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THE 
 
 SOUTHERN REBELLION: 
 
 BEING 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 COMMENOEMENT OF PRESIDENT BUOHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION THROUGH THE WAR 
 FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 A RECORD OF POLITICAL EVENTS, MILITARY MOVEMENTS, CAMPAIGNS, EXPEDITIONS, 
 BATTLES, SKIRMISHES, ETC. 
 
 PREPARED FROM OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS AND OTHER AUTHENTIC SOURCES. 
 By W. A. CRAFTS. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED WITH ELEGANT STEEL ENGRAVINGS, 
 
 FROM ORIGINAL DESIGNS AND PHOTOGRAPHS, EXECUTED EXPRESSLY FOR THE WORK. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 PUBLISHED BY SAMUEL WALKER. 
 1862. 
 
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1862, by 
 SAMUEL WALKER, 
 
 In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 
 
TO THE 
 
 DEFENDERS OF THE UNION, 
 ON THE LAND AND ON THE SEA, 
 
 THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED. 
 
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HEtrue his- 
 tory of the 
 Southern 
 ‘Rebellion 
 hould, per- 
 haps, com- 
 mence many years before the 
 < actual breaking out into open 
 - resistance in 1861. After the 
 suppression of nullification in 
 South Carolina, in 1832, Gen- 
 eral Jackson wrote, in effect, 
 
 that there was a settled deter- 
 mination on the part of the leaders of that 
 movement to establish a “southern confed- 
 eracy” —that the tariff was then made the 
 pretext for their resistance to the authority of 
 the United States, but that the next pretext 
 
 would be the slavery question. There are 
 various evidences that the keen observation 
 of President Jackson was not at fault. The 
 language of the aiders and abettors in the nul- 
 lification movement indicated that there was a 
 fixed purpose in some quarters to bring about 
 a division of the United States, and to establish 
 a separate government at the south, under 
 which the material, political, and social inter- 
 ests of that section should be promoted, better 
 than they could be by association with the 
 different interests of the north. The secret 
 history of the movement has not been written, 
 but occasional glimpses have been had through 
 all the period, from 1831 to the final breaking 
 out of rebellion in 1861, which revealed the 
 purposes of the leaders of the ultra southern 
 
 party, while a consideration of the public his- 
 (5) 
 
6 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tory of the country, in relation to those matters 
 having a bearing upon the interests, or supposed 
 interests, of the south, confirm the observer in 
 the belief that this purpose of separation has 
 been, to some extent, constantly entertained, 
 and that the action of certain parties has tended 
 constantly and consistently to such a result. 
 
 The structure of southern society is such as 
 might naturally lead to the desire for the 
 establishment of a government on a different 
 theory from that of the United States, as inter- 
 preted by the more democratic society of the 
 north. <A privileged class, accustomed to lead 
 and control in social life, and having such a 
 community of interest as makes it expedient 
 and necessary for them to act together in their 
 local politics, and withal based upon an institu- 
 tion which at once magnifies their importance, 
 both social and political, and renders them 
 jealous of their privileges, could hardly be 
 expected to be content with the control of 
 their own local politics, or with their social 
 superiority in their own community, if beyond 
 these they had other political relations, and 
 were part of a larger community. Such a 
 privileged class are the southern planters and 
 _slaveholders — an aristocracy without titles, but 
 with as much power, socially and _ politically, 
 and with as many privileges, practically and 
 legally, in their own states and communities, 
 as, perhaps, any nobility of the old world. 
 They have all the influence which wealth can 
 give; all the distinction which freedom from 
 labor, and the absolute control over the great 
 laboring class, can afford; all the power which 
 common interest and united purpose can secure 
 by means of wealth, leisure, ability, and social 
 influence. The local governments are theirs, 
 the local laws are especially for them and their 
 property, and the whole political system hinges 
 upon their rights and interests. 
 
 These things are facts, entirely independent 
 of any moral or political question in relation 
 to slavery. Such is the class which has neces- 
 
 sarily grown up at the south under the influ- 
 ence of institutions and ideas constantly ex- 
 tending in that one direction, and which so 
 rules as to give the tone and character to that 
 portion of the country. At home, in their own 
 community and states, their power and their 
 position have been sufficiently established, their 
 interests sufficiently protected. But in the 
 United States— the whole country — they were 
 not paramount and absolute. By the constitu- 
 tion southern institutions were recognized ; but 
 ever since the establishment of the govern- 
 ment, and especially since the culture of cotton 
 has given increased importance to the land- 
 holder and slaveholder of the south, there has 
 been a contest between the north and the south 
 respecting the extent to which this recognition 
 was intended to be carried in the constitution, 
 and how it was to be carried out by the laws 
 and practices, and assent, of the whole country ; 
 and almost as continually there have also been 
 other contests, of a more temporary character, 
 in relation to policy affecting more or less the 
 interests of the privileged class at the south. 
 A review of the history of the country will 
 show that in a majority of these contests, and 
 for a long time, the south ultimately prevailed, 
 or secured some substantial gain, if not all that 
 it desired. 
 
 It is not to be inferred from this that the 
 privileged class of the south were always united 
 and contending against a united natural oppo- 
 sition at the north. Parties were divided, both 
 at the north and the south, on other great 
 questions and measures, and partly on the tra- 
 ditional distinctions of the early days of the 
 republic. The questions before the whole 
 country which affected the interests of the 
 dominant power at the south were for a long 
 time incidental or temporary, and such as might 
 naturally be viewed differently among them- 
 selves. But that power, for the most part, 
 affiliated with the party at the north which 
 most nearly supported its interests and ideas 
 
INTRODUCTION. 7 
 
 By degrees, in the lapse of time, old issues dis- 
 appeared, and every new question that arose, 
 or was forced upon the country, involved more 
 and more the interests or privileges of the in- 
 stitution on which the southern power was 
 based. As these interests and privileges came 
 directly in question, the power of the ruling 
 class among its own people became manifest, 
 by the union of the greater part of the south- 
 ern voters. In former years, and under the old 
 issues, their efforts had been mainly not to lose 
 any advantages. But as the social and polit- 
 ical institutions of the south became more 
 compact and firmly established, and the privi- 
 leges and power of the aristocratic part of the 
 community consequently increased, the efforts 
 were not simply defensive or protective, but 
 were directed to the control of the general 
 government. In these efforts they succeeded 
 until the last election, because in the more 
 democratic north parties are not so easily con- 
 solidated, and the interests involved in such 
 contests, being too remote to be personally felt, 
 as at the south, were in part controlled or 
 modified by other and local interests. Thus 
 the southern party have always found at the 
 north a party which acted with them, partly 
 from traditional associations, and partly from 
 the various motives of interest, feeling, sympa- 
 thy, and opposition to other men, parties, or 
 measures. And thus they gained an influence 
 in the general government, and gradually 
 brought it, or sought to bring it, into a position, 
 with regard to their social institutions, as near 
 as possible to that of their local governments, 
 and in opposition to the principles and institu- 
 tions of the north. 
 
 This was the policy of the more extreme 
 party at the south; that party which, from 
 its positive character and determined course, 
 shaped the policy of that section. There were 
 others, a majority of whom were probably 
 not so deeply interested in the peculiar institu- 
 tions of the south, who were disposed to a 
 
 more moderate policy. But m the course of 
 time the latter class grew smaller or less influ- 
 ential, while the extreme party gained, as every 
 such party must, when its leaders are composed 
 of the ablest men, its measures are positive, 
 and its success is probable. Northern opposition 
 to slavery, especially to the extension of sla- 
 very into new states, served also to consolidate 
 the south. 
 
 As before remarked, the efforts of the south- 
 ern party had at first been not to lose any 
 advantages, and they succeeded in maintaining 
 an equal power in the national senate by the 
 admission of a new slave state whenever a new 
 free state was admitted. But the rapid increase 
 of the free states in population with each dec- 
 ade reduced the direct influence of the south 
 in the popular branch of Congress. So long, 
 however, as the people of the north were 
 divided, and a considerable portion of them 
 and their representatives could, by interest or 
 sympathy, be attached to the ruling party of 
 the south, it could still control the government. 
 But the Missouri compromise secured to the 
 north a larger territory for new free states than 
 was open to the south for new slave states; and 
 the rapid settlement of that territory indicated 
 that the free states would soon predominate in 
 the,senate. Such a result was dreaded by the 
 extreme southern party, for by it they saw the 
 sceptre would pass from their hands. And it 
 was no less plain to the more far-seeing that 
 the institution on which their social and polit- 
 ical superiority was based could flourish only 
 by expansion in the cotton and sugar-growing 
 regions. The annexation of Texas was then 
 accomplished; and though that measure was 
 brought about by the aid of the north, it was a 
 southern measure, and for the strengthening 
 of the south and its institutions. The Mexican 
 war followed, with its conquest of vast addi- 
 tional territories. It was hoped that this terri- 
 tory, adjoining the slave states and the territory 
 conceded to slavery, would secure the continued 
 
8 | INTRODUCTION. 
 
 equality, if not preponderance, of the slave 
 states. 
 in consequence of the discoveries of gold, by a 
 population of working men, mostly from the 
 free states, disappointed the hope. Then came 
 the agitation in 1849-50, consequent upon this 
 result in California and other questions con- 
 nected with the settlement of the condition of 
 the conquered territory. Power was passing 
 from the hands of the south. The extreme 
 party talked of secession, and demanded new 
 guaranties for slavery as a condition for remain- 
 ing in the Union. At that time, there is reason 
 to believe, the doctrine of secession was widely 
 spread among the ruling class of the slave 
 states. Social meetings and associations pecu- 
 liar to them gave it many advocates and sup- 
 porters. The doctrine of “state rights,” which 
 had always been one of the pillars of their 
 political faith, and the more so because it was 
 a protection to their cherished institution, was 
 asserted more strenuously than since the period 
 of nullification, and to the extent of justify- 
 ing secession. But the storm passed then. 
 Through the efforts of some of the ablest men 
 of both sections the compromise measures 
 were adopted, some new guaranties were con- 
 ceded to slavery, the country acquiesced, and 
 peace was restored for a time. 
 
 But the compromise measures were not sat- 
 isfactory to the extreme southern party. They 
 saw that the power of the south was not secured 
 in the future, and could only wane under the 
 existing condition of the territories and the 
 comparative growth of the two sections of the 
 country. New schemes were originated for 
 extending slavery and its consequent political 
 
 power. The conquest and ultimate annexation 
 
 But the rapid settlement of California, || of Central America were projected by some of 
 
 the wildest spirits, and signally failed. The 
 next movement was the abrogation of the 
 Missouri compromise, advocated by the south 
 with a view of opening to slavery territory 
 from which it was excluded by that act, and by 
 a portion of the north as a settlement of the 
 whole question on general principles. Then 
 came another agitation, both at the south and 
 at the north. The evident purpose of the 
 southern party excited a counter purpose at 
 the north, and the north, after a long contest, 
 triumphed, by securing Kansas as a free state. 
 
 It is at about this period — the commencement 
 of Mr. Buchanan’s administration — that the 
 present volume opens, thus forming a continua- 
 tion of the History of the United States from 
 the time at which it was left in a former work. 
 Besides the advantage of thus giving a con- 
 tinuous history of the country, there is a pro- 
 priety in commencing the narrative of the 
 Rebellion with the administration during which 
 the scheme of secession was matured and finally 
 carried into effect. The record of that admin- 
 istration in its ordinary phase, occupied with 
 other cares, or unwittingly —on the part of 
 some of its members — aiding the secret 
 movements for secession, which it proved too 
 weak to oppose, will show how suddenly the 
 apparent calm was disturbed by the storm. 
 Giving, therefore, as in a previous volume, the 
 history of events as they occurred, the writer 
 will enter upon the narrative of the rebellion 
 in due course, believing that the events so 
 presented will give a more faithful picture of 
 the times. 
 
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CHAPTER I. 
 
 President Buchanan. — Inauguration and Inaugural Address. — 
 Cabinet. — The Dred Scott Decision. — Policy with regard to 
 Kansas. — Course of Governor Geary. — State Legislature. — 
 Resignation of Governor Geary. — His Farewell Address. 
 
 James Bucuanay, the fifteenth president, was 
 born at Stony Batter, in Franklin County, 
 Pennsylvania, April 22, 1791. He graduated 
 at Dickinson College, in 1809, and was ad- 
 mitted to the bar in 1812, at the age of 
 twenty-one. He was very successful in his 
 practice, and was enabled to retire from the 
 profession at the age of forty. He entered 
 public life, as a member of the Pennsylvania 
 legislature, at an early age. Although a Fed- 
 eralist, he advocated a vigorous prosecution of 
 the war with England in 1812, and enlisted as 
 a private in a company of volunteers. Mr. 
 Buchanan entered Congress in 1820, where he 
 took a high position as a debater and states- 
 man. In 1828 he advocated the election of 
 General Jackson to the presidency, and was a 
 zealous supporter of the administration of that 
 president, who, in 1831, selected him as min- 
 ister at the Russian court. Upon his return 
 from Russia, in 1833, he was elected to the 
 
 1 
 
 senate, when he was again the stanch supporter 
 of General Jackson’s administration. At this 
 time he strenuously opposed the slavery agita- 
 tion, then in its infancy, and advocated strin- 
 gent measures to suppress it. Mr. Van Buren’s 
 administration also found in Mr. Buchanan a 
 firm supporter, and he earnestly advocated the 
 great measure of that administration, the in- 
 dependent treasury. The annexation of Texas 
 was warmly supported by Mr. Buchanan, when 
 that measure came up under the administration 
 of President Tyler. Mr. Buchanan’s senatorial 
 career closed with the inauguration of Pres- 
 ident Polk, who appointed him secretary of 
 state, and while he held this position, the north- 
 western boundary, between the United States 
 and the British possessions, was settled. At 
 the close of Mr. Polk’s administration, Mr. Bu- 
 chanan retired to private life; but upon the 
 accession of President Pierce he was appointed © 
 minister to England, where he remained until 
 April, 1856, when he returned, to be elected 
 president. 
 
 The inauguration of Mr. Buchanan was at- 
 tended by a large concourse of people, gath- 
 
 ered from all parts of the country, many from 
 (1) 
 
2 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 a desire to witness the simple ceremonies of 
 the occasion, but more from a desire to pay 
 court to the new administration and those havy- 
 ing influence with it,—courtiership being as dil- 
 igently followed, though under different forms, 
 in our republic, as in some of the monarchies of 
 the old world. From the eastern portico of the 
 Capitol, which usage has assigned for this pur- 
 pose, before taking the oath of office, Mr. 
 Buchanan delivered his inaugural address. 
 About him were the judges of the Supreme 
 Court, the members of Congress, the diplomatic 
 corps, and high military and civil officers; 
 before him were the people, representing the 
 immense constituency by whom he had been 
 chosen. He addressed them as follows :— 
 
 “ Fellow-Citizens: I appear before you this 
 dey to take the solemn oath that I will faith- 
 fully execute the office of president of the 
 United States, and will, to the best of my abil- 
 ity, preserve, protect, and defend the constitu- 
 tion of the United States. In entering upon 
 this great office, I most humbly invoke the God 
 of our fathers for wisdom and firmness to ex- 
 ecute its high and responsible duties i such a 
 manner as to restore harmony and the ancient 
 friendship among the people of the several 
 states, and to preserve our free institutions 
 throughout many generations. Convinced that 
 I owe my election to the inherent love for the 
 constitution and the Union which still animates 
 the hearts of the American people, let me ear- 
 nestly ask their powerful support in sustaining 
 all just measures calculated to perpetuate 
 these, the richest political blessings which 
 Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation. 
 Having determined not to become a candidate 
 for reélection, I shall have no motive to influ- 
 ence my conduct in administering the govern- 
 ment, except the desire ably and faithfully to 
 serve my country, and to live in the grateful 
 memory of my countrymen. 
 
 “We have recently passed through a pres- 
 idential contest in which the passions of our 
 
 fellow-citizens were excited to the highest de- 
 gree by questions of deep and vital importance ; 
 but when the people proclaimed their will, the 
 tempest at once subsided, and all was calm. 
 The voice of the majority, speaking in the 
 manner prescribed by the constitution, was 
 heard, and instant submission followed. Our 
 own country could alone have exhibited so 
 grand and striking a spectacle of the capacity 
 of man for selfgovernment. What a happy 
 conception, then, was it for Congress to apply 
 this simple rule, that the will of the majority 
 shall govern to the settlement of the question 
 of domestic slavery in the territories! Con- 
 gress 1s neither to legislate slavery into any 
 territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, 
 but to leave the people thereof perfectly free 
 to form and regulate their domestic institutions 
 in their own way, subject only to the constitu- 
 tion of the United States as a natural conse- 
 quence. Congress has also prescribed, that 
 when the territory of Kansas shall be admitted 
 as a state, it shall be received into the Union 
 with or without slavery, as their constitution 
 may prescribe at the time of their admission. 
 A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to 
 the time when the people of a territory shall 
 decide this question for themselves. This is, 
 happily, a matter of but little practical impor- 
 tance; and besides, it is a judicial question, 
 which legitimately belongs to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, before whom it is 
 now pending, and will, it is understood, be 
 speedily and finally settled. ‘T’o their decision, 
 in common with all good citizens, I shall cheer- 
 fully submit, whatever this may be, though it 
 has been my individual opinion that, under the 
 Nebraska-Kansas act, the appropriate period 
 will be when the number of actual residents in 
 the territories shall justify the formation of a 
 constitution with a view to its admission as a 
 state into the Union. But, be this as it may, it 
 is the imperative and indispensable duty of the, 
 government of the United States to secure to 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 3 
 
 every resident inhabitant the free and inde- 
 pendent expression of his opinion by his vote. 
 This sacred right of each individual must be 
 preserved. This being accomplished, nothing 
 can be fairer than to leave the people of a 
 territory free from all foreign interference, to 
 decide their own destiny for themselves, sub- 
 ject only to the constitution of the United 
 States. The whole territorial question being 
 thus settled upon the principle of popular sov- 
 ereignty, — a principle as ancient as free gov- 
 ernment itself,—every thing of a practical 
 nature has been decided, and no other question 
 remains for adjustment, because all agree that, 
 under the constitution, slavery in the states is 
 beyond the reach of any human power, except 
 that of the respective states themselves where- 
 in it exists. May we not, then, hope that the 
 long agitation on this subject is approaching 
 its end, and that the geographical parties to 
 which it has given birth, so much dreaded by 
 the father of his country, will speedily become 
 extinct? Most happy will it be for the coun- 
 try when the public mind shall be diverted 
 from this question to others of more pressing 
 and practical importance. 
 
 “Throughout the whole progress of this agi- 
 tation, which has scarcely known any intermis- 
 sion for more than twenty years, while it has 
 been productive of no positive good to any 
 human being, it has been the prolific source of 
 great evils to the master, to the slave, and to 
 the whole country; it has alienated and es- 
 tranged the people of the sister states from 
 each other, and has even seriously endangered 
 the very existence of the Union. Nor has the 
 danger yet entirely ceased, Under our system 
 there is a remedy for all mere political evils in 
 the sound sense and sober judgment of the 
 people. Time is a great corrective. The po- 
 litical subjects which, but a few years ago, 
 exasperated the public mind, have passed away, 
 and are now nearly forgotten; but this ques- 
 tion of domestic slavery is of far greater im- 
 
 portance than any mere political question, 
 because, should the agitation continue, it may 
 eventually endanger the personal safety of a 
 large portion of our countrymen where the 
 institution exists. In that event, no form of 
 government, however productive of material 
 benefits, can compensate for the loss of peace 
 and domestic security around the family altar. 
 Let every Union-loving man, therefore, exert 
 his best influence to suppress this agitation, 
 which, since the recent legislation of Congress, 
 is without any legitimate object. 
 
 “Tt is an evil of the times, that men have 
 undertaken to calculate the mere material 
 value of the Union. Reasoned estimates have 
 been presented of the pecuniary profits and 
 local advantages which would result to dif 
 ferent states and sections from its dissolution, 
 and of the comparative injuries which such an 
 event would inflict on other states and sections. 
 Even descending to this low and narrow view 
 of the mighty question, all such calculations 
 are at fault. The bare reference to a single 
 consideration will be conclusive on this point. 
 
 “We at present enjoy a free trade through- 
 out our extensive and expansive country, such 
 as the world never witnessed. This trade is 
 conducted on railroads and canals, on noble 
 rivers and arms of the sea, which bind together 
 the north and the south, the east and the 
 west of our confederacy. Annihilate this 
 trade, arrest its free progress by the geograph- 
 ical lines of jealous and hostile states, and you 
 destroy the prosperity and onward march of 
 the whole and every part, and involve all in 
 one common ruin. 
 
 “But such considerations, important as they 
 are in themselves, sink into insignificance when 
 we reflect on the terrific evils which would 
 result from disunion to every portion of the 
 confederacy — to the north not more than to 
 the south, to the east not more than to the 
 west. These I shall not attempt to portray, 
 because I feel a humble confidence that the 
 
4 
 
 kind Providence which inspired our fathers 
 with wisdom to frame the most perfect form of 
 government and union ever devised by man, 
 will not suffer it to perish until it shall have 
 been peacefully instrumental, by its example, 
 in the extension of civil and religious liberty 
 throughout the world. 
 
 “ Next in importance to the maintenance of 
 the constitution and the Union, is the duty of 
 preserving the government free from the taint, 
 or even the suspicion, of corruption. Public 
 virtue is the vital spirit of republics; and_his- 
 tory proves that when this has decayed, and 
 the love of money has usurped its place, 
 although the forms of free government may 
 remain for a season, the substance has departed 
 forever. Our present financial condition is 
 without a parallel in history. No nation has 
 ever before been embarrassed from too large a 
 surplus in the treasury. This almost necessa- 
 rily gives birth to extravagant legislation. It 
 produces wild schemes of expenditures, and 
 begets a race of speculators and jobbers, whose 
 ingenuity is exerted in contriving and promot- 
 ing expedients to obtain the public money. 
 The party, through its official agents, whether 
 rightfully or wrongfully, is suspected, and the 
 character of the government suffers in the 
 estimation of the people. This is, in itself, a 
 very great évil. The natural mode of relief 
 from this embarrassment is to appropriate the 
 surplus in the treasury to great national ob- 
 jects, for which a clear warrant can be found in 
 the constitution. Among these, I might men- 
 tion the extinguishment of the public debt, a 
 reasonable increase of the navy, which is at 
 present inadequate to the protection of our 
 vast tonnage afloat,— now greater than that 
 of any other nation,—as well as the defence 
 of our extended sea coast. It is, beyond all 
 question, the true principle, that no more rev- 
 enue ought to be collected from the people 
 than the amount necessary to defray the ex- 
 penses of a wise, economical, and efficient 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 | 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 administration of the government. ‘To reach 
 this point, it was necessary to resort to a modi- 
 fication of the tariff; and this has been accom- 
 plished in such a manner as to do as little 
 injury as may have been practicable to our 
 domestic manufactures, especially those neces- 
 sary for the defence of the country. Any dis- 
 crimination against a particular branch, for the 
 purpose of benefiting favored corporations, 
 individuals, or interests, would have been un- 
 just to the rest of the community, and incon- 
 sistent with that spirit of fairness and equality 
 which ought to govern in the adjustment of a 
 revenue tariff; but the squandering of the 
 public money sinks into comparative insignifi- 
 cance, as a temptation to corruption, when 
 compared with the squandering of the public 
 lands. 
 
 “No nation in the tide of time has ever been 
 blessed with so rich and noble an inheritance 
 as we enjoy in the public lands. In adminis- 
 tering this important trust, while it may be 
 wise to grant portions of them for the improve- 
 ment of the remainder, yet we should never 
 forget, that it is our cardinal policy to reserve 
 these lands as much as may be for actual set- 
 tlers, and this at moderate prices. We-shall 
 thus not only best promote the prosperity of 
 the new states, by furnishing them a hardy and 
 independent race of honest and industrious 
 citizens, but shall secure homes for our chil- 
 dren and our children’s children, as well as for 
 those exiles from foreign shores who may seek 
 in this country to improve their condition, and 
 to enjoy the blessings of civil and religious lib- 
 erty. Such emigrants have done much to pro- 
 mote the growth and prosperity of the country. 
 They have proved faithful, both in peace and 
 in war. After becoming citizens, they are en- 
 titled, under the constitution and laws, to be 
 placed on perfect equality with native-born 
 citizens, and in this character they should ever 
 be kindly recognized. 
 
 “The federal constitution is a Ee from 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 9) 
 
 the states to Congress of certain ‘specific 
 powers, and the question whether this grant 
 shall be liberally or strictly construed, has, 
 more or less, divided political parties from the 
 beginning. Without entering into the argu- 
 ment, I desire to state at the commencement 
 of my administration, that long experience and 
 observation have convinced me, that a strict 
 construction of the powers of the government 
 is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory 
 of the constitution. Whenever, in our past 
 history, doubtful powers have been exercised 
 by Congress, they have never failed to produce 
 injurious and unhappy consequences. Many 
 such instances might be adduced if this were 
 the proper occasion. Neither is it necessary 
 for the public service to strain the language of 
 the constitution, because all the great and use- 
 ful powers required for a successful administra- 
 tion of the government, both in peace and in 
 war, have been granted, either in express terms 
 or by the plainest implication. While deeply 
 convinced of these truths, I yet consider it 
 clear that, under the war-making power, Con- 
 gress may appropriate money towards the con- 
 struction of a military road, when this is abso- 
 lutely necessary for the defence of any state 
 or territory of the Union against foreign in- 
 vasion. Under the constitution, Congress has 
 power to declare war, to raise and support 
 armies, to provide and maintain a navy, and to 
 call forth the militia to repel invasion. Thus, 
 endowed in an ample manner with the war- 
 making power, the corresponding duty is re- 
 quired, that the United States shall protect 
 each of them (the states) against invasion. 
 How is it possible to afford this protection to 
 California and our Pacific possessions, except 
 ‘by means of a military road through the terri- 
 tory of the United States, over which men 
 and munitions of war may be speedily trans- 
 ported from the Atlantic states to meet and 
 repel the invader? In case of a war with a 
 naval power much stronger than our own, we 
 
 should then have no other available access to 
 the Pacific coast, because such a power would 
 instantly close the route across the Isthmus of 
 Central America. It is impossible to conceive, 
 that while the constitution has expressly re- 
 quired Congress to defend all the states, it 
 should yet deny to them, by any fair construc- 
 tion, the only possible means by which one of 
 these states can be defended. Besides, the gov- 
 ernment, ever since its origin, has been in the 
 constant practice of constructing military roads. 
 It might. also be wise to consider whether the 
 love for the Union, which now animates our 
 fellow-citizens on thé Pacific coast, may not be 
 impaired by our neglect or refusal to provide 
 for them, in their remote and isolated condi- 
 tion, the only means by which the power of 
 the states on this side of the Rocky Mountains 
 can reach them in sufficient time to protect 
 them against invasion. 
 
 “J forbear, for the present, from expressing 
 an opinion as to the wisest and most econom- 
 ical mode in which the government can lend 
 its aid in accomplishing this great and neces- 
 sary work. I believe that many difficulties in 
 the way, which now appear formidable, will, in 
 a great degree, vanish as soon as the nearest 
 and best route shall have been satisfactorily 
 ascertained. 
 
 “It may be right that, on this occasion, I 
 should make some brief remarks as to our 
 rights and duties as a member of the great 
 family of nations. In our intercourse with 
 them, there are some plain principles, approved 
 by our own experience, from which we should 
 never depart. We ought to cultivate peace, 
 commerce, and friendship with all nations, and 
 this not merely as the best means of promoting 
 our own national interest, but in a spirit of 
 Christian benevolence towards our fellow-men, 
 wherever.their lot may be cast. Our diplomacy 
 should be direct and frank, neither seeking to 
 obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. 
 We ought to cherish a sacred regard for the 
 
6 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 independence of all nations, and never attempt | pertaining to that high office — powers equal 
 
 to interfere in the domestic concerns of any, 
 unless this shall be imperatively required by 
 the great law of selfpreservation. To avoid 
 entangling alliances has been a maxim of our 
 policy ever since the days of Washington, and 
 its wisdom no one will attempt to dispute. In 
 short, we ought to do justice, in a kindly spirit, 
 to all nations, and require justice from them in 
 return. It is our glory, that while other na- 
 tions have extended their dominions by the 
 sword, we have never acquired any territory, 
 except by fair purchase, or, as in the case of 
 Texas, by the voluntary determination of a 
 brave, kindred, and independent people to 
 blend their destinies with our own. Even our 
 acquisitions from Mexico form. no exception. 
 Unwilling to take advantage of the fortune of 
 war against a sister republic, we purchased 
 these possessions, under the treaty of peace, 
 for a sum which was considered at the time a 
 fair equivalent. Our past history forbids that 
 we shall in the future acquire territory unless 
 this be sanctioned by the laws of justice and 
 honor. Acting on this principle, no nation will 
 have a right to interfere or to complain if, in 
 the progress of events, we shall still further 
 extend our possessions. Hitherto, in all our 
 acquisitions, the people, under the protection 
 of the American flag, have enjoyed ‘civil and 
 religious liberty, as well as equal and just laws, 
 and have been contented, prosperous, and 
 happy. Their trade with the rest of the world 
 has rapidly increased, and thus every commer- 
 cial nation has shared largely in their success- 
 ful progress. I shall now proceed to take the 
 oath prescribed by the constitution, while hum- 
 bly invoking the blessing of divine Providence 
 on this great people.” 
 
 Having delivered his inaugural address, the 
 oath of office was administered by Chief Jus- 
 tice Taney, and the simple ceremony was over. 
 
 mes Buchanan was the chief magistrate of 
 the country, and invested with all the powers 
 
 to, and in some respects greater than, the 
 powers of some of the sovereign rulers of 
 Europe. ; 
 
 President Buchanan soon sent to the senate 
 the nominations for the members of his cabinet, 
 which were all confirmed without opposition, 
 as usual in such cases. The cabinet thus 
 appointed consisted of the following gentle- 
 men :— 
 
 Secretary of State, Lewis Cass, of Michigan. 
 «= the Treasury, Howell Cobb, of Georgia. 
 “  « the Interior, Jacob Thompson, of Miss. 
 “  «& War, John B. Floyd, of Virginia. 
 ‘6% the Navy, Isaac Toucey, of Conn. 
 
 Postmaster-General, Aaron V. Brown, of Tenn. 
 
 Attorney-General, Jeremiah 8. Black, of Penn. 
 
 It was soon after the organization of the new 
 administration that the opinion in the Dred 
 Scott case was pronounced by the Supreme 
 Court. The president alluded incidentally, in 
 his inaugural address, to an expected decision 
 on one or more of the points involved in the 
 Kansas issue, that decision being in the Dred 
 Scott case, and it would appear to have been 
 looked forward to as a judicial sanction of the 
 principles and policy of the party of the ad- 
 ministration. We have given place to this 
 subject under the administration of President 
 Pierce, because the inception of the case, and 
 its trial, had taken place under that administra- 
 tion, and, in its political aspect, was the result 
 of the previous progress of the power behind 
 the administration. . 
 
 The policy which the new administration 
 would adopt with regard to Kansas, was one 
 of the earliest subjects of interest to the public. 
 Affairs in that territory, though greatly im- 
 proved over their condition of the year pre- 
 ceding, were still in an unsettled state. The 
 election held in October, 1856, mentioned in 
 our last allusion to this subject, was not at- 
 tended by the free state settlers, who had 
 adopted a general resolution not to participate 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 7 
 
 in elections under the laws of the legislature, 
 whose power they deemed illegal. Mr. Whi 
 field was therefore elected delegate to Con- 
 egress without opposition, and he had by a close 
 vote been admitted to a seat in that body at 
 its last session. . | 
 
 The territorial legislature assembled in Jan- 
 _ uary, and Governor Geary sent in a long mes- 
 sage, setting forth the condition of the territory, 
 and the measures he had adopted to secure 
 tranquillity. He urged the legislature to per- 
 mit all doubtful questions to remain in abey- 
 ance until the formation of a state constitution, 
 the quéstion of slavery especially. He recom- 
 mended also the immediate repeal of all the 
 objectionable laws which had been passed by 
 the first legislature, and called the attention 
 of the legislature to various public measures 
 to promote the interests of the territory. The 
 legislature adopted some of the governor's 
 recommendations, and modified the objectiona- 
 ble laws. They also passed an act providing 
 for a convention to frame a state constitution. 
 This bill was objectionable in some of its fea- 
 tures, and it was vetoed by Governor Geary on 
 the ground that it did not provide for sub- 
 mitting the proposed constitution to the vote 
 of the people for acceptance or rejection, and 
 because he thought the time had not yet ar- 
 rived for such:a movement. The legislature, 
 however,—the members of which had no great 
 regard for a governor who did not sympathize 
 with them, — passed the bill, notwithstanding his 
 veto, by a unanimous vote, and it became a law. 
 
 In the mean time the state legislature under 
 the Topeka constitution assembled at Topeka. 
 Governor Robinson had previously resigned the 
 post of governor under that constitution, being 
 convinced that he could better serve the free state 
 cause in a private capacity. The leutenant- 
 
 governor also declined to attend. Upon assem- 
 bling, writs were served upon the principal 
 members, and they were arrested. This was 
 probably expected, and-was, perhaps, desired 
 
 by some of the free state men, as a movement 
 which would advance their cause. In March a 
 free state convention was held, which passed 
 resolutions denouncing the legislative assem- 
 bly and the act providing for a constitutional 
 convention ; declaring that the people could 
 not participate in the election of delegates to 
 this convention without compromising their 
 rights as American citizens, sacrificing the best 
 interests of Kansas, and jeoparding the public 
 peace. They also declared that the state con- 
 stitution framed by the Topeka convention was 
 a choice of a majority of the people of the 
 territory, and that it ought to be acknowledged 
 by Congress. 
 
 On the day of the inauguration of Mr. Bu- 
 chanan, Governor Geary resigned his post as 
 governor of Kansas. A failure of his health 
 was the cause assigned, and the governor had, 
 indeed, injured his health by his attention to 
 the duties of his place under such difficult cir- 
 cumstances. It is not improbable, too, that he 
 was weary of the cares and the annoyances of 
 the office. By his direct course he had come 
 in conflict not only with individuals who 
 thought they had a claim upon him on party 
 grounds, but with certain officials whose less 
 straightforward views did not agree with his. 
 Judge Lecompte and Marshal Donelson were 
 among those who did not like the governor, 
 and whom the governor had no reason to 
 regard with much favor; and they were re- 
 moved by President Peirce. After resigning 
 his office, Governor Geary wrote the following 
 farewell address to the people of Kansas :— 
 
 Farewell Address of Governor Geary to the People of 
 Kansas Territory. 
 
 “Having determined to resign the execu- 
 tive office, and retire again to the quiet scenes 
 of private life and the enjoyment of those 
 domestic comforts of which | have so long 
 been deprived, I deem it proper to addres 
 you on the occasion of my departure. 
 
8 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 “The office from which I now voluntarily 
 withdraw was unsought by me, and at the time 
 of its acceptance was by no means desirable. 
 This was quite evident from the deplorable 
 moral, civil, and political condition of the terri- 
 tory; the discord, contention, and deadly strife 
 which then and there: prevailed; and the pain- 
 ful anxiety with which it was regarded by 
 patriotic citizens in every portion of the Amer- 
 ican Union. To attempt to govern Kansas at 
 such a period, and under such circumstances, 
 was to assume no ordinary responsibilities. Few 
 
 men could have desired to undertake the task, | 
 
 and none would have been so presumptuous, 
 without serious forebodings as to the result. 
 That I should have hesitated is no matter of 
 astonishment to those acquainted with the 
 facts; but that I accepted the appointment was 
 a well-grounded source of regret to many of 
 my well-tried friends, who looked upon the en- 
 terprise as one that could terminate in nothing 
 but disaster to myself. It was not supposed 
 possible that order could be brought, in any 
 reasonable space of time, and with the means 
 at my command, from the then existing chaos. 
 
 “Without descanting upon the feelings, prin- 
 ciples, and motives which prompted me, suffice 
 it to say that I accepted of the president’s ten- 
 der of the office of governor. In doing so, f 
 sacrificed the comforts of a home endeared by 
 the strongest earthly ties and most sacred as- 
 sociations, to embark in an undertaking which 
 presented at the best but a dark and unsatis- 
 factory prospect. I reached Kansas, and en- 
 tered upon the discharge of my official duties, 
 in the most gloomy hour of her history. _Deso- 
 _ Jation and ruin reigned on every hand; homes 
 and firesides were deserted; the smoke of 
 burning dwellings darkened the atmosphere ; 
 women and children, driven from their habita- 
 tions, wandered over the prairies and among 
 the woodlands, or sought refuge and protection 
 
 n among the Indian tribes. The highways 
 were infested with numerous predatory bands, 
 
 STATES. 
 
 and the towns were fortified and garrisoned by 
 
 armies of conflicting partisans, each excited 
 
 almost to frenzy, and determined upon mutual 
 extermination. Such was, without exaggeration, 
 the condition of the territory at the period of 
 my arrival. Her treasury was bankrupt; there 
 were no pecuniary resources within herself 
 to meet the exigencies of the time; the con- 
 gressional appropriations, intended to defray 
 the expenses of a year, were insufficient to 
 meet the demands of a fortnight; the laws 
 were-null, the courts virtually suspended, and 
 the civil arm of the government almost entirely 
 powerless. Action — prompt, decisive, ener- 
 getic action —was necessary. I at once saw 
 what was needed, and without hesitation gave 
 myself to the work. For six months I have 
 labored with unceasing industry. The accus- 
 tomed needed hours for sleep have been em- 
 ployed in the public sérvice. Night and day 
 have official duties demanded unremitting at- 
 tention. JI have had no proper leisure moments 
 for rest or recreation. My health has failed 
 under the pressure. Nor is this all. To my 
 own private purse, without assurance of reim- 
 bursement, have I resorted, in every emergency, 
 for the required funds. Whether these ardu- 
 ous services and willing sacrifices have been 
 beneficial to Kansas and my country you are 
 abundantly qualified to determine. 
 
 “That I have met with opposition, and even 
 bitter vituperation and vindictive malice, is no 
 matter for astonishment. No man has ever 
 yet held an important or responsible post, in 
 our own or any other country, and escaped 
 censure. I should have been weak and foolish, 
 indeed, had I expected to pass through the 
 fiery ordeal entirely unscathed, especially as I 
 was required, if not to come in conflict with, 
 at least to thwart, evil machinations, and. hold 
 in restraint wicked passions, or rid the terri- 
 tory of many lawless, reckless, and desperate 
 men. Besides, it were impossible to come in 
 contact with the conflicting interests which 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 9 
 
 governed the conduct of many well-disposed 
 persons without becoming an object of mistrust 
 and abuse. While from others, whose sole ob- 
 ject was notoriously personal advancement at 
 any sacrifice of the general good and at every 
 hazard, it would have been ridiculous to antici- 
 pate the meed of praise for disinterested action ; 
 and hence, however palpable might have been 
 my patriotism, however just my official conduct, 
 or however beneficial, in its results, I do not 
 marvel that my motives have been impugned 
 and my integrity maligned. It is, however, so 
 well known that I need scarcely record the 
 fact, that those who have attributed my labors 
 to a desire for gubernatorial or senatorial hon- 
 ors were, and are, themselves the aspirants for 
 those high trusts and powers, and foolishly 
 imagined that I stood between them and the 
 consummation of their ambitious desires and 
 high, towering hopes. 
 
 “But whatever may be thought or said of 
 my motives or desires, I have the proud con- 
 sciousness of leaving this scene of my severe 
 and anxious toil with clean hands, and the 
 satisfactory conviction that He who can pene- 
 trate the inmost recesses of the heart, and read 
 its secret thoughts, will approve my purposes 
 and acts. In the discharge of my executive 
 functions I have invariably sought to do equal 
 and exact justice to all men, however humble 
 or exalted. I have eschewed all sectional dis- 
 putations, kept aloof from all party affiliations, 
 and have alike scorned numerous threats of 
 personal injury and violence and the most flat- 
 tering promises of advancement and reward. 
 And | ask and claim nothing more for the part 
 I have acted than the simple merit of having 
 endeavored to perform my duty. This I have 
 done at all times, and upon every occasion, re- 
 gardless of the opinions of men, and utterly 
 fearless of consequences. Occasionally I have 
 been forced to assume great responsibilities, 
 and depend solely upon my own resources to 
 accomplish important ends; but in all such 
 
 2 
 
 instances I have carefully examined surround- 
 ing circumstances, weighed well the probable 
 results, and acted upon my own deliberate 
 judgment; and in now reviewing them, I am 
 so well satisfied with the policy uniformly pur- 
 sued, that were it to be done over again it 
 should not be changed in the slightest par- 
 ticular. 
 
 “In parting with you I can do no less than 
 give you a few words of kindly advice, and 
 even of friendly warning. You are well aware 
 that most of the troubles which lately agitated 
 the territory were occasioned by men who 
 had no special interest in its welfare. Many of 
 them were not even residents ; whilst it is quite 
 evident that others were influenced altogether 
 in the part they took in the disturbances by 
 mercenary or other personal considerations. 
 The great body of the actual citizens are con- 
 servative, law-abiding, peace-loving men, dis- 
 posed rather to make sacrifices for conciliation 
 and consequent peace, than to insist for their 
 entire rights should the general good thereby 
 be caused to suffer. Some of them, under the 
 influence of the prevailing excitement and mis- 
 guided opinions, were led to the commission of 
 grievous mistakes, but not with the deliberate 
 intention of doing wrong. 
 
 “A very few men, resolved upon mischief, 
 may keep in a state of unhealthy excitement, 
 and involve in fearful strife, an entire commu- 
 nity. This was demonstrated during the civil 
 commotions with which the territory was con- 
 vulsed. While the. people generally were 
 anxious to pursue their peaceful callings, small 
 combinations of crafty, scheming, and designing 
 men succeeded, from» purely selfish motives, in 
 bringing upon them a series of most lamentable 
 and destructive difficulties. Nor are they sat- 
 isfied with the mischief already done. They 
 never desired that the present peace should be 
 effected ; nor do they intend that it shall con- 
 tinue if they have the power to prevent it. 
 In the constant croakings of disaffected indi- 
 
10 HISTORY OF 
 
 viduals, in various sections, you hear only the 
 expressions of evil desires and intentions. 
 Watch, then, with a special jealous and sus- 
 picious eye those who are continually indulging 
 surmises of renewed hostilities. They are not 
 the friends of Kansas, and there is reason to 
 fear that some of them are not only the ene- 
 mies of this territory, but of the Union itself. 
 Its dissolution is their ardent wish, and Kansas 
 has been selected as a fit place to commence 
 the accomplishment of a most nefarious design. 
 The scheme has thus far been frustrated; but 
 it has not been abandoned. You are intrusted 
 not only with the guardianship of this terri- 
 tory, but the peace of the Union, which de- 
 pends upon you in a greater degree than you 
 may at present suppose. 
 
 “You should, therefore, frown down every 
 effort to foment discord, and especially to array 
 settlers from different sections of the Union in 
 hostility against each other. All true patriots, 
 whether from the north or south, the east or 
 west, should unite together for that which is 
 and must be regarded as a common cause — 
 the preservation of the Union; and he who 
 shall whisper a desire for its dissolution, no 
 matter what may be his pretensions, or to what 
 faction or party he claims to belong, is un- 
 worthy of your confidence, deserves your 
 strongest reprobation, and should be branded 
 as a traitor to his country. ‘There is a voice 
 crying from the grave of one whose memory 
 is dearly cherished in every patriotic heart, 
 and let it not cry in vain. It tells you that 
 this attempt at dissolution is no new thing; 
 but that even as early as the days of our first 
 president it was agitated by ambitious aspirants 
 for place and power. And if the appeal of a 
 still more recent hero and patriot was needed 
 in his time, how much more applicable is it 
 now and in this territory ! 
 
 “<The possible dissolution of the Union, he 
 says, ‘has at length become an ordinary and fa- 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 voice of Washington been forgotten? or have 
 designs already been formed to sever the 
 Union? Let it not be supposed that I impute 
 to all of those who have taken an active part 
 in these unwise and unprofitable discussions a 
 want of patriotism or of public virtue. The 
 honorable feelings of state pride and local 
 attachments find a place in the bosoms of the 
 most enlightened and pure. But while such 
 men are conscious of their own integrity and 
 honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget 
 that the citizens of other states are their po- 
 litical brethren ; and that, however mistaken 
 they may be in their views, the great body of 
 them are equally honest and upright with 
 themselves. Mutual suspicions and reproaches 
 may, in time, create mutual hostility, and art- 
 ful and designing men will always be found 
 who are ready to foment these fatal divisions, 
 and to inflame the natural jealousies of different 
 sections of the country. The history of the 
 world is full of such examples, and especially 
 the history of republics,’ 
 
 “When I look upon the present condition 
 of the territory, and contrast it with what it 
 was when I first entered it, I feel satisfied that 
 my administration has not been prejudicial to 
 its interests. On every-hand I now perceive 
 unmistakable indications of welfare and pros- 
 perity. The honest settler occupies his quiet 
 dwelling, with his wife and children clustering 
 around him, unmolested and fearless of danger. 
 The solitary traveller pursues his way un- 
 harmed over every public thoroughfare. The 
 torch of the incendiary has been extinguished, 
 and the cabins which by it were destroyed 
 have been replaced with more substantial 
 buildings. Hordes of banditti no longer lie in 
 wait in every ravine for plunder and assassina- 
 tion. Invasions of hostile arms have ceased, 
 and infuriated partisans living in our midst 
 have emphatically turned their swords into 
 ploughshares and their spears into pruning 
 
 miliar subject of discussion. Has the warning ||hooks. Laborers are every where at work, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 farms undergoing rapid improvements, mer- 
 chants are driving a thriving trade, and me- 
 chanics pursuing with profit their various occu- 
 pations. Real estate, im town and country, has 
 increased in value almost without precedent, 
 until in some places it is commanding prices that 
 never could have been anticipated. Whether 
 this healthy and happy change is the result 
 solely of my executive labors or not, it cer- 
 tainly has occurred during my administration. 
 Upon yourselves must mainly depend the preser- 
 vation and perpetuity of the present prosperous 
 condition of affairs. Guard it with unceasing 
 vigilance, and protect it as you would your 
 lives. Keep down that party spirit which, if 
 permitted to obtain the mastery, must lead to 
 desolation. Watch closely, and condemn in its 
 infaney, every insidious movement that can 
 possibly tend to discord and disunion. Suffer 
 no local prejudices to disturb the prevailing 
 harmony. To every appeal to these turn a 
 deaf ear, as did the Saviour of men to the 
 promptings of the deceiver. Act as a united 
 band of brothers, bound together by one com- 
 mon tie. Your interests are the same, and by 
 this course alone can they be maintained. 
 Follow this, and your hearts and homes will be 
 made light and happy by the richest blessings 
 of a kind and munificent Providence. 
 
 “To you, the peaceable citizens of Kansas, I 
 owe my grateful acknowledgments for the aid 
 and comfort your kind assurances and hearty 
 codperation have afforded in many dark and 
 trying hours. You have my sincerest thanks 
 and my earnest prayers that you may be abun- 
 dantly rewarded of Heaven. 
 
 “To the ladies of the territory — the wives, 
 mothers, sisters, and daughters of the honest 
 settlers —I am also under a weight of obliga- 
 
 | 
 
 11 
 
 tion. Their pious prayers have not been raised 
 in vain, nor their numerous assurances of con- 
 fidence in the policy of my administration failed 
 to exert a salutary influence. 
 
 “ And last, though not the least, ] must not 
 be unmindful of the noble men who form the 
 military department of the west. To General 
 Persifer F. Smith and the officers acting under 
 his command, I return my thanks for many 
 valuable services. Although from different 
 parts of the Union, and naturally imbued. with 
 sectional prejudices, I know of no instance in 
 which such prejudices have been permitted to 
 stand in the way of a faithful, ready, cheerful, 
 and energetic discharge of duty. Their con- 
 duct in this respect is worthy of universal 
 commendation, and presents a bright example 
 for those executing the civil power. The good 
 behavior of all the soldiers who were called 
 upon to assist me is, in fact, deserving of 
 especial notice. Many of these troops, officers 
 and men, had served with me on the fields of 
 Mexico against a foreign foe, and it is a source 
 of no little satisfaction to know that the lau- 
 rels there won have been further adorned by 
 the praiseworthy alacrity with which they aided 
 to allay a destructive fratricidal strife at home. 
 
 “ With a firm reliance in the protecting care 
 and overruling providence of that great Being 
 who holds in his hands the destinies alike of men 
 and of nations, I bid farewell to Kansas and 
 her people, trusting that whatever events may 
 hereafter befall them, they will, in the exercise 
 of his wisdom, goodness, and power, be so di- 
 rected as to promote their own best interest, and 
 that of the beloved country of which they are 
 destined to form a most important part. 
 
 “ Joon W. Guary. 
 ‘‘ LECOMPTON, March 12, 1857.”’ 
 
12 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 New Governor of Kansas, R. J. Walker. — His. Instructions. — 
 His Address to the People of Kansas.— Action of the Free 
 State Men. — Constitutional Convention at Lecompton. — The 
 Constitution, and Mode of Submission to the People.—Election 
 of Territorial Legislature. — Frauds. — Result. — Purpose of 
 the Convention. — Governor Walker leaves the Territory. — 
 Course of Secretary Stanton. — His Removal. — Resignation 
 of Governor Walker. — Letter to Mr. Cass, and Reply. 
 Presipent Bucuanan showed that he con- 
 
 sidered the post of governor of Kansas of no 
 
 little consequence, by his appointment of the 
 successor of Governor Geary. That successor 
 was Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, and for- 
 merly secretary of the treasury. After some 
 hesitation Mr. Walker accepted the appoint- 
 ment. Mr. F. P. Stanton, of Tennessee, was 
 at the same time appointed secretary of the 
 territory, and went immediately to assume the 
 duties of acting governor until the arrival of 
 
 Governor Walker. In his instructions to Goy- 
 
 ernor Walker the secretary of state, General 
 
 Cass, says,— 
 
 “'There are two great objects connected with 
 the present excitement growing out of the 
 affairs of Kansas, and the attainment of which 
 will bring it to a speedy termination. These 
 were clearly and succinctly stated in the pres- 
 ident’s recent: inaugural address, and I embody 
 the paragraphs in this communication, asking 
 your special attention to them. It is declared 
 in that instrument to be ‘the imperative and 
 indispensable duty of the government of the 
 United States to secure to every resident in- 
 habitant the free and independent expression 
 of his opinion by his vote. This sacred right 
 of each individual must be preserved ;’ and, 
 ‘that being accomplished, nothing can be fairer 
 than to leave the people of a territory free from 
 all foreign interference to decide their own des- 
 tiny for themselves, subject only to the consti- 
 tution of the United States’ 
 
 “Upon these great rights of individual action 
 and of public decision rests the foundation of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 American institutions, and if they are faith- 
 fully secured to the people of Kansas, the 
 political condition of the country will soon be- 
 come quiet and satisfactory. The institutions 
 of Kansas should be established by the votes 
 of the people of Kansas, unawed and uninter- 
 rupted by force or fraud. And foreign voters 
 must be excluded, come whence they may, and 
 every attempt to overawe or interrupt the 
 free exercise of the right of voting must be 
 promptly repelled and punished. Freedom and 
 safety for the legal voter, and exclusion and 
 punishment for the illegal one — these should 
 be great principles of your administration. 
 
 “The regular legislature of the territory 
 having authorized the assembling of a conven- 
 tion to frame a constitution to be accepted or 
 rejected by Congress under the provisions of 
 the federal constitution, the people of Kansas 
 have the right to be protected in the peaceful 
 election of delegates for such a purpose, under 
 such authority, and the convention itself has a 
 right to similar protection in the opportunity 
 for tranquil and undisturbed deliberation. When 
 such a constitution shall be submitted to the 
 people of the territory, they must be protect- 
 ed in the exercise of their right of voting for 
 or against that instrument, and the fair expres- 
 sion of the popular will must not be interrupted 
 by fraud or violence.” 
 
 Upon arriving in the territory Mr. Stanton 
 found the people “peaceable and quiet, and 
 exhibiting every disposition to remain so.” In 
 order to encourage this good disposition, he 
 recommended the discontinuance of all the 
 prosecutions growing out of the political dis- 
 turbances. He advised this course in his de- 
 spatches, and in his address to the people of 
 Kansas he announced it as his deliberate judg- 
 ment and wish that such a course should be 
 adopted. This, with the assurances that all 
 the power of the territorial executive should 
 be exerted to prevent fraud, and “to secure to 
 every resident inhabitant the free and inde- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 pendent expression of his opinion by his vote,” 
 gave to the people of the territory a better 
 feeling of security. 
 
 Governor Walker reached the territory in 
 the latter part of May. He published an in- 
 augural address to the people, from which we 
 make the following extracts :— 
 
 “ Wellow-Citizens of Kansas: At the earnest 
 request of the president of the United States, I 
 have accepted the position of governor of the 
 territory of Kansas. The president, with the 
 cordial concurrence of all his cabinet, expressed 
 to me the conviction that the condition of 
 Kansas was fraught with imminent peril to the 
 Union, and asked me to undertake the settle- 
 ment of that momentous question, which has 
 introduced discord and civil war throughout 
 your borders, and threatens to involve you and 
 our country in the same common ruin. This 
 was a duty thus presented, the performance of 
 which I could not decline consistently with my 
 view of the sacred obligations which every 
 citizen owes to his country. 
 
 “The mode of adjustment is provided in the 
 act organizing your territory, namely, by the 
 people of Kansas, who, by a majority of their 
 own votes, must decide this question for them- 
 selves in forming their state constitution. 
 
 “Under our practice, the preliminary act of 
 framing a state constitution is uniformly per- 
 formed through the instrumentality of a con- 
 vention of delegates chosen by the people 
 themselves. That convention is now about to 
 be elected by you under the call of the terri- 
 torial legislature, created and still recognized 
 by the authority of Congress, and clothed by 
 it, in the comprehensive language of the organic 
 law, with full power to make such an enact- 
 ment. The territorial legislature, then, in as- 
 sembling this convention, were fully sustained 
 by the act of Congress, and the authority of 
 the convention is distinctly recognized in my 
 instructions from the president of the United 
 States. Those who oppose this course cannot 
 
 13 
 
 aver the alleged irregularity of the territorial 
 legislature, whose laws in town and city elec- 
 tions, in corporate franchises, and on all other 
 subjects but slavery, they acknowledge by their 
 votes and acquiescence. If that legislature was 
 invalid, then are we without law or order in 
 Kansas — without town, city, or county organi- 
 zation; all legal and judicial transactions are 
 void, all titles null,and anarchy reigns through- 
 out our borders. 
 
 “Tt is my duty, in seeing that all constitu- 
 tional laws are fairly executed, to take care, as 
 far as practicable, that this election of delegates 
 to the convention shall be free from fraud and 
 violence, and that they shall be protected in 
 their deliberations. 
 
 “The people of Kansas, then, are invited by 
 the highest authority known to the constitu- 
 tion to participate freely and fairly in the elec- 
 tion of delegates to frame a constitution and 
 state government. The law has performed its 
 
 |entire appropriate function when it extends to 
 
 the people the right of suffrage, but it cannot 
 compel the performance of that duty. Through- 
 out our whole Union, however, and wherever 
 free government prevails, those who abstain 
 from the exercise of the right of suffrage au- 
 thorize those who do vote to act for them in 
 that contingency, and the absentees are as 
 much bound under the law and constitution, 
 where there is no fraud or violence, by the act 
 of the majority of those who do vote, as if all 
 had participated in the election. Otherwise, as 
 voting must be voluntary, self-government would 
 be impracticable, and monarchy or despotism 
 would remain as the only alternative. 
 
 “You should not console yourselves, my 
 fellow-citizens, with the reflection that you 
 may, by a subsequent vote, defeat the ratifica- 
 tion of the constitution. Although most anx- 
 ious to secure to you the exercise of that great 
 constitutional right, and believing that the con- 
 vention is the servant, and not the master, of 
 the people, yet I have no power to dictate the 
 
14 
 
 proceedings of that body. I cannot doubt, how- 
 ever, the course they will adopt on this subject. 
 But why incur the hazard of the preliminary 
 formation of a constitution by a minority, as 
 alleged by you, when a majority, by their own 
 votes, could control the forming of that in- 
 strument ? 
 
 “But it is said that the convention is not 
 legally called, and that the election will not be 
 freely and fairly conducted. The territorial 
 legislature is the power ordained for this pur- 
 pose by the Congress of the United States; 
 and in opposing it, you resist the authority of 
 the federal government. That legislature was 
 called into being by the Congress of 1854, and 
 is recognized in the very latest congressional 
 legislation. It is recognized by the present 
 chief magistrate of the Union, just chosen by 
 the American people, and many of its acts are 
 now in operation here by universal assent. As 
 the governor of the territory of Kansas, | must 
 support the laws and the constitution; and I 
 have no other alternative under my oath, but 
 to see that all constitutional laws are fully and 
 fairly executed. 
 
 “T see in this act calling the convention no 
 improper or unconstitutional restrictions upon 
 the right of suffrage. I see in it no test oath 
 or other similar provisions objected to in rela- 
 tion to previous laws, but clearly repealed as 
 repugnant to the provisions of this act, so far 
 as regards the election of delegates to this con- 
 vention. It is said that a fair and full vote 
 will not be taken. Who can safely predict 
 such a result? Nor is it just for a majority, as 
 they allege, to throw the power into the hands 
 of a minority, from a mere apprehension — I 
 trust entirely unfounded — that they will not be 
 permitted to exercise the right of suffrage. . If, 
 by fraud or violence, a majority should not be 
 permitted to vote, there is a remedy, it is hoped, 
 in the wisdom and justice of the convention 
 itself, acting under the obligations of an oath, 
 and a proper responsibility to the tribunal of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 public opinion. There is a remedy, also, if such 
 facts can be demonstrated, in the refusal of 
 Congress to admit a state into the Union under 
 a constitution imposed by a minority upon a 
 majority by fraud or violence. Indeed, I cannot 
 doubt that the convention, after having framed 
 a state constitution, will submit it for ratifica- 
 tion or rejection, by a majority of the then ac- 
 tual dona fide resident settlers of Kansas. 
 
 “ With these views, well known to the pres- 
 ident and cabinet, and approved by them, I 
 accepted the appoimtment. of governor of 
 Kansas. My instructions from the. president, 
 through the secretary of state, under date of 
 the 380th of March. last, sustain ‘the regular 
 legislature of the territory’ in ‘assembling a 
 convention to form a constitution, and they 
 express the opinion of the president, that ‘when 
 such a constitution shall be submitted to the 
 people of the territory, they must be protected 
 in the exercise of their right of voting for or 
 against that instrument; and the fair expres- 
 sion of the popular will must not be interrupted 
 by fraud or violence.’ 
 
 “J repeat, then, as my clear conviction, that 
 unless the convention submit the constitution 
 to the vote of all the actual resident settlers 
 of Kansas, and the election be fairly and justly 
 conducted, the constitution will be, and ought 
 to be, rejected by Congress. 
 
 “ There are other important reasons why you 
 should participate in the election of delegates 
 to this convention. Kansas is to become a 
 new state, created out of the public domain, 
 and will designate her boundaries in the funda- 
 mental law. To most of the land within her 
 limits the Indian title, unfortunately, is not yet 
 extinguished, and this land is exempt from set- 
 tlement, to the grievous injury of the people 
 of the state. Having passed many years of 
 my life in a new state, and represented it for a 
 long period in the senate of the United States, 
 I know the serious encumbrance arising from 
 large bodies of lands within a state to which 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the Indian title is not extinguished. Upon 
 this subject the convention may act by such 
 just and constitutional provisions as will accel- 
 erate the extinguishment of Indian title. 
 
 “There is, furthermore, the question of rail- 
 road grants made by Congress to all the new 
 states but one, (where the routes could not be 
 agreed upon,) and, within a few months past, 
 to the flourishing territory of Minnesota. This 
 munificent grant of four millions and a half of 
 acres was made to Minnesota, even in advance 
 of her becoming a state, and will enable our 
 sister state of the north-west, under the au- 
 spices of her present distinguished executive, 
 speedily to unite her railroad system with ours. 
 
 “Kansas is undoubtedly entitled to grants 
 similar to those just made to Minnesota, and 
 upon this question the convention may take 
 important action. 
 
 “These, recollect, are grants by Congress, 
 not to companies, but to states. Now, if Kan- 
 sas, like the state of Illinois, in granting here- 
 after these lands to companies to build these 
 roads, should reserve, at least, the seven per 
 cent. of their gross annual receipts, it is quite 
 certain that so soon as these roads are con- 
 structed, such will be the large payments into 
 the treasury of our state, that there will be no 
 necessity to impose in Kansas any state tax 
 whatever, especially if the constitution should 
 contain wise provisions against the creation of 
 state debts. i FR i 
 
 “There is a law more powerful than the 
 legislation of man, more potent than passion or 
 prejudice, that must ultimately determine the 
 location of slavery in this country; it is the 
 isothermal line, it is the law of the thermome- 
 ter, of latitude or altitude, regulating climate, 
 labor, and productions, and, as a consequence, 
 profit and loss. ‘Thus even upon the mountain 
 heights of the tropics slavery can no more 
 exist than in northern latitudes, because it is 
 unprofitable, being unsuited to the constitution 
 of that sable race transplanted here from the 
 
 15 
 
 equatorial heats of Africa. Why is it that in 
 the Union slavery recedes from the north and 
 progresses south? It is this same great cli- 
 matic law now operating for or against slavery 
 in Kansas. If, on the elevated plains of Kan- 
 sas, stretching to the base of our American 
 Alps, — the Rocky Mountains, — and including 
 their eastern crest, crowned with perpetual 
 snow, from which sweep over her open prairies 
 those chilling blasts, reducing the average 
 range of the thermometer here to a tempera- 
 ture nearly as low as that of New England, 
 should render slavery unprofitable here, be- 
 cause unsuited to the tropical constitution of 
 the negro race, the law above referred to must 
 ultimately determine that question here, and 
 can no more be controlled by the legislation of 
 man than any other moral or physical law of 
 the Almighty. Especially must this law operate 
 with irresistible force in this country, where 
 the number of slaves is limited, and cannot be 
 increased by importation— where many mil- 
 lions of acres of sugar and cotton lands are 
 still uncultivated, and, from the ever-augment- 
 ing demand, exceeding the supply, the price of 
 those great staples has nearly doubled, demand- 
 ing vastly more slave labor for their production. 
 
 “Tf, from the operation of these causes, 
 slavery should not exist here, I trust it by no 
 means follows that Kansas should become a 
 state controlled by the treason and fanaticism 
 of abolition. She has, in any event, certain 
 constitutional duties to perform to her sister 
 states, and especially to her immediate neighbor, 
 the slaveholding state of Missouri. Through 
 that great state, by rivers and railroads, must 
 flow, to a great extent, our trade and inter- 
 course, our imports and exports. Our entire 
 eastern front is upon her border; from Missouri 
 come a great number of her citizens; even the 
 farms of the two states are cut by the line of 
 state boundary — part in Kansas, part in Mis- 
 souri; her citizens meet us in daily intercourse ; 
 and that Kansas should become hostile to 
 
16 
 
 Missouri, an asylum for her fugitive slaves, or 
 a propagandist of abolition treason, would be 
 alike inexpedient and unjust, and fatal to the 
 continuance of the American Union. In any 
 event, then, I trust that the constitution of 
 Kansas will contain such clauses as will forever 
 secure to the state of Missouri the faithful 
 performance of all constitutional guarantees, 
 not only by federal, but by state authority, 
 and the supremacy within our limits of the au- 
 thority of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States on all constitutional questions be firmly 
 established. . ‘i . 
 
 “Our country and the world are regarding 
 with profound interest the struggle now im- 
 pending in Kansas. Whether we are competent 
 to selfgovernment; whether we can decide 
 this controversy peacefully for ourselves by 
 our own votes, without fraud or violence ; 
 whether the great principles of self-govern- 
 ment and state sovereignty can be carried here 
 into successful operation, are the questions now 
 to be determined; and upon the plains of 
 Kansas may now be fought the last great and 
 decisive battle, involving the fate of the Union, 
 of state sovereignty, of self-government, and 
 the liberties of the world. If, my fellow-citizens, 
 you could, even for a brief period, soften or 
 extinguish sectional passions or prejudice, and 
 lift yourselves to the full realization of the 
 momentous issues intrusted to your decision, 
 you would feel that no greater responsibility 
 was ever devolved on any people. It is not 
 merely, shall slavery exist in or disappear from 
 Kansas, but shall the great principles of self 
 governmentand state sovereignty be maintained 
 or subverted. State sovereignty is mainly 
 a practical principle in so far as it is illustrated 
 by the great sovereign right of the majority 
 of the people, in forming a state government, 
 to adopt their own social institutions; and this 
 principle is disregarded whenever such decision 
 is suoverted by Congress, or overthrown by 
 external intrusion, or by domestic fraud or vio- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 lence. All those who oppose this principle 
 are the enemies of state rights, of self¢overn- 
 ment, of the constitution and the Union. Do 
 you love slavery so much, or hate it so in- 
 tensely, that you would endeavor to establish 
 or exclude it by fraud or violence against the 
 will of the majority of the people? What is 
 Kansas, with or without slavery, if she should 
 destroy the rights and union of the states? 
 Where would be her schools, her free acade- 
 mies, her colleges and university, her towns 
 and cities, her railroads, farms, and villages, 
 without the Union, and the principles of self 
 government? Where would be her peace and 
 prosperity, and what the value of her lands 
 and property? Who can decide this question 
 for Kansas, if not the people themselves? and 
 if they cannot, nothing but the sword can be- 
 come the arbiter. 
 
 “On the one hand, if you can and will decide 
 peacefully this question yourselves, I see for 
 Kansas an immediate career of power, progress, 
 and prosperity unsurpassed in the history of 
 the world. I see the peaceful establishment 
 of our state constitution, its ratification by the 
 people, and our immediate admission into the 
 Union; the rapid extinguishment of Indian 
 title, and the occupancy of those lands by 
 settlers and cultivators; the diffusion of uni- 
 versal education; preémptions for the actual 
 settlers; the state rapidly intersected by a net- 
 work of railroads; our churches, schools, col- 
 leges, and university, carrying westward the 
 progress of law, religion, liberty, and civiliza- 
 
 tion; our towns, cities, and villages prosperous 
 
 and progressing ; our farms teeming with abun- 
 dant products, and greatly appreciated in value ; 
 and peace, happiness, and prosperity smiling 
 throughout our borders. With proper clauses 
 in our constitution, and the peaceful arbitra- 
 ment of this question, Kansas may become the 
 model state of the American Union. She may 
 bring down upon us from north to south, from 
 east. to west, the praises and blessings of every 
 
PRESIDENT 
 
 patriotic American, and of every friend of self 
 government throughout the world; she may 
 record her name on the proudest page of the 
 history of our country and of the world, and 
 as the youngest and last-born child of the 
 American Union, all will hail and regard her 
 with respect and affection. 
 
 “On the other hand, if you cannot thus 
 peacefully decide this question, fraud, violence, 
 and injustice will reign supreme throughout 
 our borders, and we will have achieved the un- 
 dying infamy of having destroyed the liberty 
 of our country and of the world. We will 
 become a byword of reproach and obloquy, 
 and all history will record the fact that Kansas 
 was the grave of the American Union. Never 
 was sO momentous a question submitted to the 
 decision of any people, and we cannot avoid 
 the alternatives now placed before us of glory 
 or of shame. 
 
 “ May that overruling Providence who brought 
 our forefathers in safety to Jamestown and 
 Plymouth ; who watched over our colonial. pu- 
 pilage ; who convened our ancestors in harmo- 
 nious councils on the birthday of American 
 independence; who gave us Washington, and 
 earried us successfully through the struggles 
 and perils of the revolution; who assembled, 
 in 1787, that noble band of patriots and states- 
 men from north and south who framed the 
 federal constitution; who has augmented our 
 numbers from three millions to thirty millions ; 
 has carried us from the eastern slope of the 
 Alleghanies, through the great valleys of the 
 Ohio, Mississippi, and Missouri, and now salutes 
 our standard on the shores of the Pacific,— rouse 
 in our hearts a love of the whole Union, and a 
 patriotic devotion to the whole country; may 
 it extinguish or control all sectional passions 
 and prejudice, and enable us to conduct to a 
 successful conclusion the great experiment of 
 self-government now being made within our 
 boundaries. 
 
 “Ts it not infinitely psiier that slavery should 
 
 BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 17 
 
 be abolished or established in Kansas, rather 
 than that we should become slaves, and not 
 permitted to govern ourselves? Is the absence 
 or existence of slavery in Kansas paramount 
 to the great questions of state sovereignty, of 
 selfgovernment, and of the Union? Is the 
 sable African alone entitled to your sympathy 
 and consideration, even if he were happier 
 as a freeman than as a slave, either here, or in 
 St. Domingo, or the British West Indies, or 
 Spanish American, where the emancipated slave 
 has receded to barbarism, and approaches the 
 lowest point in the descending scale of moral, 
 physical, and intellectual degradation? Have 
 our white brethren of the great American and 
 European race no claims upon our attention ? 
 Have they no rights or interests entitled to 
 regard and protection? Shall the destiny of 
 the African in Kansas exclude all considera- 
 tions connected with our own happiness and 
 prosperity? And is it for the handful of that 
 race now in Kansas, or that may be hereafter 
 introduced, that we should subvert the Union 
 and the great principles of self-government and 
 state sovereignty, and imbrue our hands in the 
 blood of our countrymen? Important as this 
 African question may be in Kansas, and which 
 it is your solemn right to determine, it sinks 
 into insignificance compared with the perpe- 
 tuity of the Union and the final successful 
 establishment of the principles of state sov- 
 ereignty and free government. If patriotism, 
 if devotion to the constitution, and love of the 
 Union, should not induce the minority to yield 
 to the majority on this question, let them reflect 
 that in no event can the minority successfully 
 determine this question permanently, and that 
 in no contingency will Congress admit Kansas 
 as a slave or free state, unless a majority of 
 the people of Kansas shall first have fairly and 
 freely decided this question for themselves by 
 a direct vote on the adoption of the constitu- 
 tion, excluding all fraud or violence. The 
 minority, in resisting the will of the majority, 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 may involve Kansas again in civil war; they 
 may bring upon her reproach and obloquy, and 
 destroy her progress and prosperity; they may 
 keep her for years out of the Union, and, in 
 the whirlwind of agitation, sweep away the 
 government itself. But Kansas never can be 
 brought into the Union, with or without slavery, 
 except by a previous solemn decision, fully, 
 freely, and fairly made, by a majority of her 
 people, in voting for or against the adoption of 
 her state constitution. Why, then, should this 
 just, peaceful, and constitutional mode of settle- 
 ment meet with opposition from any quarter ? 
 Is Kansas willing to destroy her own hopes of 
 prosperity merely that she may afford political 
 capital to any party, and perpetuate the agita- 
 tion of slavery throughout the Union? Is she 
 to become a mere theme for agitators in other 
 states — the theatre on which they shall perform 
 the bloody drama of treason and disunion? Does 
 she want to see the solemn acts of Congress, 
 the decision of the people of the Union in the 
 recent election, the legislative, executive, and 
 judicial authorities of the country, all over- 
 thrown, and revolution and civil war inaugu- 
 rated throughout her limits? Does she want 
 to be ‘bleeding Kansas’ for. the benefit of 
 political agitators within or out of her limits? 
 or does she prefer the peaceful and quiet arbit- 
 rament of this question for herself? What 
 benefit will the great body of the people of 
 
 Kansas derive from these agitations? They 
 may, for a brief period, give consequence and 
 power to political leaders and agitators; but it 
 is at the expense of the happiness and welfare 
 of the great body of the people of this ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 “Those who oppose slavery in Kansas do 
 not base their opposition upon any philan- 
 thropic principles or any sympathy for the 
 African race. For in their so-called constitu- 
 tion, framed at Topeka, they deem that entire 
 race so inferior and degraded as to exclude 
 them all forever from Kansas, whether they. be 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 bond or free, thus depriving them of all rights 
 here, and denying even that they can be citi- 
 zens of the United States; for, if they ure 
 citizens, they could not, constitutionally, pe ex- 
 iled or excluded from Kansas. Yet such a 
 clause, inserted in the Topeka constitution, was 
 submitted by that convention for the vote of 
 the people, and ratified here by an overwhelm- 
 ing majority of the anti-slavery party. ‘This 
 party here, therefore, has, in the most. positive 
 manner, affirmed the constitutionality of that 
 portion of the recent decision of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States declaring that Afri- 
 cans are not citizens of the United States. 
 “This is the more important, inasmuch as 
 this Topeka constitution was ratified, with this 
 clause inserted, by the entire republican party 
 in Congress, thus distinctly affirming the recent 
 decision of the Supreme Court of the Union 
 that Africans are not citizens of the United 
 States; for, if citizens, they may be elected to 
 all offices, state and national, including the 
 presidency itself; they must be placed upon a 
 basis of perfect equality with the whites, serve 
 with them in the militia, on the bench, the 
 legislature, the jury box, vote in all elections, 
 meet us in social intercourse, and intermarry 
 freely with the whites. This doctrine of the 
 perfect equality of the white with the black in 
 all respects whatsoever, social and_ political, 
 clearly follows from the position that Africans 
 are citizens of the United States. Nor is the 
 Supreme Court of the Union less clearly vindi- 
 cated by the position now assumed here by the 
 published creed of this party, that the people 
 of Kansas, in forming their state constitution, 
 (and not Congress,) must decide this question 
 of slavery for themselves. Having thus sus- 
 tained the court on both the controverted 
 points decided by that tribunal, it is hoped 
 they will not approve the anarchical and _reyo- 
 lutionary proceedings in other states, expunging 
 the Supreme Court from our system by depriv- 
 ing it of the great power for which it was ere- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ated —of expounding the constitution. If that 
 be done, we can have, in fact, no unity of gov- 
 ernment or fundamental law, but just as many 
 ever-varying constitutions as passion, prejudice, 
 and local interests may, from time to time, pre- 
 scribe in the thirty-one states of the Union. 
 
 “JT have endeavored heretofore faintly to 
 foreshadow the wonderful prosperity which 
 would follow at once in Kansas the peaceful 
 and final settlement of this question. But if it 
 should be in the power of agitators to prevent 
 such a result, nothing but ruin will pervade our 
 territory. Confidence will expire, and law and 
 order will be subverted. Anarchy and civil 
 war will be reinaugurated among us. All 
 property will greatly depreciate in value. Even 
 the best farms will become almost worthless. 
 Our towns and cities will sink into decay. Emi- 
 eration into our territory will cease. A mourn- 
 ful train of returning settlers, with ruined hopes 
 and blasted fortunes, will leave our borders. 
 All who have purchased property at present 
 prices will be sacrificed, and Kansas will be 
 marked by universal ruin and desolation. 
 
 “Nor will the mischief be arrested here. It 
 will extend into every other state. Despots 
 will exult over the failure here of the great 
 principles of self-government and the approach- 
 ing downfall of our confederacy. The pillars 
 of the Union will rock upon their base, and 
 we may close the next presidential conflict 
 amid the scattered fragments of the constitu- 
 tion of our once happy and united people. 
 The banner of the stars and stripes, the emblem 
 of our country’s glory, will be rent by contend- 
 ing factions. We shall no longer have a coun- 
 try. The friends of human liberty in other 
 realms will shrink despairing from the conflict. 
 Despotie power will resume its sway through- 
 out the world, and man will have tried in vain 
 the last experiment of selfgovernment. The 
 architects of our country’s ruin, the assassins 
 of her peace and prosperity, will share the 
 same common ruin of all our race. They will 
 
 19 
 
 meet, whilst living, the bitter curses of a ruined 
 people, whilst history will record as their only 
 epitaph, ‘These were the destroyers of the 
 American Union, of the liberties of their coun- 
 try and of the world? 
 
 “But I do not despair of the republic. My 
 hope is in the patriotism and intelligence of 
 the people; in their love of country, of liberty, 
 and of the Union. Especially is my confidence 
 unbounded in the hardy pioneers and settlers 
 of the west. It was such settlers of a new 
 state, devoted to the constitution and the Union, 
 whom I long represented in the senate of the 
 United States, and whose rights and interests it 
 was my pride and pleasure there, as well as in 
 the treasury department, to protect and advo- 
 cate. It was men like these whose rifles drove 
 back the invader from the plains of Orleans, 
 and planted the stars and stripes upon the vic- 
 torious fields of Mexico. These are the men 
 whom gold cannot corrupt, nor foes intimidate. 
 From their towns and villages, from their farms 
 and cottages, spread over the beautiful prairies 
 of Kansas, they will come forward now in 
 defence of the constitution and the Union. 
 These are the glorious legacy they received 
 from our fathers, and they will transmit to 
 their children the priceless heritage. Before 
 the peaceful power of their suffrage this dan- 
 gerous sectional agitation will disappear, and 
 peace and prosperity once more reign through- 
 out our borders. In the hearts of this noble 
 band of patriotic settlers the love of their 
 country and of the Union is inextinguishable. 
 It leaves them not in death, but follows them 
 into that higher realm, where, with Washington 
 and Franklin and their noble compatriots, they 
 look down with undying affection upon their 
 country, and offer up their fervent prayers that 
 the Union and the constitution may be perpet- 
 ual. For, recollect, my fellow-citizens, that it 
 is the constitution that makes the Union; and 
 unless that immortal instrument, bearing the 
 name of the father of his country, shall be 
 
20 HISTORY 
 
 maintained entire in all its wise provisions 
 and sacred guarantees, our free institutions 
 must perish. 
 
 “ My reliance also is unshaken upon the same 
 overruling Providence who has carried us tri- 
 umphantly through so many perils and. con- 
 flicts; who has lifted us to a height of power 
 and prosperity unexampled in history, and, if 
 we shall maintain the constitution and the 
 Union, points us to a future more glorious and 
 sublime than mind can conceive or pen describe. 
 The march of our country’s destiny, like that 
 of His first chosen people, is marked by the 
 footprints of the steps of God. The constitu- 
 tion and the Union are ‘the cloud by day and 
 the pillar of fire by night, which will carry us 
 safely, under his guidance, through the wilder- 
 ness and bitter waters, into the promised and 
 ever-extending fields of our country’s glory. 
 It is his hand which beckons us onward in the 
 pathway of peaceful progress and expansion, 
 of power and renown, until our continent, in 
 the distant future, shall be covered by the folds 
 of the American banner; and instructed by 
 our example, all the nations of the world, 
 through many trials and sacrifices, shall estab- 
 lish the great principles of our constitutional 
 confederacy of free and sovereign states.” 
 
 In _ his first. despatch to Washington, Gov- 
 ernor Walker writes thus :— 
 
 “My inaugural was extremely well received 
 by. the people here, and, so far as I can learn, 
 it seems quite probable that it will be approved 
 
 by a very large majority of the people of this 
 
 territory. On one point the sentiment of the 
 people is almost unanimous— that. the constitu- 
 tion must be submitted, for ratification or rejec- 
 tion, to a vote of the people who shall be dona 
 fide residents of the territory next fall. The 
 difficulties in this territory are not yet adjusted, 
 and without the submission of the constitution 
 to the people a peaceful settlement. is entirely 
 impracticable.” 
 
 The governor also stated that where disturb- 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ances or resistance to the territorial laws were 
 threatened, it was his purpose to address the 
 people, and endeavor by a persuasive course to 
 correct the evil, rather than resort to force. 
 This course he followed in several cases, and 
 addressed several assemblies of free state men 
 with alleged good effect. He visited various 
 parts of the territory, and by his addresses and 
 intercourse with the people brought about a 
 better feeling. 
 
 The free state voters in Kansas adhered to 
 their resolution not to participate in the elec- 
 tion of delegates to the constitutional conven- 
 tion, and the pro-slavery party elected nearly 
 or quite the whole body. They also still sup- 
 ported the Topeka constitution, and in June 
 the state legislature under that constitution 
 again met. Mr. Robinson, who had been per- 
 suaded to continue to hold the office of governor 
 of this prospective government, sent a message 
 to the legislature recommending a thorough 
 organization of the state government, and acts 
 were passed providing for taking a state census, 
 and appointing an election to be held in Au- 
 gust for state officers and a representative to 
 Congress. Governor Walker was at Topeka at 
 the time, and addressed a convention of the 
 free state men, being listened to with attention, 
 and some of its more ultra proceedings being 
 abandoned in consequence of his advice and 
 conciliatory language ; but no movement was 
 made by him to interfere with the legislature. 
 Some of the free state men were dissatisfied 
 with the moderation of the legislature, and 
 were disposed to organize an opposition to the 
 territorial laws-— usually termed by them the 
 “bogus laws.” Among the measures undertaken 
 by the free state men was the establishment of a 
 city charter for Lawrence, by the people of that 
 town. This step was regarded by the federal 
 authorities as an insurgent act, and it was 
 feared, probably without cause, that this was 
 the beginning of other similar acts designed to 
 | resist by an organized movement the territorial 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 laws and authority. But the free state men 
 contended that it was only a municipal organ- 
 ization, designed to promote the safety of the 
 citizens by proper police and health regulations. 
 It was, however, with the organization of the 
 militia among the free state men, considered 
 good cause for calling upon the military to sup- 
 port the civil authorities of the territory, and a 
 large body of dragoons was ordered into the 
 vicinity of Lawrence. After a brief season it 
 was found that there was no occasion for call- 
 ing the military into requisition ; and this force, 
 which had already been ordered to Utah, was 
 withdrawn, and proceeded towards that ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 The constitutional convention provided for 
 by the act of the territorial legislature met at 
 Lecompton in September, ahd proceeded to 
 form a constitution for a state government. 
 This constitution recognized slavery indirectly 
 in its provisions, and also had a provision pro- 
 hibiting the legislature from ever passing a 
 law for the emancipation of slaves. It was 
 evidently the intention of the pro-slavery party 
 that the constitution should not be submit- 
 ted to the people, notwithstanding Governor 
 Walker and Secretary Stanton had constantly 
 declared, in conformity with the views and 
 instructions of the president, that such a con- 
 stitution must and should be fully and fairly 
 submitted to the people for their ratification 
 or rejection. The position taken by the gov- 
 ernor on this point, and by many of the op- 
 ponents of the free state party also, was so 
 strong, that the convention at last made a 
 show of submitting the constitution to the 
 people. But it must be acknowledged by every 
 candid mind that the provision adopted was a 
 mere sham. By this provision the constitution 
 was to be submitted to the people, and they 
 were to vote in this form: “Constitution with 
 slavery ;” or “Constitution without slavery.” 
 In either case they must have the constitution 
 with whatever objectionable features there 
 
 21 
 
 might be in it; and there were many such 
 features, which satisfied the free state men that 
 with that constitution freedom could not for 
 years be established as the ruling principle in 
 Kansas. Nor did this proposition meet the 
 views of Governor Walker or Secretary Stan- 
 ton. It was not in conformity with their own 
 express promises, or their conviction, nor was 
 it in conformity with the declarations of the 
 president and his instructions to these officers. 
 But this question will occur in another part of 
 our narrative. 
 
 While the convention was in session the 
 election of a territorial legislature and delegate 
 to Congress took place, in October. Governor 
 Walker had made urgent appeals to the people 
 to vote in this election, assuring them that they 
 should have a fair election, and should be pro- 
 tected from any invasion of parties out of the 
 territory. The free state men by degrees had 
 been persuaded that this course would be the 
 wisest, if the governor would carry out his 
 promises, and they had confidence that he 
 would. ‘They therefore -prepared for the elec- 
 tion, and the qualifications of voters having 
 been modified by an act of the territorial legis- 
 lature, they participated in it by a general, 
 though it is said not a full, vote of the free 
 state party. The result of this election was 
 the choice of Mr. Parrott, the free state can- 
 didate for delegate to Congress; and by the 
 correct returns it also appeared that the same 
 party had control of both branches of the 
 legislature. In some of the voting precincts 
 gross frauds were perpetrated in favor of the 
 pro-slavery candidates. 'These frauds were too 
 evident and too gross to pass without observa- 
 tion, and Governor Walker, after inquiring into 
 the facts, rejected the returns, and thus gave 
 the legislature into the hands of the free state 
 party. In one of the counties where these spu- 
 rious returns were made, the pro-slavery can- 
 didates, who were, by such rejection, refused 
 certificates, applied to Judge Cato, who issued a 
 
22 
 
 writ of mandamus to the governor and secre- 
 tary, commanding them to give certificates to 
 the claimants. The governor and secretary, 
 however, denied the authority of the judge in 
 the premises, and refused to comply. 
 
 The result of this election was a source of 
 great joy to the free state men in Kansas, and 
 to their friends in the states. It served to 
 conciliate and pacify many of those who, 
 through wrong and oppression, had been dis- 
 posed to resist to the utmost the territorial 
 laws. The laws were now within their own 
 power for repeal or modification, and this was 
 accomplished in a way against which no objec- 
 tion could be raised by the federal authorities. 
 Quiet was therefore restored among the free 
 state settlers. By the pro-slavery party it was 
 received with less satisfaction. The unscrupu- 
 lous among them had determined, if they could 
 not have the aid of votes from Missouri, that 
 they would have the benefit of spurious votes ; 
 and hence the fraudulent returns. ‘The consti- 
 tutional convention had adjourned until after 
 the election, and they then proceeded with 
 their work, but evidently with a determination 
 that the free state majority, which had just 
 been ascertained, should not have the oppor- 
 tunity of rejecting the constitution they should 
 frame. This purpose soon became evident, 
 and excited the indignation of the free state 
 men. And when the work was finally done, 
 and the mode of submitting it, with slavery or 
 without slavery, as already mentioned, the ter- 
 ritory was again in a ferment. 
 
 Before the convention had arrived at the 
 conclusion of its work, and before it had de- 
 termined how it should be submitted to the 
 people, Governor Walker had obtained leave 
 of absence from the territory for a season, and 
 left it fully assured that the declared wishes of 
 the president, and his own repeated pledges of 
 a fair submission of the whole instrument to 
 the vote of the people, would be adopted. 
 Secretary Stanton was now acting governor. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 In the excitement prevailing in consequence 
 of the action of the convention, both in regard 
 to the manner of submitting the question to 
 the popular vote, and in regard to the appoint- 
 ment of judges of elections, and other details 
 relating to the reception of votes and returns, 
 the acting governor was requested to convene 
 the territorial legislature at an earlier day than 
 that appointed for its regular meeting. Vigi- 
 lance committees had been organized by the 
 free state party, who were again aroused to 
 take decisive measures rather than suffer a 
 constitution so obnoxious to be forced upon 
 them. It was hoped that a meeting of the 
 legislature might avert these troubles by pro- 
 viding by law for the submission of the con- 
 stitution to a fair vote. Such a measure Mr. 
 Stanton suggested in his message to the legis- 
 lature when it assembled. That message is 
 characterized by a spirit of fairness and a de- 
 sire to meet the popular will, which, it would 
 seem, was entitled to commendation except 
 from those who were disposed only to carry 
 out the will of the convention and the minority 
 which it represented. 
 
 When, however, it was known at Washing- 
 ton that Mr. Stanton had convened the legisla- 
 ture in such a manner and for such a purpose, 
 it was deemed by the president and his advisers 
 a cause for immediate removal. James W. 
 Denver, commissioner of Indian affairs, was ap- 
 pointed in his place, and ordered to proceed 
 forthwith to Kansas to assume the duties of sec- 
 retary and acting governor. Governor Walker 
 was still absent from the territory, in Washing- 
 ton. The views of the president on Kansas 
 affairs as expressed in his annual message, and 
 the removal of Secretary Stanton for his en- 
 deavor to pacify the majority of the people of 
 Kansas by securing to them in a legal way 
 their rights, and thus redeeming the pledges of 
 the governor and the administration, indicated 
 a change in the policy of the government. 
 Governor Walker, pledged to the policy which 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 23 
 
 the acting governor was endeayoring to carry ||ral address of the 27th of May last, as fol- 
 
 out, was not disposed to adopt any other course ; 
 and a few days after the removal of Mr. 
 Stanton he resigned his post as governor of 
 the territory. In tendering his resignation he 
 addressed the following letter to the secretary 
 of state, reviewing the affairs of Kansas from 
 the time of his connection with the territory, 
 and the policy which he had pursued :— 
 
 ‘“WasnIneton, December 15, 1857. 
 
