 180, 181. Cf. Cooley, Social Organization, New York, 1909, p. 21. 82 SOCIAL ACTIVITIES 83 in certain directions to satisfy his desires. Primarily self- interest was the only point involved, but by a process of social selection or a conscious weeding out of excessively self-seeking individuals by the majority of the group,! this gradually devel- oped into a general or social interest. Feeling came to be modified by social restraint, which represents one of the primary social activities. The socialization of the individual’s egoistic feelings doubtless was also furthered by the advantage for group survival rendered by self-restraint in the interest of the group. Even in animals this restraint has been developed, partly the out- growth of a prolonged infancy and partly of natural selection.? The instinct for the preservation and perpetuation of the in- dividual was soon enlarged into the desire for the preservation and perpetuation of the social group. The ultimate justifica- tion of society as a whole can only be the superior advantages which association gives for survival and happiness. If associa- tion inevitably leads to the destruction of the individual, society and all its ways will cease to be. That it has flourished among human kind is a silent but cogent testimony that society means superior opportunities for social beings to live and perpetuate their kind. While we now may look to the completed social structure with all its combined activities to find its ultimate purpose, this was not recognized by man in his primitive social activities. He went about following his natural desires and spent his efforts to satisfy his physical and social wants without any purpose to build a social structure. Viewed from the present stand- point, however, it is easy to perceive how these independent and individual activities, directed only to immediate ends, have worked together in a process which Ward calls “ synergy ”? to produce a social structure with its various parts and accom- panying activities. Pleasurable sensation arose in a state of blind, non-purposive Nature because it served to stimulate the functioning processes necessary for the survival of the creature. However, so in- tense is such sensation, that, unless restraints are imposed, the 1See Galton, Hereditary Genius, pp. 344-348, or Carver, Sociology and Social Progress, pp. 641-646. Drummond, Ascent of Man, New York, 1894, pp. 230-318. 2? Ward, Pure Sociology, p. 171. 84 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY process which it promotes — the functioning of the organism — is overdone to the disadvantage of that organism. For example, the pleasant taste of food was of advantage because on account of it the animal of too low intelligence to know that food was necessary to survival would perform the otherwise rather weari- some function of eating. But if a man continues to eat just because food has a pleasant taste and overeats, he will have dyspepsia, a sign that his digestive organs are not functioning properly. So, to sum up, in the social world pleasant feelings arising from association under certain conditions promote the formation of social bonds which make for the survival of the group. How- ever, those feelings unrestrained within certain bounds destroy their own ends — social functioning — hence the restraint of feeling brings about social order, and thus builds the social structure.! Preservation of the Social Group. — Gradually the preserva- tion of the individual passes into concern for the preservation of the social group. A little nucleus of group-conscious individuals begins to work as a unit for the preservation of its own existence. Conscious social action by each individual of each group takes the place of instinctive action and is directed to group preser- vation. The community interest in the preservation of the group is seen in the development of war for defense, where all are united in a common enterprise. Such group concern may be seen also in the development of a government where individ- uals are working together in the preservation of common inter- ests. The observance of custom causes them to act as a unit and each individual who comes into the group through birth or adoption is subjected to the customs and traditions of the group and finds himself controlled, not by one individual, but by a higher power — the will of the group — to which all must be subordinate... His feelings and desires are restrained, not only by the natural environment, but by a newly created social en- vironment. Gradually this restraint is embodied in decrees, laws, or rules of action which are formally declared necessary for the preservation of the group. Moreover, in economic activities also there appears a great development of conscious codperation. The individual prima- 1 Ward, Pure Sociology, New York, 1907, pp. 119-135. SOCIAL ACTIVITIES 85 rily sought food independently and regardless of his fellows. The food supply at first instinctively and then consciously became a matter of social determination. Men hunt in groups and share the product of their combined labors. A whale found upon the shore or captured in the surf belongs to the family or tribe and not to the individual who discovers it. The field which is pro- tected and defended by all belongs to the group, and conse- quently its products partake essentially of communal owner- ship. The building of the house is usually done with many hands, representing the entire group, and hence sometimes we have a communal ownership and use of the house. Although individual activity remains, group activities become increas- ingly important. Through this associated activity, and only through it, was man’s present stage of development possible. In the course of social evolution these activities of social order and economic life expand until we now have a complex and highly differentiated form of political and economic life. The Perpetuation of the Social Group. — The love of life and its converse, the fear of death, have been the two great motives at the basis of the evolutionary struggle. These in- stinctive attitudes, however, are not alone in their primacy as fundamentals which explain the survival of the human race. They give rise to flight and other methods common to animals and men and adapted to promote escape from death; they give rise to conflict with foes; to attack of prey for food, with its joy of battle; and to the activities which end in the satisfaction of immediate desires. They are supplemented by another instinct necessary for the perpetuation of race, the sexual. It is doubtful whether, primarily, human beings desire offspring. But, following the desire for companionship which gradually develops in all social animals, and for sexual intercourse, the desire for offspring appears. There is evidence that low down in the scale of animal life the parents had no concern for the offspring. Yet in some species of such low forms as fishes, there appears a care for the nesting place, in certain higher animals maternal concern for the eggs and the young, but paternal concern is much weaker among many species of animals, as may be seen in the case even of cattle. In gregarious animals, however, a beginning of paternal regard is to be seen in the care which a gander and 86 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY certain other males take of their females and the young. Even among human beings there is a wide difference in father care between the lower grades of social development and the highest grades. This growth in parental care doubtless developed owing to a process of natural selection and resulted in the better survival of those for whom their parents had manifested concern. Obviously such concern in most cases was of advantage to the preservation of the species. Even yet sentiment, that child of instinct and tradition, rather than reason, is the most effective weapon of appeal for the care of the young. This instinctive concern for the offspring has produced im- portant results in the history of mankind. Undoubtedly the child is the real cause of the home. Its long period of help- lessness has caused the building of shelter and the construction of a permanent habitation. Around the child have been grouped all the early social affiliations. Clustered about the home idea we discover a variety of motives for the perpetuation of the whole group. Living together develops a tender feeling and sentiment among all inmates of the home. This is followed by family pride, which seeks to perpetuate the group and to cause it to survive the attacks of other groups. The ethnic idea becomes prominent and out of it springs national life with patriotism. In the course of social evolution there appears, finally, a con- scious effort for the perpetuation of the species. Certain cus- toms and laws regulate marriage relationships. In some in- stances individuals are forbidden to marry outside the larger ethnic groups and also are forbidden to marry near relatives within the group, but are forced to take wives from the larger social divisions within the society, although it is uncertain how much of such regulations was consciously prompted by the per- ception of the advantage such arrangements gave for survival and how much by accidental taboos of primitive religion. Doubtless, however, to-day such regulations as well as laws against infanticide, child labor, and neglect of children are consciously directed towards race welfare. In a thousand ways the social group seeks to protect itself and to perpetuate its existence. It must be constantly on the defensive against external foes who seek to destroy it and also watchful to seize every advantage to ward off disease and to establish such laws SOCIAL ACTIVITIES 87 and customs as will be conducive to the perpetuation of life. This social activity is absolutely essential to the existence of society and never ceases its operations in the highest and most perfected forms of social life. The Advancement of the Group. — Many efforts are made in several directions to raise the plane of living and to increase the efficiency of the social group. Among these may be mentioned all attempts to improve the physical conditions of mankind. The increase of the food supply, the invention of means of storing and preserving food, and the improvement of its quality, lead to a more constant and regular supply of the necessaries of physical life, do away with the loss of energy from hunger, and give the group leisure to improve itself in other ways.! Scientific discovery for the improvement of the material con- ditions of society represents one of its chief activities. Also the training of the physical man and the protection from dis- ease involves another group of social activities making for social development. Equally important for the advancement of society is the recreative life, the games and the amusements which were of great variety in primitive society as well as among civilized peoples. Through the ages not only of the human but also of the animal world, there has existed the joy of play. Only recently, however, has our philosophy found any justification for the “foolish ”’ practice. At last it has been discovered that the play element is essential to the highest development and the best welfare of the community. Hence this phase of social activity is important for the advancement of the race. Moral and Asthetic Activities. — Every well-organized com- munity has an unwritten code of moral law which has much to do with the unity and strength of society. Societies are or- ganized for the express purpose of advancing the moral standard of the community. Such are temperance societies, those for the prevention of cruelty to animals, and the large number of rescue and charitable societies which seek the betterment of particular classes of unfortunates. Every movement which seeks to bring about a more socially efficient association of individ- uals and to increase the integrity and adjustment of the mass to better social ends elevates society to a higher plane and adds 1Spencer, Principles of Sociology, Vol. I, Sec. 26, 88 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY to it strength and vigor. Such efforts not only make for a lessening of social waste, but add to the labor capacity of the community, increasing its longevity and offering greater op- portunity for survival of the ethnic group. Very closely allied to the moral are the esthetic activities which seek to elevate taste and to inculcate a love of the beauti- ful. No doubt the general effect of the love of the beautiful is increased satisfaction in life. Moreover, the love of the beau- tiful has close connection with a passion for those social purposes and standards which we call the truth, and which work for the advancement of the race by promoting social adjustment to better ideals, while the general effect of ugliness is toward de- generation. Here, as elsewhere, however, it is the proper use of the instrument that yields the highest reward, for the use of art may be directed toward immorality as well as toward moral- ity. Itis said that in Hungary, one effect of music is to develop a lazy emotional life, and many people have held that the excess of music in Germany, with its perpetual play on the emotions, has a tendency to destroy the power of inventive and logical thought. ‘This is psychologically what is to be expected, for any stirring of the emotions — those social engines of prime impor- tance — which does not result in action results in the atrophy of that natural connection between the emotional life and activ- ity, and therefore in social degeneration. Moreover, it may be questioned whether the popular ‘“‘ragtime’”’ music, although furnishing recreation to the faculties, has a beneficial effect upon the community. It usurps the function of good music. It also tends to appeal to such naive and grotesque tastes that its effects soon pall. Further, it does not afford that diversi- fication of satisfactions which best develops one’s nature. How- ever, the general effect of art is to improve the ideals, to motivate the social actions of the community, and to develop those activ- ities which lead to the study of the beautiful in nature and art and which are essential to the progress of the social group. Cultural Activities. — Culture has no standard definition, but in a sociological sense, besides implying the growth of our faculties with increased attainment of knowledge and apprecia- tion of art, it implies an elevation of belief and a transformation of conduct. The social activities most directly enlisted in culture of the group are religious, educational, and scientific. | SOCIAL ACTIVITIES 89 Ba Of the many thousands engaged in religious propaganda, all are directly or indirectly attempting to change religious belief. Now religious belief has its most intimate connections with the emotions rather than with the reason. That gives it its peculiarly important function in society. It becomes a mighty dynamic force for social action. In all stages of social evolution it has played a very important part in society building. Religion, moreover, has to do primarily with belief and secondarily with conduct. To change the belief from a lower to a higher form, that is, from a less to a more socially efficient form, and to bring the conduct of society into subordination to a belief is the vital process of religion so far as its effect on society is con- cerned. Since belief has a most vital connection with action, in this capacity it is a powerful social organizer. While a society might exist without it, nevertheless it has always been an important element in the process of integrating the social life, and the periods of decline in positive belief of nations have been periods of decline of national greatness. The educational activities are the most positive and direct agencies for the advancement of society through the process of culture. To persuade people to supplant ignorance by intelli- gence, to balance the emotions with reason and thus give them rational direction and control, to prepare the young for efficient industry. and citizenship and to elevate the ideals of life, are the principal functions of the educational activities. It is in this field that the conscious activity of society is best seen. Through education society seeks to force its own conduct into new channels of action. In the highest types of modern society the organized educational forces represent the most universal social activity that may be discerned. They make for the unity and solidarity of society and are the chief methods to insure society’s adaption to changing social conditions. The scientific movement is a part of the educational; for while the object of science is to find out truth, its ultimate pur- pose is to make it useful to society. No sooner is a scientific truth discovered than great effort is made to bring it to a utilitarian basis. Science has thus become necessary to the material welfare of the human race. It is the handmaid of human betterment. When a tribe adopts modern civilization and fails to utilize