 “Sir: I resign the office of governor of the 
 territory of Kansas. I have been most. reluc- 
 tantly forced to this conclusion after anxious 
 and careful consideration of my duty to the 
 country, to the people of Kansas, to the presi- 
 dent of the United States, and to myself. 
 
 “The grounds assumed by the president in 
 his late message to Congress, and in recent 
 instructions in connection with the events now 
 transpiring here and in Kansas, admonish me 
 that, as governor of that territory, it will no 
 longer be in my power to preserve the peace 
 or promote the public welfare. 
 
 “ At the earnest solicitation of the president, 
 after repeated refusals, the last being in writing, 
 I finally accepted this office upon his letter 
 showing the dangers and difficulties of the Kan- 
 sas question, and the necessity of my under- 
 taking the task of adjustment. Under these 
 circumstances, notwithstanding the great sacri- 
 fices to me, (personal, political, and pecuniary,) 
 I felt that I could no more refuse such a call from 
 my country, through her chief magistrate, than 
 the soldier in battle who is ordered to com- 
 mand a forlorn hope. 
 
 “JT accepted, however, on the express con- 
 dition that I should advocate the submission 
 of the constitution to the vote of the people 
 for ratification or rejection. These views were 
 clearly understood by the president and all his 
 cabinet. They were distinctly set forth in my 
 letter of acceptance of this office of the 26th 
 of March last, and reiterated in my inaugu- 
 
 lows :— 
 
 “¢ Indeed, I cannot doubt that the convention, 
 after having framed a state constitution, will 
 submit it for ratification or rejection by a ma- 
 jority of the then actual dona fide resident set- 
 tlers of Kansas. With these views, well known 
 to the president and cabinet, and approved by 
 them, I accepted the appointment of governor 
 of Kansas. My instructions from the presi- 
 dent, through the secretary of state, under 
 date of the 30th of March last, sustain “the 
 regular legislature of the territory” in “ assem- 
 bling a convention to form a constitution,’ and 
 they express the opinion of the president that 
 “when such a constitution shall be submitted 
 to the people of the territory, they must be 
 protected in the exercise of their shi of voting 
 jor or against that instrument; and the fair ex- 
 pression of the popular will must not be inter 
 rupted by fraud or violence.” I repeat, then, as 
 my clear conviction, that unless the convention 
 submit the constitution to the vote of all the 
 actual resident settlers of Kansas, and the elec- 
 tion be fairly and justly conducted, the consti- 
 tution will be, and ought to be, rejected by 
 Congress.’ 
 
 “This inaugural most distinctly asserted that 
 it was not the question of slavery merely, 
 (which I believed to be of little practical im- 
 portance then in its application to Kansas,) but 
 the entire constitution which should be sub- 
 mitted to the people for ratification or rejection. 
 These were my words on that subject in my 
 inaugural: ‘It is not merely, shall slavery exist 
 in or disappear from Kansas, but shall the 
 great principles of self-government and state 
 sovereignty be maintained or subverted” In 
 that. inaugural I proceed further to say that the 
 people ‘may by a subsequent vote defeat the 
 ratification of the constitution’ I designate 
 this as a ‘great constitutional right, and add, 
 that ‘the convention is the servant, and not 
 the master, of the people 
 
24 
 
 “In my official despatch to you of 2d June 
 last, a copy of that inaugural address was trans- 
 mitted to you for the further information of 
 the president and his cabinet. No exception 
 was ever taken to any portion of that address; 
 on the contrary, it is distinctly admitted by 
 the president in his message, with commendable 
 frankness, that my instructions in favor of the 
 submission of the constitution to the vote of 
 the people were ‘ general and unqualified’ By 
 that inaugural and subsequent addresses I was 
 pledged to the people of Kansas to oppose by 
 all ‘lawful means’ the adoption of any consti- 
 tution which was not fairly and fully submitted 
 to their vote for ratification or rejection. These 
 pledges I cannot recall or violate without per- 
 sonal dishonor and the abandonment of funda- 
 mental principles, and therefore it is impossible 
 for me to support what is called the Lecompton 
 constitution, because it is not submitted to a 
 vote of the people for ratification or rejection. 
 
 “T have ever uniformly maintained the 
 principle that sovereignty is vested exclusively 
 in the people of each state, and that it per- 
 forms its first and highest function in forming 
 a state government and state constitution. 
 This highest act of sovereignty, in my judg- 
 ment, can only be performed by the people 
 themselves, and cannot be delegated to con- 
 ventions or other intermediate bodies. Indeed, 
 the whole doctrine of the sovereignty of con- 
 ventions, as distinct from that of the people, — 
 of conventional or delegated sovereignty, as 
 contradistinguished from state or popular sov- 
 ereignty, — has ever been discarded by me, and 
 was never heard of, to my knowledge, during 
 the great canvass of 1856. This is the great 
 principle of state rights and state sovereignty 
 maintained in the Virginia and Kentucky reso- 
 lutions of 1798~99, sustained by the people in 
 the great political revolution of 1800, and em- 
 braced in that amendment to the federal con- 
 stitution, adopted under the auspices of Mr. 
 Jefferson, declaring that ‘the powers not dele- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 gated to the United States by the constitution, 
 nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved 
 to the states respectively or to the people.’ 
 “The reservation to ‘the states’ 1s as separate 
 states, in exercising the powers granted by 
 their state constitutions, and the reservation to 
 ‘the people’ is to the people of the several states, 
 admitted or inchoate, in exercising their sov- 
 ereign right of framing or amending their state 
 constitution. This view was set forth in my 
 printed address delivered at Natchez, Missis- 
 sippi, in January, 1835, against nullification, 
 which speech received the complimentary sanc- 
 tion of the great and good Madison, the princi- 
 pal founder of our constitution, as shown by 
 the letter of the Hon. Charles J. Ingersoll, of 
 Philadelphia, as published in the Globe, at 
 Washington, in 1856. What adds much more 
 force to this opinion is the statement then 
 made by Mr. Madison, that these were also the 
 views of Mr. Jefferson. By this clause of the 
 federal constitution the sovereignty of the peo- 
 ple of each state is clearly reserved, and espe- 
 cially their own exclusive sovereign right to form 
 in all its entirety their own state constitution. 
 “J shall not enter fully into the argument 
 of this question at this period, but will merely 
 state that this is the position I have ever occu- 
 pied; and my reasons for entertaining this opin- 
 ion are clearly and distinctly set forth in a 
 printed pamphlet, published over my signature 
 on the 13th June, 1856, and then extensively 
 circulated, from which I quote as follows :— 
 ““Under our confederate system sovereignty 
 is that highest political power which, at its 
 pleasure, creates governments and delegates 
 authority to them. Sovereignty grants powers, 
 but not sovereign powers; otherwise it might 
 extinguish itself by making the creature of its 
 will the equal or superior of its creator. Sov- 
 ereignty makes constitutions, and through them 
 establishes governments. It delegates certain 
 powers to these governments, distributing the 
 exercise of the granted powers among the 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANANS ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 25 
 
 legislative, executive, and judicial departments. || it was created by states, each exercising for 
 
 The constitution is not sovereign, because it is 
 created by sovereignty. The government is 
 not sovereign for the same reason, much less 
 any department of that government. Having 
 defined sovereignty, we must not confound the 
 power with its source or exercise; that is, 
 sovereignty is one thing, where it resides or 
 how to be exercised ‘is another. 
 ‘system of European despotisms, sovereignty 
 was claimed to reside in kings and emperors, 
 under the sacrilegious idea of the “divine right 
 of kings;” and the blasphemous doctrine was, 
 that sovereigns in legitimate succession, al- 
 though stained with crimes and _ blackened 
 with infamy, were clothed by Deity with abso- 
 lute power to rule their subjects, who held 
 nothing but privileges granted by the crown. 
 Such were the absurd and impious dogmas to 
 which the people of Europe, with few excep- 
 tions, have been compelled to submit by the 
 bayonet, sustained by the more potent authority 
 of ignorance and superstition. Under this the- 
 ory the people were mere ciphers, and crowned 
 heads sub-deities — the sole representatives on 
 earth of the governing power of the Almighty’ 
 ‘Our doctrine is just the reverse, making the 
 _ people the only source of sovereign power. 
 But what people? With us sovereignty rests 
 exclusively with the people of each state’ By 
 the revolution, each colony, acting for itself 
 alone, separated from Great Britain, and sanc- 
 . tioned the Declaration of Independence. ‘ Hach 
 colony, having thus become a state, and each 
 adopting for itself its separate state govern- 
 ment, acted for itself alone under the old 
 Continental. Congress. Each state acted for 
 itself alone in acceding to the Articles of Con- 
 federation in 1778, and each state acted for 
 itself alone in framing and ratifying, each for 
 itself, the constitution of the United States. 
 Sovereignty, then, with us rests exclusively 
 with the people of each state. The constitu- 
 tion of the United ee is not sovereign, for 
 
 Under the} 
 
 itself the highest political power called sov- 
 ereignty. For the same reason the government, 
 of the United States is not sovereign, nor doez 
 it exercise any sovereign powers. It exercises 
 only “delegated powers,’ as declared by the 
 constitution, and those powers only which are 
 granted by that instrument. Delegated pow- 
 ers are not sovereign powers, but are powers 
 granted by sovereignty. Sovereignty, being 
 this highest political power, cannot be delegat- 
 ed; it is indivisible; it is a unit, incapable of 
 partition. Hence the great error of supposing 
 that sovereignty is divided between the states 
 and the United States. ° 
 
 “<The constitution of the United States is 
 the “supreme law,” and obligatory as such; but 
 a law is not sovereignty, but an act of sover- 
 eignty. All laws imply law-makers; and, in 
 this case, those who framed and ratified this 
 “supreme law” were those sovereignties called 
 the states, each acting exclusively for itself, 
 uncontrolled by any sister state, except by the 
 moral force of its influence and example. The 
 government of the United States possessing, as 
 we have shown, no sovereignty, but only dele- 
 gated powers, to them alone it must look fox 
 the exercise of all constitutional authority in 
 territories as well as states, for there is not a 
 single power granted by the constitution to 
 this government in a territory which is not 
 granted in a state, except the power to admit 
 new states into the Union, which, as shown by 
 the Madison Papers, the framers of the consti- 
 tution (as first demonstrated in my Texas 
 letter) refused to limit to our then existing 
 territories. In the territories, then, as well as 
 the states, Congress possesses no sovereignty, 
 and can exercise only the powers delegated by 
 the constitution; and all the powers not thus 
 granted are dormant or reserved powers, be- 
 longing, in common territory, to all the states, 
 as coequal joint tenants there of that highest , 
 political power called sovereignty’ 
 
* 
 
 26 
 
 “Tt will be perceived that this doctrine, that 
 ‘sovereignty makes constitutions, that ‘sov- 
 ereignty rests exclusively with the people of 
 each state, that ‘sovereignty cannot be dele- 
 gated, that ‘it is inalienable, indivisible, ‘a 
 unit incapable of partition, are doctrines ever 
 regarded by me as fundamental principles of 
 public liberty and of the federal constitution, 
 It will be seen that these views, which I have 
 ever entertained, were not framed to suit any 
 emergency in Kansas, but were my. life-long 
 principles, and were published and promulgated 
 by me, in an elaborate argument over my own 
 signature, twelve months before my departure 
 to that territory, and when I never thought of 
 going to Kansas. These rights I have ever 
 regarded as fully secured to the people of ‘all 
 the territories’ in adopting their state constitu- 
 tion by the Kansas and Nebraska bill. Such 
 is the construction given to that act. by Con- 
 gress in passing the Minnesota bill, so justly 
 applauded by the president. Such is the con- 
 struction of this Kansas act by its distinguished 
 author, not only in. his late most able argu- 
 ment, but in addresses made and published by 
 him long antecedent to that date; showing 
 that this sovereign power of the people in act- 
 ing upon a state constitution is not confined 
 to the question of slavery, but includes all 
 other subjects embraced in such an instrument. 
 Indeed, I believe the Kansas and Nebraska bill 
 would have violated the rights of sovereignty 
 reserved to the people of each state by the 
 federal constitution if it had deprived them, or 
 Congress should now deprive them, of the right 
 of voting for or against their state constitution. 
 The president, in his message, thinks that. the 
 rights secured by this bill. to the people. in 
 acting upon their state constitution are confined 
 to the slavery question; but I think, as shown 
 in my address before quoted, that ‘sovereignty 
 is the power that makes constitutions and goy- 
 ernments, and that not only the slavery clause 
 in a state constitution, but all others, must be 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 submitted. The president thinks that sov- 
 ereignty can be delegated, at least in part. I 
 think sovereignty cannot be delegated at all. 
 The president believes that sovereignty is 
 divisible between conventions and the people, 
 to be exercised by the former on all subjects 
 but slavery, and by the latter only on that 
 question; whereas I think that sovereignty is 
 ‘inalienable, ‘indivisible, ‘a unit incapable of 
 partition, and that ‘it cannot be delegated, in 
 whole or in part. 
 
 “Tt will not be denied that sovereignty is the 
 only power that can make a state constitution, 
 and that it rests exclusively with the people; 
 and if it is inalienable, and cannot be delegated, 
 as I have shown, then it can only be exercised | 
 by the people themselves. Under our govern- 
 ment we know no sovereigns but the people. - 
 Conventions are composed of‘ delegates’ They 
 are mere agents or trustees, exercising not a 
 sovereign, but a delegated power, and the 
 people are the principals. The power dele- 
 gated to such conventions can properly only 
 extend to the framing of the constitution; but 
 its ratification or rejection can only be per- 
 formed by the power where sovereignty alone 
 rests, namely, the people themselves. We 
 must not confound sovereign with delegated 
 powers. The provisional authority of a con- 
 vention to frame a constitution and submit it 
 to the people is a delegated power; but sov- 
 ereignty alone, which rests exclusively with 
 the people, can ratify and put in force that , 
 constitution. ; 
 
 “And this is the true doctrine ‘of popular 
 sovereignty ; and I know of no such thing, nor 
 does the federal constitution recognize it, as 
 delegated or conventional sovereignty. The 
 president, in a very lucid passage of his able 
 message, gives unanswerable reasons why the 
 people, and not conventions, should decide the 
 question of slavery in framing a state constitu- 
 tion... He says, very truly, that, from the neces. 
 sary division of the inchoate state into districts, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 a majority of the delegates may think one way 
 and the people another, and that the delegates 
 (as was the case in Kansas) may violate their 
 pledges or fail to execute the will of the people. 
 And why does not this reasoning apply with 
 equal force to all other great questions embod- 
 ied ina state constitution ? and why should the 
 question of slavery alone override and extin- 
 
 guish the doctrine of popular sovereignty and. 
 
 the right of selfgovernment ? Most fortunately 
 this is no sectional question, for it belongs 
 alike to the states admitted or inchoate, of the 
 south as of the north. It is not a question of 
 slavery, but of state rights and of state and 
 popular sovereignty, and my objections to the 
 Lecompton constitution are equally strong, 
 whether Kansas under its provisions should be 
 made a free ora slave state. My objections are 
 based upon a violation of the right of self-gov- 
 ernment and of state and popular sovereignty, 
 and of forcing any constitution upon the people 
 against their will, whether it recognized free- 
 dom or slavery. Indeed, the first question 
 which the people ought to decide in forming a 
 government for an inchoate state is, whether 
 they will change, or not, from a territorial to a 
 state government. Now, as no one who, with 
 me, denies federal or territorial sovereignty, 
 will contend that a territorial legislature is sov- 
 ereign, or represents sovereignty, or that such 
 legislature (a mere creation of Congress) can 
 transfer sovereignty, which it does not possess, 
 to a territorial convention, this change from a 
 territorial to a state government can only be 
 made by the power where sovereignty rests ; 
 namely, the people: Yet a state government 
 is forced upon the people of Kansas by the 
 Lecompton constitution whether they will it or 
 not; for they can only vote for the constitu- 
 tion, and not against it. But, besides the 
 change from a territorial to a state govern- 
 ment, which the people alone have a right to 
 make in framing a state constitution, there are 
 many other momentous questions included in 
 
 27 
 
 that instrument. It involves all the powers of 
 state government. There is the bill of rights, 
 the magna charta of the libertiegof a free people ; 
 the legislative, executive, and judicial functions ; 
 the taxing power; the elective franchise; the 
 great question of education; the sacred rela- 
 tions of husband and wife, parent and child, 
 guardian and ward ; and all the rights affecting 
 life, liberty, and property. There is also the 
 question of state debts, of banks and paper 
 money, and whether they shall be permitted or 
 prohibited. As all free government, as stated 
 by Mr. Jefferson in the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence, depends upon the ‘consent of the gov- 
 erned, how can it be known whether the people 
 would assent to the constitution unless it is sub- 
 mitted to their vote for ratification or rejection? 
 But if acquiescence can be presumed in any 
 case, surely it cannot be in that of Kansas, 
 where so many of the delegates violated their 
 pledge to submit the constitution itself to a 
 vote of the people, where the delegates who 
 signed the constitution represented scarcely 
 one tenth of the people, and where nearly one 
 half the counties of the territory were dis- 
 franchised, and (by no fault of theirs) did not, 
 and could not, give a single vote at the election 
 for delegates to the convention. 
 
 “YT have heretofore discussed this subject 
 mainly on the question that conventions are 
 not sovereign, and cannot rightfully make a 
 state constitution without submission to the 
 vote of the people for ratification or rejection ; 
 yet surely even those who differ with me on 
 this point must concede, especially under the 
 Kansas-Nebraska bill, it is only such conven- 
 tions can be called sovereign as have been truly 
 elected by the people and represent their will. 
 On reference, however to my address of the 
 16th September last on the tax-qualification 
 question,—a copy of which was immediately 
 transmitted to you for the information of the 
 president and cabinet, — it is evident that the 
 Lecompton convention was not such a body. 
 
28 
 
 That convention had vital, not technical, de- 
 fects in the very substance of its organization 
 under the territorial law, which could only be 
 cured, in my judgment, as set forth in my in- 
 augural and other ‘addresses, by the submission 
 of the constitution for ratification or rejection 
 by the people. On reference to the territorial 
 law under which the convention was assembled, 
 thirty-four regularly organized counties were 
 named as election districts for delegates to the 
 convention. In each and all of these counties 
 it was required by law that a census should be 
 taken and the voters registered ; and when this 
 was completed the delegates to the convention 
 should be apportioned accordingly. In nine- 
 teen of these counties there was no census, 
 and therefore there could be no such apportion- 
 ment there of delegates based upon such cen- 
 sus. And in fifteen of these counties there was 
 no registry of voters. These fifteen counties, 
 including many of the oldest organized coun- 
 ties of the territory, were entirely disfranchised, 
 and did not give, and (by no fault of their own) 
 could not give, a solitary vote for delegates to 
 the convention. This result was superinduced 
 by the fact that the territorial legislature ap- 
 pointed all the sheriffs and probate judges in 
 all these counties, to whom was assigned the 
 duty by law of making this census and registry. 
 These officers were political partisans, dissent- 
 ing from the views and opinions of the people 
 of these counties, as proved by the election in 
 October last. These officers, from want of 
 funds, as they allege, neglected or refused to 
 take any census or make any registry in these 
 counties; and therefore they were entirely dis- 
 franchised, and could not, and did not, give a 
 single vote at the,election for delegates to the 
 constitutional convention. And here I wish to 
 call attention to the distinction, which will ap- 
 pear in / my inaugural address, in reference’ to 
 those counties where the voters were fairly 
 _registered and did not vote. In such counties, 
 where a full and free opportunity was given to 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 register and vote, and they did not choose to 
 exercise that privilege, the question is very dif- 
 ferent from those counties where there was no 
 census or registry, and no vote was given, or 
 could be given, however anxious the people 
 might be to participate in the election of dele. 
 gates to the convention. Nor could it be said 
 these counties acquiesced; for wherever they 
 endeavored, by a subsequent census or registry 
 of their own, to supply this defect, occasioned 
 by the previous neglect of the territorial offi- 
 cers, the delegates thus chosen were rejected 
 by the convention. I repeat, that in nineteen 
 counties out of thirty-four there was no census. 
 In fifteen counties out of thirty-four there was 
 no registry, and not a solitary vote was given, 
 or could be given, for delegates to the conven: 
 tion in any one of these counties. Surely 
 then, it cannot be said that such a convention, 
 chosen by scarcely more than one tenth of the 
 present voters of Kansas, represented the peo- 
 ple of that territory, and could rightfully impose 
 a constitution upon them without their consent. 
 These nineteen counties in which there was no 
 census constituted a majority of the counties of 
 the territory, and these fifteen counties in 
 which there was no registry gave a much larger 
 vote at the October election, even with the 
 six months’ qualification, than the whole vote 
 given to the delegates who signed the Lecomp- .- 
 ton constitution on the 7th November last. If, 
 then, sovereignty can be delegated, and con- 
 
 -ventions, as such, are sovereign, which I deny 
 
 surely it must be only in such cases as when 
 such conventions are chosen by the people, 
 which we have seen was not the case as regards _ 
 the late Lecompton convention. It was for 
 this, among other reasons, that in my inaugu- 
 ral and other addresses I insisted that the con- 
 stitution should be submitted to the people by 
 the convention, as the only means of curing 
 this vital defect in its organization. It was, . 
 therefore, among other reasons, when, as you 
 know,.the organization of the so-called Topeka 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 state government, and as a consequence an 
 inevitable civil war and conflict with the troops 
 must have ensued, these results were prevented 
 by my assuring, not the abolitionists, as has 
 _ been erroneously stated, —for my address was 
 not to them, but the people of Kansas,—that 
 in my judgment the constitution would be sub- 
 mitted fairly and freely for ratification or rejec- 
 tion by their vote, and that if this was not 
 done, | would unite with them, the people, as 
 I now do, in ‘lawful »pposition’ to such a 
 procedure. 
 
 “The power and responsibility being de- 
 volved exclusively upon me by the president 
 of using the federal army in Kansas to sup- 
 press insurrection, the alternative was distinctly 
 presented to me by the question propounded 
 at Topeka of arresting revolution by the slaugh- 
 ter of the people, or of preventing it, together 
 with that civil war which must have extended 
 throughout the Union, by the solemn assurance 
 then given that the right of the people to 
 frame their own government, so far as my 
 power extended, should be maintained. But 
 for this assurance, it is a conceded fact that the 
 Topeka state government, then assembled in 
 legislative session, would have been put into 
 immediate actual operation, and that a san- 
 guinary collision with the federal army and 
 civil war must have ensued, extending, it is 
 feared, throughout the Union. 
 
 “Indeed, the whole idea of an inaugural 
 address originated in the alarming ‘intelligence 
 which had reached Washington city of the 
 perious and incipient rebellion in Kansas, 
 This insurrection was rendered still more for- 
 midable, on my reaching the territory, by the 
 near approach of the assembling of the revo- 
 lutionary state’ legislature, and the very nu- 
 merous mass conventions by which it was sus- 
 tained, In truth, I had to choose between 
 arresting that insurrection, at whatever cost 
 of American blood, by the federal army, or to 
 prevent the terrible catastrophe, as I did, by 
 
 | 
 
 29 
 
 my pledges to the people of the exertion of all 
 my power to obtain a fair election, and the 
 submission of the constitution to the vote of 
 the people for ratification or rejection. 
 
 “My inaugural and other addresses were, 
 therefore, really in the nature of proclamations, 
 (so often issued by presidents and governors,) 
 with a view to prevent, as they did in this case, 
 civil war and insurrection. 
 
 “ Now, by my oath of office, 1 was sworn to 
 support the constitution of the United States, 
 which I have shown, in my judgment, required 
 the submission of the constitution to thé vote 
 of the people. I was sworn also to ‘take care’ 
 that the Kansas and Nebraska bill «should be 
 faithfully executed, which bill, in my judgment, 
 as heretofore stated, required that the constitu- 
 tion should be submitted to the vote of the 
 people; and | was therefore only performing a 
 solemn duty when, as governor of the territory, 
 to whose people my first obligations were due, 
 I endeavored to secure to them these results. 
 The idea entertained by some that I should 
 see the federal constitution and the Kansas- 
 Nebraska bill overthrown and disregarded, and 
 that, playing the part of a mute in a panto- 
 mime of ruin, I should acquiesce by my silence 
 in such a result, especially where such acqui- 
 escence involved, as an immediate consequence, 
 a disastrous and sanguinary civil war, seems to 
 me most preposterous. Not a drop of blood 
 has been shed by the federal troops in Kansas 
 during my administration. But insurrection 
 and civil war, extending, I fear, throughout 
 the country, were alone prevented by the 
 course pursued by me on those occasions, and 
 the whole people, abandoning revolutionary 
 violence, were induced by me to go, for the 
 first time, into a general and peaceful elec- 
 tion. 
 
 “These important results constitute a suf 
 ficient consolation for all the unjust assaults 
 made upon me on this subject. I do not un- 
 derstand that these assaults have ever received 
 
30 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the slightest countenance from the president; 
 on the contrary, his message clearly indicates 
 an approval of my course up to the present 
 most unfortunate difference about the so-called 
 Lecompton constitution. Inasmuch, however, 
 as this difference is upon a vital question, in- 
 volving practical results and new instructions, 
 it is certainly much more respectful to the 
 president, on my part, to resign the office of 
 governor, and give him an opportunity of fill- 
 ing it, as his right under the constitution, with 
 one who concurs with him in his present opin- 
 ions, rather than go to Kansas and force him 
 to remove me by disobedience to his instruc- 
 tions.” This latter. course, in my judgment, 
 would be incompatible with proper respect for 
 the chief magistrate of the Union, inconsistent 
 with the rules of moral rectitude or propriety, 
 and could be adopted with no other view than 
 to force the president to remove me from office. 
 Such a course, it is alleged, would present me 
 to the public as a political martyr in the defence 
 of the great principle of self-government; but 
 to go to Kansas with any such purpose, or with 
 a certain knowledge that such a result must 
 follow, would be alike unjust and improper. 
 My only alternative, then, is that of a respect- 
 ful resignation, in the hope that Kansas and 
 
 our beloved country may be shielded from that | 
 
 civil war with which I fear both are threat- 
 ened, by any attempt to force the so-called 
 Lecompton constitutign upon the people of 
 Kansas. 
 
 “J state it as a fact, based on a long and 
 intimate association with the people of Kansas, 
 that an overwhelming majority of that people 
 are opposed to that instrument, and my letters 
 state that but one out of twenty of the press 
 of Kansas sustains it. Some oppose it because 
 so many counties were disfranchised and un- 
 represented in the convention. Some, who are 
 opposed to paper money, because it authorizes 
 a bank of enormous capital for Kansas, nearly 
 unlimited in its issues and in the denomination 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 of its notes, from one dollar up and down. 
 Some because of what they consider a know- 
 nothing clause, by requiring that the governor 
 shall have been twenty years a citizen of 
 the United States. Some, because the elec- 
 tive franchise is not free, as they cannot 
 vote against the constitution, but only on the 
 single issue, whether any more slaves may be 
 imported, and then only upon that issue by 
 voting for the constitution to which they are 
 opposed. They regard this as but a mockery 
 of the elective franchise, and a perilous sport- 
 ing with the sacred rights of the people. Some 
 oppose because the constitution distinctly recog- 
 nizes and adopts the Oxford fraud in apportion- 
 ing legislative members from Johnson county 
 upon the fraudulent and fictitious returns, falsely 
 so called, from that precinct, which recognition 
 of that fraud in the constitution is abhorrent 
 to the moral sense of the people. Others op- 
 pose it because, although in other cases the 
 presidents of conventions have been authorized 
 to issue writs of election to the regular terri- 
 torial or state officers with the usual judges, 
 with the established precincts and adjudication 
 of returns, in this case unprecedented and vice- 
 regal powers are given to the president of the 
 convention to make the precincts, the judges, 
 and to decide finally upon the returns. From 
 the grant of these unusual and enormous pow- 
 ers, and from other reasons connected with the 
 fraudulent returns of Oxford and McGee, an 
 overwhelming majority of the people of Kan- 
 sas have no faith in the validity of these returns, 
 and therefore will not vote. Indeed, disguise 
 it as we may to ourselves, under the influence 
 of the present excitement, the facts will de- 
 monstrate that any attempt by Congress to 
 force this constitution upon the people of Kan- 
 sas will be an effort to substitute the will of a 
 small minority for that of an overwhelming 
 majority of the people of Kansas; that it will 
 not settle the Kansas question or localize the 
 
 | issue; that it will, I fear, be attended by civil 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. _— 31 
 
 war, extending, perhaps, throughout the Union ; 
 thus bringing this question back again upon 
 Congress and before the people in its most dan- 
 gerous and alarming aspect. 
 
 “The president takes-a different view of the 
 subject in his message; and, from the events 
 occurring in Kansas as well as here, it is evident 
 that the question is passing from theories into 
 practice; and that, as governor of Kansas, I 
 should be compelled to carry out new instruc- 
 tions, differing on a vital question from those 
 received at the date of my appointment. Such 
 instructions I could not execute consistently 
 with my views of the federal constitution, of 
 the Kansas and Nebraska bill, or with my 
 _ pledges to the people of Kansas. Under these 
 circumstances, no alternative is left me but to 
 resign the office of governor of the territory 
 of Kansas. No one can more deeply regret 
 than myself this necessity; but it arises from 
 no change of opinion on my part. On the 
 contrary, I should most cheerfully have re- 
 turned to Kansas to carry out my original 
 instructions, and thus preserve the peace of the 
 territory, and finally settle the Kansas question 
 by redeeming my pledges to the people. 
 
 “It is not my intention to discuss, at this 
 time, the peculiar circumstances and. unex- 
 pected events which have modified the opinions 
 of the president upon a point so vital as the 
 submission of the constitution for ratification 
 or rejection by the vote of the people; much 
 less do I desire any controversy with the presi- 
 dent on this subject; yet, however widely my 
 views may differ frém those entertained by 
 him on this question, — views which I have held 
 all my life, and which, as involving fundamental 
 principles of:pyblic liberty and of the constitu- 
 tion, are unchangeable, — yet, as regards. all 
 those great Democratic measures which, I trust, 
 will constitute the policy of his administration 
 in other respects, it will give me pleasure, as a 
 private citizen, to yield my cordial support. 
 
 “T have said that the slavery question, as a 
 practical issue, had disappeared from Kansas 
 long before my arrival there, and the question 
 of self-government had been substituted in its 
 place. On some future occasion I shall, dissi- 
 pate the delusion which has prevailed upon 
 this subject, and show that, after three years’ 
 experiment, when I arrived in Kansas there 
 were less than three hundred slaves there, and 
 the number constantly diminishing; that, as 
 
 | proved by the official records of Congress, pub- 
 
 lished and authenticated by those distinguished 
 southern statesmen, John C. Calhoun and Jef- 
 ferson Davis, the winter climate even of Hastern 
 Kansas is colder than that of New. England, 
 and that the pro-slavery territorial convention 
 of Kansas, consolidated with the pro-slavery ter- 
 ritorial legislature on the 4th of January, 1857, 
 nearly five months before my arrival there, did 
 distinctly abandon the slavery issue, because 
 as set forth by one of their number, ‘the pro 
 slavery party was in a small and admitted mi 
 nority, ‘and the codperation of the free state: 
 Democrats was invited as the only hope of suc: 
 cess, not to make Kansas a slave state, which 
 was conceded to be impossible, but to make 
 it a conservative Democratic free state” Even 
 as late as the 3d of July, 1857, when a Demo- 
 cratic territorial convention assembled at Le- 
 compton, in consequence of the laws of climate 
 and the well-known will of the people, none 
 contended that slavery could be established 
 there. ‘Nor was it until my southern op- 
 ponents interfered in the affairs of Kansas, 
 and, by denunciation, menace, and _— other- 
 wise, aided at a critical period by several 
 federal office-holders of Kansas, including the 
 surveyor-general, (the president of the con- 
 yention,) with his. immense patronage, em- 
 bracing many hundred employés, intervened, 
 and, as’ I believe, without the knowledge or 
 approbation of the president of the United 
 
 | States, produced the extraordinary paper called 
 
32 
 
 the Lecompton constitution. Yet this act of 
 intervention by federal officers to defeat the 
 will of the people seems to be sustained by 
 my opponents; whilst my intervention, as it is 
 called, in obedience to my duty and oath of 
 office to support the federal constitution, and 
 to take care that our organic law should be 
 fairly executed, by endeavoring to secure to 
 the people of Kansas their rights under that 
 act, is denounced and’ calumniated. It is still 
 more extraordinary that the hypothetical re- 
 marks made by me as regards climate in its 
 connection with its influence upon the question 
 _ of slavery in Kansas, after that issue had been 
 abandoned there, which views were consolidat- 
 ing the union between conservative, free state, 
 and pro-slavery Democrats, so as to prevent the 
 confiscation of the small number of slaves then 
 held in Kansas, have been denounced by many 
 distinguished southern senators, who, when the 
 Kansas and Nebraska bill was pending in Con- 
 gress, and when such remarks from them, if 
 ever, might affect southern emigration, were 
 then loudest in proclaiming that, because of its 
 climate, Kansas could never become a slave 
 state. Indeed, it seems that all persons in and 
 out of Kansas, whether in public or in private 
 life, may publish what opinions they please in 
 regard to these questions, except the governor 
 of that territory, who has so little power and 
 no patronage. 
 
 “ And now be pleased to express to the presi- 
 dent my deep regret as regards our unfortunate 
 difference of opinion in relation to the Lecomp- 
 ton constitution, and to say to him, that, as 
 infallibility does not belong to man, however 
 exalted in intellect, purity of intention, or 
 position, yet, if he has committed any errors in 
 this respect, may they be overruled by a super- 
 intending Providence for the perpetuation of 
 our Union and the advancement of the honor 
 and interest of our beloved country. 
 
 “In now dissolving my official connection 
 with your department, I beg leave to tender 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 to you my thanks for your constant courtesy 
 and kindness. : 
 “ Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 , “R. J. WALKER. 
 
 Hon. Lewis Cass, Secretary of State.” 
 
 To this letter Mr. Cass sent the following 
 reply :— 
 
 ‘¢ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
 WaAsHINGTON, December 18, 1857. ; 
 
 “Str: On Wednesday last I received your 
 communication of the 15th instant, tendering 
 your resignation as governor of Kansas. This 
 resignation is accompanied by a long argument 
 on the affairs of that territory generally, to 
 which you are well aware it would be improper 
 for the department to reply. If every officer 
 of the government, who feels himself con- 
 strained to refuse obedience to the instructions 
 of the president, should pursue this unusual 
 course, and thus place on the files of the ap- 
 propriate department a criticism on the policy 
 of the adminstration, no person knows better 
 than yourself to what consequences this might 
 lead. The department must either cause 
 charges and arguments against the president 
 to be filed among the public archives of the 
 country, without contradiction or reply, or it 
 must spend the time which ought to be devoted 
 to the public service in controversies with sub- 
 ordinate officers who may disapprove the presi- 
 dent’s policy. Whilst duty, therefore, forbids 
 me to enter into a controversial discussion with 
 you on the various topics embraced by your 
 argument, it is proper I should make a remark 
 upon a single point. i" 
 
 “You state that the president has changed 
 his policy in regard to Kansas. And why this 
 allegation? Simply because the’ convention 
 of Kansas having, in the exercise of the right 
 belonging to them, decided that they would 
 not submit the whole constitution to the people, 
 although they have submitted the all-important 
 and dangerous question of slavery, which 
 threatened to convulse the Union, and was 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 alone prominent in the minds of the people 
 throughout every state, he had not treated the 
 submission of this momentous question as a 
 mere nullity. Under these circumstances it 
 was his imperative duty, and this in strict con- 
 formity with previous instructions, to take care 
 that a fair election should be held on this vital 
 question, and thus give peace to the Union. 
 Had he acted in any other manner, merely 
 because he preferred the submission of the 
 constitution generally to the people, his re- 
 sponsibility would have been of the ‘gravest 
 character. 
 
 “He never entertained or expressed the 
 opinion, that the convention were bound to 
 submit any portion of the constitution to the 
 people, except the question of slavery, much 
 less that the other portions of the constitution 
 would be invalid without such a submission. 
 Had he entertained such an opinion, this would 
 have been in opposition to the numerous prece- 
 dents which have occurred since the adoption 
 of the. federal constitution by the different 
 states. 
 
 “The question of ean was the all-absorb- 
 ing question, and you were sent to Kansas 
 with the full confidence of the president to 
 carry out the principles of the Kansas-Nebraska 
 vact. 
 to be a free or slave state, you were not to in- 
 terfere. You were to secure to the people of 
 Kansas a free and fair election, to decide this 
 question for themselves.. The president was, 
 therefore, happy to learn from your despatch 
 to this department of the 15th July last, that 
 in all your speeches you had refrained from 
 expressing any opinion as to whether Kansas 
 should be a slave or a free state. 
 
 “J am instructed to inform you that your 
 resignation of the office of governor of Kansas 
 has been accepted. 
 
 “TY am, sir, your obedient servant, 
 “Lewis Cass. 
 
 ‘Hon. Ropert J. WALKER, Washington.” 
 
 5 
 
 With the question, whether Kansas was || 
 
 33 
 
 CHAPTER. III. 
 
 Utah. — Rebellious Disposition of the Mormons. — New Governor 
 appointed.— An Army to support the Civil Authorities. — 
 Progress of the Expedition. — Hardships. — Character of the 
 Cabinet.— Death of Members of President Pierce’s Cabinet. 
 — Indian Troubles. — Monetary Pressurg of 1857. — Results. 
 
 At this point it is necessary to leave the 
 subject of Kansas for a time, in order to make 
 mention of other matters, which, during the 
 period we have passed over, received a share 
 of attention from the government and the 
 public. 
 
 Early in the year affairs in Utah, which had, 
 for some time been in an unpromising condition, 
 threatened to result in serious disturbances. 
 The Mormons were disposed to resist the au- 
 thority of the United States, if it was again 
 attempted to send officers not of their faith 
 to the territory, in place of those who had 
 been obliged to leave. They denied the right 
 of the federal government to appoint terri- 
 torial officers over them, and affirmed that 
 polygamy is a purely local institution, concern 
 ing nobody out of Utah. The militia were 
 organized and trained, and the preachers urged 
 the “ Saints,’ as the Mormons call themselves, 
 to prepare for resistance. The chief justice of 
 the territory, Mr. Drummond, who resigned his 
 position at this time, revealed to the govern- 
 ment a state of affairs in Utah which demanded 
 immediate attention, if the territory was still 
 to be held by the United States. After recount- 
 ing the offences of which the Mormons had 
 been guilty, including certain murders com- 
 mitted by them or by the Indians at their insti- 
 gation, Mr. Drummond said, that if a governor 
 were sent to the territory who was not a Mor- 
 mon, and were supported by a sufficient military 
 force, something might be done to reform the 
 abuses and to punish the crimes complained 
 of; but otherwise it would be madness to at- 
 tempt to administer the laws in the territory. 
 
 Acting upon these representations, and other 
 
34 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 testimony to the same effect, the administration || from the hardships of such a winter campaign. 
 took measures to send out a governor and other || There they waited for the opening of spring 
 
 civil officers, supported by a military force 
 which should secure respect and obedience. 
 Brigham Young, the head of the Mormon 
 church, had been governor of the territory 
 since the administration of Mr. Fillmore. It 
 was determined to remove him,—and there 
 were abundant reasons for so doing,— and 
 after some difficulty in finding a proper person 
 for his successor who would accept the post, 
 Mr. Alfred Cumming, of Missouri, was appointed. 
 Other civil officers were appointed, and a force 
 of twenty-five hundred men was concentrated 
 “for the purpose of marching to Utah, to main- 
 tain the authority of the federal government. 
 In the mean time matters grew worse in that 
 territory, and all the federal officers, with the 
 exception of the Indian agent, had been obliged 
 to leave. It was late in the season before the 
 forces, under the command of Colonel John- 
 stone, an old and experienced officer, com- 
 menced their lone and difficult journey across 
 the plains and through the mountain passes. 
 The transportation of supplies was effected at 
 an enormous expense and at great loss, by the 
 death of cattle and mules, and the attacks of 
 the Indians, the long trains not being sufficiently 
 protected. The expedition suffered great hard- 
 ships by the approach of winter before they 
 reached the valley of the Great Salt Lake. 
 Searcity of provisions threatened them in the 
 midst of the severities of the winter, and, as it 
 were, almost in a desert, and Captain Marcy 
 was sent to the settlements n New Mexico, a 
 distance of seven hundred miles, with a small 
 force of volunteers, to procure cattle. This 
 was a severe and perilous undertaking; but 
 after great hardships Captain Marcy aceom- 
 _ plished his journey, and brought back a small 
 supply of cattle. In the mean time the expe- 
 dition was encamped, or quartered in huts, on 
 the banks of Henry’s Fork, within two hundred 
 miles of Salt Lake City, and suffered not a little 
 
 in order to enter the valley. Governor Cum- 
 ming declared the territory to be in a state of 
 rebellion, and Judge Eckels organized a district 
 court, in which were tried offences originating 
 about the camp; and the grand jury found 
 bills against the Mormon leaders for treason. 
 The Mormons, in the mean time, threatened 
 resistance, and made some show of it, though 
 they kept at a distance from the main body of 
 the army. 
 
 Thus did Mr. Buchanan, at the onset, have 
 two serious and important territorial dbroglios 
 bequeathed to him by his predecessor, and his 
 administration was taxed with the manage- 
 ment of these affairs before he had an oppor- 
 tunity of meeting Congress, to explain his 
 policy or receive their support and assistance. 
 Of long experience in public life himself, he 
 had the aid of a man of equal experience and 
 prominence in the state department, while the 
 other members of the cabinet, though less 
 known, were men of some ability, and probably 
 more devoted supporters of what was now the 
 policy of the Democratic party. In point of 
 ability, perhaps, the new cabinet was not so 
 strong as that of Mr. Pierce, but it appeared m 
 the course of events that they were quite as 
 devoted to the policy under which the country 
 was growing, and, in spite of all obstacles, flour: 
 ishing. 
 
 We may here mention that two members of 
 President Pierce’s cabinet died in the summer 
 of 1857, but a few months after their release 
 from the arduous duties of their departments. 
 William L. Marey, the late secretary of state, 
 died at Ballston, New York, very suddenly, on 
 the 4th of July, at the age of seventy-two 
 years. He was born in Massachusetts, but 
 settled in New York in early life. He entered 
 public life at the age of thirty, and from that 
 time he was almost constantly in the public 
 service. He held many important state offices, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 3d 
 
 and was three times elected governor. 
 also served in Congress, and was secretary of 
 war during the administration of Mr. Polk, 
 having charge of that department during the 
 Mexican war, and discharging the duties with 
 industry and ability. As secretary of state, un- 
 der Mr. Pierce, he exhibited great ability as a 
 diplomatist ; and had the representatives of the 
 United States abroad been what they should 
 have been, the foreign relations of the country 
 might have done more credit to his department. 
 He was a man who was highly respected both 
 in public and private life. Mr, Marcy’s col- 
 league in office, as secretary of the navy, John 
 C. Dobbin, died a month later, August 4th, at 
 Fayetteville, North Carolina* 
 
 In addition to the expedition to Utah, and 
 ihe repression of disturbances in Kansas, the 
 administration had a further unusual demand 
 for troops to act against the Indians, who had 
 become very troublesome and hostile all along 
 the western and north-western frontier. They 
 had committed outrages in Minnesota and on 
 the borders of Iowa, as well as in Nebraska, 
 besides attacking the supply trains which were 
 going forward for the Utah expedition. They 
 had taken many lives, and had carried off a 
 number of women. All the available troops 
 were sent to punish these savages, but little has 
 ever been accomplished by this sort of warfare. 
 
 In the summer of 1857 the country began 
 to suffer from an unusual monetary pressure. 
 The first indications were a remarkable fall in 
 the price of stocks; failures of unsound corpo- 
 rations followed, and a panic seized upon the 
 commercial community, the doubt and distrust 
 arising therefrom adding not a little to the 
 misfortunes which the mercantile community 
 suffered. The contraction of loans by the 
 
 ” 
 
 * Thomas J. Rusk, United States senator from Texas, not 
 long after this, committed suicide, while laboring under great. de- 
 pression of spirits. He was one of the ablest members of the 
 Democratic party, and was mentioned as a probable candidate for 
 the presidency. 
 
 He had || 
 
 | were the greatest sufferers in this crisis. 
 
 banks of the principal commercial cities caused 
 great distress among those who had done a 
 large business on the credit system, and many 
 of the houses reputed to be the wealthiest 
 As 
 the troubles increased and commercial credit 
 seemed to be so questionable, the panic ex- 
 tended to all classes of society. The next 
 thing was a suspicion of the solvency of the 
 banks, and there was, consequently, a demand 
 on the banks for specie in redemption of their 
 notes. This demand increased with the panic, 
 and the panic was increased by the rush for 
 specie, until at last the banks of the principal 
 cities were obliged, for their own safety and for 
 the welfare of the business public, to suspend 
 specie payments; and the banks throughout 
 the country soon followed. This measure ena- 
 bled them to increase their loans, while it also 
 brought the panic among the poorer classes to 
 an abrupt end. After a time the severity of 
 the storm abated, the crisis was passed, but 
 many a merchant was wrecked, and the distress 
 was widely extended. The industry of the 
 country, too, received a severe blow. Manu- 
 facturing establishments were among those 
 which had suffered most, and a total or partial 
 suspension of their operations was necessary, 
 thus throwing numerous persons out of em- 
 ployment, and extending the distress, step by 
 step, through all the branches of industry. Nor 
 was the government exempt from the pressure, 
 although at the outset there were twenty mil- 
 lions of dollars in the treasury. . For the relief 
 of the public the government. had purchased 
 its own securities when offered, thus paying out 
 several millions of specie, which, . otherwise 
 would have remained in its vaults. But in the 
 mean. time, by the commercial distress. and the 
 new tariff, the receipts into the treasury were 
 greatly diminished, and the surplus, which. for 
 several years, had. remained on hand at the 
 close of the fiscal years, was likely to be ahennad 
 to a deficit. 
 
36 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Thirty-fifth Congress. — Organization. — President’s Message. 
 
 Sucu was the state of affairs when the thirty- 
 fifth Congress commenced its first session. The 
 elections which had occurred in the several 
 states at the time of the presidential election, 
 and afterwards, had resulted more favorably for 
 the Democratic party than had been the case 
 in the previous Congress. The administration 
 still having the senate, though by a diminished 
 majority, had also a very decisive majority in 
 the house of representatives. The latter was 
 organized at once by the choice of J. L. Orr, 
 of South Carolina, as speaker, by one hundred 
 and twenty-eight votes to eighty-four for Mr. 
 Grow, the Republican candidate. 
 
 The president’s message was communicated 
 to Congress the next day, December 8th. From 
 that document we make the following extracts 
 in relation to some of the more important sub- 
 jects which were before the country. After 
 referring to the prosperity of the several 
 great interests of the people, the president 
 proceeds : — 
 
 “We have possessed all the elements of ma- 
 terial wealth in rich abundance, and’ yet, not- 
 withstanding all these advantages, our country, 
 in its monetary interests, is at the present mo- 
 ment in a deplorable condition. In the midst 
 of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions 
 of agriculture, and in all the elements of ‘na- 
 tional wealth, we find our manufactures sus- 
 pended, our public works retarded, our private 
 enterprises of different kinds abandoned, and 
 thousands of useful laborers thrown out of 
 employment and reduced to want. The rev- 
 enue of the government, which is chiefly derived 
 from duties on imports from abroad, has been 
 greatly reduced, whilst the appropriations made 
 by Congress, at its last session, for the current 
 fiscal year, are very large in amount. 
 
 “Under these circumstances a loan may be 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 required before the close of your present ses- 
 sion; but this, although deeply to be regretted, 
 would prove to be only a slight misfortune 
 when compared with the suffering and distress 
 prevailing among the people. With this the 
 government cannot fail deeply to sympathize, 
 though it may be without the power to extend 
 relief. | 
 
 “Tt is our duty to inquire what has produced 
 such unfortunate results, and whether their 
 recurrence can be prevented. In all former 
 revulsions the blame might have been fairly 
 attributed to a variety of codperating causes ; 
 but not so upon the present occasion. It is ap- 
 parent that our existing misfortunes have pro- 
 ceeded solely from our extravagant and vicious 
 system of paper currency and bank credits, 
 exciting the people to wild speculations and 
 gambling in stocks. These revulsions must 
 continue to recur at successive intervals so long 
 as the amount of the paper currency and bank 
 loans and discounts of the country shall be left 
 to the discretion of fourteen hundred irresponsi- 
 ble banking institutions, which, from the very 
 law of their nature, will consult the interest 
 of their stockholders rather than the public 
 welfare. 
 
 “The framers of the constitution, when they 
 gave to Congress the power ‘to coin money 
 and to regulate the value thereof? and pro- 
 hibited the states from coining money, emitting 
 bills of credit, or making any thing but gold 
 and silver coin a tender in payment of debts, 
 supposed they had protected the people against 
 the evils of an excessive and irredeemable 
 paper currency. They are not responsible for 
 the existing anomaly taoat a government en- 
 dowed with the sovereign attribute of coining 
 money and regulating the value thereof should 
 have 1 power to prevent others from driving 
 this coin out of the country, and filling up the 
 channels of circulation with paper which does 
 not represent gold and silver. 
 
 “Tt is one of the highest and most responsi- 
 
~- 
 
 PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ble duties of government to insure to the people 
 a sound circulating medinm, the amount of 
 which ought to be adapted with the utmost 
 possible wisdom and skill to the wants of in- 
 ternal trade and foreign exchanges. If this be 
 either greatly above or greatly below the 
 proper standard, the marketable value of every 
 man’s property is increased or diminished in 
 the same proportion, and injustice to individu- 
 als, as well as incalulable evils to the community, 
 are the consequence. 
 
 “Unfortunately, under the construction of 
 the federal constitution, which has now pre- 
 vailed too long to be changed, this important 
 and delicate duty has been dissevered from the 
 coining power, and virtually transferred to 
 more than fourteen hundred state banks, acting 
 independently of each other, and regulating 
 their paper issues almost exclusively by a re- 
 gard to the present interest of their stockhold- 
 -ers. Exercising the sovereign power of pro- 
 viding a paper currency instead of coin for the 
 country, the first duty which these banks owe 
 to the public is to keep in their vaults a suf- 
 ficient amount of gold and silver to insure the 
 convertibility of their notes into coin at all 
 _times and under all circumstances. No bank 
 ought ever to be chartered without such restric- 
 tions on its business as to secure this result. 
 All other restrictions are comparatively vain. 
 This is the only true touchstone, the only 
 efficient regulator of a paper currency — the 
 only one which can guard the public against 
 over-issues and bank suspensions. As a collat- 
 eral and eventual security, it is doubtless wise, 
 and in all cases ought to be required, that 
 banks shall hold an amount of United States 
 or state securities equal to their notes in circu- 
 lation, and pledged for their redemption. This, 
 however, furnishes no adequate security against 
 over-issues. On the contrary, it may be per- 
 verted to inflate the currency. Indeed, it is 
 possible by this means to convert all the debts 
 of the United States and state governments 
 
 37 
 
 into bank notes, without reference to the specie 
 required to redeem them. However valuable 
 these securities may be in themselves, they 
 cannot be converted into gold and silver at the 
 moment of pressure, as our experience teaches, 
 in sufficient time to prevent bank suspensions 
 and the depreciation of bank notes. In Eng- 
 land, which is to a considerable extent a paper- 
 money country, though vastly behind our own 
 in this respect, it was deemed advisable, ante- 
 rior to the act of Parliament of 1844, which 
 wisely separated the issue of notes from the 
 banking department, for the Bank of England 
 always to keep on hand gold and silver equal 
 to one third of its combined circulation and 
 deposits. If this proportion was no more than ° 
 sufficient to secure the convertibility of its 
 notes, with the whole of Great Britain, and to 
 some extent the continent of Europe, as a field 
 for its circulation, rendering it almost. impos- 
 sible that a sudden and immediate run to a 
 dangerous amount should be made upon it, the 
 same proportion would certainly be insufficient 
 under our banking system. Lach of our four- 
 teen. hundred banks has but a limited cireum- 
 ference for its circulation, and in the course of 
 a very few days the depositors and note-holders 
 might demand from such a bank a sufficient 
 amount in specie to compel it to suspend, even 
 although it had coin in its vaults equal to one 
 third of its immediate liabilities. And yet I 
 am not aware, with the exception of the banks 
 of Louisiana, that any state bank throughout 
 the Union has been required by its charter to 
 keep this or any other proportion of gold and 
 silver compared with the amount of its com- 
 bined circulation and deposits. What has been 
 the consequence? In a recent report made by 
 the treasury department on the condition of 
 the banks throughout. the different states, ac- 
 cording to returns dated nearest to January, 
 1857, the aggregate amount of actual specie in 
 their vaults is fifty-eight million three hundred 
 and forty-nine thousand eight hundred and 
 
38 
 
 thirty-eight dollars; of their circulation, two 
 hundred and fourteen million seven hundred 
 and seventy-eight thousand eight hundred and 
 twenty-two dollars; and of their deposits, two 
 hundred and thirty million three hundred and 
 fifty-one thousand three hundred and fifty-two 
 dollars. Thus it appears that these banks, in 
 the aggregate, have considerably less than one 
 dollar in seven of gold and silver compared 
 with their circulation and deposits. It was 
 palpable, therefore, that the very first pressure 
 must drive them to suspension, and deprive the 
 people of a convertible currency with all its 
 disastrous consequences. It is truly wonderful 
 that they should have so long continued to 
 preserve their credit, when a demand for the 
 payment of one seventh of their immediate 
 liabilities would have driven them into insol- 
 vency. And this is the condition of the banks, 
 notwithstanding that four hundred millions of 
 gold from California have flowed in upon us 
 within the last eight years, and the tide still 
 continues to flow. Indeed, such has been the 
 extravagance of bank credits that the banks 
 now hold a considerably less amount of specie, 
 either in proportion to their capital or to their 
 circulation and :deposits combined, than they 
 did before the discovery of gold in California. 
 Whilst in the year 1848 their specie, in propor- 
 tion to their capital, was more than equal to 
 one dollar for four and a half, in 1857 it does 
 not amount to one dollar for every six dollars 
 and thirty-three cents of their capital. In the 
 year 1848 the specie was equal, within a very 
 small fraction, to one dollar in five of their cir- 
 culation and deposits; in 1857 it is not equal 
 to one dollar in seven and a half of their circu- 
 lation and deposits. 
 
 “From this statement it is easy to account 
 for our financial history for the last, forty years. 
 It has been a history of extravagant expan- 
 sions in the business of the country, followed 
 by ruinous contractions. At successive inter- 
 vals the best and most enterprising men have 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 been tempted to their ruin by excessive bank 
 loans of mere paper credit, exciting them to 
 extravagant importations of foreign goods, wild 
 speculations, and ruinous and demoralizing 
 stock gambling. When the crisis arrives, as 
 arrive it must, the banks can extend no relief 
 to the people. In a vain struggle to redeem 
 their liabilities in specie, they are compelled to 
 contract their loans and their issues; and, at 
 last, in the hour of distress, when their assist- 
 ance is most needed, they and their debtors 
 together sink into insolvency. 
 
 “Tt is this paper system of extravagant ex- 
 pansion, raising the nominal price of every 
 article far beyond its real value, when compared 
 with the cost of similar articles in countries 
 whose circulation is wisely regulated, which 
 has prevented us from competing in our own 
 markets with foreign manufacturers, has pro- 
 duced extravagant importations, and has coun- 
 teracted the effect of the large incidental pro- . 
 tection afforded to our domestic manufactures 
 by the present revenue tariff. But for this, 
 the branches of our manufactures composed of 
 raw materials, the production of our own coun- 
 try, — such as cotton, iron, and woollen fabrics, 
 — would not only have acquired almost exclu- 
 sive possession of the home market, but would 
 have created for themselves a foreign market 
 throughout the world. 
 
 “ Deplorable, however, as may be our present 
 financial condition, we may yet indulge in 
 bright hopes for the future. No other nation 
 has ever existed which could have endured 
 such violent expansions and contractions of 
 paper credits without lasting injury; yet the 
 buoyancy of youth, the energies of our popu- 
 lation, and the spirit which never quails before 
 difficulties, will enable us soon to recover from 
 our present financial embarrassment, and may 
 even occasion us speedily to forget the lesson 
 which they have taught. 
 
 “In the mean time it is the duty of the gov: 
 ernment, by all proper means within its power, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to aid in alleviating the sufferings of the peo- 
 ple occasioned by the suspension of the banks, 
 and to provide against a recurrence of the 
 same calamity. Unfortunately, in either aspect 
 of the case, it can do but little. Thanks to the 
 independent treasury, the government has not 
 suspended payment, as it was compelled to do 
 by the failure of the banks in 1837. It will 
 continue to discharge its liabilities to the people 
 in gold and silver. Its disbursements in coin 
 will pass into circulation, and materially assist 
 in restoring a sound currency. From its high 
 credit, should we be compelled to make a tem- 
 porary loan, it can be effected on advantageous 
 terms. This, however, shall, if possible, be 
 avoided; but, if not, then the amount shall be 
 limited to the lowest practicable sum. 
 
 *“JT have therefore determined, that whilst no 
 useful government works already in progress 
 shall be suspended, new works which are not al- 
 ready commenced will be postponed, if this can 
 be done without injury to the country. Those 
 necessary for its defence shall proceed as though 
 there had been no crisis in our monetary 
 affairs. 
 
 “But the federal government cannot do 
 much to provide against a recurrence of exist- 
 ing evils. Even if insurmountable constitu- 
 tional objections did not exist against the crea- 
 tion of a national bank, this would furnish no 
 adequate preventive security. The history of 
 the last Bank of the United States abundantly 
 proves the truth of this assertion. Such a 
 bank could not, if it would, regulate the issues 
 and credits of fourteen hundred state banks in 
 such a manner as to prevent the ruinous 
 expansions and contractions in our currency 
 which afflicted the country throughout the 
 existence of the late bank, or secure us against 
 future suspensions. In 1825 an effort was 
 made by the Bank of England to curtail the 
 issues of the country banks, under the most 
 favorable circumstances. The paper currency 
 had been expanded to a ruinous extent, and 
 
 39 
 
 the bank put forth all its power to contract it 
 in order to reduce prices and restore the equi- 
 librium of the foreign exchanges. It accord- 
 ingly commenced a system of curtailment of 
 its loans and issues, in the vain hope that the 
 joint-stock and private banks of the kingdom 
 would be compelled to follow its example. It 
 found, however, that as it contracted they ex-. 
 panded, and at the end of the process, to employ 
 the language of a very high official authority, 
 ‘whatever reduction of the paper circulation 
 was effected by the Bank of England (in 1825) 
 was more than made up by the issues of the 
 country banks.’ 
 
 “ But a Bank of the United States would not, 
 if it could, restrain the issues and loans of the 
 state banks, because its duty as a regulator of 
 the currency must often be in direct conflict 
 with the immediate interest of its stockholders. 
 If we expect one agent to restrain or control 
 another, their interests must, at least in some 
 degree, be antagonistic. But the directors of a 
 Bank of the United States would feel the same 
 interest and the same inclination with the 
 directors of the state banks to expand the cur 
 rency, to accommodate their favorites and 
 friends with loans, and to declare large divi- 
 dends. Such has been our experience in regard 
 to the last bank. , 
 
 “After all, we must mainly rely upon the 
 patriotism and wisdom of the states for the 
 prevention and redress of the evil. If they 
 will afford us a real specie basis for our paper 
 circulation by increasing the denomination of 
 bank notes, first to twenty, and afterwards to 
 fifty dollars; if they will require that the 
 banks shall at all times keep on hand at least 
 one dollar of gold and silver for every three 
 dollars of their circulation and deposits; and 
 if they will provide by a selfexecuting enact- 
 ment, which nothing can arrest, that the mo- 
 ment they suspend they shall go into liquidation, 
 I believe that such provisions, with a weekly 
 publication by each bank of a statement of its 
 
4U 
 
 condition, would go far to seeure us against 
 future suspensions of specie payments. 
 
 “Congress, in my opinion, possess the power 
 to pass a uniform bankrupt law applicable to 
 all banking institutions throughout the United 
 States, and I strongly recommend its exercise. 
 This would make it the irreversible organic law 
 of each bank’s existence, that a suspension of 
 specie payments shall produce its civil death. 
 The instinct of selfpreservation would then com- 
 pel it to perform its duties in such a manner as 
 to escape the penalty and preserve its life. 
 
 “The existence of banks and the circulation 
 of bank paper are so identified with the habits 
 of our people, that they cannot, at this day, 
 be suddenly abolished without much immediate 
 injury to the country. If we could confine 
 them to their appropriate sphere, and prevent 
 them from administering to the spirit of wild 
 and reckless speculation by extravagant loans 
 and issues, they might be continued with ad- 
 vantage to the public. 
 
 “But this I say, after long and much reflec- 
 tion: If experience shall prove it to be impos- 
 
 sible to enjoy the facilities which well-reculated 
 
 banks might afford, without at the same time 
 suffering the calamities which the excesses of 
 the banks have hitherto inflicted upon the 
 country, it would then be far the lesser evil to 
 deprive them altogether of the power to issue 
 .a paper currency, and confine them to the func- 
 tions of banks of deposit and discount.” 
 
 Of the relations between the United States 
 and Great Britain the president spoke at some 
 length, explaining the position of the Central 
 American question, as follows : — 
 
 “The diplomatic difficulties which existed 
 between the government of the United States 
 and that of Great Britain at the adjournment 
 of the last Congress have been happily ter- 
 minated by the appointment of a British min- 
 ister to this country, who has been cordially 
 received. 
 
 “Whilst it is greatly to the interest, as I am 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 convinced it is the sincere desire, of the gov- 
 ernments and people of the two countries to 
 be on terms of intimate friendship with each 
 other, it has been our misfortune almost always 
 to have had some irritating, if not dangerous, 
 outstanding question with Great Britain. 
 “Since the origin of the government we 
 have been employed in negotiating treaties 
 with that power, and afterwards in discuss- 
 ing their true intent and meaning. In this 
 respect, the convention of April 19, 1850, com- 
 monly called.the Clayton and Bulwer treaty 
 has been the most unfortunate of all; because 
 the two governments place directly opposite 
 and contradictory instructions upon its first 
 and most important article. Whilst, in the 
 United States, we believed that this treaty 
 would place both powers upon an exact equal- 
 ity by the stipulation that neither will ever 
 ‘occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume or 
 exercise any dominion’ over, any part of Cen- 
 tral America, it is contended by the British 
 government that the true construction of this 
 language has left them in the rightful posses- 
 sion of all that portion of Central America 
 which was in their occupancy at the date of 
 the treaty ; in fact, that the treaty is a virtual 
 recognition on the part of the United States 
 of the right of Great Britain, either as owner 
 or protector, to the whole extensive coast of 
 Central America, sweeping round from the Rio 
 
 || Hondo to the port and harbor of San Juan de 
 
 Nicaragua, together with the adjacent Bay 
 Islands, except the comparatively small por- 
 tion of this between the Sarstoon and Cape 
 Honduras. According to their construction, 
 the treaty does no more than simply prohibit 
 them from extending their possessions in Cen- 
 tral America beyond the present limits. It is 
 not too much to assert, that if in the United 
 States the treaty had been considered susceptt- 
 ble of such a construction, it never would have 
 been negotiated under the authority of the 
 président, nor would it have received the ap- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 probation of the senate. The universal con- 
 viction in the United States was, that when our 
 government consented to violate its traditional 
 and time-honored policy, and to stipulate with 
 a foreign government never to occupy or ac- 
 quire territory in the Central American portion 
 of our own continent, the consideration for 
 this sacrifice was, that Great Britain should, in 
 this respect at least, be placed in the same 
 position with ourselves. Whilst we have no 
 right to doubt the sincerity of the British gov- 
 ernment in their construction of the treaty, it 
 is at the same time my deliberate conviction 
 that this construction is in opposition both to 
 its letter and its spirit. 
 
 “Under the late administration negotiations 
 were instituted between the two governments | 
 for the purpose, if possible, of removing these 
 difficulties; and a treaty having this laudable 
 object in view was signed at London on the 
 17th October, 1856, and was submitted by the 
 president to the senate on the followimg 10th 
 of December. Whether this treaty, either in 
 its original or amended form, would have ac- 
 complished the object intended without giving 
 birth to new and embarrassing complications 
 between the two governments, may perhaps be 
 well questioned. Certain it is, however, it was 
 rendered much less objeetionable by the differ- 
 ent amendments made to it by the senate. 
 The treaty, as amended, was ratified by me on 
 the 12th March, 1857, and was transmitted to 
 London for ratification by the British govern- 
 ment. That government expressed its willing- 
 ness to concur in all the amendments made by 
 the senate, with the single exception of the 
 clause relating to Ruatan and the other islands 
 in the Bay of Honduras. The article in the 
 original treaty, as submitted to the senate, 
 after reciting that these islands and their in- 
 habitants ‘having been, by a convention bear- 
 ing date the 27th day of August, 1856, between 
 her Britannic majesty and the republic of Hon- 
 duras, constituted and declared a free territory 
 
 scarcely be said .to exist. 
 
 41 
 
 under the sovereignty of the said republic of 
 Honduras, stipulated that ‘the two contracting 
 parties do hereby mutually engage to recognize 
 and respect in all future time the independence 
 and rights of the said free territory as a part 
 of the republic of Honduras’ 
 
 “Upon an examination of this convention 
 between Great Britain and Honduras of the 
 27th August, 1856, it was found that, whilst 
 declaring the Bay Islands to be ‘a free terri- 
 tory under the sovereignty of the republic of 
 Honduras, it deprived that republic of rights 
 without which its sovereignty over them could 
 It divided them 
 from the remainder of Honduras, and gave to 
 their inhabitants a separate government of their 
 own, with legislative, executive, and judicial 
 officers, elected by themselves. It deprived the 
 government of Honduras of the taxing power 
 in every form, and exempted the people of the 
 islands from the performance of military duty, 
 except for their own exclusive defence. It 
 also prohibited that republic from erecting for- 
 tifications upon them for their protection— 
 thus leaving them open to invasion from any 
 quarter; and finally it provided ‘that slavery 
 shall not at any time hereafter be permitted to 
 exist therein,’ ; 
 
 “ Had Honduras ratified this convention, she 
 would have ratified the establishment of a state 
 substantially independent within her own limits, 
 and a state at all times subject to British influ- 
 ence and control. Moreover, had the United 
 States ratified the treaty with Great Britain in 
 its original form, we should have been bound 
 ‘to recognize and respect in all future time’ 
 these stipulations to the prejudice of Honduras. 
 Being in direct opposition to the spirit and 
 meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty as 
 understood in the United States, the senate 
 rejected the entire clause, and substituted in its 
 stead a simple recognition of the sovereign 
 right of Honduras to these islands in the fol- 
 lowing language: ‘The two contracting parties 
 
42 
 
 do hereby mutually engage to recognize and 
 respect the islands of Ruatan, Bonaco, Utila, 
 Barbaretta, Helena, and Morat, situate in the 
 Bay of Honduras, and off the coast of the re- 
 public of Honduras, as under the sovereignty 
 and as part of the said republic of Honduras,’ 
 “Great Britain rejected this amendment, as- 
 signing as the only reason that the ratifications 
 of the convention of the 27th August, 1856, 
 between her and Honduras, had not been ‘ ex- 
 changed, owing to the hesitation of that gov- 
 ernment. Had this been done, it is stated that 
 ‘her majesty’s government would have had 
 little difficulty in agreeing to the modification 
 proposed by the senate, which then would have 
 had in effect the same signification as the 
 original wording’ Whether this would have 
 been the effect whether the mere circum- 
 stance of the exchange of the ratifications of 
 the British convention with Honduras prior in 
 point of time to the ratification of our treaty 
 with Great Britain would, ‘in effect? have had 
 ‘the same signification as the original wording, 
 and thus have nullified the amendment of the 
 senate—may well be doubted. It is, perhaps, 
 fortunate that the question has never arisen. 
 “The British government, immediately after 
 rejecting the treaty as amended, proposed to 
 enter into a new treaty with the United States, 
 similar in all respects to the treaty which they 
 had just refused to ratify, if the United States 
 would consent to add to the senate’s clear and 
 unqualified recognition of the sovereignty of 
 Honduras over the Bay Islands the following 
 conditional stipulation: ‘whenever and_ so 
 soon as the republic of Honduras shall have 
 concluded and ratified a treaty with Great 
 Britain, by which Great Britain shall have 
 ceded, and the republic of Honduras shall have 
 accepted, the said islands, subject to the pro- 
 visions and conditions contained in such treaty.’ 
 “This proposition was, of course, rejected. 
 After the senate had refused to recognize the 
 British convention with Honduras of the 27th 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 August, 1856, with full knowledge of its con- 
 tents, it was impossible for me, necessarily 
 ignorant of ‘the provisions and conditions’ 
 which might be contained in a future conven- ~ 
 tion between the same parties, to sanction 
 them in advance. , 
 
 “The fact is, that when two nations, like 
 Great Britain and the United States, mutually 
 desirous as they are, and I trust ever may be, 
 of maintaining the most friendly relations with 
 each other, have, unfortunately, concluded a 
 treaty which they understand in senses directly 
 opposite, the wisest course is to abrogate such 
 a treaty by mutual consent, and to commence 
 anew. Had this been done promptly, all diffi- 
 culties in Central America would most probably 
 ere this have been adjusted to the satisfaction 
 of both parties. The time spent in discussing 
 the meaning of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty 
 would have been devoted to this praiseworthy 
 purpose, and the task would have been the 
 more easily accomplished because the interest 
 of the two countries in Central America is 
 identical, being confined to securing safe trans- 
 its over all the routes across the isthmus. 
 
 “Whilst entertaining these sentiments, I 
 shall, nevertheless, not refuse to contribute to 
 any reasonable adjustment of the Central Ameri- 
 can questions which is not practically inconsist- 
 ent with the American interpretation of the 
 treaty. Overtures for this purpose have been 
 recently made by the British government in a 
 friendly spirit, which I cordially reciprocate ; 
 but whether this renewed effort will result in 
 success I am not yet prepared to express an 
 opinion. <A brief period will determine.” 
 
 In relation to Spain, the message contained 
 the following :— 
 
 “ With all other European governments, ex- 
 eept that of Spain, our relations are as peaceful 
 as we could desire. I regret to say that no 
 progress whatever has been made, since the 
 adjournment of Congress, towards the settle- 
 ment of any of the numerous claims of our 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 citizens against the Spanish government. Be- 
 sides, the outrage committed on our flag by the 
 Spanish war frigate Ferrolana, on the high 
 seas, off the coast of Cuba, in March, 1855, by 
 firing into the American mail steamer El Do- 
 rado, and detaining and searching her, remains 
 unacknowledged and unredressed. ‘The general 
 tone and temper of the Spanish government 
 towards that of the United States are much to 
 be regretted. Our present envoy extraordinary 
 and minister plenipotentiary to Madrid has 
 asked to be recalled; and it is my purpose to 
 send out a new minister to Spain, with special 
 instructions on all questions pending between 
 the two governments, and with a determination 
 to have them speedily and amicably adjusted, 
 if this be possible. In the mean time, when- 
 ever our minister urges the just claims of our 
 citizens on the notice of the Spanish govern- 
 ment, he is met with the objection that Congress 
 has never made the appropriation recommend- 
 ed by President Polk, in his annual message of 
 December, 1847, ‘to be paid to the Spanish 
 government for the purpose of distribution 
 among the claimants in the Amistad case” <A 
 similar recommendation was made by my im- 
 mediate predecessor, in his message of Decem- 
 ber, 1853; and entirely concurring with both 
 in the opinion that this indemnity is justly due 
 under the treaty with Spain of the 27th of 
 October, 1795, 1 earnestly recommend such an 
 appropriation to the favorable consideration of 
 Congress.” iy 
 
 Upon Central American affairs, independent 
 of Great Britain, the president says, — 
 
 “Our difficulties with New Granada, which 
 a short time since bore so threatening an aspect, 
 are, it is to be hoped, in a fair train of settle- 
 ment in a: manner just and honorable to both 
 parties. 
 
 “The Isthmus of Central America, including 
 that of Panama, is the great highway between 
 the Atlantic and Pacific, over which a large 
 portion of the commerce of the world is des- 
 
 43 
 
 tined to pass. The United States are more 
 deeply interested than any other nation in pre- 
 serving the freedom and security of all the 
 communications across this isthmus. It is our 
 duty, therefore, to take care that they shall 
 not be interrupted either by invasions from our 
 own country or by wars between the inde- 
 pendent states of Central America. Under our 
 treaty with New Granada of the 12th Decem- 
 ber, 1846, we are bound to guarantee the neu- 
 trality of the Isthmus of Panama, through 
 which the Panama Railroad passes, ‘as well as 
 the rights of sovereignty and property which 
 New Granada has and possesses over the 
 said territory. This obligation is founded 
 upon equivalents granted by the treaty to 
 the government and people of the United 
 States. 
 
 “Under these circumstances, I recommend 
 to Congress the passage of an act authorizing 
 the president, in case of necessity, to employ 
 the land and naval forces of the United States 
 to carry into effect this guaranty of neutrality 
 and protection. I also recommend similar legis- 
 lation for the security of any other route across 
 the isthmus in which we may acquire an in- 
 terest by treaty. 
 
 “With the independent republics on this 
 continent it is both our duty and our interest 
 to cultivate the most friendly relations. We 
 can never feel indifferent. to their fate, and 
 must always rejoice in their prosperity. Un- 
 fortunately, both for them and for us, our ex- 
 ample and advice have lost much of their 
 influence in consequence of the lawless expe- 
 ditions which have been fitted out against some 
 of them within the limits of our country. Noth- 
 ing is better calculated to retard our steady ma- 
 terial progress, or impair our character as a 
 nation, than the toleration of .such enterprises 
 in violation of the law of nations. 
 
 “It is one of the first and highest duties of 
 any independent state, in its relations with the 
 members of the great family of nations, to 
 
at 
 
 restrain its people from acts of hostile aggres- 
 sion against their citizens or subjects. The 
 most eminent writers on public law do not hesi- 
 tate to denounce such hostile acts as robbery 
 and murder. . 
 
 “Weak and feeble states, like those of Cen- 
 tral America, may not feel themselves able to 
 assert and vindicate their rights. 
 would be far different if expeditions were set 
 on foot within our own territories to make pri- 
 vate war against a powerful nation. If such 
 expeditions were fitted out from abroad against 
 any portion of our own country, to burn down 
 our cities, murder and plunder our people, and 
 usurp our government, we should call any 
 power on earth to the strictest account for not 
 preventing such enormities. 
 
 “Ever since the administration of General 
 Washington, acts of Congress have been in 
 force to punish severely the crime of setting 
 on foot a military expedition withinethe limits 
 of the United States, to proceed: from thence 
 against a nation or state with whom we are at 
 peace. The present neutrality act of April 
 20, 1818, is but little more than a collection of 
 preéxisting laws. Under this act, the president 
 is empowered to employ the land and naval 
 forces, and the militia, ‘for the purpose of pre- 
 venting the carrying on of any such expedition 
 or enterprise from the territories and jurisdic- 
 tion of the United States” and the collectors 
 of customs are authorized and required to de- 
 tain any vessel in port when there is reason to 
 believe she is about to take part in such law- 
 less enterprises. 
 
 “When it was first rendered probable that 
 an attempt would be made to get up another 
 unlawful expedition against Nicaragua, the sec- 
 retary of state issued instructions to the mar- 
 shals and district attorneys, which were directed 
 by the secretaries of war and the navy to the 
 appropriate army and navy officers, requiring 
 them to be vigilant, and to use their best exer- 
 tions in carrying into effect the provisions of 
 
 The case’ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the act of 1818. Notwithstanding these pre. 
 cautions, the expedition has escaped from our 
 shores. Such enterprises can do no possible 
 good to the country, but have already inflicted 
 much injury both on its interests and its char- 
 acter. They have prevented peaceful emigra- 
 tion from the United States to the states of 
 Central America, which could not fail to prove 
 highly beneficial to all the parties concerned. 
 In a pecuniary point of view alone, our citizens 
 have sustained heavy losses from the seizure 
 and closing of the transit route by the San 
 Juan between the two oceans. 
 
 “The leader of the recent expedition was 
 arrested at New Orleans, but was discharged on 
 giving bail for his appearance in the insufficient 
 sum of two thousand dollars. 
 
 “IT commendthe whole subject to the serious 
 attention of Congress, believing that our duty 
 and our interest, as well as our national char- 
 acter, require that we should adopt such meas- 
 ures as will be effectual in restraining our 
 citizens from committing such outrages.” 
 
 The message then proceeds, in relation to 
 difficulties with Paraguay : — 
 
 “JT regret to inform you that the president 
 of Paraguay has refused to ratify the treaty 
 between the United States and that state as 
 amended by the senate, the signature of which 
 was mentioned in the message of my prede- 
 cessor to Congress at the opening of its session 
 in December, 1853. The reasons assigned for 
 this refusal will appear in the correspondence 
 herewith submitted. 
 
 “It being desirable to ascertain the fitness 
 of the River La Plata and its tributaries for 
 navigation by steam, the United States steamer 
 Water Witch was sent thither for that purpose, 
 in 1853. This enterprise was successfully car- 
 ried on until February, 1855, when, whilst in: 
 the peaceful prosecution of her voyage up the 
 Parana River, the steamer was fired upon by a 
 Paraguayan fort. The fire was returned; but 
 as the Water Witch was of small force, and not 
 
. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 designed for offensive operations, she retired 
 from the conflict. ‘The pretext upon which the 
 attack was made was a decree of the president 
 of Paraguay of October, 1854, prohibiting 
 foreign vessels of war from navigating the 
 rivers of that state. As Paraguay, however, 
 was the owner of but one bank of the river 
 of that name, the other belonging to Corientes, 
 a state of the Argentine Confederation, the 
 right of its government to expett that such a 
 decree would be obeyed cannot be acknowl- 
 edged. But the Water Witch was not, properly 
 speaking, a vessel of war. She was a small 
 steamer engaged in a scientific enterprise in- 
 tended for the advantage of commercial states 
 generally. Under these circumstances, | am 
 constrained to consider the attack upon her as 
 unjustifiable, and as calling for satisfaction from 
 the Paraguayan government. 
 
 “Citizens of the United States, also, who 
 were established in business in Paraguay, have 
 had their property seized and taken from them, 
 and have otherwise been treated by the au- 
 thorities in an insulting and arbitrary manner, 
 which requires redress. 
 
 «A demand for these purposes will be-made 
 in a firm but conciliatory spirit. This will the 
 more probably be granted if the executive 
 shall have authority to use other means in 
 the event of a refusal. This is accordingly 
 recommended.” 
 
 Of Kansas affairs and the troubles in Utah 
 the president spoke at length, as follows: — 
 
 “It is unnecessary to state in detail the 
 alarming condition of the territory of Kansas 
 at the time of my inauguration. ‘The opposing 
 parties then stood in hostile array against each 
 other, and any accident might have relighted 
 the flames of civil war. Besides, at this critical 
 moment, Kansas was left without a governor by 
 the resignation of Governor Geary. 
 
 “On the 19th of February previous, the ter- 
 ritorial legislature had passed a law providing 
 for the election of delegates, on the third Mon- 
 
 45 
 
 day of June, to a convention to meet on the 
 first Monday of September, for the purpose of 
 framing a constitution preparatory to admission 
 into the Union. This law was in the main fair 
 and just; and it is to be regretted that all the 
 qualified electors had not registered themselves 
 and voted under its provisions. . 
 
 “At the time of the election for delegates, 
 an extensive organization existed in the terri- 
 tory, whose avowed object it was, if need be, to 
 put down the lawful government by force, and 
 to establish a government of their own, under 
 the so-called Topeka constitution. The persons 
 attached to this revolutionary organization ab- 
 stained from taking any part in the election. 
 
 “The act of the territorial legislature had 
 omitted to provide for submitting to the people 
 the constitution which might be framed by the 
 convention; and in the excited state of public 
 feeling throughout Kansas, an apprehension 
 extensively prevailed that a design existed to 
 force upon them a constitution, in relation to 
 slavery, against their will. In this emergency 
 it became my duty, as it was my unquestiona- 
 ble right, having in view the union of all good 
 citizens in support of the territorial laws, to 
 express an opinion on the true construction of 
 the provisions concerning slavery contained in 
 the organic act of Congress of the 30th May, 
 1854. Congress declared it to be ‘the true in- 
 tent and meaning of this act, not to legislate sla- 
 very into any territory or state, nor to exclude 
 it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof 
 perfectly free to form and regulate their do- 
 mestic institutions in their own way. Under 
 it Kansas, ‘when admitted as a state, was to 
 ‘be received into the Union wath or without 
 slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at 
 the time of their admission.’ 
 
 “Did Congress mean by this language that 
 the delegates elected to frame a constitution 
 should have authority finally to decide the ques- 
 tion of slavery, or did they intend, by leaving 
 it to the people, that the people of Kansas 
 
4¢ 
 
 themselves should decide this question by a 
 direct vote? On this subject I confess I had 
 never entertained a serious doubt, and, there- 
 fore, in my instructions to Governor Walker 
 of the 28th March last, I merely said that 
 when ‘a constitution shall be submitted to the 
 people of the territory, they must be protected 
 in the exercise of their right of voting for or 
 against that instrument, and the fair expression 
 of the popular will must not be interrupted by 
 fraud or violence.’ 
 
 “In expressing this opinion it was far from 
 my intention to interfere with the decision of 
 the people of Kansas, either for or against 
 slavery. From this I have always carefully 
 abstained. Intrusted with the duty of taking 
 ‘care that the laws be faithfully executed, my 
 only desire was, that the people of Kansas 
 should furnish to Congress the evidence required 
 by the organic act, whether for or against 
 slavery ; and in this manner smooth their pas- 
 sage into the Union. In emerging from the 
 condition of territorial dependence into that 
 of a sovereign state, it was their duty, in my 
 opinion, to make known their will by the votes 
 of the majority, on the direct question, whether 
 this important domestic institution should or 
 should not continue to exist. Indeed, this was 
 
 the only possible mode in which their will could | 
 
 be authentically ascertained. 
 
 “The election of delegates to a convention 
 must necessarily take place in separate districts. 
 From this cause it may readily happen, as has 
 often been the case, that a majority of the 
 people of a state or territory are on one side 
 of a question, whilst a majority of the repre- 
 sentatives from+the several districts into which 
 it is divided may be upon the other side. This 
 arises from the fact that in some districts dele- 
 gates may be elected by small majorities, whilst 
 in others those of different sentiments may 
 receive majorities sufficiently great not only to 
 overcome the votes given for the former, but 
 to leave a large majority of the whole people 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 in direct opposition to a majority of the dele- 
 gates. Besides, our history proves that influ- 
 ences may be brought to bear on the repre- 
 sentative sufficiently powerful to induce him 
 to disregard the will of his constituents. The 
 truth is, that no other authentic and satisfactory 
 mode exists of ascertaining the will of a ma- 
 jority of the people of any state or territory _ 
 on an important and exciting question, like that 
 of slavery in Kansas, except by leaving it to a 
 direct vote. How wise, then, was it for Con- 
 gress to pass over all subordinate and interme- 
 diate agencies, and proceed directly to the 
 source of all legitimate power under our insti- 
 tutions! 
 
 “ How vain would any other principle prove 
 in practice! This may be illustrated by the 
 case of Kansas. Should she be admitted into 
 the Union with a constitution either maintain- 
 ing or abolishing slavery, against the sentiment 
 of the people, this could have no other effect 
 than to continue and to exasperate the existing 
 agitation during the brief period required to 
 make the constitution conform to the irresisti- 
 ble will of the majority. 
 
 “The friends and supporters of the Nebraska 
 and Kansas act, when struggling on a recent 
 occasion to sustain its wise provisions before 
 the great tribunal of the American people, 
 never differed about its true meaning on this 
 subject. Every where throughout the Union 
 they publicly pledged their faith and their 
 honor that they would cheerfully submit the 
 question of slavery to the decision of the dona 
 fide people of Kansas, without any restriction 
 or qualification whatever. All were cordially 
 united upon the great doctrine of popular sov- 
 erelonty, which is the vital principle of our 
 free institutions. Had it, then, been insinuated 
 from any quarter that it would be a sufficient 
 compliance with the requisitions of the organic 
 law for the members of a convention, there- 
 after to be elected, to withhold the question of 
 slavery from the people, and to substitute their 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 own will for that of a:legally-ascertained ma- 
 jority of all their constituents, this would have 
 been instantly rejected. Every where they 
 remained true to the resolution adopted on a 
 celebrated occasion recognizing ‘the right of 
 the people of all the territories — including 
 Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the le- 
 gally and fairly expressed will of a majority 
 of actual residents, and whenever the number 
 of their inhabitants justifies 1t — to form a con- 
 stitution with or without slavery, and be ad- 
 mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect 
 equality with the other states.’ 
 
 “The convention to frame a constitution for 
 Kansas met on the first Monday of September 
 last. They were called together by virtue of 
 an act of the territorial legislature, whose law- 
 ful existence had been recognized by Congress 
 in different forms and by different. enactments. 
 A large proportion of the citizens of Kansas 
 did not think proper to register their names 
 and to vote at the election for delegates; but 
 an opportunity to do this having been fairly 
 afforded, their refusal to avail themselves of 
 their right could in no manner affect the legal- 
 ity of the convention. 
 
 “This convention proceeded to frame a con- 
 stitution for Kansas, and finally adjourned on 
 the 7th day of November. But little difficulty 
 occurred in the convention, except on the sub- 
 ject of slavery. The truth is, that the general 
 provisions of our recent state constitutions are 
 so similar, and, I may add, so excellent, that 
 the difference between them is not essential. 
 Under the earlier practice of the government, 
 no constitution framed by the convention of a 
 territory preparatory to its admission into the 
 Union as a state had been submitted to the 
 people. I trust, however, the example set by 
 the last. Congress, requiring that the constitu- 
 tion of Minnesota ‘should be subject to the 
 approval and ratification of the people of the 
 proposed state, may be followed on future oc- 
 easions. I took it for granted that the conven- 
 
 4 
 
 47 
 
 tion of Kansas would act in accordance with 
 this example, founded, as it is, on correct prin- 
 ciples; and hence my instructions to Governor 
 Walker, in favor of submitting the constitution 
 to the people, were expressed in general and 
 unqualified terms. : 
 
 “In the Kansas-Nebraska act, however, this 
 requirement, as applicable to the whole consti- 
 tution, had not been inserted, and the conven- 
 tion were not bound by its terms to submit 
 any other portion of the instrument to an 
 election, except that which relates to the ‘ do- 
 mestic institution’ of slavery. This will be 
 rendered clear by a simple reference to its 
 language. It was ‘not to legislate slavery into 
 any territory or state, nor to exclude it there- 
 from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly 
 free to form and regulate their domestic insti- 
 tutions in their own way. According to the 
 plain construction of the sentence, the words 
 ‘domestic institutions’ have a direct, as they 
 have an appropriate, reference to slavery, ‘ Do- 
 mestic institutions’ are limited to the family. 
 The relation between master and slave and a 
 few others are ‘domestic institutions, and are 
 entirely distinct from institutions of a political 
 character. Besides, there was no question then 
 before Congress, nor indeed has there since 
 been any serious question before the people of 
 Kansas or the country, except that which re- 
 lates to the ‘domestic institution’ of slavery. 
 