the knowledge of life that science gives, it go OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY declines rather than advances. This principle is observed in the contact of savage or barbarous tribes with modern civiliza- tion. Failing to master and employ the full force of modern science in their adopted mode of life, they degenerate in the presence of civilized arts. They learn the vices of civilization while refusing to adopt the teachings of civilized science and morals. The result is social downfall. Better that the rude savage have nature as a guide than come in contact with civilization without the application of scientific truth to the conduct of life. Anti-social Activities. — As there are social activities which make for social advancement, so there are many activities which obstruct it, such as the activities of bands of thieves or burglars, street gangs, counterfeiters, “‘ thugs,” “‘ grafters,” etc. As those activities which are social tend to result in social prog- ress, these activities which we must denominate as “ anti- social ’” tend to destroy group life, or thwart constructive social programs. Genetically many anti-social activities must be explained as survivals of past social practices which later social developments have rendered obsolete and harmful to the new- born social conscience. They illustrate that “the good is the enemy of the best,” and provide evidence that clearer social vision has rendered “ ancient good uncouth.”” Moreover, they may point to a lack of perfect adjustment in the later social activities and inventions to the needs of the people. The saloon, the low dance hall, with all their low and evil practices, the street gangs of city boys, and the neighborhood gangs of country boys with their pranks and fights illustrate this point. They show that some social needs of the people of the community are being met in anti-social ways by reason partly of the fact that there are lacking for the satisfaction of those needs means that are socially constructive in their results. Organizations grow out of these activities against which the social group in self-defense must exert its most potent, preventive, repressive, and curative methods. Codperative Association. — Much has been said previously in this volume about codperation and it will suffice here to mention it in connection with the general social activities. It represents a unity of purpose and action in accomplishing ends. The working of people in groups for a particular purpose involves a SOCIAL ACTIVITIES gI large number of social activities making for the advancement of society. Here one must distinguish the immediate from the ultimate end. A group of people organized for the purpose of developing a large body of iron ore are all desirous of making an income, but the real service to society is found in the produc- tion of a volume of useful metal which will improve the material and probably the social conditions of the whole community. When an entrepreneur borrows capital, hires men, and leases ground, he is bringing capitalists, laborers, and landowners into a combination of effort for his own profit. However, under proper economic conditions he and these other beings are work- ing together, often unconsciously, but none the less truly, in a codperative enterprise of great benefit to the whole of society. Such codperation is indirect, but codperation for the improve- ment of society may be direct when a body of men organize themselves into a civic league, to advance the social and political interests of the community, or when a body of women form a club with social purposes. This kind of codperation is common and represents a distinct group of social activities. Here we approach the idea of the social mind with its concert of feeling, thinking, and willing for the welfare of the community. This is the highest generalization of social codperative activity. It depends upon public conscience and public will for its action. Social activities in their highest forms are psychological in nature. This subject will be further discussed in the chapter on Psychical Forces. REFERENCES Grppincs, F. H. Descriptive and Historical Sociology, pp. 67-71. SMALL and VINCENT. Iniroduction to the Study of Society, pp. 237-266. SPENCER, HERBERT. Principles of Sociology, Vol. I, pp. 473-478. Warp, LESTER F. Dynamic Sociology, Vol.1I, pp. 468-502, 524-565, 581- 706; Pure Sociology, pp. 169-216, 544-572. QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES 1. Show how in the early history relief of the poor in your country social activities preceded social forms. 2. How would you explain the fact that in early Iowa history laws pro- viding for poorhouses preceded the building of any such institutions? (See Gillin, History of Poor Relief Legislation in Iowa, p. 183.) Q2 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY 3. After reading Ward, Pure Sociology, pp. 119-135, supply instances from your own observations in elections, church revivals, and church quarrels, in tariff and tax controversies, in the history of women’s clubs, and in the conduct of nations showing how feelings furnish the motive power of social action. 4. Describe in your own community a social action inspired by intense feelings upon which serious restraints had to be placed in order to further the success of the action. 5. Describe some present-day laws which restrain the individual) in the interests of the preservation of the group. Some customs. 6. What evidence does “race suicide’”’ supply in support of the assertion that instinct rather than reason must be depended on for the perpetuation of the race? Point out the fallacy, if any, in such argument. 7. Make a list of all the activities in your community which have for their purpose the advancement of the group. 8. Classify the following activities: A church, a county fair, a temperance campaign, a social survey, a city planning exhibit, university extension work, a baseball game, a political campaign, a woman’s club. g. If love of the beautiful has a close connection with virtue and truth, show the social justification of the movement for city planning, housing laws, art galleries, training in domestic science and art, and good music. 10. Explain the origin of a boys’ gang, showing how that organization satisfies a social need. Show how it often achieves an anti-social result. CHAPTER IV SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Meaning of Social Organization. — Social organization is represented by the various parts of society in so far as they function with one another. When any group organized for a specific purpose becomes essential to social life or social order in the normal state of society, it becomes a part of the social organization. Thus, for instance, the church as an institution makes itself essential as an instructing and controlling body. So do all trades and businesses, such as the banking business, which perform an essential economic service to the community. Above and over all private social organizations is the state and the various subdivisions which, as a sort of a framework, hold the great social body together in a definite form. Just how this structure has been built up has been suggested in the chap- ters on social evolution. Each activity, beginning faintly at first, grows stronger and stronger until it builds about itself a definite organic group of people continuing its function in a systematic way. The explanation just made applies more especially to societies which are somewhat developed. The term “social organization,” however, must also be applied to the social relationships to be found in groups much less developed than civilized societies. It must also cover the crude beginnings of social organization. Any fixity of social relations whether the outgrowth of instinct, feeling of likeness, or of conscious social purpose must be char- acterized as a social organization. The essential idea in a social organization is permanency of social relationships. Some- times such relations are produced by instinct, sometimes by the pleasurable feelings excited by being in the company of those whom we like, and at other times by the conscious appre- ciation of certain advantages of such relationships. They may grow out of fear and patronage, congeniality, or even force. Or, 93 94 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY they may develop from a contract entered into by superiors and inferiors or between equals. Social organization includes all sorts of permanent relationships upon any basis whatso- — ever. Development of Groups out of Social Aggregations. — Granting that the primal condition of society is a loosely con- structed horde, brought together through accident, from follow- ing the same desires, or from responding to the same stimuli, how did it happen that this loosely knit group finally became organized? Within this horde, smaller groups must have formed, clustering about a central interest or activity. Some- times these social bonds centered about the sex interests, some- times about a strong personality who established bonds of authority and obedience, such as may be seen in tribal and historic feudalism, and in the primitive religious or secret society, and sometimes about economic interests. When it was sexual attraction which brought more definite social relations, gradually the family and home life was built up, with their taboos, cus- toms, and traditions. Likewise, the religious motive causing a repetition of ceremonies finally produced an organized group of people attending to religious services. In various industrial occupations individuals began to work together to secure means of subsistence, they combined in building homes, in games, and in other social activities. All this had a tendency to diversify the life of society. Necessity of Social Integration.— Each of these small social groups, however, arising about various social interests, came into existence independently of other groups, and integra- tion became necessary. They were often found working at cross purposes socially ; the interests of one small group clashed with those of another. In this struggle the paramount interests of the whole body of people, which might be called an aggrega- tion, were often placed in jeopardy, especially in the presence of a hostile aggregation. This made necessary the subordinat- ing of small circles within the group to those interests which meant survival for the whole body of people closely allied. Hence, little by little independent social groups became merged or subordinated into a central organization. This integration brought many of the scattered elements of society into compact union well illustrated by that very highly centralized organi- SOCIAL ORGANIZATION 95 zation, the patriarchal family, in which almost complete control centered in one head, who represented the controlling power of the whole. Another example is to be found in the tribe which is formed by many clan groups united for the common purposes of religion, war, and association. The confederating of various tribes into still larger groups also is a continuation of the process of integration that went on through the centuries of development of human society. Nor is this integration, though it may have logically preceded other phases of social development, ever eliminated from the social process. It is a constant factor in society building, recurring in ever larger and larger ways as society becomes more extended. It represents the progress of race unity and solidarity. Social Composition. — By the term “ social composition ”’ soci- ologists mean those natural divisions of society comprising all ages, sexes, marital conditions, and ethnic relationships which are each self-sufficient for their perpetuation. The term signifies the natural groups of people occupying a common terri- tory, as contrasted with those groupings which are the results of conscious planning and for definite purposes. Examples of social composition are the family groups in modern societies, the kinship groups in primitive societies, the village — or com- munity — groups which have grown up largely on the basis of blood relationship in both primitive and modern societies, the town, the neighborhood, and the state. Social composition predominates in the social organization of the primitive societies ; the family, the horde, the tribe, and the village are the character- istic social organizations. On the other hand, in the modern civilized society the constituent society, or a group based upon likeness of interest, and formed for a definite purpose, such as partnerships, and industrial, cultural, and civil corporations, is in the ascendancy. The chief mark of a component society is that it is practically complete in itself, so that it could carry on an independent existence. In a constituent society the groups are interdependent. Under the old régime society was composed of a blood kindred, a development from the family group with the family relationships repeated in different forms and combinations. These various relationships held society together. Gradually the blood ties were supplanted by other social bonds, and society was composed of individuals, each of 96 OUTLINES OF SOCIOLOGY whom was connected with the whole group regardless of family relationship. As Giddings has pointed out, this change took place when for blood relationship there was substituted pro- pinquity in the same political area! In both tribal and civil society the social composition may be observed. It is easy to see that the so-called structure of society is represented by a body of people working for a definite purpose, bound together in psychological and social union with other bodies of people working for different purposes no less definite. The basis of their organization may be custom or tradition on the one hand, or, on the other, a written constitution. A social organization may be a playground group drawn together by a common play interest, a primitive tribe bound together by a common blood, or a highly organized state united together by a written convenant. 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TAA at. J yh bh rye a a) et Ci lind eh ie Nd Dy nays * ee ae en r Py Wet ity Aart th way) | ae at Wf. y F re \s ay 6s OY Ae, lak ia ae Oy ne Wee on t| vi enna ws SN a uy # , Ay, ‘ ah ee 4 j ne i Sie ey th, ‘aaa | hs ie ses ra hi No i ee if v ae De ; u ¥ y ‘ ait hi wliAie VAY oa i RA adn it tie fA AV apt i ay} rb | ja i) eS +42 iy vy Ky; Oain ts ‘ wih in Hox Ae WM rh 4 fe ip ; MOY Aa Mie 1 0 Aas ‘Any ; INDEX Abnormal society, normal distinguished | Assisi, Francis of, 254, 357. from, 425. Abraham, 262. Accident, inequalities arising from, 402. Accumulation of wealth, slow, 192. Activities, anti-social, 90; cultural, 88; moral, 87; social, 15. Adaptation of the forces of nature to man, progress by, 410. Addams, Jane, 535. Administration, methods methods of public, 515; in civil causes, 182. Adoption, 57. Adultery as ground of divorce, 146. Advancement of the group, 87. Advertising and exchange, 214. Advocates of socialistic theories, 382. Aggregation, 271; causes of, 54; de- velopment of groups out of social, 94. Ainu, 510. Alfred, 174, 543. Almy, Frederick, 468. Altruism, egoism versus, 230. Amos, 254, 300. Analysis, 534. Ancestor worship, 120, 252, 253. Ancient leadership, 389. Ancient monogamic family, 119. Ancient philosophers, 542. Animals, the society of, 53. Animal society, o. Anti-social activities, 90. Appearance, forbidding personal, 442. Appetites, unhealthful, 440. Approved modes of acquiring wealth, 216. Arbiter of justice, 409. Aristophanes, 208. Aristotle, 176, 177, 381, 450, 542. Aronovici, Dr. Carol, 536. Art, control by means of, 350. Articulation of parts, closer, 415. Aschaffenburg, Gustav, 480, 481, 482. Ashley, W. J., 558. OL ueeSiA; of justice Association, 273; means of control arising from voluntary, 367; primary result of, 320. Associations, codperative, tional, 6; voluntary, 6. Athenian democracy, 379. Attachment to the soil, 70. Attempt to realize a perfect social state through government, 379. Atwater, Professor, 444. Augustine, Saint, 254, 307, 357, 381, 543. Augustus, 461. 90; educa- Baboeuf, F. N., 382, 546. Bachofen, J. J., 113. Bacon, Francis, 381, 382, 545. Bad industrial and economic conditions, 451. Bagehot, Walter, 343. Bailey, W. B., 557. Bain, Alexander, 223. Baldwin, J. Mark, 224, 225, 245, 246, 339, 420. Bantu negroes, 510. Barth, Paul, 30. Basis, of social action, land or nature as a, 195; of social order, 350; of socio- logical thought, 552. — Beginning, of federation of states, 169; of justice, 64; of social organization, 55: Being, non-social, 508. Belief, control through, 352. Bellamy, 381, 384. Benini, Professor, 557. Billings, J. S., 502. Blackmar, F. W., 437. Blanc, Louis, 383, 546, 547, 548. Bonhoffer, 482. Booth, Charles, 535, 562. Branthwaite, Dr., sor. Browning, Mrs. E. B., 231, 301. Biicher, Carl, 297. Buckle, Thomas Henry, 67, 69. 