 “The convention, after an angry and excited 
 debate, finally determined, by a majority of 
 only two, to submit the question of slavery to 
 the people, though at the last forty-three of the 
 fifty delegates present affixed their signatures 
 to the constitution. 
 
 “A large majority of the convention were 
 in favor of establishing slavery in Kdhsas. 
 They accordingly inserted an article in the 
 constitution for this purpose similar'in form to 
 those which had been adopted by other terri- 
 torial conventions, In the schedule, however, 
 providing for the transition from a territorial 
 
* 
 
 , 
 
 43 
 
 to a state government, the question has been 
 fairly and explicitly referred to the people, 
 whether they will have a constitution ‘with or 
 without slavery’ It declares that, before the 
 constitution adopted by the convention ‘shall 
 be sent to Congress for admission into the 
 Union as a state, an election shall be held to 
 decide this question, at which all the white 
 male inhabitants of the territory above the 
 age of twenty-one are entitled to vote. They 
 are to vote by ballot; and ‘ the ballots cast at 
 said election shall be indorsed “constitution 
 with slavery,” and “constitution with no sla- 
 very.”’ If there be a majority in favor of the 
 ‘constitution with slavery, then it is to be 
 transmitted to Congress by the president of 
 the convention in its original form. If, on the 
 contrary, there shall be a majority in favor of 
 the ‘constitution with no slavery, ‘then the 
 article providing for slavery shall be stricken 
 from the constitution by the president of this 
 convention ;’ and it is expressly declared that 
 ‘no slavery shall exist in the state of Kansas, 
 except that the right of property in slaves 
 now in the territory shall in no manner be 
 interfered with;’ and in that event it is made 
 his duty to have the constitution thus ratified 
 transmitted to the Congress of the United 
 States for the admission of the state into the 
 Union. 
 
 “At this election every citizen will have an 
 opportunity of expressing his opinion by his 
 vote ‘whether Kansas shall be received into 
 the Union with or without slavery ;’ and thus 
 this exciting question may be peacefully set- 
 tled in the very mode required by the organic 
 law. The election will be held under legitimate 
 authority, and if any portion of the inhabit- 
 ants®shall refuse to vote, a fair opportunity to 
 do so having been presented, this will be their 
 own voluntary act, and they alone will be re- 
 sponsible for the consequences. 
 
 “ Whether Kansas shall be a free or a slave 
 state, must. eventually, under some. authority, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ,be decided by an election; and the question 
 can never be more clearly or distinctly pre- 
 sented to the people than it is at the present 
 moment. Should this opportunity be rejected, 
 she may be involved for years in domestic dis- 
 cord, and possibly in civil war, before she can 
 again make up the issue now so fortunately 
 tendered, and again reach the point she has 
 already attained. 
 
 “Kansas has for some years occupied too 
 much of the public attention. It is high time 
 this: should be directed to far more important 
 objects. When once admitted into the Union, 
 whether with or without slavery, the excite- 
 ment beyond her own limits will speedily pass 
 away, and she will then, for the first time, be 
 left, as she ought to have been long since, to 
 manage her own affairs in her own way. If 
 her constitution on the subject of slavery, or 
 on any other subject, be displeasing to a ma- 
 jority of the people, no human power can pre- 
 vent them from changing it within a brief 
 period. Under these circumstances it may 
 well be questioned whether the peace and 
 quiet of the whole country are not of greater 
 importance than the mere temporary triumph 
 of either of the political parties in Kansas. 
 
 “Should the constitution without slavery be 
 adopted by the votes of the majority, the rights 
 of property in slaves now in the territory are 
 reserved. The number of these is very small; 
 but if it were greater the provision would be 
 equally just and reasonable. The slaves were 
 brought into the territory under the constitu- 
 tion of the United States, and are now the 
 property of their masters. This point has at 
 length been finally decided by the highest 
 judicial tribunal of the country — and this upon 
 the plain principle that when a confederacy of 
 sovereign states acquire a new territory at their 
 joint expense, both equality and justice demand 
 that the citizens of one and all of them shall 
 have the right to take into it whatsoever is 
 recognized as property by the common consti- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 tution. To have summarily confiscated the 
 property in slaves already in the territory, 
 would have been an act of gross injustice, and 
 contrary to the practice of the older states of 
 the Union which have abolished slavery. 
 
 “A territorial government was established 
 for Utah by act of Congress®approved the 9th 
 September, 1850, and the constitution and laws 
 of the United States were thereby extended 
 over it ‘so far as the same, or any provisions 
 thereof, may be applicable’ This act provided 
 for the appointment by the president, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the senate, of a 
 governor, who was to be ex officio superintend- 
 ent of Indian affairs, a. secretary, three judges 
 of the Supreme Court, a marshal, and a district 
 attorney. Subsequent acts provided for the 
 appointment of the officers necessary to extend 
 our land and our Indian system over the terri- 
 tory. Brigham Young was appointed the first 
 governor on the 20th September, 1850, and 
 has held the office ever since. Whilst Governor 
 Young has been both governor and superin- 
 tendent of Indian affairs throughout this peri- 
 od, he has been at the same time the head of 
 the church called the Latter-Day Saints, and 
 professes to govern its members and dispose of 
 their property by direct inspiration and au- 
 thority from the Almighty. His power has 
 been, therefore, absolute over both church and 
 state. 
 
 “The people of Utah, almost exclusively, 
 belong to this church, and believing, with a 
 fanatical spirit, that he is governor of the terri- 
 tory by divine appointment, they obey his 
 commands as if these were direct revelations 
 from Heaven. If, therefore, he chooses that 
 his government shall come into collision with 
 the government of the United States, the mem- 
 bers of the Mormon church will yield implicit 
 obedience to his will. Unfortunately, existing 
 facts leave but little doubt that such is his de. 
 termination. Without entering upon a minute 
 history of" ee it is sufficient to say 
 
 49 
 
 that all the officers of the United States, judi- 
 cial and executive, with the single exception 
 
 of two Indian agents, have found it necessary 
 
 for their own personal safety to withdraw from 
 the territory ; and there no longer remains any 
 government in Utah but the despotism of 
 Brigham Young. This being the condition of 
 affairs in the territory, I could not mistake the 
 path of duty. As chief executive magistrate, 
 Iwas bound to restore the supremacy of the 
 constitution and laws within its limits. In order 
 to effect this purpose, I appointed a new gov- 
 ernor and other federal officers for Utah, and 
 sent with them a military force for their pro- 
 tection, and to aid as a posse comitatus, in case of 
 need, in the execution of the laws. 
 
 “With the religious opinions of the Mormons, 
 as long as they remained mere opinions, how- 
 ever deplorable in themselves and revolting to 
 the moral and religious sentiments of all Chris- 
 tendom, I had no right to interfere. Actions 
 alone, when in violation of the constitution and 
 laws of the United States, become the legiti- 
 mate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil 
 magistrate. My instructions to Governor Cum- 
 ming have therefore been framed in strict ac- 
 cordance with these principles. At their date 
 a hope was indulged that no necessity might 
 exist for employing the military in restoring 
 and maintaining the authority of the law; but 
 this hope has now vanished. Governor Young 
 has, by proclamation, declared his determina- 
 tion to maintain his power by force, and has 
 already committed acts of hostility against the 
 United States. Unless he should retrace his 
 steps, the territory of Utah will be in a state 
 of open rebellion. He has committed these 
 acts of hostility notwithstanding Major Van 
 Vliet, an officer of the army, sent to Utah by 
 the commanding general to purchase provisions 
 for the troops, had given him the strongest as- 
 surances of the peaceful intentions of the gov- 
 ernment, and that the troops would only be. 
 employed as a posse comitatus when called on by 
 
50 
 
 the civil authority to aid in the execution of | 
 the laws. 
 
 “There is reason to believe that Governor 
 Young has long contemplated this result. He 
 knows that the continuance of his despotic 
 power depends upon the exclusion of all set- 
 tlers from the territory, except those who will 
 acknowledge his divine mission and implicitly 
 obey his will; and that an enlightened public 
 opinion there would soon prostrate institutions 
 at war with the laws both of God and man. 
 He has, therefore, for several years, in order to 
 maintain his independence, been industriously 
 employed in collecting and fabricating arms and 
 munitions of war, and in disciplining the Mor- 
 mons for military service. As superintendent 
 of Indian affairs he has had an opportunity of 
 tampering with the Indian tribes, and exciting 
 their hostile feelings against the United States. 
 ' This, according to our information, he has ac- 
 complished in regard to some of these tribes, 
 while others have remained true to their alle- 
 giance, and have communicated his intrigues to 
 our Indian agents. He has laid in a store of 
 provisions for three years, which, in case of 
 necessity, as he informed Major Van Vliet, he 
 will conceal, ‘and then take to the mountains, 
 and bid defiance to all the powers of the gov- 
 ernment.’ 
 
 “A great part of all this may be idle boast- 
 ing; but yet no wise government will lightly 
 estimate the efforts which may be inspired by 
 such frenzied fanaticism as exists among the 
 Mormans in Utah. This is the first rebellion 
 which has existed in our territories; and hu- 
 manity itself requires that we should put it 
 down in such a manner that it shall be the 
 last. To trifle with it would be to encourage 
 it and to render it formidable. We ought to 
 go there with such an imposing force as to 
 convince these deluded people that resistance 
 would be vain, and thus spare the effusion of 
 blood. We can in this manner best convince 
 them that we are their friends, not their ene- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 mies. In order to accomplish this object, it 
 will be necessary, according to the estimate of 
 the war department, to raise four additional 
 regiments; and this I earnestly recommend to 
 Congress. At the present moment of depres- 
 sion in the revenues of the country I am sorry 
 to be obliged té®recommend such a measure ; 
 but I feel confident. of the support of Congress, 
 cost what it may, in suppressing the insurrec- 
 tion and in restoring and maintaining the sov- 
 ereignty of the constitution and laws over the 
 territory of Utah.” . 
 
 In relation to the finances of the country it 
 appeared that the surplus on hand at the com- 
 mencement of the fiscal year, July 1, 1857 was 
 seventeen millions seven hundred and ten 
 thousand one hundred and fourteen dollars. 
 The receipts for the first quarter from that date 
 were twenty millions nine hundred and twenty- 
 nine thousand eight hundred and nineteen dol- 
 lars, and the estimated receipts for the remain- 
 ing three quarters, thirty-six millions seven 
 hundred and fifty thousand dollars; making, 
 with the surplus, seventy-five millions three 
 hundred and eighty-nine thousand nine hundred 
 and thirty-three dollars. The estimated expen- 
 ditures reached about this-sum, while it was 
 added that they might be increased so that it 
 would be desirable that the secretary of the 
 treasury should have power to meet any tem- 
 porary deficiency by the issue of treasury - 
 notes. pi . 
 
 The president recommended the Pacific Rail- 
 road to the consideration of Congress, the 
 raising of four additional regiments for the 
 army, the construction of ten war steamers of 
 light draught, and other matters of less general 
 interest, as submitted by the several depart- 
 ments. The message concluded as follows :— 
 
 “The late disastrotis monetary revulsion may 
 have one good effect, should it cause both the 
 government and the people to return to the 
 practice of a wise and judicious economy both 
 in public and private expenditures. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “An overflowing treasury has led to habits 
 of prodigality and extravagance in our legisla- 
 tion. It has induced Congress to make large 
 appropriations to objects for which they never 
 would have provided had it been necessary to 
 raise the amount of revenue required to meet 
 them by increased taxation or by loans. We 
 are now compelled to pause in our career, and 
 to scrutinize our expenditures with the utmost 
 vigilance ; and in performing this duty, I pledge 
 my cooperation to the extent of my constitu- 
 tional competency. 
 
 “It ought to be observed, at the same time, 
 that true public economy does not consist in 
 withholding the means necessary to accomplish 
 important national objects intrusted to us by 
 the constitution, and especially such as may be 
 necessary for the common defence. In the 
 present crisis of the country it is our duty to 
 confine our appropriations to objects of this 
 character, unless in cases where justice to indi- 
 viduals may demand a different course. In all 
 cases care ought to be taken that the money 
 granted by Congress shall be faithfully and 
 economically applied. 
 
 “Under the federal constitution, ‘every bill 
 which shall have passed the house of repre- 
 sentatives and the senate shall, before it be- 
 comes a law, be approved and signed by the 
 president; and, if not approved, ‘he shall return 
 -it with his objections to that house in which it 
 originated” In order to perform this high and 
 responsible duty, sufficient time must be allowed 
 the president to read and examine every bill 
 presented to him for approval. Unless this be 
 afforded, the constitution becomes a dead letter 
 in this particular; and even worse, it becomes 
 a means of deception. Our constituents, seeing 
 the president’s approval and signature attached 
 to each act of Congress, are induced to believe 
 that he has actually performed this duty, when, 
 in truth, nothing is, in many cases, more un- 
 founded. 
 
 “From the practice of Congress, such an 
 
 ol 
 
 examination of each bill as the constitution 
 requires has been rendered impossible. The 
 most important business of each session is gen- 
 erally crowded into its last hours, and the 
 alternative presented to the president is either 
 to violate the constitutional. duty which he 
 owes to the people, and approve bills which, 
 for want of time, it is impossible he should 
 have examined, or, by his refusal to do this, 
 subject the country and individuals to great 
 loss and inconvenience. 
 
 “ Besides, a practice has grown up of late 
 years to legislate in appropriation bills, at the 
 last hours of the session, on new and important 
 subjects. This practice constrains the president 
 either to suffer measures to become laws which 
 he does not approve, or to incur the risk of 
 stopping the wheels of the government by 
 vetoing an appropriation bill. Formerly, such 
 bills were confined to specific appropriations 
 for carrying into effect existing laws and the 
 well-established policy of the country, and little 
 time was then required by the president for 
 their examination. 
 
 “For my own part, I have deliberately de- 
 termined that I shall approve no bill which I 
 have not examined, and it will be a case of 
 extreme and most urgent necessity which shall 
 ever induce me to depart from this rule. I 
 therefore respectfully, but earnestly, recom- 
 mend that the two houses would allow the 
 president at least two days previous to the 
 adjournment of each session, within which no 
 new bill shall be presented to him for approval. 
 Under the existing jot rule one day is al- 
 lowed; but this rule has been hitherto so 
 constantly suspended in practice, that impor- 
 tant bills continue to be presented to him up 
 till the very last moments of the session. In 
 a large majority of cases no great public incon- 
 venience can arise from the want of time to 
 examine their provisions, because the constitu- 
 tion has declared that if a bill be presented to 
 the president within the last ten days of the 
 
52 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 session, he is not required to return it, either || The legislature also passed a bill organizing a 
 
 with an approval or with a veto,‘in which case 
 it shall not be a law. It may then lie over, 
 and be taken up and passed at the next ses- 
 sion. Great inconvenience would only be ex- 
 perienced in regard to appropriation bills; but 
 fortunately, under the late excellent law allow- 
 ing a salary, instead of a per diem, to members 
 of Congress, the expense and inconvenience 
 of a called session will be greatly reduced. 
 “JT cannot conclude without commending tc 
 your favorable consideration the interest of the 
 people of this district. Without a representa- 
 tive on the floor of Congress, they have for 
 this very reason peculiar claims upon our just 
 regard. To this I know, from my long acquaint- 
 ance with them, they are eminently entitled.” 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Kansas. — Territorial Legislature. — Submission of the Lecomp- 
 ton Constitution to the People. — Two Elections. —The Vote 
 of each. — Election of State Officers. — Frauds. — Constitu- 
 tion “ with Slavery ” sent to Washington. — Communicated to 
 Congress by the President.— Action of Congress. — Position 
 of Mr. Douglas. — Reports in the House. — Debates. — Mr. 
 Montgomery’s Proposition.— The Vote.— Disagreement of 
 the Senate. — Conference Committee. — Their Report. — The 
 Result. 
 
 To the affairs of Kansas, which still attracted 
 much attention, not only from the president in 
 his message, but in Congress and through the 
 country, we are compelled again to return. 
 
 The territorial legislature convened for a 
 special session by Mr. Stanton, the acting gov- 
 ernor, on the 7th of December, organized by 
 the choice of free state officers, and then pro- 
 ceeded to act upon the business for which it 
 met.. A bill was passed providing for the sub- 
 mission of the Lecompton constitution to the 
 people, at an election to be held on the 4th of 
 January, 1858, the ballots to be in three forms: 
 “ Constitution with slavery,” “ Constitution with- 
 out slavery,” and “No Lecompton constitution.” 
 
 territorial militia, which was vetoed by the 
 acting governor, but was passed by a two thirds 
 vote over his veto. 
 
 In the mean time the election provided for 
 by the constitutional convention was held on 
 the 21st of December, when the Lecompton 
 constitution was submitted to the people, in 
 the two forms mentioned above, with and with- 
 out slavery. The free state men, who were 
 opposed to that constitution on other grounds 
 as well as that of slavery, abstained from voting ; 
 and the consequence was, that the “Constitu- 
 tion with slavery” was adopted by a large 
 majority, five thousand one hundred and forty- 
 three, to five hundred and sixty-nine for the 
 “ Constitution without slavery.” This result, al- 
 though a matter of course, was the cause of 
 new excitement between the parties, one of 
 which was triumphant and assuming, and the 
 other indignant. But on the 4th of January 
 this apparent decision of the people of the 
 territory was reversed, the vote against the 
 constitution, in any shape, being about eleven 
 thousand; for the constitution with slavery 
 one hundred and fifty, and for the constitution 
 without slavery twenty-four. At the same time, 
 the election for officers under the state consti- 
 tution as adopted at the election of December 
 21st took place. This election resulted in the 
 choice of the free state candidates for the state 
 officers, George W. Smith being elected gov- 
 ernor. The legislature was for a long time in 
 doubt, owing to the manner in which the returns » 
 were made to the president of the convention 
 and declared by him. Jt appeared evident to 
 the president of the council and the speaker 
 of the house, free state men, who had exam- 
 ined the returns of the votes on the constitu- 
 tion given December 21st, that a large majority 
 of the votes given on that day were returned 
 from certain counties where the population was 
 very sparse, and could not have afforded the 
 vote returned. The returns were probably . 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 false, and theré was reason to believe that the 
 returns of the election of state officers, on 
 January 4th, which were made to Mr. Calhoun, 
 the president of the convention, alone, were 
 also false and fraudulent. Upon investigation 
 such proved to be the case. Gross frauds in 
 the returns had been made, in some cases if not 
 in all, after they had left the hands of the 
 judges of elections, and were sent to Mr. Cal- 
 houn. These and other facts were elicited by 
 the investigations made by or for a committee 
 of the house of representatives in Congress, 
 Throwing out such false returns, the state legis- 
 lature would be strongly free state. 
 
 But the Lecompton constitution having been 
 adopted with slavery, according to the vote of 
 December 21st, it was sent to Washington, and 
 was communicated to Congress by President 
 Buchanan, who, in a long message, urged the 
 admission of Kansas as a state, under that 
 constitution. The president’s arguments were, 
 that the slavery question was the only one at 
 issue in the territory; that the free state men, 
 if they had voted and really were in the ma- 
 jority, might have defeated slavery; that they 
 subsequently voted for state officers under the 
 Lecompton constitution; that the people of 
 Kansas, having thus framed a constitution and 
 elected officers under it, should be admitted to 
 the Union; that they have a right to alter 
 their constitution when they will; that the ad- 
 mission of Kansas would localize the question 
 of slavery, leaving it for the people of Kansas 
 to settle ; that the admission would bring quiet 
 to the whole country, and then the troopsemight 
 be withdrawn from that territory for other 
 purposes. , 
 
 This question created much feeling in Con- 
 gress. It was warmly discussed on both sides, 
 and gave rise to some complications in the ad- 
 ministration party, several of its most prom- 
 inent men taking strong grounds against the 
 validity of the Lecompton constitution. In 
 reviewing the case it seems strange that a 
 
 53 
 
 statesman of Mr. Buchanan’s antecedents and 
 experience, especially after his instructions to 
 Governor Walker, in which he had declared 
 that when “a constitution shall be submitted 
 to the people of the territory, they must be 
 protected in the exercise of their right of 
 voting for or against that instrument, and the fair 
 expression of the popular will must not be 
 interrupted by fraud or violence,” should not. 
 be found acting with those of his party who 
 still claimed that this principle was essential to 
 the validity of the constitution. But the presi- 
 dent now asserted that the onl¥ question at 
 
 | issue between the parties in Kansas was the 
 
 slavery question,— which statement is hardly 
 sustained by the well-known facts,— and totally 
 ignored the large majority against the constitu- 
 tion in any shape, by a vote legally taken by 
 authority of the territorial legislature. It seems 
 impossible, except from a pro-slavery point of 
 view, that the president should, in face of the 
 clearly-expressed will of the people of Kansas, 
 and of the frauds then alleged and afterwards 
 proved, thus have urged Congress to recognize 
 this constitution. 
 
 In the senate the message was referred to 
 the committee on territories, and a motion in- 
 structing the committee to inquire into the 
 number and legality of the votes given in 
 Kansas was rejected. In the house it was 
 referred, after a long and exciting contest, to a 
 select committee of fifteen, with instructions to 
 inquire into all the facts connected with the 
 formation of the constitution and its accord- 
 ance with the wishes of the people of Kansas. 
 This was on the motion of an administration 
 member, Mr. Harris, of Illinois. He was op- 
 posed to the constitution as invalid, and not 
 approved by the people of Kansas. In this 
 view he was sustained by Mr. Douglas, senator 
 from the same state, who took a similar stand 
 in the senate. 
 
 In the committee of the house, which was 
 constituted so as to show eight in favor of the 
 
54 
 
 constitution and seven against it, the minority 
 made repeated and persistent steps to obey the 
 instructions of the house by investigating the 
 facts required; but in every instance they were 
 opposed by the majority, who would only go 
 into some merely technical and formal inqui- 
 ries, and the object of the committee was thus 
 in a measure defeated. 
 
 Three reports were made in each branch. 
 In the senate, the majority report, presented 
 by Mr. Green, of Missouri, adopted essentially 
 the arguments of the president, and recom- 
 mended a bill’for the admission of Kansas un- 
 der this constitution. A minority report by 
 Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, and Mr. Wade, of 
 Ohio, opposed the constitution mainly on the 
 grounds urged against it by the free state men 
 of Kansas, that the territorial government was 
 formed by the usurpation of a foreign force; 
 that the Lecompton constitution is the result 
 of this usurpation, and is also contrary to the 
 will of the people legally expressed. A third 
 report, by Mr. Douglas, took the ground. that 
 there is no evidence that the Lecompton con- 
 stitution was the act of the people of Kansas, 
 or embodied their will; that the convention 
 had no power to establish the constitution, but 
 only to frame one to be presented to Congress, 
 with a memorial for admission, which should 
 be granted or denied according as the constitu- 
 tion embodied the will of the people. This 
 report is a very elaborate one, and Mr. 
 Douglas denied at length, and with force, 
 some of the statements and arguments of 
 the president and of the majority report. 
 The position of Mr. Douglas on this question 
 was a strong one, and acting as he did against 
 his .party, it may be looked upon as giving 
 nothing more than simple justice to the people 
 of Kansas. 
 
 In the house, the majority presented a report 
 which fully indorsed the views of the president, 
 and was accompanied by a bill for the admis- 
 sion of Kansas. A minority report, signed by 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 five Republican members, after referring to the 
 course of the majority of the committee in 
 refusing to investigate the facts connected with 
 the subject, argued, upon such evidence as they — 
 had, that the Lecompton constitution was not 
 the will of the people; that it had not been 
 submitted to the vote of all the actual settlers 
 of Kansas, at an election fairly and justly con- 
 ducted, according. to the repeated and emphatic 
 pledges of Governor Walker, approved by the 
 administration, except by the vote authorized 
 by the territorial legislature, which yote was 
 ignored by the president and the majority. 
 The report ably reviewed the whole subject, 
 exposing the frauds that had been perpetrated, 
 and controverting the arguments offered in 
 favor of the proposed constitution. Another 
 minority report, signed by Mr. Harris, of Illi- 
 nois, and Mr. Adrain, of Pennsylvania, took 
 much the same ground as that of Mr. Douglas 
 in the senate. The report concludes as fol- 
 lows : — | 4d 
 “In conclusion of this subject, we will only 
 add that, being fully convinced that this Le- 
 compton constitution is neither acceptable nor. 
 satisfactory to any considerable number of the 
 people of Kansas, much less to a majority of 
 them; that it is not their act; that it neither 
 speaks their sentiments nor embodies their 
 will; that it is the offspring of fraud, corrup- 
 tion, and villainy; that the laws under which 
 it was originated and the proceedings connected 
 with its prosecution have been informal, irregu- 
 lar, and unjust; that the instrument bears upon 
 its ow face and in its own composition ample 
 evidence of its base origin and deceitful pre- 
 tensions, — we think it would be highly im- 
 proper to admit Kansas into the Union as a 
 state under this constitution, and that such act 
 would not only be unjust to the people of that 
 territory, but it Would be dangerous to the 
 peace and welfare of the whole country.” 
 These reports occasioned long and earnest 
 debates, in which there were frequent asperi- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 55 
 
 ties, and some ill feeling. The bills were 
 amended, and many amendments were re- 
 jected. In the senate one amendment, recog- 
 nizing the right of the people to amend or 
 alter their constitution at pleasure, was adopted, 
 notwithstanding its futility was shown, as the 
 provision could not alter the terms of the con- 
 stitution, which itself prohibited any change 
 before the year 1864. This amendment being 
 adopted, the bill passed the senate on the 23d 
 of March, by yeas thirty-three, nays twenty- 
 five. . 
 In the house the Ist of April was finally 
 fixed for the vote; and on that day, other prop- 
 ositions being rejected, one proposed by Mr. 
 Montgomery, of Pennsylvania, was adopted. 
 This proposition was to strike out all the 
 senate bill after the enacting: clause, and sub- 
 stitute a bill admitting Kansas to the Union 
 upon the condition that the constitution shall 
 be submitted to the vote of the people, and if 
 it be asSented to, the president to make procla- 
 mation to that effect; and if not assented to, 
 authorizing the people of Kansas to hold a 
 convention to frame another constitution. This 
 was passed by yeas one hundred and twenty, 
 nays one hundred and twelve. This was a 
 defeat of the administration in the house, 
 although its own party had a large majority. 
 The bill thus passed in the house was sent to 
 the senate; which body disagreed, and the 
 house adhered. The subject was then referred 
 to conference committees, the house acceding 
 to the request of the senate by one hundred 
 and eight to one hundred and eight, the speaker 
 giving a casting vote in favor of the reference. 
 The committee of the senate consisted of Messrs. 
 Green, Hunter, and Seward; that of the house, 
 of Messrs. English, Stephens, and Howard. Af 
 ter prolonged conference the majority of the 
 committee — Messrs. Seward and Howard dis- 
 senting —reported a proposition altogether dif- 
 ferent from any previous one. This was a bill to 
 admit Kansas, but on the condition precedent, 
 
 that certain propositions to be submitted to 
 them shall be accepted by the people. _ These 
 propositions were grants to Kansas, from the 
 public domain, of two sections of land in every 
 township, for the use of schools; seventy-two 
 sections for the support of a university; ten 
 sections for the erection of public buildings; 
 salt springs, not exceeding twelve in number, 
 with six sections of land contiguous to each; 
 and five per centum of the net proceeds of the 
 sales of all public lands within the state. These 
 propositions were to be submitted to the peo- 
 ple, who should vote by ballot, “ Proposition 
 accepted,” or, “ Proposition rejected.” If a ma- 
 jority of votes should be cast for “ Proposition 
 accepted,” the admission of Kansas was to be 
 complete without further proceedings; but if a 
 majority should be cast for “ Proposition reject- 
 ed,” Kansas was not to be admitted; but, when 
 
 the population of the territory equalled the 
 
 ratio of representation required for a member 
 of the house of representatives, and not before, 
 the people may determine by vote whether 
 they wish to form a state for admission into 
 the Union, and if they so desire, may elect 
 delegates to a convention to form a consti- 
 tution. 
 
 This bill passed the senate on the 30th of 
 April, by a vote of thirty yeas to twenty-two 
 nays, ten members being absent. The result 
 in the house was more uncertain, but it was 
 soon ascertained that some of the administra- 
 tion members, who had voted for the bill of 
 Mr. Montgomery, would now change their po- 
 sition. The bill finally passed by yeas one 
 hundred and eleven, nays one hundred and 
 two, the absentees being equally divided. And 
 thus the exciting topic passed from Congress 
 for a time. 
 
 But the people of Kansas were not to be 
 tempted into the Union, with a constitution 
 which they considered so obnoxious, by the 
 bounty thus held out to them, nor coerced into 
 it by any threat of being obliged to wait for a 
 
56 
 
 large increase of population. The question 
 proposed by Congress was duly submitted to 
 them in the manner provided, at an election 
 held for the purpose in July. The result was, 
 that the proposition was rejected. The vote was, 
 “to accept the proposition,” one thousand seven 
 hundred and eighty-eight; “to reject the prop- 
 osition,” eleven thousand and three hundred; 
 showing a majority against the Lecompton con- 
 stitution, and the bounty offered with it, of nine 
 thousand five hundred and twelve votes. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Fillibuster Expedition to Nicaragua. — Capture by Commodore 
 
 Paulding. — Opinions in the Senate.— Expedition to Para- 
 guay. — Proposed Increase of the Army defeated. — Deficiency 
 “of Revenue. — Admission of Minnesota. —“ Speck of War” with 
 England. — Search of Vessels by British Cruisers. — Action 
 of the Government. — Friendly Relations restored. — Adjourn- 
 ment of Congress. 
 
 Harty, in the session of this Congress infor- 
 mation was received that another fillibuster 
 expedition to Nicaragua, under General Wil- 
 liam Walker, who had before been engaged in 
 such schemes, had been broken up, and the 
 parties concerned taken prisoners by the naval 
 forces of the United States, on the coast of 
 Central America. The expedition of Walker 
 was fitted out in the United States, in violation 
 of the neutrality laws, and had escaped the 
 vigilance of the civil officers. The expedition 
 had arrived at Nicaragua, and the men had 
 been landed, when Commodore Paulding, act- 
 ing in conformity with the spirit of his instruc- 
 tions to arrest such parties, landed a sufficient 
 force, and captured Walker and his associates. 
 This transaction was not received with much 
 favor by those disposed to encourage these 
 lawless expeditions; but it was considered by 
 others as a wise and just proceeding, and one 
 likely to prevent much mischief, and to produce 
 some positive good, _ 
 
 When this event was known in Congress, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the president, as usual, was called upon for 
 information, which he promptly transmitted. 
 In his message he says, — 
 
 “Jn capturing General Walker and his com- 
 mand, after they had landed on the soil of' 
 Nicaragua, Commodore Paulding has, in my 
 opinion, committed a grave error. It is quite 
 evident, however, from the communications 
 herewith transmitted, that this was done from 
 pure and patriotic motives, and in the sincere 
 conviction that he was promoting the interest, 
 and vindicating the honor, of his country. In 
 regard to Nicaragua, she has sustained no in- 
 jury by the act of Commodore Paulding. This 
 has enured to her benefit, and relieved her’ 
 from a dreaded invasion. She alone would 
 have any right to complain of the violation of 
 her territory; and it is quite certain she will 
 never exercise this right. It unquestionably 
 does not lie in the mouth of her invaders to 
 complain in her name that she has been res- 
 cued by Commodore Paulding from ‘their as- 
 
 saults.” 
 
 The president severely condemns the expe- 
 dition of Walker, and in conclusion thus speaks 
 of the future of Central America :— 
 
 “It is, beyond question, the destiny of our 
 race to spread themselves over the continent 
 of North America, and this at no distant day, 
 should events be permitted to take their natural 
 course. The tide of emigrants will flow to the 
 south, and nothing can eventually arrest its 
 progress. If permitted to go there peacefully, 
 Central America will soon contain an American 
 population which will confer blessings and 
 benefits, as well upon the natives as their 
 respective governments. Liberty under the 
 restraint of law will preserve domestic peace, 
 whilst the different transit routes across the 
 isthmus, in which we are so deeply interested, 
 will have assured protection. 
 
 “ Nothing has retarded this happy condition 
 of affairs so much as the unlawful expeditions 
 which have been fitted out in the United States 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to make war upon the Central American states. 
 Had one half the number of American citizens 
 who have miserably perished in the first disas- 
 trous expedition of General Walker settled 
 in Nicaragua as peaceful emigrants, the object 
 which we all desire would ere this have been 
 ina great degree accomplished. ‘These expe- 
 ditions have caused the people of the Central 
 American states to regard us with dread and 
 suspicion. It is our true policy to remove this 
 apprehension, and to convince them that we 
 intend to do them good, and not evil. We 
 desire, as the leading power on this continent, 
 to open, and, if need be, to protect every transit 
 route across the isthmus, not only for our own 
 benefit, but that of the world, and thus open a 
 free access to Central America, and through it 
 to our Pacific possessions. ‘This policy was 
 commenced under favorable auspices, when 
 the expedition under the command of General 
 Walker escaped from our territories and pro- 
 ceeded to Punta Arenas. Should another ex- 
 pedition, of a similar character, again evade 
 the vigilance of our officers, and proceed to 
 Nicaragua, this would be fatal, at least for a 
 season, to the peaceful settlement of these 
 countries, and to the policy of American prog- 
 ress. The truth is, that no administration can 
 successfully conduct the foreign affairs of the 
 country in Central America, or any where else, 
 if it is to be interfered with at every step by 
 lawless military expeditions, ‘set on foot’ in 
 the United States.” 
 
 In the senate some warm speeches were 
 made on this subject, and several senators of 
 the administration party condemned not only 
 the action of Commodore Paulding, but the 
 views of the president in relation to such expe- 
 ditions. At the south Walker was received, 
 after his release from arrest, with great favor 
 and sympathy. He there avowed—how truly 
 cannot be said—that his expedition had virtual- 
 ly been sanctioned by the government of the 
 United States; that a member of the cabinet 
 
 8 
 
 57 
 
 had advised him where to land, and assured 
 him that American vessels of war would pro- 
 tect him from the English; that subsequently 
 he was informed that the president had changed 
 his views, and suggested that he should offer 
 his services to the president of Mexico, with a 
 view to bring about a war with Spain and a 
 descent upon Cuba! He refused this because 
 Cuba, if annexed to Mexico, would become a 
 free state. Whether this statement contains 
 any truth or not, the spirit in which the filli- 
 buster expeditions have been fitted out is made 
 apparent by it. 
 
 - In accordance with the suggestion of the 
 president, provision was made, though not 
 without opposition, for an expedition to the 
 South American republic of Paraguay, to settle 
 the difficulties with its government. These dif 
 ficulties are set forth in the president’s message, 
 which we have quoted. Much delay attended 
 the preparation of this expedition, from the 
 want of small steamers, and other vessels of 
 light draught, which could ascend the river to 
 this interior country. After a time, however, 
 several such vessels were purchased and char- 
 tered for the expedition, and when they were 
 prepared, they sailed at different times for their 
 destination. A commissioner, Mr. J. B. Bowlin, 
 was appointed to negotiate with President 
 Lopez, of Paraguay, the naval force being held 
 in reserve to support the negotiations if they 
 faltered. Only a part of the squadron ascend- 
 ed the river, and it appeared that they were 
 not required. The difficulty was speedily set- 
 tled, the government of Paraguay remunerating 
 the family of a sailor who was killed on board 
 of the Water Witch, and also providing for an 
 indemnity to certain American merchants, who 
 had suffered by the acts of Lopez. A treaty 
 
 of amity and commerce was also negotiated.* 
 
 * We have anticipated events somewhat in this case, in order 
 to complete the brief narrative. Commissioner Bowlin arrived 
 home in April, 1859, with the treaty. 
 
08 
 
 Another recommendation of the president 
 was less favorably received. A bill for the 
 increase of the army by the addition of four 
 regiments, in accordance with the president’s 
 suggestion, gave rise to some sharp debate, and 
 met with the strongest opposition from some 
 of the Republican members, in view of the 
 use which the government had made of the 
 troops in Kansas, when they were intended for 
 the Utah expedition. Senator Seward, how- 
 ever, spoke and voted in favor of the adminis- 
 tration, while several administration senators 
 opposed the measure, on various grounds. The 
 bill was defeated; but subsequently a bill was 
 passed authorizing the president to receive the 
 services of volunteers to protect the frontier 
 from Indian depredations. 
 
 It was early found that it would be neces- 
 sary to provide additional means to meet the 
 expenses of the government, the surplus of the 
 preceding year and the receipts being entirely 
 inadequate. A deficiency bill of ten millions of 
 dollars, to pay, chiefly, the expenses of the army 
 and navy, was passed ; and in order to meet the 
 expenses, ordinary and extraordinary, the secre- 
 tary of the treasury was authorized to negotiate 
 a loan of fifteen millions of dollars. A single 
 half year had wrought a great change in the 
 condition of the treasury. From a large surplus 
 it had been reduced to borrowing. This, how- 
 ever, was on account of an increase of expenses 
 by the Utah affair, and a great diminution of 
 the receipts. Near the close of the session it 
 was found that this would not be sufficient, and 
 an additional loan of twenty millions of dollars 
 was authorized. 
 
 A new state, Minnesota, was admitted to the 
 Union at this session of Congress. Opposition 
 was made to the admission of Minnesota on 
 account of some irregularities in framing the 
 constitution, and because the constitution ex- 
 tended the right of suffrage to aliens. Extrane- 
 ous matters caused some opposition. In the 
 case of Oregon, which was also an applicant 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 for admission, objections were made by some 
 of the Republican members, because the con- 
 stitution prohibited free negroes and Chinese 
 from coming into the state to reside. The bill 
 for the admission of Oregon passed the senate, 
 but was not acted upon in the house. 
 
 In the spring of 1858 another “speck of 
 war” arose between the United States and 
 England. The British government, with a 
 view of more successfully operating for the 
 suppression of the slave trade, had increased 
 its cruisers in the West Indies, and the prize 
 money accruing to officers and men from the 
 capture of a slaver induced them to keep a 
 very sharp lookout. The officers on that sta- 
 tion, therefore, stopped and boarded all the 
 vessels which they fell in with approaching or 
 leaving the coast of Cuba. Many American 
 vessels were thus interfered with, some of 
 them in an unwarrantable manner, while pur- 
 suing their voyages in a legal traffic. This 
 created a great deal of indignation throughout 
 the country, and it appeared that the nation 
 was disposed to go into a war with Great 
 Britain rather than submit to the indignity and 
 outrage of such visitation and stoppage on the 
 high seas. In Congress some very warlike 
 speeches were made, though it appeared after- 
 wards that some of the stories of outrages, 
 which had caused the excitement, were greatly 
 exaggerated, and some of them were but lit- 
 tle better than inventions. The government 
 brought the subject to the immediate attention 
 of the British government, demanding a dis- 
 continuance of any such visitation as had been 
 practised. The British government replied that 
 they had not given any new or special instruc- 
 tions to their officers, and that their proceed- 
 ings were disapproved of. A steamer was also 
 despatched by that government to intercept 
 their cruisers in the Gulf of Mexico, directing 
 them to abstain from any such visitation of 
 American vessels. In the mean time the gov- 
 ernment of the United States had ordered 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 several additional vessels to the Gulf, and 
 measures had been proposed in Congress 
 which looked to more decisive action to re- 
 pel the invasion of American rights. Fortu- 
 nately such measures were unnecessary, and 
 the friendly relations between the two coun- 
 tries were soon restored by the prompt and 
 considerate action of the English government. 
 The general feeling, however, and the unanim- 
 ity of all parties, when the national honor was 
 assailed, were evidences of a hearty patriotism 
 still existing in the United States, which in- 
 ternal strife seemed in no degree to have 
 quenched. 
 
 After the transaction of much business of 
 importance, in addition to that which we have 
 mentioned, Congress adjourned on the 14th 
 of June.* 
 
 CHAPTER VIL 
 
 Utah. — Action of the Mormons. — Army Movements. — Tem- 
 porizing Policy of the Mormons. — Course of Governor Cum- 
 ming. — Judge Eckels. — Court and Grand Jury. — Governor 
 Cumming at Salt Lake City. — Remarkable Exodus of Mor- 
 mons. — The Goyernor’s Opinion. — Disagreement of the Civil 
 and Military Officers. Peace Commissioners.— Their Ar- 
 rival in the Territory. — Negotiations. — Entrance of the Army 
 into the Valley. — Peace. 
 
 Wer must now recur to the expedition to 
 
 Utah. In the winter of 1857-8 the territorial 
 legislature met, and Brigham Young, still as- 
 
 suming the office of governor, addressed to 
 them the customary annual message. No allu- 
 sions were made in that document to the dec- 
 larations of independence which had previously 
 been reiterated by the Mormons, high and low ; 
 but the president was charved with treason in 
 his action towards the Mormons, and the fed- 
 eral officers were reviled as depraved and aban- 
 doned men, while the army was called a mob. 
 
 * During the session two members of the senate had died, 
 Josiah J. Evans, of South Carolina, on the 2d of May, and James 
 P. Henderson, on the’4th of June. 
 
 09 
 
 Utah was lauded, at the same time, as “the 
 most loyal territory known since the days of 
 the revolution.” “ Popular sovereignty” was 
 the basis of all the argument, and the presi- 
 dent was accused of inconsistency in his appli- 
 cation of the doctrine. The legislature passed 
 a series of resolutions, pledging it to sustain 
 “Governor Young” in every act he might per 
 form or dictate for the protection of the people 
 of the territory, and joming with him in 
 denouncing the president for oppression in 
 “forcing profane, drunken, and otherwise cor- 
 rupt officials upon Utah at the point of the 
 bayonet.” And they further resolved “to re- 
 sist any attempt of the administration to bring 
 the people into a state of vassalage, by ap- 
 pointing, contrary to the constitution, officers 
 whom the people have neither voice nor vote 
 in electing.” Acts were passed by this legisla- 
 ture to disorganize the county of Green River, 
 where the army was encamped, and to attach 
 it to Great Salt Lake county; giving the au- 
 thority to license the manufacture of ardent 
 spirits to the “ President of the Church of Jesus 
 Christ of Latter-day Saints,’ instead of the 
 governor, who had previously had that power ; 
 and granting large tracts of the public domain 
 to private persons, contrary to the provisions 
 of the organic law of the territory. A memo- 
 rial was also adopted and sent to Congress, 
 complaining of grievances, and claiming a rec- 
 ognition of their rights. 
 
 In the mean time Colonel Johnston, — who 
 had now been made brigadier general by 
 brevet, — although he was not in want of pro- 
 visions, was anxious that his supplies should be 
 seasonably forwarded in the spring ; and in mid- 
 winter he despatched a small party to the east 
 
 ‘to communicate his anxieties at head quarters. 
 
 The war department was not idle, and _pro- 
 visions were made to hasten on the supplies, 
 even before the messengers, who had suffered 
 
 terribly on the journey, arrived. Reénforce- 
 
 ments — three thousand strong — were also 
 
60 
 
 making preparations to march across the 
 plains as soon as the season should permit. 
 The business of supplying this force, in addition 
 to that already on the borders of Utah, for an 
 expedition to such a distance in a desert coun- 
 try, was one of great magnitude, and involved 
 large expenditures. The trains to be organized 
 for this purpose were estimated to require forty- 
 five hundred wagons, more than fifty thousand 
 oxen, four thousand mules, and five thousand 
 teamsters and other employés. At one time it 
 was contemplated to operate against the Mor- 
 mons from California also; but this project was 
 abandoned, and all the operations were to be 
 conducted from the Missouri side. 
 
 While the army was anxiously waiting the 
 return of Captain Marcy from New Mexico, 
 and some intelligence to govern their future 
 course,a Mr. Kane, who had gone to the Mormons 
 from California, on some mission, — whether 
 official, or semi-official, or private, did not dis- 
 tinctly appear, — came into the camp and com- 
 menced negotiations with Governor Cumming, 
 keeping aloof, however, from General Johnston. 
 Mr. Kane acted in the capacity of a mediator, 
 being duly authorized by Brigham Young; 
 and it appeared that the Mormon leaders, 
 knowing the folly of resisting the United 
 States forces, desired to secure from Governor 
 Cumming indemnity for past offences, in con- 
 sideration of recognizing his authority. Mr. 
 Kane apparently made good progress with the 
 governor in a plan for temporizing; but he 
 confided none of his business to the general or 
 to Judge Kekels, neither of whom was proba- 
 bly disposed to any such course. 
 
 Karly in April, Governor Cumming started, 
 with Mr. Kane, for Salt Lake City —an event 
 for which those who knew what had been going 
 on were not unprepared. On the same day, the 
 District Court commenced its spring term at Fort 
 Bridger, where the army was now encamped. 
 Judge Hckels, in his charge to the grand jury, 
 instructed them, in relation to polygamy, that, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 as there was no statute of the territory legal- 
 izing that social practice, nor any affixing a 
 punishment for it, either the rule of the old 
 Spanish law or the common law was the basis 
 of jurisprudence in such cases, and both of 
 those laws recognized marriage as the union 
 of one man with one woman, and defined adul- 
 tery as the cohabitation of either the man or 
 the woman with a third party. And as the 
 territorial laws affixed a punishment to adul- 
 tery, it was, therefore, the duty of the grand 
 jury to return indictment in such cases. No 
 indictments, however, were found, as there 
 could be no evidence offered there to sustain 
 them. Nor were any further proceedings had 
 under the indictments for treason which had 
 been previously found. 
 
 Upon arriving in Salt Lake City, Governor 
 Cumming was waited upon by Brigham Young 
 and other ecclesiastical dignitaries, who ten- 
 dered to him the territorial seal, and acknowl- 
 edged his authority as governor of the terri- 
 tory. He remained several weeks in the city, 
 examining the public property and informing 
 himself with regard to the state of affairs in 
 the territory. A large number of persons sig- 
 nified to him their desire to leave the terri- 
 tory; but it was represented, and probably 
 with truth, that they would not be permitted 
 to do so by the Mormon leaders: the governor, 
 therefore, issued a proclamation, promising pro- 
 tection to all such parties. The names of these 
 persons were registered, and, according to Gov- 
 ernor Cumming, leading men among the Mor- 
 mons had promised to assist them; but it is, 
 perhaps, a question, whether the purpose of 
 these leading men was not to destroy, if it 
 were in their power, all who were thus ready 
 to apostatize. 
 
 The governor attended, during his stay in 
 the city, aameeting in the “Tabernacle,” where 
 three or four thousand persons were present. 
 He was introduced by Brigham Young as goy- 
 ernor of Utah, and proceeded to address the 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 assembly, telling them that he had come to 
 vindicate the national sovereignty, and to 
 secure the supremacy of the constitution and 
 laws. The governor stated, in his letter to the 
 state department giving an account of his 
 proceedings, that “the whole manner of the 
 people was calm, betokening no consciousness 
 of having done wrong, but indicating a con- 
 viction that they had done their duty to their 
 religion and their country.” After Governor 
 Cumming had concluded, several of the Mor- 
 mons addressed the assembly, dwelling upon 
 the wrongs which they had _ suffered, and 
 charging the federal government with oppres- 
 sion. The people were greatly excited at the 
 allusions to the presence of the troops, and the 
 governor felt himself called upon to state that 
 it was not his intention to station the army in 
 immediate contact with their settlements, and 
 that the military posse would not be resorted to 
 except when other means of arrest had failed. 
 The excitement, however, was not quieted un- 
 til Brigham Young exerted his power, when all 
 was still. 
 
 While the governor was still in the city a 
 remarkable exodus of the faithful took place. 
 They went southward from all the northern 
 settlements, including Salt Lake City, — men, 
 women, and children, carrying their household 
 goods and driving their flocks. Men of prop- 
 erty, as well as the poorer sort, left their lands 
 and houses, and joined with their brethren in 
 this strange emigration. The destination of 
 these people was not known to the governor ; 
 but they always declared that they were “ going 
 south.” It was also asserted that the torch 
 would be applied to the vacated dwellings 
 upon the entrance of the troops into the set- 
 tlement. There is reason to believe that this 
 emigration was by the orders of the ecclesiasti- 
 cal authorities, whose power over their follow- 
 ers is unbounded ; and it is a question whether 
 it was intended to be a bona fide emigration, or 
 was a piece of deception practised upon both 
 
 61 
 
 the federal authorities and the deluded follow- 
 ers of the Mormon hierarchy. 
 
 Whatever was the object of this movement, 
 it was a most extraordinary one. Coming 
 from the scattered settlements, the people 
 gathered on the western shore of Lake Utah, 
 in the neighborhood of Provo, fifty miles south 
 of Salt Lake City, to the number of more than 
 thirty thousand. There, in utter poverty, living 
 in tents, wagons, and the meanest of cabins, a 
 large portion of this number suffered the 
 greatest hardships, showing by their endurance 
 of distress how strong a hold their church and 
 its rulers had upon them. ‘This endurance can 
 only be accounted for on the supposition that 
 the Mormon leaders had impressed upon these 
 people, most of whom were very ignorant and 
 credulous, that they were suffering persecution 
 on account of their religion. 
 
 The result of Governor Cumming’s sojourn 
 in Salt Lake City was, that he was convinced 
 that the Mormons were peaceably disposed, 
 that they had, indeed, been deeply injured, and 
 that they would submit to the federal authority 
 if the troops should not be quartered among 
 them. It is a little mysterious how he should 
 have been brought to such a conviction, in 
 view of the testimony of all the federal officers 
 who had been in the territory, and of what he 
 says he himself saw and heard among the 
 Mormons. Peace and quiet, however, appeared 
 to be in a degree restored by his actions and his 
 concessions; the federal authority was acknowl- 
 edged; the Mormons laid aside their arms; 
 the roads were free for the mails and _passen- 
 gers. In this aspect of affairs the governor 
 returned to General Johnston’s camp. His 
 principal trouble was, that the people of the 
 territory he had been sent out to govern were 
 leaving him but deserted houses and barren 
 fields. To prevent this departure from the 
 territory, the governor was satisfied that the 
 
 ‘only way would be, to quash the indictments 
 
 for treason which had been found against the 
 
62 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Mormon leaders, and to insure them against 
 contact with the military forces. The governor 
 had no power over the courts, although he 
 might advise such a course in relation to these 
 prosecutions. Over the movements of the 
 troops he assumed to have control, and had 
 given assurances to the Mormons on that as- 
 sumption. But General Johnston differed from 
 the governor on this point, and the civil and 
 military authorities, who, since Mr. Kane’s visit, 
 had not been very cordial in their intercourse, 
 were now decidedly at variance. 
 
 In the mean time, according to the repeated 
 suggestion of members of Congress and of the 
 press, the president appointed two peace com- 
 missioners, Mr. L. W. Powell, of Kentucky, and 
 Major Ben. MCulloch, of Texas, with instructions 
 to proceed to Utah, bearing the president’s proc- 
 lamation, offering a free and full pardon to all 
 
 the people of the territory who should submit 
 themselves to the federal government. A large 
 force was concentrating at Fort Leavenworth 
 to proceed to Utah, and to General Persifer F. 
 Smith was assigned the command of this army 
 and the forces already in Utah. The peace 
 commissioners proceeded in advance of this 
 force, and reached the army under General 
 Johnston about the first of June. The 
 nouncement of the president’s proclamation 
 there was not received with much favor, for 
 the officers and men naturally felt that they 
 
 an- 
 
 had been sent on this expedition and had en- 
 dured hardships for no purpose whatever, since 
 the offer of pardon was sent before the presi- 
 dent was aware of the state of affairs in the 
 territory. This leniency towards the men who 
 had long rebelled against the government, and 
 who were with good reason suspected of hein- 
 ous crimes, was naturally contrasted with the 
 unyielding determination to force submission on 
 the people of Kansas. It is still a question 
 whether this leniency was not extended too far 
 when it included the leaders of the Mormons. 
 
 The peace commissioners remained a few 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 days in the camp, and then proceeded with 
 Governor Cumming to Salt Lake City. There 
 were some indications that the governor feared 
 that the commissioners would not entirely co- 
 incide with his views for the pacification of the 
 territory, and it appeared that he was doubtful 
 of his own success. Besides this, the commis- 
 sioners urged General Johnston not to delay 
 his march to the city beyond the time when 
 he should be ready to advance. On reaching 
 the city they found it deserted and quiet. The 
 houses were closed and tenantless; the doors 
 and windows were boarded over; some dwell- 
 ings had been partially demolished, and others 
 had been burned. A small body of the Mor- 
 mon militia was there, and workmen were 
 engaged in demolishing the roofs of buildings 
 in the enclosure of the Temple; these, with a 
 few persons who were removing their property, 
 were the only inhabitants of the city. In a 
 day or two afterwards, the proclamation having 
 been announced, Young and other Mormon 
 leaders came from Provo, and a conference 
 commenced. The commissioners offered only 
 the presidential pardon, and gave no pledges; 
 but it was said that the governor satisfied the 
 Mormons in their demands, and promised that 
 the army should not be quartered near the 
 city, and that efforts should be made to remove 
 Judge Eckels, whose charge against polygamy 
 was altogether distasteful to the Mormons. 
 After several days and long discussions, affairs 
 were arranged, and the commissioners proceed- 
 ed to Provo to proclaim the pardon, the leaders 
 having made the required capitulation and sub- 
 mission to the federal authority. They ad- 
 dressed large audiences, exhorting the people 
 to return to their homes, assuring them that 
 the troubles were over, and that they need not 
 fear any molestation of person or property. 
 After a time the people followed this advice, 
 and most of them returned. 
 
 While the negotiations were going on the 
 army moved slowly forward into the valley 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 When they entered the city the streets were 
 deserted, the few inhabitants who had been 
 permitted to come up from Lake Utah being 
 forced into their houses by the Mormon guard, 
 before the army arrived. It had the appear- 
 ance of a conquered city, and the inhabitants 
 wore the demeanor of a conquered people. 
 After a few days’ stay in the city General 
 Johnston proceeded with the army to the place 
 selected by him for his permanent camp. This 
 was in Cedar Valley, on the western side of 
 Lake Utah, and about equidistant from Provo 
 and Salt Lake City; and it was selected with- 
 out regard to any understanding which might 
 have existed between the Mormons and Gov- 
 ernor Cumming. On their march no person or 
 property was molested, and not a field was en- 
 croached upon. 
 
 Governor Cumming’s despatch, announcing 
 the success of his first visit to Salt Lake City, 
 reached Washington a few days before the 
 adjournment of Congress, and on the 10th of 
 June the president communicated the intelli- 
 gence to the two houses, and announced that 
 there would be no necessity for making appro- 
 priations for the volunteers already authorized. 
 Subsequently the reénforcements* which had 
 not marched for Utah were otherwise disposed 
 of, and it was evident that the “Mormon war” 
 was ended. But whether all the troubles in 
 Utah were endéd was by no means certain. 
 Subsequent accounts showed a disagreement 
 between Governor Cumming and Judge Kckels 
 as well as General Johnston. How nearly 
 the Mormons had been associated with this mis- 
 understanding was not known, and what com- 
 plications might arise therefrom time only could 
 reveal. 
 
 * General Persifer F. Smith, who had been ordered to the 
 command of the Utah army, died at Fort Leavenworth on the 17th 
 of May, 1858, on the way to the scene of his duties. He was 
 sixty years of age, and had entered the regular army in 1846. He 
 served with distinction in the Mexican war, and was promoted. to 
 the rank of major-general for those services. 
 
 63 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Atlantic Telegraph. — Measures for laying the Cable. — Attempts 
 and Failures. — Success. — Popular Interest and Joy at the Re- 
 sult.— Celebrations. — Messages transmitted across the Atlan- 
 tic. — Defective Insulation. — Failure to operate. — Seminole 
 Indians removed. — Indian Troubles in New Mexico and Utah. 
 — Purchase of Mount Vernon. — Another Fillibuster Expedi- 
 tion. — Proclamation of the President. — Division of the Ad- 
 ministration Party. — Mr. Douglas. — Elections. 
 
 An event which contrasted strongly with 
 the troubles and warlike demonstrations in the 
 interior of the country, was the successful 
 laying of an electric telegraph cable across the 
 Atlantic, which was accomplished by the United 
 States steam frigate Niagara and the British 
 steam frigate Agamemnon, in July, 1858. An 
 attempt was made to lay the cable the preced- 
 ing year; but after laying down between three 
 and four hundred miles, and at a distance of 
 about two hundred and forty miles from the 
 Trish coast, the cable parted, and the work was 
 abandoned for that year. The proprietors, 
 however, were not discouraged, and with im- 
 proved machinery for “paying out” the cable, 
 and such additional precautionary measures as 
 experience suggested, a new attempt was made 
 in the month of June, 1858, the two govern- 
 
 |ments again granting the use of the national 
 
 vessels for the purpose. In the previous at- 
 tempt it was proposed to lay the cable in one 
 stretch, commencing at the Irish coast. It was 
 now proposed to splice the cable in mid-ocean, 
 and that the two ships should then part, one 
 for the coast of Newfoundland and the other 
 for the coast of Ireland. The cable manufac- 
 tured was composed of seven copper wires 
 closely connected or twined together, and pro- 
 tected by an exterior of three coats of gutta 
 percha. Outside this, again, were six strands 
 of yarn, and finally an external coating of wire, 
 making the cable eleven sixteenths of an inch 
 in diameter. Its flexibility was so great as to 
 allow of its being tied around the arm without 
 injury, and its strength such, that, if suspended 
 
64 HISTORY 
 
 vertically in water, it will bear six miles of its 
 own length before breaking. This cable we: 
 coiled in such a manner as to be easily paid 
 out as required,—one half on board the Ni- 
 agara and one half on board the Agamemnon. 
 The two frigates, with an attendant steamer 
 for each, sailed from Plymouth Sound, Eng- 
 land, on the 10th of June, for the rendezvous in 
 mid-ocean. They met with some very tem- 
 pestuous weather, and the Agamemnon, which 
 was heavily laden, was in imminent danger of 
 being lost; but on the 26th of June they suc- 
 ceeded in uniting the ends of the cable, and 
 commenced the work. When forty miles had 
 been laid the cable broke, and the vessels 
 returned for another beginning. After two or 
 three breaks, before they had fairly got under 
 way, the cable was again spliced, and the ves- 
 sels separated for the second time. They were 
 fairly under way, and encouraged by their 
 success thus far, when the cable again parted, 
 the vessels being two hundred and ninety 
 miles apart. According to previous arrange- 
 ments the vessels then sailed for Queenstown, 
 Treland. These failures were very discoura- 
 ging, and confirmed the doubts very generally 
 entertained of the practicability of laying the 
 cable. The proprietors, however, were deter- 
 mined not to abandon the attempt, and as the 
 remaining cable was considered amply suf 
 ficient, the vessels were again despatched on 
 their errand. On the 29th of July the splice 
 was successfully made in mid-ocean; and under 
 the most favorable auspices with regard to the 
 weather and the smoothness of the sea, they 
 separated, the Niagara taking her course for 
 Newfoundland, and the Agamemnon proceeding 
 to Ireland. This time no break occurred; and 
 on the 4th of August the Niagara arrived at 
 Trinity Bay, the place selected for the landing 
 of the cable at Newfoundland, and at about 
 the same time the Agamemnon arrived at the 
 Bay of Valentia, the appointed place in Ire- 
 land. 
 
 OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 In the mean time, although there was a pro- 
 found interest felt by the people of England 
 and America in the undertaking, there was a 
 general conviction that this attempt would fail, 
 like the others. It was, therefore, a somewhat 
 startling announcement which the telegraph 
 from Newfoundland conveyed to the Atlantic 
 cities, that the cable was successfully laid. The 
 story was scarcely believed ; but when it was by 
 repeated despatches confirmed, the event was 
 hailed with the greatest enthusiasm wherever 
 the electric telegraph carried the news. It 
 was celebrated at once by salutes, ringing of 
 bells, illuminations, and in various ways by 
 which the gratification of the public could be 
 expressed ; and more formal celebrations were 
 afterwards made of this event, which seemed 
 to bind together the two countries by the 
 closest ties. The achievement of this important 
 work is to be credited, in a great measure, to 
 the energy and indomitable perseverance of 
 Cyrus W. Field, a native of Massachusetts and 
 a citizen of New York, who, as manager of the 
 enterprise and one of the vice-presidents of the 
 company, had devoted his fortune and his 
 whole study and labor to the work. 
 
 The ocean cable having been connected with 
 the “shore ends,” and the instruments set up in 
 the stations, it was found that the communica- 
 tion was perfect, and that messages could be 
 transmitted, though not as rapidly as over the 
 wires on land. The first words transmitted 
 after the arrangements were complete, were, 
 “Glory to God in the highest; on earth peace ; 
 good will towards men.” A despatch from the 
 queen of Great Britain to the president of the 
 United States was then transmitted, and the 
 president’s reply was returned. These mes- 
 sages were as follows:— 
 
 The Queen’s Despatch. 
 “To THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON. 
 “The Queen desires to congratulate the Pres- 
 ident upon the successful completion of this 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 great international work, in which the Queen 
 has taken the deepest interest. 
 
 “The Queen is convinced that the President 
 will join with her in fervently hoping that the 
 electric cable, which now connects Great Britain 
 with the United States, will prove an additional 
 link between the nations, whose friendship is 
 founded upon their common interest and recip- 
 rocal esteem. 
 
 “The Queen has much pleasure in thus com- 
 municating with the President, and renewing to 
 him her wishes for the prosperity of the United 
 States.” 
 
 The President's Reply. 
 ““ WASHINGTON CITY, August 16, 1858. 
 “To Her Maszsty VICTORIA, THE QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 “The President cordially reciprocates the 
 congratulations of her majesty the Queen on 
 the success of the great international enterprise 
 accomplished by the science, skill, and indomi- 
 table energy of the two countries. 
 
 “It is a triumph more glorious, because far 
 more useful to mankind, than was ever won by 
 conqueror on the field of battle. 
 
 “ May the Atlantic telegraph, under the bless- 
 ing of Heaven, prove to be a bond of perpetual 
 peace and friendship between the kindred na- 
 tions, and an instrument destined by divine 
 Providence to diffuse religion, civilization, lib- 
 erty, and law throughout the world. 
 
 “In this view, will not all nations of Chris- 
 tendom spontaneously unite in the declaration 
 that it shall be forever neutral, and that its 
 communications shall be held sacred in passing 
 to their places of destination, even in the midst 
 of hostilities ? 
 
 “James BucHanan.” 
 
 The fact that the cable had been laid, and 
 messages transmitted, however, did not insure 
 a continuance of the successful use of the ocean 
 telegraph. The public were anticipating great 
 results, and the effects of daily communication 
 
 between Europe and America were being dis- 
 9 
 
 65 
 
 cussed, when it was announced that the tele- 
 graph had ceased to work. It appeared that a 
 very few days after the cable was laid there 
 were signs of defective insulation in some part 
 of the cable, so that the electric currents, al- 
 though still passing through the cable, were 
 not sufficiently strong to operate the instru- 
 ments for any practical purposes. The elec- 
 triclans were at fault, and various causes were 
 suggested, and experiments tried. But it was 
 found impossible to restore communication, 
 and further measures were accordingly post- 
 poned till another year. The successful laying 
 down of this cable, however, and the transmis- 
 sion of messages through it, have proved the 
 practicability of such a work, and in time it 
 must be accomplished. When it is so accom: 
 plished it will be a bond of peace between the 
 nations.* 
 
 The troubles with the remnant of the Semi- 
 nole Indians in Florida, who had been at war 
 with the whites, from time to time, for many 
 years, were finally ended in the spring of 1858. 
 The celebrated chief, known by the not very 
 high sounding name of Billy Bowlegs, consent- 
 ed, with his followers, and their women and 
 children, to leave the state and accept lands in 
 the Indian Reservation beyond the Mississippi. 
 One aged chief, more than a hundred years old, 
 and a few followers, are all the Indians now 
 remaining in Florida. ° 
 
 The Indians of New Mexico and Utah had, 
 for some time, made many hostile demonstra- 
 tions, those of the latter territory having been 
 
 * The Niagara, which had performed her peaceful work so 
 well, was afterwards commissioned for another service, not in ac- 
 cordance with the purpose for which she was constructed, A 
 slaver having been captured by the United States brig Dolphin, 
 in the Gulf of Mexico, with three hundred and eighteen slaves on 
 board, was brought into the port of Charleston, and, according to 
 law, the slaves were sent back to Africa. The Niagara was 
 ordered to this service, and the unfortunate captives were thus 
 returned as safely and comfortably as they could be. The duty 
 of the officers was a trying and unpleasant one, but it was faith- 
 fully and humanely performed. 
 
66 
 
 incited thereto, as it was supposed, by the Mor- 
 mons. The large force which was sent to 
 Utah proved to be of much use in punishing 
 the offending Indians, and securing from them 
 more peaceful conduct towards the trains of 
 the government, and of traders and emigrants. 
 In Oregon, too, the Indians had, for some time, 
 exhibited a warlike disposition, and had com- 
 mitted many outrages and murders upon the 
 settlers. Colonel Stepto, with a small force, 
 while operating against these Indians, was 
 obliged to yield to overwhelming numbers, and 
 suffered a defeat. This success had encouraged 
 the Indians to greater aggressions. A stronger 
 force of the regular army, with the militia of the 
 territory, were sent against them, and they 
 were compelled to retire from their positions 
 near the settlements. Additional forces were 
 sent from California by the general govern- 
 ment, and a detachment of the Utah army was 
 ordered to the same service, and the war was 
 carried on so effectively against the savages 
 that they were finally compelled to sue for 
 peace. 
 
 It is worthy of mention that, early in the 
 year, (1858,) after some trouble and delay, ne- 
 gotiations were concluded by which Mr. John 
 A. Washington, the proprietor of Mount Ver- 
 non, agreed to convey to the “Ladies Mount 
 Vernon Association,” incorporated by the state 
 of Virginia, two hindred acres of the estate, 
 in which are included the mansion of Mount 
 Vernon, the landing place, and the tomb of 
 Washington. The price was two hundred thou- 
 sand dollars, to be paid in instalments. It was 
 long a matter of regret, and was, indeed, a dis- 
 grace to the country, that the home and the 
 tomb of Washington was not in the possession 
 of the government, or in some way dedicated 
 to the public, and preserved with proper re- 
 spect and care. Efforts had been made to 
 have the estate purchased by Congress, but 
 unfortunately without success. A proposition 
 for the state of Virginia to purchase it was also 
 
 | Washington. 
 the ladies of Virginia was incorporated, with 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 rejected by the legislature of that state. There 
 were fears that it might fall into the hands of 
 
 parties who would speculate upon its sacred 
 
 associations and desecrate the place. Even in 
 the hands of one of the family of Washington 
 it was not wholly exempt from such desecra- 
 
 ‘tion, while it was fast going to waste and ruin, 
 
 and the proprietor declared that he was not 
 able to maintain it, place of public resort as it 
 was. At this stage it was proposed that the 
 women of the country should purchase it, and 
 make provision for maintaining it as one of 
 
 ithe most hallowed spots in the land, to be 
 
 visited in all coming time by citizen and stran- 
 ger, and sacred always to the memory of 
 Accordingly an association of 
 
 agents in each of the other states. Negotia- 
 tions were entered into with the proprietor, 
 which resulted in the purchase, as above stated. 
 Active measures were taken to obtain the 
 required sum, and with such success as to 
 enable them to anticipate some of the pay- 
 ments. Among those who labored to secure 
 the accomplishment of this sacred purpose was 
 Hon. Edward Everett, who in all parts of the 
 country delivered an able and eloquent oration 
 on Washington, attracting large numbers who 
 thus aided in the purchase. Nearly or quite 
 half of the sum required was thus obtained 
 through the devoted labors of Mr. Everett. 
 Walker, whose illegal and piratical expedition 
 to Nicaragua had been suddenly and very ef- 
 fectually ended by the action of Commodore 
 Paulding, was not disposed to let his efforts 
 stop at that point. When set at liberty in the 
 United States he immediately began his plans 
 for another similar expedition, being deter- 
 mined, if possible, to reinstate himself in Nic- 
 aragua, where he had at first been so successful. 
 It was, of course, a work of time to get up 
 such an expedition, and to procure the neces- 
 sary funds for so doing; but at last, Walker 
 thought that he had prepared the prelimina- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ries, and, in the autumn of 1858, publicly an- 
 nounced that such an expedition was in prep- 
 aration. The president, therefore, deemed it 
 necessary to issue a proclamation, in which he 
 stated that, “One of the leaders of a former 
 illegal expedition, who has been already twice 
 expelled from Nicaragua, has invited, through 
 the public newspapers, American citizens to 
 emigrate to that republic, and has designated 
 Mobile as the place of rendezvous and depart- 
 ure, and San Juan del Norte as the port to 
 which they are bound. This person, who has 
 renounced his allegiance to the United States, 
 and claims to be president of Nicaragua, has 
 given notice to the collector of the port of 
 Mobile that two or three hundred’of these emi- 
 grants will be prepared to embark from that 
 port about the middle of November. For 
 these and other good reasons, and for the pur- 
 pose of saving American citizens who may 
 have been honestly deluded into the belief 
 that they are about to proceed to Nicaragua 
 as peaceful emigrants,—if any such there be,— 
 I, James Buchanan, President of the United 
 States, have thought fit to issue this my proc- 
 lamation, enjoining upon all officers of the gov- 
 ernment, civil and military, in their respective 
 spheres, to be vigilant, active, and faithful in 
 suppressing these illegal enterprises.” * 
 
 The policy of the administration, as time 
 had developed it, especially in relation to the 
 affairs of Kansas, had not strengthened it with 
 the people. In the thirty-fifth Congress there 
 was a strong majority of the administration 
 party in both houses. But the Kansas ques- 
 tion had caused a division in the party both in 
 
 * Walker persisted in his scheme, and with a small number of 
 followers proceeded to Nicaragua, where he was taken prisoner 
 and shot. Most of his followers were released. 
 
 67 
 
 Congress and out of it, and more especially in 
 Pennsylvania, the president's own state. In 
 Congress Mr. Douglas was the leader of the 
 disaffected members of the party, and the ar- 
 dent supporters of the administration attacked 
 him with great bitterness. It appeared for a 
 time that he must abandon the Democratic 
 party or be driven out of it. Mr. Douglas, 
 however, was not disposed either to withdraw 
 or to be forced out of the party. He took his 
 position boldly, and maintained it with skill and 
 ability, appealing to the people of his state to 
 support him. There he was opposed by the 
 administration Democrats and by the Repub- 
 licans. The former, however, dwindled away 
 as the election approached, and fell into the 
 ranks of the supporters of Mr. Douglas. After 
 a most exciting and hard-fought canvass, the 
 friends of Mr. Douglas succeeded in electing a 
 majority of the legislature, and thus secured 
 his reélection to the senate. 
 
 In many of the other states where elections 
 for members of Congress took place, in the 
 autumn of 1858, the administration suffered 
 losses. In Pennsylvania, where the Democrats 
 who opposed the president’s Kansas policy had 
 taken a more decided position than elsewhere, 
 under the lead of Mr. Forney, formerly one of 
 the most earnest friends of the president, the 
 opposition elected a large majority of the 
 members of Congress, besides carrying the 
 state government. The defeat of the adminis- 
 tration in these elections showed the unpopu- 
 larity of the policy of the administration among 
 its own friends in the free states. The fall 
 elections indicated an opposition majority in 
 the house of representatives of the next Con- 
 gress, if not an actual Republican majority; the 
 senate remaining nearly the same as before. 
 
68 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Second Session of Thirty-fifth Congress. — President’s Message. 
 — Cuba. — Mexico. — Central America. — Pacific Railroad. — 
 Finances. — Mr. Slidell’s Proposition. — Post Office. — Mr. 
 Holt. — Failure of Measures before Congress. 
 
 Tur second session of the thirty-fifth Con- 
 gress commenced on the 6th of December, 1858. 
 The President’s message was communicated to 
 the two houses without delay. It contained 
 the usual summary of the domestic condition 
 and the foreign relations of the country. There 
 was no topic of absorbing interest to occupy 
 the attention of the public. The Kansas ques- 
 tion had been settled for the time being, and 
 the Utah affair was so far disposed of as to ex- 
 cite but little interest. The president in his 
 message reviewed these matters at some length, 
 and congratulated the country upon their set- 
 tlement. But, as if to have some question to 
 occupy the attention of the country, he again 
 suggests the acquisition of Cuba, and under 
 certain contingencies the occupation of Mexican 
 territory by an armed force, as a means of secur- 
 ing redress for injuries, and the settlement of 
 claims due to our citizens. 
 
 In relation to Cuba, after complaining of the 
 wrongs and injuries suffered at the hands of 
 Spanish officials, and the difficulty of obtaining 
 redress, the president used the following lan- 
 guage: — 
 
 “The truth is, that Cuba, in its existing 
 colonial condition, is a constant source of injury 
 and annoyance to the American people. It is 
 the only spot in the civilized world where the 
 African slave trade is tolerated; and we are 
 bound by treaty with Great Britain to maintain 
 a naval force on the coast of Africa, at much 
 expense both of life and treasure, solely for 
 the purpose of arresting slavers bound to that 
 island. The late serious difficulties between 
 the United States and Great Britain respecting 
 the right of search, now so happily terminated, 
 could never have arisen if Cuba had not afforded 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 a market for slaves. As long as this market 
 shall remain open, there can be no hope for the 
 civilization of benighted Africa. Whilst the 
 demand for slaves continues in Cuba, wars will 
 be waged among the petty and barbarous chiefs 
 in Africa for the purpose of seizing subjects to 
 supply this trade. In such a condition of affairs, 
 it is impossible that the light of civilization 
 
 and religion can ever penetrate these dark 
 
 abodes. 
 
 “It has been made known to the world by my 
 predecessors that the United States have, on 
 several occasions, endeavored to acquire Cuba 
 from Spain by honorable negotiation. If this 
 were accomplished, the last relic of the African 
 slave trade would instantly disappear. We 
 would not, if we could, acquire Cuba in any 
 other manner. This is due to our national 
 character. All the territory which we have 
 acquired since the origin of the government has 
 been by fair purchase from France, Spain, and 
 Mexico, or by the free and voluntary act of the 
 independent state of Texas in blending her 
 destinies with our own. This course we shall 
 ever pursue, unless circumstances should occur, 
 which we do not now anticipate, rendering a de- 
 parture from it clearly justifiable, under the im- 
 perative and overruling law of self-preservation. 
 
 “The Island of Cuba, from its geographical 
 position, commands the mouth of the Missis- 
 sippi, and the immense and annually increasing 
 trade, foreign and coastwise, from the valley 
 of that noble river, now embracing half the 
 sovereign states of the Union. With that 
 island under the dominion of a distant foreign 
 power, this trade, of vital importance to these 
 states, is exposed to the danger of being de- 
 stroyed in time of war, and it has hitherto been 
 subjected to perpetual injury and annoyance in 
 time of peace. Our relations with Spain, which 
 ought to be of the most friendly character, 
 must always be placed in jeopardy, whilst the 
 existing colonial government over the island 
 shall remain in its present condition. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “Whilst the possession of the island would 
 be of vast importance to the United States, its 
 value to Spain is, comparatively, unimportant. 
 Such was the relative situation of the parties 
 when the great Napoleon transferred Louisiana 
 to the United States. Jealous, as he ever was, 
 of the national honor and interests of France, 
 no person throughout the world has imputed 
 blame to him for accepting a pecuniary equiva- 
 lent for this cession. 
 
 “The publicity which has been given to our 
 former negotiations upon this subject, and the 
 large appropriation which may be required to 
 effect the purpose, render it expedient, before 
 making another attempt to renew the negotia- 
 tion, that I should lay the whole subject before 
 Congress. This is especially necessary, as it 
 may become indispensable to success, that I 
 should be intrusted with the means of making 
 an advance to the Spanish government im- 
 mediately after the signing of the treaty, with- 
 out awaiting the ratification of it by the senate. 
 I am encouraged to make this suggestion by 
 the example of Mr. Jefferson, previous to the 
 purchase of Louisiana from France, and by that 
 of Mr. Polk, in view of the acquisition of terri- 
 tory from Mexico. I refer the whole subject to 
 Congress, and commend it to their careful con- 
 sideration.” 
 
 On affairs in Mexico, after a brief review of 
 the chronic unhappy condition of that country, 
 and of the claims of American citizens against 
 its government, the message proceeds : — 
 
 “Our late minister was furnished with ample 
 powers and instructions for the adjustment of 
 all pending questions with the central govern- 
 ment of Mexico, and he performed his duty 
 with zeal and ability. The claims of our citi- 
 zens, some of them arising out of the viola- 
 tion of an express provision of the treaty of 
 Guadalupe Hidalgo, and others from gross 
 injuries to persons as well as property, have re- 
 mained unredressed, and even unnoticed. Re- 
 monstrances against these grievances have been 
 
 69 
 
 addressed, without effect, to that government. 
 Meantime, in various parts of the republic, 
 instances have been numerous of the murder, 
 imprisonment, and plunder of our citizens by 
 different parties claiming and exercising a local 
 jurisdiction ; but the central government, al- 
 though repeatedly urged thereto, have made 
 no eflort either to punish the authors of these 
 outrages or to prevent their recurrence. No 
 American citizen can now visit Mexico on law- 
 ful business without imminent danger to his 
 person and property. There is no adequate 
 protection to either; and in this respect our 
 treaty with that republic is almost a dead 
 letter. 
 
 “This state of affairs was brought to a crisis 
 in May last by the promulgation of a decree 
 levying a contribution pro rata upon all the 
 capital in the republic, between certain specified 
 amounts, whether held by Mexicans or foreign- 
 ers. Mr. Forsyth, regarding this decree in the 
 light of a ‘forced loan, formally protested 
 against its application to his countrymen, and 
 advised them not to pay the contribution, but 
 to suffer it to be forcibly exacted. Acting upon 
 this advice, an American citizen refused to pay 
 the contribution, and his property was seized 
 by armed men to satisfy the amount. Not 
 content with this, the government proceeded 
 still farther, and issued a decree banishing him 
 from the country. Our minister immediately, 
 notified them that, if this decree should be 
 carried into execution, he would feel it to be 
 his duty to adopt ‘the most decided measures 
 that belong to the powers and obligations of 
 the representative office. Notwithstanding this 
 warning, the banishment was enforced, and Mr. 
 Forsyth promptly announced to the govern- 
 ment the suspension of the political relations 
 of his legation with them, until the pleasure of 
 his own government should be ascertained. 
 
 “'This government did not regard the contri- 
 bution imposed by the decree of the loth May 
 last to be in strictness a ‘forced loan, and as 
 
70 
 
 such prohibited by the 10th article of the treaty 
 of 1826 between Great Britain and Mexico, to 
 the benefits of which American citizens are 
 entitled by treaty; yet the imposition of the 
 contribution upon foreigners was considered an 
 unjust and oppressive measure. Besides, inter- 
 nal factions in other parts of the republic were 
 at the same time levying similar exactions upon 
 the property of our citizens and interrupting 
 their commerce. There had been an entire 
 failure on the part of our minister to secure 
 redress for the wrongs which our citizens had 
 endured, notwithstanding his persevering ef- 
 forts. And from the temper manifested by the 
 Mexican government he had repeatedly assured 
 us that no favorable change.could be expected 
 until the United States should ‘give striking 
 evidence of their will and power to protect 
 their citizens, and that ‘severe chastening is 
 the only earthly remedy for our grievances, 
 From this statement of facts, it would have 
 been worse than idle to direct Mr. Forsyth to 
 retrace his steps and resume diplomatic rela- 
 tions with that government; and it was there- 
 fore deemed proper to sanction his withdrawal 
 of the legation from the city of Mexico. 
 
 “ Abundant cause now undoubtedly exists for 
 a resort to hostilities against the government 
 still holding possession of the capital. Should 
 they succeed in subduing the constitutional 
 
 forces, all reasonable hope will then have ex- 
 pired of a peaceful settlement of our diffi- 
 culties. 
 
 “ On the other hand, should the constitutional 
 party prevail, and their authority be established 
 over the republic, there is reason to hope that 
 they will be animated by a less unfriendly 
 spirit, and may grant that redress to American 
 citizens which justice requires, so far as they 
 may possess the means. But for this expecta- 
 tion I should at once have recommended to 
 Congress to grant the necessary power to the 
 president to take possession of a sufficient por- 
 
 tion of the remote and unsettled territory of || 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Mexico, to be held in pledge until our injuries 
 shall be redressed and our just demands be 
 satisfied. We have already exhausted every 
 milder means of obtaining justice. In such a 
 case this remedy of reprisals is recognized by 
 the law of nations, not only as just in itself, but 
 as a means of preventing actual war. 
 
 “But there is another view of our relations 
 with Mexico, arising from the unhappy condi- 
 tion of affairs along our south-western frontier, 
 which demands immediate action. In that re- 
 mote region, where there are but few white 
 inhabitants, large bands of hostile and predatory 
 Indians roam promiscuously over the Mexican 
 states of Chihuahua and Sonora, and our ad- 
 joining territories. The local governments of 
 these states are perfectly helpless, and are kept 
 in a state of constant alarm by the Indians. 
 They have not the power, if they possessed the 
 will, even to restrain lawless Mexicans from 
 passing the border and committing depredations 
 on our remote settlers. A state of anarchy and 
 violence prevails throughout that distant fron- 
 tier. The laws are a dead letter, and life and 
 property wholly insecure. For this reason the 
 settlement of Arizona is arrested, whilst it is of 
 great importance that a chain of inhabitants 
 should extend all along its southern border, 
 sufficient for their own protection, and that of 
 the United States mail passing to and from 
 California. Well-founded apprehensions are 
 now entertained, that the Indians, and wander- 
 ing Mexicans equally lawless, may break up the 
 important stage and postal communication re- 
 cently established between our Atlantic and 
 Pacific possessions. This passes very near to 
 the Mexican boundary throughout the whole 
 length of Arizona. J can imagine no possible 
 remedy for these evils, and no mode of restor- 
 ing law and order on that remote and unsettled 
 frontier, but for the government of the United 
 States to assume a temporary protectorate over 
 the northern portions of Chihuahua and Sonora, 
 and to establish military posts within the same ; 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and this I earnestly recommend to Congress. 
 This protection may be withdrawn as soon as 
 local governments shall be established in these 
 Mexican States, capable of performing their 
 duties to the United States, restraining the law- 
 less, and preserving peace along the border. 
 
 “JT do not doubt that this measure will be 
 viewed in a friendly spirit by the governments 
 and people of Chihuahua and Sonora, as it will 
 prove equally effectual for the protection of 
 their citizens on that remote and lawless frontier, 
 as for citizens of the United States.” 
 
 Troubles in Central America were also spoken 
 of at some length, as requiring attention. Of 
 these the president thus spoke : — 
 
 “The political condition of the narrow isth- 
 mus of Central America, through which transit 
 routes pass between the Atlantic and Pacific 
 oceans, presents a subject of deep interest to all 
 commercial nations. It is over these transits 
 that a large proportion of the trade and travel 
 between the European and Asiatic continents 
 is destined to pass. To the United States these 
 routes are of incalculable importance as a means 
 of communication between their Atlantic and 
 Pacific possessions. .The latter now extend 
 throughout seventeen degrees of latitude on 
 the Pacific coast, embracing the important state 
 of California and the flourishing territories of 
 Oregon and Washington. All commercial na- 
 tions, therefore, have a deep and direct interest 
 that these communications shall be rendered 
 secure from interruption. If an arm of the sea 
 connecting the two oceans penetrated through 
 Nicaragua and Costa Rica, it could not be pre- 
 tended that these states would have the right 
 to arrest or retard its navigation, to the injury 
 of other nations. The transit by land over 
 this narrow isthmus occupies nearly the same 
 position. It is a highway in which they them- 
 selves have little interest when compared with 
 the vast interests of the rest of the world. 
 Whilst their rights of sovereignty ought to be 
 respected, it is the duty of other nations to 
 
 71 
 
 require that this important passage shall not be 
 interrupted by the civil wars and revolutionary 
 outbreaks which have so frequently occurred 
 in that region. The stake is too important to 
 be left at the mercy of rival companies claim- 
 ing to hold conflicting contracts with Nicaragua. 
 The commerce of other nations is not to stand 
 still and await the adjustment of such petty 
 controversies. The government of the United 
 States expect no more than this, and they will 
 not be satisfied with less. They would not, if 
 they could, derive any advantage from the 
 Nicaragua transit not common to the rest of the 
 world. Its neutrality and protection for the 
 common use of all nations is their only object. 
 They have no objection that Nicaragua shall 
 demand and receive a fair compensation from 
 the companies and individuals who may trav- 
 erse the route; but they insist that it shall 
 never hereafter be closed by an arbitrary decree 
 of that government. If disputes arise between 
 it and those with whom they may have entered 
 into contracts, these must be adjusted by some 
 fair tribunal provided for the purpose, and the 
 route must not be closed pending the contro- 
 versy. This is our whole policy, and it cannot 
 fail to be acceptable to other nations. 
 
 “ All these difficulties might be avoided, if, 
 consistently with the good faith of Nicaragua, 
 the use of this transit could be thrown open to 
 general competition; providing at the same 
 time for the payment of a reasonable rate to 
 the Nicaraguan government on passengers and 
 freight. 
 
 “In August, 1852, the Accessory Transit 
 Company made its first interoceanic trip over 
 the Nicaraguan route, and continued in success- 
 ful operation, with great advantage to the pub- 
 lic, until the 18th February, 1856, when it was 
 closed, and the grant to this company, as well as 
 its charter, was summarily and arbitrarily re- 
 voked by the government of President Rivas. 
 Previous to this date, however, in 1854, serious 
 disputes concerning the settlement of their 
 
72 
 
 accounts had arisen between the company and 
 the government, threatening the interruption 
 of the route at any moment. These the United 
 States in vain endeavored to compose. It 
 would be useless to narrate the various pro- 
 ceedings which took place between the parties 
 up till the time when the transit was discon- 
 tinued. Suffice it to say that, since February, 
 1856, it has remained closed, greatly to the 
 prejudice of citizens of the United States. 
 Since that time the competition has ceased be- 
 tween the rival routes of Panama and Nicaragua, 
 and in consequence thereof, an unjust and un- 
 reasonable amount has been exacted from our 
 citizens for their passage to and from California. 
 
 “A treaty was signed on the 16th day of 
 November, 1857, by the secretary of state and 
 minister of Nicaragua, under the stipulations 
 of which the use and protection of the transit 
 route would have been secured not only to the 
 United States, but equally to all other nations. 
 How and on what pretext this treaty has failed 
 to receive the ratification of the Nicaraguan 
 government, will appear by the papers here- 
 with communicated from the state department. 
 The principal objection seems to have been to 
 the provision authorizing the United States to 
 employ force to keep the route open, in case 
 Nicaragua should fail to perform her duty in 
 this respect. From the feebleness of that re- 
 public, its frequent changes of government, and 
 its constant internal dissensions, this had become 
 a most important stipulation, and one essentially 
 necessary, not only for the security of the route, 
 but for the safety of American citizens passing 
 and repassing to and from our Pacific posses- 
 sions. Were such a stipulation embraced in a 
 treaty between the United States and Nicara- 
 gua, the knowledge of this fact would of itself 
 most probably prevent hostile parties from com- 
 mitting aggressions on the route, and render 
 our actual interference for its protection un- 
 necessary. 
 
 «The executive government of this country, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED: STATES: 
 
 in its intercourse with foreign nations, is limited 
 to the employment of diplomacy alone. When 
 this fails it can proceed no farther. It cannot 
 legitimately resort to force without the direct 
 authority of Congress, except in resisting and 
 repelling hostile attacks. It would have no 
 authority to enter the territories of Nicaragua, 
 even to prevent the destruction of the transit, 
 and protect the lives and property of our own 
 citizens on their passage. It is true, that on a 
 sudden emergency of this character, the presi- 
 dent would direct any armed force in the 
 vicinity to march to their relief; but in doing 
 this he would act upon his own responsibility. 
 
 “Under these circumstances, I earnestly rec- 
 ommend to Congress the passage of an act 
 authorizing the president, under such restric- 
 tions as they may deem proper, to employ the 
 land and naval forces of the United States in 
 preventing the transit from being obstructed or 
 closed by lawless violence, and in protecting 
 the lives and property of American citizens 
 travelling thereupon, requiring at the same time 
 that these forces shall be withdrawn the moment 
 the danger shall have passed away. Without 
 such a provision our citizens will be constantly 
 exposed to interruption in their progress, and 
 to lawless violence. 
 
 “ A similar necessity exists for the passage of 
 such an act for the protection of the Panama 
 and ‘Tehuantepec routes. . ‘ 
 
 “The injuries which have been inflicted upon 
 our citizens in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, dur- 
 ing the last two or three years, have received 
 the prompt attention of this government. Some 
 of these injuries were of the most aggravated 
 character. The transaction at Virgin Bay, in 
 April, 1856, when a company of unarmed 
 Americans, who were in no way connected with 
 any belligerent conduct or party, were fired 
 upon by the troops of Costa Rica, and numbers 
 of them killed and wounded, was brought to 
 the knowledge of Congress by my predecessor 
 soon after its occurrence, and was also presented 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to the government of Costa Rica for that im- 
 mediate investigation and redress which the 
 nature of the case demanded. A similar course 
 was pursued with reference to other outrages 
 in these countries, some of which were hardly 
 less aggravated in their character than the 
 transaction at Virgin Bay. At the time, how- 
 ever, when our present minister to Nicaragua 
 was appointed, in December, 1857, no redress 
 had been obtained for any of these wrongs, 
 and no reply even had been received to the 
 demands which had been made by this govern- 
 ment upon that of Costa Rica more than a year 
 before. Our minister was instructed, therefore, 
 to lose no time in expressing to those govern- 
 ments the deep regret with which the president 
 had witnessed this inattention to the just claims 
 of the United States, and in demanding their 
 prompt and satisfactory adjustment. Unless 
 this demand shall be complied with at an early 
 day, it will only remain for this government to 
 adopt such other measures as may be necessary, 
 in order to obtain for itself that justice which 
 it has in vain attempted to secure by peaceful 
 means from the governments of Nicaragua and 
 Costa Rica. While it has shown, and will con- 
 tinue to show, the most sincere regard for 
 the rights and honor of these republics, it 
 cannot permit this regard to be met by an 
 utter neglect, on their part, of what is due to 
 the government and citizens of the United 
 States.” 
 
 In this review of the relations of the United 
 States with the countries lying immediately 
 south, and the proposed means of settling diffi- 
 culties, one cannot but feel that while we may 
 have been unfortunate in our neighbors in that 
 particular direction, there were a desire and a 
 policy on the part of some of our people and 
 the government to take advantage of such com- 
 plaints to extend our territory. The acquisi- 
 tion of Cuba, a part or the whole of Mexico, 
 and eventually of Central America, would cer- 
 
 tainly secure to the south that preponderance 
 10 
 
 73 
 
 which the former increase of territory had 
 failed to realize for it. 
 
 The financial crisis of 1857 was noticed at 
 some length in the message, and some sugges- 
 tions were made with a view to guard against 
 panics in the commercial world. The state of 
 the finances of the country was not very flat- 
 tering, the public debt having increased to 
 nearly fifty-five millions, and the treasury at 
 the close of the fiscal year showing a deficit, 
 notwithstanding the issue of twenty millions of 
 treasury notes. 
 
 The other matters discussed in the message 
 were of little interest, except the Pacific Rail- 
 road, the construction of which by private 
 capital, or companies incorporated by states, 
 with the aid of government, was advocated as 
 a measure of importance. 
 
 The construction of this railroad was early 
 in the session the subject of interesting debates 
 in the senate, most of the leading members 
 taking a part in them. The expediency, and 
 even necessity, of such a road were generally 
 admitted, but there was a diversity of opinion 
 as to the route to be adopted, and by whom 
 it should be constructed. Southern men de- 
 manded a southern route ; northern men desired 
 a northern or a central route; and there were 
 some who favored two or more lines, which 
 should satisfy the desires of both sections. 
 
 Mr. Seward, among others, made an able and 
 elaborate speech, in which he advocated the 
 construction of a railroad from the western 
 borders of Missouri, by the most direct and 
 feasible route, to San Francisco, adopting a line 
 which would be a continuation of the route of 
 our great north-western emigration. He urged 
 the immediate construction of the road, on the 
 grounds of public policy, by the government 
 itself. His own plan would be to discard all 
 employment of companies and grants of public 
 lands, and to build the road as a military, postal, 
 and national highway, with the money and 
 credit of the federal government, giving the 
 
74 
 
 lands along the route to actual settlers. The 
 road was wanted for political and military pur- 
 poses; commerce was a mere adjunct. If such 
 means of communication were not provided, 
 the Atlantic and Pacific states would not always 
 remain united; and the action of Congress 
 would determine whether Washington should 
 remain the capital of the whole United States, 
 or only of the United States of the Atlantic, 
 while the city of Mexico should become the 
 capital of the United States of the Pacific. 
 
 Mr. Iverson, of Georgia, desired that the com- 
 mittee should be instructed to report two routes, 
 a northern and a southern one. He beheved the 
 dissolution of the Uimon to be at hand, and was un- 
 willing to vote money and lands for a road 
 which was sure to be located outside of the 
 south; but he wished to have a route which 
 should aid that section while in the Union, and 
 belong to it when out. 
 
 Mr. Bigler advocated the construction of the 
 road as a military measure, and preferred a 
 central route. Were a war to break out with 
 a great maritime power, without this means 
 of concentrating our forces, California would 
 speedily be cut off from communication with 
 the Atlantic states. Six months of such a war 
 might cost more than such a railroad. With 
 this road, what power would be strong enough 
 to meet us on the Pacific? Without it, what 
 power would be too weak to annoy us there? 
 He could see little difference between the con- 
 struction of such a work and the erection of 
 forts to defend the commercial cities of the 
 seaboard. Three or four hundred millions of 
 dollars would, if required, be voted for the 
 purchase of Cuba, and why should not a grant 
 of public lands be made for the protection of 
 California, Washington, and Oregon ? 
 
 Many other members of the senate advocated 
 the construction of such a railroad, but the great 
 diversity of opinion as to the line to be taken, 
 and the policy to be adopted for its construc- 
 tion, and the numerous projects, differing in 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 detail, which were proposed, prevented Congress 
 from arriving at any conclusion upon this im- 
 portant measure, the necessity for which is each 
 year demonstrated. After a long discussion, 
 the only result was the passage of a resolution 
 that the secretary of the interior be authorized 
 to advertise for proposals for building the road 
 upon three lines—the northern, central, and 
 southern. The bill for the construction of the 
 road was thus defeated, and the measure wholly 
 failed. 
 
 On the subject of the acquisition of Cuba, 
 Mr. Slidell presented an elaborate report, setting 
 forth the reasons for such acquisition, among 
 which were the increase of our national secu- 
 rity, the practical abolition of the slave trade, 
 and the consequent relief from maintaining a 
 squadron on the coast of Africa, the suppres- 
 sion of the cooly trade, so far as the West 
 Indies were concerned, and the commercial ad- 
 vantages to be derived from the possession of 
 the island. ‘The mode of acquisition proposed 
 was by purchase, and the sum estimated as 
 sufficient for the purpose was one hundred and 
 twenty millions of dollars. Accompanying the 
 report was a bill, which, after setting forth ina 
 preamble the reasons therefor, provided “ that 
 thirty millions of dollars be placed in the presi- 
 dent’s hands for expenditure, either from cash in 
 the treasury, or to be borrowed on five per cent. 
 bonds of one thousand dollars each, redeemable 
 in from twelve to twenty years.” This bill, 
 with the various amendments and substitutes 
 which were proposed, occupied the attention 
 of the senate for some time; but it being evi- 
 dent that the measure could not become a law 
 at that session of Congress, a test vote was had 
 on laying the bill on the table, when it appeared 
 that thirty senators sustained the measure, and 
 seventeen opposed it. Mr. Broderick,* of Calli- 
 
 * During the recess of Congress, and after the election in Cali- 
 fornia, Mr. Broderick was killed in a duel with Judge Terry, of 
 that_state. Mr. Broderick’s political course had created many 
 enemies in his own party, and it was quite generally asserted 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 fornia, was the only Democratic senator who 
 voted with the Republicans to lay the bill on the 
 table. The session was so near its close that 
 the bill could not be acted upon in the house, 
 and it was withdrawn. 
 
 The 4th of March came before Congress 
 had passed upon the various subjects before 
 them, and with the exception of the principal 
 appropriation bills, and the admission of Oregon 
 as a state, little had been done. The latter 
 measure had passed the senate at the previous 
 session, and, after considerable opposition in the 
 house, was agreed to in that branch. On the 
 last day of the session the president sent a 
 message to Congress appealing to them to pre- 
 serve the public credit by making some pro- 
 
 vision for the deficit in the treasury, for which 
 To provide for) 
 
 nothing had yet been done. 
 this exigency at the last moment, a provision 
 
 was attached to one of the appropriation bills) 
 
 for the issue of treasury notes to the amount 
 of twenty millions of dollars. The credit of the 
 government was thus saved by increasing the 
 public debt. 
 
 Among the measures which failed was the 
 appropriation for the post office department. 
 This was the result of a disagreement between 
 the two houses, which had not been settled 
 when the session terminated. It threatened to 
 derange and materially to curtail the mail 
 facilities of the country. There was a large 
 deficiency, which should have been provided for, 
 and was constantly increasing ; and this, it was 
 feared, might bring the department to a stand 
 in some of its arrangements. A special session 
 of Congress was contemplated, but this was 
 finally avoided. ‘The postmaster-general, Aaron 
 Vail Brown, died on the 8th of March, and he 
 
 that there was a concerted plan to force him into one or more 
 duels for the purpose of killing him. The canvass in California 
 was very bitter, and this duel was the consequence of language 
 used init. It was also said that Mr. Broderick, when he left 
 Washington, was impressed with the idea that he should never 
 be permitted by his enemies to return. 
 
 ‘attention. 
 
 75 
 
 was succeeded by Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, 
 previously commissioner of patents. Mr. Holt 
 was a man of ability, energy, and great admin- 
 istrative talent, and he determined to carry on 
 the department without the necessary provision 
 as far as he was able. 
 
 Of the other measures of importance which 
 failed, were a bill granting pensions to those 
 engaged in the war of 1812, and a bill granting 
 homesteads to actual settlers on the public do- 
 main, which, having passed the house, were lost 
 in the senate. A bill giving large quantities 
 of the public lands to the several states and 
 territories for the purpose of establishing agri- 
 cultural colleges, was vetoed by the president. 
 
 it is worthy of mention that the extension 
 of the Capitol, which had been in progress for 
 some years, was sufficiently advanced for Con- 
 gress to occupy the new halls intended for their 
 use. Upon taking leave of the old senate 
 chamber, interesting speeches were made, recall- 
 ing the scenes of former years, and recollections 
 of the illustrious men who had rendered the 
 place sacred by their eloquence. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 State of Political Feeling. — Policy of the Opposition or Republi 
 can Party. — Northern Sentiments. — Southern Sentiments. — 
 Reopening of the African Slave Trade. — Protest of the Grand 
 Jury at Savannah against the Law for the Punishment of Parties 
 engaged in the Slave Trade. — Speech of A. H. Stephens. — 
 R. Barnwell Rhett. — Jefferson Davis. — Issues for the Presi- 
 dential Election. — Mr. Douglas. 
 
 Arter the adjournment of Congress there 
 was little of political importance to occupy the 
 attention of the country. Great issues were in 
 abeyance for a time, there being no practical 
 question or measure, in which they were in- 
 volved, immediately before the public. Affairs 
 in Kurope were assuming such an aspect, too, 
 and threatened so serious and general a war, 
 that our domestic concerns absorbed less of 
 But as it was the year preceding 
 
76 
 
 the next presidential canvass, the hopes and 
 expectations of some were naturally turned in 
 that direction, and there were some indications 
 of the issues which would be shaped by the 
 policy of the contending parties, and by the 
 progress of public opinion. A glance at some 
 of these may aid in a better appreciation of 
 succeeding events. 
 
 The policy of the opposition, or Republican 
 party, was well defined on the great issue which 
 had brought it into existence. 
 political organization against the further exten- 
 sion of slavery, and the power and influence of 
 slavery in the federal government, with a gen- 
 eral advocacy of the interests of free labor in 
 its various branches of agriculture, manufac- 
 tures,and commerce. It was not an aggressive 
 policy, for the origin of the party itself was 
 defensive. During this year, as in the preced- 
 ing autumn, the Republicans succeeded in elect- 
 ing their candidates in many of the northern 
 states, and in the canvass the policy and princi- 
 ples of their party appear to have been dis- 
 tinctly and quite uniformly stated. Governor 
 Goodwin, of New Hampshire, who was elected 
 by this party, in his message to the legislature, 
 used language which is an index of the feeling 
 of the party at that time, and of the repeated 
 declarations of its public men in all the north- 
 ern states. “ New Hampshire,” he said, “ yields 
 to no state in her adherence to the Federal 
 Union and the constitution, and her people will 
 never tolerate the doctrines of nullification, or 
 the idea of a dissolution of this confederacy ; 
 but while she allows to all other states their 
 rights, she will maintain hers. She will never 
 meddle with the domestic institutions of her 
 sister states, but is bound to prevent the exten- 
 sion of slavery over territory now free.” Simi- 
 lar opinions were expressed by the governors 
 of other northern states, and were reaffirmed 
 at the conventions of the Republican party. 
 
 On the other hand the sentiments and policy 
 of the south were declared with equal freedom, 
 
 It was simply, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 and the issues for the coming national contest 
 were there being more definitely shaped. The 
 further recognition and protection of slavery 
 under the federal government, both in the terri- 
 tories and in relations between the states, were 
 insisted upon as a right; and the reopening of the 
 slave trade, which had been discussed for some 
 years, now found more numerous advocates. One 
 or more ship loads of slaves had been brought 
 from Africa and landed on the southern coast. 
 One vessel was seized and condemned after hav- 
 ing landed its load of slaves; but the officers 
 and owners were not brought to punishment 
 under the law, because of the sentiment which 
 prevailed at the south, in opposition to a statute 
 that condemned the slave trade as piracy, if not 
 absolutely in favor of the trade itself. The 
 grand jury at Savannah found bills against the 
 parties charged with the offence, as by their 
 oaths they were bound to do, but they at the 
 same time protested against being compelled to 
 do so. 
 
 This protest exhibits the change which south- 
 ern sentiment had undergone in respect to this 
 subject, and the new demands which were to be 
 made upon Congress to remove the stigma 
 which had been attached to the African slave 
 trade. “We feel humbled,” it states, “as men, 
 in the consciousness that we are freemen but in 
 name, and that we are living, during the exist- 
 ence of such laws, under a tyranny as supreme 
 as that of the despotic governments of the old 
 world. Heretofore the people of the south, 
 firm in their consciousness of right and strength, 
 have failed to place the stamp of condemnation 
 upon such laws as reflect upon the institution 
 of slavery, but have permitted, unrebuked, the 
 influence of foreign opinion to prevail in their 
 support. Longer to yield to a sickly sentiment 
 of pretended philanthropy and diseased mental 
 aberration of ‘higher law’ fanatics, the ten- 
 dency of which is to debase us in the estima- 
 tion of civilized nations, is weak and unwise. - 
 Regarding all such laws as tending to encourage 
 
PRESIDENT’S BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 77 
 
 such results, and consequently as baneful in 
 their effects, we unhesitatingly advocate the 
 repeal of all laws which directly or indirectly 
 condemn this institution, and those who have 
 inherited or maintain it, and think it the duty 
 of the southern people to require their legisla- 
 tors to unite their efforts for the accomplish- 
 ment of this object.” 
 
 About the same time the “Southern Commer- 
 cial Convention,” which from time to time had 
 met to discuss the policy which should promote 
 the commercial interests of the south, assembled 
 at Vicksburg, and after some opposition, but by 
 a very decisive vote, adopted a resolution to 
 the effect that “all laws, state or federal, pro- 
 hibiting the African slave trade, ought to be 
 abolished.” 
 
 Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, who had 
 been one of the more conservative statesmen 
 of the south, in an address to his constituents, 
 upon retiring from Congress, showed that even 
 men of his class were taking stronger ground 
 in favor of slavery. He declared that the ques- 
 tion whether the south should expand and en- 
 large, by the people of that section going into 
 the territories with their slaves, protected by 
 the constitution, had been settled fully up to 
 the demands of the south. These measures, 
 however, did not go as far as he wished. He 
 would have Congress give protection to slave 
 property in the public domain so long as it re- 
 mained in a territorial condition. But he had 
 finally yielded to the doctrine of non-interven- 
 tion because it was not aggressive, and because 
 it secured all that the south had demanded. 
 Mr. Stephens also, while he did not appear to 
 advocate openly the renewal of the African 
 slave trade, argued that the south could not 
 expand by the settlement of the territories un- 
 less the number of the African stock is in- 
 creased. “States cannot be made without peo- 
 ple,’ said he; “rivers and mountains do not 
 make them; and slave states cannot be made 
 without Africans.’ He believed, however, that 
 
 | slavery was stronger than ever before, and would 
 
 continue to increase in strength whether in the 
 Union or out of it. He looked forward to the 
 acquisition of Cuba, and considered Mexico and 
 Central America as open to the south. 
 
 Mr. Stephens represented the more moderate 
 but rapidly diminishing class of southern states- 
 men and politicians. The more aggressive and 
 increasing class were represented by R. Barn- 
 well Rhett, of South Carolina, who considered 
 that the doctrines of Calhoun, McDuffie, and 
 Hayne had practically fallen to the earth. He 
 looked to the formation of a southern confed- 
 eracy as the salvation of southern institutions, 
 and he congratulated his auditors (the people 
 of the seventh congressional district of South 
 Carolina) that they had “elected representa- 
 tives to a southern Congress, with a view to a 
 southern confederacy.” Mr. Rhett lamented 
 that the question was not met at the time of 
 the admission of Missouri. “The contest,” he 
 said, “ would have ended in one of three ways: 
 The rights of the south would have been 
 conceded; the constitution would have been 
 amended; or the Union would have been dis- 
 solved. But the evil genius of concession ruled 
 our councils. On the very eve of victory the 
 leaders of the south surrendered our rights in 
 a compromise. They yielded to Congress the 
 power of excluding us from the territories. 
 The sectional majority of the north grows 
 stronger and more resolute every day. They 
 have the power of controlling the legislation 
 of Congress. They failed in controlling the 
 executive in the last presidential election only 
 by a few votes. ‘They expect to succeed in the 
 next presidential election. Having mastered 
 these two great departments of government, 
 they openly declare their determination to com- 
 mand the third — the judiciary of the United 
 States.” The result of this success would be, 
 that high tariffs would be imposed; railroads 
 ‘and other national improvements would be 
 undertaken by the government; land would be 
 
78 
 
 given to the landless, by which means northern 
 and immigrant population would take posses- 
 sion of the common territory, and make free 
 states of it ; squatter sovereignty would be estab- 
 lished; no new slave state would be admitted ; 
 and finally slavery would be abolished in the 
 south. He then urged that the south, in order 
 to have a free government, must control i, and he 
 advised the south to go into the presidential 
 election prepared to meet the one issue, and to 
 let no question not immediately connected with 
 this divide them. “Our first great duty,” he 
 said, “is to place the south above or beyond the 
 power of the north. First make our property 
 safe under our own control, before we divide as 
 to measures for its increase or extension. After 
 our safety is accomplished, it will be time enough 
 for the south to determine on measures most 
 expedient to promote her agricultural interests 
 or advance her general prosperity. If our 
 rights are victorious in the next presidential 
 election, we may consider it as a kind augury 
 of a more auspicious future. If they are over- 
 thrown, let this be the last contest between the 
 north and the south, and the long weary night 
 of our dishonor and humiliation be dispersed 
 at last by the glorious dayspring of a southern 
 confederacy.” 
 
 Mr. Rhett was among the most extreme and 
 aggressive of the southern politicians; but his 
 sentiments were echoed from the press and 
 the platform, and were rapidly extending from 
 South Carolina, where they were already quite 
 generally entertained, to the other southern 
 states. ) 
 
 Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, also delivered 
 an elaborate address before the Democratic 
 convention of that state, in which he discussed 
 the whole question of slavery, in more moderate 
 and statesmanlike language than that of Mr. 
 Rhett, but advocated the rights and claims of 
 the south with as much strength and appar- 
 ently with the same ulterior views. He did 
 not directly advocate the reopening of the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 African slave trade, but he denounced the law 
 of 1820, which branded “ as infamous the source 
 from which the chief part of the laboring popu- 
 lation of the south is derived,’ and urged the 
 repeal of that law and all other national laws 
 upon the subject, leaving it entirely to the 
 respective states. Mr. Davis also argued that 
 slavery should be protected in the territories by 
 the enactment of laws by Congress for that 
 purpose. He advocated the acquisition of Cuba 
 as advantageous to the Union, and as especially 
 necessary in the event of the formation of a 
 southern confederacy ; and he concluded by ex- 
 pressing a wish for the dissolution of the Union 
 in case a president is elected on the platform 
 of Mr. Seward’s Rochester speech.* 
 
 These speeches, and many similar ones, by 
 some of the leading men of the south, together 
 with the articles of some of the most influential 
 newspapers and periodicals, indicated the senti- 
 ments which were to prevail there, and the 
 policy upon which it was determined to enter 
 into the presidential contest. The issues which 
 were thus suggested, if not distinctly offered, 
 were direct legislation for the protection of 
 slavery in the territories; the repeal of laws 
 against the African slave trade; the acquisition 
 of Cuba, and, if necessary, of portions of Mexico 
 and Central America; and by some were de- 
 manded new guaranties for the safety of slavery 
 even in the free states. If the south failed in 
 
 |securing such demands by the election of a 
 
 president favorable to them, secession and a 
 southern confederacy were held up as the 
 alternative and remedy. 
 
 It is but just to say, however, that at this 
 time the public sentiment of the south was not 
 
 * The speech of Mr. Seward, which was used much at the south 
 for the purpose of replying to its arguments as there stated, was 
 not a partisan speech, nor did it indicate or advocate political 
 action beyond the limitations of the constitution. It was rather 
 a philosophical or politico-economical statement of an “ irrepres- 
 sible conflict ” or incompatibility between the systems of free labor 
 and slave labor in the same territory, and argued that whenever 
 theconflict arose, one or the other would eventually go to the wall. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 altogether in favor of this policy. ‘There were 
 many who were opposed especially to the re- 
 opening of the slave trade. Among those who 
 most strongly declared their opposition were 
 Henry A. Wise, of Virginia,and Samuel Houston, 
 of Texas, the latter of whom was elected gov- 
 ernor of his state after his declarations against 
 the reopening of the slave trade, and appeared 
 thus to be indorsed in those views by the people 
 of that state. But it was evident that those 
 who were now shaping the opinions and actions 
 of the people of the Southern States were such 
 as maintained substantially the views expressed 
 above. And that such was understood — not 
 only by Republicans, but by a portion of the 
 Democratic party of the north—to be the 
 policy of the southern leaders, may be seen by 
 the reply of Mr. Douglas to a letter of inquiry 
 whether his friends might use his name as a 
 candidate for the presidency in the National 
 Democratic Convention which was to be held 
 at Charleston. In his reply Mr. Douglas re- 
 marks that before the question can be finally 
 determined, it will be necessary to understand 
 distinctly upon what issues the canvass is to be 
 conducted; and after presenting briefly the 
 principles of the Democratic party as before 
 maintained, and upon which he would be a 
 candidate, he says, “If,on the contrary, it shall 
 become the policy of the Democratic party — 
 which I cannot anticipate — to repudiate these 
 their time-honored principles, on which we have 
 achieved so many patriotic triumphs; and if, 
 in lieu of them, the convention shall interpolate 
 into the creed of the party such new issues as 
 the revival of the African slave trade, or a 
 congressional slave code for the territories, or 
 the doctrine that the constitution of the United 
 States either establishes or prohibits slavery in 
 the territories beyond the power of the people 
 legally to control it as other property, — it is 
 due to candor to say that, in such an event, 
 I could not accept the nomination if tendered 
 to me.” 
 
 ‘ 
 
 ( 
 
 79 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 North-west Boundary Difficulty. — Island of San Juan. — Ques- 
 tion of Jurisdiction. — Occupation by United States Troops. 
 — General Scott sent to take Charge of Affairs. — Amicable 
 Arrangements. — Seizure of Harper’s Ferry Armory. — John 
 Brown. — Arrest of Citizens.— Excitement and Alarm. — 
 Appearance of Military. — Skirmishing. — Brown and his Asso- 
 ciates besieged. — Assault and Capture of the surviving Insur- 
 gents. — Indictment and Trial. — Execution. — Excitement in 
 Congress. — Character of Debates. — Views of the President. 
 
 Durine this year (1859) the relations between 
 the United States and England were disturbed 
 by occurrences at the Island of San Juan, one 
 of a group of small islands lying between Van- 
 couver’s Island and Washington territory, the 
 sovereignty of which was not definitely settled 
 by the treaty which established the north- 
 western boundary. The British government 
 claimed that the channel between these islands 
 and the continent is the main channel indicated 
 by the treaty ; while the United States govern- 
 ment contended that the channel between these 
 islands and Vancouver’s Island is both wider 
 and deeper through its whole length, and should 
 therefore be considered the main channel, and 
 rested its claim also on the general rule of in- 
 ternational law, that the jurisdiction of an island 
 belongs to the adjacent main land, rather than 
 to a neighboring island. The British had re- 
 sorted to the island for fishing, and the Hudson 
 Bay Company had an establishment for rais- 
 ing sheep there; Lut there was no permanent 
 British settlement, while the Americans had a 
 settlement there, and Port Townsend had been 
 made a port of entry. A difficulty having 
 arisen between an employé of the Hudson Bay 
 Company and an American settler, the factor 
 of that company went to the island in a British 
 sloop of war, and threatened to arrest the 
 American and take him to Victoria for trial. 
 This raised the question of jurisdiction, and at 
 the request of the American settlers the island 
 was immediately occupied by a small force of 
 United States soldiers by order of General 
 
80 
 
 Harney. The question was then referred to the 
 home governments. As the affair threatened 
 to assume a somewhat serious aspect, General 
 Scott, who had, by his former services on occa- 
 sions of border troubles, received the name of 
 the “great pacificator,’ was sent there to take 
 charge of the interests of the United States. 
 It appeared that the reason for the military 
 occupancy of the island had not been well 
 founded ; but as the question of jurisdiction had 
 been raised, the troops remained until that ques- 
 tion could be settled, and it was agreed that 
 until such settlement the British should occupy 
 another part of the island in a similar manner. 
 General Scott, having brought matters to an 
 amicable understanding, returned. 
 
 This affair, however, did not take hold of the 
 public attention very seriously, and the country 
 was looking forward to the next year as a more 
 eventful one, while the issues of the presiden- 
 tial contest were being framed, as indicated in 
 the last chapter. But towards the close of the 
 year, an event occurred in Virginia which creat- 
 ed an excitement throughout the country, and 
 served to increase the bitterness of the south, 
 and to confirm the political leaders of that sec- 
 tion in the policy which they advocated, and 
 the remedy which they contemplated. This 
 was a singular and insane, though at first suc- 
 cessful, attempt to seize Harper’s Ferry armory 
 and village, made by a small party of men, 
 only twenty-two in all, under the lead of John 
 Brown, a native of New York, and of the Kansas 
 free state settlers. Brown wasastern opponent 
 of the pro-slavery party in Kansas, and, during 
 the troubles there, lost two of his sons. He 
 thus imbibed a bitter hatred against slavery in 
 allits phases. After quiet was restored to Kan- 
 sas, he organized a wild scheme for running off 
 slaves from their masters, in which he sought to 
 enlist all the prominent abolitionists and some 
 of the leading Republicans ; but he was regarded 
 as a monomaniac, and received little encourage- 
 ment from them. He, however, succeeded in 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 | organizing in Canada a project for carrymg into 
 effect his wishes, and notwithstanding it was a 
 very quixotic project, he enlisted a small num- 
 ber of men, white and black, to aid him. With 
 two of his.sons he rented a small farm in 
 Maryland, near Harper’s Ferry. Here he col- 
 lected a quantity of arms and ammunition, and 
 _when he was prepared he was joined by seven- 
 teen white men and five negroes, and on the 
 night of October 16th he made a descent upon 
 the town of Harper’s Ferry, a village of five 
 thousand inhabitants, and containing the United 
 States armory, in which there were upwards 
 of one hundred thousand stand of arms. The 
 party took possession of the unguarded build- 
 ings, and then quietly arrested and confined a 
 number of the leading citizens of the place and 
 vicinity. In the morning the persons connected 
 with the armory, not having heard of the events 
 of the night, went to their business in the sev- 
 eral buildings, and were also taken prisoners. 
 The alarm soon spread, and the most exagger- 
 ated reports of the numbers and acts of the 
 insurgents were sent through the neighborhood 
 and to distant parts of the country. Some 
 desultory firing occurred early in the morning, 
 and several lives were lost. After a time mili- 
 tary companies arrived from some of the larger 
 towns in the vicinity, and the insurgents were 
 gradually driven within the armory grounds, 
 two of their number having been captured. 
 POccasional shots were fired, one of which, dis- 
 charged by one of Brown’s sons, killed the 
 mayor of the town. Brown and his associates, 
 with some of their most important prisoners, 
 retired to an engine house, a small brick build- 
 ing, where they kept the military and the attend- 
 ant crowd at bay for a long time; the danger 
 of killing their friends, who were held as prison- 
 ers, deterring the besiegers from an attack with 
 artillery. The doors were finally battered down 
 by the forces outside, and the survivors of the 
 party — Brown, who was severely wounded, one 
 
 other white man, and two negroes — were cap- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 81 
 
 tured. Thirteen of Brown’s party had been | north, except by avery few radical abolitionists, 
 
 killed, including one who had previously been 
 taken, and was dragged out of his place of con- 
 finement and shot; one was mortally wounded, 
 and two had gone off with fugitive slaves, but 
 were subsequently captured in Pennsylvania, 
 and returned to Virginia. 
 
 The grand jury of the county being in session 
 at the time, bills of indictment were found 
 against the prisoners forthwith, for inciting 
 slaves to insurrection, for treason, and murder. 
 The trials followed immediately after, and, the 
 prisoners demanding to be tried separately, 
 Brown was selected for the first trial. He was 
 badly wounded and unable to sit up, and he 
 therefore requested delay; but it was refused, 
 and he went through the trial lying upon a 
 mattress in court. A verdict of guilty on all 
 the counts was rendered; and Brown, being 
 asked if he had any thing to say, responded in 
 a characteristic speech, in which he justified his 
 action, and declared his only purpose was to aid 
 in freeing slaves, not to incite them to insur- 
 rection or murder. He was then sentenced to 
 be executed on the 2d of December. Four of 
 his associates were subsequently tried, found 
 guilty, and sentenced to be hanged on the 16th 
 of December. One was reserved for trial by 
 the United States court, it being supposed that 
 Brown had had confederates or accomplices in 
 the free states, and the witnesses residing in 
 those states, by whom it was expected to im- 
 plicate other parties, could only be compelled 
 to attend by United States authority. This 
 intention was subsequently abandoned, and this 
 man was also tried by the state court, found 
 guilty, and condemned like the others. 
 
 Great excitement prevailed in Virginia, and 
 the most unusual precautions were taken, at 
 the time of Brown’s execution, to prevent any 
 attempt at rescue. Such precautions were en- 
 tirely unnecessary, for there was not the slight- 
 est indication of any such attempt. Brown's 
 
 insane raid was condemned by all men at the 
 11 
 
 possibly, and there was no good reason to ex- 
 pect that any organized attempt at a rescue 
 would be made. But the fears of the Virginia 
 authorities were excited, and the approach of 
 all strangers to Charlestown, the place of exe- 
 cution, was prevented; and there, under the 
 guard of a considerable body of military, the 
 sentence was carried into effect. Previous to 
 his execution Brown’s conduct was dignified 
 and firm, showing a conviction of having acted 
 aright, and with fidelity to his principles. The 
 other parties were executed at the time ap- 
 pointed, under similar circumstances. 
 
 These events occurred so shortly before the 
 assembling of Congress, that that body shared 
 in some degree the excitement which was felt 
 by the people of the slave states. It was early 
 made the subject of debate in the senate, and, 
 so far as could be previous to organization, — 
 which was long delayed,—in the house. It 
 was also made the subject of investigation, with 
 a view of discovering the extent of the plot, 
 many of the southern members apparently be- 
 ing impressed with the belief, or desiring to 
 make it appear, that John Brown was aided 
 and abetted, or at least encouraged, in his 
 scheme by prominent men of anti-slavery senti- 
 ments at the north. The committee being au- 
 thorized to send for persons and papers, many 
 parties, who were supposed to sympathize with 
 such movements as this in Virginia, were sum- 
 moned before it, and were examined at length. 
 Among those thus summoned was Mr. Thaddeus 
 Hyatt, of New York, who refused to answer 
 the questions put to him, and was consequently 
 imprisoned for contempt. Mr. F. B. Sanborn, 
 of Concord, Mass., who was supposed to be im- 
 plicated with John Brown, and had refused to 
 appear before the committee, was arrested at 
 his residence at night, by parties acting as the 
 deputies of the sergeant at arms of the senate. 
 A crowd of citizens prevented the officers from 
 taking him away until a writ of habeas corpus 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 could be procured, and upon this he was dis- 
 charged by the Supreme Court of Massachu- 
 setts, on the ground that the sergeant at arms 
 could not depute his authority for such a pur- 
 pose to another person. ‘The investigation was 
 protracted to a great length, but it failed to show 
 any complicity with John Brown’s scheme on 
 the part of any prominent men, and the Repub- 
 lican members condemned the Harper’s Ferry 
 raid as strongly as those of the administration 
 party. But this did not prevent some very 
 acrimonious debates, and charges against the 
 Republicans and their alleged policy, the whole 
 question of slavery being discussed on the one 
 side and on the other. In these debates it is to be 
 observed that the Republicans, while they con- 
 demned the system of slavery, and its influence 
 on the general government, expressly and uni- 
 formly declared that they did not claim for the 
 federal government any right to interfere with 
 the institutions of the states, but that the party 
 was formed to prevent the extension of slavery 
 into new territories and states. On the other 
 hand it was averred that the question of slavery 
 in the territories was settled by the opinion of 
 the Supreme Court; the institution of slavery 
 was defended and praised as the basis of the 
 truest civilization; the Republicans were still 
 persistently charged with seeking to assail the 
 institution even in the states; and while the 
 dissolution of the Union was deprecated, the 
 formation of a southern confederacy was dwelt 
 upon as the happy result of such a dissolution. 
 The frequent reference to a southern confed- 
 eracy indicated that the project was quite gen- 
 erally discussed among the southern politicians, 
 and was probably even then strenuously advo- 
 cated by some, contingent, perhaps, upon the 
 result of the presidential election. — 
 
 The president, in his message, spoke of the 
 Harper’s Ferry affair, taking occasion to urge 
 mutual forbearance between the north and 
 south, but suggesting gloomy forebodings, which 
 he professed he did not entertain, and thus, 
 
 at Harper’s Ferry. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 perhaps, doing little to allay the feelings which 
 he deprecated. “I shall not refer,” he said, “in 
 detail, to the recent sad and bloody occurrences 
 Still, it is proper to observe 
 that these events, however bad and cruel in them- 
 selves, derive their chief importance from the 
 apprehension that they are but symptoms of an 
 incurable disease in the public mind, which may 
 break out in still more dangerous outrages, and 
 terminate, at last, in an open war by the north 
 to abolish slavery in the south. 
 
 “Whilst, for myself, I entertain no such ap- 
 prehension, they ought to afford a solemn warn- 
 ing to us all to beware of the approach of 
 danger. Our Union is a stake of such ines- 
 timable value as to demand our constant and 
 watchful vigilance for its preservation. In this 
 view let me implore my countrymen, north and 
 south, to cultivate the ancient feelings of mutual 
 forbearance and good will towards each other, 
 and strive to allay the demon-spirit of sectional 
 hatred and strife now alive in the land. This 
 advice proceeds from the heart of an old public 
 functionary whose service commenced in the 
 last generation, among the wise and conserva- 
 tive statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed 
 away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish 
 is to leave his country tranquil, prosperous, 
 united, and powerful. 
 
 “We ought to reflect that in this age, and 
 especially in this country, there is an incessant 
 flux and reflux of public opinion. Questions 
 which in their day assumed a most threatening 
 aspect have now nearly gone from the memory 
 of men. They are ‘ voleanoes burned out, and 
 on the lava, and ashes, and squalid scoria of old 
 eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheering 
 vine, and the sustaining corn. Such, in my 
 opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present 
 sectional excitement, should those who wisely 
 seek to apply the remedy continue always to 
 confine their efforts within the pale of the con- 
 stitution. If this course be pursued, the exist- 
 ing agitation on the subject of domestic slavery, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S 
 
 like every thing human, will have its day, and 
 give place to other and less threatening contro- 
 versies. Public opinion in this country is all 
 powerful, and when it reaches a dangerous ex- 
 cess upon any question, the good sense of the 
 people will furnish the corrective, and bring it 
 back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this 
 auspicious result at the present crisis, we ought 
 to remember that every rational creature must 
 be presumed to intend the natural consequences 
 of his own teachings. Those who announce ab- 
 stract doctrines subversive of the constitution 
 and the Union must not be surprised should 
 their heated partisans advance one step farther, 
 and attempt by violence to carry these doctrines 
 into practical effect. In this view of the subject 
 it ought never to be forgotten that however 
 great may have been the political advantages 
 resulting from the Union to every portion of 
 our common country, these would all prove to 
 be as nothing should the time ever arrive when 
 they cannot be enjoyed without serious danger 
 to the personal safety of the people of fifteen 
 members of the confederacy. If the peace of 
 the domestic fireside throughout these states 
 should ever be invaded, —if the mothers of 
 families within this extensive region should not 
 be able to retire to rest at night without suffer- 
 ing dreadful apprehensions of what may be 
 their own fate and that of their children before 
 the morning, — it would be vain to recount to 
 such a people the political benefits which result 
 to them from the Union. Selfpreservation is 
 the first instinct of nature; and therefore any 
 state of society in which the sword is all the 
 time suspended over the heads of the people 
 must at last become intolerable. But I indulge 
 inno such gloomy forebodings. On the con- 
 
 trary, I firmly believe that the events at Har- | 
 
 per’s Ferry, by causing the people to pause and 
 reflect upon the possible peril to their cherished 
 institutions, will be the means, under Provi- 
 
 dence, of allaying the existing excitement, 
 
 ADMINISTRATION. 83 
 
 character. ‘They will resolve that the constitu- 
 tion and the Union shall not be endangered by 
 rash counsels, knowing that should ‘the silver 
 cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken .. . 
 at the fountain, human power could never re- 
 unite the scattered and hostile fragments.” 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Thirty-sixth Congress. — Delay in organizing the House. — Bal- 
 lots for Speaker. — “ The Impending Crisis.” — Debates. — 
 The Candidates. — Withdrawal of Mr. Sherman. — Election of 
 Mr. Pennington. — Character of Opposition to Mr. Sherman. 
 — President’s Message. — Political Discussions. — Party Prin- 
 ciples and Policy. — Democratic Resolutions. — Speech of 
 Mr. Seward. — Measures before Congress. — Homestead Bill. 
 —Covode Investigating Committee. — Protest of the Presi- 
 dent. — Discovery of an important Letter. — Further Results. 
 — The Japanese Embassy. 
 
 Tue thirty-sixth Congress assembled on the 
 5th of December, 1859 ; but the parties were so 
 nearly balanced in the house that it was many 
 weeks before that branch was organized. On 
 the first ballot for speaker Mr. Bocock, Demo- 
 crat, of Virginia, received eighty-six votes; Mr. 
 Sherman, Republican, of Ohio, sixty-six; Mr. 
 Grow, Republican, of Pennsylvania, forty-three ; 
 Mr. Boteler, American, of Virginia, fourteen ; 
 and the remaining twenty-one votes were di- 
 vided among ten candidates. As one hundred 
 and sixteen were necessary for a choice, there 
 was no election. Mr. Grow then withdrew his 
 name. Mr. Clark, of Missouri, introduced a 
 resolution to the effect that the sentiments of 
 a book called “The Impending Crisis at the 
 South,”* the circulation of which had been 
 recommended by many persons at the north, 
 were incendiary and hostile to the peace and 
 tranquillity of the country, and that no person 
 
 *Mr. Helper, the author of this book, was a native of North 
 Carolina, and was long a resident of the south. The work con- 
 tained statistics concerning slavery, and its economical value, 
 
 | together with the views of the fathers of the republic upon the 
 : cia || institution, and other matter which was considered objectionable 
 and preventing further outbreaks of a similar | 
 
 by the friends of that system of labor. 
 
84 
 
 who recommended or indorsed it was fit to be 
 speaker of the house. This resolution was 
 aimed at Mr. Sherman, who, among many 
 others, had given the book some sort of a rec- 
 ommendation. A long debate arose upon this 
 resolution, and was continued from time to time 
 during the contest for the election of speaker, 
 the question furnishing occasion for numerous 
 speeches upon slavery and general political 
 issues which might be involved in the approach- 
 ing presidential election. After Mr. Grow had 
 withdrawn his name, the Republican vote was 
 concentrated upon Mr. Sherman, and continued 
 to be thrown for him through many ballots, in 
 which he lacked from two to six votes of the 
 number required for a choice. The American 
 vote, which was composed principally of the 
 southern opposition, with a few members from 
 the northern states, was given at different times 
 to Mr. Gilmer and Mr. Smith, of North Carolina, 
 Mr. Boteler and Mr. Millson, of Virginia, the 
 latter of whom also received at one ballot a 
 large part of the Democratic vote. The Demo- 
 crats took a number of candidates at different 
 times, and on several ballots supported Mr. 
 Smith, who on one occasion lacked but three 
 votes ofanelection. At this point Mr.Sherman, 
 who had been uniformly supported by the Re- 
 publicans, withdrew his name, and urged his 
 friends to vote for a gentleman who could re- 
 ceive a larger number of votes than himself, 
 saying that he should regard it as a national 
 calamity that any supporter of the administra- 
 tion, or any one who had expressed disunion 
 sentiments, should be chosen speaker. The 
 Republicans and two or three others then voted 
 for Mr. Pennington, of New Jersey, and on the 
 succeeding ballot Mr. Pennington was elected. 
 
 The election was effected on the Ist of Feb- 
 ruary, 1860, the house having been in session 
 about two months. During this time but forty- 
 four ballots were had, most of the time being 
 consumed in speeches, the greater part of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 of the south, the Republicans generally taking 
 but little part in the debates. During the dis- 
 cussion strong disunion sentiments were avowed 
 by some of the southern members, and a south- 
 ern confederacy was freely spoken of. It also 
 appeared that an agreement was entered into 
 among some of these members to employ par- 
 liamentary tactics to prevent the choice of a 
 speaker during the whole session, rather than 
 to permit the election of Mr. Sherman. 
 
 The president, after waiting three weeks, and 
 finding little prospect of the immediate organ- 
 ization of the house, sent his message to Con- 
 gress on the 27th of December. The views of 
 the president on the Harper’s Ferry affair, with 
 which the message commenced, have been given 
 in the preceding chapter. The other subjects 
 which were mentioned most at length, were 
 the African slave trade and Mexican affairs. 
 The message opposed the revival of the slave 
 trade as injurious to both the master and the 
 native-born slave, and as likely to retard the 
 civilization of Africa. Of Mexican affairs the 
 president spoke at some length, and after re- 
 counting our unsatisfactory relations with that 
 country and its unhappy condition, he again 
 urged upon Congress to authorize him to em- 
 ploy a military force for the purpose of obtain- 
 ing redress for grievances and security against 
 future injuries, and also on the ground that 
 without foreign interference that country will 
 be given up to anarchy and ruin. The presi- 
 dent also pressed upon the attention of Con- 
 gress, again, the acquisition of Cuba. The other 
 topics treated of in the message were matters 
 of less interest. 
 
 The organization of the house, while it enabled 
 Congress to pass some necessary appropriation 
 bills, as that for the post office department, for 
 which the previous Congress had failed to make 
 provision, did not materially advance the gen- 
 eral legislation. The time was occupied too 
 much with debates, or rather with set speeches, 
 
 which were made by the administration men || upon the issues which were to be settled by the 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 presidential election. 
 charged upon Congress that its sessions, espe- 
 cially in the year of the national election, have 
 been devoted almost wholly to president-mak- 
 ing. The thirty-sixth Congress was probably 
 as open to this charge as its predecessors, while 
 the issues involved were discussed with more 
 than usual rancor, and disgraceful scenes were 
 not infrequent. 
 
 The Democratic party, in caucus, adopted 
 certain resolutions declaring the principles and 
 policy on which they would have the govern- 
 ment administered, and they were submitted to 
 the senate by Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. These 
 resolutions declared that in the adoption of the 
 federal constitution the states acted as sover- 
 eigns, — otherwise, asserted the state rights doc- 
 trine, — the whole of them maintaining the invi- 
 olability of slavery in the states where it exists, 
 its recognition by the constitution, and the 
 right of the slaveholder to be protected in his 
 property in the territories. They affirmed that 
 neither Congress nor a territorial legislature 
 possesses the power, directly or indirectly, to 
 impair the right of any citizen to take his 
 slaves into any territory, and to hold them while 
 the territorial condition remains; and that if 
 at any time experience should prove that the 
 judiciary and executive authority do not possess 
 the means to secure protection to constitutional 
 rights in a territory, and if the territorial gov- 
 ernments should fail to provide the necessary 
 remedies, it will be the duty of Congress to 
 supply the deficiency. But even this did not 
 satisfy some of the southern members, who 
 thought that Congress ought to legislate with- 
 out delay for the protection of slavery in the 
 territories. 
 
 The Republicans did not formally offer any 
 declaration of their principles, but speeches 
 were made by some of their most prominent 
 men which showed the position occupied by 
 the party. Among these was the speech of 
 Mr. Seward on presenting the memorial of the 
 
 It has repeatedly been | 
 
 85 
 legislature of Kansas for admission to the Union, 
 in which he discussed at length the merits of 
 free and slave labor. In the slave states, he 
 said, the laborer is regarded not as a person, 
 but as capital; in the free states he was in- 
 vested with the rights of personality, and gen- 
 erally of citizenship. In the one case capital 
 invested in slaves becomes a great political 
 force; in the other, labor, thus enfranchised 
 and ennobled, becomes the dominating political 
 power. Hence he called the one “labor states,” 
 and the other “capital states.” He then re- 
 viewed the history of the national legislation 
 and compromises between the labor and capital 
 states down to 1850, when the compromise of 
 that year, collated with the ordinance of 1787, 
 the Missouri prohibitory law of 1820, and the 
 articles of Texas annexation, disposed by law 
 of slavery in the territories, and was considered 
 a final and absolute settlement of all disputes 
 concerning it under the federal authority. But 
 hardly had this adjustment been accepted be- 
 fore it was stricken down by the assumption 
 that the compromise abrogated the Missouri 
 prohibition. The Democratic party adopted 
 this view, and the Whig representatives of the 
 capital (or slave) states coneurred. The Whig 
 party went down, never to rise again, and the 
 Republican party was formed. Between the 
 principles of this and the Democratic party 
 was now the only choice of the nation. The 
 Democratic party now held the principle that 
 both territorial governments and Congress were 
 incompetent to legislate against slavery in the 
 territories, while they are not only competent, 
 but obliged, when it is necessary, to legislate 
 for its protection there. 
 
 Of the Republican party Mr. Seward said 
 that he knew of but one policy which it had 
 adopted or avowed in relation to this subject, 
 namely, the saving of the territories of the 
 United States, if possible, by constitutional and 
 lawful means, from being homes for slavery 
 and polygamy. He defended the Republican 
 
36 
 
 party from being sectional, contending that it 
 was no more so than the Democratic party, 
 and much less intolerant and proscriptive. He 
 denied that the Republican party proposed to 
 introduce the equality of the negro and the 
 whites at the south, and said, “ We are excluded 
 justly, wisely, and contentedly from all political 
 power and responsibility in the capital states. 
 You are sovereigns on the subject of slavery 
 within your own borders, as we are on the 
 same subject within our borders.” Mr. Seward 
 also condemned the attempt of John Brown as 
 an act of sedition and treason. 
 
 As Mr. Seward was looked upon at that time 
 as the probable candidate for the presidency 
 on the part of the Republicans, and as his anti- 
 slavery sentiments were quite as extreme as 
 those of a great portion of his party, his views, 
 thus deliberately expressed, and his statement 
 of the policy and principles of the party, were 
 well entitled to be considered as authoritative. 
 What there was in this policy and declaration 
 of political principles to excite the rancor of 
 southern politicians, and to lead to threats of 
 disunion, the reader in future years will be at 
 a loss to understand. 
 
 While the discussion of such questions occu- 
 pied the greater part of the time in both houses 
 of Congress, a few of the important measures 
 before them were from time to time acted upon. 
 A homestead bill, giving lands from the public 
 domain to actual settlers who were heads of 
 families, after some differences between the two 
 houses, was passed by both, but was vetoed 
 by the president. A bill for the admission of 
 Kansas under the Wyandot constitution, framed 
 by a convention held the preceding autumn, 
 and adopted by the people by a large vote, 
 was passed in the house, but was not acted 
 upon in the senate. The Pacific Railroad, the 
 tariff, and other matters of importance also 
 failed to be acted upon; and indeed little of 
 general interest beyond the necessary appropri- 
 ation bills was finally acted on in both houses; 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 and of these, the post office appropriation for 
 the current year failed, through disagreement 
 between the senate and the house. 
 
 One measure of importance and interest was 
 the appointment of a committee, of which Mr. 
 Covode, of Pennsylvania, was the chairman, for 
 the purpose of investigating whether the pres- 
 ident or any officer of the government had 
 sought to influence the passage of any law ap- 
 pertaining to the rights of any state or terri- 
 tory; or had attempted to defeat the execution 
 of any law; or had failed or refused to compel 
 the execution of any law. Against this com- 
 mittee the president earnestly protested in a 
 message to the house, in which he character- 
 ized this action of that body as a violation of 
 the rights of the executive, and subversive of 
 its constitutional independence. 
 
 The committee, however, proceeded with the 
 work assigned them, and among other matters 
 of interest which were revealed was the letter 
 of instructions, written in July, 1857, by Mr. 
 Buchanan to Mr. R. J. Walker, then appointed 
 governor of Kansas. In this letter the presi- 
 dent wrote, “The point on which your and our 
 success depends is the submission of the consti- 
 tution to the people ; and by the people I mean, 
 and I have no doubt you mean, the actual 
 bona fide residents, who haye been long enough 
 in the territory to identify themselves with its 
 fate. 2 2 si | 
 
 “On the question of submitting the con- 
 stitution to the dona fide resident settlers of 
 Kansas I am willing to stand or fall. It is the 
 principle of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, the prin- 
 ciple of popular sovereignty, and the principle 
 at the foundation of all popular government. 
 The more it is discussed, the stronger it will 
 become. Should the convention of Kansas 
 adopt this principle, all will be settled harmo- 
 niously, and you will return triumphantly from 
 your arduous, important, and responsible mis- 
 sion. The strictures of the Georgia and Missis- 
 sippl conventions will then pass away, to be 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 speedily forgotten. * * * Should you 
 answer the resolution of the latter, I would 
 advise you to make the great principle of the 
 submission of the constitution to the bona fide 
 residents of Kansas conspicuously prominent. 
 On this you will be irresistible.” 
 
 Mr. Walker, as observed in preceding pages, 
 acted up to the principle so strongly urged 
 in this letter; but, as has also been seen, 
 Mr. Buchanan’s administration did not support 
 him in his policy, and he consequently left the 
 territory and resigned his office. The policy 
 adopted by the convention which framed the 
 Lecompton constitution was very different from 
 that proposed in Mr. Buchanan’s letter; but its 
 advocates maintained that it was in accordance 
 with the wishes of the administration, and the 
 course of the administration in relation to 
 Kansas proved that they had reason for so say- 
 ing. The existence of this letter, which Mr. 
 Walker had alluded to in some of his corre- 
 spondence, was positively denied by members 
 of the administration; but after making some 
 objections, Mr. Walker laid it before the com- 
 mittee of investigation. He took occasion to 
 say, however, that while he believed the scheme 
 of the Lecompton constitution was framed by 
 members of the administration, he was con- 
 vinced that it was done without the approval 
 of the president. Among those who had de- 
 nied the existence of the letter was Mr. Black, 
 the attorney-general; and Mr. Walker, constru- 
 ing this denial as a charge of falsehood, sent a 
 challenge to Mr. Black, which the latter refused 
 to accept. 
 
 The committee of investigation discovered, 
 also, gross frauds and abuses connected with 
 the public printing, and that not only had a 
 great amount beyond the value of the work 
 been paid, but that large sums had been given 
 to the partisan press and to others for polit- 
 ical purposes. The report of the committee 
 reflected severely upon the conduct of the ad- 
 ministration in relation to the matters above 
 
 87 
 
 mentioned, and to contracts, and contained a 
 great amount of evidence in support of the 
 charges. When this report was made, the pres- 
 ident again protested against the action of the 
 committee, and of the house in appointing it. 
 The house, however, subsequently adopted reso- 
 lutions condemning the course of the adminis- 
 tration in relation to certain contracts for the 
 navy, the distribution of patronage to members 
 of Congress, and the award of contracts ac- 
 cording to the party relations of the bidders. 
 Before entering upon the record of the pres- 
 idential contest and the succeeding eventful 
 period, it may be proper to mention an event 
 which served for a time to distract public at- 
 tention from the political discussions of Congress 
 and the excitement of the opening campaign. 
 This was the visit of ambassadors from the 
 emperor of Japan. They were brought in a 
 national vessel to Panama, and, having crossed 
 the isthmus, were transferred to another na- 
 tional vessel, which took them to New York, 
 and thence directly to Washington. The em- 
 bassy-was a happy result of the treaty nego- 
 tiated with the government of Japan by Mr. 
 Harris, the United States commissioner. It con- 
 sisted of two principal ambassadors, princes of 
 high rank, and two assistant ambassadors of 
 inferior rank, together with a large retinue 
 of officers, artists, interpreters, and servants. 
 They were received with all due respect and 
 solemnity, and entertained in a liberal manner 
 by the government, great pains being taken to 
 impress them with the wealth, power, and civ- 
 ilization of the country. The ambassadors 
 were observant, and their artists and historian 
 were constantly taking pictures and notes of 
 much that they saw. After being entertained 
 by the government at Washington, the embassy 
 proceeded to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New 
 York, where they were lavishly entertained in a 
 manner characteristic of the metropolis. The 
 journey of the ambassadors terminated at New 
 York, and they were soon after conveyed to 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 their own country in the United States steamer 
 Niagara. As the first embassy from Japan to 
 the “barbarians” of the west, this visit was a 
 matter of great interest; but in its results it 
 appears to have been of less account than was 
 at first anticipated. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Nominations for the Presidency. — Democratic Convention. — 
 “Platforms.” — Majority and Minority Reports. — Adoption 
 of Minority Platform. — Secession of Delegates. — Unsuc- 
 cessful Ballots. — Adjournment. — Convention of Seceding 
 Delegates. — Convention at Baltimore. — More Troubles. — 
 Another Secession. — Nomination of Mr. Douglas. — Con- 
 vention of Seceders. — Platform. — Nomination of Mr. Breck- 
 inridge. — Constitutional Union Convention. — Platform. — 
 Nomination of Messrs. Bell and Everett. — Republican Con- 
 vention. — Resolutions. — Ballots. — Nomination of Mr. Lin- 
 coln.— The Campaign opened.—Its Features. — The Elec- 
 tion. — Results. 
 
 Brrore the session of Congress terminated, 
 the political contest which had occupied so 
 much of its time was transferred to the peo- 
 ple themselves. Public attention was turned 
 towards the national conventions of the several 
 parties which were to nominate the candidates 
 and organize for the canvass, and the delegates 
 to which, since the commencement of the year, 
 had been chosen from time to time in the sev- 
 eral states. 
 
 The first convention held was that of the 
 Democratic party, which assembled at Charles- 
 ton, 8. C., on the 23d of April. Every state in 
 the Union was fully represented, and from New 
 York there were two sets of delegates, the one, 
 headed by Dean Richmond, representing that 
 section of the party known in New York as the 
 “softs,” and the other, headed by Fernando 
 Wood, representing the section known as the 
 “hards.” Of these the “soft” delegation was 
 admitted to the convention after an exciting 
 examination of the claims of the rival parties. 
 Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was chosen 
 president of the convention. At the outset it 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 was resolved that the convention would not 
 ballot for candidates until a declaration of prin- 
 ciples or “ platform” had been adopted. Fora 
 long time there had been warm discussion in 
 the Democratic meetings and in the press upon 
 this subject, the question being whether the 
 “Cincinnati platform,’ adopted by the Demo- 
 cratic convention of 1856, should remain, with- 
 out alteration, as the platform of the party in 
 the canvass of 1860. Most of the northern 
 press and politicians were disposed to adhere to 
 that declaration of principles, while at the south 
 new declarations were demanded, looking to a 
 guaranty of their rights and claims as now set 
 forth. It was anticipated, therefore, that the 
 convention would experience some difficulty in 
 settling this point. A committee of thirty-three, 
 one member from each state, was appointed to 
 prepare the platform. After refusing to report 
 the “ Cincinnati platform” unaltered, the com- 
 mittee found much difficulty in agreeing upon 
 the additions to be reported, and occupied sev- 
 eral days in wrangling over the matter. At 
 last seventeen of the thirty-three, being the 
 delegates from the fifteen slave states, with 
 those from California and Oregon, agreed to 
 the following resolutions : — 
 
 “ Resolved, That the platform adopted at Cin- 
 cinnati be affirmed, with the following resolu- 
 tions : — 
 
 “That the Democracy of the United States 
 hold these cardinal principles on the subject of 
 slavery in the territories: first, that Congress 
 has no power to abolish slavery in the terri- 
 tories; second, that the territorial legislature 
 has no power to abolish slavery in any terri- 
 tory, nor to prohibit the introduction of slaves 
 therein, nor any power to exclude slavery 
 therefrom, nor any power to destroy or impair 
 the right of property in slaves by any legisla- 
 tion whatever. © 
 
 “ Resolved, That the enactments of state legis- 
 
 latures to defeat the faithful execution of the 
 
 fugitive slave law are hostile in character, 
 
PRESIDENT’S BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 subversive of the constitution, and revolution- 
 ary in their effect. 
 
 “ Resolved, hat it is the duty of the federal 
 government to protect, when necessary, the 
 rights of person and property on the high seas, 
 in the territories, or wherever else its constitu- 
 tional authority extends. 
 
 “ Resolved, That the Democracy of the nation 
 recognize it as the imperative duty of this 
 government to protect the naturalized citizen 
 in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign 
 lands, to the same extent as its native-born 
 citizens. 
 
 “ Resolved, That the National Democracy ear- 
 nestly recommend the acquisition of the Island 
 of Cuba at the earliest practicable period. 
 
 “ Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of 
 the age, in a political, commercial, postal, and 
 military point of view, is a speedy communica- 
 tion between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, — 
 therefore be it 
 
 “ Resowed, That the National Democratic party 
 do hereby pledge themselves to use every means 
 in their power to secure the passage of some 
 bill for the construction of a Pacific Railroad, 
 from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, 
 at the earliest practicable moment.” 
 
 A minority series of resolutions agreed to by 
 delegates from twelve states, was presented, as 
 follows : — 
 
 “ Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the 
 Union, in convention assembled, hereby declare 
 our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously 
 adopted, and declared as a platform of princi- 
 ples by the Democratic Convention at Cincin- 
 nati, in the year 1856, believing that Demo- 
 cratic principles are unchangeable in their na- 
 ture when applied to the same subject matters ; 
 and we recommend as our only further resolu- 
 tions the following : — 
 
 “JTnasmuch as differences of opinion exist in 
 the Democratic party as to the nature and extent 
 of the powers of a territorial legislature, and as 
 
 to the powers and duties of Congress, under the 
 12 
 
 86 
 
 constitution of the United States, over the in- 
 stitution of slavery within the territories, — 
 
 “ Resolved, That the Democratic party will 
 abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court 
 of the United States on the questions of con- 
 stitutional law. 
 
 “ Resolved, That it is the duty of the United 
 States to afford ample and complete protection 
 to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, 
 and whether native or foreign. 
 
 “ Resolved, That one of the necessities of the 
 age, in a military, commercial, and postal point 
 of view, is speedy communication between the 
 Atlantic and Pacific states; and the Democratic 
 party pledge such constitutional government 
 aid as will insure the construction of a railroad 
 to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicak’ 
 period. 
 
 “ Resolved, That the Democratic party are in 
 favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba 
 on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves 
 and just to Spain. 
 
 “ Resolved, That the enactments of state legis- 
 latures to defeat the faithful execution of the 
 fugitive slave law are hostile in character, sub- 
 versive of the constitution, and revolutionary 
 in their effect.” 
 
 Another minority “platform” was presented 
 by the delegates from Massachusetts, Illinois, In- 
 diana, and Minnesota. This simply reaffirmed 
 the “ Cincinnati platform,” without alteration or 
 addition. It was voted down by a large ma- 
 jority. The minority resolutions, after long 
 and fierce debate, were substituted for those of 
 the majority by a vote of one hundred and 
 sixty-five to one hundred and thirty-eight. Of 
 those who voted to substitute the minority 
 resolutions, twelve were from the slave states 
 and one hundred and fifty-three were from the 
 free states ; of those who opposed the substitu- 
 tion, one hundred and eight were from the 
 slave states and thirty were from the free 
 states. Most of the southern delegates then 
 declined to vote upon the adoption of the 
 
90 
 
 “platform,” and the resolutions were adopted 
 separately by large majorities. At this stage of 
 the proceedings the Alabama delegation with- 
 drew from the convention, and were followed 
 in that course by a majority of the delegations 
 from South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Missis- 
 sippl, Louisiana, and Arkansas. There was great 
 excitement consequent upon these proceedings, 
 not only in Charleston, but throughout the 
 country where the telegraph announced them. 
 The convention, however, having adopted a 
 “platform,” proceeded on the eighth day of its 
 session to ballot for a candidate for the presi- 
 dency. At an earlier stage of the proceedings 
 a rule had been adopted that two hundred and 
 two votes, or two thirds of the whole number 
 of delegates, should be requisite for a nomina- 
 tion. Notwithstanding some fifty delegates 
 from the states above named had withdrawn 
 from the convention, this rule still remaimed in 
 force. 
 
 On the first ballot Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, 
 received one hundred and forty-five and a half 
 votes; Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, forty-two; Mr. 
 Guthrie, of Kentucky, thirty-six and a half; 
 Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, twelve; Mr. 
 Dickinson, of New York, seven; Mr. Lane, of 
 Oregon, six; Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, 
 one. Fifty-seven ballots were taken with little 
 variation in the result. On the last ballot Mr. 
 Douglas received one hundred and fifty-one and 
 a half votes; Mr. Hunter sixteen; Mr. Guthrie 
 sixty-five and a half; Mr. Dickinson two; Mr. 
 Lane sixteen; Mr. Davis one. It was now evi- 
 dent that no nomination could be made, Mr. 
 Douglas, the highest candidate, not receiving 
 the votes of two thirds even of the remaining 
 delegates, while he lacked fifty votes of the 
 number required by the rule. All propositions 
 for a change of the rule were scouted, and there 
 was no possibility of the majority succeeding 
 in the nomination of their favorite, or uniting 
 upon a compromise candidate who would be 
 stronger. The convention therefore adjourned 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 to meet at Baltimore on the 18th of June, 
 after adopting a vote requesting that new dele- 
 gates should be chosen in the place of those who 
 had seceded. 
 
 Meanwhile the seceding delegates met in 
 separate convention, — Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, 
 acting as chairman,— and adopted the resolu- 
 tions reported by the majority of the committee, 
 on account of the rejection of which they had 
 withdrawn from the regular convention. They 
 then adjourned, without making any nomina- 
 tions, to meet at Richmond on the 11th of 
 June, one week preceding the Baltimore con- 
 vention, inviting all states which approved their 
 “platform” to send delegates to the adjourned 
 meeting. : 
 
 When the regular convention assembled in 
 Baltimore serious questions arose concerning 
 the admission of delegates from those states 
 whose original delegates had withdrawn. In 
 some of the states new delegates were chosen, 
 and the original delegates also claimed seats 
 in the convention, thus presenting difficulties 
 which must be settled before any nomination 
 could be made. The committee on credentials 
 made two reports, the majority being in favor 
 of admitting the new delegates where the 
 original delegates did not appear, portions of 
 each delegation where there were contestants, 
 and the original delegates where there were no 
 contestants, with special provisions in certain 
 cases. Several of the southern states were whol- 
 ly or partially unrepresented. The minority 
 of the committee reported in favor of admitting 
 the original delegates in all cases. The minority 
 report was rejected, and that of the majority 
 was accepted. This result brought on another 
 crisis, many of the delegates from the southern 
 states, the entire delegations from California 
 and Oregon, and a few members from other 
 free states, withdrawing from the convention. 
 Among those who thus withdrew was Mr. Cush- 
 
 ing, the president of the convention. The re- 
 ‘maining delegates, having reorganized, then 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 proceeded to ballot for a candidate for the 
 presidency. On the first ballot two hundred 
 and twelve and a half votes were cast ; of which 
 Mr. Douglas received one hundred and seventy- 
 three and a half; Mr. Guthrie nine; Mr. Breck- 
 inridge five ; four gentlemen received one each, 
 and there were twenty-one blank votes. On 
 the second ballot Mr. Douglas received one 
 hundred and eighty and a half votes out of one 
 hundred and ninety-four and a half, the whole 
 number cast, and he was then by resolution 
 unanimously nominated. Benjamin Fitzpatrick, 
 of Alabama, was nominated for vice-president ; 
 but after the adjournment of the convention, 
 Mr. Fitzpatrick declined the nomination, and 
 the ticket was completed by the nomination 
 of Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia. 
 
 The seceding delegates organized as a con- 
 vention, Mr. Cushing presiding, and after adopt- 
 ing the majority “ platform ” which the conven- 
 tion at Charleston had rejected, they nominated 
 John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for presi- 
 dent, and Joseph Lane, of Oregon, for vice- 
 president. Meanwhile the convention which 
 met at Richmond had adjourned to await the 
 action at Baltimore, and, after the nominations 
 were made, reassembled and adopted the candi- 
 dates of the seceding convention. 
 
 The “ Constitutional Union” party, which was 
 
 composed of the remnants of the old Whig 
 
 party and of the more recent American party, 
 held a national convention at Baltimore on the 
 10th of May. The convention did not put forth 
 any formal declaration of principles, but adopted 
 the following resolution : — 
 
 “ Whereas, Experience has shown that all plat- 
 forms adopted by political parties have the 
 effect to mislead and to cause political divisions 
 
 by encouraging geographical and sectional par- | 
 
 ties, — therefore 
 
 “ Resolved, That both patriotism and duty re- 
 guire that we should recognize no policy or 
 principles but those resting on the broad foun- 
 dation of the constitution of the United States 
 
 91 
 
 and the enforcement of the laws; and that as 
 representatives of the Constitutional Union 
 party and of the country, we pledge ourselves 
 to maintain, protect, and defend these princi- 
 ples, thus affording security at home and abroad, 
 and securing the blessings of liberty to our- 
 selves and posterity.” 
 
 The convention then proceeded to ballot for 
 a candidate for the presidency ; and John Bell, 
 of Tennessee, was unanimously nominated on 
 the. second ballot. Edward Everett, of Massa- 
 chusetts, was then nominated by acclamation as 
 candidate for the vice-presidency. 
 
 The Republican convention was held at Chi- 
 cago on the 16th of May, in a spacious building 
 which had been erected expressly for the pur- 
 pose by the Republicans of that city. T'wenty- 
 four states were represented, including all the 
 free states, and Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 Kentucky, Missouri, and Texas. The slave 
 states, however, did not all have full delega- 
 tions. George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, was 
 chosen president of the convention, which pro- 
 ceeded to business without much delay and with 
 great harmony. The “ platform,” or declaration 
 of principles, was reported without division in 
 the committee appointed to prepare it, and 
 after a slight amendment was adopted by the 
 convention with great unanimity and enthu- 
 It set forth at length the principles and 
 policy of the party, as follows : — 
 
 “ Resolved, That we, the delegated representa- 
 tives of the Republican electors of the. United 
 States, in convention assembled, in the discharge 
 of the duty we owe to our constituents and our 
 country, unite in the following declarations : — 
 
 “1. That the history of the nation during 
 the last four years has fully established the pro- 
 priety and necessity of the organization and 
 perpetuation of the Republican party, and that 
 the causes which called it into existence are 
 permanent in their nature, and now, more than 
 ever before, demand its peaceful and constitu- 
 tional triumph, _ 
 
 siasm. 
 
99: 
 
 “2. That the maintenance of the principles 
 promulgated in the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution, 
 ‘that all men are created equal; that they are 
 endowed by their Creator with certain inalien- 
 able rights; that among these are life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure 
 these rights governments are instituted among 
 men, deriving their just powers from the con- 
 sent of the governed, is essential to the pres- 
 ervation of our republican institutions; and 
 that the federal constitution, the rights of the 
 states, and the union of the states, must and 
 shall be preserved. 
 
 “3. That to the union of the states this na- 
 tion owes its unprecedented increase in popu- 
 lation, its surprising development of material 
 resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its 
 happiness at home and its honor abroad; and 
 we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, 
 come from whatever source they may, and we 
 congratulate the country that no Republican 
 member of Congress has uttered or counte- 
 nanced the threats of disunion so often made 
 by Democratic members of Congress without 
 rebuke, and with applause from their political 
 associates; and we denounce those threats of 
 disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their 
 ascendency, as denying the vital principles of 
 a free government, and as an avowal of con- 
 templated treason, which it is the imperative 
 duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke 
 and forever silence. 
 
 “4. That the maintenance inviolate of the 
 rights of the states, and especially the right of 
 each state to order and control its own domestic 
 institutions according to its own judgment ex- 
 clusively, is essential to that balance of powers 
 on which the perfection and endurance of our 
 political fabric depend; and we denounce the 
 lawless invasion by an armed force of any state 
 or territory, no matter under what pretext, as 
 among the gravest of crimes. 
 
 “5. That the present Democratic administra- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 tion has far exceeded our worst apprehensions 
 in its measureless subserviency to the exactions 
 of a sectional interest, as especially evident in 
 its desperate exertions to force the infamous 
 Lecompton constitution upon the protesting 
 people of Kansas; in construing the personal 
 relation between master and servant to involve 
 an unqualified property in persons; in its at- 
 tempted enforcement every where, on land and 
 sea, through the intervention of Congress and 
 the federal courts, of the extreme pretensions 
 of a purely local interest, and in its general 
 and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted 
 to it by a confiding people. 
 
 “6, That the people justly view with alarm 
 the reckless extravagance which pervades in 
 every department of the federal government; 
 — that a return to rigid economy and account- 
 ability is indispensable to arrest the systematic 
 plunder of the public treasury by favored par- 
 tisans, while the recent startling developments 
 of fraud and corruption at the federal metrop- 
 olis show that an entire change of administra- 
 tion is imperatively demanded. 
 
 “7. That the new dogma that the constitu- 
 tion of its own free force carries slavery into 
 any or all of the territories of the United 
 States, is a dangerous political heresy, at vari- 
 ance with the explicit provisions of that instru- 
 ment itself, with contemporaneous exposition, 
 and with legislative and judicial precedent — 
 is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive 
 of the peace and harmony of the country. 
 
 “8. That the normal condition of all the ter- 
 ritory of the United States is that of freedom ; 
 that as our republican fathers, when they had 
 abolished slavery in all our national territory, 
 ordained that ‘no person should be deprived 
 of life, liberty, or property without due process 
 of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, 
 whenever such legislation is necessary, to main- 
 tain this provision of the constitution against 
 all attempts to violate it; and we deny the 
 authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 or of any individuals, to give legal existence 
 to slavery in any territory of the United States. 
 
 “9. That we brand the recent reopening of 
 the African slave trade, under the cover of our 
 national flag, aided by perversions of judicial 
 power, as a crime against humanity, a burning 
 shame to our country and age, and we call 
 upon Congress to take prompt and efficient 
 measures for the total and final suppression of 
 that execrable traffic. 
 
 “10. That.in the recent vetoes by their fed- 
 eral governors of the acts of the legislatures 
 of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery. in 
 those territories, we find a practical illustration 
 of the boasted Democratic principle of non- 
 intervention and popular sovereignty embodied 
 in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a denunciation 
 of the deception and fraud involved therein. 
 
 “11. That Kansas should of right be imme- 
 diately admitted as astate under the constitu- 
 tion recently formed and adopted by her peo- 
 ple, and accepted by the house of representa- 
 tives. 
 
 “12. That, while providing revenue for the 
 support of the general government, by duties 
 upon imports, sound policy requires such an 
 adjustment of these imposts as to encourage 
 the development of the industrial interests of 
 the whole country, and we commend that policy 
 of national exchanges which secures to the 
 working men liberal wages, to agriculture re- 
 munerating prices, to mechanics and manufac- 
 turers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, 
 and enterprise, and to the nation commercial 
 prosperity and independence. 
 
 “13. That we protest against any sale or 
 alienation to others of the public lands held by 
 actual settlers, and against any view of the free 
 homestead policy which regards the settlers as 
 paupers or suppliants for public bounty, and we 
 demand the passage by Congress of the com- 
 plete and satisfactory homestead measure which 
 has already passed the house. 
 
 93 
 
 to any change in our naturalization laws, or any 
 state legislation by which the rights of citizen- 
 ship, hitherto accorded to immigrants from for- 
 eign lands, shall be abridged or impaired; and 
 in favor of giving a full and efficient protection 
 to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether 
 native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 
 
 “15, That appropriations by Congress for 
 river and harbor improvements of a national 
 character, required for the accommodation and 
 security of an existing commerce, are author- 
 ized by the constitution, and justified by the 
 obligation of government to protect the lives 
 and property of its citizens. 
 
 “16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is 
 imperatively demanded by the interests of the 
 whole country; that the federal government 
 ought to render immediate and efficient aid in 
 its construction, and that, as a preliminary 
 thereto, a daily overland mail should be prompt- 
 ly established. | 
 
 “17. Finally, having thus set forth our dis- 
 tinctive principles and views, we invite the 
 cooperation of all citizens, however differing on 
 other questions, who substantially agree with 
 us in their affirmance and support.” 
 
 On the third day the convention proceeded 
 to ballot for a candidate for the presidency. 
 Mr. Seward had been the most prominent can- 
 didate previous to the convention, and was 
 supported by ardent and firm friends. But 
 he was also as strenuously opposed by many, 
 chiefly on the grounds of expediency; and there 
 were other gentlemen whose friends pressed 
 their claims to the nomination. On the first 
 ballot the vote stood: for Mr. Seward, of New 
 York, one hundred and seventy-three and a 
 half; for Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois, one hundred 
 and two; for Mr. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 
 fifty and a half; for Mr. Chase, of Ohio, forty- 
 nine; for Mr. Bates, of Missouri, forty-eight ; 
 for Mr. Dayton, of New Jersey, fourteen; for 
 Mr. McLean, of Ohio, twelve ; for Mr. Collamer, 
 
 “14. That the Republican party is opposed ||of Vermont, ten; and six other votes were 
 
94. 
 
 given for four different gentlemen. On the 
 second ballot several of the candidates were 
 dropped; Mr. Seward’s vote was one hundred 
 and eighty-four and a half, and Mr. Lincoln’s 
 one hundred and eighty-one. The third ballot, 
 when the delegates had all voted, stood: for 
 Mr. Seward, one hundred and eighty and a 
 half; for Mr. Lincoln, two hundred and _ thirty- 
 one and a half, the number required for a choice 
 being two hundred and thirty-three. Before 
 the vote was declared, however, the delegates 
 from several states changed their votes, giving 
 to Mr. Lincoln three hundred and fifty-four. 
 Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, was therefore de- 
 clared the nominee, and the nomination was 
 then unanimously confirmed. Hannibal Ham- 
 lin, of Maine, was subsequently nominated with 
 equal unanimity as candidate for the vice- 
 presidency. 
 
 The several nominations being thus made, 
 the campaign was opened, and was carried on 
 
 with much spirit.and some rancor from an early 
 
 day. The Republican party, though some por- 
 tions of it were disappoited in the result of 
 the convention, heartily accepted the nomina- 
 tion of Mr. Lincoln, and the canvass was con- 
 ducted by them, especially at the west, with an 
 earnestness which augured success. The division 
 of the Democratic party rendered it probable 
 that the Republicans would carry the election 
 in all the northern states unless the two factions 
 were united; and attempts were made to bring 
 about a union, but each faction claimed to be 
 the true Democratic party, and was almost as 
 bitterly opposed to the other as both were to 
 the Republicans. In two or three states, how- 
 ever, a partial arrangement was made, by which 
 an electoral ticket composed of members from 
 each party opposed to the Republicans was 
 nominated. But such tickets failed to receive 
 the cordial support of either party. 
 
 At the south the campaign was carried on 
 with exceeding bitterness. The success of the 
 
 Republican party was regarded as an outrage! 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 upon their rights; and notwithstanding the dec- 
 larations of that party justified no such inter- 
 pretation, it was asserted constantly that it was 
 the purpose of the party to interfere with the 
 institutions of the southern states, and to over- 
 throw slavery. The course pursued by the op- 
 ponents of the Republicans in the free states 
 was calculated to encourage these feelings. 
 The consequence was, that during the canvass 
 the southern leaders not only declared that 
 they would not submit to the administration 
 of the federal government by a Republican 
 president, but made preparations for resistance 
 and secession. At the north such threats of 
 disunion were generally regarded as a repeti- 
 tion of the empty menaces by which the south- 
 ern politicians had long sought to accomplish 
 their purposes. But the temper of the south 
 had been growing more violent, and the can- 
 vass afforded opportunities for the disunionists 
 to spread their pernicious doctrines. A south- 
 ern convention was proposed, and other meas- 
 ures were taken to unite the state governments 
 in the policy to be pursued. 
 
 As beyond the border slave states there was 
 no Republican organization, the Douglas Demo- 
 crats met with bitter local opposition, and were 
 professedly regarded with hardly less dislike 
 than the Republicans themselves. The result 
 of the election was of so much doubt that 
 each party expressed confidence of success. 
 The Republicans claimed that they should se- 
 cure the electoral vote of all the free states, 
 with the possible exception of California and 
 Oregon, and would thus succeed in electing Mr. 
 Lincoln. The friends of Mr. Douglas claimed 
 that he would carry most of the western and 
 southern states, and secure a majority of the 
 electoral votes. The Breckinridge Democrats 
 claimed all the southern states and enough from 
 the middle and western states to carry the 
 election. The Constitutional Union party ex- 
 pected to carry a few states both at the north 
 
 ‘and at the south, but believed that there would 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 95 
 
 be no election by the electoral colleges, and |] tors at the meeting of the electoral college) gave 
 
 that the choice of a president would devolve 
 on the house of representatives, in which case 
 they claimed that their candidate would event- 
 ually be chosen. 
 
 The state elections in Pennsylvania, Indiana, 
 and Ohio, which took place in October, indi- 
 cated the result of the national election in those 
 states, the first two of which had been consid- 
 ered doubtful; and it seemed almost certain 
 that the Republicans would elect their candi- 
 date, unless their opponents, by a hearty union 
 in some of the free states, should succeed in 
 carrying them. A perfect union, however, was 
 impossible, and the result showed that it would 
 have been of no avail. The election was con- 
 ducted with spirit, and Mr. Lincoln proved more 
 popular than even his friends had hoped. 
 
 By means of the electric telegraph the re- 
 sult was early known throughout the country. 
 The doubtful states had gone for Mr. Lincoln 
 by large majorities, even where there had been 
 a “fusion” of all the opposition parties against 
 him ; and it was soon ascertained that he was 
 certainly elected, having carried all the free 
 states east of the Rocky Mountains except New 
 Jersey, where four of the electoral votes were 
 for Mr. Lincoln and three for Douglas. When 
 the returns were received from California and 
 Oregon, it appeared that those states had also 
 voted for the Republican candidate, and thus 
 every one of the free states—except New 
 Jersey in part — had given its vote for Abraham 
 Lincoln. Mr. Douglas had received a large 
 vote in most of the free states, — but had car- 
 ried three electoral votes only, in New Jersey, — 
 and a small vote in the slave states, except 
 Missouri, which alone gave him a majority.* 
 Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia (the latter 
 by the non-attendance of six Breckinridge elec- 
 
 * The entire vote for Mr. Douglas in the slave states, excluding 
 Missouri, was only about one hundred thousand; less than half 
 of the vote actually given for him in New York — not two thirds 
 of the vote given him either in Illinois or Ohio. 
 
 their electoral vote for Mr. Bell. All the other 
 slave states, with Virginia in part, gave their 
 vote for Mr. Breckinridge, except South Caro- 
 lina, where the electors are chosen by the legis- 
 lature, but whose voters were generally in favor 
 of Mr. Breckinridge. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Effect of the Presidential Election at the South. — Excitement. — 
 Violent Measures advocated. — South Carolina Legislature — 
 Message of the Governor. — Secession proposed. — Military 
 Organization. — Convention for Secession called. — Action in 
 other States. — Alabama. — Georgia. — Secession Convention 
 of South Carolina. — Election of Delegates. — Sentiment of 
 People. —Mr. Rhett. — Secession Ordinance. — Its Effect. — 
 Demonstrations of Approval. — Announcement in Congress. — 
 Offers of Military Aid to South Carolina. — Fort Moultrie. — 
 Major Anderson. — Withdrawal to Fort Sumter. — Effect of 
 the Movement.— Return demanded. — Occupation of Fort, 
 Moultrie and Castle Pinckney by State Troops. — Seizure of 
 Arsenal. — New Fortifications. — Conduct towards Major An- 
 derson. — Seizure of Forts and Arsenals in other States. — 
 Feeling at the North.— Cannon at Pittsburg for Southern 
 Forts. — Shipment stopped. —Compromise.— Close of the 
 Year. 
 
 Tue result of the presidential election was 
 hardly ascertained, when the oft-repeated threats 
 of southern politicians assumed a new earnest- 
 ness, and there were immediate indications that 
 they were about to be carried into effect. The 
 greatest excitement prevailed throughout the 
 south. A portion of the press teémed with 
 articles calling upon the slave states to secede, 
 and the people to resist the authority of a Re- 
 publican administration. Speeches more vio- 
 lent and bitter than ever were made to excited 
 assemblies, calling for immediate measures to 
 defend the rights of the south and to dissolve 
 the Union. The state authorities, especially in 
 the more southern states, taking counsel from 
 the strongest disunionists, made preparations for 
 military defence, and initiated at once measures 
 for secession, or for combining the slave states 
 in resistance to federal authority. 
 
 The legislature of South Carolina, which had 
 
36 
 
 been convened for the purpose of choosing 
 presidential electors, was still in session when 
 the election returns made it certain that Mr. 
 Lincoln must be chosen president. The gov- 
 ernor sent them a message recommending that 
 they remain in permanent session and take ac- 
 tion to prepare the state for the crisis. He 
 considered secession the only remedy for the 
 threatening evils, and believed that such a step 
 on the part of South Carolina would be fol- 
 lowed by the entire south. He recommended 
 military reorganization, that every able-bodied 
 citizen be furnished with the most approved 
 fire-arms, and that ten thousand volunteers be 
 prepared at once for service. The legislature 
 adopted resolutions indorsing the action and 
 views of the governor, and proceeded to carry 
 his advice into effect by legislation. The militia 
 was reorganized, purchases of arms were pro- 
 vided for, and other military preparations “for 
 defence” were made, and a state loan authorized 
 to meet the great expenses. The legislature 
 also passed an act for a convention to dissolve 
 the connection of the state with the Union. 
 They had virtually seceded, or put the state in 
 rebellion, without the aid of a convention ; but 
 it was considered that such a body could with 
 due solemnity and better effect absolve the state 
 from relations which were assumed by similar 
 action. In the mean time, the federal officers, 
 excepting the officers of the customs and post- 
 masters, resigned, and there was no means of 
 enforcing the federal laws in the ordinary way. 
 The governor was in communication with other 
 states who were also expected to secede; but it 
 was the purpose of the leaders, and evidently the 
 desire of the people of South Carolina, to take 
 separate action, and to leave the formation of a 
 new confederacy for future consideration. The 
 people of that state were, in fact, completely 
 imbued with the spirit of secession. Those who 
 opposed it were so few in number and of so lit- 
 tle influence that they were of no account; and 
 the only form in which opposition dared to 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 show itself was to favor delay and codperation 
 with all the slaveholding states, rather than 
 immediate and separate action. 
 
 Meanwhile the spirit of secession and revo- 
 lution spread rapidly through the Gulf states, 
 and the leaders of the movement were pressing 
 the state governments to follow the course of 
 South Carolina. In Alabama, the legislature, 
 before the election, had instructed the governor 
 of that state to call a convention immediately 
 upon the election of a Republican president; 
 and the instruction was obeyed with alacrity. 
 In Georgia, the governor sent a special message 
 to the legislature, opposing immediate secession, 
 and advising that delegates should not be sent 
 to the southern convention, which was then 
 earnestly proposed. He, nevertheless, urged 
 retaliatory measures against the citizens and 
 interests of those states by whose action the 
 citizens of Georgia may have suffered. The 
 legislature, however, were better disposed to- 
 wards disunion than the governor, and took 
 measures to increase the military resources of 
 the state and to prepare the way for secession. 
 Other states, by their governors, took initiato- 
 ry steps; the legislatures were convened, prep- 
 arations for “arming the states” were quite 
 generally made, commissioners were sent to 
 each of the other slave states to secure a union 
 of action, and conventions were called; but all 
 seemed to await the action of South Carolina 
 as the leader of the movement. 
 
 The election of delegates to the convention 
 in South Carolina took place on the 6th of 
 December, and the result was the choice of a 
 large majority in favor of immediate secession, 
 most of the opponents of that action being 
 “ codperationists” rather than friends of the 
 Union. The feeling which actuated some of 
 the most violent secessionists —and a senti- 
 ment of no recent origim—may be measured 
 by the language of Mr. Rhett on the occasion 
 of his election to the convention. In the course 
 
 of a speech to his constituents he said, — 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “Nineteen years have I served as a repre- 
 sentative of the people of South Carolina, in 
 her long contest for her rights and liberties. 
 I began in 1828. For thirty-two years have 
 I followed the quarry. Behold it, at last, in 
 sight! A few more bounds, and it falls— the 
 Union falls; and with it falls its faithless op- 
 pressions — its insulting agitations — its vulgar 
 tyrannies and fanaticism. The bugle blast of 
 our victory and redemption is on the wind; 
 and the south will be safe and free.” 
 
 This was a flourish of rhetoric, indeed, and 
 it is but just to say that a large party, even 
 in South Carolina, were as yet not quite so 
 thorough or so old disunionists ; but the popu- 
 lar demonstrations there, under the lead of men 
 like Mr. Rhett, exhibited enthusiastic approval 
 of such sentiments. And it may here be again 
 remarked that the movement for secession and 
 the establishment of a southern confederacy 
 was, to most of its leaders as to Mr. Rhett, an old 
 and settled purpose, for which the recent elec- 
 tion was rather the pretext than the cause. In 
 a letter upon the crisis, Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, 
 one of the presidential candidates, wrote upon 
 this point as follows : — 
 
 “What gives me the greatest concern at 
 present is the painful conviction that the move- 
 ment in favor of secession, in Mississippi and 
 other states of the south, 1s led, for the most 
 part, by men of distinguished ability and influ- 
 ence, with whom the expediency of secession is 
 a foregone conclusion and a settled conviction ; 
 men who can be reached by no argument or 
 remonstrance; men who do not want to be 
 convinced of the insufficiency of existing griev- 
 ances to justify a disruption of the Union; 
 men whose imaginations have been taken pos- 
 session of, and their judgments led captive, by 
 the dazzling, but, as I think, delusive vision of 
 a new, great, and glorious republican empire, 
 stretching far into the south. The scheme of 
 disunion, as I have reason to believe, has been 
 long cherished by some of these leaders, and 
 
 97 
 
 they have only waited a pretext more plausible 
 than any heretofore presented to attempt the 
 accomplishment of it.” 
 