575 576 Buddha, 267. Buffalo, 536. Burgess, J. W., 158. Biisch, Professor, 466. Bushnell, Professor C. J., 435. Cabet, Etienne, 381, 382, 546, 547, 540. Cabrillo, 261. Cesar, Augustus, 461. Calixtus, 254, 266. Calvin, John, 379. Campanella, 381, 544, 545. Capital, service of, in the production of wealth, 197. Care, necessity of, 513; of the poor and incapable, 185. Carlyle, Thomas, 549. Carnot, 491. Caserio, 491. Causes, of changes in economic processes, sociological, 199; of crime, 481; of growth of divorce, 146; of poverty, immediate and remote, 436. Causes of crime, classification of, 486; social, 484. Ceremony, social control by, 358. Changes, from homogeneity to hetero- geneity, 102; in the social position of women, 147. Change versus progress, 414. Characteristics, of social pathology, 426; of the individual, 436; of the state, 157. Character of the land and the develop- ment of society, 68. Charities, indorsement of, 473. Charity, giving among the Romans, 460; Hamburg-Elberfeld system of, 465; Indiana system of, 470; of the Christian Church, 462; of the state, 464; results of charity of the church, 463; universality of, among nations, 458. Charity organization in the United States, 472. Charity organization movement, rise of, 472. Charlemagne, 547, 540. Cheney, Edward P., 109. Choice, of the people, rational, 411; laws of individual, 317; laws of social, 310. Choosing mates, irrational methods of, 148; psychological and social factors in, 154. INDEX Christ, 384. Christian Church, charity of the, 462. Church, results of charity of the, 463. Cicero, 542. City-State, 164. Classes, struggle of, 199. Classification, of causes of crime, 486; of crime, 488; of criminals, 488; of inmates of institutions, 518; of social forces, 283. Closer articulation of parts, 415. Closer integration of society, 414. Code, Deuteronomic, 547; Priest’s, 547; Mosaic, 547. Combination, 277. Common ethical sentiment, 61. Commons, John R., 159, 160, 172. Communication, 272; methods of, 7. Comparison of the biological with the social organism, 17. Complexity, of belief and ceremony, 262; of problem of origin of religion, 253; of the social order, 10. Complex nature of social production, 193- Composition, social, 95. Comte, Auguste, 41, 240, 553, 555. Conditions, bad industrial and economic, 451; of primitive family life, 1109. Condorcet, M. J. A., 553. Conflict with nature, 68. Consciousness, of kind, 166; social, 331. Conscious resemblance, law of, 321. Conscious social effort, 312. Consolidation of groups, 57. Constituent parts of society, 100. Constitution, the social, 99. Consumption, economy of, 201; social, 200. Contract, government, 174; rights be- tween individuals, 181; social, 175. Control, by ceremony, 358; by means of art, 359; by personal ideals, 357; by social religion, 356; by social sug- gestion, 354; idea of, in a democracy, 390; means of, arising from voluntary association, 367; means of, through public opinion and law, 368; origin of, by force, 388; through influence of personal suggestion, 360; through in- tellectual factors, 363. Cooley, Charles H., 109, 279, 330, 561. Coolidge, Mrs. Mary R., 518. Codperation, 276. Codperative association, go. INDEX Cornill, Heinrich, 266. Cosmic and ethical processes of society, 16. Course of reasoning, 41. Court of domestic relations, 153. Crane, Caroline Bartlett, 536. Crime, causes of, 481; classification of causes of, 486; classifications of, 488; definition and punishment of, 182; extent and cost of, 478; influences of physical nature on, 484; nature of, 478; punishment of, 494; social causes of, 484. Criminals, classification of, 488. Cromwell, Oliver, 370, 545. Crude and meager nature of primitive religious practice, 257. Cruelty as a cause of divorce, 146. Cultural activities, 88. Cyprian, 254, 266, 463. Czolgosz, 491. Daniel, 381. Danielson and Davenport, 437. Dante, 544. Darwin, Charles, 14, 54, 126, 223, 224, 226, 524. Data of other sciences, 40, 527. Defective government, 448. Defectives, 428. Definition, and punishment of crime, 182; of legal relations between man and wife and between parents and children, 180. Degeneration, nature of social, through intemperance, 500. De Greef, Guillaume, 332, 524, 550. Demme, 131. Democracy, idea of control in a, 390; ideal, 410; social will of, 391. Dependence of the individual, 3. De Roberty, 556. Desires, zsthetic, 301; affective, 204; appetitive, 290; egotic, 293; ethical, 300; hedonic, 291; individual, in- stinctive in origin, 290; instinctive- cultural in origin, 298; instinctive- social in origin, 293; intellectual, 302; recreative, 295; religious, 208. Determination, of contract rights be- tween individuals, 181; of liability for debt or crime, 181; of political duties, privileges, and relations of citizens, 182. Deuteronomic Code, 547. 2.P 499; 577 Development, of civil justice, 235; of groups out of social aggregations, 94; of justice, 232; of social structures, law of, 324; of sociology, historical, 541; of sociology, recent, 558; social, 67. Devine, Edward T., 438, 503, 562. Difference in divorce rate, between dif- ferent countries, 141; between dif- ferent occupations, 141; between different states, 141; between the sexes, IAI. Differentiation, 280; an evidence of progress, 101; of organs or parts, 98; of political organs and functions, 168; of social sciences, 23; of society in structure and function, 415. Disapproved modes of acquiring wealth, 2106. Disease, 438. Disregard of family ties, 444. Distribution of divorces, 139; in United States, geographic, 141. Divine origin of the state, 173. Divorce, adultery as cause of, 146; causes of the growth of, 146; cruelty as cause of, 146; distribution of, 130; economic causes explain in part, 147; geographic distribution of, 141; grounds of, 145; increase of, 138; probability of, 145; proposed remedies for, 150. Divorce in the United States compared with other countries, 141. Domestic relations, court of, 153. Draehms, August, 490. Dubois, 52. Dugdale, Robert L., 437, 409, 503. Durkheim, Emile, 103, 557. Dwights, the, 507. Early forms of marriage, 116. Economic basis of family life, 121. Economic causes explain divorce in part, 147; Economic changes and their effects upon the family, 122. Economic conditions, and, 451. Economic goods or wealth produced to satisfy desires, 192. Economic life, 6. Economic processes, sociological causes of changes in, 199. Economists, influence of, 557. bad industrial 578 Economy of consumption, 201. Education, 185; misdirected and in- adequate, 450; pathology of, 431; to improve public opinion, 394; to improve type of government, 394; to what extent must laws be supported by, 395. Educational associations, 6. Edwards, the, 507. Effects, of immorality, 505; of other social changes upon the home, 124; of social progress upon methods of exchange, 210. Effort, conscious social, 312. Efforts to satisfy wants the basis of society, 73. Egoism versus altruism in social develop- ment, 230. Elizabeth, 464. Ellis, Havelock, 490. Ellwood, Charles A., 141, 286, 320, 561. Ely," ROT 5's835) 558: Emminghaus, A., 562. Employees and officials of institutions, merit system among, 518. English Poor Law, 465; 465. Environment, influence of the physical, 445; influence of the social, 290. Equality, ideals of, 386. Equalization, of industrial opportunities, 417; of political opportunities, 416. Essential functions of the state, 179. Ethical practice through sympathy, progress of, 220. Ethical sentiment, common, 61. Ethics, genesis of, 222; nature of, 220; social importance of, 220. Ethnic basis of the state, 160. Eugenic marriage laws, 151. Evil habits, 483. Evolutionary theory, 178. Evolution of man, moral, 228. Exchange, advertising and, 214; depen- dent upon extensive transport, 213; effects of social progress upon methods of, 210; social effects of, 207; social importance of, 206; use of money to facilitate, 211. Experimental social philosophers, 547. Experiments, modern socialistic, 383. Extensive exchange dependent upon transport, 213. Extent of crime, 478; of poverty, 435. Ezekiel, 381. revision of, INDEX Family, the, 7; ancient monogamic, Img; as a social unit, 112; economic changes and their effects on, 122, education of women and the size of, 134; genesis of forms of, 114; mar- riage rate and, 128; metronymic, 113; pathology of, 428; patriarchal, 120; patronymic, 113; physical degeneracy and the size of, 135; primitive, 112; race suicide and, 129; small or large, 127; social status of, 136; woman’s movement and the size of, 134. Family ideals, liberalization of thought and its effects upon, 125. Family life, conditions of primitive, 119; economic basis of, 121; influence of religion on, 120. Family organization, psychical influences on, I2I. Family ties, disregard of, 444. Federated groups, 96. Federation of states, beginnings of, 169. Feeling, 338. Fénelon, 546. Feré, Charles, 499. Ferri, Eurica, 493. Field work, 525. Food, laws relating to the manufacture, sale, and consumption of certain kinds of, 186; unwholesome and poorly cooked, 444. Forbidding personal appearance, 442. Force, a temporary check on insubordi- nation; 393; in government, ideal of, 389; of war, 65. Forces, power of psychical, 346; prog- ress by adaptation of forces of nature to man, 419; psychic, 338. Forerunners of sociology, 552. Formal expressions of the social mind, 336. Formation of the social mind, steps in the, 334. Form of social codperation, 4. Forms of society, 5. Formulation of a science of society, 11 Founders of sociology, 553. Fourier, 382, 546. Fowle, T. U., 465. Francis, Saint, 254, 357. Functions of the state, essential, 179; optional, 183. Galileo, 266. Galton, Francis, 557. INDEX Gautama, 254. General investigation, 531. Genesis, of ethics, 222; of forms of the family, 114. Genius and origin of religion, 254. Gentes as political units, 162. Geographic distribution of divorces in the United States, 141. Gesell, A. R., 437. Giddings, F. H., 9, 13, 14, 67, 60, 74, 96, 107, 118, 158, 162, 188, 241, 240, 275, 276, 310, 322, 330, 342, 524, 557, 560. Giving among the Romans, 460. Goddard, H. H., 436, 483, 503, 504, 505. Good, the greatest, 373. Gothenberg system, 441. Governing class, rise of the, 380. Government, contract, 174; defective, 448; ideal of force in, 380. Gracchus, Caius, 461. Grounds of divorce, 145. Group, marriage, 118; non-social, 432. Groups, consolidation of, 57; enlarge- ment of kinship, 166; federated, 96; of social sciences, 26; relation of the individual to the group, 103; the primary, 103. Growth, of divorce, causes of, 146; of population in relation to land areas, 79- Grozier, 550. Gumplowicz, Ludwig, 32, 324, 524, 561. Habitable land areas, 77. Habits, evil, 483; shiftlessness and idle, 443. Hadrian, 461. Hamburg-Elberfeld system of charity, 465. Happiness, nature of, 375. Harnack, Adolph, 462. Harrington, 545. Healy, William, 482. Hedin, Sven, 243, 308. Hegel, 30. Henderson, Charles R., 486, 490, 562. Henry VIII, 464. Hereditary influences, 506. Heterogeneity, changes geneity to, 102. Hildebrand, 557. Hindu doctrine, 353. from homo- 579 Hobbes, Thomas, 175. Hodge, Professor, 502. Holding, transmission, and interchange of property, regulation of the, 18r. Home, effects of other social changes upon the, 124. Hood, Thomas, 301. ‘Hooker, Richard, 175. Horde, the, 55. Hosea, 254, 263. Human society, 9, 523. Hume, 240, 249, 545. Hunter, Robert, 435, 535, 562. Huxley, Thomas H., 266, 524. Idea, of control in a democracy, 300; of self-government demands _ intelli- gence, 303. Ideal democracy, 410. Ideal of force in government, 389. Ideals, control by personal, 357; of equality, 386; of philosophers, 380; social, 373. Idle habits, shiftlessness and, 443. Imitation, laws of, 320. Immediate and remote causes of poverty, 436. Immediate social aim, 376. Immorality, effect of, 505. Importance of well-being, 194. Improvement, of public opinion by general education of all members of society, 394; of race or stock, 416; of social organization, 215; of type of government by education, 3094. Impulsive social action, laws of, 322. Increased service of wealth in behalf of humanity, 418. Increase of divorces, 138; of population, 72. Indiana system of charity, 470. Individual, characteristics of the, 436; dependence of the, 3; relation of, to the mass, 409. Individual characteristics, inequalities arising from, 399. Individual choice, laws of, 317. Individual desires instinctive in origin, 290. Individualism versus socialism, 385. Individuals, social classification of, 399. Indolence, undervitalization and, 437. Indorsement of charities, 473. Historical development of sociology, 541. | Industrial classes of traders, rise of, Historic theories of origin of religion, 240. 212, 580 Industrial opportunities, equalization of, 4I7. Industry, state management of, 184. Inequalities, arising from accident, 402; arising from individual characteristics, 399; arising from the natural environ- ment, 400; arising from social en- vironment, 403. Inequality, modification of, 405. Influence, of economists, 557; of personal suggestion, control through, 360; of physical environment, 445; of religion on family life, 120; of religion on social development, 239; of the social environment, 290, 446. Influences, hereditary, 506. Injustice, resentment of, 352. Inmates, classification of, 518. Insubordination, force a temporary check on, 393. Integration, conscious, 97; necessity of social, 94; of society, closer, 414. Intellectual factors, social control through, 363. Intellectual interests, 310. Intelligence, idea of self-government de- mands, 393. Intemperance, degeneration through, 500. Interests, intellectual, 310; political, 305; religious, 307; wealth, 305; welfare, 311. Investigation, general, 531; special, 532. Irrational methods of choosing mates, 148. Isaiah, 254, 263, 381. Ishmaels, the, 505. Jastrow, Morris, Jr., 244. Jehovah, 381. Jenks, J. W., 104. Jeremiah, 255. Jerusalem, 381. Jesus, 254, 255, 267, 300, 307. Judah, 381. Judgment, lack of, 439. Jukes, the, 505, 507. Jupiter, 258. Justice, Administration of, in civil causes, 182; arbiter of, 409; begin- ning of, 64; development of, 232; development of civil, 235; nature of, 408; origin of natural, 234; sense of, 351; transition of natural to civil, 235. Justinian, 542. INDEX Kellogg, Paul U., 534. Kellor, Frances, 562. Kidd, Benjamin, 298, 320, 550. King, Irving, 242, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249. Kingsley, Charles, 385, 540. Kinship, 56, 159. Kite, Miss Elizabeth S., 437. Knies, Karl, 557. Knowledge, 343. Koren, John, 503. Labor, as means of wealth production, 196; regulation of, 184. Lack of judgment, 439. Land, the various uses of, 71. Land areas, growth of population in relation to, 79; habitable, 77. Land or nature as a basis of social action, 195. Land tenure, various forms of, 80. Lange, 499. Language, the origin of, 58. Lawgivers, traditions of, 174. Laws, of conscious resemblance, 321; of development of social structures, 324; of imitation, 320; of impulsive social action, 322; of individual choice, 317; of M. Tarde, 316; of social aims, 319; of social choice, 319; of spiritual development, 325; of survival and progress, 326; of sympathy, 321; of tradition, 323; relating to the manufacture, sale, and consumption of certain kinds of food, 186. Leadership, ancient, 389. Le Bon, Gustave, 562. Legal relations between man and wife and between parents and children, definition of, 180. Le Play, P: G..F.> 537, Leppmann, Fritz, 482. Leroy-Beaulieu, P., 557. Leslie, Thomas Edward Cliffe, 557. Letourneau, Charles, 31. Levasseur, Pierre Emile, 557. Liability for debt or crime, determination of, 181. Liberalization of thought and its effects upon family ideals, 125. Library, the use of, 524. Lichtenberger, James P., 140. Life conditions, has each succeeding generation better, 415. Limitation of the subject of study, 530. INDEX Limits of the powers of the state, 186. Locke, John, 175. Lombroso, Cesare, 481, 482, 488, 480. Lotze, Hermann, 550. Lowell, James Russell, 507. Lubbock, Sir John, 240. Lucretius, 240. Luther, Martin, 254, 357. Luxury, 202. Lycurgus, 174, 547, 548. Mably, G. B. de, 546. Machiavelli, N. di B., 544. MacKenzie, J. S., 550. McKinley, William, gor. McLennan, J. F., 113, 116. Madison, James, 408. Malinowski, B., 120. Mallock, W. H., 280, 508. Malthus, Thomas, 195, 196, 547; theory of, 195. Manitou, 242. Man touches nature at an increasing number of points, 60. Map of the sociological field, 42, 43. Marriage, early forms of, 116; group, 118; raising the social ideals of, 153; Yregulation of, as remedy for divorce, I51. Marriage laws, eugenic, 151. Marriage rate and the family, 128. Marx, Karl, 383. Maurice, F. D., 385, 5409. Mayo-Smith, Richmond, 129, 557. Means of control, arising from voluntary association, 367; through public opinion and law, 368. Meaning of social control, 340. Medicine man and priest, services of, 259. Medieval philosophers, 543. Mendelian Law, 506, 528. Mental emancipation of women, 148. Merit system among employees and offi- cials of institutions, 518. Methods, of administration, 514; of communication, 7; of public adminis- tration, 515. Metronymic family, 113. Micah, 263. Mill, John Stuart, 546, 553. Misdirected and inadequate education, 450. Modern philosophers, 545; social state, 170; socialism, 382; socialistic ex- periments, 383. 