 The convention assembled on the 17th of 
 December, at Columbia, the capital, but imme- 
 diately adjourned to Charleston, on account of 
 the prevalence of the small-pox at the former 
 place. A committee was appointed to prepare 
 an ordinance for secession, which was soon re- 
 ported in the following form :— 
 
 “We, the people of the state of South Caro- 
 lina, in convention assembled, do declare and 
 ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, 
 that the ordinance adopted by us in convention 
 on the 23d day of May, in the year of our Lord 
 1788, whereby the constitution of the United 
 States of America was ratified, and also all acts 
 or parts of acts of the general assembly of this 
 state ratifying the amendments to said consti- 
 tution, are hereby repealed, and that the union 
 now subsisting between South Carolina and 
 other states under the name of the United 
 States of America is hereby dissolved.” 
 
 After a brief debate the ordinance was passed, 
 December 20th, by a unanimous vote, and its 
 adoption was followed by the wildest dem- 
 onstrations of joy, both within the convention 
 and among the people outside, who were await- 
 ing this formal ratification of what was a fore- 
 gone conclusion. The next day a declaration 
 of the causes justifying secession was adopted 
 and published to the world. The announce- 
 ment of the passage of the secession ordinance 
 caused general enthusiasm in all the more 
 southern slave states, and was received with 
 unrestrained satisfaction by large numbers in 
 the border slave states. It was announced in 
 the house of representatives at Washington, 
 by Mr. Garnet, of Virginia, in a speech which 
 he was making, as follows: “ Why, sir, while 
 your bill is under debate, one of the sovereign 
 states of this confederacy has, by the glorious 
 act of her people, withdrawn, in vindication of 
 her rights, from the Union.” And even there 
 
98 
 
 the announcement was greeted with applause. 
 In many of the principal towns at the south the 
 event was celebrated with great demonstrations 
 of joy, and every where the excitement occa- 
 sioned by it was used to press forward the 
 secession cause in the other states. 
 
 Offers of aid by military companies in other 
 states had been made to the governor of South 
 Carolina from the commencement of the seces- 
 sion movement. After the secession ordinance 
 had been adopted, these tenders were multi- 
 plied, and a new impetus was given to the 
 organization of such companies. Some corre- 
 spondence and communications between the 
 representatives of South Carolina and the na- 
 tional administration had already taken place 
 in relation to the forts in the harbor of Charles- 
 ton. A small garrison occupied Fort Moultrie, 
 and repairs were being made on Fort Sumter. 
 The occupation of these forts by the federal 
 government seemed to annoy the secessionists 
 of Charleston. They desired to obtain posses- 
 sion of them, if possible, before any reénforce- 
 ments could be sent there. They remembered 
 that in the days of “nullification” the strong 
 federal force in the forts had compelled the 
 submission of the nullifiers, and they were 
 somewhat tender upon the subject of the occu- 
 pation of the forts by a force which might 
 threaten a similar compulsion. They perhaps 
 felt, too, that upon this question would first 
 come the conflict between the federal govern- 
 ment and the state in its assumed independence. 
 From President Buchanan, through Secretary 
 Floyd, they received some assurance that the 
 forts should not be reénforced; at the same time 
 he had declared that he must see that the fed- 
 eral laws were observed and the federal prop- 
 erty protected. The position of the federal 
 administration on this point was quite unsatis- 
 factory to the South Carolina leaders, and after 
 the declaration of secession further negotiations 
 or correspondence took place, with a view to 
 secure the release or abandonment of the forts 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 to the state government without bringing on 
 any conflict. While these negotiations were 
 occasionally going on, there were repeated 
 threats among the people of an attack on the 
 forts so weakly garrisoned, and seizure of the 
 property claimed by the state. A very ill feel- 
 ing, akin to that entertained by the people of 
 the colonies towards the British soldiers on the 
 eve of the revolutionary struggle, was cherished 
 towards Major Anderson and the garrison under 
 his command. Knowing that such ill feeling 
 was prevailing among that portion of the peo- 
 ple who would join in a mob assault, and that 
 policy only prevented the men of character and 
 influence from openly encouraging such an as- 
 sault, Major Anderson strengthened his position 
 in Fort Moultrie, to be prepared for an attack. 
 Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, was a much 
 stronger fortification, though not complete in 
 all respects, nor fully provided with ordnance. 
 Not being garrisoned, it was lable to seizure at 
 any time by the South Carolina military, which 
 was now mustering, or even by the mob, and 
 Fort Moultrie would thus be at the mercy of 
 assailants. Foreseeing the danger which the 
 government at Washington could not or would 
 not notice, on the 26th of December Major 
 Anderson caused his command, with their pro- 
 visions and ammunition, to be transferred to 
 Fort Sumter, leaving only a few men in Fort 
 Moultrie, who spiked the guns and burned the 
 gun carriages. The night was clear, and the 
 moon shone brightly ; but though an armed 
 guard boat of the state authorities passed near 
 the vessels transporting the garrison, the move- 
 ment was not noticed. 
 
 This act of Major Anderson caused great ex- 
 citement and indignation among the people of 
 Charleston when discovered. They had, un- 
 doubtedly, been assured by the secretary of 
 war, Floyd, that the existing state of things in 
 relation to the forts in Charleston harbor should 
 continue unchanged, and there was a quasz prom- 
 ise on their part that no attack should be made; 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and when Major Anderson abandoned Moultrie 
 and took possession of Sumter, they declared 
 that it was a “breach of faith” and “an act of 
 war.” They were, perhaps, chagrined, too, that 
 they had not acted more promptly in their de- 
 signs to get possession of the forts. While they 
 were promising to make no assault, they were 
 making every preparation for such an act; but 
 they had been outgeneraled. 
 
 Military organization, now received a new 
 impulse, and there seemed to be a general call 
 to arms in South Carolina, while a like spirit in 
 other states led to renewed offers of military 
 aid to “repel the invasion of South Carolina.” 
 
 Having taken the first decisive step, the gov- 
 ernment of South Carolina seemed now deter- 
 mined to carry their hostile measures to the 
 extreme. They complained bitterly that the 
 promise of the secretary of war was broken; but 
 while demanding that Major Anderson should 
 be ordered. back to Fort Moultrie, a military 
 force of the state took possession of that post, 
 and would thus have prevented the return, had 
 it been contemplated. But though Major An- 
 derson had not been authorized to retire from 
 Moultrie to Sumter, the president declined to 
 order him back, and Mr. Floyd made this re- 
 fusal a pretext for tendering his resignation as 
 secretary of war; while among the secessionists 
 it was proclaimed as a determination on the part 
 of the federal government to “ coerce” the state 
 into the Union again. There was a great out- 
 cry at this time among the secessionists, and 
 even those who claimed to be Union men at the 
 south, against “coercion.” If a state secedes, 
 was the argument, there is no power in the 
 federal government, under the constitution, to 
 coerce such state or its people to remain in the 
 Union. Specious arguments against “coercion” 
 were urged north and south, and while the 
 doubtful and the timid were listening to them 
 and weighing them, the work of disunion went 
 on as if there were authority for ¢hat under the 
 constitution. 
 
 9& 
 
 F. W. Pickens was now governor of South 
 Carolina, a strong secessionist, and a man who 
 was disposed to carry out the will of the lead- 
 ers of rebellion. On the 24th of December 
 he issued a proclamation, embodying the final 
 clause of the declaration of the causes for seces- 
 sion, that South Carolina was a free, independ- 
 ent, and sovereign state. By his order the state 
 troops the same day occupied Castle Pinckney 
 (a small fort near the city) and Fort Moultrie, 
 and a day or two afterwards another body of 
 state troops took possession of the United States 
 arsenal in the city, in which were many thou- 
 sand arms and large quantities of military stores. 
 Every where the “ palmetto flag” of South Caro- 
 lina was raised in the place of the flag of the 
 Union. Immediate measures were taken to re- 
 pair Fort Moultrie, and for the erection of new 
 fortifications about the harbor of Charleston, 
 with a view of preventing reénforcements to Fort 
 Sumter, and of compelling that stronghold to 
 yield. Fora time Major Anderson’s communica- 
 tions with the government at Washington were 
 cut off, and he was refused the privilege of 
 purchasing fresh provisions in the city. 
 
 The secessionists of other states followed the 
 example of South Carolina, and seized the na- 
 tional forts and arsenals which were undefended. 
 In some instances this was done by the direct 
 authority or sanction of the state governments, 
 and in some by unauthorized acts of mobs or 
 military organizations. In Savannah the reve- 
 nue cutter was thus seized by a party of seces- 
 sionists, and was released by the governor of 
 Georgia; but Fort Pulaski was taken possession 
 of by order of the same governor. In North 
 Carolina a similar unauthorized seizure of forts 
 was made, and the governor directed them to 
 be abandoned, but with the declaration that the 
 order was given in the belief that the existing 
 national administration would not resort to 
 coercion. 
 
 While these things were going on at the 
 south, they produced a different kind of feeling 
 
100 HISTORY OF 
 
 at the north. There the Union was looked upon 
 as indissoluble, and the right of secession was 
 admitted by scarcely any one. When South 
 Carolina took measures for seceding, and claimed 
 that the federal forts belonged to the state, there 
 was a general feeling that the government 
 ought not to, and could not, permit such proceed- 
 ings without asserting its authority. Finding 
 that the national administration, through divided 
 counsels, or inefficiency, did not take any steps 
 to maintain the rights of the government and 
 to protect the public property, a feeling of in- 
 dignation pervaded the community. And when 
 it was found that even in the cabinet there were 
 those who were using all their power and influ- 
 ence to promote the purposes of the secession- 
 ists, the northern public were dismayed at the 
 prospect. The doubts which for some time 
 
 hung over the question of retaining the forts| 
 
 in Charleston harbor created intense anxiety. 
 But when Major Anderson, on his own responsi- 
 bility, took a step which indicated that the 
 
 rights of the federal government were not to | 
 
 be pusillanimously abandoned,a feeling of relief 
 and joy followed. The determination of the 
 government not to order Major Anderson to 
 retrace his steps, and thus far, at least, re- 
 solving to assert the rights of the Union, re- 
 assured the people. The feeling was almost 
 universal in favor of decided steps, except 
 among some of the blind adherents of the ad- 
 
 ministration ; and had the president taken such | 
 
 measures he would have been heartily sup- 
 ported. 
 
 While the secessionists were arming and 
 seizing the national arsenals, an inquiry natu- 
 rally arose as to the military stores in the similar 
 establishments at the north; and it was found 
 that for some time arms had been freely sent 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 from the northern arsenals and from the na- 
 tional armories to the south. At Pittsburg, 
 Pennsylvania, a quantity of ordnance belong- 
 ing to the government had been ordered to be 
 shipped south. A considerable portion of it 
 yet remained to be transported, when the events 
 occurring at the south indicated that it would 
 pass immediately into the hands of the enemies 
 of the Union, if sent as ordered. The people of 
 Pittsburg were consequently determined to- 
 resist any further shipment. By their action 
 they prevented it, until at last, when there was 
 a change in the war department, the order for 
 shipment was revoked. 
 
 There was a desire on the part of many that 
 some measures might be adopted by Congress, 
 or a national convention, to settle the questions 
 of difference between the north and the south ; 
 yet there was, undoubtedly, a large majority 
 of the people of the north who were opposed 
 to any compromise which should in any way — 
 recognize secession or simply postpone the crisis. 
 What disposition there was to compromise, 
 however, extended only to those slave states 
 which had not seceded, or taken measures for 
 that end; but towards South Carolina, and 
 those states which were disposed hastily to fol- 
 low her example, there was generally a feeling 
 of resentment, which looked to the measure so 
 much deprecated at the south — coercion. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs at the close of 
 the year 1860; secession, disunion, rebellion, 
 making rapid strides through the southern 
 states; an administration weak through the 
 timidity of some of its members and the dis- 
 loyalty of others; among the people of the 
 north suspense and anxiety, but withal a de- 
 termination to maintain the Union, and to assert 
 and defend its rights. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Second Session of Thirty-sixth Congress. — President’s Message. 
 — His Views of the Causes of the unhappy Condition of the 
 Country; of Secession and Coercion. — Select Committees in 
 each Branch of Congress.— Propositions for Compromise. — 
 Mr. Crittenden’s Proposition. — Border State Plan. — Spirit 
 of Secession at Washington. — Secession in the Cabinet. — 
 Resignation of Mr. Cobb, Secretary of Treasury. — Resigna- 
 tion of Mr. Cass, Secretary of State. — Resignation of Mr. 
 Floyd, Secretary of War.— Mr. Holt in the War Depart- 
 ment. — Resignation of Mr. Thompson, Secretary of Interior, 
 and of Mr. Thomas, Mr. Cobb’s Successor. — Character of these 
 Cabinet Officers. — Influence on the Administration of Mr. 
 Buchanan. — Better Counsel and more decided Policy. — Na- 
 tional Fast Day. — Secession in Congress. — Withdrawal of 
 South Carolina Members. — Mr. Toombs. — Efforts of Mem- 
 bers for Secession. 
 
 Wuz the excitement at the south was yet 
 increasing, but before the disunion movement 
 had culminated in secession, the second session 
 of the thirty-sixth Congress commenced. It 
 was hoped and believed by many, both north 
 and south, that through the action of Congress 
 the excitement would be allayed, and the states 
 threatening secession would be content to re- 
 main in the Union. There was a desire, too, to 
 know what course would be adopted by south- 
 ern members of Congress, what demands and 
 what concessions were to be made; and while 
 it was feared that the conflict of opinion be- 
 tween the north and the south on these ques- 
 tions, which entirely engrossed public attention, 
 might for a time be fiercer than ever, it was 
 hoped that a free discussion might eventually 
 lead to some good result. 
 
 To this session of Congress President Bu- 
 chanan transmitted his last annual message. 
 The events transpiring at the south, and the 
 questions arising therefrom, of course demanded 
 from him especial attention, and he presented 
 his views at length in the opening of the mes- 
 sage, as follows: — 
 
 “ Throughout the year since our last meeting, 
 the country has been eminently prosperous in 
 all its material interests. The general health 
 has been excellent, our harvests have been 
 
 101 
 
 abundant, and plenty smiles throughout the 
 land. Our commerce and manufactures have 
 been prosecuted with energy and industry, and 
 have yielded fair and ample returns. In short, 
 no nation in the tide of time has ever presented 
 a spectacle of greater material prosperity than 
 we have done, until within a very recent period. 
 
 “ Why is it, then, that discontent now so ex- 
 tensively prevails, and the union of the states, 
 which is the source of all these blessings, is 
 threatened with destruction ? 
 
 “The long-continued and intemperate inter- 
 ference of the northern people with the ques- 
 tion of slavery in the southern states has at 
 length produced its natural effects. The differ- 
 ent sections of the Union are now arrayed 
 against each other, and the time has arrived, so 
 much dreaded by the father of his country, 
 when hostile geographical parties have been 
 formed. 
 
 “J have long foreseen, and often forewarned, 
 my countrymen of the now impending danger. 
 This does not proceed solely from the claim on 
 the part of Congress or the territorial legisla- 
 tures to exclude slavery from the territories, 
 nor from the efforts of different states to defeat 
 the execution of the fugitive slave law. All or 
 any of these evils might have been endured by 
 the south, without danger to the Union, (as 
 others have been,) in the hope that time and re- 
 flection might apply the remedy. The imme- 
 diate peril arises not so much from these causes 
 as from the fact, that the incessant and violent 
 agitation of the slavery question throughout 
 the north for the last quarter of a century has 
 at length produced jts malign influence on the 
 slaves, and inspired them with vague notions 
 of freedom. Hence a sense of security no 
 longer exists around the family altar. This 
 feeling of peace at home has given place to 
 apprehensions of servile insurrections. Many 
 a matron throughout the south retires at night 
 in dread of what may befall herself and her 
 children before the morning. Should this 
 
102 
 
 apprehension of domestic danger, whether real 
 or imaginary, extend and intensify itself, until 
 it shall pervade the masses of the southern 
 people, then disunion will become inevitable. 
 Selfpreservation is the first law of nature, and 
 has been implanted in the heart of man by his 
 Creator, for the wisest purpose; and no politi- 
 eal union, however fraught with blessings and 
 benefits in all other respects, can long continue, 
 if the necessary consequence be to render the 
 homes and the firesides of nearly half the par- 
 ties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. 
 Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union must 
 be severed. It is my conviction that this fatal 
 period has not yet arrived; and my prayer to 
 God is, that he would preserve the constitution 
 and the Union throughout all generations. 
 
 “ But let us take warning in time, and remove 
 the cause of danger. It cannot be denied that 
 for five and twenty years the agitation at the 
 north against slavery has been incessant. In 
 1835 pictorial handbills and inflammatory ap- 
 peals were circulated extensively throughout 
 the south, of a character to excite the passions 
 of the slaves, and, in the language of General 
 Jackson, ‘ to stimulate them to insurrection, and 
 produce all the horrors of a servile war’ This 
 agitation has ever since been continued by the 
 public press, by the proceedings of state and 
 eounty conventions, and by abolition sermons 
 and lectures. The time of Congress has been 
 occupied in violent speeches on this never-end- 
 ing subject; and appeals, in pamphlet and other 
 forms, indorsed by distinguished names, have 
 been sent forth from this central point and 
 spread broadcast over the Union. 
 
 “How easy would it be for the American 
 people to settle the slavery question forever, 
 and to restore peace and harmony to this dis- 
 tracted country! They, and they alone, can 
 do it. All that is necessary to accomplish the 
 object, and all for which the slave states have 
 ever contended, is to be let alone and per- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 their own way. As sovereign states, they, and 
 they alone, are responsible before God and the 
 world for the slavery existing among them. 
 For this the people of the north are not more 
 responsible, and have no more right to inter- 
 fere, than with similar institutions in Russia or 
 in Brazil. 
 
 “Upon their good sense and patriotic for- 
 bearance, I confess, I still greatly rely. With- 
 out their aid it is beyond the power of any 
 president, no matter what may be his own po- 
 litical proclivities, to restore peace and harmony 
 among the states. Wisely limited and _ re- 
 strained as is his power under our constitution 
 and laws, he alone can accomplish but little for 
 good or for evil on such a momentous question. 
 
 “And this brings me to observe, that the 
 election of any one of our fellow-citizens to the 
 office of president does not of itself afford just 
 cause for dissolving the Union. ‘This is more 
 especially true if his election has been effected 
 by a mere plurality, and not a majority, of the 
 people, and has resulted from transient and 
 temporary causes, which may probably never 
 again occur. In order to justify a resort to 
 revolutionary resistance, the federal government 
 must be guilty of ‘a deliberate, palpable, and 
 dangerous exercise’ of powers not granted by 
 the constitution. The late presidential election, 
 however, has been held in strict conformity 
 with its express provisions. How, then, can 
 the result justify a revolution to destroy this 
 very constitution? Reason, justice, a regard 
 for the constitution, all require that we shall 
 wait for some overt and dangerous act on the 
 part of the president elect, before resorting to 
 such a remedy. It is said, however, that the 
 antecedents of the president elect have been 
 sufficient to justify the fears of the south that 
 he will attempt to invade their constitutional 
 rights. But are such apprehensions of contin- 
 gent danger in the future sufficient to justify 
 
 the immediate destruction of the noblest sys- 
 mitted to manage their domestic institutions in| tem of government ever devised by mortals? 
 
 » 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 103 
 
 From the very nature of his office, and its high}; of future danger is no good reason for an im- 
 
 responsibilities, he must necessarily be conserva- 
 tive. The stern duty of administering the vast 
 and complicated concerns of this government 
 affords in itself a guarantee that he will not 
 attempt any violation of a clear constitutional 
 right. 
 
 “ After all, he is no more than the chief ex- 
 ecutive officer of the government. His province 
 is not to make, but to execute, the laws; and it 
 is a remarkable fact in our history that, not- 
 withstanding the repeated efforts of the anti- 
 slavery party, no single act has ever passed 
 Congress, unless we may possibly except the 
 Missouri compromise, impairing in the slightest 
 degree the rights of the south to their property 
 in slaves. And it may also be observed, judg- 
 ing from present indications, that no probability 
 exists of the passage of such an act by a ma- 
 jority of both houses, either in the present or 
 the next Congress. Surely, under these cir- 
 cumstances we ought to be restrained from 
 present action by the precept of Him who spake 
 as man never spoke, that ‘sufficient unto the 
 day is the evil thereof’? ‘The day of evil may 
 never come unless we shall rashly bring it upon 
 ourselves. 
 
 “Tt is alleged as one cause for immediate se- 
 cession, that the southern states are denied 
 equal rights with the other states in the com- 
 mon territories. But by what authority are 
 these denied? Not by Congress, which has 
 never passed, and I believe never will pass, any 
 act to exclude slavery from these territories. 
 And certainly not by the Supreme Court, which 
 has solemnly decided that slaves are property, 
 and, like all other property, their owners have 
 aright to take them into the common terri- 
 tories and hold them there under the protec- 
 tion of the constitution. 
 
 “So far then as Congress is concerned, the ob- 
 jection is not to any thing they have already 
 done, but to what they may do hereafter. It 
 will surely be admitted that this apprehension 
 
 mediate dissolution of the Union. It is true 
 that the territorial legislature of Kansas, on the 
 23d February, 1860, passed in great haste an 
 act over the veto of the governor, declaring 
 that slavery ‘is, and shall be forever, prohibited 
 in this territory. Such an act, however, plainly 
 violating the rights of property secured by the 
 constitution, will surely be declared void by the 
 judiciary, whenever it shall be presented in a 
 legal form. 
 
 “Only three days after my inauguration the 
 Supreme Court of the United States solemnly 
 adjudged that this power did not exist in a ter- 
 ritorial legislature. Yet such has been the fac- 
 tious temper of the times that the correctness 
 of this decision has been extensively impugned 
 before the people, and the question has given 
 rise to angry political conflicts throughout the 
 country. Those who have appealed from this 
 judgment of our highest constitutional tribunal 
 to popular assemblies, would, if they could, in- 
 vest a territorial legislature with power to annul 
 the sacred rights of property. This power 
 Congress is expressly forbidden by the federal 
 constitution to exercise. LHvery state legisla- 
 ture in the Union is forbidden by its own con- 
 stitution to exercise it. It cannot be exercised 
 in any state except by the people in their high- 
 est sovereign capacity when framing or amend- 
 ing their state constitution. In like manner it 
 can only be exercised by the people of a terri- 
 tory, represented in a convention of delegates, 
 for the purpose of framing a constitution pre- 
 paratory to admission as a state into the Union. 
 Then, and not until then, are they invested 
 with power to decide the question whether 
 slavery shall or shall not exist within their 
 limits. This is an act of sovereign authority, 
 and not of subordinate territorial legislation. 
 Were it otherwise, then indeed would the 
 equality of the states in the territories be de- 
 stroyed and the rights of property in slaves 
 would depend not upon the guarantees of the 
 
104 
 
 constitution, but upon the shifting majorities 
 of an irresponsible territorial legislature. Such 
 a doctrine, from its intrinsic unsoundness, can- 
 not long influence any considerable portion of 
 our people, much less can it afford a good rea- 
 son for a dissolution of the Union. 
 
 “The most palpable violations of constitu- 
 tional duty which have yet been committed con- 
 sist in the acts of different state legislatures to 
 defeat the execution of the fugitive slave law. 
 It ought to be remembered, however, that for 
 these acts neither Congress nor any president 
 can justly be held responsible. Having been 
 passed in violation of the federal constitution, 
 they are therefore null and void. All the courts, 
 both state and national, before whom the ques- 
 tion has arisen, have, from the beginning, de- 
 clared the fugitive slave law to be constitutional. 
 The single exception is that of a state court in 
 Wisconsin; and this has not only been reversed 
 by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met 
 with such universal reprobation, that there can 
 be no danger from it as a precedent. The 
 validity of this law has been established over 
 and over again by the Supreme Court of the 
 United States with perfect unanimity. It is 
 founded upon an express provision of the con- 
 stitution, requiring that fugitive slaves who es- 
 cape from service in one state to another shall 
 be ‘delivered up’ to their masters. Without 
 this provision it is a well-known historical fact 
 that the constitution itself could never have 
 been adopted by the convention. In one form 
 or other, under the acts of 1793 and 1850, both 
 being substantially the same, the fugitive slave 
 law has been the law of the land from the days 
 of Washington until the present moment. Here, 
 then, a clear case is presented, in which it will 
 be the duty of the next president, as it has 
 been my own, to act with vigor in executing 
 this supreme law against the conflicting enact- 
 ments of state legislatures. Should he fail in 
 the performance of this high duty, he will then 
 have manifested a disregard of the constitution 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 and laws, to the great injury of the people of 
 nearly one half of the states of the Union. 
 But are we to presume in advance that he will 
 thus violate his duty? This would be at war 
 with every principle of justice and of Christian 
 charity. Let us wait for the overt act. The 
 fugitive slave law has been carried into execu- 
 tion in every contested case since the com- 
 mencement of the present administration ; 
 though often, it is to be regretted, with great 
 loss and inconvenience to the master, and with 
 considerable expense to the government. Let 
 us trust that the state legislatures will repeal 
 their unconstitutional and obnoxious enact- 
 ments. Unless this shall be done without un- 
 necessary delay, it 1s impossible for any human 
 power to save the Union. 
 
 “The southern states, standing on the basis 
 of the constitution, have a right to demand this 
 act of justice from the states of the north. 
 Should it be refused, then the constitution, to 
 which all the states are parties, will have been 
 wilfully violated by one portion of them ina 
 provision essential to the domestic security and 
 happiness of the remainder. In that event the 
 injured states, after having first used all peace- 
 ful and constitutional means to obtain redress, 
 would be justified in revolutionary resistance to 
 the government of the Union. — 
 
 “J have purposely confined my remarks to 
 revolutionary resistance, because it has been 
 claimed within the last few years that any state, 
 whenever this shall be its sovereign will and 
 pleasure, may secede from the Union in accord- 
 ance with the constitution, and without any 
 violation of the constitutional rights of the 
 other members of the confederacy; that as 
 each became parties to the Union by the vote 
 of its own people assembled in convention, so 
 any one of them may retire from the Union in 
 a similar manner by the vote of such a con- 
 vention. 
 
 “Jn order to justify secession as @ constitu- 
 tional remedy, it must be on the principle that 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the federal government is a mere voluntary 
 association of states, to be dissolved at pleasure 
 by any one of .the contracting parties. If this 
 be so, the confederacy is a rope of sand, to be 
 penetrated and dissolved by the first adverse 
 wave of public opinion in any of the states. 
 In this manner our thirty-three states may re- 
 solve themselves into as many petty, jarring, 
 and hostile republics, each one retiring from the 
 Union without responsibility whenever any sud- 
 den excitement might impel them to such a 
 course. By this process a Union might be 
 entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks 
 which cost our forefathers many years of toil, 
 privation, and blood to establish. 
 
 “Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with 
 the history as well as the character of the fed- 
 eral constitution. After it was framed with the 
 greatest deliberation and care, it was submitted 
 to conventions of the people of the several 
 states for ratification. Its provisions were dis- 
 eussed at length in these bodies, composed of 
 the first men of the country. Its opponents 
 contended that it conferred powers upon the 
 federal government dangerous to the rights of 
 the states, whilst its advocates maintained that, 
 under a fair construction of the instrument, 
 there was no foundation for such apprehen- 
 sions. In that mighty struggle between the 
 first intellects of this or any other country, it 
 never occurred to any individual, either among 
 its opponents or advocates, to assert, or even to 
 intimate, that their efforts were all vain labor, 
 because the moment that any state felt herself 
 aggrieved she might secede from the Union. 
 
 What a crushing argument would this have| 
 
 proved against those who dreaded that the 
 rights of the states would be endangered by 
 the constitution! The truth is, that it was not 
 until many years after the origin of the federal 
 government that such a proposition was first 
 advanced. It was then met and refuted by the 
 conclusive arguments of General Jackson, who, 
 in his message of the 16th January, 1853, trans- 
 . 14 
 
 106 
 
 mitting the nullifying ordinance of South Caro- 
 lina to Congress, employs the following lan- 
 guage; ‘The right of the people of a single 
 state to absolve themselves at will and without 
 the consent of the other states from their most 
 solemn obligations, and hazard the liberty and 
 happiness of the millions composing this Union, 
 cannot be acknowledged. Such authority is 
 believed to be utterly repugnant both to the 
 principles upon which the general government 
 is constituted, and to the objects which it was 
 expressly formed to attain,’ 
 
 “Tt is not pretended that any clause in the 
 constitution gives countenance to such a theory. 
 It is altogether founded upon inference, not 
 from any language contained in the instrument 
 itself, but from the sovereign character of the 
 several states by which it was ratified. But 
 is it beyond the power of a state, ike an indi- 
 vidual, to yield a portion of its sovereign rights 
 to secure the remainder? In the language of 
 Mr. Madison, who has been called the father of 
 the constitution, ‘It was formed by the states 
 — that is, by the people in each of the states, 
 acting in their highest sovereign capacity, and 
 formed consequently by the same authority 
 which formed the state constitutions.’ ‘ Nor is 
 the government of the United States, created 
 by the constitution, less a government, in the 
 strict sense of the term, within the sphere of 
 its powers, than the governments created by the 
 constitutions of the states are within their sev- 
 eral spheres. It is, ike them, organized into 
 legislative, executive, and judiciary depart- 
 ments. It operates, like them, directly on per- 
 sons and things; and, like them, it has at com- 
 mand a physical force for executing the powers 
 committed to it. 
 
 “Tt was intended-to be perpetual, and not to 
 be annulled at the pleasure of any one of the 
 contracting parties. The old articles of con- 
 federation were entitled,‘ Articles of Confedera- 
 tion and Perpetual Union between the States ;’ 
 and by the thirteenth article it is expressly 
 
106 
 
 declared that ‘ the articles of this confederation 
 shall be inviolably observed by every state, and 
 the union shall be perpetual’ The preamble 
 to the constitution of the United States having 
 express reference to the articles of confedera- 
 tion, recites that it was established ‘in order to 
 form a more perfect union. And yet it is con- 
 tended that this ‘ more perfect union’ does not 
 include the essential attribute of perpetuity. 
 
 “But that the union was designed to be per- 
 petual, appears conclusively from the nature 
 and extent of the powers conferred by the con- 
 stitution on the federal government. These 
 powers embrace the very highest attributes 
 of national sovereignty. They place both the 
 sword and the purse under its control. Con- 
 gress has power to make war and to make 
 peace; to raise and support armies and navies, 
 and to conclude treaties with foreign govern- 
 ments. It is invested with the power to coin 
 money, and to regulate the value thereof, and 
 to regulate commerce with foreign nations and 
 among the several states. It is not necessary 
 to enumerate the other high powers which have 
 been conferred upon the federal government. 
 In order to carry the enumerated powers into 
 effect, Congress possesses the exclusive right to 
 lay and collect duties on imports, and, in com- 
 mon with the states, to lay and collect all other 
 taxes. 
 
 “ But the constitution has not only conferred 
 these high powers upon Congress, but it has 
 adopted effectual means to restrain the states 
 from interfering with their exercise. For that 
 purpose it has in strong prohibitory language 
 expressly declared that ‘no state shall enter into 
 any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant let- 
 ters of marque and reprisal; coin money ; emit 
 bills of credit; make any thing but gold and 
 silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass 
 any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law im- 
 pairing the obligation of contracts” Moreover, 
 ‘without the consent of Congress no state shall 
 lay any imposts or duties on any imports or ex- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ports, except what may be absolutely necessary 
 
 for executing its inspection laws, and if they 
 
 exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to 
 
 the United States. And ‘no state shall, without, 
 the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, 
 
 keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, en- 
 
 ter into any agreement or compact with another 
 
 state, or with a foreign power, or engage in 
 war, unless actually invaded or in such immi- 
 
 nent danger as will not admit of delay, 
 
 “Jn order still further to secure the uninter- 
 rupted exercise of these high powers against 
 state interposition, it is provided ‘ that this con- 
 stitution, and the laws of the United States 
 which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and 
 all treaties made, or which shall be made, under 
 the authority of the United States, shall be the 
 supreme law of the land; and the judges in 
 every state shall be bound thereby, any thing 
 in the constitution or laws of any state to the 
 contrary notwithstanding’ — 
 
 “The solemn sanction of religion has been 
 superadded to the obligations of official duty, 
 and all senators and representatives of the 
 United States, all members of state legislatures, 
 and all executive and judicial officers, ‘both of 
 the United States and of the several states, 
 shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support 
 this constitution, 
 
 “In order to carry into effect these powers, 
 the constitution has established a perfect gov- 
 ernment in all its forms, legislative, executive, 
 and judicial; and this government, to the extent 
 of its powers, acts directly upon the individual 
 citizens of every state, and executes its own | 
 decrees by the agency of its own officers. In 
 this respect it differs entirely from the govern- 
 ment under the old confederation, which was 
 confined to making requisitions on the states in 
 their sovereign character. This left it in the 
 discretion of each whether to obey or to refuse, 
 and they often declined to comply with such 
 requisitions. It thus became necessary, for the 
 purpose of removing this barrier, and ‘in order 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to form a more perfect union, to establish a goy- 
 ernment which could act directly upon the peo- 
 ple, and execute its own laws without the inter- 
 mediate agency of the states. This has been 
 accomplished by the constitution of the United 
 States. In short, the government created by 
 the constitution, and deriving its authority from 
 the sovereign people of each of the several 
 states, has precisely the same right to exercise 
 its power over the people of all these states 
 in the enumerated cases, that each one of them 
 possesses over subjects not delegated to the 
 United States, but ‘reserved to the states re- 
 spectively or to the people.’ 
 
 “To the extent of the delegated powers the 
 constitution of the United States is as much 
 a part of the constitution of each state, and is 
 as binding upon its people, as though it had 
 been textually inserted therein. 
 
 “This government, therefore, is a great and 
 powerful government, invested with all the 
 attributes of sovereignty over the special sub- 
 jects to which its authority extends. Its fram- 
 ers never intended to implant in its bosom the 
 seeds of its own destruction, nor were they at 
 its creation guilty of the absurdity of providing 
 for its own dissolution. It was not intended 
 by its framers to be the baseless fabric of a vis- 
 ion, which, at the touch of the enchanter, would 
 vanish into thin air, but a substantial and mighty 
 fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of 
 time, and of defying the storms of ages. In- 
 deed, well may the jealous patriots of that day 
 have indulged fears that a government of such 
 high powers might violate the reserved rights 
 of the states, and wisely did they adopt the 
 rule of a strict construction of these powers to 
 prevent the danger. But they did not fear, 
 nor had they any reason to imagine that the 
 constitution would ever be so interpreted as to 
 enable any state by her own act, and without 
 the consent of her sister states, to discharge her 
 people from all or any of their federal obliga- 
 tions. 
 
 107 
 
 “Jt may be asked, then, Are the people of the 
 states without redress against the tyranny and 
 oppression of the federal government? By no 
 means. ‘The right of resistance on the part of 
 the governed against the oppression of their 
 governments cannot be denied. It exists inde- 
 pendently of all constitutions, and has been 
 exercised at all periods of the world’s history. 
 Under it old governments have been destroyed, 
 and new ones have taken their place. It is 
 embodied in strong and express language in 
 our own Declaration of Independence. But 
 the distinction must ever be observed that this 
 is revolution against an established government, 
 and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue 
 of an inherent constitutional right. In short, 
 let us look the danger fairly in the face ; seces- 
 sion is neither more nor less than revolution. 
 It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution ; 
 but still it 1s revolution. 
 
 “ What, in the mean time, is the responsibility 
 and true position of the executive? He is 
 bound by solemn oath, before God and the 
 country, ‘to take care that the laws be faith- 
 fully executed, and from this obligation he can- 
 not be absolved by any human power. But 
 what if the performance of this duty, in whole 
 or in part, has been rendered impracticable by 
 events over which he could have exercised no 
 control? Such, at the present moment, is the 
 case throughout the state of South Carolina, so 
 far as the laws of the United States to secure 
 the administration of justice by means of the 
 federal judiciary are concerned. All the federal 
 officers within its limits, through whose agency 
 alone these laws can be carried into execution, 
 have already resigned. We no longer have a 
 district judge, a district attorney, or.a marshal 
 in South Carolina. In fact, the whole machin- 
 ery of the federal government necessary for the 
 distribution of remedial justice among the peo- 
 ple has been demolished, and it would be dif- 
 ficult, if not impossible, to replace it. 
 
 “The only acts of Congress on the statute 
 
108 
 
 book bearing upon this subject are those of 
 the 28th February, 1795, and 3d March, 1807. 
 These authorize the president, after he shall 
 have ascertained that the marshal, with his 
 posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or 
 criminal process in any particular case, to call 
 forth the militia and employ the army and navy 
 to aid him in performing this service, having 
 first by proclamation commanded the insurgents 
 ‘to disperse and retire peaceably to their re- 
 spective abodes within a limited time’ This 
 duty cannot by possibility be performed in a 
 state where no judicial authority exists to issue 
 process, and where there is no marshal to exe- 
 cute it, and where, even if there were such an 
 officer, the entire population would constitute 
 one solid combination to resist him. 
 
 “The bare enumeration of these provisions 
 proves how inadequate they are without further 
 legislation to overcome a united opposition in a 
 single state, not to speak of other states who 
 may place themselves in a similar attitude. 
 Congress alone has power to decide whether 
 the present laws can or cannot be amended so 
 as to carry out more effectually the objects of 
 the constitution. 
 
 “The same insuperable obstacles do not lie 
 in the way of executing the laws for the collec- 
 tion of the customs. The revenue still contin- 
 ues to be collected, as heretofore, at the custom 
 house in Charleston, and should the collector 
 unfortunately resign, a successor may be ap- 
 pointed to perform this duty. 
 
 “Then, in regard to the property of the United 
 States in South Carolina. This has been pur- 
 chased for a fair equivalent, ‘by the consent of 
 the legislature of the state, ‘for the erection of 
 forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these 
 the authority ‘ to exercise exclusive legislation’ 
 has been expressly granted by the constitution 
 to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt 
 will be made to expel the United States from 
 this property by force; but if in this I should 
 prove to be mistaken, the officer in command 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 of the forts has received orders to act: strictly 
 on the defensive. In such a contingency the 
 responsibility for consequences would rightfully 
 rest upon the heads of the assailants. 
 
 “ Apart from the execution of the laws, so far 
 as this may be practicable, the executive has no 
 authority to decide what shall be the relations 
 between the federal government and South 
 Carolina. He has been invested with no such 
 discretion. He possesses no power to change 
 the relations heretofore existing between them, 
 much less to acknowledge the independence of 
 that state. This would be to invest a mere 
 executive officer with the power of recognizing 
 the dissolution of the confederacy among our 
 thirty-three sovereign states. It bears no re- 
 semblance to the recognition of a foreign de 
 facto government, involving no such responsi- 
 bility. Any attempt to do this would, on his 
 part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, there- 
 fore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole 
 question in all its bearings. The course of 
 events is so rapidly hastening forward that the 
 emergency may soon arise when you may be 
 called upon to decide the momentous question 
 whether you possess the power, by force of 
 arms, to compel a state to remain in the Union. 
 I should feel myself recreant to my duty were 
 I not to express an opinion on this important 
 subject. 
 
 “The question fairly stated is: Has the con- 
 stitution delegated to Congress the power to 
 coerce a state into submission which is attempt- 
 ing to withdraw or has actually withdrawn from 
 the confederacy? If answered in the affirma- 
 tive, it must be on the principle that the power 
 has been conferred upon Congress to declare 
 and to make war against a state. After much 
 serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclu- 
 sion that no such power has been delegated to 
 Congress or to any other department of the 
 federal government. It is manifest, upon an 
 inspection of the constitution, that this is not 
 among the specific and enumerated powers 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 granted to Congress ; and it is equally apparent 
 that its exercise is not ‘necessary and proper 
 for carrying into execution’ any one of these 
 powers. So far from this power having been 
 delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused 
 by the convention which framed the constitution. 
 
 “Tt appears from the proceedings of that 
 body that on the 3lst May, 1787, the clause 
 ‘mithorizing an exertion of the force of the whole 
 against a delinquent state’ came up for considera- 
 tion. Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but 
 powerful speech, from which I shall extract but 
 a single sentence. He observed, ‘The use of 
 force against a state would look more like a 
 declaration of war than an infliction of punish- 
 ment, and would probably be considered by the 
 party attacked as a dissolution of all previous 
 eompacts by which it might be bound.” Upon 
 his motion the clause was unanimously post- 
 poned, and was never, I believe, again presented. 
 Soon afterwards, on the 8th June, 1787, when 
 incidentally adverting to the subject, he said, 
 ‘Any government for the United States, formed 
 on the supposed practicability of using force 
 against the unconstitutional proceedings of the 
 states, would prove as visionary and fallacious 
 as the government of Congress, evidently mean- 
 ing the then existing Congress of the old con- 
 federation. 
 
 “Without descending to particulars, it may 
 be safely asserted that the power to make war 
 against a state is at variance with the whole 
 spirit and intent of the constitution. Suppose 
 such a war should result in the conquest of a 
 state: how are we to govern it afterwards? 
 Shall we hold it as a province and govern it by 
 despotic power? In the nature of things, we 
 could not, by physical force, control the will of 
 the people, and compel them to elect senators 
 and representatives to Congress, and to perform 
 all the other duties depending upon their own 
 volition, and required from the free citizens of a 
 free state as a constituent member of the con- 
 federacy. 
 
 109 
 
 “ But, if we possessed this power, would it be 
 wise to exercise it under existing circumstances? 
 The object would doubtless be to preserve the 
 Union. War would not only present the most 
 effectual means of destroying it, but would 
 banish all hope of its peaceable reconstruction. 
 Besides, in the fraternal conflict a vast amount 
 of blood and treasure would be expended, ren- 
 dering future reconciliation between the states 
 impossible. In the mean time, who can foretell 
 what would be the sufferings and privations of 
 the people during its existence ? 
 
 “The fact is, that our Union rests upon public 
 opinion, and can never be cemented by the blood 
 of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot 
 live in the affections of the people, it must one 
 day perish. Congress possesses many means 
 of preserving it by conciliation; but the sword 
 was not placed in their hand to preserve it by 
 force. | 
 
 “But may I be permitted solemnly to invoke 
 my countrymen to pause and deliberate, before 
 they determine to destroy this, the grandest 
 temple which has ever been dedicated to human 
 freedom since the world began. It has been 
 consecrated by the blood of our fathers, by the 
 glories of the past, and by the hopes of the 
 future. The Union has already made us the 
 most prosperous, and ere long will, if preserved, 
 render us the most powerful nation on the face 
 of the earth. In every foreign region of the 
 globe the title of American citizen is held in 
 the highest respect, and when pronounced in a 
 foreign land, it causes the hearts of our country- 
 men to swell with honest pride. Surely, when 
 we reach the brink of the yawning abyss we 
 shall recoil with horror from the last fatal 
 plunge. 
 
 “ By such a dread catastrophe, the hopes of 
 the friends of freedom throughout the world 
 would be destroyed, and a long night of leaden 
 despofism would enshroud the nations. Our 
 example for more than eighty years would 
 ‘not only be lost, but it would be quoted asa 
 
110 
 
 conclusive proof that man is unfit for selfgov- 
 ernment. 
 
 “Jt is not every wrong — nay, it is not every 
 
 grievous wrong — which can justify a resort to 
 such a fearful alternative. This ought to be the 
 last desperate remedy of a despairing people, 
 after every other constitutional means of con- 
 ciliation had been exhausted. We should re- 
 flect that, under this free government, there is 
 an incessant ebb and flow in public opinion. 
 The slavery question, like every thing human, 
 will have its day. I firmly believe that it has 
 reached and passed the culminating point. But 
 if, in the midst of the existing excitement, the 
 Union shall perish, the evil may then become 
 irreparable. 
 - “Congress can contribute much to avert it, 
 by proposing and recommending to the legis- 
 latures of the several states the remedy for 
 existing evils which the constitution has itself 
 provided for its own preservation. This has 
 been tried at different critical periods of our 
 history, and always with emiment ‘success. — It 
 is to be found in the fifth article, providing for 
 its ownamendment. Under this article amend- 
 ments have been proposed by two thirds of both 
 houses of Congress, and have been ‘ ratified by 
 the legislatures of three fourths of the several 
 states, and have consequently become parts of 
 the constitution. ‘To this process the country 
 is indebted for the clause prohibiting Congress 
 from passing any law respecting an establish- 
 ment of religion, or abridging the freedom of 
 speech or of the press, or of the right of peti 
 tion. ‘T’o this we are, also, indebted for the bill 
 of rights, which secures the people against any 
 abuse of power by the federal government. 
 Such were the apprehensions justly entertained 
 by the friends of state rights at that period as 
 to have rendered it extremely doubtful whether 
 the constitution could have long survived with- 
 out those amendments. 
 
 “ Again, the constitution was amended by the 
 same process, after the election of President 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Jefferson by the house of representatives, in 
 February, 1803. This amendment was ren- 
 dered necessary to prevent a recurrence of the 
 dangers which had seriously threatened the 
 existence of the government during the pen- 
 dency of that election. ‘The article for its own 
 amendment was intended to secure the amicable 
 adjustment of conflicting constitutional ques- 
 tions like the present, which might arise between 
 the governments of the states and that of the 
 United States. This appears from contempo- 
 raneous history. In this connection, I shall 
 merely call attention to a few sentences in Mr. 
 
 'Madison’s justly celebrated report, in 1799, to 
 
 the legislature of Virginia. In this he ably and 
 conclusively defended the resolutions of the 
 preceding legislature, against the strictures of 
 several other state legislatures. These were 
 mainly founded upon the protest of the Virginia 
 legislature against the ‘alien and sedition acts, 
 as ‘palpable and alarming infractions of the 
 constitution. In pointing out the peaceful and 
 constitutional remedies —and he referred to 
 none other — to which the states were author- 
 ized to resort on such occasions, he concludes 
 by saying, that ‘the legislatures of the states 
 might have made a direct representation to 
 Congress, with a view to obtain a rescinding of 
 the two offensive acts, or they might have rep- 
 resented to their respective senators in Con- 
 gress their wish that two thirds thereof would 
 propose an explanatory amendment to the con- 
 stitution, or two thirds of themselves, if such 
 had been their option, might, by an application - 
 to Congress, have obtained a convention for the 
 same object. This is the very course which I 
 earnestly recommend, in order to obtain an 
 ‘explanatory amendment’ of the constitution 
 on the subject of slavery. This might originate 
 with Congress or the state legislatures, as 
 may be deemed most advisable to attain the 
 object. 
 
 “The explanatory amendment might be con- 
 fined to the final settlement of the true con- 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 struction of the constitution on three special 
 points : — 
 
 “], An express recognition of the right of 
 property in slaves in the states where it now 
 exists or may hereafter exist. 
 
 “2. The duty of protecting this right in all the 
 common territories throughout their territorial 
 existence, and until they shall be admitted as 
 states into the Union, with or without slavery, 
 as their constitutions may prescribe. 
 
 «3. A like recognition of the right of the 
 master to have his slave, who has escaped from 
 one state to another, restored and ‘delivered 
 up’ to him, and of the validity of the fugitive 
 slave law enacted for this purpose, together 
 with a declaration that all state laws impairing 
 or defeating this right are violations of the 
 constitution, and are consequently null and 
 void. It may be objected that this construc- 
 tion of the constitution has already been set- 
 tled by the Supreme Court of the United States ; 
 and what more ought to be required? The 
 answer is, that a very large proportion of the 
 people of the United States still contest the 
 correctness of this decision, and never will cease 
 from agitation and admit its binding force until 
 clearly established by the people of the several 
 states in their sovereign character. Such an 
 explanatory amendment would, it is believed, 
 forever terminate the existing dissensions, and 
 restore peace and harmony among the states. 
 
 “It ought not to be doubted that such an 
 appeal to the arbitrament established by the 
 constitution itself would be received with favor 
 by all the states of the confederacy. In any 
 event, it ought to be tried in a spirit of con- 
 ciliation before any of these states shall sep- 
 arate themselves from the Union.” 
 
 This portion of the message was referred in 
 the senate to a committee of thirteen, and in 
 the house to a select committee of thirty-three, 
 one member from each state, from whose delib- 
 erations it was hoped some measure might result 
 which should prevent secession, or at least con- 
 
 VEL 
 
 fine it to a few of the more southern states, and 
 eventually lead even those to reconsider their 
 action. Some of the southern members declined 
 to vote on this proposition, on the ground that 
 their states had already taken measures for 
 seceding. While, however, it was hoped that 
 conciliation and a purpose to stand by the con- 
 stitution, on the part of the north, might allay 
 the excitement at the south, and prevent the 
 spread of disunion, there was, nevertheless, a 
 determination not to yield to any arrogant 
 demands, or to concede any new vantage ground 
 to slavery. A president had been elected ac- 
 cording to constitutional forms, who would 
 administer the government in a constitutional 
 way, and it was felt that his Inauguration and 
 exercise of the duties and privileges of the 
 office were not to be purchased by the aban- 
 donment of any constitutional principle on 
 which the people had elected him, or by the 
 permanent and unalterable establishment of 
 the principles and policy of those who had op- 
 posed him. It was soon apparent that nothing 
 short of such entire abandonment of principle, 
 or even the relinquishment of the government 
 itself by the Republicans, would satisfy the real 
 secessionists. But there were some true friends 
 of the Union at the south, especially in the 
 border slave states, and some quasi Unionists, 
 whose attachment to the Union was qualified 
 by their attachment to the institution of slavery. 
 They desired to enjoy the blessings of the Union, 
 but they wished for additional guaranties for 
 the permanence of that institution. A variety 
 of propositions was submitted to each com- 
 mittee and discussed, but the opinions of mem- 
 bers were so various that no conclusion could 
 be readily arrived at. Among those which 
 attracted most attention was one submitted by 
 Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, which provided 
 for the practical reéstablishment of the Missouri 
 compromise, prohibited Congress from abolish- 
 ing slavery in places under its exclusive juris- 
 diction if in slave states, or in the District of 
 
412 
 
 Columbia, without compensation to owners, so 
 long as slavery exists in Virginia or Maryland, 
 and proposed new guaranties for the faithful 
 execution of the fugitive slave law. This, 
 however, was not altogether satisfactory to 
 many of the southern members, who demanded 
 at least that the right to take slaves into any 
 of the territories should be recognized. ‘The 
 tepublicans, on the other hand, were willing to 
 provide for an amendment to the constitution 
 declaring that the federal government should 
 have no power to interfere with slavery in the 
 states, that being in accordance with the spirit 
 of the constitution, but were not disposed to 
 agree to any guaranties for its extension. A 
 proposition was also submitted by a committee 
 of the border states, including New Jersey, 
 Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois from 
 the north, and Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, Kentucky, and Missouri from 
 the south, which suggested certain guaranties 
 for the enforcement of the fugitive slave law, 
 and modification of some of its objectionable 
 details, and also provided that no new territory 
 shall be acquired by the United States without 
 the consent of three fourths of the senate. 
 While these propositions were still before 
 the committees, and the country was awaiting 
 events and some possible solution of difficulties, 
 the spirit of secession was at work at Washing- 
 ton, in Congress, in the cabinet, among the 
 people. The administration, as before observed, 
 either from a division of counsel or from supine- 
 ness, exhibited an inefficiency which was re- 
 garded with dismay among the loyal people 
 at the north. Besides the lack of decision and 
 strong will in the president himself, which were 
 demanded in emergencies like the present, it 
 soon became evident that the secessionists con- 
 trolled a portion of the cabinet, and that the 
 treason which was plotting disunion in the 
 southern states had aiders and abettors among 
 the advisers and executive officers of the presi- 
 dent. Mr. Cobb, secretary of the treasury, re- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 signed his office on the 10th of December. In 
 his letter of resignation he stated, that while 
 he differed from the president in some of the 
 views contained in the message, and in the 
 hope, therein expressed, of the preservation of 
 the Union, yet he concurred generally in the 
 policy and measures of the administration. 
 Up to this time, however, the policy of the 
 administration had been as lenient and forbear- 
 ing towards secession as could well be desired. 
 It was, confessedly, not on account of any dif 
 ference with the president, that the resignation 
 was tendered, but because Mr. Cobb was a lead- 
 ing secessionist himself, and, either from ambi- 
 tious motives or from thorough sympathy with 
 disunion, desired to take part in the active 
 measures for its accomplishment. In an address 
 to the people of Georgia, issued about this 
 time, Mr. Cobb, after reviewing the condition of 
 affairs, said, “I should feel that I had done in- 
 justice to my own convictions, and been unfaith- 
 ful to you, if I did not in conclusion warn you 
 of the dangers of delay, and impress upon you 
 the hopelessness of any remedy for these evils 
 short of secession.” He then called upon them 
 to arouse, and take Georgia out of the Union 
 before the 4th of March. The president, not- 
 withstanding Mr. Cobb’s position must have 
 been known to him, in accepting the resigna- 
 tion expressed his regret at losing Mr. Cobb 
 from his cabmet, and complimented him upon 
 the fidelity and ability with which he had dis- 
 charged his duties. Philip F. Thomas, of Mary- 
 land, was appointed in the place of Mr. Cobb; 
 but the appointment was such as inspired but 
 little confidence among the loyal people, who 
 rejoiced that the cabinet had been relieved of 
 one secessionist. 
 
 Four days after the resignation of Mr. Cobb, 
 another resignation was tendered, which occa- 
 sioned regret rather than satisfaction among 
 the people of the north, especially as its cause 
 indicated the weakness or inefficiency of the 
 government. This was the resignation of Mr. 
 
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PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Cass, secretary of state, which was tendered on 
 account of the refusal of the president to reén- 
 force the garrison under Major Anderson, then 
 still at Fort Moultrie, and to use his constitu- 
 tional powers to enforce the laws in South 
 Carolina. The secretary of war, Mr. Floyd, 
 protested against such reénforcement; the 
 president adopted the policy of the secretary 
 of war, and Mr. Cass accordingly resigned a 
 position which he felt he could not hold with 
 honor if such a course was to be pursued. Mr. 
 Black, attorney-general, was appointed as suc- 
 cessor to Mr. Cass. The president, it appeared, 
 was firm in his determination not to reénforce 
 Major Anderson, although he had been most 
 earnestly besought to do so by men of influence, 
 and by Major Anderson’s wife, as a measure of 
 safety to the officers and men of the garrison. 
 There was without doubt an agreement, express 
 or implied, between the government and the 
 secessionists of South Carolina, that if the gar- 
 rison at Fort Moultrie was not reénforced, or, 
 as the secessionists asserted, if affairs in Charles- 
 ton harbor should remain in statu quo, no attack 
 should be made during the administration of 
 Mr. Buchanan. 
 
 When Major Anderson removed his command 
 from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, Mr. Floyd 
 demanded authority to order him back at once. 
 This the president refused, upon consultation, 
 and Mr. Floyd then resigned his office also, on 
 the 29th of December. This resignation was 
 promptly accepted by the president, and Mr. 
 Holt, postmaster-general, was at once placed in 
 charge of the war department. This change 
 was highly satisfactory to the loyal people ; and 
 when Mr. Holt’s views and efficiency were 
 more fully realized, as they were shortly after, 
 the country found cause for gratitude. 
 
 On the 8th of January, Mr. Thompson, secre- 
 tary of the interior, resigned for reasons similar 
 to those assigned for Mr. Floyd’s resignation. 
 Under the influence of the new members of 
 his cabinet, the president was disposed to adopt 
 
 15 
 
 113 
 
 a more decided policy with regard to the forts 
 in Charleston harbor, and Mr. Thompson re- 
 signed in consequence. Still another resigna- 
 tion occurred on the 11th of January, when 
 Mr. Thomas also retired from the treasury 
 department, which he had held but a month, 
 because he could not agree with the adminis- 
 tration in its policy, as now indicated, towards 
 South Carolina. John A. Dix, of New York, 
 was promptly invited to take the place, and 
 accepted. 
 
 Thus within a month five members of Mr. 
 Buchanan’s cabinet had resigned. With the 
 exception of that of Mr. Cass, the loyal people 
 rejoiced at these resignations. From the first 
 open acts towards secession some of the cabinet 
 had been looked upon with distrust, for they 
 were known to belong to that political school 
 which was now attempting to destroy the Union. 
 Mr. Cobb’s administration of the finances of 
 the country had been such as to reduce the 
 government from an overflowing treasury to a 
 considerable debt, and to weaken it for any 
 emergency like that which was about to arise. 
 Whether he had pursued such a policy to aid 
 disunion or not, he;was known to be a seces- 
 sionist, and the later acts of his administration 
 were perhaps justly. considered as being for the 
 benefit of secession: Mr. Floyd, it was found, 
 had illegally issuet! acceptances for a large 
 amount alleged to be due to certain contractors ; 
 and it seine also in connection with ihis 
 operation, that $870,000 of the Indian Trust 
 Funds, in charge of the department of the in- 
 terior, had been abstracted by aclerk of that 
 department, and turned over to these con- 
 tractors, for a part of which Mr. Floyd’s illegal 
 acceptances had been pledged. ‘The secretary 
 of the interior was not implicated in the 
 abstraction of the bonds, nor was Mr. Floyd; 
 but the investigation revealed the unwarranted 
 issue of acceptances by the latter, and his loose 
 and careless methods of business. 
 
 It also appeared, from subsequent investiga- 
 
114 
 
 tions, that under Mr. Floyd’s administration of 
 the war department, a large quantity of arms, 
 many of them of the most approved patterns, 
 had been distributed among the southern states, 
 in excess of the proportion distributed among 
 the northern states. The quota of arms for 
 1861 had been in some cases distributed in 
 advance, and the order from South Carolina 
 had been filled but a few days previous to the 
 passage of the secession ordinance. The national 
 arsenals at the south had also been replenished 
 in some instances, and heavy ordnance had 
 been sent south for the armament of fortifica- 
 tions, while equally important works at the 
 north had been neglected. Mr. Floyd’s course 
 in relation to the garrison at Charleston, and 
 his actions after leaving the cabinet, were suffi- 
 cient to confirm the general belief that he had 
 been using his office to advance the interests 
 of the south in case of disunion, and that more 
 recently he had been plotting treason by pro- 
 moting secession. He went forth from the 
 cabinet execrated by all loyal men as a traitor. 
 He was afterwards indicted by the grand jury 
 for maladministration of office, complicity in 
 the abstraction of the Indian bonds, and for 
 conspiracy against the government. 
 
 Mr. Thompson, the secretary of the interior, 
 was a man of somewhat different stamp, but 
 of his loyalty there was also some question. 
 He was a codperationist, desiring that the south 
 should act in concert, and that the states should 
 not secede separately. He visited several states 
 
 in the early part of the winter, with the alleged 
 
 purpose of inducing them to join in a southern 
 convention, which should present the demands 
 of the south to the free states, and if they were 
 not acceded to should take measures to form at 
 once a southern confederacy. While he did 
 not openly advocate immediate secession, he 
 represented a large class who were waiting for 
 an opportunity to form a southern confederacy, 
 and needed but a slight pretext to desert the 
 government and join them. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 With such counsellors as these Mr. Buchanan 
 needed great selfreliance and an iron will to 
 save his administration from the charges of im- 
 becility, and even of leaning towards secession. 
 He seemed most anxious to go through with 
 his administration without collision either in or 
 out of the cabinet, and from the opening events 
 of secession he halted between the desire to 
 perform his duty and the fear of offending 
 somebody. ‘Thus the scheming’ secessionists 
 held him in such subjection that the people 
 began to feel that they had no government to 
 save their country from speedy destruction. 
 Relieved from the evil influences of secession 
 counsel, however, and prompted by the patriotic 
 energy of such men as Mr. Holt and Mr. Stan- 
 ton, (who had been appointed attorney-gen- 
 eral,) the president pursued a more decided 
 policy, though not so strong and energetic as 
 to secure the hearty approval of the loyal 
 people, and escape the charge of vacillation. 
 At the same time, he urged upon Congress, in 
 a special message, the adoption of some meas- 
 ures of compromise without delay. 
 
 Amid the perplexities which surrounded him, 
 and at the time when his cabinet was divided and 
 
 || breaking up, the president issued a recommen- 
 
 dation for a national fast, to be observed on the 
 4th day of January, 1861. The governors of 
 many of the states codperated with the presi- 
 dent’s recommendation, and it was generally 
 appropriately observed. 
 
 In Congress, more than in the cabinet, the 
 spirit of secession was prevalent. The mem- 
 bers of those states which were considered as 
 certain to secede at an early day, acted as if 
 they were already out of the Union, though 
 they continued to occupy their seats, and some 
 of them to express their opinions freely. Even 
 before the secession ordinance was adopted in 
 South Carolina, the senators from that state 
 withdrew from the senate ; and, upon the formal 
 announcement of the secession of the state, 
 the representatives sent to the speaker of the 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 house a communication announcing that “the 
 people of South Carolina have resumed the 
 powers heretofore delegated by them to the 
 federal government of the United States, and 
 have thereby dissolved our connection with the 
 house of representatives.” 
 
 The formal secession of South Carolina, and 
 the withdrawal of her representatives from 
 Congress, seemed to excite in the other seces- 
 sion members a desire to hasten similar pro- 
 ceedings in their own states, and to prevent any 
 lingering feeling for the Union from influencing 
 the conventions about to be held; while they 
 made new efforts to spread the poison of seces- 
 sion and treason among the members from the 
 border states, and the public officers of the 
 government. Even before the South Carolina 
 members retired, Mr. Toombs, senator from 
 Georgia, telegraphed an address to the people 
 of his state, in which he stated that there was 
 no hope of a compromise ; that the propositions 
 which he had submitted in the senate com- 
 mittee of thirteen had been treated with 
 derision or contempt; that Mr. Crittenden’s 
 resolutions were “voted against unanimously 
 by the Black Republicans ;” that the committee 
 of thirty-three in the house was “ controlled by 
 the Black Republicans, your enemies, who only 
 seek to amuse you with delusive hope till your 
 election, that you may defeat the friends of 
 secession.” The address concluded as follows: 
 “If you are deceived by them it shall not be 
 my fault. I have put the test fairly and frankly. 
 It is decisive against you now. I tell you, upon 
 the faith of a true man, that all further looking 
 to the north for security for your constitutional 
 
 115 
 
 rights in the Union, ought to be instantly 
 abandoned. It is fraught with nothing but 
 ruin to yourselves and your posterity. Seces- 
 sion by the 4th day of March next should be 
 thundered from the ballot-box by the unani- 
 mous vote of Georgia on the 2d day of Jan- 
 uary next. Such a voice will be your best 
 guaranty for liberty, security, tranquillity, and 
 glory.” 
 
 This address indicated a fear lest more mod- 
 erate counsels might prevail with the people 
 of Georgia, and that delay might be dangerous 
 to secession. Perhaps it was a well-grounded 
 fear; for secession was the fruit of excitement 
 and hasty and intemperate action, and if attach- 
 ment to the Union could be encouraged by 
 hope till some adjustment could be made, or 
 the south come to a better understanding of 
 the principles of the incoming administration, 
 secession might be doomed. But the people 
 of the south are easily excited, and such ad- 
 dresses as these sent from Washington by a 
 majority of the members of Congress from the 
 states most disaffected, enabled the secessionists 
 to control public opinion, or at least its expres- 
 sion at the ballot-box and in the conventions. 
 The Alabama and Mississippi delegations in 
 Congress held a conference on the 6th of Jan- 
 uary, and telegraphed to the conventions of 
 their respective states to advise immediate 
 secession; and a caucus of southern senators 
 agreed to advocate separate and immediate 
 secession. Thus were men who composed in 
 part the government of the United States, and 
 
 -were sworn to maintain it, treasonably laboring 
 
 for its overthrow. 
 
116 
 
 CHAPTER XVI 
 
 Commissioners from South Carolina at Washington. — Communi- 
 cation to the President. — President’s Reply. — Rejoinder of 
 Commissioners. — Its Insolent Character. — Refusal to receive 
 it. — Effect in South Carolina. — The Secession Press. — Plans 
 for capturing Fort Sumter. — Change of Policy by the Ad- 
 ministration. — Attempt to reénforce Fort Sumter. — The Star 
 of the West. — Arrival off Charleston Harbor. — Fired into by 
 the South Carolina Batteries. — Forced to retire. — Major 
 Anderson’s Letter to Governor Pickens. — He threatens Re- 
 taliation. — The Governor’s Reply.— The Matter referred to 
 the Government. — Lieutenant Talbot goes to Washington. — 
 Effect of these Events at Charleston. — Action of South Caro- 
 lina Authorities. — A Surrender of Fort Sumter demanded. — 
 Mr. Hayne sent an Envoy to Washington. — Demand of Goy- 
 ernor Pickens on the Government for Surrender of Fort Sum- 
 ter. — Action of Senators from seceding States. —A Delay in 
 presenting the Demand. — Mr. Holt’s Letter to the Senators. 
 — Mr. Hayne presents his Demand with Modifications. — Mr. 
 Holt’s Reply. — Return of Lieutenant Talbot. — Instructions 
 to Major Anderson. — Rumors. — Position of Affairs. 
 
 Wuen South Carolina had seceded, one of the 
 first steps of her authorities was to send com- 
 missioners to Washington, duly accredited as 
 from a foreign state, to negotiate with the fed- 
 eral government. ‘These commissioners, Messrs. 
 Barnwell, Orr, and Adams, arrived in Washing- 
 ton on the 26th of December; but before they 
 presented their credentials or opened their ne- 
 gotiations the removal from Fort Moultrie to 
 Fort Sumter occurred, and they probably then 
 awaited instructions before acting. In the mean 
 time they were cordially received by the seces- 
 sion members from the south, and were not 
 neglected by certain men of the north. On the 
 29th of December they sent to the president 
 the following communication : — 
 
 ‘“WasHInGton, December 28, 1860. 
 
 “Sm: We have the honor to transmit to you 
 a copy of the full powers from the convention 
 of the people of South Carolina under which we 
 are ‘authorized and empowered to treat with 
 the government of the United States for the 
 delivery of the forts, magazines, lighthouses, 
 and other real estate, with their appurtenances, 
 within the limits of South Carolina; and also 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 for an apportionment of the public debt, and a 
 division of all other property held by the gov- 
 ernment of the United States as agent of the 
 confederated states of which South Carolina was 
 recently a member; and generally to negotiate 
 as to all other measures and arrangements 
 proper to be made and adopted in the existing 
 relations of the parties, and for the continuance 
 of peace and amity between this commonwealth 
 and the government at Washington,’ 
 
 “Tn the execution of this trust, it is our duty 
 to furnish you, as we now do, with an official 
 copy of the ordinance of secession, by which the 
 state of South Carolina has resumed the powers 
 she delegated to the government of the United 
 States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty 
 and independence. 
 
 “It would also have been our duty to have 
 informed you that we were ready to negotiate 
 with you upon all such questions as are neces- 
 sarily raised by the adoption of this ordinance ; 
 and that we were prepared to enter upon this 
 negotiation with the earnest desire to avoid all 
 unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to in- 
 augurate our new relations as to secure mutual 
 respect, general advantage, and a future of good 
 will and harmony, beneficial to all parties con- 
 cerned. 
 
 “ But the events of the last twenty-four hours 
 render such an assurance impossible. We came 
 here the representatives of an authority which 
 could at any time within the past sixty days 
 have taken possession of the forts in Charleston 
 harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a 
 manner that we cannot doubt, determined to 
 trust to your honor rather than to its own pow- 
 er. Since our arrival an officer of the United 
 States, acting, as we are assured, not only with- 
 out but against your orders, has dismantled one 
 fort and occupied another, thus altering to a 
 most important extent the condition of affairs 
 under which we came. 
 
 * Until these circumstances are explained na 
 manner which relieves us of all doubt as to the 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 spirit in which these negotiations shall be con- 
 ducted, we are forced to suspend all discussion 
 as to any arrangements by which our mutual 
 interests might be amicably adjusted. 
 
 “ And, in conclusion, we would urge upon you 
 the immediate withdrawal of the troops from.the 
 harbor of Charleston. Under present circum- 
 stances they are a standing menace, which ren- 
 ders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent 
 experience shows, threatens speedily to bring 
 to a bloody issue questions which ought to be 
 settled with temperance and judgment. 
 
 “We have the honor to be, sir, very respect- 
 fully, your obedient servants, 
 
 “R. W. Barnwett, 
 “ J. H. Apams, 
 
 “James L. Orr, 
 
 “ Conumissioners. 
 «‘The PresIpENT OF THE UNITED STATES.” 
 
 To this letter the president replied as fol- 
 
 lows: — 
 ‘¢ WAsHINGTON Crry, December 31, 1860. 
 
 “GernTLEMEN: I have had the honor to re- 
 ceive your communication of the 28th instant. 
 *  *  * ‘Tn answer to this communication, 
 I have to say that my position as president of 
 the United States was clearly defined in the 
 message to Congress on the 3d instant. In that 
 I stated that ‘apart from the execution of the 
 laws, so far as this may be practicable, the ex- 
 ecutive has no authority to decide what shall be 
 the relations between the federal government 
 and South Carolina. He has been invested with 
 no such discretion. He possesses no power to 
 change the relations heretofore existing be- 
 tween them, much less to acknowledge the in- 
 dependence of that state. This would be to 
 invest a mere executive officer with the power 
 of recognizing the dissolution of the confeder- 
 acy among our thirty-three sovereign states. 
 It bears no resemblance to the recognition of a 
 foreign de facto government, involving no such 
 responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, 
 on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, 
 
 17 
 
 therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the 
 whole question in all its bearings’ 
 
 “Such is still my opinion, and I could there- 
 fore meet you only as private gentlemen of the 
 highest character, and I was quite willing to 
 communicate to Congress any proposition you 
 might have to make to that body upon the sub- 
 ject. Of this you were well aware. 
 
 “It was my earnest desire that such a dispo- 
 sition might be made of the whole subject by 
 Congress, who alone possess the power, as to 
 prevent the inauguration of a civil war between 
 the parties in regard to the possession of the 
 federal forts in the harbor of Charleston; and I 
 therefore deeply regret that, in your opinion, 
 ‘the events.of the last twenty-four hours ren- 
 der this impossible’ In conclusion, you urge 
 upon me ‘the immediate withdrawal of the 
 troops from the harbor of Charleston, stating 
 that, ‘under present circumstances, they are a 
 standing menace which renders negotiation im- 
 possible, and, as our recent experience shows, 
 threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue 
 questions which ought to be settled with tem- 
 perance and judgment.’ 
 
 “The reason for this change in your position 
 is, that, smce your arrival in Washington, ‘an 
 officer of the United States, acting, as we [you] 
 are assured, not only without but against your 
 [my] orders, has dismantled one fort and occu- 
 pied another, thus altering to a most important 
 extent the condition of affairs under which we 
 [you] came. You also allege that you came 
 here ‘the representatives of an authority which 
 could at any time within the past sixty days 
 have taken possession of the forts in Charleston 
 harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a man- 
 ner that we [you] cannot doubt, determined to 
 trust to your [my] honor rather than to its 
 own power.’ 
 
 “'This brings me to a consideration of the na- 
 ture of those alleged pledges, and in what man- 
 ner they have been observed. In my message 
 of the 8d of December instant, I stated, in regard 
 
118 
 
 to the property of the United States in South 
 Carolina, that it ‘has been purchased for a fair 
 equivalent “by the consent of the legislature 
 of the state for the erection of forts, magazines, 
 arsenals,” &c., and over these the authority “ to 
 exercise exclusive legislation” has been ex- 
 pressly granted by the constitution to Congress. 
 It is not believed that any attempt will be made 
 to expel the United States from this property 
 by force; but if in this I should prove to be 
 mistaken, the officer in command of the forts 
 has received orders to act strictly on the defen- 
 sive. In such a contingency the responsibility 
 for consequences would rightfully rest upon the 
 heads of the assailants.’ 
 
 “This being the condition of the parties on | 
 
 Saturday, December 8, four of the representa- 
 tives from South Carolina called upon me and 
 requested an interview. We had an earnest 
 conversation on the subject of these forts and 
 the best means of preventing a collision between 
 the parties, for the purpose of sparing the effu- 
 sion of blood. I suggested, for prudential rea- 
 sons, that it would be best to put in writing 
 what they said to me verbally. They did so 
 accordingly, and on Monday morning, the 10th 
 instant, three of them presented to me a paper 
 signed by all the representatives of South Caro- 
 lina, with a single exception, of which the fol- 
 lowing is a copy :— 
 «¢¢ WASHINGTON, December 9, 1860. 
 
 “¢In compliance with our statement to you 
 yesterday, we now express to you our strong 
 convictions that neither the constituted authori- 
 ties nor any body of the people of the state of 
 South Carolina will either attack or molest the 
 United States forts in the harbor of Charleston 
 previously to the action of the convention, and 
 we hope and believe not until an offer has been 
 made through an accredited representative to 
 negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all 
 matters between the state and the federal gov- 
 ernment, provided that no reénforcements shall 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 be sent into those forts, and their relative mili- 
 tary status shall remain as at present.’ 
 
 “And here I must, in justice to myself, remark 
 that at the time the paper was presented to me 
 I objected to the word ‘provided, as it might 
 be construed into an agreement on my part 
 which I never would make. They said that 
 nothing was further from their intention; they 
 did not so understand it, and I should not so 
 consider it. It is evident they could enter into 
 no reciprocal agreement with me on the subject. 
 
 “They did not profess to have authority to do 
 this, and were acting in their individual charac- 
 ter. I considered it as nothing more in effect 
 than the promise of highly-honored gentlemen 
 to exert their influence for the purpose ex- 
 pressed. The event has proven that they have 
 faithfully kept this promise, although I have 
 never since received a line from any one of them, 
 or from the convention, on the subject. It is well 
 known that it was my determination -— and this 
 I freely expressed — not to reénforce the forts 
 in the harbor, and thus produce a collision, until 
 they had been actually attacked, or until I had 
 certain evidence that they were about to be at- 
 tacked. This paper I received most cordially, 
 and considered it as a happy omen that peace 
 might be still preserved, and that time might 
 thus be gained for reflection. This is the whole 
 foundation for the alleged pledge. 
 
 “ But I acted in the same manner as I would 
 have done had I entered into a positive and 
 formal agreement with parties capable of con- 
 tracting, although such an agreement would 
 have been on my part, from the nature of my 
 official duties, impossible. The world knows 
 that I have never sent any reénforcements to 
 the forts in Charleston harbor, and I have cer- 
 tainly never authorized any change to be made 
 ‘in their relative military status’ Bearing upon 
 this subject, I refer you to an order issued by 
 the secretary of war, on the 11th instant, to 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Major Anderson, but not brought to my notice 
 until the 21st instant. It is as follows : — 
 
 «<You are carefully to avoid every act which 
 would needlessly tend to provoke aggression, 
 and for that reason you are not, without evi- 
 dent and imminent necessity, to take up any 
 position which could be construed into the as- 
 sumption of a hostile attitude; but you are to 
 hold possession of the forts m this harbor, and 
 if attacked, you are to defend yourself to the 
 last extremity. The smallness of your force 
 will not permit you, perhaps, to occupy more 
 than one of the three forts; but an attack on or 
 attempt to take possession of either one of them 
 will be regarded as an act of hostility, and you 
 may then put your command into either of 
 them which you may deem most proper to in- 
 crease its power of resistance. You are also 
 authorized to take similar defensive steps when- 
 ever you have tangible evidence of a design to 
 proceed to a hostile act.’ 
 
 _ &These were the last instructions transmitted 
 
 to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort 
 Sumter, with a single exception in regard to a 
 particular which does not in any degree affect 
 the present question. Under these circum- 
 stances, it is clear that Major Anderson acted 
 upon his own responsibility and without au- 
 thority, unless, indeed, he had ‘tangible evidence 
 of a design to proceed to a hostile act’ on the 
 part of the authorities of South Carolina, which 
 has not yet been alleged. Still he is a brave 
 and honorable officer, and justice requires that 
 he should not be condemned without a fair 
 hearing. 
 
 “ Be this as it may, when I learned that Major 
 Anderson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded 
 to Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to 
 command him to return to his former position, 
 and there await the contingencies presented in 
 his instructions. This could only have been 
 done with any degree of safety to the command 
 by the concurrence of the South Carolina au- 
 thorities. But before any steps could possibly 
 
 119 
 
 have been taken in this direction, we received 
 information, dated on the 28th instant, that the 
 ‘palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle 
 Pinckney, and a large military force went over 
 last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie’? Thus 
 the authorities of South Carolina, without wait- 
 ing or asking for any explanation, and doubtless 
 believing, as you have expressed it, that the 
 officer had acted not only without but against 
 my orders, on the very next day after the night 
 when the movement was made, seized by a mili- 
 tary force two of the three federal forts in the 
 harbor of Charleston, and have covered them 
 under their own flag instead of that of the 
 United States. At this gloomy period of our 
 history startling events succeed each other rap- 
 idly. On the very day, the 27th instant, that 
 possession of these two forts was taken, the 
 palmetto flag was raised over the federal cus- 
 tom house and post office in Charleston; and 
 on the same day every officer of the customs — 
 collector, naval officer, surveyor, and apprais- 
 ers — resigned their offices; and this although 
 it was well known from the language of my 
 message that, as an executive officer, I felt my- 
 self bound to collect the revenue at the port of 
 Charleston under the existing laws. 
 
 “In the harbor of Charleston we now find 
 three forts confronting each other, over all of 
 which the federal flag floated only four days 
 ago; but now over two of them this flag has 
 been supplanted, and the palmetto flag has been 
 substituted in its stead. It is under ail these 
 circumstances that I am urged immediately to 
 withdraw the troops from the harbor of Charles- 
 ton, and am informed that without this negotia- 
 tion isimpossible. This I cannot do; this I will 
 not do. Such an idea was never thought of by 
 me in any possible contingency. No allusion 
 had ever been made to it in any communication 
 between myself and any human being. But the 
 inference is, that | am bound to withdraw the 
 troops from the only fort remaining in the pos- 
 session of the United States in the harbor of 
 
120 
 
 Charleston, because the officer there in com- 
 mand of all the forts thought proper, without 
 instructions, to change his position from one of 
 them to another. I cannot admit the justice 
 of any such inference. And at this point of 
 writing I have received information by tele- 
 graph from Captain Humphreys, in command of 
 the arsenal at Charleston, that it ‘has to-day 
 (Sunday, the 30th) been taken by force of arms.’ 
 Comment is needless. It is estimated that the 
 property of the United States in this arsenal 
 was worth half a million of dollars. 
 
 “ After this information, | have only to add 
 that, whilst it is my duty to defend Fort Sum- 
 ter, as a portion of the public property of the 
 United States, against hostile attacks, from what- 
 ever quarter they may come, by such means as 
 I may possess for this purpose, I do not perceive 
 how such a defence can be construed into a 
 menace against the city of Charleston. 
 
 “ With great personal regard, I remain, yours, 
 
 “Very respectfully, 
 “James BucHANaN. 
 «Hons. R. W. Barnwett, J. H. Apams, J. L. Orr.” 
 
 The commissioners rejoined in another long 
 communication, in which they attempted to 
 refute, and not in the most courteous or 
 respectful manner, the president’s statements 
 in relation to any pledge. They reviewed the 
 history of the matter as they understood it, as 
 follows : — 
 
 “Some weeks ago the state of South Carolina 
 declared her intention, in the existing condition 
 of public affairs, to secede from the United 
 states. She called a convention of her people 
 to put her declaration in force. The conven- 
 tion met, and passed the ordinance of secession. 
 All this you anticipated, and your course of 
 action was thoroughly considered in your 
 annual message. You declared you had no 
 right, and would not attempt, to coerce a 
 seceding state, but that you were bound by 
 your constitutional oath, and would defend the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 property of the United States within the bor- 
 ders of South Carolina, if an attempt was 
 made to take it by force. Seeing very early 
 that this question of property was a difficult 
 and delicate one, you manifested a desire to 
 settle it without collision. You did not reén- 
 force the garrison in the harbor of Charleston. 
 You removed a distinguished and veteran 
 officer from the command of Fort Moultrie 
 because he attempted to increase his supply of 
 ammunition. You refused to send additional 
 troops to the same garrison when applied for 
 by the officer appointed to succeed him. You 
 accepted the resignation of the oldest and most 
 eminent member of your cabinet, rather than 
 allow the garrison to be strengthened. You 
 compelled an officer stationed at Fort Sumter 
 to return immediately to the arsenal forty 
 muskets which he had taken to arm his men. 
 You expressed not to one, but to many of the 
 most distinguished of our public characters, 
 whose testimony will be placed upon the record 
 whenever it is necessary, your anxiety for a 
 peaceful termination of this controversy, and 
 your willingness not to disturb the military 
 status of the forts, if commissioners should be 
 sent to the government, whose communications 
 you promised to submit to Congress. You re- 
 ceived and acted on assurances from the highest 
 official authorities of South Carolina, that no 
 attempt would be made to disturb your pos- 
 session of the forts and property of the United 
 States, if you would not disturb their existing 
 condition until the commissioners had been 
 sent, and the attempt to negotiate had failed. 
 You took from the members of the house of 
 representatives a written memorandum that no 
 such attempt should be made, ‘ provided that 
 no reénforcements should be sent into those 
 forts, and their relative military status shall 
 remain as at present.” And although you 
 attach no force to the acceptance of such a 
 “paper — although you ‘considered it as noth- 
 ‘ing more in effect than the promise of highly 
 
 re 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 honorable gentlemen’—as an obligation on 
 one side, without corresponding obligation on 
 the other — it must be remembered (if we were 
 rightly informed) that you were pledged, if you 
 ever did send reénforcements, to return it to 
 those from whom you had received it, before 
 you executed your resolution. You sent orders 
 to your officers commanding them strictly to 
 follow a line of conduct in conformity with 
 such an understanding. Besides all this, you 
 had received formal and official notice from the 
 governor of South Carolina that we had been 
 appointed commissioners, and were on our way 
 to Washington. You knew the implied condi- 
 tion under which we came; our arrival was 
 notified to you, and an hour appointed for an 
 interview. Wearrived in Washington on Wed- 
 nesday at three o’clock, and you appointed an 
 interview with us atone the next day. Larly 
 on that day (Thursday) the news was received 
 here of the movement of Major Anderson. That 
 news was communicated to you immediately, 
 and you postponed our meeting until half past 
 two o’clock on Friday, in order that you might 
 consult your cabinet. On Friday we saw you, 
 _and we called upon you then to redeem your 
 pledge. You could not deny it. With the 
 facts we have stated, and in the face of the 
 crowning and conclusive fact that your secre- 
 tary of war had resigned his seat in the cabinet, 
 upon the publicly avowed ground that the 
 action of Major Anderson had violated the 
 pledged faith of the government, and _ that 
 unless the pledge was instantly redeemed, he 
 was dishonored, denial was impossible; you 
 did not deny it. You do not deny it now, but 
 you seek to escape from its obligation on the 
 grounds, first, that we terminated all negotia- 
 tion by demanding, as a preliminary, the with- 
 drawal of the United States troops from the 
 harbor of Charleston; and, second, that the 
 authorities of South Carolina, instead of asking 
 explanation, and giving you the opportunity to 
 16 
 
 121 
 
 vindicate yourself, took possession of other 
 property of the United States. * * * 
 
 “Tn relation to the withdrawal of the troops 
 from the harbor, we are compelled, however, to 
 notice one passage of your letter. Referring to 
 it you say, ‘This | cannot do. This I will not 
 do. Such an idea was never thought of by me 
 in any possible contingency. No allusion to it 
 had ever been made in any communication 
 between myself and any human being.’ 
 
 “Tn reply to this statement we are compelled 
 to say that your conversation with us left upon 
 our minds the distinct impression that you did 
 seriously contemplate the withdrawal of the 
 troops from Charleston harbor. And in support 
 of this impression we would add that we have 
 the positive assurance of gentlemen of the 
 highest possible public reputation and the 
 most unsullied integrity —— men whose name 
 and fame, secured by long service and patrr 
 otic achievement, place their testimony beyond 
 cavil — that such suggestions had been made 
 to and urged upon you by them, and had 
 formed the subject of more than one earnést 
 discussion with you. And it was this knowl- 
 edge that induced us to urge upon you a 
 policy which had to recommend it its own 
 wisdom and the weight of such authority.” 
 
 The following is the menacing conclusion of 
 this rude and ill-tempered communication : — 
 
 “You have decided — you have resolved — 
 to hold by force what was obtained through mis- 
 placed confidence, and converted Major An- 
 derson’s violation of orders into a: legitimate 
 executive order. You have rendered civil war 
 inevitable. Be it so. If you choose to force 
 the issue upon South Carolina, she will accept 
 it, relying upon Him who is the God of justice 
 as well as the God of hosts, and she will 
 endeavor to do her duty bravely and hopefully.” 
 
 The president properly refused to receive 
 this communication, and it was returned to 
 them with an indorsement to that effect. 
 
122 
 
 Finding that the president would receive no 
 further communication from them, the commis- 
 sioners left Washington for Charleston, con- 
 sidering the abrupt termination of their mission 
 an insult to themselves and their state, and 
 proclaiming it as a declaration of war. But 
 South Carolina, without awaiting the result of 
 this mission, had already ordered new fortifica- 
 tions to be constructed in and around the harbor 
 of Charleston, to resist any attempt to reénforce 
 Fort Sumter, and threatening the safety of that 
 post. Upon the receipt of the intelligence of 
 the failure of the commissioners to accomplish 
 their errand, the attitude of the government 
 was regarded as warlike, and military prepara- 
 tions were pushed with renewed vigor. Fort 
 
 Moultrie was repaired and strengthened, new | 
 
 batteries were erected on Sullivan’s Island and 
 on Morris’s Island, and subsequently on Cum- 
 mings Point. A floating battery was com- 
 menced, and one or two steamers and other 
 small vessels were taken possession of and 
 armed. The revenue cutter William Aiken 
 had been previously betrayed into the hands 
 of the state authorities by the commander, 
 Captain Coste, and became a part of the South 
 Carolina navy. The press was very warlike, 
 teeming with falsehood and bombast to keep 
 up the excitement, and anonymous appeals 
 intended to stir up the people to attack Fort 
 Sumter; andthe demonstrative portion of the 
 people echoed the voice of the press with 
 manifold variations. 
 
 A variety of plans for capturing Fort Sum- 
 ter was proposed through the newspapers and 
 directly to the government, such as sending 
 down to the fort huge fire rafts to smoke out 
 the garrison; or bribing the men to surrender ; 
 or filling bombs with prussic acid or other offen- 
 sive substance, the explosion of which would 
 suffocate ; or sending down a floating battery, 
 constructed of cotton bales, which should codp- 
 erate with Fort Moultrie and the other land 
 batteries, and an armed fleet, and thus, with 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the aid of sharp-shooters to pick off the garri- 
 son, man by man, compel the few survivors to 
 capitulate. But with all these schemes to cap- 
 ture an unfinished, partially-armed fortification, 
 garrisoned by about seventy men, and with 
 all the military ardor which manifested itself 
 throughout the state, and the warlike spirit 
 and hatred towards the United States, which 
 was ever veady to threaten such an enterprise, 
 the authorities appeared to be inclined to no 
 such demonstration. 
 