581 Modification of inequality, 405. Mohammed, 254, 267. Money, use of, to facilitate exchange, 211. Monogamy, 118. Montesquieu, C. L. de S., 67, 546, 553. Moore, Dr. Frank, 482. Moral and esthetic activities, 87. Moral evolution of man, 228. More, Thomas, 381, 544, 545. Morel, Jules, 481, 490. Morgan, Lewis H., 114. Morley, John, 159. Morris, William, 5409. Morrow, Prince A., 131. Morton, Dr. Rosalie S., 132. Mosaic codes, 547. Moses, 174, 547. Miiller, Max, 243, 244. Mumford, Eben, 559. Miinsterberg, Hugo, 562. Nansen, Fridjof, 531. Natural conditions that influence society, 288. Natural environment, inequalities aris- ing from, 400. Natural phenomena, sacred places and, 261. Natural races, 75. Nature, conflict with, 68; of crime, 478; of ethics, 220; of happiness, 375; of justice, 408; of social degenera- tion, 499; of social production, com- plex, 193; of society, 7; of the state, 157. Necessity, of care for weak and abnormal, 513; of social integration, 94. Need of scientific study, 1o. Nero, 461. Newman, John Henry, Cardinal, 254. Non-social being, 508. Non-social group, 432. Nordau, Max, 499. Normal distinguished from abnormal society, 425. Novicow, Jacques, 32, 550. Numa, 174. Object of society, 36. Observance of scientific method, 44. Optional function of the state, 183. Order, social, 180. Organic conception of society, 16, 556. Organization, 278; of industry, social effects of, 197; tribal, 164. 582 Oriental monarchy, 380. Origin, of control by force, 388; of language, 58; of natural justice, 234; of public control, 63; of religion, 2490; of religion and revelation, 239; of the state, 150. Other sciences, data of, 40, 527. Other social organs, 104. Out-relief, principles of, 475. Owen, Robert, 547, 540. Pathology, of education, 431; of the family, 428; of the state, 430. Patriarchal family, 120. Patronymic family, 114. Patten, Simon N., 366. Paul, Saint, 254, 255, 267, 300, 307. Pauperism, 427. Pearson, Karl, 131, 557. Perpetuation of the social group, 85. Personal appearance, forbidding, 442. Personal ideals, control by, 357. Philanthropy, unwise, 453. Philosophers, ancient, 542; experimen- tal social, 547; ideals of, 380; medieval, 543; modern, 545. Philosophy, of charity, 457; 549. Phratry, purposes of the, 163. Physical degeneracy and the size of, the family, 135. Physical environment, influences of, 445. Physical nature, 67; influences of, on crime, 484. Physical pressure, 50. Pilgrim’s Progress, 360. Pinel, 481. Pittsburgh Survey, 534, 535- Plato, 380, 381, 542. Polis or city-state, 164. Political duties, privileges, and relations of citizens, determination of the, 182. Political interests, 305. Political life, 5. Political opportunities, equalization of, 416. Political organs and _ functions, ferentiation of, 168. Political units, gentes as, 162. Polyandry, 118. Polygyny, 118. Poor and incapable, care of the, 185. Pope Leo XIII, 254. Population, increase of, 72. Posnet, H. M., 557. recent, dif- INDEX Poverty, extent of, 435; immediate and remote causes of, 436. Power of psychical forces, 346. Powers of the state, limits of, 186. Preservation of the social group, 84. Pressure, physical, 59; social, 60. Priest’s code, 547. Primary groups, 103. Primary result of association, 3209. Primitive family, 112. Primitive religious practice, crude and meager nature of, 257. Principles of scientific out-relief, 475. Probability of divorce, 145. Processes of social production, sociologi- cal effects of changes in, 108. Production of economic goods or wealth to satisfy desires, 192. Program of reform, 497. Progress, by adaptation of the forces of nature to man, 419; change versus, 414; of ethical practice through sympathy, 229; of sociology, 555. Prometheus, 254. Prominent forces in state building, 165. Proposed remedies for divorce, 150. Protection of person and property from violence and robbery, provision for. 180, Proudhon, 181, 546. Provision for protection of person and property from violence and robbery 18o. Psychic forces, 338. Psychical influences in family organiza- tion, 121. Psychological factors in choosing mate, 154. Public control, origin of, 63. Publicists, theories of, 176. Public opinion and law, means of control through, 368. Punishment of crime, 182, 404. Purpose, sociological, 529. Purposes of the phratry, 163. Quetelet, 557. Race conflict and amalgamation, 161. Race or stock, improvement of, 416. Race suicide and the family, 129. Races, the natural, 75. Raising the social ideals of marriage necessary, 153. Rational choice of the people, 411. INDEX Ratzenhofer, 285, 324, 524, 561. Readjustment of society, 336. Recent development of sociology, 558. Recent philosophy, 5409. Reform, program of, 407. Reformation, 495. Regulation, of holding, transmission and interchange of property, 181; of labor, 184; of marriage as a remedy for divorce, 151; of trade and indus- try, 183; of trades for sanitary pur- poses, 185. Reid, Dr. George, 132. Relation, of individual to the group, 103; of individual to the mass, 409. Relationships, social, 104. Religion, a strong factor in society building, 265; and _ social progress, 264; genius and origin of, 254; _his- toric theories of origin of, 240; in- fluence of, on family life, 120; influence of, on social development, 239; origin of, 230, 249. Religious forms and ceremonies, 260. Remedies for divorce, proposed, 150. Resemblance, law of conscious, 321. Resentment of injustice, 352. Results of charity of the church, 463. Revelation, 381; origin of religion and, 239. Rise, of charity organization movement, 472; of governing class, 389; of in- dustrial classes of traders, 212. Robertson, Dr. John, 132. Roman Republic, 380. Rooneys, the, 505. Roosevelt, Theodore, 492. Roscher, 557. Ross, E. A., 38, 40, 41, 107, 226, 285, 286, 325, 320, 341, 353, 358, 361, 364, 524, 351, 560, 561. Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 175, 546. Rowntree, 535. Ruskin, 540. Sacred places and natural phenomena, 261. St. John, Mr., 536. Saint-Simon, C. H. de, 382, 546. Sanitation, including regulation of trades for sanitary purposes, 185. Schaeffle, August, 556. Schmoller, 557. Scientific method, observance of, 44. Scientific out-relief, principles of, 475. 583 Scientific study of society, need of, to. Segregation of wards of the state in separate institutions, 517. Selection of facts bearing upon the social problem, 530. Semple, Ellen, 67. Sense of justice, 351. Service of capital in the production of ‘wealth, 197. Services of medicine man and priest, 259. Settlement of tribes, 77. Severus, 461. Sheldon, Charles H., 432. Shiftlessness and idle habits, 443. Simmel, Professor Georg, 524, 562. Sioux, 510. Slow accumlation of wealth, 192. Small, Albion W., 285, 524, 559, 562. Small and Vincent, 346. Small or large family, 127. Smith, Adam, 223, 546, 553. Smith, Eugene, 480. Smith, Robertson, 247. Smoky Pilgrims, 507. So-called social organism, 08. Social action, land or nature as a basis of, 105; laws of implusive, 322; social forms preceded by, 82. Social activities, 15. Social activity, standards of, differ in different communities, 426. Social aim, immediate, 376. Social aims, laws of, 3109. Social causes, of crime, 484; of degenera- tion, 509. Social choice, laws of, 319. Social classification of individuals, 399. Social composition, 95. Social consciousness, 331. Social constitution, 99. Social consumption, 200. Social contract, 175. Social control, by ceremony, 358; mean- ing of, 349; through intellectual factors, 363. Social codperation, form of, 4. Social degeneration, nature of, 499. Social development, 67; egoism versus altruism in, 230; influence of reli- gion on, 230. Social direction of society in the interests of the individual, 4109. Social effects, of exchange, 207; of or- ganization of industry, 197. 