 When the changes in the cabinet had infused 
 more vigor into the administration, and the 
 course pursued by the South Carolina commis- 
 sioners had revealed to the president the char- 
 acter of secession, he consented to a change of 
 his policy in regard to reénforcing the little 
 garrison of Fort Sumter. Accordingly, the 
 merchant steamship Star of the West was 
 chartered to transport troops, stores, and am- 
 munition to that post. This vessel, unarmed, 
 cleared at New York for Havana and New 
 Orleans on the 5th of January, 1861, and 
 quietly taking on board in the bay two. hun- 
 dred artillerists and marines, with the necessary 
 ammunition and provisions, proceeded on her 
 voyage to Charleston. Upon her arrival there 
 the hostile intentions of South Carolina were 
 unequivocally manifested. The Star of. the 
 West arrived off Charleston bar in the night, 
 and, the lights having been extinguished, was 
 obliged to await daylight before entering the 
 harbor. At daybreak, on the 9th of January, 
 a steamer which had been on the watch — the 
 South Carolina authorities probably being in- 
 formed of the expedition— burned signal lights 
 and steamed up the harbor. The Star of the 
 West proceeded over the bar and up the chan- 
 nel as soon as it was sufficiently light. When 
 about two miles from Fort Moultrie, and the 
 same distance from Fort Sumter, the new bat- 
 tery on Morris Island opened fire upon her. 
 The American flag was flying at the staff, and 
 another large American flag was now hoisted 
 
° PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 at the fore, but the battery continued to fire, 
 seconded by Fort Moultrie. Two shots took 
 effect without doing material damage, and sev- 
 eral others came near doing serious injury. 
 The vessel being unarmed, and being obliged, 
 in following the channel, to approach Fort 
 Moultrie within easy range of its guns, and 
 as a vessel apparently armed was seen coming 
 down the harbor, towed by a steamer, it was 
 deemed too dangerous to attempt to reach Fort 
 Sumter, and the commander accordingly put 
 the vessel about, and sailed out of the harbor, 
 the Morris Island battery continuing its fire 
 until the shot fell short. 
 
 These proceedings were watched with intense 
 interest from Fort Sumter, and the guns front- 
 ing Fort Moultrie and Morris Island were run 
 out, but no further demonstration was made. 
 When the Star of the West retreated from the 
 harbor, Major Anderson sent a messenger to Goy- 
 ernor Pickens, bearing the following note : — 
 
 ‘¢To rHE Governor or Soutu CaRouina. 
 . 
 
 “Sir: Two of your batteries this morning 
 fired on an unarmed vessel bearing the flag of 
 my government. As I have not been notified 
 that war has been declared by South Carolina 
 _against the United States, I cannot but think 
 this hostile act was committed without your 
 authority. Under that hope I refrain from 
 opening fire on your batteries. I Tespectfully 
 ask whether the above-mentioned act — one 
 which I believe without a parallel im the history of 
 this country or of any other civilized government —was 
 committed in obedience to your instructions, 
 and notify you that if it is not disclaimed, I 
 shall regard it as an act of war, and shall not, 
 after a reasonable time for the return of my 
 messenger, permit any vessel to pass within 
 - the range of the guns of my fort. In order to 
 save as far as in my power the shedding of 
 blood, I beg you will take due notification of 
 my decision, for the good of all concerned ; 
 
 123 
 
 hoping, however, your answer may justify a 
 further continuance of forbearance on my 
 part. 
 “J remain, respectfully, 
 “ ROBERT ANDERSON.” 
 
 To this Governor Pickens replied, after 
 stating the position of South Carolina towards 
 the United States, that any attempt to send 
 government troops to reénforce the forts would 
 be regarded as an act of hostility, and any 
 attempt to reénforce Fort Sumter, or to retake 
 and resume possession of the forts within the 
 waters of South Carolina, which Major Ander- 
 son had abandoned, would be regarded as coer- 
 cive of the state. Special agents had been off 
 the bar to warn vessels with troops for Fort 
 Sumter not to enter the harbor. Special orders 
 had been given the commanders of the forts 
 not to fire into vessels until a shot across their 
 bows should warn them. Under such orders 
 and circumstances the Star of the West was 
 fired into; “and the act,’ said the governor, 
 “is perfectly justified by me.” In response to 
 Major Anderson’s threat about vessels in the 
 harbor, he said, “You must be the judge of 
 your own responsibility. Your position in the 
 harbor has been tolerated by the authorities of 
 the state ; and, while the act of which you com- 
 plain is in perfect consistency with the rights 
 
 |and duties of the state, it is not perceived how 
 
 far the conduct you propose to adopt can find 
 a parallel in the history of any country, or 
 be reconciled with any other purpose than that 
 the government is imposing on South Carolina 
 the condition of a conquered province.” 
 
 Major Anderson replied to the governor 
 that, upon further consideration, he deemed it 
 proper to refer the whole matter to the gov- 
 ernment, and would defer the course he indi- 
 cated in his former note until the arrival of 
 instructions from Washington. Lieutenant Tal- 
 bot was accordingly despatched to Washington 
 
124 HISTORY OF 
 
 to lay the matter before the government, Major 
 Anderson requesting that the governor would 
 afford every facility for his departure and return. 
 
 This affair created great excitement at Charles- | 
 
 ton, and gave additional impetus to the military 
 preparations. The first gun had been fired ; the 
 attempt to reénforce Fort Sumter was a dec- 
 laration of war on the part of the federal goy- 
 ernment; it had been defeated by an appeal to 
 arms, and would not be renewed ; but if it were, 
 the soldiers of South Carolina would only be 
 too glad to repel it. Such was the common 
 sentiment; and the state authorities acted in a 
 similar spirit, the legislature adopting a resolu- 
 tion that any new attempt to reénforce Fort 
 Sumter would be considered a declaration of 
 war. But further measures were forthwith 
 adopted to demand the surrender of the fort, 
 before taking the final hostile step which the 
 excited people demanded. 
 The governor demanded of Major Anderson 
 a surrender of Fort Sumter; but that gallant 
 officer declined doing what he had no authority 
 to do. Isaac W. Hayne, attorney-general of 
 South Carolina, was then sent to Washington 
 with the following formal demand on the presi- 
 dent to deliver the fort into the possession of 
 South Carolina : — 
 «Srare or Sour CaroninaA, ExEcuTiIvE OFFIcr, 
 HEADQUARTERS, CHARLESTON, January 12, 1861. } 
 “Sir: At the time of the separation of the 
 state of South Carolina from the United States, 
 Fort Sumter was, and still is, in possession of 
 troops of the United States, under the command 
 of Major Anderson. I regard that possession 
 as not consistent with the dignity or safety of 
 the state of South Carolina, and have this day 
 addressed to Major Anderson a communication 
 to obtain from him the possession of that fort 
 by the authorities of this state. The reply of 
 Major Anderson informs me that he has no 
 authority to do what I required; but he desires 
 a reference of the demand to the president of 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 the United States. Under the circumstances 
 now existing, and which need no comment by 
 me, I have determined to send to you the Hon. 
 I. W. Hayne, the attorney-general of the state 
 of South Carolina, and have instructed him to 
 demand the delivery of Fort Sumter, in the 
 harbor of Charleston, to the constituted authori- 
 ties of the state of South Carolina. The de- 
 mand I have made of Major Anderson, and 
 which I now make of you, is suggested because 
 of my earnest desire to avoid, the bloodshed 
 which a persistence in your attempt to retain 
 possession of that fort will cause, and which 
 will be unavailing to secure to you that pos- 
 session, but induce a calamity most deeply to 
 be deplored. If consequences so unhappy shall 
 ensue, I will secure for this state, in the demand 
 which I now make, the satisfaction of having ex- 
 hausted every attempt to avoid it. 
 
 “In relation to the public property of the 
 United States within Fort Sumter, the Hon. I. 
 W. Hayne, who will hand you this communica- 
 tion, is authorized to give you the pledge of 
 the state that the valuation of such property 
 will be accounted for by this state upon the 
 adjustment of its relations with the United 
 States, of which it was a part. 
 
 “FF. W. Pickens. 
 
 “The PresIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.” 
 
 Before presenting this letter to the president, 
 however, ten senators from the seceding states 
 held a correspondence with Mr. Hayne to in- 
 duce him to delay the delivery of it until after 
 the seceded states had met in convention to 
 form a new confederation, urging that it was 
 due from South Carolina to their states that she 
 should avoid initiating hostilities. Mr. Hayne 
 acceded so far as to submit their proposition to 
 the government of South Carolina, if they had 
 
 || assurances that in the mean time Fort Sumter 
 
 should not be reénforced. This correspondence 
 was sent to the president by the senators 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 participating in it, and was replied to by 
 Mr. Holt, secretary of war, who in his letter! 
 said, — 
 
 “In regard to the proposition of Colonel 
 Hayne, ‘ that no reénforcements will be sent to 
 Fort Sumter in the interval, and that public 
 peace will not be disturbed by any act of hos- 
 tility towards South Carolina, it is impossible 
 for me to give you any such assurances. The 
 president has no authority to enter into such 
 an agreement or understanding. As an execu- 
 tive officer, he is simply bound to protect the 
 public property, so far as this may be practica- 
 ble; and it would be a manifest violation of his 
 duty to place himself under engagements that 
 he would not perform this duty either for an 
 indefinite or a limited period. At the present 
 moment it is not deemed necessary to reénforce 
 Major Anderson,-because he makes no such re- 
 quest, and feels quite secure in his position. 
 Should his safety, however, require reénforce- 
 ments, every effort will be made to supply 
 them. ‘ $ Ci 
 
 “JT am glad to be assured, from the letter of 
 Colonel Hayne, that ‘Major Anderson and his 
 command do now obtain all necessary supplies, 
 including fresh meat and vegetables, and, I be- 
 lieve, fuel and water, from the city of Charles- 
 ton, and do now enjoy communication, by post 
 and special messenger, with the president, and 
 
 will continue to do so, certainly until the door 
 to negotiation has been closed. I trust that 
 these facilities may still be afforded to Major 
 Anderson. This is as it should be. Major An- 
 derson is not menacing Charleston; and I am 
 convinced that the happiest result which can 
 _ be obtained is, that both he and the authorities 
 of South Carolina shall remain on their present 
 amicable footing, neither party being bound 
 by any obligations whatever, except the high 
 Christian and moral duty to keep the peace, and 
 to avoid all causes of mutual irritation.” 
 
 Mr, Hayne, having referred the proposition 
 
 125 
 
 to the authorities of his state, received new 
 instructions, showing a disposition on the part 
 of South Carolina not to delay entering upon 
 negotiations, but modifying the character of 
 the demand, as appears by the following reply 
 to Mr. Hayne’s letter, made by Mr. Holt : — 
 
 ‘War DerarrMent, February 6, 1861. 
 
 “Sir: The president of the United States has 
 received your letter of the 31st ultimo, and 
 has charged me with the duty of replying 
 thereto. 
 
 “In the communication addressed to the 
 president by Governor Pickens, under date of 
 the 12th of January, and which accompanies 
 yours now before me, his excellency says, ‘I 
 have determined to send to you the Hon. I. W. 
 Hayne, the attorney-general of the state of 
 South Carolina, and have instructed him to 
 demand the surrender of Fort Sumter, in the 
 harbor of Charleston, to the constituted author- 
 ities of the state of South Carolina. The de- 
 mand I have made of Major Anderson, and 
 which I now make of you, is suggested because 
 of my earnest desire to avoid the bloodshed 
 which a persistence in your attempt to retain 
 the possession of that fort will cause, and which 
 will be unavailing to secure to you that posses- 
 sion, but induce a calamity most deeply to be 
 deplored” The character of the demand thus 
 authorized to be made appears (under the influ- 
 ence, I presume, of the correspondence with the 
 senators to which you refer) to have been modi- 
 fied by subsequent instructions of his excel- 
 lency, dated the 26th, and received by yourself 
 on the 30th of January, in which he says, ‘If 
 it be so that Fort Sumter is held as property, 
 then, as property, the rights, whatever they 
 may be, of the United States can be ascer- 
 tained, and for the satisfaction of these rights 
 the pledge of the state of South Carolina you 
 are authorized to give. The full scope and 
 precise purport of your instructions, as thus 
 
126 
 
 modified, you have expressed in the following 
 words: ‘I do not come as a military man to 
 demand the surrender of a fortress, but as the 
 legal officer of the state — its attorney-general 
 —to claim for the state the exercise of its un- 
 doubted right of eminent domain, and to pledge 
 the state to make good all injury to the rights 
 of property which arise from the exercise of 
 the claim” And lest this explicit language 
 should not sufficiently define your position, you 
 add, ‘The proposition now is, that her [South 
 Carolina’s] law officer should, under authority 
 of the governor and his council, distinctly pledge 
 the faith of South Carolina to make such com- 
 pensation, in regard to Fort Sumter and its ap- 
 purtenances and contents, to the full extent of 
 the money value of the property of the United 
 States delivered over to the authorities of South 
 Carolina by your command. You then adopt 
 his excellency’s train of thought upon the sub- 
 ject, so far as to suggest that the possession of 
 Fort Sumter by the United States, ‘if continued 
 long enough, must lead to collision? and that 
 ‘an attack upon it would scarcely improve it as 
 property, whatever the result; and if captured, 
 it would no longer be the subject of account.’ 
 “The proposal, then, now presented to the 
 president, is simply an offer on the part of 
 South. Carolina to buy Fort Sumter and con- 
 
 not permitted to make the purchase she will, 
 
 seize the fort by force of arms. As the initia- 
 tion of a negotiation for the transfer of property 
 between friendly governments, this proposal 
 impresses the president as having assumed a 
 most unusual form. He has, however, investi- 
 
 gated the claim on which it professes to be 
 
 based, apart from the declaration that accom- 
 panies it. And it may be here remarked, that 
 much stress has been laid upon the employment 
 of the words ‘ property’ and ‘ public property’ 
 by the president in his several messages, These 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 are the most comprehensive terms which can 
 be used in such a connection; and surely, when 
 referring to a fort or any other public establish- 
 ment, they embrace the entire and undivided 
 interest of the government therein. 
 
 “The title of the. United States to Fort 
 Sumter is complete and incontestable. Were 
 its interests in this property purely proprietary, 
 in the ordinary acceptation of the term, it might 
 probably be subjected to the exercise of the 
 right of eminent domain; but it has also polit- 
 ical relations to it of a much higher and more 
 imposing character than those of mere pro- 
 prietorship. It has absolute jurisdiction over 
 the fort and the soil on which it stands. This 
 jurisdiction consists in the authority to ‘exer- 
 cise exclusive legislation’ over the property 
 referred to, and is therefore clearly incompati- 
 
 ble with the claim of eminent domain now in- 
 
 sisted upon by South Carolina. This authority 
 was not derived from any questionable revolu- 
 tionary source, but from the peaceful cession of 
 South Carolina herself, acting through her legis- 
 lature, under a provision of the constitution of 
 the United States. South Carolina can no more 
 assert the right of eminent domain over Fort 
 Sumter than Maryland can assert it over the 
 District of Columbia. The political and pro- 
 
 _prietary rights of the United States in either 
 tents as property of the United States, sus- | 
 tained by a declaration, in effect, that if she is | 
 
 case rest upon precisely the same ground, 
 “The president, however, is relieved from the 
 necessity of further pursuing this inquiry by 
 the fact that, whatever may be the claim of 
 South Carolina to this fort, he has no consti- 
 tutional power to cede or surrender it. The 
 property of the United States has been acquired 
 by force of public law, and can only be disposed 
 of under the same solemn sanctions. The 
 president, as the head of the executive branch 
 of the government only, can no more sell and 
 transfer Fort Sumter to South Carolina than he 
 can sell and convey the Capitol.of the United 
 States to Maryland or to any other state or 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 individual seeking to possess it. His excel- 
 lency the governor is too familiar with the con- 
 stitution of the United States, and with the 
 limitations upon the powers of the chief magis- 
 trate of the government it has established, not 
 to appreciate at once the soundness of this 
 legal proposition. 
 
 “The question of reénforcing Fort Sumter is 
 so fully disposed pf in my letter to Senator Sh- 
 dell and others, under date of the 22d of Jan- 
 uary, a copy of which accompanies this, that its 
 discussion will not now be renewed. I then 
 said, ‘At the present moment it is not deemed 
 necessary to reénforce Major Anderson, because 
 he makes no such request. Should his safety, 
 however, require reénforcements, every effort 
 will be made to supply them.” I can add 
 nothing to the explicitness of this language, 
 which still applies to the existing status. The 
 right to send forward reénforcements when, in 
 the judgment of the president, the safety of 
 the garrison requires them, rests on the same un- 
 questionable foundation as the right to occupy 
 the fortress itself 
 
 “In the letter of Senator Davis and others to 
 yourself, under date of the 1dth ultimo, they 
 say,‘ We therefore think it especially due from 
 South Carolina to our states — to say nothing 
 of other slaveholding states — that she should, 
 as far as she can consistently with her honor, 
 avoid initiating hostilities between her and the 
 United States or any other power;’ and you 
 now yourself give to the president the gratify- 
 ing assurance that ‘South Carolina has every 
 disposition to preserve the public peace;’ and 
 
 since he is himself sincerely animated by the 
 
 same desire, it would seem that this common 
 and patriotic object must be of certain attain- 
 ment. It is difficult, however, to reconcile with 
 
 this assurance the declaration on your part that | 
 of the president’s pacific purposes in continuing 
 the occupation of Fort Sumter until the ques- 
 
 ‘it is a consideration of her [South Carolina’s] 
 own dignity as a sovereign, and the safety of 
 her people, which prompts her to demand that 
 
 127 
 
 this property should not longer be used as a 
 military post by a government she no longer 
 acknowledges, and the thought you so con- 
 stantly present, that this occupation must lead 
 to a collision of arms and the prevalence of 
 civil war. Fort Sumter is in itself a military 
 post, and nothing else; and it would seem that 
 not so much the fact as the purpose of its use 
 should give to it a hostile or friendly character. 
 ‘This fortress is now held by the government of 
 the United States for the same objects for which 
 it has been held from the completion of its 
 construction. These are national and defen- 
 sive; and were a public enemy now to attempt 
 the capture of Charleston or the destruction of 
 the commerce of its harbor, the whole force 
 of the batteries’ of this fortress would be at 
 once exerted for their protection. How the 
 presence of a small garrison, actuated by such 
 a spirit as this, can compromise the dignity or 
 honor of South Carolina, or become a source 
 of irritation to her people, the president is at a 
 loss to understand. The attitude of that gar- 
 rison, as has been often declared, is neither 
 menacing, nor defiant, nor unfriendly. It is 
 acting under orders to stand strictly on the de- 
 fensive; and the government and people of 
 South Carolina must well know that they can 
 never receive aught but shelter from its guns, 
 unless, in the absence of all provocation, they 
 should assault it and seek its destruction. The 
 intent with which this fortress is held by the 
 president is truthfully stated by Senator Davis 
 and others in their letter to yourself of the 
 15th January, in which they say, ‘It is not 
 held with any hostile or unfriendly purpose 
 towards your state, but merely as property of 
 
 ‘the United States, which the president deems 
 ‘it his duty to protect and preserve.’ 
 
 “Tf the announcement, so repeatedly made, 
 
 tion shall have been settled by competent au- 
 
128 
 
 thority, has failed to impress the government 
 of South Carolina, the forbearing conduct of 
 his administration for the last few months should 
 be received as conclusive evidence of his sin- 
 cerity. And if this forbearance, in view of the 
 circumstances which have so severely tried it, 
 be not accepted as a satisfactory pledge of the 
 peaceful policy of this administration towards 
 South Carolina, then it may be safely affirmed 
 that neither language nor conduct can possibly 
 furnish one. If, with all the multiplied proofs 
 which exist of the president’s anxiety for peace, 
 -and of the earnestness with which he has pur- 
 sued it, the authorities of that state shall assault 
 Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the hand- 
 ful of brave and loyal men shut up within its 
 walls, and thus plunge our common country 
 into the horrors of civil war, then upon them 
 and those they represent must rest the respon- 
 sibility. 
 “Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 “J. Hour, Secretary of War. 
 ‘“‘Hon. I. W. Hayne, 
 “« Attorney-General of the State of South Carolina.” 
 
 Meanwhile Lieutenant Talbot had returned 
 to Fort Sumter with verbal instructions to Ma- 
 jor Anderson to hold and defend the fort at 
 all hazards, and to protect vessels bearing the 
 American flag. It was understood, however, to 
 be the policy of the government not to make 
 any further attempt to reénforce the garrison 
 unless an attack was threatened. Rumors al- 
 ternated between reénforcement and consequent 
 hostilities, and evacuation and a peaceful settle- 
 ment of difficulties. But while there was a pros- 
 pect of immediate hostilities, the work proceeded 
 on the batteries which threatened the safety of 
 Fort Sumter, and Major Anderson and his gar- 
 rison were virtually besieged, though limited 
 facilities were afforded them for obtaining fresh 
 provisions from the city. Matters here con- 
 tinued in this condition through the remainder 
 of Mr. Buchanan’s administration. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Secession in other ‘“ Cotton States.” — Mississippi. — Florida and 
 Alabama. — Proposed Convention of seceding States. — Geor- 
 gia. — Louisiana, — Texas. —- Seven States seceded. — The 
 Border Slave States. -—- Sympathy with Secession. — Efforts of 
 Secessionists in the Border States. — Commissioners from 
 Cotton States. — Their Reception. — Delaware. — Maryland. 
 — Governor Hicks. — Secession as advocated in the Border 
 States. -— Virginia. — Sympathy with the South. — Resistance 
 to ‘ Coercion.” — North Carolina. — Tennessee. — Kentucky. 
 — Missouri. — Resolutions of Virginia Legislature. — A Peace 
 Convention. —- President’s Approval of the Plan. — The States 
 send Commissioners. — Action of South Carolina, — The Con- 
 vention. — Its Character. — Its Propositions. — Their Failure. 
 — Position of Virginia. —— A Convention called. — Secret Ses- 
 sions. — Deceptive Policy. — Seizure of Forts, Arsenals, and 
 other Property of the United States. — Arsenals and Forts at 
 Savannah, Mobile, Apalachicola, &c.— Marine Hospital at 
 New Orleans. — Inhuman Conduct. — Arsenal at Baton Rouge. 
 — Pensacola Navy Yard.— Forts Barrancas and Pickens. — Pa- 
 triotic and gallant Action of Lieutenant Slemmers. — Removal 
 to Fort Pickens. — Strength of the Post, and Importance of 
 the Movement. — Treacherous Surrender of Revenue Cutters. 
 — Efforts to secure the Cutters at New Orleans and Mobile. — 
 Vigorous Orders of Secretary Dix.— Treachery of General 
 Twiggs.— Base Surrender of a vast Amount of Public Prop- 
 erty. — Twiggs dismissed from the Service. — Character of the 
 Seizures and Betrayal of Public Property. 
 
 WuEN secession had once begun by the action 
 of South Carolina, it was evident that some of 
 the other “cotton states” would follow the ex- 
 ample, if the schemes of the secessionists could 
 accomplish it. In some of the states conven- 
 tions had already been called, and in others the 
 secession of South Carolina was a signal for 
 calling them. In Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, 
 and Georgia, the conventions assembled early in 
 January, 1861, and proceeded at once not to the 
 discussion of the right or expediency of seces- 
 sion, but to frame ordinances therefor, and to 
 take other measures for carrying that purpose 
 into effect. 
 
 The Mississippi convention adopted the ordi- 
 nance of secession on the 9th of January, with 
 but fifteen votes in opposition; and the influ- 
 
 ences brought to bear on the dissentients sub- 
 
 sequently made the vote unanimous. All efforts 
 to, postpone action were unavailing. The action 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 of the convention produced a wild excitement 
 throughout Mississippi, and was received by the 
 secessionists of other states with demonstrations 
 of joy. 
 
 Florida and Alabama were the next states to 
 secede, and the convention of each adopted their 
 respective ordinances of secession on the same 
 day, January 11. The vote in the Florida con- 
 vention was sixty-two to seven, and even the 
 seven opponents were reported to have finally 
 given in their adhesion. In Alabama the plan 
 did not succeed so easily. There was a strong 
 and able opposition to the adoption of the ordi- 
 nance, and it was finally carried by a vote of 
 sixty-one yeas to thirty-nine nays, thus indicat- 
 ing that there was a large number in that state, 
 chiefly in the northern part, who were opposed 
 to hasty and extreme measures. The Alabama 
 ordinance, after reciting that “the election of 
 Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin to the 
 offices of president and vice-president of the 
 United States of America, by a sectional party, 
 avowedly hostile to the domestic institutions 
 and peace and security of the people of the 
 state of Alabama, following upon the heels of 
 many and dangerous infractions of the constitu- 
 tion of the United States, by many of the states 
 and people of the northern section, is a political 
 wrong of so insulting and menacing a character 
 as to justify the people of the state of Alabama 
 in the adoption of prompt and decided meas- 
 ures for their future peace and security,” then 
 declared that Alabama withdraws from the 
 Union, and resumes her sovereignty. It also 
 invited the people of all the slave states by 
 their delegates to assemble in convention at 
 Montgomery on the 4th of February, to take 
 measures for organizing a provisional or per- 
 manent government upon the principles of 
 the government of the United States. The 
 South Carolina convention had, a few days be- 
 fore, adepted an ordinance embodying this lat- 
 ter proposition, laying the foundations for the 
 
 southern confederacy. 
 17 
 
 129 
 
 The Georgia convention adopted an ordi- 
 nance of secession on the 19th of January, by 
 a vote of two hundred and eight to eighty-nine. 
 It was similar in terms to that of South Caro- 
 lina, Georgia being one of the original thirteen 
 states. A motion to postpone its operation till 
 the 8d of March.was lost by about thirty 
 majority. 
 
 On the 26th of January Louisiana seceded, 
 the vote for the ordinance in the convention 
 being one hundred and thirteen to seventeen. 
 A resolution was also reported to the conven- 
 tion, recognizing the right of free navigation 
 of the Mississippi River, and of free ingress and 
 egress of the mouths of that river by all friendly 
 states; but it does not appear that it was adopted. 
 This ordinance was submitted to the people for 
 ratification, when it met with more opposition 
 than it had received in the convention, but was 
 ratified by a vote of twenty thousand four hun- 
 dred and forty-eight against seventeen thousand 
 two hundred and ninety-six.* 
 
 In Texas the convention had been chosen in 
 an irregular manner, Governor Houston having 
 refused to convene the legislature to initiate 
 the proceedings. It assembled, however, and 
 on the Ist of February adopted an ordinance 
 of secession, which was submitted to the people 
 on the 25d of the same month, and, being rati- 
 fied, took effect on the 2d of March. 
 
 Thus seven states had declared that they had 
 withdrawn from the Union, and took measures 
 to form a confederacy according to the plan 
 proposed by Alabama, by sending delegates to 
 the convention at Montgomery. ‘The secession 
 party in other southern states labored persis- 
 tently to add to this number; but while several 
 of them seemed ripe for secession, the scheme 
 was not carried out so promptly as the extreme 
 secessionists desired. 
 
 The course to be pursued by the border 
 
 * There was some question whether the ordinance was actually 
 ratified by the people. Another statement.gave a majority of three 
 hundred and twenty in the state against secession. 
 
130 
 
 slave states in the crisis was awaited with anx- 
 ious interest, both north and south. There was, 
 unquestionably, a desire among the people of 
 these states to preserve the Union; but there 
 was also a warm sympathy between them and 
 the people farther south on account of their 
 .‘common institutions. The most determined 
 efforts were made by the secessionists to carry 
 these states over at once to the side of a south- 
 ern confederacy, and to stifle or control the 
 Union sentiment there as it was controlled in 
 the states committed to secession. Commission- 
 ers were sent from the seceding states to influ- 
 ence the governments of the border states, 
 while there were more private emissaries to 
 affect the opinions of the people. 
 
 The commissioners from Mississippi were the 
 first who appeared on this mission in the border 
 states. In Delaware, after hearing an address 
 from one of these envoys, the legislature unani- 
 mously “Resolved, that, having extended to 
 Hon. H. Dickinson, commissioner from Missis- 
 sippi, the courtesy due to him as a representative 
 of a sovereign state of the confederacy, as well 
 as to the state he represents, we deem it proper 
 and due to ourselves and to the people of Del- 
 aware to express our unqualified disapproval 
 of the remedy for the existing difficulties sug- 
 
 gested by the resolutions of the legislature of | 
 
 Mississippi.” 
 
 The people of Delaware, with some excep- 
 tions, were loyal, and being a small state, no 
 further direct efforts were made to secure her 
 secession. In Maryland the legislature was not 
 in session, and the governor declined to receive 
 the commissioner from Mississippi, and refused 
 to convene the legislature either to receive 
 this envoy or to take any other steps which 
 might complicate Maryland with secession. 
 Governor Hicks, through all this period, acted 
 with the greatest firmness; and while signifying 
 his sympathy for the more southern states, de- 
 clared his unalterable attachment to the Union, 
 and his purpose to keep Maryland in it. The 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 | adherence of Maryland to the southern cause 
 was considered of great importance, and within 
 its borders there were many of the most bitter 
 and persistent secessionists. To the loyalty 
 and firmness of the governor, who was supported 
 by a majority of the people, the preservation 
 of Maryland from secession, and the safety of 
 the national capital, may in a great measure be 
 attributed. 
 
 It may be well to observe, in this connection, 
 that the secession publicly advocated before the 
 people of Maryland, and perhaps of other bor- 
 der states, was different from that which South 
 Carolina considered a “final separation,’ and 
 which was urged upon the extreme southern 
 or cotton states. Tht Mississippi commissioner, 
 addressing the citizens of Baltimore, said, “ Se- 
 cession is not intended to break up the present 
 government, but to perpetuate it. We do not 
 propose to go out by way of breaking up or 
 destroying the Union as our fathers gave it to 
 us, but we go out for the purpose of getting 
 further guaranties and security for our rights ; 
 not by a convention of all the southern states, 
 nor by congressional tricks, which have failed 
 in times past, and will fail again. But our plan 
 is for the southern states to withdraw from the 
 Union, for the present, to allow amendments to 
 the constitution to be made guaranteeing our 
 just rights; and if the northern states will not 
 make those amendments, by which these rights 
 shall be secured to us, then we must secure 
 them the best way we can.” 
 
 In Virginia the secession envoys met with 
 more favor. Some of the leading men of that 
 state were strong secessionists. ‘The sentiment 
 of the people was divided, but there was, among 
 the people and in the legislature, a majority 
 who were professedly for the Union. Their 
 sympathies were with the south, but the advan- 
 
 tages of the Union could not be overlooked ; 
 and if there were any way by which the de- 
 mands of the slave states could be substan- 
 tially obtained, Virginia was for the Union. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Virginia therefore undertook the character of 
 mediator between the Union and the seceding 
 states; but at the same time she assumed a 
 threatening position — that her people would 
 go with the south if such demands were not 
 conceded in some new compromise; that any 
 
 attempt on the part of the federal government | 
 
 to coerce a state was not to be admitted, and 
 that if the government undertook to march or 
 transport troops over her soil for such coercion 
 of South Carolina or other southern state, the 
 act would be regarded as invasion, and resisted 
 as such. Western Virginia was for the most 
 part loyal, and true Union men were found in 
 other parts of the state; but the majority were 
 of that character who apologized for secession, 
 or who openly advocated it. 
 
 In North Carolina a more certain Union feel- 
 ing was to be found; but that state assumed 
 substantially the same position as Virginia. 
 Tennessee was also like Virginia in respect to 
 the sentiments of the people. The inhabitants 
 of East Tennessee were for the most part loyal 
 Unionists, but the western and controlling part 
 of the state was favorable to secession; and as 
 the governor of the state sympathized with the 
 movement, it was early considered as one of 
 the states of the proposed confederacy. Neither 
 North Carolina nor Tennessee, however, prop- 
 erly belonged to the “ border states.” 
 
 In Kentucky, whatever were the sympathies 
 of the governor, who was supposed to be in- 
 clined to secession, if not committed to it, there 
 was a large majority of the people determined 
 to keep the state in the Union. Yet there 
 were bitter and determined secessionists, there, 
 who used all their influence to carry it over 
 to the south. Missouri was similarly situated. 
 With a governor an avowed secessionist, and 
 a large part of the legislature to support him, 
 steps were taken to secure the adoption of 
 secession by a convention; but the people 
 willed otherwise, and the convention event- 
 ually proved the safety of the state. 
 
 131 
 
 While the border states were yet in this 
 undecided condition, the Virginia legislature 
 adopted resolutions expressing a determination 
 to “make a final effort to restore the Union 
 
 and the constitution in the spirit in which they 
 
 were established by the Fathers of the Repub- 
 lic,’ and inviting all the states, “ whether slave- 
 holding or non-slaveholding, who are willing to ~ 
 unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust 
 the present unhappy controversies,” to appoint 
 commissioners to meet at Washington on the 
 4th of February. If these commissioners agreed 
 upon any plan of adjustment, by amending the 
 constitution, they were to report to Congress 
 the proposed amendments, for the purpose of 
 having them submitted to the people in due 
 form. Commissioners were sent to the presi- 
 dent, and to South Carolina and the other 
 seceding states, requesting each party to abstain 
 from all acts calculated to produce a collision 
 while this convention was in session. This 
 proposition was communicated to Congress by 
 the president, who hailed it with great satisfac- 
 tion, and, in commenting on the course of Vir- 
 ginia, said, “I yet cherish the belief that the 
 American people will perpetuate the union of 
 the states on some terms just and honorable for 
 all sections of the country. I trust that the 
 inediation of Virginia may be the destined 
 means, under the providence of God, of accom- 
 plishing this inestimable benefit. Glorious as 
 are the memories of her past history, such an 
 achievement, both in relation to her own fame 
 and the welfare of the whole country, would 
 surpass them all.” 
 
 The Virginia proposition being submitted to 
 the several states, most of them sent commis- 
 sioners to the convention. But the South Car- 
 olina legislature unanimously adopted resolu- 
 tions declaring that “the separation of South 
 Carolina from the federal government is final, 
 and that she has no further interests in the 
 constitution of the United States; and that the 
 
 only appropriate negotiations between her and 
 
132 HISTORY OP 
 
 the federal government are as to their mutual 
 relations as foreign states;” and that they con- 
 sidered it “ unadvisable to initiate negotiations 
 when South Carolina has no desire or intention 
 to promote the ultimate object in view.” This 
 action on the part of South Carolina revealed 
 the feelings and purposes of the secessionists, 
 not only of that state, but throughout the south, 
 which was to establish and maintain a south- 
 ern confederacy, whatever guaranties might be 
 given for the protection of southern interests 
 in the Union. 
 
 This convention, which was known as the 
 “peace convention,” assembled on the 5th of 
 February. In it were gentlemen of eminent 
 ability, and of the highest character; and 
 whatever respect it commanded was on this 
 account, for it was regarded as an assembly 
 without authority, whose action would be of 
 no avail except through the action of Congress. 
 Ex-President Tyler, of Virginia, presided over 
 its deliberations, which continued till near the 
 close of the month, during which many propo- 
 sitions were discussed. A majority of the con- 
 vention finally agreed upon a plan combining 
 the essential features of Mr. Crittenden’s and 
 the “ border state” propositions, and embraced 
 in seven proposed amendments to the consti- 
 tution. This plan was communicated to the 
 senate, where it came up for action just at the 
 close of the session, and failed. 
 
 The convention proposed by Virginia having 
 thus produced no practical result, the position 
 of that state changed gradually from that of a 
 mediator to that of an armed neutral. While 
 the peace congress was in session, Virginia was 
 continuing her military preparations begun some 
 time previous. The legislature had authorized 
 a convention, and other measures were adopted, 
 such as had led in other states to secession. 
 The convention held some of its sessions with 
 closed doors, and with an injunction of secrecy 
 upon its members; true Union men withdrew 
 from it, but evidently under restraint, and a 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 |few were in the end actually held as prisoners ; 
 
 the real action of the convention was not 
 known, but all the indications were, that Vir- 
 ginia was ready to join the south whenever 
 there should be a collision between the federal 
 government and the seceding states, remaining 
 in the mean time nominally in the Union; thus 
 pursuing a deceptive policy, scarcely worthy 
 of the “glorious memories of her past history,” 
 to: which the president had so kindly alluded. 
 
 In the seceding states, even before as well as 
 after the ordinances of secession were adopted, 
 the forts, arsenals, and other public property 
 of the United States within their respective 
 limits, where they were unprotected, were 
 seized by the state authorities, or by parties 
 of secessionists, who subsequently turned them 
 over to the states. 
 
 Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, was taken 
 possession of by the state troops of Georgia, 
 under orders from the governor, on the 3d of 
 January, although the state did not formally 
 secede until the 19th of the month. On the 
 24th of the month, after secession, the arsenal 
 at Augusta was compelled to surrender. 
 
 The United States arsenal at Mobile, and 
 Fort Morgan, in the harbor of that city, were 
 taken possession of on the 4th of January, the 
 former apparently by an armed mob, and the 
 latter by the state troops of Alabama, who re- 
 mained in the fort as a garrison. The state 
 did not secede until the 11th of the same 
 month. The Apalachicola arsenal and Fort 
 Marion, at St. Augustine, were seized on the 5th 
 and 7th of January, some days before Florida 
 seceded. The arsenal at Little Rock, Arkan- 
 sas, was also taken possession of by the authori- 
 ties of that state, though secession was not yet 
 determined on. 
 
 The United States Marine Hospital, below 
 New Orleans, was taken by a party of Louisiana 
 state troops, January 11th, two weeks before 
 the state seceded. Upwards of two hundred 
 patients, sick or disabled seamen, were ordered 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to be removed; those who were convalescent 
 immediately, and those who were confined to 
 theif beds as soon as possible. This cruel 
 action was justified by the authorities on the 
 ground that they wanted the hospital as quar- 
 ters for their troops. The inhuman and base 
 act was aggravated by the fact that the hospi- 
 tal was not a military or naval establishment, but 
 a charitable institution for the benefit of seamen 
 in the merchant service, and maintained, under 
 the care of the United States, by dues levied 
 on the merchant marine. On the same day, 
 the national arsenal and barracks at Baton 
 Rouge were surrounded by another force of 
 Louisiana troops, and the small force stationed 
 there was obliged to surrender, the officers and 
 men carrying away their arms and equipments, 
 and personal effects. 
 
 At Pensacola, on the 12th of January, the 
 day before the adoption of the secession ordi- 
 nance by the Florida convention, bodies of 
 Florida and Alabama troops, surrounding the 
 navy yard, demanded the surrender of that 
 station. Commodore Armstrong, the command- 
 ant of the yard, having no sufficient means of 
 resistance, and finding the assailing forces had 
 possession of the magazine and the entrances 
 to the yard, was compelled to surrender. With 
 a few exceptions, the officers and men employed 
 in the yard sympathized with the secessionists, 
 and some of them were traitors. Nearly all of 
 these, immediately upon the surrender, trans- 
 ferred their allegiance from the United States 
 to the state of Florida. The small marine 
 guard were the only men upon whom could be 
 placed any reliance. A party of “ordinary 
 men” had, the day previous, been sent to Fort 
 Pickens. 
 
 The government, upon the accession of Mr. 
 Holt to the war department, and when the pur- 
 pose to seize United States property was mani- 
 fested, had sent orders to Pensacola for the 
 protection of the navy yard and the forts 
 which guarded the harbor. 
 
 These orders, |! 
 
 133 
 
 transmitted by telegraph, were brief and in- 
 definite; but they were made known to the 
 secessionists, and a special messenger who car- 
 ried more particular orders in writing, was 
 intercepted, and his despatches taken posses- 
 sion of, the navy yard having already surren- 
 dered. A small garrison was in Fort Barrancas, 
 under the command of Lieutenant Slemmer. 
 Upon receiving the orders telegraphed, and 
 seeing the indications of an intention to take 
 possession here, as had been done elsewhere, 
 that officer followed the example of Major 
 Anderson, and transferred his garrison, with 
 all the stores and ammunition that he could 
 transport, from Fort Barrancas, which would 
 have proved untenable, to Fort Pickens, on 
 Santa Rosa Island. ‘This fortification was one 
 of the strongest on the whole coast, and was 
 easily accessible by sea, without exposure to 
 the other forts of the harbor. In transferring 
 his force, with ordnance and provisions, Lieu- 
 tenant Slemmer fortunately had the assistance 
 of two United States vessels, the steamer 
 Wyandotte and storeship Supply, which were 
 at the navy yard, and he was also reénforced 
 by about fifty men from the yard. The inten- 
 tion of the state troops of Florida and Alabama 
 was to have seized Fort Pickens, and forced a 
 surrender of Barrancas, and they were greatly 
 disappointed that Lieutenant Slemmer had 
 been too watchful and too efficient to permit 
 their purposes to be carried out. He was now 
 in a strong position, by which he had command 
 of the harbor, and could easily be reénforced. 
 An immediate attack was proposed, but more 
 prudent counsels prevailed. Fort Barrancas, 
 however, was taken possession of by the state 
 forces, on ethe same day on which the navy 
 yard was surrendered. Fort Pickens was quietly 
 reénforced by the government, and means were 
 
 furnished to put it in a more complete state of 
 
 defence, the work not being entirely finished or 
 supplied with its armament. Before they were 
 reénforced, Lieutenant Slemmer and his garri- 
 
134 
 
 son labored incessantly to strengthen their 
 position, and suffered much from their watch- 
 fulness and labors. The importance of the 
 movement has since been realized and appre- 
 ciated by the country. 
 
 Not only were the forts, arsenals, and other 
 United States property on the land thus 
 taken possession of, but the revenue cut- 
 ters were, through the treachery of their 
 commanders and the collectors of the cus- 
 toms, transferred to the authorities of the 
 seceding states. The betrayal of the revenue 
 cutter at Charleston has already been men- 
 tioned. Similar treachery was practised at 
 Galveston, Mobile, and New Orleans. After the 
 loss of the vessel at Charleston, measures were 
 taken to secure the other cutters stationed at 
 the ports of states proposing to secede. The 
 cutter at Savannah, after being ordered to Bal- 
 timore, was seized by a party of secessionists, 
 acting without any state authority, as has been 
 observed ina previous chapter. Being restored 
 by the governor of Georgia, the vessel pro- 
 ceeded on her voyage, and was saved. A 
 special agent was despatched to Mobile and 
 New Orleans to secure the cutters there. The 
 commander of the cutter, McClelland, had been 
 ordered by the collector of New Orleans to 
 proceed with his vessel to that city, with the 
 view of securing it for Louisiana. That officer, 
 it appeared, was very ready to join in the 
 treachery. When the special agent arrived at 
 New Orleans, and gave orders direct from the 
 treasury department for the commander of the 
 cutter to proceed with his vessel iminediately 
 to New York, the latter absolutely refused to 
 obey the order. Upon being informed of this 
 refusal, the secretary of the treasury (Mr. Dix, 
 who had been but a few days in office) sent a 
 despatch directing the second officer to assume 
 command of the cutter; if. the recusant com- 
 mander interfered, to arrest him as a mutineer, 
 and to shoot any one who attempted to pull 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 down the American flag. This despatch, how- 
 ever, failed to reach its destination, and the 
 special agent was unable to secure the vessel. 
 Proceeding to Mobile, he found that the cutter 
 there had already been betrayed into the hands 
 of the state authorities by the officer in com- 
 mand. | 
 
 But the most extensive surrender of United 
 States property was made by General Twiggs, 
 who betrayed, on the demand of the authori- 
 ties of Texas, all the military posts in that 
 state, together with all the ordnance and com- 
 missary stores, and other military property, the 
 value of which was upwards of a million of 
 dollars. Having surrendered these posts, and 
 the property contained in them, the command- 
 ing general ordered his subordinates to carry 
 out the treason. There were among the officers 
 not a few secessionists and traitors, but there 
 were some who refused to obey such orders. 
 Some of these were subsequently compelled to 
 
 surrender, and others on the frontier succeeded 
 
 in taking their commands out of the state 
 safely. For this treachery to his country Gen- 
 eral Twiggs was dismissed in disgrace from 
 the service, but his treason was rewarded by a 
 command in the confederate service. 
 
 Secession thus seemed to destroy all sense 
 of honor, and even of common honesty, among 
 those who espoused its cause. All these forts, 
 arsenals, military stores, and other public prop- 
 erty of the United States were seized as if they 
 were the property of an alien enemy, instead 
 of the government to which these states owed 
 allegiance, and had not yet, in some instances, 
 even declared themselves absolved from it. 
 The voluntary surrender, by military, naval, 
 and revenue officers, of the property which 
 they were sworn to protect, was base treason, 
 and an utter abandonment of that honor which 
 is supposed to be so tenderly guarded by men 
 in such positions. 
 
 i] 
 
 a » 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The Spirit of Secession in Washington. — Washington Society. 
 —Its Character and Sympathies. — Disunion Schemes. — 
 Plots to seize the Capital and to prevent the Inauguration of 
 Mr. Lincoln. — Military Organizations in Washington, and in 
 Maryland and Virginia. — Political Sympathy at the North. — 
 Measures of Government to protect Washington. — General 
 Scott. —Supposed Conspiracy to prevent declaring the Elec- 
 toral Votes. — Declaration of the Votes. — Conspiracy to 
 prevent the Inauguration. — Alleged Plot to assassinate the 
 President elect. — Its Probability. — Mr. Lincoln at Philadel- 
 phia. —He is urged to hasten privately to Washington. — 
 Arrival at Washington. — Effect of this sudden Movement in 
 Baltimore. —The Reasons for the hasty Journey. — Account 
 of the alleged Conspiracy for Assassination. — Effect of Mr. 
 Lincoln’s Presence in Washington. — His Reception. — Sense 
 of Relief in the public Mind. — Secession Schemes continued. 
 
 Ons of the most alarming signs of the prog- 
 ress of secession was the condition of Washing- 
 ton during the winter of 1860-1. In the vari- 
 ous departments were many men who were 
 from the south, or were connected with southern 
 families, or were under the influence of south- 
 ern men; and a large proportion of these, in 
 view of the changes which a new administra- 
 tion would make among its employés, were 
 disposed to attach themselves to the secession- 
 ists, or sympathized with them so heartily that 
 they were in fact enemies of the government 
 which was giving them support. The sympa- 
 thies of Washington society were also on the 
 side of secession. That society was southern 
 im its characteristics ; its leaders were for the 
 most part southern families sojourning there, 
 or those permanent residents who were allied 
 to southern families, or who, from the very force 
 of fashion, imbibed those sentiments and pre- 
 judices which southern society constantly as- 
 serted. Besides being opposed to the political 
 sentiments of the northern party which had 
 elected the incoming president, it could not 
 tolerate the elevation to the first place in the 
 republic, and in the capital, of a man of the 
 people — one who did not belong to an aristo- 
 cratic family, but was selfmade, and reputed 
 not to possess many of the graces of polished 
 
 135 
 
 society. The feeling among the women who 
 moved prominently in this society — or assumed 
 to do so— was by no means so gentle as ele- 
 gance and refinement should have made it. It 
 was a bitter prejudice, nourished in part, per- 
 haps, by the probable effect of the change of 
 administration on the interests of their hus- 
 bands or families, but arising from the aristo- 
 cratic notions of the degradation of labor, and 
 antipathy to any thing which called in ques- 
 tion the institution on which their aristocracy 
 rested. It was but a short step from this feel- 
 ing to a hearty and demonstrative sympathy 
 with secession, and such a sympathy was soon 
 aiding the disunion cause. Had the adminis 
 tration been from the start vigorously opposed 
 to secession and all kindred action, its influence 
 might have prevented, in some measure, the 
 spread of this social poison. But the families 
 of members of the cabinet, as well as of sena- 
 tors, were alike leaders in the social circle and _ 
 in this evil example. The aid thus received by 
 the secession cause from men and women in the 
 highest society at Washington was not small. 
 It extended wherever the influence of that 
 society extended, among officials in the depart- 
 ments and officers of the army and navy, lead- 
 ing men, whose loyalty would otherwise have 
 been unquestionable, either to forswear their 
 allegiance, or yield to the government only a 
 cold support. 
 
 Upon the secession of South Carolina it was 
 apparent that in Washington, and all about it 
 in Maryland and Virginia, there were many 
 disunionists ready to codperate with secession 
 wherever it might appear. The presence of so 
 many men from the seceding states who still re- 
 mained in Washington, as well as the influence 
 of society there, as before mentioned, strength- 
 ened and increased this class. Loyal men 
 naturally became alarmed, and it was soon 
 found that there was reason for such alarm. 
 Numerous facts came to light which indicated 
 a purpose somewhere, if opportunity should 
 
13 HISTORY OF 
 
 offer, to prevent the inauguration of the presi- 
 dent elect, if not to seize the capital itself, and 
 hold it for the further purposes of the seces- 
 sionists. That such a purpose was contem- 
 plated there was good reason to believe; but 
 by whom, to what extent it was organized, and 
 how far it was countenanced by the leading 
 secessionists, it was difficult to ascertain. A 
 special committee of the house was instructed 
 to inquire into the facts, to ascertain if any 
 attempt to seize the public buildings was con- 
 templated. But the inquiries of this com- 
 mittee were such as could hardly be expected 
 to develop the existence of the alleged plot, un- 
 less within the knowledge of officials. 
 
 There was in Washington a military organi- 
 zation known-as the “ National Volunteers,’ 
 which was composed of members of a political 
 association of the recent canvass, devoted to 
 the interests of the Breckinridge party. It 
 was generally believed that this organization, 
 the sympathies of its members being with the 
 secessionists, was designed to take part in any 
 demonstration such as was feared. ‘There were 
 no facts ascertained, however, which showed 
 any purpose or preparation on their part to 
 commit acts of violence. In Maryland and 
 Virginia, too, there were sundry military or- 
 ganizations, some authorized by the state laws, 
 and others formed without legal authority, 
 which were armed and drilled as if in prepara- 
 tion for some service. But it did not appear 
 that any of these had a definite purpose. It 
 was evident, however, from the character of 
 these organizations and the political sentiments 
 of the members, that it would need only a 
 signal from influential disunionists, or some 
 sudden excitement, to call them into active 
 demonstrations for the resistance of the inau- 
 guration or the overthrow of the government. 
 Vague rumors of such a purpose were con- 
 stantly in circulation; secession newspapers 
 contained frequent threats of violence, and ad- 
 vice for forcible resistance to the inaugura- 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 tion,* and there were conferences at Washing- 
 ton, and other movements among the avowed 
 secessionists of Maryland and Virginia, which 
 indicated a readiness, if not a plot, to carry out 
 the advice and the threats. 
 
 It should be remembered that at this time 
 there were large numbers of people at the 
 north, who, through political partisanship or 
 social or business relations, sympathized with 
 the south, and, though they may not have ap- 
 proved of disunion, yet, by sympathy with dis- 
 unionists in their alleged causes for dissatisfac- 
 tion, gave the latter reason to suppose that the 
 north would be divided on the question of dis- 
 union, as it had been on other questions. ‘The 
 tone of a portion of the northern press +~—a 
 
 * The following from the Richmond (Va.) Examiner of De- 
 cember 17, 1860, a paper of great influence in Virginia, is a speci- 
 men of the articles referred to : — 
 
 “If any commissioners are appointed by the legislature, they 
 should be sent first to Maryland, to confer with that state upon 
 the plan of resisting the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln. It is the 
 duty of Maryland and Virginia to take earnest and decided steps 
 to prevent the government from going into kepublican hands. 
 There is now no hope of preserving the Union, and by the 4th of 
 March there will be little use for any federal government. It 
 would be the greatest folly for Virginia and Maryland to permit 
 the army, navy, and treasury to pass into the hands of those who 
 will use them for the subjugation of those states. Let the first 
 convention, then, be held between Maryland and Virginia, and, 
 these two states agreeing, let them provide sufficient force to 
 seize the city of Washington, and, if coercion is to be attempted, 
 let it begin with subjugating the states of Maryland and Virginia. 
 Thus practical and efficient fighting in the Union will prevent the 
 powers of the Union from falling into the hands of our enemies. 
 
 “We hope Virginia will depute her commissioners to Maryland 
 first, and, providing for the seizure of Washington city, Forts 
 McHenry, Washington, and Old Point, Harper’s Ferry and Gos- 
 port Navy Yard, present these two states in the attitude of rebels 
 inviting coercion. This was the way Patrick Henry brought 
 about the revolution, and this is the best use that Virginia can 
 make of commissioners of any kind.” 
 
 + The New York Day Book, a Democratic paper, which had 
 supported Breckinridge, contained the following article, quite 
 sufficient to encourage the secessionists in their schemes : — 
 
 “Will Lincoln be inaugurated ?—FEvery intelligent mind in 
 the nation is now revolving this inquiry, and, as day after day 
 passes by, it becomes more and more apparent that Abraham Lin- 
 coln will not be inaugurated president of the republic founded by 
 Washington and Jefferson. The white laboring men of New 
 York and other northern cities should rally to a man to prevent 
 a destiny so horrible, a treason so monstrous, a crime so hideous, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 small portion, happily —and of the speeches 
 of certain public men, led the secessionists to 
 believe that in case of any collision they would 
 not only receive aid from the northern states, 
 but that civil war, if it came, must arise among 
 the people of those states. A military or po- 
 litical organization here and there, of ques- 
 tionable origin and purpose, gave some color to 
 this supposition, which appears to have entered 
 into the consideration of all the schemes of the 
 secessionists. 
 
 The special committee were of opinion that 
 all the rumored designs upon the capital were 
 contingent upon the secession of Maryland or 
 Virginia. In their report they said, — 
 
 “Too much diversity of opinion seems to 
 have existed to admit of the adoption of any 
 well-organized plan, until some of the states 
 commenced to reduce their theories of secession 
 to practice. Since then persons thus disaffected 
 seem to have adopted the idea that all resist- 
 ance to the government, if there is to be any, 
 should have at least the color of state authority. 
 If the purpose was at any time entertained of 
 forming an organization, secret or open, to seize 
 the District of Columbia, attack the Capitol, or 
 prevent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, it 
 seems to have been rendered contingent upon 
 
 as that now attempted by the party supporting Lincoln. They 
 should organize as minute-men at once, and declare to the world 
 that they will march at a moment’s notice to put down and crush 
 out any man or any party that attempts ‘ impartial freedom,’ or to 
 include negroes in our political system. 
 
 “Tt is a terrible alternative; but self-preservation, as well as 
 self-respect, demands that Maryland and Virginia shall never per- 
 mit their territory to be occupied by those who vow in advance to 
 revolutionize their society, and establish nigger equality, or ‘im- 
 partial freedom.’ We trust, however, that this will be done with 
 the gravity and the prudence that the occasion demands — that 
 the Virginian and Maryland delegates in Washington will submit 
 resolutions to Congress that shall test perfectly and beyond mis- 
 take the true purposes and real policy of the ‘anti-slavery’ or 
 Republican party. If that party will disavow a free-negro policy, 
 and declare that it will never place the government in conflict 
 with southern society, and that this is a white man’s government, 
 in which the negro has no part or parcel whatever, then we 
 should apprehend that no obstacles would be likely to be in the 
 way of Lincoln’s inauguration on the 4th of March.” 
 
 137 
 
 the secession of either Maryland or Virginia, or 
 both, and the sanction of one of those states. 
 
 “ Certain organizations in this district and in 
 Maryland, that prior to the election seem to 
 have been only political clubs, have since as- 
 sumed the character of military organizations, 
 are now engaged in drilling, and expect to pro- 
 vide themselves with arms, some from the state 
 authorities, and others from private subscrip- 
 tions. But so far as the committee were able 
 to learn their purposes, while they sympathized 
 strongly with secession, there is no proof that 
 they intend to attack either the capital or the 
 District, unless the surrender should -be de- 
 manded by a state to which they profess a high 
 degree of allegiance. Some of these companies 
 in Baltimore profess to be drilling for the sole 
 purpose of preventing other military companies 
 from passing through the state of Maryland. 
 Whether these representations of the purposes 
 of these companies be correct or not, the com- 
 mittee have failed to discover any satisfactory 
 evidence that they have any purpose whatever, 
 as a mere mob, without the sanction of state au- 
 thority, to attack the Capitol, or any other public 
 property in this District, or to seize the District.” 
 
 Although the Congressional committee discov- 
 ered no secret plot, definite and organized, for the 
 seizure of the capital, there was sufficient evi- 
 dence before the administration of such a pur- 
 pose, on the part of the secessionists, to lead to 
 the adoption of measures for the defeat of its exe- 
 cution. General Scott was consulted,and by his 
 advice a military force was quietly and gradually 
 brought to Washington and the military posts 
 in the vicinity, and the militia of the District 
 of Columbia was organized. It was found that 
 not a few of the officers of this militia were 
 secessionists, and a new organization was re- 
 quired, which was put under the charge of 
 Captain Charles Stone, an officer of the regular 
 army, who had served with distinction in the 
 Mexican war. Volunteers were also organized 
 for the defence of the city and public property. 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The preparations made by General Scott were 
 violently condemned by disloyal men, and pro- 
 duced some irritation among that class of the 
 residents of Washington. Hach day, however, 
 convinced the loyal that the preparations were 
 wise and prudent, if not absolutely necessary, 
 and would, at least, prevent an outbreak or 
 attempt at violence, which might be invited by 
 a want of preparation and weakness on the 
 part of the government. 
 
 It was rumored that one plan of those who 
 conspired to overthrow the constitutional gov- 
 ernment, was to prevent the formal announce- 
 ment of the votes of the presidential electors, 
 and the declaration of the election as prescribed 
 by the constitution. Butif such a purpose was 
 ever entertained, the preparations made by the 
 officers of Congress at the Capitol, and by Gen- 
 eral Scott in the city, deterred its authors from 
 any attempt to put into execution a scheme 
 which promised little success. The two houses 
 met in convention, and the certificates of the 
 electors having been examined and announced 
 in due form by a joit committee, Vice-Presi- 
 dent Breckinridge declared that “ Abraham 
 Lincoln, of Illinois, having received a majority 
 of the whole number of electoral votes, is duly 
 elected president of the United States for the 
 four years commencing on the 4th of March, 
 1861.” A similar declaration was made that 
 Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, was chosen vice- 
 president of the United States for the same 
 term. The threatened danger having been 
 avoided in this case, and another of the con- 
 stitutional steps safely taken towards the inau- 
 guration of a president constitutionally elected, 
 the loyal people experienced a sense of relief 
 —not so much on account of the escape from 
 danger, as the fact that no attempt was made 
 to interrupt the execution of the requirements 
 of the constitution. _ 
 
 The next danger feared was an armed re- 
 sistance -to the inauguration of the president 
 elect. This had been threatened and counselled 
 by one class of men in the border states, whose 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 sympathies were with the extreme southern 
 party, but who were disposed to regard the 
 condition of the country in a party view, the 
 remedy for which was to compel the triumph- 
 ant party to abandon the government, and sub- 
 mit to the dictation of such amendments to 
 the constitution as the southern party desired ; 
 and by another class, who were in favor of 
 disunion, but who would like to obtain posses- 
 sion of the capital, the archives, finances, and 
 all the insignia of government, and thus make 
 the northern states appear the seceders. A 
 successful blow here and at this time, before 
 the Republican administration could be in- 
 stalled, with most of the departments of gov- 
 ernment in the hands of sympathizers, was one 
 which at first promised as successful a result as 
 had attended the secession movement at the 
 south. But the changes in the cabinet. had 
 rendered the chances of success very doubtful, 
 and the determination of the administration 
 and of General Scott to maintain the govern- 
 ment and the constitution, probably caused the 
 scheme to be abandoned. General Scott made 
 preparations to meet any such emergency, by 
 the disposal of troops in Washington in a man- 
 ner to secure its safety except from a force 
 greater than was likely to be brought against 
 it. In doing this he did not always meet with 
 the approval of the president, who was averse 
 to displayimg any considerable military force. 
 The president, however, declared his determi- 
 nation that the government should be main- 
 tained, and his successor duly inaugurated. 
 While the proper precautions were taken to 
 guard against any revolutionary attempt, or any 
 riotous proceedings which might lead to serious 
 results, there was reason to believe, from knowl- 
 edge which came to General Scott and to Mr. 
 Lincoln’s friends in Washington, that on his jour- 
 ney to the capital there might be an attempt 
 on his life, either by direct assassination or by 
 throwing the railroad train in which he travelled 
 from the track. The idea of such a plot being 
 conceived and attempted was by most persons, 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 except the very credulous, considered improba- 
 ble. But there were reasons, known to those 
 then best acquainted with the secret history of 
 secession, for taking unusual precautions along 
 the entire route by which Mr. Lincoln travelled. 
 These precautions were the means of guard- 
 ing against most serious accident in several 
 instances, the preparation for which was but 
 too surely designed and made for the special 
 train in which the party of the president elect 
 were conveyed. That there was such a plot for 
 accomplishing the death or fatal injury of Mr. 
 Lincoln can now, when the character of seces- 
 sion and its supporters has been realized, be 
 more readily believed. All through the south 
 have been the most wicked and cruel cases of 
 violence and murder for opinion’s sake. The 
 remedy thus applied to obnoxious parties would 
 naturally be suggested to certain minds as one 
 to be used in this case, which they believed of 
 so much more serious a nature; and certainly 
 it would be no difficult thing to find among the 
 inhabitants of a great city men who would ma- 
 ture the suggestion and carry it into execution. 
 The suggestion had been repeatedly made in 
 southern papers, and even if no plot had been 
 carefully matured, a riot might afford facilities 
 and provocations for accomplishing a purpose 
 only half determined on, but ardently desired 
 by many who would have scorned to be privy 
 to such a scheme. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had extended his journey to New 
 York, and arrived safely at Philadelphia, having 
 been received with honors due to his position 
 as president elect. He was accompanied by his 
 family and several friends from his own state, 
 and by Colonel Sumner, who had been detailed 
 by order of General Scott to attend him. At 
 Philadelphia he was met by a special messen- 
 ger from Washington, who bore an urgent re- 
 quest for him to proceed at once, privately, to 
 
 that city. Having engaged to take part in the 
 ceremony of raising the American flag in Inde- 
 pendence Square on the following day, and also 
 
 139 
 
 to visit the legislature at Harrisburg, he could 
 not be prevailed upon to break these engage- 
 ments; but after having fulfilled them, he 
 agreed to proceed at once to Washington, 
 avoiding any delay or public reception at 
 Baltimore. This he did, accompanied by only 
 two or three friends, taking the regular night 
 train from Philadelphia to Washington, where 
 he arrived early in the morning of February 
 23d, and was met by some friends, who took 
 him to the quarters prepared for him.* His 
 family, and the other members of his party, 
 proceeded in the special train intended for his 
 conveyance. At Baltimore there were some 
 disorderly demonstrations; Mr. Lincoln having 
 already proceeded privately to Washington, and 
 Mrs. Lincoln and family having left the train at 
 a station out of town to partake of the hospi- 
 talities of a friend, there was no opportunity, 
 if there had been a disposition, to make any 
 riotous assault upon the party. The committee 
 of Baltimore republicans who had been to meet 
 Mr. Lincoln, and others of the party, received 
 some indignities, but were protected from real 
 harm by the police. The municipal authori- 
 ties of Baltimore had taken measures to pre- 
 vent any riotous demonstrations, but subsequent 
 events in that city induce the belief that the 
 protection of its police, on an occasion involving 
 a display of so much bitter feeling, would be 
 very uncertain at least. To the order-loving 
 people of that city, as elsewhere, 1t was a source 
 of congratulation that Mr. Lincoln was safe in 
 Washington. The only disappointment ex- 
 pressed was on the part of those disposed to 
 riot, and that portion of the press which was 
 most bitterly opposed to the president elect. 
 This sudden and secret movement of Mr. Lin- 
 coln was the subject of much speculation and 
 some condemnation, though the latter was gen- 
 
 * The story that Mr. Lincoln travelled in disguise has been 
 pronounced untrue by those who were acquainted with the facts. 
 He wore an ordinary travelling dress. 
 
140 
 
 erally expressed by his political opponents, rather 
 than his friends. The reasons suggested were 
 various. One was, that his friends in Wash- 
 ington considered that his immediate presence 
 there was imperatively demanded. Another 
 was, that there was danger of riotous proceed- 
 ings in Baltimore, on the occasion of his arrival 
 there according to the published programme 
 of his journey. Still another was, that a plot 
 to assassinate the president elect, on his pas- 
 sage through Baltimore, had been discovered ; 
 and it was to evade this that the change had 
 been made. 
 latter reasons weighed with the advisers of’ 
 Mr. Lincoln. A statement subsequently pub- 
 lished in a journal* which had facilities for 
 becoming acquainted with the facts, asserted 
 that a conspiracy to assassinate Mr. Lincoln 
 had actually been discovered. It was said that 
 Mr. Lincoln’s friends, having heard of such con- 
 spiracy, employed a detective of great expe- 
 rience to investigate the matter, and that he, 
 with the aid of other detectives, discovered not 
 only the existence of the plot, but the parties 
 to it, and their plans. These plans, as narrated, 
 were, should Mr. Lincoln pass safely over the 
 railroad to Baltimore, (it being asserted that 
 there was a plot to throw the special train in 
 which he was expected to travel from the 
 track,) that the conspirators should mingle 
 with the crowd that might surround his car- 
 riage, and by pretending to be his friends, be 
 enabled to approach his person. At a given 
 signal, some of them were to shoot at Mr. Lin- 
 coln with pistols, while others would throw into 
 the carriage hand-grenades similar to those used 
 in an attempt to assassinate the Emperor Louis 
 Napoleon, the assailants expecting to escape in 
 the confusion which would ensue, and be carried 
 to Mobile. This plot, it was stated, was revealed 
 to Mr. Lincoln at Philadelphia, and the revela- 
 tion induced the change of plans by which the 
 
 * Albany Evening Journal. 
 
 It is probable that both of these | 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 plot was foiled. It was further stated, that 
 General Scott and Mr. Seward had been ap- 
 prised, from other sources, that imminent dan- 
 ger threatened Mr. Lincoln if he should publicly 
 pass through Baltimore ; and Mr. Seward’s son 
 was accordingly despatched to Philadelphia, to 
 urge the president elect to come directly to 
 Washington, in a private manner. It was diffi- 
 cult to believe, that in this country such a con- 
 spiracy could be entered into, and such plans 
 laid for assassination; but, as before observed, 
 the events which have since transpired, and the 
 desperate character of many men to be found 
 in a city like Baltimore, render it less incredible 
 now than at that time. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln’s: presence in Washington ap- 
 peared to have a favorable effect. The country 
 felt relieved that thus far there had been no 
 obstruction to the usual course of events 
 attending a change of administration in the 
 government, and it was hoped that Mr. Lin- 
 coln’s conservative views would disarm some 
 of the bitter prejudices against him and his 
 party. He was received with the respect due 
 to his pasition, and was waited upon by the 
 heads of departments, members of Congress, 
 and the “ peace convention,” which was still in 
 session. Although he did not indicate the policy 
 which he should pursue with regard to seces- 
 sion, yet his general conservative opinions, so 
 far as he expressed them, gave confidence to 
 all who really desired the preservation of the 
 Union, or who were not blinded by political 
 partisanship. Public attention was now in a 
 measure directed to the views and policy of Mr. 
 Lincoln, and the cabinet which he would form. 
 Men seemed to feel assured that the inaugura- 
 tion would take place without any attempt to - 
 prevent it, or to disturb the peace. But for this 
 they relied on the preparations which General 
 Scott was known to have made. Meanwhile 
 the friends of secession, encouraged by the 
 action of the “cotton states,” were not idle, | 
 nor any better disposed towards the president 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 elect. Their schemes, so far as Washington was 
 concerned, may have been changed, in view of 
 the preparations made by the government and 
 the friends of the incoming administration ; but 
 they were none the less active in their exer- 
 tions for the dismemberment of the Union, 
 scouting all idea of a peaceful adjustment of 
 the questions at issue, either through the action 
 of Congress or the peace convention ; and ready 
 to avail themselves of any conflict which might 
 arise between the government and the seceded 
 states, to force the border states into the dis- 
 union movement. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The Confederate Convention at Montgomery.— Framing and 
 adoption of a Constitution for a Provisional Government. — 
 Preamble and Provisions. — Election and Inauguration of Pro- 
 visional President and Vice-President. — Inaugural Address 
 of Mr. Davis. — Mr. Stephens. — Cabinet Officers. — Further 
 Measures adopted by the Convention. — The Constitution not 
 submitted to the People. — Principles of the Southern Confed- 
 eracy. — Speech by Mr. Stephens. 
 
 Tue convention of delegates from the seceded 
 states, which had been agreed to by the several 
 conventions of those states, assembled at Mont- 
 gomery, Alabama, on the 4th of February. Six 
 of the seceded states were represented. The 
 secession ordinance of Texas had not been 
 voted upon by the people of that state, and it 
 had not yet sent delegates. There were also 
 present commissioners from several of the slave 
 states which had not seceded. The first business 
 was the framing of a constitution for a provis- 
 ional government of the confederacy of seceding 
 states. For this the constitution of the United 
 States was taken as the basis, and such modifi- 
 cations were made as should adapt it to the 
 purposes of the secessionists. One distinctive 
 feature was embodied in the opening declara- 
 tion, in which the language indicating a union 
 of the people was carefully avoided, and sup- 
 plied by that which should distinctly show that 
 
 their association was what the southern politi- | 
 
 141 
 
 cians had always maintained the Union to be — 
 simply a confederation of sovereign states. 
 
 The title of the instrument was, “The Con- 
 stitution for the Provisional Government of the 
 Confederate States of America.” The intro- 
 ductory declaration was, “ We, the deputies of 
 the sovereign, independent states of South 
 Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Missis- 
 sippi, and Louisiana, invoking the favor of the 
 Almighty, hereby, in behalf of the states, ordain 
 and establish this constitution for a provisional 
 government of the same, to continue one year 
 from the ifauguration of the president, or until 
 a@ permanent constitution or confederacy be put 
 into operation.” The seventh section provided 
 
 that “the importation of African negroes from 
 
 any foreign country other than the slavehold- 
 ing states of the United States, is hereby for- 
 bidden; and Congress is required to pass such 
 laws as shall effectually prevent the same.” It 
 also provided that “Congress shall also have 
 power to prohibit the introduction of slaves 
 from any state not a member of this Confed- 
 eracy.” » Provision was made for the rendition 
 of fugitive slaves, and for the settlement by the 
 new government “of all matters between the 
 states forming it and their late confederates of 
 the United States, in relation to the public 
 property and public debt, at the time of their 
 withdrawal from them.” Most of the other 
 provisions were substantially the Sime as those 
 in the constitution of the United States. This 
 constitution was unanimously adopted, and was 
 put into operation at once. 
 
 The constitution having been adopted, the 
 convention elected Jefferson Davis, of Missis- 
 sippi, provisional president, and Alexander H. 
 Stephens, of Georgia, provisional vice-president 
 of the Confederacy. These officers were in- 
 augurated on the 18th of February, with much 
 parade and enthusiastic demonstrations on the 
 part of the people. Mr. Davis delivered an 
 inaugural address, of which the following are 
 the most important passages: — 
 
142 
 
 “ Our present condition, achieved in a manner 
 unprecedented in the history of nations, illus- 
 trates the American idea that governments rest 
 upon the consent of the governed, — and that it 
 is the right of the people to alter and abolish 
 governments whenever they become destruc- 
 tive of the ends for which they were established. 
 The declared compact of the Union from which 
 we have withdrawn was to establish justice, in- 
 sure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- 
 mon defence, promote the general welfare, and 
 secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
 and our posterity ; and when, in thé judgment 
 of the sovereign states now composing this 
 Confederacy, it has been perverted from the 
 purposes for which it was ordained, and ceased 
 to answer the ends for which it was established, 
 a peaceful .appeal to the ballot-box declared 
 that, so far as they were concerned, the govern- 
 ment created by that compact should cease to 
 exist. In this they merely asserted the right 
 which the Declaration of Independence of 1776 
 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and 
 occasion for the exercise of this right, they, as 
 sovereigns, were the final judges, each for it- 
 self. The impartial and enlightened verdict of 
 mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our 
 conduct; and He who knows the hearts of men 
 will judge of the sincerity with which we 
 labored to preserve the government of our 
 fathers in its spirit. 
 
 “The right of the states solemnly proclaimed 
 at the birth of the United States, and which 
 has been affirmed and reaffirmed in the bills 
 of rights of the states subsequently admitted 
 to the Union of 1789, undeniably recognizes in 
 the people the power to resume the authority 
 delegated for the purposes of government. 
 Thus the sovereign states here represented 
 proceeded to form this Confederacy, and it is 
 by an abuse of language that their act has been 
 denominated revolution. They have formed 
 a new alliance, but within each of the states its 
 government has remained. The rights of per- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 son and property have not been disturbed. 
 The agent through which they communicated 
 with foreign nations is changed, but this does 
 not necessarily interrupt their international 
 relations. Sustained by the consciousness that 
 the transition from the former Union to the 
 present Confederacy has not proceeded from a 
 disregard on our part of our just obligations, 
 or any failure to perform every constitutional 
 duty ; moved by no interest or passion to invade 
 the rights of others; anxious to cultivate peace 
 and commerce with all nations, —if we may 
 not hope to avoid war, we may at least expect 
 
 that posterity will acquit us of having need- 
 
 lessly engaged in it. Doubly justified by the 
 absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton 
 aggression on the part of others, there can be 
 no cause for doubt that the courage and _ patri- 
 otism of the people of the Confederate States 
 will be found equal to any measures of defence 
 which soon their security may require. 
 
 “ An agricultural people, whose chief interest 
 is the export of a commodity required by every 
 manufacturing country, our true policy is peace 
 and the freest trade which our necessities will 
 permit. It is alike our interest and that of all 
 those to whom we would sell, and from whom 
 we would buy, that there should be the fewest 
 possible restrictions upon an interchange of 
 commodities. There can be but little rivalry 
 between ours and any manufacturing or navi- 
 gating community, such as the north-eastern 
 states of the American Union. It must there- 
 fore follow that mutual’ interests would invite’ 
 good will and kind offices. If, however, passion 
 or lust of dominion should cloud the judgment 
 or inflame the ambition of those states, we 
 must prepare to meet the emergency and main- 
 tain by the final arbitrament of the sword the 
 position which we have assumed among the 
 nations of the earth. We have entered upon 
 a career of independence, which must be inflexi- 
 bly pursued through many years of controversy 
 with our late associates of the northern states. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 We have vainly endeavored to secure tranquil- 
 lity and obtain respect for the rights to which 
 we were entitled. As a necessity, nota choice, 
 we have resorted to the remedy of a separation, 
 and henceforth our energies must be directed 
 to conduct our own affairs, and promote the 
 perpetuity of the Confederacy we have formed. 
 If a just perception of mutual interests shall 
 permit us peaceably to pursue our separate po- 
 litical career, my most earnest desire will have 
 been fulfilled. But if this be denied us, and the 
 integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be 
 assailed, it will but remain for us with a firm 
 resolve to appeal to arms, and invoke the bless- 
 ing of Providence upon a just cause. 
 
 “ As a consequence of our new condition, and 
 with a view to meet anticipated wants, it will be 
 necessary to provide for the speedy and efficient 
 organization of the branches of the executive 
 
 department having special charge of foreign } 
 
 intercourse, finance, military affairs, and postal 
 service. For purposes of defence, the Con- 
 federate States may, under ordimary circum- 
 stances, rely mainly upon their militia; but it is 
 deemed advisable, under the present condition 
 of affairs, that there should be a well instructed 
 and disciplmed army, more numerous than 
 would usually be required on a peace estab- 
 lishment. 
 
 “J also suggest that for the protection of our 
 harbors and commerce on the high seas a navy 
 adapted to those objects will be required. These 
 necessities have doubtless engaged the atten- 
 tion of Congress. ~ ; 
 
 “ Actuated solely by a desire to preserve our 
 own rights and promote our own welfare, the 
 separation of the Confederate States has been 
 marked by no aggressions upon others, and has 
 been followed by no domestic convulsions. Our 
 industrial pursuits have received no check ; the 
 cultivation of our! fields progresses as hereto- 
 fore, and even should we be involved in a war 
 there would be no considerable diminution of 
 the staples which constitute our exports, and in 
 
 143 
 
 which the commercial world has an interest 
 scarcely less than our own. This common in- 
 terest of producer and consumer can only be 
 intercepted by exterior force which should ob- 
 struct its transmission to foreign markets —a 
 course of conduct which would be detrimental 
 to the manufacturing and commercial interests 
 abroad. Should reason guide the action of the 
 government from which we have separated, a 
 policy so detrimental to the civilized world, and 
 the northern states included, would not be fol- 
 lowed. But should it be otherwise, a terrible 
 responsibility will rest upon it, and the suffer- 
 igs of millions will bear testimony to the fol- 
 ly and wickedness of our aggressors. In the 
 mean time there will remain to us besides the 
 ordinary remedies before suggested, well-known 
 sources of retaliation upon the commerce of an 
 enemy.” 
 
 Mr. Stephens accepted the office to which the 
 convention had elected him with expressions 
 of hearty allegiance to the new confederacy, as 
 calculated to secure more perfectly the peace, 
 prosperity, and domestic tranquillity of the 
 south. The first movements for secession he 
 had strenuously opposed, and in a speech made 
 but three months previous to this election, he 
 had declared that it was his settled conviction 
 that the government of the United States, 
 though not without its defects, “comes nearer 
 the objects of all good government than any 
 other on the face of the earth” — that it was 
 “a model republic, the best that the history of 
 the world gives us any account of;” and he 
 asked, “ Where will you go, following the sun 
 in his circuit round the globe, to find a govern- 
 ment that better protects the liberties of the 
 people, and secures to them the blessings which 
 we enjoy ?” 
 
 My. Davis, after his inauguration, nominated 
 for his cabinet, Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, secre- 
 tary of state, Mr. Memminger, of South Caro- 
 lina, secretary of the treasury, and Mr. L. Pope 
 Walker, of Alabama, secretary of war. These 
 
144 
 
 nominations were confirmed, and the new gov- | 
 
 ernment entered upon the functions assigned to 
 it. The convention proceeded to make further 
 arrangements for the establishment of the pro- 
 visional government by providing for the elec- 
 
 tion of a Congress and the passage of ordinances | 
 
 and laws immediately necessary for putting 
 their constitution into operation. Among other 
 measures which they adopted was an act de- 
 claring the navigation of the Mississippi River 
 free. A flag for the Confederacy was also 
 adopted, consisting of a blue field, with stars 
 representing the number of states, in the upper 
 corner, as in the American flag, and three hori- 
 zontal stripes, or “bars,” of red, white, and red. 
 As the several states had seceded, they had 
 raised their own flags, generally a representa- 
 tion of the state arms; and the Confederate 
 flag was not adopted with universal satisfaction, 
 either because of its similarity to the old flag 
 which had so long waved over them, and to 
 which an unaccountable antipathy had arisen, 
 or because of the notions of state sovereignty 
 which lay at the bottom of secession. 
 
 The constitution and government thus estab- 
 lished were not submitted to the people for 
 ratification in any way, but were ratified by the 
 conventions or legislatures of the several states 
 interested. This was the occasion of some dis- 
 content among those who did not belong to the 
 ultra secession party, but it was in accordance 
 with the principles and plans upon which the 
 scheme of secession was conceived and carried 
 out. Among the leaders there was an apparent 
 distrust of the people, who were to be con- 
 trolled and governed rather than to be con- 
 stituents and the origin of power. 
 
 The principles upon which this southern 
 Confederacy was established, were set forth and 
 vindicated in a speech made by Mr. Stephens, the 
 vice-president of the confederacy, at Savannah, 
 and which may justly be considered as an au- 
 
 thoritative exposition, both because of his posi- || 
 
 tion, and because of the comparatively moder- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ate views which he had previously expressed, 
 After specifying certain differences between 
 the constitution of the United States and that 
 adopted by the seceding states, in praising which 
 it may be observed he was by no means con- 
 sistent with his previous public record, he con- 
 tinued : — 
 
 “But not to be tedious in enumerating the 
 numerous changes for the better, allow me to 
 allude to one other — though last, not least: 
 the new constitution has put at rest forever all 
 the agitating questions relating to our peculiar 
 institutions— African slavery as it exists among 
 us — the proper status of the negro in our form 
 of civilization. This was the immediate cause 
 of the late rupture and present revolution.* 
 Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this 
 as the ‘rock upon which the old Union would 
 split’ He was right. What was conjecture 
 with him is now a realized fact. But whether 
 he fully comprehended the great truth upon which 
 that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The 
 prevaling ideas entertained by him and most of the 
 leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the 
 old constitution were, that the enslavement of the Afri 
 can was m violation of the laws of nature ; that tt 
 was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and polite 
 cally. It was an evil they knew not well how 
 to deal with; but the general opinion of the 
 men of that day was, that, somehow or other, 
 in the order of Providence, the institution would 
 be evanescent, and pass away. This idea, though 
 not incorporated in the constitution, was the 
 prevailing idea at the time. The constitution, 
 it is true, secured every essential guaranty to 
 the institution while it should last, and hence 
 no argument can be justly used against the con- 
 stitutional guaranties thus secured, because of 
 the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, 
 however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested 
 upon the assumption of the equality of the 
 
 * The secessionists have generally insisted that secession was 
 not revolution, but the simple exercise of reserved rights. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 145 
 
 races. This was an error. It was a sandy 
 foundation, and the idea of a government built 
 upon it — when the ‘storm came and the wind 
 blew, it fell’ 
 
 “Our new government is founded upon exactly the 
 opposite ideas ; ws foundations are tad, its corner- 
 stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not 
 equal to the white man ; that slavery, subordination to 
 the superior race, is his natwral and normal condition. 
 This, our new government, is the first in the ustory 
 of the world based upon this great physical, philo- 
 sophical, and moral truth. This truth has been 
 slow in the process of its development, like 
 all other truths in the various departments of 
 science. It is soeven amongst us. Many who 
 hear me, perhaps, can recollect well that this 
 truth was not generally admitted, even within 
 their day. The errors of the past generation 
 
 still clung to many as late as twenty years 
 
 ago. oe * k 
 
 “Tn the conflict thus far, success has been on 
 our side, complete throughout the length and 
 breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon 
 this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly 
 planted ; and I cannot permit myself to doubt 
 the ultimate success of a full recognition of this 
 principle throughout the civilized and enlight- 
 ened world.” 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Close of Mr. Buchanan’s Administration. — His Policy with re- 
 gard to Secession and its Effect. — Review of the Condition of 
 the Government. — Finances. — The War Department. — The 
 Army. — The Navy. — Lack of Available Force. —Report of 
 Congressional Committee on the Subject. —The Civil Service. 
 —Foreign Ministers and Secession Emissaries. — Sympathy 
 for Secessionists at the North. — Conclusion. 
 
 Tuus had the rebellion made rapid progress 
 and attained to the most formidable dimensions 
 before the termination of Mr. Buchanan’s ad- 
 ministration. Seven states had adopted seces- 
 sion ordinances, and had formed a confederacy 
 in rebellion against the authority of the United 
 States. They had apeanized military forces, 
 
 9 
 
 seized forts, arsenals, and other public property 
 of the Union, and were making every prepara- 
 tion that they could to maintain their position 
 by a war. This they had been suffered to do 
 without any adequate action on the part of the 
 government to prevent it. Had the government 
 been prepared, and taken vigorous measures at 
 the outset, to maintain its authority, though it is 
 not probable that the rebellion would have been 
 wholly stayed, it is reasonable to presume that 
 it would not have made such rapid progress. 
 But for more than a month after the first acts of 
 secession and rebellion, the administration did 
 nothing to maintain the authority committed to 
 its charge and to preserve the Union. It was 
 paralyzed by the presence, in its own councils, 
 of secessionists and traitors, and the too great 
 political sympathy with the leaders of the re- 
 bellion on the part of those who were not trai- 
 tors. Nor can it be denied that Mr. Buchanan’s 
 annual message itself gave encouragement to 
 the secessionists. uamenting what he alleges 
 to be the cause of secession, and deprecating 
 the action of the south, he argued away the 
 authority to prevent it which the loyal nation 
 supposed was in the government. Well might 
 the secessionists hurry on their scheme if there 
 was to be no “coercion” to maintain the au- 
 thority of the Union, and while they knew that 
 their own friends controlled the administration. 
 
 When, at last, Mr. Buchanan seemed to be 
 aroused from his apathy by the evident treach- 
 ery of members of his cabinet, and called new 
 advisers to council, he was fettered by the opin- 
 ions which he had expressed, and which he still 
 appeared to entertain, though he saw the Union 
 crumbling around him ; and he was not disposed 
 to adopt to any extent the vigorous policy which 
 some of the new members of his cabinet were 
 supposed to advocate. It is true that under 
 better counsels he adopted more decided meas- 
 ures in relation to the protection of the public 
 property ; but his .chief desire seemed to be 
 to prevent any collision between the seceding 
 
146 
 
 states and the federal government which might 
 lead to war, or at least to postpone such a calam- 
 ity until his administration had expired. He 
 hoped for a compromise; he asked for concession 
 to the arrogant power which now not only 
 threatened disunion, but was accomplishing it. 
 But it was too late for any compromise. From 
 the first the leaders of secession would be satis- 
 fied with nothing but the subjugation of the 
 political and moral sentiments of the north to 
 their will. Rather than any compromise, they 
 preferred secession and a southern confederacy. 
 The measures of congressional committees, of 
 peace conventions, of states or individuals, were 
 unsatisfactory to them; and their efforts, quite 
 as much as those of the most radical anti-slavery 
 men of the north, were directed to the defeat of 
 any compromise based upon such propositions. 
 They knew well that now was the time to carry 
 out their conspiracy, while there was an admin- 
 istration that would not oppose them.  Profit- 
 ing by Mr. Buchanan’s anti-coercive policy, they 
 hurried forward their work during the remnant 
 of his term, in order to be prepared for what 
 might follow. 
 
 Disappointed in his hopes of compromise and 
 peace, having done little to maintain the au- 
 thority of the government, and scarcely more 
 in preserving its property, and regarding the 
 Union as severed beyond all remedy, Mr. Bu- 
 chanan at last saw his administration come to 
 a close, and yielded the government, surrounded 
 with unexampled difficulties, into the hands of 
 his successor. 
 
 At this point it is proper to review the con- 
 dition in which the government was placed 
 when the rebellion in full-grown proportions 
 was sprung upon it, and it was transmitted to 
 a new administration. As observed in a former 
 chapter, there were traitors in the cabinet wha 
 had, for a time at least, controlled its counsels 
 after secession had assumed active measures, 
 and who, it was afterwards discovered, had used 
 their offices and their influence for a long time 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 previous to promote the cause of disunion. The 
 finances of the country had been so conducted 
 that from a large surplus in the treasury at the 
 commencement of Mr. Buchanan’s administra- 
 tion the government had become burdened with 
 a debt, and its credit was impaired. Nor did it 
 appear that any efforts on the part of Mr. Cobb 
 in the latter part of his administration of the 
 department were directed to any other purpose 
 than to weaken the government financially. 
 
 In the war department, as has been seen, a 
 rank secessionist was plotting disunion. When 
 secession commenced, all his efforts were di- 
 
 rected to contribute to its success and to the 
 overthrow of the federal power in the seceding 
 states. But previous to this he had been using 
 his position to strengthen the south for the 
 crisis when it should arise. Upwards of a hun- 
 dred thousand stand of arms were distributed, 
 without any proper order, to the federal ar- 
 
 senals in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
 and Louisiana, where they fell into the hands 
 of the secessionists at the commencement of 
 actual secession, and in such a manner that 
 it would appear to have been a part of the pre- 
 concerted plan. In addition to these, arms had 
 been distributed to the southern states for the 
 use of the militia in large excess of those dis- 
 tributed to the northern states. Heavy ord- 
 nance was ordered south even while disunion 
 was being accomplished, and when there were 
 no forces in the places to which it was sent to 
 protect it. The little federal army was scat- 
 tered over the distant frontier in an unusual 
 manner. <A considerable force was in Oregon 
 and Washington territory, so far away that they 
 could not be readily used in an emergency. 
 There was also a comparatively large force 
 in Texas, under the command of the traitor 
 Twiggs; and these it was probably expected » 
 might, with their general and other officers, be 
 carried over to the side of rebellion, or at least 
 might be so disorganized and divided that they 
 ‘could be rendered of no service to the Union. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “earcely a fort at the north, except on the 
 western frontier, was garrisoned. Moreover, 
 efforts had been made, from the commencement 
 of the plot, to undermine the loyalty of the 
 officers of the army. Many of them —an un- 
 due proportion — were of southern birth, or 
 connected with southern fumilies, and all such 
 were either but too ready to forswear their 
 allegiance, or were plied with arguments and 
 glittermg inducements to adhere to the south 
 against the Union. The exceptions to this wide- 
 spread disaffection were entitled to all honor, 
 but they were by no means numerous. It was 
 difficult to know upon whom to rely, for while 
 many of the southern officers resigned their 
 commissions, others, of no less disloyal feelings, 
 still held their commands, waiting only for the 
 actual secession of the states to which they be- 
 longed as an excuse for deserting their flag. 
 Thus was the government essentially crippled 
 and deprived of the ability to use its legitimate 
 power to suppress rebellion or protect the 
 public property. 
 
 As with the army, so was it with the navy. 
 Mr. Toucey, the secretary of the navy, though 
 a northern man, was of that school of politicians 
 which sympathized heartily with the southern 
 Democracy, in whose ranks secession numbered 
 its most zealous friends. Though not in compli- 
 city with these men in their disunion plot, he saw 
 the secession movements going on to open rebel- 
 lion without taking any measures to prepare his 
 department for resistance, or for the protection 
 of forts and dock yards. When, therefore, the 
 crisis came, there was no naval force at the dis- 
 posal of the government. Forty-eight vessels 
 were in commission in distant parts of the 
 world ; twenty-eight were at the navy yards, 
 unfit for service, and in such a condition as to 
 require weeks or months for the necessary re- 
 pairs;‘and no orders were given for such repairs ; 
 and there were in January 1861, only two 
 ~ vessels that were available, the steamer Brook- 
 lyn, of twenty-five guns, and the storeship Re- 
 
 147 
 
 lief, of two guns, the former being unable by 
 reason of her draught to enter Charleston harbor, 
 and the latter being under orders to sail for the 
 coast of Africa. Moreover, while the threats 
 of secession and rebellion were rife, and prepa- 
 rations were being made to carry them into 
 execution, in the months of September and 
 October, 1860, several vessels were despatched 
 to join distant squadrons. At the same time 
 there was, as in the army, disaffection among 
 the southern officers of the navy; some resigned, 
 and others only waited for the action of their 
 states on the question of secession to take a 
 similar, if not a more treasonable, step. The 
 secretary accepted these resignations without 
 objection, notwithstanding some of them were 
 tendered under most suspicious circumstances, 
 and in several cases with apparent haste. 
 
 A special committee of the house of repre- 
 sentatives were, in January, 1861, instructed to 
 inquire into the condition of the navy, and the 
 circumstances attending the resignations of ofn- 
 cers. Their investigation developed the facts 
 above stated. In their report the comntittec 
 reviewed the condition of affairs as follows :— 
 
 “From this statement it will appear that the 
 entire naval force available for the defence of 
 the whole Atlantic coast, at the time of the 
 appointment of this committee, consisted of the 
 steamer Brooklyn, twenty-five guns, and the 
 storeship Relief, two guns, while the former 
 was of too great draught to permit her to en- 
 ter Charleston harbor with safety, except at 
 spring tides, and the latter was under orders to 
 the coast of Africa, with stores for the African 
 squadron. Thus the whole Atlantic seaboard 
 has been, to all intents and purposes, without 
 defence during all the period of civil commo- 
 tion and lawless violence to which the _presi- 
 dent has called our attention as ‘of such vast 
 and alarming proportions’ as to be beyond his 
 power to check or control. 
 
 “Tt further appears that of the vessels which 
 might have been available for protection or 
 
148 HISTORY OF 
 
 defence in case of any sudden emergency aris- 
 ing at home, now at stations in distant seas or 
 on the way thither, on the 13th of October last 
 the Richmond left our coast to join the Medi- 
 terranean squadron; the Vandalia left on the 
 21st of December to join the East India squad- 
 ron; and about the same time the Saratoga to 
 join the African squadron; and others to join 
 the home squadron, then in the harbor of Vera 
 Cruz, supporting one of the revolutionary gov- 
 ernments of Mexico. 
 
 “The committee cannot omit to call attention 
 to this extraordinary disposition of the entire 
 naval force of the country, and especially in 
 connection with the present no less extraordina- 
 ry and critical juncture of public affairs. They 
 cannot call to mind any period in the past 
 history of the country of such profound peace 
 and internal repose as would justify so entire an 
 abandonment of the ceast of the country to 
 the chances of fortune. Certainly, since the 
 nation possessed a navy, it has never sent its 
 entire available force into distant seas, and ex- 
 posed the immense interests at home, of which 
 it is the special guardian, to the dangers from 
 which, even in times of the utmost quiet, pru- 
 dence and forecast do always shelter them. 
 
 “But the committee cannot shut their eyes 
 to the fact that this remarkable state of things 
 has occurred at a period in our history without 
 a parallel for internal commotion, lawless vio- 
 lence, and total disregard of the authority of 
 the constitution and laws, and of the rights of 
 property, public and private —a state of things 
 which the president himself, in the message 
 referred to this committee, denominated a revo- 
 lution of ‘such vast and alarming proportions 
 as to place the subject entirely above and be- 
 yond executive control’ During this period 
 combinations have been formed for the avowed 
 . purpose of overthrowing the government. it- 
 self, and have carried forward that purpose in 
 overt acts of violence never before known in 
 the country. The arms of the government 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 > 
 
 STATES. 
 
 have been seized in arsenals, and other places 
 of deposit, by lawless mobs, and placed in the 
 hands of those in open rebellion. Fortifica- 
 tions have been taken possession of, navy yards 
 plundered, and magazines robbed. The guns 
 of the United States upon the battlements of 
 the national defence*have been turned upon 
 unarmed vessels of the government, and the 
 flac of the country fired upon by insolent 
 rebels. The revenue service has been betrayed, 
 and its vessels treacherously surrendered to 
 those who defied the authority of the United 
 |States by men holding commissions under the 
 very government they were betraying. The 
 public moneys in the national mints have been 
 seized, and naval stores plundered. The com- 
 merce of the country, and the lives of its citi- 
 zens, have been put in peril by the wanton and 
 lawless destruction of buoys erected to warn 
 the mariner of sunken rocks; and the lights on 
 the coast have been put out that the darkness 
 and the tempest might be invoked in aid of the 
 ischemes of those resisting the law. Unarmed 
 'and unoffending merchant vessels riding peace- 
 fully at anchor in the harbors of the nation, 
 and beneath its own flag, have been seized by 
 ‘insurgent forces in retaliation for obstructions 
 thrown in the way of their revolutionary de- 
 The law has been defied, the constitu- 
 tion thrust aside, and the government itself 
 assaulted. 
 
 “Nor has this state of lawless violence and 
 total disregard of public and private rights 
 been a sudden outburst of passion or discon- 
 tent at some new and unexpected measure of 
 governmental policy, to which resistance had 
 never been threatened and could not have been 
 provided against. But it is in fulfilment of 
 schemes long entertained and frequently threat- 
 ened in certain quarters of the Union. Indeed, 
 it is resistance to the law and the constitution 
 consequent upon the election of a particular 
 person to the office of chief magistrate of the 
 nation. Of all this, those charged with the 
 
 sions. 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 execution of the laws and the preservation of 
 the public peace had ample notice. It was for 
 many months apparent to all but the blind that 
 the whole current of events was turned in the 
 direction which was to bring to the test the 
 sincerity of the threats thus uttered. A chief 
 magistrate of one of the states had, more than 
 two years before, publicly confessed a design on 
 his part, if the ike contingency had happened 
 at the general election four years ago, to have 
 made the attempt to overthrow the government 
 by seizing the public arms at Harper's Ferry, 
 and marching upon the capital itselfi When 
 the legislature of South Carolina assembled in 
 November last to discharge the constitutional 
 obligation of making choice of electors of presi- 
 dent and vice-president, the governor of the 
 state, by special message, recommended that 
 measures should be taken to overthrow that 
 constitution if the choice of the majority did 
 not coincide with her own. In fulfilment of 
 these open threats, overt acts of resistance to 
 the government by bands of lawless men fol- 
 lowed the announcement that the people, ac- 
 cording to the requirements of the constitution, 
 had made selection of a chief magistrate, for 
 the ensuing four years, not the choice of those 
 who had openly avowed resistance if their own 
 preferences should be disregarded by that ma- 
 jority. From that time to the present the pub- 
 lic authority has been defied, and the public 
 rights disregarded. Yet during all this time 
 that most important arm of the public defence, 
 the entire navy, has been beyond the reach of 
 orders, however great the emergency. 
 
 “To the committee this disposition of the 
 naval force at this critical time seems most ex- 
 traordinary. The permitting of vessels to de- 
 part for distant seas after these unhappy diff- 
 culties had broken out at home; the omission 
 to put in repair and commission, ready for 
 orders, a single one of the twenty-eight ships 
 dismantled and unfit for service in our own 
 ports, and that, too, while six hundred and 
 
 149 
 
 forty-six thousand six hundred and thirty-nine 
 dollars and seventy-nine cents of the appropri- 
 ations for repairs in the navy the present year 
 remained unexpended, were, in the opinion of 
 the committee, grave errors in the administra- 
 tion of the navy department, the consequences 
 of which have been manifest in the many acts 
 of lawless violence to which they have called 
 attention. The committee are of opinion that 
 the secretary had it in his power, with the 
 present naval force of the country at his com- 
 mand, and without materially impairing the 
 efficiency of the service abroad, at any time 
 after the settled purpose of overthrowing the 
 government had become manifest, and before 
 that purpose had developed itself in overt acts 
 of violence, to station at anchor, within reach 
 of his own orders, a force equal to the protec- 
 tion of all the property and all the rights of 
 the government and the citizen, as well as the 
 flag of the country from any outrage or insult, 
 at any point on the entire Atlantic seaboard. 
 The failure to do this is without justification or 
 excuse. ; 
 
 “The attention of the committee was also 
 drawn to the resignations which have taken 
 place among the officers in the navy, caused by 
 the political troubles in which the country is now 
 involved, and the course pursued by the navy 
 department in reference thereto. It will ap- 
 pear, from a ‘list of resignations’ furnished by 
 the department, and which accompanies this 
 report, that since the election twenty-nine offi- 
 cers in the navy, citizens of the southern dis- 
 affected states, have tendered their resignations 
 to the secretary, all of which have been forth- 
 with, and without inquiry, accepted by him. 
 The circumstances under which these resigna- 
 tions have been received and accepted, and 
 the effect of that acceptance, deserve especial 
 notice. That these officers have sought to re- 
 sign, and relieve themselves from the obligation 
 to the government, imposed by their commis- 
 | sions, because of disaffection and a desire to 
 
150 
 
 join, and in many instances to lead, insurgent 
 forces :against that government, is notorious. 
 One of them, Lieutenant J. R. Hamilton, a citi- 
 zen of South Carolina, forwarded his resigna- 
 tion from on board the Wyoming at Panama, 
 dated December 1, 1860. It did not reach the 
 department till the 15th of the same month ; 
 and, without inquiry into his conduct, his pur- 
 pose in resigning, his loyalty, or any circum- 
 stance connected with so unusual a proceeding 
 at such a time, his resignation was accepted the 
 same day. He immediately, from Charleston, 
 South Carolina, issued a letter addressed to all 
 the officers in the navy from southern states, 
 urging them to resign and join a hostile force 
 against the government, and that those of them 
 in command should bring with them their ves- 
 sels into southern ports, and surrender them to 
 the traitors already in arms, taking new com- 
 missions under their authority, and then turning 
 their guns upon their own flag. 
 
 “Such conduct is nothing less than treason, 
 and has no parallel since the attempt of Bene- 
 dict Arnold to deliver over important military 
 posts to the enemies of his country. Had the 
 secretary declined to accept the resignation thus 
 tendered, this man would have been subject to 
 the trial and punishment of a court-martial, ac- 
 cording to the rules which govern the service, 
 and would have met the fate of a traitor. ‘This 
 extraordinary letter was published throughout 
 the United States. After its circulation in the 
 public prints in Washington, V. M. Randolph, a 
 captain in the navy, a citizen of Alabama, who 
 had been excused from active service for two or 
 three years because of alleged ill health, on the 
 10th of January, 1861, forwarded from Mont- 
 gomery, Alabama, his resignation to the secre- 
 tary. Before twelve o’clock at noon of the 12th, 
 and before his resignation had reached Wash- 
 ington, and while he was still a captain in the 
 navy, he appeared at the gates of the Pensacola 
 navy yard, in Florida, at the head of an insur- 
 gent force, and demanded its surrender. The 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 yard, with whatever of force it had, and the 
 United States stores, and other property, to a 
 vast amount, therein, was unconditionally sur- 
 rendered to him; and he is now its command- 
 ant, occupying the quarters of the late com- 
 mandant, and granting paroles of honor to such 
 of his prisoners of war as have desired to depart, 
 and not serve under him. The despatch from 
 the late commandant, then a prisoner of war, 
 informing the secretary of this ignominious sur- 
 render, was received at the department on the 
 evening of the 15th of January; and the resig- 
 nation of Captain Randolph, who on the 12th 
 was the leader of the insurgents, did not reach 
 the secretary till the 14th, when, without in- 
 quiry or delay, it was immediately accepted. 
 
 “Hi. Farrand, commander in the navy, and also 
 a citizen of Alabama, was the second in com- 
 mand at the Pensacola navy yard, the executive 
 officer of the yard. When the attack was made 
 upon the yard, Farrand met the assailants at 
 the gates by previous understanding, admitted 
 them to the yard, and conducted their leader 
 to the commanding officer ; participated in the 
 formal capitulation, and immediately engaged 
 in service under the new commandant of the 
 yard. ‘This was done while he still held in his 
 possession his commission as a commander in 
 the navy. On the 13th or 15th of January, 
 (the department does not know which,) Far- 
 rand forwarded his resignation to the secretary, 
 but it did not reach him till the 21st of the 
 same month, seven days after official notice of 
 the surrender had been received at the depart- 
 ment. Yet this resignation was immediately, 
 and without inquiry, accepted. 
 
 “F’. B. Renshaw, a lieutenant in the navy, and 
 a citizen of Florida, was the first lieutenant of 
 the yard, and actively engaged in securing its 
 surrender. It was by his order that the flag 
 was hauled down amid the jeers and shouts of 
 « drunken rabble. He immediately enrolled 
 himself under the leader of the insurgents and 
 present commandant of the yard, and from the 
 
PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 day of its surrender has continued under him 
 to discharge the duty of first lieutenant, as be- 
 fore under the United States. Yet he continued 
 to hold his commission as a lieutenant in the 
 navy till the 16th of January, and his resigna- 
 tion did not reach the secretary until the 22d, 
 when, like the others, it mies without inquiry 
 or delay, accepted. 
 
 “The conduct of these officers plainly comes 
 within the constitutioral definition of treason 
 against the United States, viz, ‘levying war 
 against them, or in adhering to their enemies, 
 giving them aid and comfort” And so long as 
 their resignations were unaccepted by the sec- 
 retary, they could be tried and punished by a 
 court-martial as traitors. From this they have 
 been relieved by the secretary himself To 
 have done this with a knowledge of their acts, 
 would have been to have involved himself in 
 their crime — would have been to have com- 
 mitted treason himself. To have done it with- 
 out inquiry, and without reason to know that 
 they have committed no offence, shows a want 
 of that solicitude for the honor and efficiency 
 of the service which is indispensable to its just 
 administration. Yet the resignations of Far- 
 rand and Renshaw, and also those of the other 
 officers resigning at the Pensacola navy yard, 
 were all received and accepted after the secre- 
 tary had already been officially informed that 
 they had surrendered to a lawless band of in- 
 surgents; and he had detached them to await 
 orders, having ‘neither approved nor disap- 
 proved of their conduct, and not proposing to 
 do so without full information touching their 
 conduct in the surrender of the yard.” Why, 
 after having been thus warned, and having 
 taken his position, the secretary did not wait 
 for this ‘information, the committee cannot 
 understand. | 
 
 “Several other resignations of officers who 
 do not appear to have engaged in actual war 
 against the United States before tendering the 
 same, were nevertheless accepted by the secre- 
 
 151 
 
 tary with an unnecessary haste which neither 
 the purpose of the resignations nor the times 
 would justify or excuse. Some of them were 
 even accepted by telegraph, when it was per- 
 fectly apparent that the object of resigning was 
 to relieve themselves as early as possible from 
 embarrassment and the obligation of the oath 
 of office, as well as summary trial and punish- 
 ment by a court-martial, previous to joining 
 insurgent forces against the constituted author- 
 ities of their country. 
 accepted, have been followed by immediate 
 engagement in a service hostile to the govy- 
 ernment. ii % varee 
 
 “The course pursued by the secretary, in thus 
 accepting these resignations, appears, under the 
 circumstances, to be most extraordinary. No 
 custom of the department, in ordinary times, 
 could justify it. No want of confidence in the 
 loyalty of these officers can excuse it; for if 
 their previous conduct had justified any such 
 suspicion, it also demanded investigation before- 
 hand, which would, as to some of them, have 
 disclosed to the secretary their complicity in 
 treason, calling for court-martial rather than 
 honorable discharge. A prudent regard for the 
 public safety would, no doubt, have justified, if 
 not imperiously demanded, that some of these 
 officers should have been early removed from 
 delicate and responsible positions of trust by 
 the substitution of others more reliable. But 
 these very considerations appear to the com- 
 mittee to have forbidden the furnishing any 
 such facilities for engaging in hostilities against 
 the government, as the relief from the summary 
 trial and punishment of a court-martial secured 
 by an acceptance of their resignations. 
 
 “The course pursued by the secretary has 
 resulted in furnishing those engaged ‘in an at- 
 tempt to overthrow the government with the 
 skill, experience, and discipline, which educa- 
 tion at the expense of the government, and a 
 long service in the navy, have conferred upon 
 our own Officers. The committee cannot under- 
 
 These resignations, thus 
 
152 
 
 stand how this course is consistent with a proper 
 discharge of the duties of his office by the sec- 
 retary in this critical juncture of affairs. It 
 appears to them to have been attended with 
 consequences the most serious to the service 
 and the country.” 
 
 In the civil service affairs were in even a 
 worse condition. Nearly all the officers in the 
 seceding states, officers of the customs, post- 
 masters, marshals and district attorneys, refused 
 to recognize the federal government, transferred 
 their allegiance to the rebel authorities, and in 
 many cases retained funds belonging to the 
 United States. In the departments at Wash- 
 ington there were numerous officers and clerks 
 who were implicated in the conspiracy, or were 
 of doubtful loyalty,—sympathizers with the re- 
 bellion, and spies into the confidential ‘affairs of 
 the government, ready to use their position for 
 the overthrow of the Union from which they 
 derived support. 
 
 Abroad there were diplomatic agents, from 
 plenipotentiaries to attachés and consuls, who 
 were using all their influence and arts to mis- 
 represent the Union, to prejudice governments 
 and people against it, and to prepare the way 
 for sympathy with, and a recognition of, the 
 southern confederacy. Besides these men who 
 were thus laboring to destroy the government 
 whose honor and interests were intrusted to 
 their hands, there were private emissaries of the 
 secessionists in Kurope laboring unscrupulously 
 for the same end. ‘The success with which these 
 secession agents, official and private, labored, 
 was made manifest when the rebellion broke 
 out In aggressive war. 
 
 Even at the north there were many men 
 whose political or business associations with the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 south led them to sympathize with the seces. 
 sionists at this period. They attributed all the 
 troubles to northern fanatics, and while indul- 
 ging in bitterness against them, apologized for, 
 and even justified, the course of the secession- 
 ists. Northern journals, some of them of wide 
 circulation and influence, if not openly advocat- 
 ing secession, encouraged its friends, preached 
 disunion by suggesting a division of the north- 
 ern states, and promised the sympathy and 
 codperation of large numbers in case of aggres- 
 sion upon the south by the incoming adminis- 
 tration. One journal even proposed that the 
 western and middle states should adopt the con- 
 stitution of the southern Confederacy,* leaving 
 the New England states to form a separate gov- 
 ernment or seek some other alliance. 
 
 Such was the condition of the country at 
 the close of Mr. Buchanan’s administration, and 
 under such circumstances, which might well 
 awaken the gloomiest forebodings in the minds 
 of loyal men, a new administration was to as- 
 sume the reins of government. That govern- 
 ment, weakened by the uncertain policy of those 
 who had it in charge, and by the treachery of 
 their political associates, was threatened with 
 entire overthrow or a material abridgment of 
 its constitutional authority. It was a critical 
 period for the country, and it was a great and 
 perilous undertaking for untried men to assume 
 the responsibility of saving it. But among the 
 loyal people there was little regret that a change 
 was to be made, and there was much in the - 
 character of the man who had been called to 
 the presidency which inspired hope, if not. 
 confidence. 
 
 * This proposition, under the provisions of that constitution, 
 involved the extention of slavery over these states. 
 
AS lk y i ‘ 
 
 Mi SEX SSK 
 JF WYN 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President.— Birth and early 
 Life. — Education and Occupations. — Studies Law. — Political 
 Life. — Member of the Legislature. — Elected to Congress. — 
 Candidate for the Senate.—Canvass with Mr. Douglas. — 
 The Result. — Nomination and Election to the Presidency. — 
 Personal Appearance and Characteristics. —The Inauguration. 
 — Precautions against Disturbance. — Proceedings at the Capi- 
 tol.— Inaugural Address.— Opinions respecting it. — Members 
 of the Cabinet. — Foreign Ministers. — The President’s Policy. 
 
 , 20 
 
 S45 
 
 ae So = 
 
 BRAHAM 
 
 SS = 
 
 LINCOLN, the sixteenth President - 
 of the United States, was born in Hardin county, 
 Kentucky, February 12th, 1809. It is said that 
 his ancestors, coming from England, settled ori- 
 ginally in Pennsylvania; but subsequently one 
 of them went to Virginia, where several gen- 
 erations of the family resided, and whence the 
 grandfather of Mr. Lincoln emigrated to Ken- 
 tucky. The family was poor, and Thomas Lin- 
 coln, the father of the President, was for some 
 time compelled to work as a day laborer. 
 Hoping to improve his condition, when Abra- 
 ham was about seven years of age, Thomas 
 Lincoln went to Indiana with his family, and 
 settled in Spencer county, where he remained 
 until 1830, and then again emigrated to Illinois, 
 whither the rich prairie lands were then inviting 
 numerous settlers. 
 
 Quite early in his life, and with no advan- 
 tages except the encouragement of a good but 
 uneducated mother, young Lincoln had learned 
 to read and write, so that his proficiency was 
 somewhat noted among the illiterate pioneers 
 of the west. With hardly a year’s instruction 
 
154 
 
 during all his early life, he improved all the 
 leisure time that he could command in acquiring 
 knowledge, with such limited means and few 
 books as came within his reach. But as soon 
 as he was able to assist upon the farm, he was 
 inured to labor, and found but little time for 
 the pursuits of learning; and it was not until 
 mature years that he was enabled to acquire 
 some of the more ordinary branches of a com- 
 mon English education. His early labor, how- 
 ever, served to give him a robust constitution 
 and a large and vigorous frame, if not of alto- 
 gether comely proportions. In his work he 
 was steady, energetic, and cheerful, showing 
 those solid elements of character which have 
 since, in more important and public duties, com- 
 manded the respect, and secured the confidence 
 of so many. 
 
 Soon after the removal of the family to Hh- 
 nois, Mr. Lincoln was employed by a neighbor 
 to assist in taking one of the huge flat boats 
 of western rivers down the Illinois and the 
 Mississippi to New Orleans. His fidelity in this 
 expedition secured from his employer an ap- 
 pointment as manager of a part of his business. 
 While thus engaged, the “Black Hawk war” 
 assumed such proportions as to require a call 
 - for volunteers, and Mr. Lincoln enlisted in a 
 company, of which, much to his surprise and 
 gratification, he was chosen captain. The war 
 was soon ended, and his military career was 
 but of three months duration. He then, in 
 connection with another party, opened a coun- 
 try store, and he was also appointed postmaster. 
 He was not, however, successful in business, and 
 after relinquishing it, for a time he found em- 
 ployment as assistant surveyor. But Mr. Lin- 
 coln appears to have had even before this a 
 desire to become a lawyer; and as he found 
 opportunity to pursue the study of the law, he 
 did so, even while engaged in other occupations. 
 Having thus commenced the study, he after- 
 wards pursued it with energy, and was admitted 
 to the bar in 1856. Soon afterwards he went 
 to Springfield, and commenced the practice of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the profession, in which he rapidly earned an 
 honorable name and position. He was prudent, 
 thorough, and patient in the discharge of his 
 duty to his clients, skilful in conducting the 
 causes which he tried, and eminent for fidelity 
 and honesty. He thus became distinguished 
 in his profession, and attained to an extensive 
 practice as a counsellor and an advocate. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln early took an interest in political 
 affairs, in which he acted with the opponents 
 of the Democratic national administration, who 
 were afterwards consolidated as the Whig party. 
 He was nominated as candidate for the legisla- 
 ture in 1832, but he was then defeated by his 
 Democratic opponent. In 1834 he was more 
 successful, and was elected. Though not in- 
 clined to take a prominent part in debate, he 
 discharged his duties as member of the as 
 sembly so acceptably to his constituents, that 
 he was several times reélected, and established 
 a character for political sagacity and integrity 
 which inspired the confidence of his political 
 friends, and won the respect of his opponents. 
 After his service for several years as a member 
 of the legislature, his professional business en- 
 grossed his attention; and though taking a deep 
 interest in political affairs, he was not a candi- 
 date for office until 1844, when he was nomi- 
 nated as a candidate for presidential elector. 
 In 1846 he was elected a representative in 
 Congress, in which position he maintained the 
 character which he had established as a mem- 
 ber of the legislature of his state. He agreed 
 with the large majority of his party in opposition 
 to the extension of slavery, and voted invariably 
 for the Wilmot Proviso. He proposed a plan for 
 abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, 
 with the consent of a majority of the voters, by 
 compensating the slave owners from the treasury. 
 While he had opposed the annexation of Texas, 
 he voted in favor of all necessary supplies for 
 the war with Mexico, and for the measures for 
 the benefit of the soldiers. He also voted in 
 favor of river and harbor improvements, a tariff 
 which would afford protection to home industry, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and the sale of the public domain at the lowest 
 price to actual settlers. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln served butone term in Congress ; 
 but his influence in the Whig party continued, 
 and in 1848 he took an active part in securing 
 
 the nomination and election of General Taylor. 
 
 to the Presidency. In 1849 he was a candidate 
 for senator in Congress; but the majority of the 
 legislature was Democratic, and his opponent, 
 General Shields, was elected. He was next called 
 into active political life by the repeal of the Mis- 
 sourl compromise, when, adhering to the princi- 
 ples upon which he had acted in the Whig party, 
 he affiliated with the new Republican party, 
 organized to meet the issues which were then 
 pressed upon the country. In 1856, the Illinois 
 delegation in the Republican national conven- 
 tion presented his name as a candidate for the 
 vice-presidency ; but the nomination was de- 
 termined, in part, upon grounds of locality. 
 Mr. Lincoln, indeed, at that time, was scarcely 
 known beyond his own state; and it .was not 
 until 1858, when, as Republican candidate for 
 the United States Senate, he canvassed the 
 state in company with his opponent, Stephen 
 A. Douglas, that he achieved a reputation 
 throughout the free states. Great interest was 
 felt in that remarkable canvass by the people 
 of the whole country. Mr. Douglas was one 
 of the most prominent men of the nation, the 
 strong supporter, if not the author, of the-Kan- 
 sas-Nebraska act; and he also occupied a some- 
 what peculiar position with regard to the Dem- 
 ocratic party, for whose nomination for the 
 Presidency he and his friends were nevertheless 
 hoping. The issues discussed were those arising 
 from the passage of that act — the issues which 
 were before the whole nation. Hach candidate 
 exerted himself to maintain the cause in which 
 he was enlisted. Mr. Douglas possessed many 
 advantages over Mr. Lincoln as a debater and 
 an orator, as well as in manner and appear- 
 ance; but Mr: Lincoln’s clear reasoning, good 
 nature, frankness, and honesty, were a match 
 for all the ability and shrewdness that his com- 
 
 155 
 
 petitor could command, and his speeches mani- 
 fested qualities which subsequently led to his 
 selection as a candidate for the Presidency. 
 The election which followed the canvass was a 
 very close one. The vote of the whole state 
 showed a popular majority for the Republican 
 candidates ; but owing to the inequality of the 
 districts, a small majority of the legislature was 
 Democratic, and Mr. Douglas was accordingly 
 reélected. This canvass, in which such an un- 
 usual interest was felt beyond the state imme- 
 diately concerned, served to make Mr. Lincoln 
 better known to the whole country, and at 
 the west, especially, made him one of the most 
 popular of the Republican leaders. In 1860, at 
 the Republican national convention, he was 
 brought forward by the delegates of that sec- 
 tion as a candidate for the Presidency ; and his 
 popularity in the western states, together with 
 his ability as manifested in his contest with Mr. 
 Douglas, and his solid character, finally led to 
 his pomination and election as President. 
 
 With a personal appearance neither attrac- 
 tive nor commanding, and accustomed to the 
 hearty and informal manners of western society, 
 Mr. Lincoln made no pretensions to the polish 
 and dignity which by some people had been 
 considered essential to the high position to 
 which he was called; but there were elements 
 in his character of more value than the refine- 
 ments born of artificial society. He was honest 
 in his purposes, faithful to his convictions, self- 
 reliant, prudent, sagacious, and just; and he 
 was, withal, accessible, good-humored, kind. 
 These characteristics, however, were not such 
 as commended themselves to the false-hearted 
 society whose sympathies were with secession 
 and rebellion, and they were made the object 
 of gross and malignant attack and misrepre- 
 sentation, from Mr. Lincoln’s first appearance 
 in Washington. 
 
 The inauguration of President Lincoln took 
 place with the usual ceremonies. The military 
 escort was composed of the district volunteer 
 soldiery only, the military of the northern 
 
156 
 states having been requested not to visit 
 Washington on the occasion, for fear of a dis- 
 turbance there or at Baltimore should they 
 appear. General Scott had the regular troops 
 posted in different parts of the city, where they 
 would be available in case of any outbreak or 
 riot; and the police arrangements were also 
 made with unusual care. There were large 
 numbers of people in the city, those from the 
 north being greatly in excess of those from the 
 south; and many of them were so organized 
 as to assist the authorities, or protect the new 
 President in case of need. But, whether on 
 account of the preparations made to guard 
 against disturbance, or because the secessionists 
 and opponents of the Republican President 
 had no such purpose, the proceedings passed 
 off quietly, and much after the usual manner, 
 though there were fewer demonstrations of 
 enthusiasm, and less civic display, than on some 
 former occasions. 
 
 The President elect was accompanied, by 
 President Buchanan when escorted from his 
 quarters to the Capitol, and a large civic proces- 
 sion, in addition to the military escort, was in 
 attendance. At the Capitol, the two houses of 
 Congress, the supreme court, foreign ministers, 
 officers of the army and navy, governors of 
 states, and others whose official position entitled 
 them to the privilege, assembled in the Senate 
 chamber, and thence proceeded, in the order 
 established for such occasions, to the east front 
 of the Capitol, in the spacious portico of which 
 the simple inauguration ceremonies have taken 
 place ever since its completion. A vast con- 
 course of people had assembled in the spacious 
 area, anxious to hear the inaugural address of 
 the new President, upon whom now depended 
 the safety and perpetuity of the government, 
 so shaken and threatened when intrusted to 
 his hands. When the parties in the procession 
 had reached the positions assigned to them, 
 Senator Baker, of Oregon, the chairman of the 
 Senate committee of arrangements, introduced 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the President elect, who at once proceeded to 
 deliver his inaugural address, as follows : — 
 
 “Fetiow-Crnzens or ta Unrrep Srares : 
 
 “In compliance with a custom as old as the 
 government itself, 1 appear before you to ad- 
 dress you briefly, and to take in your presence 
 the oath prescribed by the constitution of the 
 United States to be taken by the President 
 ‘before he enters on the execution of his office,’ 
 
 “J do not consider it necessary at present for 
 me to discuss those matters of administration 
 about which there is no special anxiety or ex- 
 citement. 
 
 “Apprehension seems to exist among the 
 people of the southern states that by the acces- 
 sion of a Republican administration their prop- 
 erty, and their peace and personal security, are 
 to be endangered. There has never been any 
 reasonable cause for such apprehension. In- 
 deed, the most ample evidence to the contrary 
 has all the while existed and been open to their 
 inspection. It is found in nearly all the pub- 
 lished speeches of him who now addresses you. 
 I do but quote from one of those speeches when 
 I declare that ‘I have no purpose, directly or 
 indirectly, to interfere with the institution of 
 slavery in the states where it exists. I believe 
 I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no 
 inclination to do so?’ ‘Those who nominated 
 and elected me did so with full knowledge that 
 I had made this and many similar declarations, 
 and had never recanted them. And, more than 
 this, they placed in the platform for my accept- 
 ance, and as a law to themselves and to me, 
 the clear and emphatic resolution which I now 
 read : — 
 
 “¢ Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of 
 the rights of the states, and especially the right 
 of each state to order and control its own do- 
 mestic institutions according to its own judg- 
 ment exclusively, is essential to that balance 
 of power on which the perfection and endur- 
 ance of our political fabric depend; and we 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 denounce the lawless invasion by armed force 
 of the soil of any state or territory, no matter 
 under what pretext, as among the gravest of 
 crimes.’ " 
 
 “TI now reiterate these sentiments; and in 
 doing so, I only press upon the public attention 
 the most conclusive evidence of which the case 
 is susceptible, that the property, peace, and 
 security of no section are to be in any wise en- 
 dangered by the now incoming administration. 
 I add, too, that all the protection which, con- 
 sistently with the constitution and the laws, can 
 be given, will be cheerfully given to all the 
 states when lawfully demanded, for whatever 
 eause —as cheerfully to one section as to 
 another. 
 
 “There is mile ntroversy about the de-| 
 
 livering up of fugitives from service or labor. 
 The clause I now read is as plainly written 
 in the constitution as any other of its pro- 
 visions : — 
 
 “¢No person held to service or labor in one 
 state, under the laws thereof, escaping into 
 another, shall, in consequence of any law or 
 regulation therein, be discharged from such 
 service or labor, but shall be delivered up on 
 claim of the party to whom such service or 
 labor may be due’ 
 
 “Tt is scarcely questioned that this provision 
 was intended by those who made it for the re- 
 claiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and 
 the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All 
 members of Congress swear their support to the 
 whole constitution — to this provision as much 
 as to any other. To the proposition, then, that 
 slaves, whose cases come within the terms of 
 this clause, ‘shall be delivered up, their oaths 
 _ are unanimous. Now, if they would make the 
 effort in good temper, could they not, with 
 nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law 
 by means of which to keep good that unani- 
 mous oath ? 
 
 “There is some difference of opinion whether 
 _ this clause should be enforced by national or 
 
 157 
 
 is not a very material one. If the slave is to 
 be surrendered, it can be of but little conse- 
 quence to him, or to others, by which authority 
 it is done. And should any one, in any case, 
 be content that his oath shall go unkept, on a 
 merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it 
 shall be kept ? 
 
 “ Again, in any law upon this subject, ought 
 not all the safeguards of liberty known in civ- 
 ilized and humane jurisprudence to be intro- 
 duced, so that a free man be not, in any case, 
 surrendered as a slave? And might it not be 
 well at the same time to provide by law for the 
 enforcement of that clause in the constitution 
 which guarantees that ‘ the citizen of each state 
 shall be entitled to all privileges and immuni- 
 ties of citizens In the several states’ ? 
 
 “T take the official oath to-day with no men- 
 tal reservations, and with no purpose to construe 
 the constitution or laws by any hypercritical 
 rules. And while I do not choose now to speci- 
 fy particular acts of Congress as proper to be 
 enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer 
 
 for all, both in official and private stations, to 
 
 conform to and abide by all those acts which 
 stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, 
 trusting to find impunity in having them held 
 to be unconstitutional. 
 
 “It is seventy-two years since the first in- 
 auguration of a President under our national 
 constitution. During that period fifteen differ- 
 ent and greatly-distinguished citizens have, in 
 succession, administered the executive branch 
 of the government. They have conducted it 
 through many perils, and generally with great 
 success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, 
 I now enter upon the same task for the brief 
 constitutional term of four years under great 
 and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the 
 federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now 
 formidably attempted. 
 
 “T hold that, in contemplation of universal 
 law, and of the constitution, the Union of these 
 states is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if 
 
 by state authority; but surely that difference || not expressed, in the fundamental law of all 
 
158 
 
 national governments. It is safe to assert that 
 no government proper ever had a provision in 
 its organic law for its own termination. Con- 
 tinue to execute all the express provisions of our 
 national constitution, and the Union will endure 
 forever —it being impossible to destroy it ex- 
 cept by some action not provided for in the 
 Instrument itself. 
 
 “Again, if the United States be not a gov- 
 ernment proper, but an association of states in 
 the nature of contract merely, can it, as a con- 
 tract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the 
 parties who made it? One party to a contract 
 may violate it — break it, so to speak; but does 
 it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? 
 
 “Descending from these general principles, 
 we find the proposition that, in legal contem- 
 plation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by 
 the history of the Union itself: The Union is 
 much older than the constitution. It was 
 formed, in fact, by the articles of association 
 in 1774. It was matured and continued by the 
 declaration of independence in 1776. It was 
 further matured, and the faith of all the then 
 thirteen states expressly plighted and engaged 
 that it should be perpetual, by the articles of 
 confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787, 
 one of the declared objects for ordaining and 
 establishing the constitution was ‘to form a more 
 perfect union. 
 
 “But if destruction of the Union by one, or 
 by a part only, of the states, be lawfully possi- 
 ble, the Union is éess perfect than before the 
 constitution, having lost the vital element of 
 perpetuity. 
 
 “Tt follows, from these views, that no state, 
 upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out 
 of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that 
 effect are legally void ; and that acts of violence, 
 within any state or states, against the authority 
 of the United States, are insurrectionary or 
 revolutionary, according to circumstances. 
 
 “T therefore consider, that, in view of the 
 constitution and the laws, the Union is un- 
 broken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 take care, as the constitution itself expressly 
 enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union 
 be faithfully executed in all the states. Doing 
 this I deem to be only a simple duty on my 
 part; and I shall perform it, so far as practica- 
 ble, unless my rightful masters, the American 
 people, shall withhold the requisite means, or, 
 in some authoritative manner, direct the con- 
 trary. I trust this will not be regarded as a 
 menace, but only as the declared purpose of the 
 Union that it wil constitutionally defend and 
 maintain itself. 
 
 “In doing this there needs to be no blood- 
 shed or violence; and there shall be none, unless 
 it be forced upon the national authority. The 
 power confided to me will,be used to hold,’ 
 occupy, and possess the pilerty and places 
 belonging to the government, and to collect the 
 duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be 
 necessary for these objects, there will be no in- 
 vasion, no using of force against or among the 
 people any where. Where hostility to the 
 United States, in any interior locality, shall be 
 so great and universal as to prevent competent 
 resident citizens from holding the federal offices, 
 there will be no attempt to force obnoxious 
 strangers among the people for that object. 
 While the strict legal right may exist in the 
 government to enforce the exercise of these 
 offices, the attempt to do so would be so irri- 
 tating, and so nearly impracticable, withal, that 
 I deem it better to forego, for the time, the uses 
 of such offices. 
 
 “The mails, unless repelled, will continue to 
 be furnished in all parts of the Union. So far 
 as possible, the people every where shall have 
 that sense of perfect security which is most fa- 
 vorable to calm thought and reflection. The 
 course here indicated will be followed, unless 
 current events and experience shall show 9a 
 modification or change to be proper, and in 
 every case and exigency my best discretion will 
 be exercised, according to circumstances actu- 
 ally existing, and with a view and a hope of a 
 peaceful solution of the national troubles, and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the restoration of fraternal sympathies and 
 affections. 
 
 “That there are persons in one section or 
 another who seek to destroy the Union at all 
 
 _events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I 
 
 i? 
 
 will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be 
 such, I need address no word to them. To 
 those, however, who really love the Union, may 
 I not speak ? . 
 
 “Before entering upon so grave a matter as 
 the destruction of our national fabric, with all 
 its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would 
 it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do 
 it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while 
 there is any possibility that any portion of the 
 ills you fly from have no real existence? Will 
 you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater 
 than all the real ones you fly from —will you 
 risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? 
 
 “ All profess to be content in the Union, if 
 all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is 
 it true, then, that any right, plainly written in 
 the constitution, has been denied? I think not. 
 Happily, the human mind is so constituted that 
 no party can reach to the audacity of doing 
 this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in 
 which a plainly written provision of the con- 
 stitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere 
 force of numbers, a majority should deprive a 
 minority of any clearly written constitutional 
 right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify 
 revolution — certainly would, if such right were 
 a vital one. But such is not ourcase. All the 
 vital rights of minorities and of individuals are 
 so plainly assured #0 them by affirmations and 
 negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in the 
 constitution, that controversies never arise con- 
 cerning them. But no organic law can ever be 
 framed with a provision specifically applicable 
 
 _to every question which may occur in practical 
 
 administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor 
 any document of reasonable length contain, ex- 
 press provisions for all possible questions. Shall 
 fugitives from labor be surrendered by national 
 
 159 
 
 or by state authority ? The constitution does not 
 expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery 
 in the territories? The constitution does not 
 expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery 
 in the territories? The constitution does not 
 expressly say. 
 
 “From questions of this class spring all our 
 constitutional controversies, and we divide upon 
 them into majorities and. minorities. If the 
 minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, 
 or the government must cease. There is no 
 other alternative ; for continuing the govern- 
 ment is acquiescence on one side or the other. 
 If a minority in such case will secede rather 
 than acquiesce, they make a precedent which 
 in turn will divide and ruin them; for a minor- 
 ity of their_own will secede from them when- 
 ever a majority refuses to be controlled by such 
 minority. For instance, why may not any por- 
 tion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence, 
 arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions 
 of the present Union now claim to secede from 
 it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are 
 now being educated to the exact temper of 
 doing this. 
 
 “Ts there such perfect identity of interests 
 among the states to compose a new Union as 
 to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed 
 secession ? 
 
 “ Plainly, the central idea of secession is the 
 essence of anarchy. <A majority held in re- 
 straint by constitutional checks and limitations, 
 and always changing easily with deliberate 
 changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is 
 the only true sovereign of a free people. Who- 
 ever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy 
 or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible ; the 
 rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, 
 is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the 
 majority principle, anarchy or despotism, in 
 some form, is all that is left. 
 
 “I do not forget the position assumed by 
 some, that constitutional questions are to be 
 decided by the supreme court; nor do I deny 
 
160 
 
 that such decisions must be binding, in any case, 
 upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of 
 that suit, while they are also entitled to very 
 high respect and consideration in all parallel 
 cases by all other departments of the govern- 
 ment. And while it is obviously possible that 
 such decision may be erroneous in any given 
 case, still the evil effect following it, being lim- 
 ited to that particular case, with the chance that 
 it may be overruled, and never become a prece- 
 dent for other cases, can better be borne than 
 could the evils of a different practice: At the 
 same time, the candid citizen must confess that 
 if the policy of the government upon vital 
 questions, affecting the whole people, is to be 
 irrevocably fixed by decisions of the supreme 
 court, the instant they are made, in ordinary 
 litigation between parties in personal actions, 
 the people will have ceased to be their own 
 rulers, having to that extent practically resigned 
 their government into the hands of that emi- 
 nent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any 
 assault upon the court or the judges. It isa 
 duty from which they may not shrink to decide 
 cases properly brought before them, andpit is no 
 fault of theirs if others seek to turn their de- 
 cisions to political purposes. 
 
 “One section of our country believes slavery 
 is right, and ought to be extended, while the 
 other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be 
 extended. This is the only substantial dispute. 
 The fugitive slave clause of the constitution, 
 and the law for the suppression of the foreign 
 slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, 
 as any law can ever be in a community where 
 the moral sense of the people imperfectly sup- 
 ports the law itself. The great body of the 
 people abide by the dry legal obligation in both 
 cases, and a few break over in each. This, I 
 think, cannot be perfectly cured; and it would 
 be worse in both cases after the separation of 
 the sections than before. The foreign slave 
 trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be 
 ultimately revived without restriction in one 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 section, while fugitive slaves, now only par- 
 tially surrendered, would not be surrendered at 
 all by the other. 
 
 “Physically speaking, we cannot separate. 
 We cannot remove our respective sections from . 
 each other, nor build an impassable wall be- 
 tween them. A husband and wife may be 
 divorced, and go out of the presence and be- 
 
 | yond the reach of each other; but the different 
 
 parts of our country cannot do this. ‘They can- 
 not but remain face to face; and intercourse, 
 either amicable or hostile, must continue be- 
 tween them. Is it possible, then, to make that 
 intercourse more advantageous or more satis- 
 factory after separation than before? Can aliens 
 make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? 
 Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between 
 aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose 
 you gd to war: you cannot fight always; and 
 when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain 
 on either, you cease fighting, the identical old 
 questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again 
 upon you. 
 
 “This country, with its institutions, belongs 
 to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they 
 shall grow weary of the existing government, 
 they can exercise their constitutional right of 
 amending it, or their revolutionary right to dis- 
 member or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant 
 of the fact that many worthy and patriotic 
 citizens are desirous of having the national con- 
 stitution amended. While I make no recom- 
 mendation of amendments, I fully recognize the 
 rightful authority of the people over the whole 
 subject, to be exercised ineither of the modes 
 prescribed in the instrument itself; and I should, 
 under existing circumstances, favor rather than 
 oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the 
 people to act upon it. I will venture to add, 
 that to me the convention mode seems prefera- 
 ble, in that it allows amendments to originate | 
 with the people themselves, instead of only 
 permitting them to take or reject propositions 
 originated by others, not especially chosen for 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the purpose, and which might not be precisely 
 such as they would wish to either acceptor ve- 
 fuse. I understand a proposed amendment to 
 the constitution — which amendment, however, 
 I have not seen — has passed Congress, to the 
 effect that the federal government shall never 
 interfere with the domestic institutions of the 
 states, including that of persons held to service. 
 To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I 
 depart from my purpose not to speak of par- 
 ticular amendments so far as to say that, holding 
 such a provision to now be implied constitu- 
 tional law, I have no objection to its being made 
 express and irrevocable. 
 
 “The chief magistrate derives all his authority 
 from the people, and they have conferred none 
 upon him to fix terms for the separation of the 
 states. ‘The people themselves can do this also 
 if they choose; but the executive, as such, has 
 nothing to do with it. His duty is to adminis- 
 ter the present government, as it came to his 
 hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him, to 
 his successor. 
 
 “Why should there not be a patient confi- 
 dence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is 
 there any better or equal hope in the world? 
 In our present differences is either party without 
 faith of being in the right? If the Almighty 
 Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and jus- 
 tice, be on your side of the north, or on yours 
 of the south, that truth and that justice will 
 surely prevail by the judgment of this great 
 tribunal of the American people. 
 
 “By the frame of the government under 
 which we live, this same people have wisely 
 given their public servants but little power for 
 mischief; and have, with equal wisdom, pro- 
 vided for the return of that little to their own 
 hands at very short intervals. While the peo- 
 ple retain their virtue and vigilance, no admin- 
 istration, by any extreme of wickedness or folly, 
 can very seriously injure the government in the 
 short space of four years. 
 
 “My countrymen, one and all, think calmly 
 . 21 
 
 161 
 and well upon this whole subject. Nothing val- 
 uable can be lost by taking time. If there be 
 
 an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a 
 step which you would never take dehberately, 
 that object will be frustrated by taking time; 
 but no good object can be frustrated by it. 
 Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have 
 the old constitution unimpaired, and, on the 
 sensitive point, the laws of your own framing 
 under it; while the new administration will have 
 no immediate power, if it would, to change either. 
 If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied 
 hold the right side in the dispute, there still is 
 no single good reason for precipitate action. 
 Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm 
 reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken 
 this favored land, are still competent to adjust, 
 in the best way, all our present difficulty. 
 
 “Tn your hands,my dissatisfied fellow-country- 
 men, and not in mime,is the momentous issue 
 of civil war. The gevernment will not assail 
 you. Youcan have no conflict without being 
 yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath 
 registered i heaven to destroy the govern- 
 ment, while J shall have the most solemn one 
 to ‘preserve, protect, and defend it.’ 
 
 “T am loath to close. We are not enemies, 
 but friends. Wemust not be enemies. Though 
 passion may have strained, it must not break, 
 our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of 
 memory, stretching from every battle field and 
 patriot grave to every living heart and hearth- 
 
 -stone, all over this broad land, will yet swell 
 
 the chorus of the Union, when again touched, 
 as surely they will be, by the better angels of 
 our nature.” 
 
 After the delivery of the inaugural address, 
 the oath of office was administered to Mr. Lin- 
 coln by Chief Justice Taney,* and Abraham 
 Lincoln was President of the United States. 
 
 It was a relief to the loyal people that 
 
 *- Mr. Lincoln was the eighth President to whom Chief Justice 
 Taney had administered the oath of office, having performed that 
 duty from the inauguration of President Van Buren. 
 
162 
 
 another threatened danger was safely passed, 
 and that the new administration was thus duly 
 intrusted with the government that had been 
 nearly wrecked by the treachery and faithless- 
 ness which had paralyzed its predecessor. 
 There were various opinions in regard to the 
 inaugural address; but among the loyal people 
 of the north, including many of the opponents 
 of the President, it was generally considered 
 conservative and conciliatory towards the south. 
 Among the secessionists, however, and those 
 who sympathized with them, it was regarded as 
 warlike and menacing. Its firmness and de- 
 clared adherence to the obligations of the Pres- 
 ident to maintain the Union and the federal 
 authority, gave assurance to the nation that 
 the government would not be permitted to 
 fall to pieces without an effort to save and 
 perpetuate it; while, on the other hand, there 
 appeared no purpose of unnecessary aggression. 
 President Lincoln sent* the nominations for 
 his cabinet to the Senate without delay, and 
 they were immediately confirmed. The cabinet 
 was composed as follows : — 
 Secretary of State, William H. Seward, of N.Y. 
 «« ~—* the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio. 
 oo sce VV cls, Simon Cameron, of Penn. 
 erie the Navy; Gideon Welles, of Conn. 
 «¢ the Interior, Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana. 
 Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair, of Md. 
 Attorney-General, Edward Bates, of Missouri. 
 
 The new administration, like its predecessors, 
 was besieged by applicants for office, who came 
 from all the states that had not yet seceded, 
 and some even from seceded states. There was, 
 indeed, reason for a change in many offices, the 
 incumbents of which were either secessionists, 
 or so bound by party ties as to sympathize 
 with the south even in its disunion schemes. 
 These matters, therefore, necessarily occupied 
 muck. of the attention of the administration in 
 the commencement of its term; but in the 
 mean time efforts were quietly directed to as- 
 certain the available strength of the govern- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ment in the army and navy, as well as in the 
 civil service. As may well be imagined, when 
 we consider the state of the country, as de- 
 scribed in the last chapter, this was a work of 
 difficulty and. embarrassment. But until the 
 government knew its strength, and had rid 
 itself of some of the traitors and uncertain 
 men in public places, it could scarcely attempt 
 to maintain its authority, even where it was not 
 as yet wholly denied. Fortunately the admin- 
 istration found no obstruction to its policy in 
 executive matters in the Senate. By the with- 
 drawal of the senators of seceding states, and 
 the admission of Kansas at the late session of 
 Congress, the Republicans were left in a majority 
 in that body. The president's nominations, 
 therefore, and other executive business that 
 came before the Senate, were acted upon in a 
 friendly spirit. 
 Among the appointments to foreign embas- 
 sies the most important were the following: — 
 To England, 
 To France, 
 To Russia, 
 To Austria, 
 
 Charles Francis Adams, of Mass. 
 William L. Dayton, of New Jersey. 
 Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky. 
 Anson Burlingame,* of Mass. 
 
 _ To Italy, George P. Marsh, of Vermont. 
 To Spain, Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin. 
 To Prussia, | Norman B. Judd, of Illinois. 
 To Mexico, Thomas Corwin, of Ohio. © 
 
 Though a general outline of the policy to 
 be pursued by the administration was given 
 in the President's inaugural address, no active 
 steps were immediately taken to indicate more 
 definitely what that policy would be when re- 
 duced to practice. This delay was very unsat- 
 isfactory to the secessionists, who hoped either 
 for a complete abandonment of the federal 
 authority in the seceded states, or some hasty 
 act of coercion which would involve a war 
 
 * On account of Mr. Burlingame’s efforts in Congress for the 
 recognition of the kingdom of Italy, with its enlarged territory 
 recovered from Austria, the Austrian government declined to 
 
 receive him. Mr. J. Lothrop Motley, of Massachusetts, was ap- 
 
 pointed in his stead, and Mr. Burlingame was sent commissioner 
 to China. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 while the “ Confederacy” was better prepared 
 for it than the United States. It also served to 
 hold in abeyance the secession movement in 
 the border states, where what was called an 
 agoressive or coercive policy was needed, only, 
 to hasten the further dismemberment of the 
 Union. But the administration was ascertain- 
 ing the real condition of the government, and 
 was using what means were at command to 
 strengthen it, and enable it to carry out its 
 policy with firmness and vigor. 
 
 It appeared, however, that it was Mr. Lin- 
 coln’s purpose, as declared in his inaugural, to 
 pursue a peaceful policy, so far as his obliga- 
 tions to the constitution would enable him; 
 and while he would undertake to exercise the 
 authority of the government, where necessary, 
 in the seceded states, he would not commence 
 any movement which could reasonably be con- 
 sidered as aggressive. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 Commissioners from the Confederate States Government. — 
 They desire to present their Credentials to the President. — 
 Mr. Seward refuses to recognize them officially. — Reply of 
 the Commissioners. — Policy of the Administration with re- 
 gard to Fort Sumter. — Difficulty of the Question. — Deter- 
 mination to hold other Forts. — Preparations for Reénforce- 
 ment. — Evacuation of Fort Sumter a Military Necessity. — 
 The Expediency of indicating a Policy. — The Purpose of the 
 Government. — Determination to provision Fort Sumter. — 
 ‘Messengers to Charleston. — Notice to Governor Pickens of 
 the Intention of the Government.— Major Anderson’s Con- 
 dition. — Fort Sumter and the Besieging Batteries. 
 
 Wuutz the new administration was thus occu- 
 pied in reorganizing the various departments of 
 the government, commissioners from the Confed- 
 erate States appeared at Washington, for the 
 purpose of opening negotiations with the gov- 
 
 -ernment of the United States for the “speedy 
 adjustment of all questions growing out of this 
 political separation, upon such terms of amity 
 and good will as the respective interests, geo- 
 graphical contiguity, and future welfare of the 
 
 163 
 
 two nations may render necessary.” These 
 commissioners were John Forsyth, Martin J. 
 Crawford, and A. B. Roman. They requested 
 Mr. Seward to appoint a time when they might 
 present their credentials to the President ; but 
 this was declined by the secretary of state in 
 a note in which he said, — 
 
 “The secretary of state frankly confesses 
 that he understands the events which have 
 recently occurred, and the condition of political 
 affairs which actually exists in the part of the 
 Union to which his attention has thus been 
 directed, very differently from the aspect in 
 which they are presented by Messrs. Forsyth 
 and Crawford. He sees in them not a rightful 
 and accomplished revolution and an independ- 
 ent. nation, with an established government, 
 but rather a perversion of a temporary and 
 partisan excitement to the inconsiderate pur- 
 poses of an unjustifiable and unconstitutional 
 aggression upon the rights and the authority 
 vested in the federal government, and hitherto 
 benignly exercised, as from their very nature 
 they always must so be exercised, for the 
 maintenance of the Union, the preservation of 
 liberty, and the security, peace, welfare, happi- 
 ness, and aggrandizement of the American peo- 
 ple. The secretary of state, therefore, avows 
 to Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford that he looks 
 patiently, but confidently, for the cure of evils 
 which have resulted from proceedings so un- 
 wise, so unusual, and so unnatural, not to 
 irregular negotiations, having in view new and 
 untried relations with agencies unknown to the 
 constitution and laws, but to regular and con- 
 siderate action of the people in those states, 
 in codperation with their brethren in other 
 states, through the Congress of the United 
 States, and such extraordinary conventions, if 
 there shall be need thereof, as the federal con- 
 stitution contemplates and authorizes to be as- 
 sembled.” 
 
 “A simple reference to [the inaugural ad- 
 dress] will be sufficient to satisfy these gentle- 
 
 ° 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 men that the secretary of state, guided by the 
 principles therein announced, is prevented al- 
 together from admitting or assuming that the 
 states referred to by them have, in law or in 
 fact, withdrawn from the federal Union, or that 
 they could do so in the manner described by 
 Messrs. Forsyth and Crawford, or in any other 
 manner than with the consent and concert of 
 the people of the United States, to be given 
 through a national convention, to be assembled 
 in conformity with the provisions of the con- 
 stitution of the United States. Of course the 
 secretary of state cannot act upon the assump- 
 tion, or in any way admit that the so-called 
 Confederate States constitute a foreign power, 
 with whom diplomatic relations ought to be 
 established.” 
 
 Mr. Seward therefore declared “that he has 
 no authority, nor is he at liberty, to recognize 
 them as diplomatic agents, or hold correspond- 
 ence or other communication with them.” 
 
 This communication of Mr. Seward was dated 
 March 15th, but it was not delivered to the 
 Confederate commissioners till April 8th. In 
 the mean time Judge Campbell, of the supreme 
 court, had acted as a mediator between the 
 commissioners and the government. To him 
 Mr. Seward had expressed a desire not to be 
 obliged to return an immediate reply to the 
 communication of the commissioners, and had, 
 perhaps, encouraged the belief. that Fort Sum- 
 ter, unless it could be peaceably supplied with 
 provisions, would be evacuated. Such, it ap- 
 pears, was the impression received by Judge 
 Campbell; but it may have been in this case as 
 in the unofficial negotiations between the South 
 Carolina commissioners and Mr. Buchanan, that 
 the parties interested drew inferences beyond 
 the true import of the secretary’s language. 
 But it is not improbable that Mr. Seward desired 
 to obtain time for the administration to feel 
 more assured of its position before taking such 
 action as would decide its whole future policy, 
 and perhaps determine the question of peace or 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 war. And it is also probable that the final 
 action of the government with regard to Fort 
 Sumter was misinterpreted by the commission- 
 ers, who believed that deception had been prac- 
 tised upon them. 
 
 When at last Mr. Seward’s communication 
 was delivered to the commissioners, they replied 
 to it in another, in which they endeavored to 
 fix upon the government the responsibility of 
 bloodshed, which they assumed would be the 
 result of the failure of their mission, and charged 
 the administration with perfidy in pretending 
 that Fort Sumter would be evacuated, while 
 they were preparing an “immense armada ” to 
 reénforce it. “Your refusal,” they wrote, “to 
 entertain these overtures for a peaceful solu- 
 tion, the active naval.and military preparations 
 of this government, and a formal notice to the 
 commanding general of the Confederate forces 
 in the harbor of Charleston, that the president — 
 intends to provision Fort Sumter by forcible 
 means if necessary, are viewed by the under- 
 signed, and can only be received by the world, 
 as a declaration of war against the Confederate 
 States ; for the president of the United States 
 knows that Fort Sumter cannot be provisioned 
 without the effusion of blood. The under- 
 signed, in behalf of their government and peo- 
 ple, accept the gage of battle thus thrown down 
 to them; and appealing to God and the judg- 
 ment of mankind for the righteousness of their 
 cause, the people of the Confederate States 
 will defend their liberties to the last against 
 this flagrant and open attempt at their subju- 
 gation to sectional power.” Farther on they 
 assert that it is clear “that Mr. Lincoln had de- 
 termined to appeal to the sword to reduce the 
 people of the Confederate States to the will of 
 the section or party whose president he is.” And 
 this was because a constitutionally elected presi-- 
 dent of the United States, from fidelity to his 
 oath and his duty to his country, felt himself 
 under obligation to provision the small garrison 
 of a fort’ belonging to, the United States, by 
 
 e 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 right of property and jurisdiction solemnly 
 ceded by the state of South Carolina. 
 
 What should be done in relation to Fort 
 Sumter, was the immediate practical question 
 to be determined by the administration upon 
 assuming the government. It was a question 
 of great importance and difficulty, practically, 
 however simple it might appear in principle. 
 Upon it in a measure depended the whole policy 
 to be pursued towards the seceding states, and 
 
 the course of events which would follow. ‘To: 
 
 evacuate it upon the demands of South Caro- 
 lina or the Confederate States, would be yield- 
 ing to “coercion” on their part, and might 
 be construed into an abandonment of the au- 
 thority claimed by the United States; while to 
 reénforce it and hold it, would probably lead to 
 bloodshed. The people of the north were by 
 no means inclined to acquiesce in the abandon- 
 ment of the federal authority over any of the 
 forts or other property of the United States, or 
 to have the government submit to any arrogant 
 demands from disunionists and rebels. But 
 the administration,-though determined to per- 
 form its duty according to the general policy 
 set forth in the inaugural address, was not dis- 
 posed to take any action which should lead 
 to hostilities without first trying conciliatory 
 measures. One thing, however, was deter- 
 mined both by the government and the people, 
 and that was, that the other important posts on 
 the southern coast, which had not already been 
 seized by, or betrayed into the hands of, the 
 disunionists, should be reénforced, strengthened, 
 and held at all hazards. Accordingly prepara- 
 tions were made for this purpose. The avail- 
 able vessels belonging to the navy were fitted 
 out with all possible despatch, such small force 
 of the regular army as could be collected was 
 prepared, and several large steam transports 
 were chartered for carrying troops, provisions, 
 and ordnance stores.* These preparations, 
 
 * The expedition consisted of the steam sloops of war Pawnee 
 and Powhattan, cutter Harriet Lane, the steam transports Atlan- 
 
 Scott. 
 
 165 
 
 though not on a very formidable scale, com- 
 pared with subsequent expeditions, created 
 some excitement at the south, where it was as- 
 sumed at once that the destination of the ex- 
 pedition was Charleston harbor. 
 
 In the mean time the question concerning 
 Fort Sumter still remained in abeyance. The 
 Congress of the Confederate States had adopted 
 measures for the establishment of an army, 
 and General P. G. T. Beauregard, formerly of 
 the United States army, was sent to Charleston 
 to assume command of the forces there, and 
 direction of the fortifications. The work on 
 these fortifications proceeded ; troops from other 
 southern states, as well as South Carolina, were 
 concentrated at Charleston; and the prepara- 
 tions on the part of the seceded states were 
 pressed forward with a determination to reduce 
 the fort unless it was speedily surrendered. 
 And so effectually was it invested by the hos- 
 tile batteries, that there was little hope of its 
 holding out for any length of time, in its in- 
 complete state, and with its limited number of 
 guns and small garrison. 
 
 While, therefore, it was objected to as a politi- 
 cal measure, the evacuation of Fort Sumter as 
 a military necessity was regarded with less dis- 
 favor by the people, and was assented to by 
 the administration, with the advice of General 
 Major Anderson, in a despatch sent to 
 the war department at the very commence. 
 ment of the administration of Mr. Lincoln, had 
 given his opinion as an officer that it would be 
 impossible, in the existing state of affairs, to 
 reénforce him before his provisions should be 
 exhausted, except with a force of at least 
 twenty thousand men. General Scott, after 
 examining the subject, and consulting with 
 other experienced officers, concurred in that 
 opinion. It appeared, therefore, that at this 
 
 tic, Baltic, and Illinois, and steam tugs Yankee and Uncle Ben. 
 The ships of war mounted twenty-six guns, and the transports 
 took nearly a thousand troops, with large quantities of ordnance 
 stores and provisions, 
 
166 
 
 juncture, nothing was left for the government 
 to do but to order the evacuation. It was, 
 however, a difficult point to decide, for evacua- 
 tion would, perhaps, be so misconstrued at home 
 and abroad, and thus lead to new complications, 
 that it was not to be adopted until its necessity 
 was fully demonstrated, and all efforts to sup- 
 ply the little garrison peacefully had failed ; nor 
 until the government had indicated by some 
 practical measures that its policy was not to 
 voluntarily abandon the forts which it still held. 
 
 It had been the intention of the administra- 
 tion to indicate its policy by reénforcing Fort 
 Pickens, at Pensacola, before the evacuation of 
 Fort Sumter should be rendered necessary by 
 the exhaustion of provisions. Orders were sent 
 to the naval officer commanding on that station 
 to land a force which had been sent out by the 
 last administration in the war steamer Brooklyn. 
 But it appeared that some arrangement or un- 
 derstanding similar to that which palsied the 
 arm of the government in Charleston harbor, 
 had been made by the Buchanan administra- 
 tion, and the order was not carried into execu- 
 tion. When this state of affairs became known 
 at Washington, there remained but a few days 
 before the time when the supplies of Fort Sum- 
 ter would inevitably be exhausted ; and, finding 
 matters thus complicated, and that delay in 
 taking measures to indicate its policy — not of 
 “coercion,” but simply of holding the property 
 and maintaining the authority of the United 
 States — might be dangerous, the administra- 
 tion determined to use a part of the expedition 
 which was being fitted out, and which was pre- 
 pared for such a juncture, to take supplies to 
 the beleaguered fort. The intention, however, 
 was, first to send an unarmed vessel into the 
 harbor, and to resort to force only to repel an 
 attack. 
 
 While these measures were under advise- 
 ment, several special messengers were sent by 
 the government to Charleston, for the purpose 
 of ascertaining the condition of Major Ander- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 son’s command, and consulting in relation to 
 supplies. One of these, Captain Fox, who had 
 been connected with the coast survey, and was 
 familiar with the harbor of Charleston, and 
 understood all the risk to be run, submitted a 
 plan for sending supplies to Fort Sumter; but it 
 was not at once adopted. Colonel Lamon was 
 subsequently sent to Charleston, and commu- 
 nicated with Major Anderson; but the precise 
 object of his mission was not known. On the 
 part of the South Carolina authorities, it was 
 probably supposed at that time, when such 
 rumors were prevalent, that the fort was to be 
 evacuated, and that the mission was to give 
 instructions to that effect to Major Anderson- 
 Lieutenant Talbot, one of Major Anderson’s 
 officers, was the next messenger; but he was 
 not allowed to communicate with Fort Sumter, 
 and returned to Washington without accom- 
 plishing the whole of his mission. At this time 
 the supplies of fresh provisions, which the gar- 
 rison had been allowed to purchase in Charles- 
 ton, were cut off, and immediately afterwards a 
 final messenger gave notice to Governor Pickens 
 that it was the intention of the government to 
 send supplies to the fort. According to the 
 Confederate authorities, this messenger declared 
 that “provisions would be sent to Fort Sumter 
 peaceably, otherwise by force.” 
 
 In the mean time, Major Anderson had done 
 what he could, with his small force of soldiers 
 and workmen, to put the fort in a better con- 
 dition to resist bombardment, and to reply to 
 an attack. Surrounded as he was by numerous 
 batteries, mounted with guns of heavy calibre, 
 his provisions nearly exhausted, and his men 
 worn down by work, communication with his 
 government practically cut off, and with no 
 hope of relief, the prospect was gloomy enough 
 for the gallant commander; but he was deter- 
 mined to do his duty to his country, and to 
 stand by his flag to the last, and in this he was 
 seconded by all the. officers and men of his 
 command. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The batteries which had been constructed 
 for the reduction of Fort Sumter, the work on 
 which had been suffered to continue for months, 
 while the fort was neither reénforced nor 
 evacuated, nor permitted to stop these hostile 
 preparations, were now quite completed, and 
 were really formidable, both from their position 
 and the calibre of the guns. On Morris’s Island 
 were two breaching batteries, one of which was 
 covered with railroad iron, and was skilfully 
 constructed, and two mortar batteries. On 
 James Island was Fort Johnson, the guns of 
 which could not be very effective upon Fort 
 Sumter, and another mortar battery. On Sul- 
 livan’s Island were two columbiad batteries and 
 two mortar batteries; and a floating battery, 
 eoncerning which there had been much boast- 
 ing in the Charleston papers, was anchored off 
 the upper end of the island. Fort Moultrie, 
 and a small mortar battery at Mount Pleas- 
 ant, completed the beleaguering fortifications. 
 These batteries mounted at least thirty guns 
 and seventeen mortars, most of the guns being 
 of heavy calibre, and one or more being rifled 
 guns. They bore upon Fort Sumter from the 
 _ north,north-east, south-east, and south-west. The 
 force which was sent to these fortifications, and 
 to repel a land attack, if such were attempted 
 by the expected expedition for the relief of 
 Fort Sumter, was about seven thousand men. 
 
 The armament of Fort Sumter, available 
 against these batteries, consisted of twenty- 
 seven barbette guns, and twenty-one casemate 
 guns, the heaviest and most effective being in 
 barbette ; but none of them could be considered 
 
 sufficiently formidable for the defence of such a 
 
 work. The garrison of the fort consisted of about 
 seventy officers and men; and there were also in 
 it about forty mechanics and laborers, under the 
 direction of the officers-of the engineer corps, 
 who had been employed upon the construction 
 of the fort, and most of whom volunteered to do 
 duty in its defence, by working at the guns, or 
 
 167 
 
 effective force was less than a hundred men. 
 In preparing for the expected bombardment, it 
 was found that the supply of cartridges was 
 entirely inadequate for a protracted defence, 
 and it was necessary to cut up all,the surplus 
 blankets, and extra company clothing, to make 
 cartridge bags. But there were only six needles 
 in the fort, and the work of preparing car- 
 tridges was consequently slow. In all the 
 preparations for the defence of the fort, the 
 garrison labored early and late; but their work 
 was not completed when the attack was made. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Bombardment of Fort Sumter. — Beauregard instructed to de- 
 mand its Evacuation.—The Demand, and Major Anderson’s 
 Reply. — Another Proposition. — The Reply unsatisfactory. — 
 Commencement of Hostilities. — Major Anderson’s Force. — 
 Want of Cartridges. — Materials used for Supply. — Effect of 
 the Bombardment on the Fort. — Fire from the Fort slackened. 
 — Appearance of United States Vessels off the Bar. —Night. 
 — The last Rice eaten. — Renewal of the Engagement. — Hot 
 Shot thrown by the Rebel Batteries. —The Quarters and Bar- 
 racks set on Fire. — Powder taken from the Magazine.— 
 Spread of the Flames, and Danger.— Appearance of Mr. 
 Wigfall with a Flag of Truce. — His Representations. — Dis- 
 play of his White Flag at the Embrasure not respected. — 
 Interview with Major Anderson. Agreement to evacuate on 
 Terms previously proposed. — Other Messengers from Beaure- 
 gard. —Mr. Wigfall acting without Authority.— Terms ar- 
 ranged. — Evacuation. — Salute to the Flag.— Departure of 
 the Garrison. — Major Anderson’s Report. 
 
 As soon as the determination of the govern- 
 ment to send supplies to Fort Sumter was made 
 known to the authorities of South Carolina and 
 the Confederate States, they made immediate 
 preparations to bombard the fort, without wait- 
 ing for the appearance of any vessel or fleet to 
 carry out the purposes of the government. 
 General Beauregard telegraphed to the Con- 
 federate secretary of war that a messenger from 
 President Lincoln had notified Governor Pick- 
 ens and himself, “that provisions will be sent 
 to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by 
 force.” ‘The secretary, in reply, directed him 
 
 in carrying shot and cartridges; but the whole !'to demand the evacuation of the fort, and if 
 
168 
 
 this was refused, to reduce it. Accordingly, 
 General Beauregard, on the 11th of April, sent 
 a communication to Major Anderson, in which, 
 after dwelling upon the forbearance of the goy- 
 ernment of the Confederate States in allowing 
 the United States forces to hold Fort Sumter 
 for so long a period, he wrote, “I am ordered 
 by the government of the Confederate States 
 to demand the evacuation of Fort Sumter. My 
 aids, Colonel Chesnut and Captain Lee, are 
 authorized to make such demand of you. All 
 proper facilities will be afforded for the removal 
 of yourself and command, together with com- 
 pany arms and property, and all private prop- 
 erty, to any post in the United States which 
 you may elect. ‘The flag which you have 
 upheld so long and with so much fortitude, 
 under the most trying circumstances, may be 
 saluted by you on taking it down.” 
 
 To this communication Major Anderson re- 
 peur 
 
 “ GeNnERAL: I have the honor to acknowledge 
 the receipt of your communication demanding 
 the evacuation of this fort; and to say, in reply 
 thereto, that it is a demand with which I regret 
 that my sense of honor, and of my obligations 
 to my government, prevents my compliance. 
 
 “Thanking you for the fair, manly, and cour- 
 teous terms proposed, and for the high com- 
 pliment paid me, 
 
 “JT am, General, very respectfully, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “ ROBERT ANDERSON, 
 “ Major U. S. Army, Commanding.” 
 
 At the same time, Major Anderson stated, 
 unofiicially, to Beauregard’s aids, that the gar- 
 rison was now nearly out of provisions, and 
 that they could not probably hold out longer 
 than the 15th of the month. This statement 
 was referred, with the refusal to evacuate, to 
 the Confederate government, and led to a 
 proposition from General Beauregard that, if 
 Major Anderson would state the time when he 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 would evacuate the fort, and in the mean time 
 would not use his guns against the Confederate 
 forces unless theirs were employed against the 
 fort, they would abstain from opening fire upon 
 him. In reply to this proposition, Major Ander- 
 son said that he would evacuate the fort by 
 noon on the 15th instant, should he not receive, 
 prior to that time, controlling instructions from 
 his government, or additional supplies ; and that 
 he would not open fire from the fort unless 
 compelled to do so by some hostile act on the 
 part of General Beauregard’s forces against the 
 fort or the United States flag. 
 
 This reply, it appeared, was not satisfactory 
 to the Confederate States authorities. They 
 expected that the fleet which had been fitting 
 out at New York would attempt to supply and 
 reénforce Fort Sumter, and they were not dis- 
 posed to wait for its arrival. The bearers of 
 the proposition were instructed upon this 
 point, and upon receiving Major Anderson’s 
 reply, after a brief consultation, without re- 
 turning to their superior, at half past three, 
 on the morning of the 12th of April, gave 
 notice that their batteries would open fire in 
 one hour from that time. | 
 
 Major Anderson’s command, few in numbers, 
 and worn down by hard labor, and by insuffi- 
 cient food, was entirely inadequate for a full 
 defence of the fort, and to man the guns effec- 
 tively. But, with a determination to do his 
 duty, even under such discouraging circum- 
 stances, he proceeded to make the best dis- 
 posal that he could of his little band. The 
 command was divided into three reliefs, to 
 serve two hours each, in order to husband the 
 strength of the garrison. The men were ordered 
 at once to the bomb proofs, it being the inten- 
 tion of the major to keep them safe, and not 
 reply to the fire until broad daylight. In the 
 mean time they received their scanty break- 
 fast of rice and pork, the biscuit having been 
 already exhausted. 
 
 At-half past four, a signal shell was thrown 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 from the mortar battery on James Island, and 
 immediately after, fire was opened on the fort 
 from all the batteries simultaneously, and was 
 kept up for two hours and a half before any 
 reply was made from Fort Sumter. At seven 
 o'clock, the first shot was fired from the fort, by 
 one of the guns in charge of Captain Double- 
 day; and, from that time, the little garrison 
 responded to the fire from each of the batteries 
 making the attack. The shot and shell flew 
 thickly over the fort; and, in order not to 
 expose his few men, Major Anderson did not 
 work his barbette guns, which were larger and 
 more effective than those in the casemates, and 
 the only ones with which he could throw shells. 
 Some of the direct shot from the Cummings 
 Point battery, on Morris Island, especially those 
 from an English rifled gun, took effect upon the 
 upper part of the barracks and quarters, and 
 made some breaches around two or three of 
 the embrasures. Those fired from the other 
 batteries were directed mostly against the bar- 
 bette guns, one of which was dismounted, and 
 another damaged by the shot. But the most 
 damaging, and the most dangerous, were the 
 shells thrown from the mortar batteries, to 
 which the interior of the fort, on all sides, was ex- 
 posed. There was a constant explosion of these 
 shells, which several times setfire tothe barracks; 
 but the flames were quickly extinguished by the 
 energetic efforts of the officers and men. 
 
 At the commencement of the engagement 
 there were but seven hundred cartridges in the 
 fort, and by noon it was found that the supply 
 was so much reduced that Major Anderson was 
 obliged to slacken his fire. The six needles 
 _ were kept constantly at work, and every thing 
 that could be spared for the purpose — extra 
 clothing, hospital blankets, and coarse paper — 
 was made into cartridges, the men working 
 constantly till midnight in preparing them. 
 While Major Anderson was thus obliged to 
 confine his fire to six guns, he responded to 
 each of the rebel batteries as if in defiance. 
 
 169 
 
 The assailants, thinking, perhaps, that the fire 
 of the fort was slackened by damage from their 
 shot and shell, kept up an incessant fire through 
 the day, and continued it frequently through 
 the night, although at dark Major Anderson 
 ceased firing, and closed his ports. 
 
 Soon after noon on this day three United 
 States vessels were seen off the bar of the 
 harbor, and were signalled by Fort Sumter. 
 They remained there, however, without any 
 attempt apparently to enter the harbor. Their 
 appearance had been hailed with joy by the 
 little garrison, who expected that some relief 
 and aid had come to them. At night it was 
 hoped that the vessels would attempt to run in, 
 and Major Anderson kept his signal light burn- 
 ing. But the night was dark and stormy, the 
 channel was intricate, and the lights in the 
 lighthouses were extinguished. When the 
 morning came and the garrison arose from their 
 brief rest, the vessels were still off the bar, 
 with no appearance of attempting to come in. 
 The last rice was eaten for breakfast, and the 
 men, disappointed but true, went again to the 
 guns, which were bravely manned and briskly 
 fired, but from their insufficient calibre were 
 not of much avail against the works of the 
 besiegers. 
 
 The effect of the fire from the fort on the 
 first day had apparently not been very great. 
 As before observed, the heavy guns, being in 
 
 -barbette, had not been used, and the thirty-two 
 
 and forty-two pound shot were not of sufficient 
 weight. Fort Moultrie was damaged to some ex- 
 tent, and several guns were dismounted; the 
 houses on Sullivan’s Island were riddled with 
 shot; a revenue cutter, which was near the 
 island with the Confederate flag flying, was 
 struck by a shot, and hauling down her flag, 
 moved out of range; the floating.battery re- 
 ceived some trifling injury, but was so pro- 
 tected behind a breakwater that it could not 
 be hit fairly ; while against the iron-clad bat- 
 tery on Cummings Point the shot had scarce- 
 
170 
 
 ly any effect, the balls glancing off harm- 
 lessly. 
 
 The fire from the fort was commenced early 
 on the second day, the assailants having already 
 opened a rapid firmg. ‘The contest continued 
 as on the preceding day, the shot and shells 
 more seriously damaging the fort, and wound- 
 ing several men, the aim of the rebel gunners 
 being better than on the first day. It was soon 
 apparent that the guns of Fort Moultrie were 
 throwing hot shot, and at nine o’clock dense 
 volumes of smoke arose from the officers’ 
 quarters, which had just been struck by a shot. 
 From the exposed position of the building it 
 was impossible to extinguish the flames, while 
 there was danger of the fire spreading so as to 
 encircle the magazine. Efforts were immedi- 
 ately directed to the removal of as much powder 
 as possible from the magazine to the casemates ; 
 but so rapidly did the flames extend, that it was 
 possible to remove only fifty barrels of the 
 powder before it became necessary to close the 
 doors of the magazine and bank them with 
 earth. 
 
 As soon as the smoke and flames burst from 
 the roof of the quarters, the fire of the besieg- 
 ing batteries was redoubled in rapidity, and hot 
 shot was thrown from most of their guns. 
 The whole range of officers’ quarters was 
 soon in flames, and the fire was communicated 
 to the roof of the barracks on two sides of the 
 fort. The floors of the barracks were fire- 
 proof; but it required all the exertions of the 
 garrison to prevent the fire spreading down the 
 stairways, and by the wood work outside to the 
 east barrack, in which the officers and men 
 had taken their quarters. The flames at last 
 reached the magazines of grenades, which were 
 arranged in the stair towers and implement 
 rooms, when they exploded, completely de- 
 stroying the stair towers, and otherwise dama- 
 ging that part of the fort. The casemates were 
 filled with smoke and cinders, so as almost to 
 suffocate the men, and boxes, beds, and other ar- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ticles belonging to the garrison were set on fire, 
 so that it became unsafe to retain the powder 
 which had been taken from the magazine. For 
 a time efforts were made to save it by covering 
 the casks with wet cloths; but the danger was 
 imminent, and Major Anderson ordered all but 
 five barrels to be thrown out of the embrasures 
 into the water. There were but few cartridges 
 left, and but little powder with which to make 
 them; the men were laboring to prevent the 
 spread of the flames, so that the guns could 
 only be fired occasionally; but they sent at 
 intervals a defiant shot, to show that the fort 
 still held out. The flagstaff had several times 
 been struck by shot, and the lanyards were cut, 
 but the flag did not come down. At last the 
 staff fell; but the flag was secured, and as soon 
 as it could be attached to a temporary staff, it 
 was again raised upon the rampart, in spite of 
 the danger, by Lieutenant Snyder and Sergeant 
 Hart.* ; 
 
 At this stage of affairs a man appeared out- 
 side of the fort with a white flag tied to his 
 sword, and desired admission. He was allowed 
 to enter through one of the embrasures, and 
 announced himself to the officers there as Mr. 
 Wigfall,t an aid to General Beauregard, from 
 whom he came to desire that, inasmuch as the 
 flag of Sumter was shot down, a fire raging in 
 the quarters, and the garrison in a great strait, — 
 hostilities should be suspended, and the white 
 flag raised for this object. Lieutenant Davis 
 replied that the flag was again hoisted on the 
 parapet, and that the white flag would not be 
 raised except by order of the commanding 
 officer. Mr. Wigfall then requested that his 
 own white flag might be waved to stop the fire 
 from Sullivan’s Island, that from Cummings 
 
 * Hart had formerly been a sergeant in Major Anderson’s 
 command, but he was now employed as a carpenter by the en- 
 gineer officer. He had been very active in trying to extinguish 
 the fire in the barracks, and in endeavoring to secure the flag 
 when the lanyards were shot away. Though exposed to shot and 
 shell, he did not flinch till the flag was securely fixed. 
 
 + Formerly United States senator from Texas. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Point being already suspended. This was re- 
 fused; but he was permitted tc wave the white 
 flag himself, and got into an embrasure for that 
 purpose. After displaying it a few minutes 
 without effect,a corporal was allowed to take 
 his place; but the fire continuing, and a shot 
 striking very near the embrasure, the corporal 
 jumped inside, and throwing down the flag, 
 declared to Mr. Wigfall that “he would not hold 
 his flag, for it was not respected.” 
 
 Major Anderson having appeared, Mr. Wig- 
 fall repeated the purpose of his visit, and com- 
 plimenting that officer upon the defence he had 
 made, renewed the request for a suspension of 
 hostilities, in order to arrange terms of evacu- 
 ation. Upon Major Anderson’s inquiring what 
 terms, Mr. Wigfall replied, “ Any terms that 
 you may desire; your own terms, the precise 
 nature of which General Beauregard will ar- 
 range with you.”* Major Anderson assented to 
 the proposition, saying that the terms which 
 he accepted were those proposed by General 
 Beauregard before hostilities commenced, and 
 no others. The white flag was consequently dis- 
 played, and the United States flag was lowered. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, the firing having ceased, 
 a boat arrived at the fort, bringing three of 
 General Beauregard’s aids, who stated that, see- 
 ing the white flag raised, the general sent them 
 to inquire what assistance he could lend, in 
 extinguishing the flames or otherwise. Upon 
 being informed of the circumstances under 
 which the white flag was hoisted, these officers 
 declared that Mr. Wigfall had acted entirely 
 without authority, not having seen General 
 Beauregard for two days. Major Anderson, 
 finding that he had been deceived, ordered the 
 United States flag to be again raised; but at 
 the urgent request of the aids, he consented 
 to wait till they could report to their chief and 
 receive his instructions. In the mean time the 
 garrison exerted themselves to extinguish the 
 
 * Report of J. G. Foster, captain of engineers, afterwards 
 brigadier-general. 
 
 ‘Ley 
 
 flames, which were still raging. Messengers 
 from General Beauregard, after some delay, 
 announced that the terms were approved, with 
 the exception of saluting the flag; but Major 
 Anderson insisted upon this, and it was finally 
 acceded to. It was agreed, also, that the gar- 
 rison, with their effects, should be transported 
 to such port in the United States as the com- 
 manding officer should designate. The steamer 
 Isabel was accordingly sent to the fort for that 
 purpose ; but communication having been had 
 with the fleet off the bar, it was subsequently 
 determined that the officers and men should 
 be transferred to one of the United States 
 transports. 
 
 The evacuation of the fort took place on 
 Sunday, April 14th. A part of the men had 
 gone on board the Isabel the night previous; 
 but a sufficient force remained in the fort to 
 salute the flag+ which they had so faithfully 
 defended, and which was lowered at the last 
 discharge amid the cheers of the men. During 
 the firing of the salute, one of the guns burst, 
 killmg one man instantly, and wounding several 
 others, one of them fatally. This was the only 
 loss of life that occurred at the fort during those 
 eventful days, and but three or four had been 
 wounded during all the bombardment. There 
 was, probably, as little loss of life among the 
 Confederate forces.{ 
 
 + The first raising of this flag by Major Anderson over Fort 
 Sumter, after the transfer of his command thither, was an occa- 
 sion more impressive than its final lowering, according to the fol- 
 lowing statement, which is generally believed. Major Anderson, 
 on that occasion, assembled the whole of his little force, and the 
 workmen employed on the fort, around the foot of the flagstaff. 
 The national ensign was attached to the cord, and Major Ander- 
 son, holding the lines in his hand, knelt reverently down. The 
 officers and men clustered around, many of them on their knees, 
 and all deeply impressed with the solemnity of the scene. The 
 chaplain made an appropriate and fervent prayer, and as he ceased 
 and the men responded “ Amen,” Major Anderson drew the flag to 
 the top of the staff, where it was greeted by the whole assembly 
 with loud and exultant cheers, and the national air by the band. 
 Well might those men be true to that flag. 
 
 { There were various reports of numbers being killed and 
 wounded among the rebel forces, including Beauregard himself; 
 but they appeared to be unfounded. 
 
172 
 
 After the evacuation, the Isabel conveyed the 
 little garrison to the transport Baltic, outside 
 the bar, on which they were taken to New York. 
 Fort Sumter was immediately taken possession 
 of by a portion of the Confederate forces. 
 
 Upon his arrival at New York, Major Ander- 
 son sent the following despatch to the secretary 
 of war :— 
 
 “Sm: Having defended Fort Sumter until 
 our quarters were entirely burned, the main 
 gates destroyed by fire, the gorge wall seriously 
 injured, the magazine surrounded by flames, 
 and its door closed from the effects of heat, and 
 three cartridges of powder only being available, 
 and no provisions but pork remaining, — I ac- 
 cepted the terms of evacuation offered by Gen- 
 eral Beauregard, being the same offered by him 
 on the 11th instant, prior to the commencement 
 of hostilities, and marched out of the fort on 
 Sunday afternoon, 14th instant, with colors fly- 
 ing and drums beating, bringing away my com- 
 pany and our private property, and saluting 
 my flag with fifty guns. 
 