584 Social effort, conscious, 312. INDEX Social well-being, 194. Social environment, inequalities arising | Social will, 345; of democracy, 3or. from, 403; influence of the, 290. Social evolution, 46, 51; and the theory of the state, 172. Social factors in choosing mate, 154. Social forces, classification of, 283. Social forms, 15, 105; preceded by social action, 82. Social group, advancement of, 87; per- petuation of the, 85; preservation of the, 84; relation of the individual to the, 103; the survival of the, 74. Social ideals of marriage, raising the, 153. Social importance of ethics, 220; of exchange, 206. Social integration, development of groups out of, 94; necessity of, 94. Socialism, modern, 382. Socialistic experiments, modern, 383. Socialistic theories, advocates of, 382. Social life, specific training for, 306. Social mind, formal expressions of the, 336; steps in the formation of the, 334. Social order, 180; basis of, 350; com- plexity of the, ro. Social organism, comparison of the biological with the, 17; the so-called, 98. Social organization, beginnings of, 55; improvement of, 215; meaning of, 03, 98; psychic factors in, 18. Social organs, other, 104. Social origins, 51. Social pathology, characteristics of, 426. Social philosophers, experimental, 547. Social position of women, changes in, 147. Social pressure, 60. Social production, complex nature of, 193. Social progress, religion and, 264. Social relationships, 104. Social religion, control of, 356. Social sciences, differentiation of, 23; groups of, 26. Social status of the family, 136. Social structures, law of development of, 324. Social suggestion, control by, 354. Social survey, 534. Social types, 510. Social unit, the family as a, 112. Social versus individual wealth, 194. Society, animal, 9; closer integration of, 414; constituent parts of, 100; differentiation of, in structure and function, 415; forms of, 5; formula- tion of a science of, 11; human, 9g, 523; is aim fixed and unchangeable, 375; natural conditions that influence, 288; normal distinguished from ab- normal, 425; of animals, 53; organic conception of, 16; readjustment of, 336; social direction of, in the in- terests of the individual, 419; survi- val of, 510; the cosmic and the ethical processes of, 20; the nature of, 7; the object of, 36; types of, 9; ulti- mate aim of, 376. Society building, religion a strong factor in, 265. Sociological effects of changes in pro- cesses of social production, 108. Sociological field, map of, 42, 43. Sociological purpose, 529. Sociological thought, basis of, 552. Sociology, characteristic mark of, 24; concrete method of, 39; definition of, 13; dynamic, 19; forerunners of, 552; foundation of, 32; founders of, 553; historical development of, 541; many phrases of, 45; methods of, 39; organic conception of, 556; peda- gogic limits of, 27; place among the social sciences, 23; problems of, 37; progress of, 555; purpose and method of, 35; recent development of, 558; relation to anthropology, 30; relation to history, 30; relation to political economy, 28; relation to political science, 29; relation to psychology and biology, 28; scientific nature of, 22; static, 19; treats of forces which tend to organize and _ perpetuate society, 17; treats of the growth of society, 14; treats of the laws con- trolling social activities, 18; treats of the origin of society, 14; unit of investigation in, 38; varies from other social sciences chiefly on account of its general nature, 41; various con- ceptions of, 31. Socrates, 300, 492. Solon, 174, 547. Special investigation, 532. Specific methods, 532. INDEX Specific training for social life, 396. Spencer, Herbert, 23, 28, 32, 44, 67, 90, 106, I17, 242, 243, 244, 349, 524, 525, 554, 555, 556. Spiritual development, law of, 325. Standards of social activity differ in different communities, 426. Standish, Miles, 507. State, beginnings of federation of, 169; building, prominent forces in, 165; characteristics of the, 157; charity of the, 464; divine origin of the, 173; essential functions of the, 179; ethnic basis of the, 160; from a sociological point of view, 187; limits of the powers of the, 186; management of industry, 184; modern social, 170; must pre- serve its life and maintain its political relationship with foreign powers, 183; nature of the, 157; optional functions of, 183; origin of the, 159; pathology of, 430; prominent forces in building, 165; social evolution and the theory of the, 172; theories of, 173. Stelzle, Rev. Charles, 536. Stephen, James Fitzjames, 488. Steps in the formation of the social mind, 334. Stricter regulation of marriage, 151. Struggle, of classes, 199; shifting from physical to psychical basis, 21. Stuckenberg, J. H. W., 285. Subject of study, limitation of the, 530. Sullivan, W., 503. Summary, 455. Survey, social, 534. Survival, and progress, law of, 326; of the best, 21; of the social group, 74; of society, 510. Sutherland, J., 482. Swiss federation, 380. Sympathy, progress of ethical practice through, 229. System of charity, Hamburg-Elberfeld, 465; Indiana, 470. Talbot, Eugene S., 499. Talmud, 547. Tarde, M. Gabriel, 32, 316, 317, 339, 524, 562; laws of, 316. Theories, advocates of socialistic, 382; evolutionary, 178; of Malthus, 195; of publicists, 176; of Weismann, 415; state, 173; utilitarian, 374. Thlinklets, 510. 320, 585 Thomas, Professor William I., 524, 561. Tiele, C. P., 244, 325. Tonnies, 524. Trade and industry, regulation of, 183. Traders, rise of industrial classes of, 212. Tradition, laws of, 323. Traditions of lawgivers, 174. Transition from ethnic to civil society, 161; from natural to civil justice, 235. Tribal organization, 164. Tribe of Ishmael, 507. Tribes, settlement of, 77. Tubal-Cain, 254. Tullius, Servius, 547, 548. Turgot, 553. Tylor, Edward B., 241, 242, 243, 244. Types, of society, 9; social, 510. Uhlhorn, Gerhard, 462. Ultimate aim of society, 376. Undervitalization and indolence, 437. Unhealthful appetites, 440. Universality of charity among nations, 458. Unwholesome and poorly cooked food, 444. Unwise philanthropy, 453. Use, of money to facilitate exchange, 211; of the library, 524. Utilitarian theory, 374. Various forms of land tenure, 80. Various uses of land, 71. Vairasse d’Allais, 545. Veblen, Thorstein, 558. Vice, 428. Vico, 553. Vincent, George E., 550, 563. Voltaire, 306. Voluntary associations, 6. Von Treitschke, 67. Wants, efforts to satisfy, 73. War, the force of, 65. Ward, Lester F., 27, 28, 32, 44, 82, 83, I16, 201, 232, 285, 301, 327, 340, 340, 499, 524, 554, 558, 550. Warner, Amos G., 438, 562. Wasserman test's, 152. Wealth, approved modes of acquiring, 216; disapproved modes of acquiring, 216; increased service of, in behalf of humanity, 418; interests, 305; labor as a means of production of, 196; production, labor as a means of, 586 INDEX Wealth, Continued. Wilson, Woodrow, 159, 178, 170. : 196; service of capital in production | Wolowski, 557. of, 197; slow accumlation of, 192;} Woman’s movement and the size of the social versus individual, 194. family, 134. Webster, Hutton, 104. Women, changes in social position of, Weismann, August, theory of, 415. 147; mental emancipation of, 148. Welfare interests, 311. Woods, Robert A., 535 . Well-being, importance of, 194. ’ | Worms, René, 556. Wesley, John, 254. Wundt, Wilhelm, 224. Westermarck, Edward, 55, 224, 225. Will, social, 345, Zeros, the, 505. Printed in the United States of America. "THE following pages contain advertisements of books in the same series or of related interest. Social Science Text-books EpIren BY, RICHARD alu ELYcsBu. Di LED. Director of the School of Economics and Political Sci- ence in the University of Wisconsin; author of “ Outlines of Political Economy,” “ Monopolies and Trusts,” etc. “Social Science” is here used in the broad sense as referring to the various sciences dealing with social activities. Hence, the vol- umes in this series cover the various fields of economics, political science, and sociology. Scholarly accuracy, attractiveness of style, and particularly thor- ough teachability characterize these volumes prepared under the direction of Dr. Ely. Although designed primarily for use as text- books, no effort is spared to make them attractive to the individual, and suitable for small reading groups or large reading circles. 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TTB OY VPH. 40 LoL. Professor of Political Economy in the University of Wisconsin. Revised and enlarged by the Author and Thomas S. Adams, Ph.D., Professor of Political Economy in the University of Wisconsin; Max O. Lorenz, Ph.D., Assistant Professor of Political Economy in the University of Wisconsin; and Allyn A. Young, Ph.D., Professor of Economics in Leland Stanford Jr. University. Cloth, Svo, $2.00 The new edition of Professor Richard T. Ely’s “Outlines of Eco- nomics,’’ which has just been published, marks the great advance that has been made in the study of economics in the last decade. The new edition is practically a new work, completely revised and rewritten and about twice the size of the old book. In this revision Professor Ely has had the assistance of Professors T. S. Adams and Max O. Lorenz of the University of Wisconsin, and Professor A. A. Young of Stanford University. All of these men are experts in vari- ous departments of economics. 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