 F “ RoBertT ANDERSON, 
 “ Major First Artillery.” * 
 
 Major Anderson received the thanks of the 
 government for his gallant defence of the fort 
 under such trying circumstances, and was grant- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ed a furlough in consideration of his impaired 
 
 health. He was also at once promoted to the 
 rank of colonel, and was subsequently appointed 
 brigadier-general of volunteers. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Effect of the Bombardment of Sumter at the North. — Intense 
 Feeling. — Action of the Government. — President’s Procla- 
 mation. — Requisition for Troops. — Patriotic Response of the 
 People. — Approval of the Action of the Government to vin- 
 dicate its Authority. — The Press. — Response to the Requi- 
 sition for Troops. — Promptness of the Free States. — Refusal 
 of Slave States. — Massachusetts, New York, Rhode Island, 
 &c.— Public Meetings. — Action of Banks and Boards of 
 Trade. — The National Flag. 
 
 Tue bombardment of Fort Sumter, before 
 any attempt was made even to supply it peace- 
 fully, was an act of open and flagrant rebellion, 
 and of wanton hostilities, which no longer left 
 a choice of policy on the part of the govern- 
 ment, nor any doubt of the purposes of the 
 secessionists. It created an intense feeling 
 among the people of the north; and as the in- 
 telligence of the conflict and the final result 
 was announced by telegraph, there arose a com- 
 mon sentiment of indignation against the as- 
 sailants, and a determination to maintain the 
 authority of the government. 
 
 At Washington the feeling was no less in- 
 
 * In a private narrative of the bombardment, Major Anderson 
 made, among others, the following statements: The batteries 
 kept up the fire on the fort, at intervals, all night, to prevent the 
 men from sleeping; but they failed in their object. He ordered 
 the men to bed, and they slept soundly, while the sentinels alone 
 kept on duty. Although he had been up the night before in the 
 correspondence and conferences with Beauregard’s aids, he staid 
 up this night also, thinking that by a bare possibility some small 
 boats from the relief squadron might work their way up to the 
 fort. But they did not; and he was satisfied that relief was an 
 impossibility. It was too late, and he was rejoiced that the fleet 
 did not endanger themselves by the attempt. 
 
 The reports that were telegraphed from Charleston to the 
 north, that when his barracks were on fire, relief was proffered 
 him; that when his flag was~shot down, another one was ten- 
 dered; that after the evacuation, he was the guest of Beaure- 
 gard, —are all equally untrue. When his fort was filled with the 
 smoke of his burning quarters, the hostile batteries redoubled 
 
 their fire on him. He says that though the Charleston Mercury 
 is now denouncing him for having spoken in condemnation of this 
 at the north, he has the satisfaction of remembering that he spoke 
 of it with equal frankness to the Carolinians. At the evacuation, 
 he said to one of the officers, “If our cases had been reversed, 
 and your quarters had been on fire, I should have stopped firing 
 and offered aid to extinguish the flames. War is a sad business 
 at best, and we should strive to humanize it as much as possible.” 
 The officer replied, ‘ We did just right.” Then,” said Anderson, 
 ‘“‘ we need have no further conversation, sir.” 
 
 All the time he was in Sumter he was in a genteel state 
 prison. Visits could only be made to him, even by his sick and 
 anxious wife, by consent of the Carolina authorities: when they 
 chose they would refuse to let him buy any potatoes; and a pres- 
 ent of two cases of tobacco from New York, to the soldiers, was 
 kept in Charleston, after being examined, three weeks before they 
 were allowed to taste what was such luxury to them, and of which 
 they had been for so long a time deprived. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 tense. The administration, impressed with the 
 magnitude of the responsibility which was forced 
 upon it, and determined to maintain and protect 
 the authority and the trusts committed to its 
 charge, took immediate steps to meet the crisis 
 which had at last arisen. There were long 
 sessions of the cabinet, and earnest consulta- 
 tions with General Scott, while the conflict was 
 still proceeding at Charleston ; but almost with 
 the result of that battle the prompt decision 
 of the government was known, and found to 
 accord with the feelings and wishes of the peo- 
 ple of the north, and of all who sincerely desired 
 to maintain the Union and the federal author- 
 ity. Conciliation had failed to accomplish any 
 thing, and all but the wilfully blind could see 
 that the purpose of the disunionists was to 
 establish a southern confederacy, regardless of 
 any efforts to conciliate, or of any compromise, 
 save such as should subject the whole country 
 to their control and the principles on which 
 they founded their confederacy. The people 
 desired in this crisis to realize that there was an 
 administration which recognized its duty and 
 was determined to perform it. However un- 
 welcome, therefore, was the prospect of war, or 
 of the resort to arms even to secure peace, it 
 was a relief to popular anxiety to find the gov- 
 ernment disposed to be prompt and energetic 
 in the performance of its office, and in main- 
 taining the honor of the Union and the flag 
 which is its symbol. 
 
 Fort Sumter was evacuated on Sunday, the 
 14th of April, the bombardment having ceased 
 the previous afternoon. On the morning of the 
 15th the President issued the following 
 
 PROCLAMATION, 
 
 “Whereas the laws of the United States have 
 been for some time past, and now are, opposed, 
 and the execution thereof obstructed, in the 
 states of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, 
 Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by 
 combinations too powerful to be suppressed by 
 
 173 
 
 the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or 
 by the powers vested in marshals by law, — 
 
 “Now, therefore, I, Apranam Lincoun, Presi- 
 dent of the United States, in virtue of the power 
 vested in me by the constitution and the laws, 
 have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do 
 call forth, the militia of the several states of the 
 Union to the aggregate number of seventy-five 
 thousand, in order to suppress Said combina- 
 tions, and to cause the laws to be duly executed. 
 The details for this object will be immediately 
 communicated to the state authorities through 
 the war department. 
 
 “J appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facili- 
 tate, and aid this effort to maintain the honor, 
 the integrity, and the existence of our national 
 Union, and the perpetuity of popular govern- 
 ment, and to redress the wrongs already long 
 enough endured. 
 
 “T deem it proper to say, that the first service 
 assigned to the forces hereby called forth will 
 probably be to repossess the forts, places, and 
 property which have been seized from the Un- 
 ion; and in every event the utmost care will be 
 observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, 
 to avoid any devastation, any destruction of or 
 interference with property, or any disturbance 
 of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. 
 
 “JT hereby command the persons composing 
 the combinations aforesaid to disperse and re- 
 tire peaceably to their respective abodes within 
 twenty days from this date. 
 
 “Deeming that the present condition of pub- 
 lic affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I 
 do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested 
 by the constitution, convene both houses of 
 Congress. The senators and representatives 
 are therefore summoned to assemble at their 
 respective chambers at ‘twelve o’clock, noon, 
 Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and 
 there to consider and determine such measures 
 as in their wisdom the public safety and inter- 
 est may seem to demand. 
 
 “In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
 
174 
 
 hand, and caused the seal of the United States 
 to be affixed. 
 
 “Done at the city of Washington, this 
 fifteenth day of April, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and six- 
 ty-one, and of the independence of the 
 United States the eighty-fifth. 
 
 “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 “ By the President : 
 “‘Wittiam H. Sewarp, Secretary of State.” 
 
 At the same time a requisition was sent to 
 the governor of each state, requesting the im- 
 mediate detail from the militia of his state of 
 the force required therefrom, to serve for a 
 period of three months, unless sooner discharged. 
 The quota for each state was as follows: Maine, 
 New Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Con- 
 necticut, Delaware, Michigan, lowa, Minnesota, 
 and Wisconsin, one regiment each; Massachu- 
 setts and Tennessee, two each; New Jersey, 
 Kentucky, and Missouri, four each; Indiana 
 and Illinois, six each; Pennsylvania, sixteen ; 
 New York, seventeen; Arkansas, one regiment; 
 North Carolina, two; Ohio, thirteen; Mary- 
 land, four; Virginia, three. It was ordered 
 that each regiment consist of seven hundred 
 and eighty officers and men. The total thus 
 called out was seventy-three thousand three 
 hundred and ninety-one; the troops of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia completing the seventy-five 
 thousand. 
 
 The quota for some of the free states was in- 
 creased immediately afterwards, in consequence 
 of the urgent necessity of having a sufficient 
 force promptly in the field. 
 
 The unjustifiable bombardment of Santer: 
 heralding open rebellion and war against the 
 Union and government of the United States, fol- 
 lowed by this prompt call for its defence on the 
 part of the administration, aroused the patriot- 
 ism of the loyal people to an unexpected degree. 
 Party dissensions were abated, save among 
 an unworthy few, and the differences, which 
 had divided the people even so recently as the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 probable policy of the government had been 
 discussed, were now forgotten, or assumed to be, 
 in a common attachment to the institutions so 
 seriously threatened, which they were called to 
 maintain. Feeling that they had a govern- 
 ment which would not crumble in pieces from 
 its own weakness, if they rallied in support of 
 the administration which had it in charge and 
 was faithful in its defence, the people were ready 
 to sustain it with loyal hearts and strong arms. 
 With all their indignation at the dishonor of the 
 national flag, and the certainty of the evils of 
 war and necessity of sacrifices before them, there 
 was a more cheerful and confident feeling than 
 during the long months of uncertainty when 
 rebellion was organizing, and the government 
 was helplessly witnessing the preparations for 
 its own ruin and dissolution. 
 
 The press of all parties spoke out in earnest 
 language for the maintenance of the govern- 
 ment by vigorous measures, and responded 
 heartily to the proclamation of the President. 
 There were, indeed, some journals, with whom 
 party ties were so strong and whose affiliations 
 with the south were such, that for a time they 
 denounced the administration, and defended the 
 rebels and their cause. The people, however, 
 were little disposed to tolerate any open sym- 
 pathy with rebellion and treason, and public 
 opinion, or more cogent reasons, soon effected 
 a suppression of such sentiments. The great 
 majority of the journals, as well as a great ma- 
 jority of the people, were loyal and hearty in 
 the support of the government. 
 
 The call for troops was responded to with all 
 the despatch that could be expected from the 
 unorganized condition of the military and the 
 want of arms and equipments in most of the © 
 states. A few of the states, as New York, Mas- 
 sachusetts, Rhode Island, and a part of Penn- 
 sylvania, had a militia force organized, armed, 
 and equipped. There were a few other states 
 that had skeleton organizations, which enabled 
 them to fill up their quota with some prompt- 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ness, while others, being obliged to organize 
 and equip anew, were necessarily more tardy in 
 responding to the requisition. The governors 
 of all the free ‘states seconded the call of the 
 President, and exerted themselves to supply the 
 requisite force, and in none of these states was 
 there any lack of men or disinclination to serve 
 under this call. In the border slave states, 
 including all the slave states which had not se- 
 ceded, there was no response to the requisition, 
 the governors of most of those states refusing — 
 some ina most insolent manner —to furnish 
 troops “for the subjugation of the seceding 
 states.” They were not backward, however, in 
 ealling upon the people to form military organ- 
 izations for the defence of their states, to main- 
 tain “neutrality,” or for such action as events 
 might give occasion for. 
 
 Massachusetts was the first state to respond 
 to the requisition of the President. Having a 
 volunteer militia, comparatively well organized, 
 armed, equipped, and officered, who were first 
 to be called into service upon an emergency 
 like this, that state was better prepared than 
 most of the others. Governor Andrew issued 
 an order, on the day the President’s proclama- 
 tion was received, for four regiments to assemble 
 forthwith in Boston. These regiments were all 
 in the country, and it was necessary to notify 
 personally the members of the various com- 
 panies, scattered through many small towns; 
 but the next day these regiments, with full 
 ranks, were at the rendezvous, and ready to be 
 forwarded to their destination. The men had 
 left their ordinary avocations and their homes 
 with the same promptness and patriotism that 
 their fathers had shown in 1776; tarrying not 
 to arrange their business or provide for their 
 families, and scarcely to say farewell. But the 
 patriotism of friends and neighbors bade them 
 God speed, and gave assurance that their fami- 
 lies and affairs should be cared for. As some 
 of the companies took their departure from the 
 towns in which they were organized, they were 
 
 175 
 
 greeted by the entire population, and left amid 
 the cheers and with the prayers and blessings 
 of a loyal people. In Boston the troops were 
 received with much enthusiasm, and their ready 
 response to the call of their country awakened 
 an increased patriotism and pride of country 
 among the people. After being supplied with 
 clothing and new arms and equipments, they 
 were sent forward; three of the regiments on 
 the 17th of April, two days after the issue 
 of the President’s proclamation, and the other 
 on the succeeding day. Two— the third and 
 fourth — were sent to Fortress Monroe, and the 
 other two — the sixth and eighth—to Wash- 
 ington, the last being accompanied by Briga- 
 dier-General Benjamin F. Butler, as command- 
 er of the brigade. 
 
 In Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, 
 Pennsylvania, and other states which were en- 
 abled to respond promptly to the call for troops, 
 there were manifested similar patriotism and en- 
 thusiasm. In Rhode Island Governor Sprague* 
 exerted himself with great spirit to prepare the 
 quota required of that state ; and though not the 
 earliest in the field, none of the three months’ 
 troops were better equipped, or made a finer 
 appearance. In New York the first troops to 
 march were the seventh regiment of New York 
 city, celebrated throughout the country as the 
 best disciplined and most efficient body of citi- 
 zen soldiery in the United States. Other regi- 
 ments soon followed, and the Empire State 
 evinced a promptness and patriotism in fur- 
 nishing its large quota worthy of its influential 
 position in the Union. Nor was Pennsylvania 
 any less active and efficient. A portion of the 
 troops from that state were among the first to 
 march for Washington, though not supplied with 
 
 * When Governor Sprague was elected, some of the secession- 
 ists at the south imagined that, because he was chosen over a 
 Republican opponent, he was in sympathy with them and their 
 treason ; and they boasted, perhaps half in jest and half in earnest, 
 of making Newport not only the summer resort of southern fash- 
 ion, but the great commercial emporium of the Confederacy. 
 
176 
 
 arms and equipments. The other free states, 
 with fewer facilities for organizing military 
 forces, were none the less patriotic and earnest in 
 defending the Union; and troops were raised in 
 a remarkably short time, and ready for service. 
 
 The people of the free states manifested their 
 patriotism and loyalty not only by responding 
 to the military call, but by an earnest approval 
 and support of the action of the administration, 
 and by liberal offers of the “sinews of war” to 
 the state and national governments. Meetings 
 were held in large cities and small towns, at- 
 tended by men of all ages, parties, creeds, and 
 professions, at which the patriotism of all was 
 stirred by the most glowing eloquence, and 
 strengthened by the earnest words of wisdom ; 
 measures were taken to sustain the government 
 in all its efforts to put down the rebellion; 
 funds were contributed for the supply of cloth- 
 ing to the soldiers, and support for their families 
 during their absence, and for their more liberal 
 reward than the small wages paid by govern- 
 ment. Banks tendered liberal loans to the 
 national and state governments, and gave assur- 
 ance of continued aid for the suppression of 
 the rebellion. Boards of trade adopted reso- 
 lutions approving the vigorous action of the 
 administration, and pledging support to all meas- 
 ures which indicated a determination to vindi- 
 cate the authority of the government. A new 
 regard for the national flag was awakened by 
 the insults and dishonor with which the enemies 
 of the Union had treated it. The flag was 
 every where displayed, on public buildings and 
 private dwellings, and the “ Star-Spangled Ban- 
 ner” became more than ever before the nation- 
 al hymn and melody. 
 
 Of the feelings thus manifested by the peo- 
 ple of the free states, a journal of that time 
 remarked truly, as follows :— 
 
 “We do not call that a war fever which now 
 burns in the hearts of all the people of these 
 northern states. It is no vindictive spirit to- 
 wards any section, no desire for vengeance, no 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 outbreak of long-standing hate. It is simply 
 the blazing out of the suppressed flame of loy- 
 alty, which shallow observers have denied to 
 have any existence in our people. It is the 
 spontaneous, unchecked demonstration of the 
 love for a common country, which the shackles 
 of partisan organizations have long hampered 
 and repressed, but never destroyed. We rejoice. 
 that in our day it has come to pass that party 
 differences have for once been laid aside in the 
 presence of a general and sacred duty; that all 
 parties have had occasion to comprehend that 
 there is one higher appeal to be made to the 
 patriot, before which all ties or jealousies of 
 party are alike forgotten. 
 
 “The loyal states to-day have all the advan- 
 tage of being a united people. The Confederate 
 states have claimed this advantage for them- 
 selves, and have steadily held to the belief that 
 to the end of the struggle our counsels would 
 be divided, They can see to-day what it is to 
 have provoked a nation to the defence of its 
 government. They can see what it is for a 
 people to unite, for defence as well as for attack. 
 Three days have brought about such a revolu- 
 tion in the attitude of these states as has not 
 been seen since this day 1775.* With all our 
 sanguine belief that the people would stand by 
 their government to the last, we confess that 
 we never conceived of the enthusiasm and una- 
 nimity which are now seen. A great people 
 have risen as one man; the press, with scarcely 
 an important exception, has declared for the 
 hearty support of authority, while the list of 
 exceptions is daily lessened by the pressure of 
 an irresistible public sentiment. Blood and 
 treasure are ready to be poured out like water 
 in defence of the Union. The ancient spirit 
 which once achieved our liberties rises to pro- 
 tect them, unharmed by the dangerous influ- 
 ences of generations of prosperity, peace, and 
 increasing wealth.” 
 
 * April 19. 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 Urgent Necessity of Troops at Washington.— Movement of 
 Massachusetts Regiments. — The Sixth Regiment departs for 
 Washington. — Demonstrations of the People on the Route. — 
 Danger apprehended at Baltimore. — Arrival at Baltimore. — 
 Passage through the City. — Separation of the Companies. — 
 Safe Transit of a Part in Cars. — Obstructions by the Mob. — 
 The March of Four Companies. — Attack by the Mob. — Sol- 
 diers killed and wounded. —Fire returned by the Soldiers. 
 — Mayor of Baltimore. — Arrival at the Washington Station. 
 — Continued Riot. — Departure for Washington. — Mob Rule 
 in Baltimore. — Action of Governor and Mayor. — Excitement 
 in Massachusetts. —The Associations of the 19th of April. — 
 The People aroused. — Despatch of Governor Andrew. 
 
 Uron the commencement of hostilities at 
 Charleston, the movements and temper of the 
 secessionists in Maryland and Virginia, and the 
 treacherous attitude which the latter state had 
 already assumed, gave reason for the govern- 
 ment to suspect that an attack might be made 
 upon Washington, as well as other important 
 places belonging to the United States, within 
 the limits of the states named. There was 
 urgent need, therefore, for the immediate pres- 
 ence of more troops at these points, and es- 
 pecially in Washington. A portion of the small 
 force of regular troops which had been concen- 
 trated there had been sent away to reénforce 
 the more distant forts exposed to attack; and 
 the troops remaining there, with the District 
 military, which was not altogether to be de- 
 pended upon, were inadequate to a defence of 
 the capital should an attack be made by such 
 a force as the secessionists, especially with the 
 codperation of the Virginia authorities, could 
 certainly bring against it. The governors of 
 those states which could respond immediately 
 to the requisition for troops were requested to 
 forward their forces as soon as practicable. 
 
 Massachusetts, as before stated, from the or- 
 ganization of her volunteer militia, was enabled 
 to make the first response to the call. On the 
 17th of April three regiments, well armed and 
 equipped, left the state in answer to the sum- 
 
 mons for the defence of the government; two'! 
 
 23 
 
 177 
 
 of them being transported by water to Fortress 
 Monroe, and the other, the sixth, proceeding by 
 land to Washington. Previous to their depart- 
 ure they were addressed in eloquent and feel- 
 ing words by the governor, who presented to 
 them the colors of the state; and they received 
 the heartiest cheers and blessings of the people, 
 who were alike grateful and proud that Massa- 
 chusetts should so promptly and efficiently rally 
 to the support of the Union and the govern- 
 ment. The sixth regiment met with similar 
 demonstrations all along the route to New York, 
 and in that city they were hailed with great en- 
 thusiasm, and abundant hospitalities and kind- 
 ness were extended to them, the patriotism of the 
 “Old Bay State” receiving the commendation 
 and the gratitude of the loyal people of the 
 metropolis. In New Jersey and at Philadelphia 
 the regiment was also handsomely greeted, so 
 that, thus far at least, their journey towards 
 Washington was a pleasant excursion, at times 
 almost a triumphant ovation, rather than a 
 march to active service and war against rebels 
 who were conspiring to overthrow the gov- 
 ernment. : 
 
 At Philadelphia, however, intimations were 
 received that the passage of the regiment 
 through Baltimore would be disputed ; and the 
 urgent necessity of being in Washington, if uel 
 was the feeling at Baltimore, led Colonel Jones 
 to hurry on. The regiment left Philadelphia 
 at one o’clock in the morning of the 19th of 
 April, and in view of the threatened resistance, 
 ammunition was distributed, and the arms were 
 loaded as they proceeded in the cars, and orders 
 were issued to prevent any collision with the 
 mob by the hasty action of the soldiers. On 
 the journey, at Susquehanna, a number of 
 ears, containing a Pennsylvania regiment, un- 
 armed, also destined for Washington, was added 
 to the train. In rearranging the train upon this 
 addition, without the knowledge of Colonel 
 Jones, the cars containing the band and three 
 or four companies which should have been in 
 
178 
 
 the advance, were separated from the remainder 
 of the regiment, and were some distance in the 
 rear. The great length of the train retarded 
 its speed, and it did not arrive at Baltimore 
 until noon, the mob thus having a better oppor- 
 tunity to collect and the excitement to increase. 
 The cars are drawn by horses through the city 
 of Baltimore from the Philadelphia road to the 
 Washington road ; and upon the arrival of the 
 train and the detachment of the locomotive, 
 horses were immediately attached to the for- 
 ward cars, and, with one exception, they were 
 drawn safely through the city, the soldiers be- 
 ing assailed only with insults by the mob. The 
 last car containing this part of the regiment 
 was thrown from the track by some obstruc- 
 tion, and thus became separated from those 
 preceding it. The major of the regiment had 
 received orders to accompany the last or left 
 flank company through the city, and not being 
 aware that any part of the regiment had become 
 separated and was still farther in the rear, he was 
 with the company in this car, which should have 
 formed the rear. The mob grew more noisy and 
 demonstrative when the car ran from the track, 
 but through the determined efforts of Major 
 Watson it was replaced, and continued as far 
 as Pratt Street, where the mob surrounded the 
 car and detached the horses, and at the same 
 time a volley of stones was thrown. Major 
 Watson ordered the soldiers to remain in the 
 car, and by means of threats and a resolute 
 manner compelled the driver to reattach the 
 horses, when, with slight obstructions, but fol- 
 lowed by imprecations and missiles, the com- 
 pany reached the Washington station in safety. 
 
 In the mean time the companies which had 
 become separated, and were in the rear, met 
 with rougher usage. The mob became more 
 violent with each delay, and upon the passage 
 of the car just mentioned, they seemed deter- 
 mined to prevent the transit of any more sol- 
 diers. The track was torn up and the street 
 barricaded, so that it was impossible for the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 cars to proceed. The troops, consisting of three 
 companies and part of a fourth, under the com- 
 mand of Captains Follansbee, Hart, Pickering, 
 and Dike, with the band, then left the cars, and 
 under the command of Captain Follansbee, the 
 senior officer, formed in order and began their 
 march through the city. Perceiving the small 
 number of troops, which did not exceed two 
 hundred, the mob soon became emboldened, 
 and crowded about the soldiers to obstruct their 
 march, occasionally throwing at them paving 
 stones, bricks, and whatever else they could 
 seize upon. The troops moved at a quickstep 
 at first, but this was soon changed to “double 
 quick;” and the mob, believing this to be evi- 
 dence of fear, or that the arms were not loaded, 
 
 assailed them the. more fiercely. A shower of 
 
 missiles was thrown, and numerous shots from 
 guns and pistols were fired at them. Several 
 of the soldiers were wounded, one of them 
 mortally, and two were killed. Until thus fu- 
 riously assailed the soldiers had kept along 
 steadily and without any attempt to retaliate ; 
 hut at this stage of the attack neither officers 
 nor men could endure it longer, and the word 
 was given to fire upon the assailants. This was 
 not, however, done in a volley, but scattering 
 shots were fired at those who were most violent 
 among the rioters, as much care as possible 
 being taken not to imjure innocent persons. 
 A number of the mob were thus killed and 
 wounded, and the others for a time fell back so 
 as to permit the easier passage of the troops; 
 but they soon renewed the attack with stones 
 and firearms, and many shots were fired from 
 the windows of houses. In the midst of the 
 attack, the mayor of Baltimore, with some of the 
 police, jomed the troops. He marched at»the 
 head of the column with Captain Follansbee, 
 promising to protect the troops, and begging 
 the officers not to permit their men to fire. But 
 when the*assault increased in violence, and a 
 soldier was struck down by his side, the mayor 
 seized a gun and shot one of the rioters. The 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 police also used their revolvers, but the assist- 
 ance rendered by some of the police was rather 
 questionable. Thus contending with some 
 thousands of desperate rioters, the small force 
 passed through the city. Many of them were 
 wounded, and had been taken into the houses 
 or stores on the street; some were separated 
 from their comrades, and were not able to get 
 through; two were killed, and one was mortally 
 wounded. Upon the arrival of the companies 
 at tlre station of the Washington Railroad, where 
 the other part of the regiment was awaiting 
 them, it was found that, including the musicians, 
 upwards of a hundred of the command were 
 missing. 
 
 Of the passage of this small force through 
 the city against the opposition of the mob, an 
 eye witness wrote as follows : — 
 
 “The Massachusetts men formed in line, and 
 wheeled into open column of sections, and 
 
 marched some distance at quick time, and then 
 at double quick, all the while surrounded by 
 the mob — now swelled to the number of at 
 least ten thousand — yelling and hooting. The 
 military behaved admirably, and still abstained 
 from firing upon their assailants. The mob now 
 began throwing a perfect shower of missiles, 
 
 occasionally varied by random shots from re-| 
 
 volvers or muskets. The soldiers suffered se- 
 verely from the immense quantity of stones, 
 oysters, brickbats, paving stones, &c. The shots 
 fired also wounded several. When two of the 
 soldiers had been killed, and the wounded had 
 been conveyed to places of safety, the troops 
 at last, exasperated and maddened by the treat- 
 ment they had received, commenced returning 
 the fire singly, killing several, and wounding a 
 large number of the rioters; but at no one 
 time did a single platoon fire in a volley. The 
 volunteers, after a protracted and severe strug- 
 gle, at last succeeded in reaching the station, 
 bearing with them in triumph many of the 
 wounded. The calm courage and heroic bear- 
 ing of the troops spoke volumes for the sons 
 
 179 
 
 of Massachusetts, who, though marching under 
 a fire of the most embarrassing description, and 
 opposed to overwhelming odds, nevertheless 
 succeeded in accomplishing their purpose, and 
 effected a passage through crowded streets a 
 distance of over a mile and a half—a feat not 
 easily accomplished by so small a body of men 
 when opposed to such terrific odds.” * 
 
 At the station the mob continued to press 
 about the cars and to attack with stones, and, 
 occasionally, with firearms; but the soldiers 
 were kept within the cars, with the blinds closed, 
 so that retaliation might not lead to greater 
 bloodshed. One citizen, however, was shot here, 
 but not till he was himself seen to throw a 
 missile into one of the cars. An attempt was 
 made to obstruct the track, remove the rails, 
 and otherwise hinder the passage of the train ; 
 but the police prevented the accomplishment 
 
 * Another person, who was in Baltimore at the time, spoke in 
 the strongest terms of the “inhumanity of the mob and the peo- 
 ple of Baltimore. During the fight a soldier was knocked down 
 by a stone. He fell upon his face in the middle of the street, and 
 endeavored to crawl towards the sidewalk. The mob made a rush 
 towards him. One ruffian came with an axe-helve raised, shout- 
 ing, ‘Let me kill him.’ A Boston man in the city rushed in, 
 pushed the fellow back, and stood over him, saying, ‘ No, you 
 shan’t; he is a wounded man; let him alone.’ 
 
 “ By his efforts the soldier was protected, the crowd rushing on 
 after the soldiers. The man then tried to get some one to open 
 their house and take in the soldier. He called at nine doors be- 
 fore he could find a person with humanity enough to help the 
 wounded man. The purport of their answers was, ‘Let the 
 Yankee die!’ 
 
 ‘“‘ At ten o’clock at night, a Boston lady, but who for many years 
 has resided in Baltimore, went to the police station to offer her 
 services in aid of the wounded. She was told that they had been 
 taken care of. She begged then, as a privilege, to be admitted to 
 see them. It was twelve hours after the fight ; yet she found them 
 in the station house, with only such comforts as could be found at 
 a police station. 
 
 “She succeeded in obtaining two of them, Sergeant J. E. 
 Ames, of Lowell, and private Coburn, of Dracut. She had them 
 quietly removed to her house, sent for a surgeon, and had their 
 wounds dressed. She requested the surgeon not to mention the 
 circumstance ; but he violated the confidence reposed in him, men- 
 tioned it to secessionists, and for a time she had apprehension 
 that she might be subjected to much inconvenience in consequence. 
 The surgeon had not visited his patients for thirty hours, when 
 the writer left the city, and the good lady, whose name will be 
 forever held in remembrance, was obliged not only to nurse them, 
 but to dress their wounds.” 
 
180 
 
 of these purposes, and the train at last moved 
 away beyond the limits of the city and the 
 assaults of the mob, and in due time arrived in 
 Washington, much to the relief of the govern- 
 ment and citizens, who heartily welcomed this 
 first arrival of troops in answer to the call of 
 the President. In the mean time, the unarmed 
 Pennsylvania troops, finding that it would be 
 almost impossible for them to pass through 
 Baltimore without arms, returned over the rail- 
 road to Pennsylvania. 
 
 The mob was composed of the “roughs” of 
 the city of Baltimore, which has had an un- 
 enviable notoriety for the number and lawless 
 character of this class of society. But it was 
 instigated by parties who claimed a higher po- 
 sition. On the day previous, a large secession 
 meeting had been held, at which the most vio- 
 lent expressions against the national adminis- 
 tration were used, and the question was put by 
 one of the speakers, if “the seventy-five thou- 
 sand minions of Lincoln should pass over the 
 soil of Maryland to subjugate our sisters of the 
 south.” To this question there was a fierce 
 answer in the negative, and the first fruits of 
 this meeting was the mob of the 19th of April. 
 For several days the mob ruled the city. Gun- 
 shops were broken into and the arms seized, 
 and so great was the excitement that other 
 shops were closed, and business was suspended. 
 Those known to entertain Union sentiments 
 were subject to insult and violence, and a reign 
 of terror seemed to be inaugurated. Under the 
 lead of prominent secessionists, the mob de- 
 stroyed several bridges on the railroad leading 
 to Philadelphia, and committed other violent 
 and riotous acts, for the purpose of preventing 
 the transportation of troops. 
 
 Governor Hicks, though true to the Union, 
 joined with the mayor of Baltimore in request- 
 ing the President not to have any more troops 
 pass through the city; asserting that if they 
 did so, they would be obliged to fight their way 
 through. They also adopted a measure of more 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 questionable loyalty, by requesting the officers 
 of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad not to 
 transport any more troops. At this time it ap- 
 peared that the Union men of Baltimore were 
 not entirely faithful to their professions, or were 
 in a hopeless minority. But many of them 
 were timid, and disposed to yield to the rule 
 of the mob, who were led by the enemies of the 
 government, although the very existence of 
 the government might depend upon the prompt 
 support which it should receive from the loyal 
 soldiers of the north. But after the excitement 
 had subsided, a better and more loyal feeling 
 began to assert itself, though not successfully 
 till the military power of the Union was brought 
 there to sustain it, and to overawe the dis- 
 unionists. 
 
 Almost as great an excitement, though of a 
 different character, was aroused in Massachu- 
 setts, upon the receipt of intelligence of the 
 riotous attack on the sixth regiment, and the 
 death of three and the wounding of many others 
 of the citizen soldiers of that state, while march- 
 ing to defend the capital of the Union. The 
 19th of April was a memorable day in the his- 
 tory of the old commonwealth, as the inaugu- 
 ration of the revolutionary struggle. Upon 
 that day, in 1775, the patriots of Middlesex 
 county had hastily armed to resist British 
 tyranny, and had shed the first blood of the 
 revolution in defence of the liberties of their 
 country. Upon the anniversary of that day, 
 1861, the descendants and successors of those 
 patriots, the men of Middlesex, while marching 
 to defend the government and institutions se- 
 cured by the struggle that day commenced, had 
 shed the first blood in resisting the tyranny 
 that would overthrow the blessings transmitted 
 to them. The spirit of the people was aroused 
 in some degree as it had been by the fall of 
 the heroes at Lexington and Concord. There 
 was a determination, rendered more firm and 
 sacred by the associations of the day, to defend 
 the institutions established by their fathers, and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to crush out the unholy rebellion that would 
 overthrow and destroy them. Nor was this ex- 
 citement confined to Massachusetts; it was felt 
 throughout the free states, and the blood shed 
 at Baltimore so quickly after the attack on Fort 
 Sumter awakened a spirit among the loyal 
 people which showed that patriotism was not 
 extinct, and that they were ready to rally 
 around the government for the suppression of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 Immediately upon the receipt of the intelli- 
 gence of the bloody affair at Baltimore, Gov- 
 ernor Andrew, of Massachusetts, mindful of the 
 families of the victims, as he had been efficient 
 and patriotic in forwarding troops to sustain the 
 government, telegraphed to the mayor of Balti- 
 more as follows :— 
 
 «To His Honor tHe Mayor. 
 
 “JT pray you to cause the bodies of our 
 ‘Massachusetts soldiers dead in Baltimore to be 
 immediately laid out, preserved with ice, and 
 tenderly sent forward by express to me. All 
 expenses will be paid by this commonwealth. 
 
 “Joun A. ANDREW, 
 “Governor of Massachusetts.” 
 
 ‘This request could not be fully complied 
 with at once, owing to the cutting off of com- 
 munication between Baltimore and the north; 
 but the bodies were taken in charge by the 
 eity authorities, and properly prepared for in- 
 terment, and they were subsequently sent home 
 at the expense of the city of Baltimore. 
 
 It may be proper here to anticipate the reg- 
 ular course of our narrative somewhat, in order 
 to do justice to the loyal people of Baltimore 
 and of Maryland. On the following 4th of 
 July a splendid banner was presented to the 
 sixth regiment of Massachusetts, suitably in- 
 scribed, and bearing on its folds the words 
 “Pratt Street, April 19, 1861.” 
 
 Subsequently, when the state of Maryland, 
 after much apparent hesitation on the part of 
 
 181 
 
 its people, and many misgivings among the 
 people of the north, assumed a position of un- 
 doubted loyalty, the legislature elected by the 
 Union majority passed the following act, which, 
 as far as possible, wipes away the stain that 
 rested upon the honor and loyalty of the 
 state :— 
 
 “An Act for the rehef of the families of those of the 
 Massachusetts sixth regiment of volunteers, who 
 were killed or wounded in the riot of the nineteenth 
 of April, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, at Bal- 
 tunore. 
 
 “Whereas the sixth regiment of Massachu- 
 setts volunteers, on their way to defend the 
 national capital, were brutally attacked by a 
 mob in the streets of Baltimore, on the nine- 
 teenth day of April, eighteen hundred and 
 sixty-one, and three were killed and eight 
 wounded ; and 
 
 “Whereas the state of Maryland is anxious 
 to do something to efface that stain from her 
 hitherto untarnished honor; therefore, — 
 
 “Section 1. Be it enacted by the General 
 Assembly of Maryland, that the sum of seven 
 thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby, 
 appropriated, and placed at the disposal of His 
 Excellency John A. Andrew, or any one acting 
 as governor of the commonwealth of Massa- 
 chusetts, who shall disburse the same in the 
 manner and proportion he thinks best for the 
 relief of the families of those belonging to the 
 sixth regiment of Massachusetts volunteers 
 who were killed or disabled by wounds re- 
 ceived in the riot of the nineteenth of April, 
 in Baltimore. 
 
 “Section 2. And be it enacted, that this act 
 shall take effect from the date of its passage.” 
 
 This act was passed March 10, 1862, and was 
 transmitted to the Governor of Massachusetts 
 April 19, the anniversary of the sad events 
 for which it was intended to atone. 
 
182 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 Danger threatening the Government. — Efforts to forward 
 Troops from Loyal States. — General Butler and the Massa- 
 chusetts Eighth Regiment. — New York Seventh. — Choice of 
 a Route to Washington. — Departure of General Butler and 
 Massachusetts Troops from Philadelphia. — From Perryville to 
 Annapolis. — Naval Academy and Frigate Constitution. — 
 Danger of Seizure. — The Constitution towed from her Sta- 
 tion. — Difficulties encountered. — Arrival of New York Sev- 
 enth. — Troops landed. — Fort McHenry reénforced. — United 
 States Steamer Alleghany. — The Elkridge Railroad.— Repair 
 of Locomotive. — Tracks relaid. — March to Annapolis Junc- 
 tion. + Fatigue and Hunger. — Arrival of more Troops. — 
 Transportation to Washington.— Opposition of People of 
 Maryland to the Passage of Troops. — Protest by Governor 
 Hicks. — General Butler’s Reply. —Reply of Mr. Seward to 
 Suggestions of Governor Hicks. 
 
 Tue reality of the dangers threatening the 
 government could no longer be doubted, when 
 _on the one side armed forces were threatening 
 it, and on the other a mob in the interest of 
 rebellion had cut off communication with its 
 loyal supporters. The people of the north 
 were, with reason, alarmed at this state of 
 affairs, and it seemed for a short time that the 
 rebels would accomplish a revolution, and seize 
 upon the government before its defenders could 
 strike an effective blow for its safety. One 
 northern regiment had reached the capital, and, 
 with the small regular force and the district 
 militia, might afford some protection; but the 
 position of affairs in Maryland, the interruption 
 of railway and telegraphic communication, and 
 the treachery of Virginia, which was just being 
 revealed, rendered the prospect gloomy enough 
 for a few days. But the loyal people were not 
 dismayed, and they felt assured that, though 
 rebels and traitors by secret and sudden attack 
 might gain some temporary advantage, when 
 the power of the loyal people was fully put 
 forth, rebellion must be overcome. Some prompt 
 action, however, was necessary, lest any delay 
 or apparent supineness should increase the 
 danger. The people of the north and the state 
 authorities were fully alive to this necessity, and 
 great efforts were made to hasten the equip- 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ment and transportation of troops. Numbers 
 were already on the way, the vanguard of a 
 large army of citizen soldiers. But the first 
 thing required was to open communication with 
 the national capital; and this was soon accom- 
 plished by the energy of a Massachusetts officer 
 and troops, ably seconded by the seventh regi- 
 ment of New York. 
 
 Brigadier-General Butler, who had been as- 
 signed to the command of the several regiments 
 from Massachusetts, arrived at Philadelphia, with 
 the eighth regiment of that state, on the evening 
 after the attack upon the sixth regiment in 
 Baltimore. Shortly afterwards the New York 
 seventh regiment arrived. There the intelli- 
 gence of the events in Baltimore, and the inter- 
 ruption of the travel through that city by a 
 lawless and armed mob, created intense feeling 
 among the people, and a determination on the 
 part of the loyal soldiers to fight their way 
 through the mob-ruled city, if necessary, in order 
 to answer the call of the government. It soon 
 appeared that the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad 
 Company refused to transport troops, and that 
 it was not only not expedient, but impracticable, 
 unless with a great loss of life, to pass that 
 way to Washington, and it became necessary to 
 choose some other route. General Butler, ac- 
 cordingly, after examination of the means of 
 reaching Washington which were at his com- 
 mand, decided to proceed to Annapolis, and 
 thence, if there were no facilities for transpor- 
 tation, to march to the capital. In this move- 
 ment he desired the codperation of the New 
 York seventh regiment; but Colonel Lefferts, 
 the commander of that regiment, did not at 
 first accede to the proposition. General Butler, 
 therefore, decided to proceed with the Massa- 
 chusetts regiment; and he left Philadelphia on 
 the 20th of April, going by railroad to Perry- 
 ville, at the head of Chesapeake Bay, opposite 
 Havre de Grace, between which places the rail- 
 road passengers were transported by a ferry 
 boat. Before arriving at Perryville it was ru- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 mored that a large armed force was at that 
 place to prevent the passage of troops. It was 
 found, however, that there was only a collection 
 of men who might have resisted the passage of 
 unarmed soldiers, but were not prepared to 
 oppose an armed force, and rapidly dispersed 
 upon the approach of the troops after leaving 
 the cars. 
 
 On arriving at Perryville, the large ferry 
 boat, which was fortunately on that side of the 
 bay, was immediately taken possession of, and 
 the troops embarked. In this, with many dis- 
 comforts, they proceeded down the bay to An- 
 napolis, arriving in the harbor of that city on 
 Sunday morning, April 21. Here General But- 
 ler found the frigate Constitution, familiarly 
 known and prized by the people as “ Old Iron- 
 sides,” which was stationed off the United States 
 Naval Academy, in imminent danger of being 
 seized by the secessionists. The officer in com- 
 mand was expecting such an. attempt, and, not 
 having crew enough to man the vessel or to 
 make any effectual defence in case of attack, 
 had made preparations to blow her up if neces- 
 sary, to prevent her falling into the hands of 
 the enemy. ‘The arrival of the Massachusetts 
 regiment at this juncture obviated the necessity 
 of destroying the frigate, and prevented the 
 seizure of the buildings and other property 
 belonging to the school. General Butler put 
 two companies of the troops and a corps organ- 
 ized as sappers and miners on board the Con- 
 stitution. Many of these soldiers were hardy 
 fishermen from Cape Ann, and were quite fa- 
 miliar with the duties of a sailor. They bent 
 the sails and performed other labors of seamen 
 on board the ship to prepare her for sailing. 
 Meanwhile the ferry boat was used to tow the 
 ship from her station to the mouth of the har- 
 bor; but in doing this both vessels got aground, 
 and notwithstanding great efforts were made 
 to float them, they remained aground till the 
 next day; preparations being made in the mean 
 
 183 
 
 time to defend them against any attack that 
 might be made. 
 
 The next morning a steamer arrived from 
 Philadelphia, bringing the New York seventh 
 regiment. This timely arrival was a relief to 
 General Butler and his troops, confined as they 
 were on board the boat with scarcely any food, 
 except what was supplied from some of the 
 old ship stores found on board the Constitution. 
 An unsuccessful attempt was made at once to 
 tow the ferry boat into deep water ; but, finding 
 it impossible to do so, Colonel Lefferts pro- 
 ceeded to the wharf with his steamer, and de- 
 barked his troops, and the steamer then took 
 the Massachusetts troops from the ferry boat to 
 the wharf, and subsequently towed the Con- 
 stitution into deep water. 
 
 Thus the northern troops entered upon the 
 soil of Maryland with a determination to reach 
 the national capital in spite of the opposition 
 of the mob of Baltimore and the secessionists 
 of Annapolis, an armed body of whom appeared 
 in the neighborhood. But the passage from this 
 point to Washington was not to be accomplished 
 without much difficulty and some suffering, on 
 account of the want of food, by the Massachu- 
 setts troops. One of General Butler’s first steps, 
 however, after getting the ferry steamer afloat, 
 was to send one company to Fort McHenry, 
 near Baltimore, to reénforce the small garrison 
 stationed there. A few miles from that fort 
 was the United States steamer Alleghany, with- 
 out any sufficient crew to prevent capture, 
 and before proceeding to their destination the 
 company took possession of this steamer, and 
 anchored her under the guns of the fort; thus, 
 without doubt, saving the vessel from the hands 
 of the secessionists. The ferry boat was then 
 armed and despatched for supplies, and, with 
 other boats taken possession of by General 
 Butler at Perryville, continued to run between 
 that place and Annapolis, for the transportation 
 of stores and troops. 
 
184 
 
 The next object with the troops who had 
 thus been landed at Annapolis was to reach 
 Washington with the greatest despatch. The 
 
 Annapolis and Elkridge Railroad, leading from | 
 
 that city to the Washington Railroad, it was 
 found had been seized by the secessionists, the 
 depot yard and buildings securely closed, and 
 the locomotives rendered unfit for use. But 
 such difficulties as these were easily overcome 
 by such men as General Butler had under his 
 command, Having taken possession of the rail- 
 road depot, the general called for engineers and 
 machinists, and a number of skilful mechanics 
 at once responded from the ranks of the Mas- 
 sachusetts eighth. They were at once set at 
 work to examine the only locomotive remain- 
 ing at this station, and in a short time, not- 
 withstanding it was pretty thoroughly taken 
 to pieces, they repaired the engine so that it 
 could be used.* In the mean time a part of 
 the regiment was sent out on the railroad on a 
 scouting expedition, and found the rails torn up 
 and the track obstructed. But there were rail- 
 road builders as well as machinists in the ranks 
 of the Massachusetts regiment, who were abun- 
 dantly able to repair the road. 
 
 On the morning of the 24th of April prep- 
 arations were sufficiently advanced to push 
 forward the column of soldiers towards Washing- 
 ton. By this time several other transports had 
 arrived in the harbor of Annapolis with more 
 troops from New York, Massachusetts,and Rhode 
 Island, so that the “base of operations” could 
 be held against any force likely to be brought 
 against it. Accordingly the Massachusetts 
 eighth and New York seventh regiments com- 
 menced their march to the junction of the An- 
 napolis with the Washington Railroad. The 
 howitzers carried by the New York regiment 
 were placed upon a car for offensive or defen- 
 sive service if necessary, and pushed slowly 
 
 * One of the men employed on this work discovered in this 
 locomotive a piece of his own work, he having been employed in 
 the construction of it in his own county. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 along, a part of the Massachusetts men remoy- 
 ing obstructions and relaying the track as they 
 advanced, while the New York troops performed 
 guard and picket duty, and prevented any at- 
 tack of armed men or interruption from others. 
 The march was slow and the work laborious, 
 and the advanced party of Massachusetts troops 
 were for a long time without food; but their 
 comrades from New York generously shared 
 their own rations with them. By this and other 
 mutual acts of kindness on the march, the most 
 friendly feelings were established between these 
 two regiments, which, nobly responding to the 
 call of their country, were so very different in 
 the material of which they were composed ; the 
 one being chiefly made up of those engaged in 
 mercantile or professional pursuits in the city 
 of New York, many of them men of property, 
 while the other was composed of mechanics, 
 fishermen, and farmers, mostly from the small 
 towns of Essex county, in Massachusetts. 
 
 Along the route were seen many horsemen, 
 though never in any considerable numbers to- 
 gether, who watched the proceedings and prog- 
 ress of the troops, apparently with the purpose 
 of conveying intelligence to some more for- 
 midable party. The people met with appeared 
 to be secessionists, and to regard the troops as 
 invaders ; and there were many indications that 
 they were in hostile territory rather than in 
 one of the still loyal states of the Union. At 
 night it was feared that some considerable force 
 familiar with the country might make an at- 
 tack upon the column; but the march and the 
 labor was continued through the night by moon- 
 light, although numbers of the soldiers were so 
 weary and worn out with labor that they fell 
 asleep upon the march. But the next morning 
 Annapolis Junction was reached, and the troops 
 sunk to rest with scarcely a guard to prevent 
 a surprise. 
 
 In the course of the day the repaired loco- 
 motive and a train of cars arrived from Annapo- 
 lis with the remainder of the regiments. ‘The 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 secessionists had again torn up the rails and 
 obstructed the track after the repairs had been 
 made, so that the train moved slowly, and was 
 frequently detained by the necessity of new re- 
 pairs. But the road was at last opened, and the 
 forces which had now arrived at Annapolis could 
 easily protect it from further serious injury. 
 Trainscame up from Washington to the Junction, 
 and the troops were carried forward as rapidly 
 as new regiments arrived to guard the route. 
 Communication between the capital and the 
 loyal north, upon which it depended for safety, 
 _ was again established by the energy of General 
 Butler and the mechanical skill which was ex- 
 hibited in such a remarkable manner by the 
 Massachusetts soldiers ; and as the troops from 
 the loyal states hurried forward with a common 
 patriotism to support the government of the 
 Union, the people felt a great relief that the 
 capital was safe, and could not again be placed 
 in such peril. 
 
 This route for the transportation of troops to 
 the national capital was not opened without the 
 opposition of the people of Annapolis and of 
 Maryland, and the. protest of the governor of 
 the state. The idea of the neutrality of the 
 state in the impending contest was cherished 
 by many men, who, though disposed to be loyal, | 
 were alarmed at the prospect of further riot and 
 bloodshed, and it was encouraged by the se- 
 cessionists as a long step towards joining the 
 rebellion, which it certainly was. 
 
 only sent a protest to General Butler against, 
 landing troops at Annapolis, but he advised the 
 President to order them elsewhere, and also” 
 
 Governor 
 Hicks was loyal; but he. yielded to the wishes 
 of the people who advocated neutrality, and not, 
 
 that no more be sent through Maryland. At 
 the same time, undoubtedly with an earnest 
 desire to adjust the differences which were in- 
 volving the country in civil war, he suggested | 
 that Lord Lyons be requested to act as a medi- 
 ator between the contending parties. 
 
 To the protest of Governor Hicks General. 
 24 
 
 185 
 
 Butler made a suitable reply, while he did not 
 release the military possession which he had 
 taken of the railroad, or abate his efforts to for- 
 ward troops. He also offered the services of 
 troops to suppress an insurrection of slaves, 
 which was alleged to be in contemplation. To 
 the suggestions made to the government Mr. 
 Seward replied as follows :— 
 
 ‘¢DEPARTMENT OF STATE, April 22, 1861. 
 
 ‘To Tuomas H. Hicks, Governor or Maryann. 
 
 “Sir: I have had the honor to receive your 
 communication of this morning, in which you 
 have informed me that you have felt it to be 
 your duty to advise the President of the United 
 States to order elsewhere the troops off An- 
 napolis, and also that no more be sent through 
 Maryland,and that you have further suggested 
 that Lord Lyons be requested to act as medi- 
 ator between the contending parties in our 
 country, to prevent the effusion of blood. 
 
 “The President directs me to acknowledge 
 the receipt of that communication, and to as- 
 sure you that he has weighed the counsels 
 which it contains with the respect which he 
 habitually cherishes for the chief magistrates 
 of the several states, and especially for yourself. 
 He regrets as deeply as any magistrate or citi- 
 
 ‘zen of the country can, that demonstrations 
 
 against the safety of the United States, with 
 very extensive preparations-for the effusion of 
 blood, have made it his duty to call out the 
 force to which you allude. The force now 
 sought to be sent through Maryland is intended 
 for nothing but the defence of this capital. 
 
 “The President has necessarily confided the 
 choice of the national highway which that force 
 shall take in coming to the city to Lieutenant- 
 General Scott, commanding the army of the 
 United States, who, like his only predecessor, 
 is not less distinguished for his humanity than 
 for his loyalty, patriotism, and distinguished 
 public service. 
 
 “The President instructs me to add that the 
 
186 
 
 national highway thus selected by the lieuten- 
 ant-eeneral has been chosen by him, upon con- 
 sultation with prominent magistrates and citi- 
 zens of Maryland, as the one which, while a 
 route is absolutely necessary, is farther re- 
 moved from the populous cities of the state, and 
 with the expectation that it would, therefore, 
 be the least objectionable one. 
 
 “The President cannot but remember. that 
 there has been a time in the history of the 
 American Union when forces designed for the 
 defence of its capital were not unwelcome any 
 where in the state of Maryland, and certainly 
 not at Annapolis —then, as now, the capital of 
 that patriotic state, and then, also, one of the 
 capitals of the Union. If eighty years could 
 have obliterated all other noble sentiments of 
 that age in Maryland, the President would be 
 hopeful, nevertheless, that there is one that 
 would forever remain there and every where. 
 That sentiment is, that no domestic contention 
 whatever that may arise among the parties of 
 this republic, ought, in any case, to be referred 
 to any foreign arbitrament, least of all to the 
 arbitrament of a European monarchy. 
 
 “T have the honor to be, 
 
 “With distinguished consideration, 
 “Your Excellency’s most obedient servant, 
 “Wiwam H. Sewarp.” 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 Spirit of the South. — Measures of the Confederate Government. 
 — Proclamation of Jefferson Davis for Issue of Letters of 
 Marque.— The Border Slave States. — Proceedings in Mary- 
 land. — Action of the Legislature. — Loyalty secured by Pres- 
 ence of Troops. — Call for Volunteers. — Virginia. — The 
 Convention and its Action. — Sympathy with the seceded 
 States. — Military Preparations. — Committee to wait on Pres- 
 ident Lincoln. — The President’s Reply. — Effect of the Bom- 
 bardment of Sumter, and the President’s Call for Troops. — 
 Union Men ovyerborne, and Secession secured.— Secret Ses- 
 sions. — Ordinance of Secession. — Governor Letcher’s Proc- 
 lamation. — Ordinance to be submitted to the People.— In- 
 
 fluences on the Vote. — Convention between Virginia and the 
 7 
 
 Confederate States. — Its Effect. — Kentucky. — Governor 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Magoffin. — Loyalty of some of the People. — Secession pre- 
 vented. — Missouri. — Governor Jackson. — State Convention. 
 — Failure of Secession. — The Legislature and its Measures. — 
 Action of Loyal Citizens. — North Carolina. — Governor Ellis. 
 — Secession. — Tennessee. — Governor Harris. — Secession 
 Sentiment of the People. — Secession, how effected. — Seces- 
 sion Ordinance, and League with the Confederate States. — 
 Arkansas. —— Governor Rector. — Secession. — Ten seceded 
 States. 
 
 Wuite the spirit of the loyal north was thus 
 aroused by the attack on Fort Sumter, and the 
 government was taking vigorous measures to 
 maintain the federal authority, the spirit of 
 rebellion seemed to receive a similar impetus 
 from the same events. It appeared as if the 
 secessionists had waited and longed for the 
 commencement of hostilities, and, indifferent 
 whether the first shot was fired on one side or 
 the other, were rejoiced to have the war begin. 
 They were encouraged in this desire for war by 
 the belief that there would be so great a defec- 
 tion at the north as to render the government 
 almost powerless, while with their martial spirit 
 and preparation they would be able to show a 
 power of resistance and of attack which would 
 soon secure terms from a weak government. 
 Besides this, they depended upon hostilities to 
 drive the border slave states at once into seces- 
 sion and rebellion. 
 
 The bombardment and surrender of Fort 
 Sumter produced the wildest excitement among 
 the people of the south, and the announcement 
 of the result was received with the greatest 
 satisfaction. Tht proclamation of President 
 Lincoln calling for troops, which followed im- 
 mediately after the fall of Sumter, aroused at 
 once ridicule and indignation. Great stress 
 was laid upon the alleged unconstitutionality 
 of the President’s call for troops; and it really 
 seemed that these people, who were grossly 
 violating the constitution and laboring to over: 
 throw and destroy it, had relied upon northern 
 loyalty to that instrument to aid them in carry- 
 ing out their wicked purposes. In their view 
 the constitution must be strictly and literally. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 observed by the government, while they ab- 
 solved themselves from all obligation to it, and 
 undertook to overthrow at once both constitu- 
 tion and government. It was also believed that 
 the troops could not be raised, and that while 
 the southern and border slave states would in- 
 dignantly refuse to furnish their quota, some 
 of the northern states would decline, or find it 
 impossible to respond to the requisition. At 
 the same time new impetus was given to the 
 martial spirit of the south, and increased efforts 
 were made to raise and equip troops; a more 
 bitter feeling against the government and peo- 
 ple of the north was encouraged by every sort 
 of misrepresentation and falsehood; and all 
 possible means were used to injure the north 
 through trade and commerce. 
 
 The Confederate government, in addition to 
 the army previously authorized and the militia 
 already called into service, issued a requisition 
 for thirty-two thousand volunteers, and most of 
 the states called out large numbers in addition 
 to these. And as a counter-proclamation to 
 that of President Lincoln, Mr. Davis, aiming at 
 what was considered the most vulnerable inter- 
 est of the north, and one which would soon 
 demand from the federal government a more 
 pacific policy, issued the followmg proclama- 
 tion : — 
 
 “Whereas Abraham Lincoln, President of 
 the United States, has announced his intention 
 of invading this Confederacy with an armed 
 force, for the purpose of capturing its fortresses 
 and thereby subverting its independence, and 
 subjecting its free people to the dominion of a 
 foreign power; and whereas it has thus become 
 the duty of this government to repel the threat- 
 ened invasion and defend the rights and liber- 
 ties of the people by all the means which the 
 laws of nations and the usages of civilized war- 
 fare place at its disposal ;— 
 
 “ Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President 
 of the Confederate States of America, do issue 
 this my proclamation, inviting all those who 
 
 187 
 
 may desire by service in private armed vessels 
 on the high seas to aid this government in re- 
 sisting so wanton and wicked an aggression, to 
 make application for commissions or letters of 
 marque and reprisal, to be used under the seal 
 of these Confederate States. * * # 
 
 “And I do further specially enjoin upon all 
 persons holding offices, civil and military, under 
 the authority of the Confederate States, that 
 they be vigilant and zealous in the discharge 
 of the duties incident thereto. 
 
 “And I do moreover solemnly exhort the 
 good people of the Confederate States, as they 
 love their country, as they prize the blessing 
 of free government, as they feel the wrongs of 
 the past and those now threatened in aggra- 
 vated form by those whose enmity is more im- 
 placable because unprovoked, that they exert 
 themselves in preserving order, in promoting 
 concord, in maintaining the authority and effi- 
 ciency of the laws, and in supporting and in- 
 vigorating all the measures which may be 
 adopted for the common defence, and by which, 
 under the blessing of divine Providence, we 
 may hope for a speedy, just, and honorable 
 peace. 
 
 “In testimony whereof I have set my hand 
 and seal this 17th day of April. 
 
 “By the President. 
 “Robert Toomss, Secrecary of State.” 
 
 It was believed, according to the southern 
 journals, that there would be many persons in 
 Europe, and even at the north, who would gladly 
 take out letters of marque for the purpose of 
 preying upon the commerce of the United 
 States. But the result showed that this reliance 
 was altogether unfounded, and the whole 
 scheme accomplished but little. 
 
 But the aspect of some of the border slave 
 states at this juncture was the most threaten- 
 ing to the safety of the government. The 
 temper of the people of Maryland has been in- 
 cidentally noticed in the preceding chapters. 
 
188 
 
 There was a strong secession element in that 
 state, and there were also numbers who were 
 nominally Union men, but were opposed to any 
 - decided and vigorous action on the part of the 
 government to maintain the Union or protect 
 itself But there was also a genuine Union 
 sentiment there which was destined in the end 
 to triumph. At this time the Union men were 
 overwhelmed by the more demonstrative action 
 of the secessionists, who, being more thoroughly 
 organized, and composed of the more active and 
 violent classes, would not tolerate any thing but 
 sympathy with the south. But, by degrees, as 
 the power of the federal government was sus- 
 tained by large armed forces posted in such 
 positions as to command Maryland, the Union 
 sentiment was more boldly asserted, and seces- 
 sion became more cautious. 
 
 Governor Hicks convened the legislature of 
 Maryland to take such action as the disturbed 
 condition of the state demanded, and, though a 
 Union man, recommended that Maryland should 
 take a neutral position between the north and 
 the south. The legislature met at Frederick, 
 Annapolis still being occupied by the federal 
 troops. There was some fear that secession 
 might succeed in the legislature; but better 
 counsels or prudence prevailed, and sundry 
 attempts to bring about secession, directly or 
 indirectly, were voted down. A committee of 
 the legislature visited the President, and de- 
 elared their opinion that no attempt at seces- 
 sion or resistance to the federal authority would 
 be made, and they therefore asked that the 
 state might be spared the evils of military oc- 
 cupation, or any revengeful chastisement for 
 former transgressions. The character of this 
 address to the President perhaps reveals the 
 reasons why secession had not been more suc- 
 cessful. The presence of loyal troops in the 
 state was not favorable to the success of trea- 
 son. The legislature was, indeed, by no means 
 loyal. They declared the war for the defence 
 of the government unconstitutional, recognized 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the southern Confederacy, and desired the gov- 
 ernment to accept its terms of peace, while 
 they also adopted such measures as would pre- 
 vent the organization of loyal troops in the 
 state to respond to the call of the President, 
 and thus practically put themselves in oppo- 
 sition to the government. In the mean time 
 the secessionists of the state were doing all in 
 their power to aid the rebellion, by furnishing 
 men and means, evidently hoping, too, that the 
 time would soon come when Maryland should 
 be forced out of the Union. The military power, 
 however, was a great restraint upon their op- 
 erations, and encouraged the timid still to have 
 confidence in the Union. The prevention of 
 hasty action served to develop and concen- 
 trate the Union sentiment, and thus, notwith- 
 standing the efforts of rebels in and out of the 
 state, preserved Maryland to the Union without 
 a sanguinary struggle. 
 
 On the 14th of May the loyalty of Maryland 
 was so far established that Governor Hicks 
 issued a proclamation calling for four regiments 
 of volunteers for three months, in response to 
 the requisition of the national government, to 
 serve “within the limits of Maryland, or for the 
 defence of the capital of the United States,” 
 these conditions having been agreed to by the 
 secretary of war. The regiments were duly 
 raised, and subsequent calls* for troops were 
 more promptly responded to. 
 
 The course pursued by Virginia was marked 
 alike by treason and duplicity. The Virginia 
 convention had assembled in February, and 
 efforts were then made to carry the state over 
 to the southern Confederacy, but without suc- 
 cess. The secessionists, however, among whom 
 were many of the most influential men of the 
 state, were untiring in their efforts to increase 
 the disunion sentiment, and to prepare the 
 public mind, as well as the members of the 
 convention, for secession upon the occurrence 
 of some event which might afford a pretext. 
 Under such counsels Virginia recognized the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Confederate States as an independent govern- 
 ment, and herself took the position of an in- 
 dependent sovereignty even before she seceded, 
 and declared that she would not suffer any fed- 
 eral troops to pass over her soil to “invade” the 
 south, and that any attempt at “coercion” in 
 the seceding states would be resisted by her. 
 In the mean time measures were taken to or- 
 ganize and increase a military force in the state. 
 Having thus practically joined the seceded 
 states while professing to remain in the Union, 
 it needed only something which might be called 
 “coercion” to afford the desired pretext for 
 openly joining the cotton states in the rebellion. 
 The reénforcement of Fort Sumter was suf- 
 ficiently “coercive” to answer the purposes of 
 the secessionists ; but the uncertainty and delay 
 of the action of the government in this matter 
 did not bring affairs to a crisis so soon as desired, 
 and for this reason, or in order to have an 
 appearance of deliberation, a committee of the 
 convention was sent to Washington to ascertain 
 what policy the government was about to pursue. 
 
 This committee had an interview with the 
 President on the 13th of April, the day on which 
 the attack on Fort Sumter was commenced. 
 The following reply of the President, embracing 
 the resolution under which the committee was 
 appointed, shows the object and character of 
 the mission : — i 
 
 «To Mussrs. Preston, Stuart, AND RANDOLPH. 
 
 “ GENTLEMEN: As a committee of the Virginia 
 
 convention, now in session, you present me a, 
 || voked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, 
 
 preamble and resolution as follows : — 
 
 ‘Whereas, in the opinion of this convention, the | 
 uncertainty which prevails in the public mind | 
 
 as to the policy which the Federal Executive, 
 intends to pursue towards the seceded states is. 
 extremely injurious to the industrial and com-. 
 mercial interests of the country, tends to keep up | 
 
 an excitement which is unfavorable to the adjust-. 
 
 ment of the pending difficulties, and threatens 
 a disturbance of the public peace, therefore, 
 
 189 
 
 ‘ Resolved, That a committee of three dele- 
 gates be appointed to wait on the President of 
 the United States, present to him this preamble, 
 and respectfully ask him to communicate to this 
 convention the policy which the Federal Ex- 
 ecutive intends to pursue in regard to the Con- 
 federate States, 
 
 “In answer, I have to say, that, having at the 
 beginning of my official term expressed my in- 
 tended policy as plainly as I was able, it is with 
 deep regret and mortification I now learn there 
 is great and injurious uncertainty in the public 
 mind as to what that policy is, and what course 
 I intend to pursue. 
 
 “Not having as yet occasion to change, it is 
 my purpose to pursue the course marked out in 
 the inaugural address. I commend a careful 
 consideration of the whole document, as the 
 best expression I can give to my purposes. As 
 I then and therein said, I now repeat: the power 
 confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and 
 possess property and places belonging to the 
 government, and to collect the duties and im- 
 posts; but beyond what is necessary for these 
 objects there will be no invasion, no using 
 of force against or among the people any 
 where. 
 
 “ By the words ‘property and places belong- 
 ing to the government, I chiefly allude to the 
 
 | military posts and property which were in pos- 
 
 session of the government when it came into 
 my hands. But if, as now appears to be true, 
 in pursuit of a purpose to drive the United 
 States authority from their places, an unpro- 
 
 I shall hold myself at liberty to repossess it, if 
 I can, like places which had been seized before 
 the government was devolved upon me, and in 
 any event I shall to the best of my ability 
 repel force by force. 
 
 “Tn case it proves true that Fort Sumter has 
 been assaulted as is reported, I shall perhaps 
 cause the United States mails to be withdrawn 
 from all the states which claim to have seceded, 
 
190 
 
 believing that actual war against the govern- 
 ment justifies and possibly demands it. 
 
 “TI scarcely need say that I consider the mil- 
 itary posts and property situated within the 
 states which claim to have seceded as yet be- 
 longing to the United States government, as 
 much as they did before the supposed secession. 
 Whatever else I may do for the purpose, I shall 
 not attempt to collect the duties and revenues 
 by any armed invasion of any part of the 
 country ; not meaning by this, however, that I 
 may not land a force deemed necessary to re- 
 lieve a fort upon the border of the country. 
 From the fact that I have quoted a part of the 
 inaugural address, it must not be inferred that 
 I repudiate any other part—the whole of which 
 I reaffirm, except so’ far as what I now say of 
 the mails may be regarded as a modification.” 
 
 The fall of Fort Sumter and the call for 
 troops by President Lincoln followed immedi- 
 ately the interview of this committee with the 
 President, and probably had more effect upon 
 the convention than the report of the com- 
 mittee. The proclamation of the President was 
 used to excite the people and the members of 
 the convention, and, viewed through the atmos- 
 phere that pervaded the Virginia capital, that 
 document assumed the appearance ofa threat, to 
 resist which all southern men were called upon. 
 The true friends of the Union were completely 
 overborne in the excitement, and it was inti- 
 mated that they were subjected to other pres- 
 sure besides the opinion of a large majority. 
 The convention held secret sessions, and thus 
 determined upon secession. While the ordi- 
 nance was yet before the convention, further 
 military preparations were made in secret ses- 
 sion, and probably measures were adopted for 
 sudden movements to take possession of the 
 United States property within the limits of 
 Virginia, if not for an attack upon Washington 
 itself. The ordinance of secession, which was 
 adopted on the 17th of April, but was not pub- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 lished for some days afterwards, was in the 
 
 | following form : — 
 
 ORDINANCE 
 
 “To repeal the ratification of the constitution of the 
 United States of America, by the state of Vir- 
 gma, and to resume all the rights and powers 
 granted under said constitution. 
 
 “The people of Virginia, in their ratification 
 of the constitution of the United States of 
 America adopted by them in convention, on the 
 twenty-fifth day of June, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
 eight, having declared that the powers granted 
 under the said constitution were derived from 
 the people of the United States, and might be 
 resumed whensoever the same should be. per- 
 verted to their injury and oppression, and the 
 federal government having perverted said 
 powers, not only to the injury of the people of 
 Virginia, but to the oppression of the southern 
 slaveholding states, — 
 
 “ Now, therefore, we, the people of Virginia, 
 do declare and ordain, that the ordinance 
 adopted by the people of this state in conven- 
 tion on the twenty-fifth day of June, in the year 
 of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
 eighty-eight, whereby the constjtution of the 
 United States of America was ratified, and all 
 acts of the General Assembly of this state, rati- 
 fying or adopting amendments to said constitu- 
 tion, are hereby repealed and abrogated ; that 
 the union between the state of Virginia and 
 the other states under the constitution afore- 
 said is hereby dissolved, and that the state of 
 Virginia is in the full possession and exercise 
 of all the rights of sovereignty which belong 
 and appertain to a free and independent state. 
 And they do further declare that said constitu- 
 tion of the United States of America is no longer 
 binding on any of the citizens of this state. 
 
 “This ordinance shall take effect and be an 
 act’ of this day, when ratified by a majority of 
 the votes of the people of this state, cast at a 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 poll to be taken thereon, on the fourth Thurs- 
 day in May next, in pursuance of a schedule 
 hereafter to be enacted. 
 
 “Done in convention in the city of Rich- 
 mond, on the seventeenth day of April, 
 in the year ofour Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-one, and in the eighty- 
 fifth year of the commonwealth of Virginia. 
 
 “ A true copy. Jno. L. Eusayg, 
 “ Secretary of Convention.” 
 
 On the same day that the ordinance was 
 adopted, Governor Letcher issued a proclama- 
 tion in reply to that of the President, in which 
 he recognized the independence of the Con- 
 federate States, argued that the President had 
 no right under the constitution of the United 
 States to call for an extraordinary force to 
 wage offensive war against a foreign power, 
 repeated the declaration that Virginia would 
 consider the exertion of such force against the 
 seceded states as a virtual declaration of war; 
 and, expressing the belief that “the influence 
 which operates to produce this proclamation 
 against the seceding states will be brought to 
 bear upon Virginia if she should exercise her 
 undoubted right to resume the powers granted 
 by her people, and that it is due to her honor 
 that an improper exercise of force against her 
 people should be repelled,” he ordered the mil- 
 itary of the state to hold themselves in readiness 
 for immediate orders, and to prepare for efficient 
 service. 
 
 At the same time he replied to the requisi- 
 tion from the secretary of war as follows: — 
 
 “Your object is to subjugate the southern 
 states, and a requisition made upon me for such 
 an object, in my judgment, is not within the 
 purview of the constitution or of the act of 
 1795, and will not be complied with. You have 
 chosen to inaugurate civil war, and having done 
 so we will meet it in a spirit as determined as 
 the administration has exhibited towards the 
 south.” 
 
 191 
 
 By a vote of the people at the time of the 
 election of the members of the convention, the 
 ordinance was required to be submitted to them 
 for ratification. ‘The more zealous secessionists 
 were greatly opposed to this course, consider- 
 ing it a great mistake that the will of the peo- 
 ple should be consulted in such a movement. 
 But the time fixed for the popular vote was at 
 a late day, considering the emergency, and the 
 soldiers, who were now every-where assembling, 
 were to have the privilege of voting in their 
 camps, and could easily be (as they in fact 
 were) so disposed as to influence, if not control, 
 the vote of the people, if there were any danger 
 of the ordinance being rejected. Besides this, 
 the state, at the time of the voting, was already 
 practically out of the Union, and codperating 
 with the southern Confederacy as fully as if it 
 were a member of it. Secession was a fore- 
 gone conclusion, with which the people had 
 really little to do. Mr. Mason, then recently a 
 senator in Congress, published a letter just be- 
 fore the election, in which he urged that by the 
 ordinance of secession and the convention with 
 the Confederate States the faith of Virginia was 
 pledged to the southern states, and her people 
 were absolved from all obligation to the United 
 States; and he declared, of those who were 
 opposed to secession, that “ honor and duty alike 
 require that they should not vote on the ques- 
 tion; if they retain such opinions they must 
 leave the state” Under such circumstances 
 and such instructions from the leaders of se- 
 cession, the ordinance was in form submitted 
 to the popular vote, and, according to the re- 
 turns, was duly ratified. The vote of Western 
 Virginia, however, was very strong against the 
 ordinance, and in some other portions of the 
 state there was a considerable, though unavail- 
 ing, opposition vote. 
 
 The leaders of secession and rebellion in 
 Virginia did not wait for the ratification of the 
 ordinance, which by its own terms was not to 
 take effect until ratified. They at once took 
 
192 
 
 measures to carry out their purpose. 
 25th of April, a full month before the ordinance 
 of secession was to be submitted to the popular 
 vote, the convention passed another ordinance 
 “for the adoption of the constitution of the 
 provisional government of the Confederate 
 States of America.” This ordinance adopted 
 and ratified the constitution of the Confederate 
 States at once and absolutely, subject, however, 
 to the proviso that it should be void if the 
 ordinance of secession should be rejected by 
 the people. At the same time the following 
 “convention” between the commonwealth of 
 Virginia and the Confederate States of America 
 was entered into: — 
 
 “The commonwealth of Virginia, looking to 
 a speedy union of said commonwealth and the 
 other slave states with the Confederate States 
 of America, according to the provisions of the 
 constitution for the provisional government of 
 said states, enters into the following temporary 
 convention and agreement with said states, for 
 the purpose of meeting pressing exigencies 
 affecting the common rights, interests, and 
 safety of said commonwealth and said Con- 
 federacy. 
 
 “1. Until the union of said commonwealth 
 with said Confederacy shall be perfected, and 
 said commonwealth shall become a member of 
 said Confederacy, according to the constitutions 
 of both powers, the whole military force and 
 military operations, offensive and defensive, of 
 said commonwealth, in the impending conflict 
 with the United States, shall be under the chief 
 control and direction of the President of said 
 Confederate States, upon the same principles, 
 basis, and footing as if said commonwealth were 
 now, and during the interval, a member of said 
 Confederacy. 
 
 “2. The commonwealth of Virginia will, 
 after the consummation of the union contem- 
 plated in this convention, and her adoption of 
 the constitution for a permanent government 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 _On the || of said Confederate States, and she shall become 
 a member of said Confederacy under said per- 
 
 manent constitution, if the same occur, turn 
 over to said Confederate States all the public 
 property, naval stores, and munitions of war, 
 &ec., she may then be in possession of acquired 
 from the United States, on the same terms and 
 in like manner as the other states of said Con- 
 federacy have done in like cases. 
 
 “3. Whatever expenditures of money, if 
 any, said commonwealth of Virginia shall make 
 before the union, under the provisional gov- 
 ernment as above contemplated, shall be con- 
 summated, shall be met and provided for by 
 said Confederate States. 
 
 “This convention entered into and agreed 
 to in the city of Richmond, Virginia, on the 
 twenty-fourth day of April, 1861, by Alexander 
 H. Stephens, the duly authorized commissioner 
 to act in the matter for the said Confederate 
 States, and John Tyler, William Ballard Pres- 
 ton, Samuel McD. Moore, James P. Holcombe, 
 James C. Bruce, and Lewis E. Harvie, parties 
 duly authorized to act in like manner for said 
 commonwealth of Virginia, — the whole subject 
 to the approval and ratification of the proper 
 authorities of both governments respectively. 
 
 “In testimony whereof the parties aforesaid 
 have hereto set their hands and seals the day 
 and year aforesaid, and at the place aforesaid, in 
 duplicate originals. 
 
 “ AuexanperR H. Srepuens, [Seal,] 
 “Comnussioner for Confederate States. 
 
 “ JoHn ‘T'yLER, [Seal, ] 
 “Wm. Batiarp Preston, [Seal,] 
 
 «8, McD. Moors, [Seal,] | nee 
 “James P. Hotcomsz,  [Seal,] |; Virani 
 “James C. Bruce, [Seal, ] i 
 “Lewis EH. Harviz, [Seal, | | 
 
 “Approved and ratified by the convention 
 of oF aL ee on the 25th of April, 1861. 
 
 “ JoHNn JANNEY, President. 
 “Jno. L. Eusank, Secretary.” 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Governor Letcher issued his proclamation 
 promulgating this ordinance and convention, 
 and from that time Virginia was considered by 
 its own people (except those of Western Vir- 
 ginia) and by the whole south as one of the 
 Confederate States. 
 
 Soon afterwards Governor Letcher issued 
 another proclamation, in which he said that 
 “the sovereignty of the commonwealth of Vir- 
 ginia having been denied, her territorial rights 
 assailed, her soil threatened with invasion by 
 the authorities at Washington, and every arti- 
 fice employed which could inflame the people 
 of the northern states, it therefore becomes the 
 solemn duty of every citizen in Virginia to pre- 
 pare for the impending conflict.” “To this end, 
 
 and for these purposes, and with the determina-. 
 tion to repel invasion,” the commanding gen-| 
 eral of the military forces was authorized “to. 
 eall out and cause to be mustered into service, 
 
 from time to time, as public exigencies may 
 require, such additional volunteers as he may 
 deem necessary.” And under this order, before 
 the people had voted upon the question of 
 secession, an army was arrayed in Virginia 
 against the government of the United States. 
 While the posture of affairs in Maryland and 
 Virginia, from their proximity to the national 
 capital, was regarded with most anxiety, and 
 from these states, especially the latter, the great- 
 est danger threatened the government, the 
 attitude of the other slave states at this junc- 
 
 ture was also a matter of great importance. | 
 
 Of these the course of Kentucky was regarded 
 with the deepest interest. There was a strong 
 Union sentiment in that state, and until the 
 surrender of Fort Sumter there seemed to be 
 little doubt that the state would remain true 
 to the Union, notwithstanding the efforts 
 made by influential secessionists. The Union 
 sentiment here, however, was like that which 
 was at first manifested in Maryland, and was 
 in favor of neutrality rather than a firm support 
 
 of the government. The governor of the state, 
 25 
 
 193 
 
 Mr. Magoffin, was a secessionist, whose sympa- 
 thies were all with the seceded states; and so 
 far as his action could effect any thing, it was 
 undoubtedly for the promotion of secession. 
 He was in correspondence with the government 
 of the Confederate States and the governors of 
 the several seceded states, and with the aid of 
 other secessionists in Kentucky and in Tennes- 
 see, he might have carried the state over to the 
 side of rebellion but for the determined stand 
 taken by the Union men. The call for troops 
 by the national government, producing, as it 
 did every where at the south, intense feeling, 
 was an occasion which, it was feared, might be 
 used to bring about a crisis in which the state 
 would be committed to secession before the 
 people could prevent it. 
 fortunately escaped. 
 Governor Magoffin peremptorily refused to 
 comply with the requisition for troops, and con- 
 vened the legislature to take such action as the 
 crisis demanded. That body was not disposed 
 to aid in the secession scheme, but, on the con- 
 trary,inquired pretty sharply into the governor's 
 proceedings. There was a determination shown 
 not to go with the rebellious states, nor yet to 
 give the government a firm and vigorous sup- 
 port, but to assume a position of neutrality, and 
 to put the state in a condition to maintain that 
 position. Measures were taken to organize a 
 military force, but not to respond to the requi- 
 sition of the government ; and while the United 
 States forces were desired to keep away from 
 the soil of Kentucky, the Confederate forces 
 were at least equally notified not to enter the 
 state. Neutrality here was not so much in the 
 interest of secession as it appeared to be in 
 some other states, and was honestly and ear- 
 nestly advocated by some of the ablest men of 
 the state, as Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Guthrie, and 
 others. But among the people there was also 
 a genuine loyalty; and though the state gov- 
 ernment did not respond to the call for troops, 
 there were many ready to enlist in the defence 
 
 But this danger was 
 
194 HISTORY OF 
 
 of the national flag. Several regiments were | 
 raised for the defence of the state against any 
 invasion from the seceded states, and to put 
 down any rebellion within its borders. On the 
 other hand, there were many who joined the 
 rebel army, and some who still openly labored 
 and hoped to secure the secession of Kentucky ; 
 while others, under the semblance of Union 
 men, really gave all their wishes and efforts for 
 the success of the rebellion* But Kentucky, 
 like Maryland, having escaped a sudden and 
 hasty plunge into rebellion, grew more loyal, 
 until at last its position of neutrality was in 
 some degree abandoned, and it was ranged with 
 the firm supporters of the government. 
 Missouri was, perhaps, in a more critical situ- 
 ation than Kentucky. Though there was in 
 some parts of the state a considerable anti- 
 slavery sentiment, there was in a large propor- 
 tion of it a very strong pro-slavery feeling, as 
 was manifested in the Kansas troubles, and con- | 
 sequently a warm sympathy with the southern 
 movement. A state convention had been called 
 in January, 1861 for the purpose of taking 
 “such action as the condition of the country 
 demanded.” The legislature which passed the 
 bill for this convention was supposed to be in 
 favor of secession, and it was the hope of se- 
 cessionists, undoubtedly, that an ordinance of 
 secession would be adopted. But the Union 
 men made an earnest effort at the polls, and 
 elected a majority of the members of the con- 
 
 * Of the loyal men of Kentucky, Joseph Holt stands among the 
 truest patriots in the country. He gave some character to the 
 administration of Mr. Buchanan in its last days, and saved the 
 government from utter destruction; and he was afterwards the un- 
 flinching supporter of the government, whose decision and firm- 
 ness did much for the preservation of Kentucky among the loyal 
 states. Among the traitors of that state Mr. Breckinridge, be- 
 cause of his former position, was preéminent. He had been Vice- 
 President of the United States, and was now a senator in Con- 
 gress. But he had been the presidential candidate of those who 
 led the secession movement, and though for a time he held the 
 position of a loyal man and senator in Congress, his sympathies 
 
 ‘were all on the side of treason and rebellion, and eventually he 
 
 joined the rebels, and was appointed a general in their army. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 vention; and when that body assembled, in 
 March, a vote was adopted requiring the mem- 
 bers to take an oath to support the constitution 
 of the United States as well as that of Missouri, 
 and subsequently it voted decisively against 
 secession, and adjourned till the following De- 
 cember. 
 
 The governor of the state, Mr. Jackson, was 
 a secessionist, who had been in conference with 
 the leaders of the rebellion in the more south- 
 ern states; and though, influenced by the un- 
 mistakable language and action of the conven- 
 tion, he professed fidelity to the Union, and 
 advocated an attitude of neutrality, he showed 
 himself ready to do all that was in his power 
 to unite Missouri with the seceded states. 
 The convention having failed to carry out the 
 scheme of secession, the governor subsequently 
 convened the legislature to put the state “in a 
 proper attitude of defence,’ by organizing the 
 militia and adopting other military measures. 
 In the mean time he replied to the requisition 
 for troops from the secretary of war as fol- 
 lows: — ? 
 
 “Sir: Your despatch of the 15th instant, 
 making a call on Missouri for four regiments 
 of men for immediate service, has been received. 
 There can be, I apprehend, no doubt but these 
 men are intended to form a part of the Presi- 
 dent’s army to make war upon the people of 
 the seceded states. Your requisition, in my 
 judgment, is illegal, unconstitutional, and revo- 
 lutionary in its object, inhuman and diabolical, 
 and cannot be complied with. Not one man 
 will the state of Missouri furnish to carry on 
 such an unholy crusade.” 
 
 In his message to the legislature, Governor 
 Jackson expressed himself in equally strong 
 terms against the government, and justified 
 the action of the seceded states. The legisla- 
 ture, holding secret sessions much of the time, 
 adopted measures for organizing and arming 
 the militia of the state, and to divert the school 
 fund from its legitimate purpose to pay the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 military expenses. Other measures were also 
 adopted, which, under the pretence of neutrality 
 in the contest between the national government 
 and the rebel states, were designed to aid the 
 rebel cause. Having thus provided for a mili- 
 tary force, the governor soon found occasion to 
 call them out, and General Sterling Price, whose 
 sympathies were also with the rebels, was ap- 
 pointed to organize and command them. 
 Meanwhile the loyal citizens of the state, 
 chiefly in St. Louis and vicinity, organized as 
 home guards, and were mustered into the ser- 
 vice of .the United States. And on the other 
 hand the secessionists organized into military 
 forces, seized the United’ States arsenal at Lib- 
 
 erty, and in various parts of the state committed | 
 
 hostile acts and violence against Union citizens. 
 A bitter feeling arose between the loyal citi- 
 zens and the secessionists, and, encouraged by 
 the state and local authorities, the latter were 
 enabled to bring about collisions which must 
 inevitably lead to such action on the part of 
 the United States authorities, as, it was hoped, 
 would cause an uprising in favor of the “inde- 
 pendence of Missouri.” To this end the action 
 of the disloyal authorities of Missourl seemed 
 constantly to be directed, until it was at last 
 reached. But though they entailed civil war 
 upon the state, they did not succeed in consum- 
 mating their purpose. The events to which 
 this action led will be mentioned in another 
 chapter. 
 
 The three slave states south of the border 
 slave states found it less difficult to slide into 
 the rebel Confederacy. In North Carolina there 
 had been what was termed a strong Union 
 sentiment, and it had been among the most 
 loyal*of the southern states; but there was a 
 disposition among the majority to codperate 
 with the other slave states, and the excitement 
 created by the opening of hostilities at Charles- 
 ton and the President’s call for troops afforded 
 an opportunity for secessionists to hurry the 
 _ state into the rebellion. Through misrepresen- 
 
 195 
 
 tation of the purposes and views of the federal 
 government, and fierce calls to resist a threat- 
 ened invasion of their state and their rights, 
 and perhaps through the apathy or alarm of 
 those who were at heart loyal to the Union, the 
 people of North Carolina suffered themselves 
 to be transferred from the Union to the Confed- 
 erate States. The position taken by Virginia, 
 already committed to the rebel cause, probably 
 had its influence; for North Carolina was thus 
 territorially separated from the Union, and 
 hemmed in by the Confederacy, and would 
 be exposed to dangers to which no other state 
 was subjected. 
 
 Governor Ellis had not shown himself a se- 
 cessionist, though he was carried along with the 
 prevailing current of sympathy for the south. 
 He had not advised secession, and had resisted 
 the unauthorized attempts of secessionists to 
 seize United States property. When the requi- 
 sition for troops was issued, he refused to com- 
 ply with it in more courteous terms than were 
 used by some of the slave state governors; but 
 he issued a proclamation for a meeting of the 
 legislature, in which he characterized the call 
 as unconstitutional, “a high-handed and tyran- 
 nical outrage,” and “a direct step towards the 
 subjugation of the south,” and declared that 
 “united action in defence of the sovereignty of 
 North Carolina and of the rights of the south 
 becomes now the duty of all.” He next called 
 for volunteers in addition to the militia of the 
 state, and seized the United States arsenal and 
 mint. These steps were preliminary to the 
 final action of the state through a convention 
 which soon assembled, and which, on the 20th 
 of May, adopted an ordinance of secession, and 
 another ratifying and adopting the provisional 
 constitution of the Confederate States. 
 
 Tennessee joined the rebel states at an ear- 
 lier day. Although the state in February had 
 given a large Union majority, the governor, 
 Mr. Harris, and some of its leading politicians, 
 were thorough secessionists, and from the com- 
 
196 
 
 mencement of the movement had been enlisted 
 in it. In the course of time it appeared that a 
 majority of the people in the western part of 
 the state were also really imbued with the spirit 
 of secession and rebellion. In the eastern part 
 of the state there was a strong Union senti- 
 ment; but the loyal people there were over- 
 whelmed by the secessionists, and were subjected 
 to the grossest outrages and tyranny on account 
 of their loyalty. The state being substantially 
 under the control of the secessionists, they 
 waited only something which should afford a 
 pretext for going over to the rebellion. The 
 action of the government in taking measures 
 to maintain its authority and to preserve the 
 Union was all that was required. Governor 
 Harris replied to the requisition for troops, 
 “Tennessee will not furnish a single man for 
 coercion, but fifty thousand, if necessary, for the 
 defence of our rights or those of our southern 
 brothers.” The seizure of bonds and other prop- 
 
 erty belonging to the United States was next 
 
 resorted to. Already the rebel army had re- 
 ceived considerable additions from this state ; 
 and now further military preparations were 
 made both on behalf of the state and of the 
 southern Confederacy, of which it was not yet 
 a member. The method of accomplishing se- 
 cession was similar to that adopted in Virginia. 
 A convention, or league, authorized by the 
 legislature in secret session, was entered into 
 between the state and the Confederate States, 
 similar to that agreed to by Virginia and the 
 Confederacy, in which it was provided that, 
 until Tennessee became a member of the Con- 
 federacy, the “ whole military force and military 
 operations, offensive and defensive, of said state, 
 in the impending conflict with the United 
 States, shall be under the chief control and 
 direction of the President of the Confederate 
 States, upon the same basis, principles, and foot- 
 ing, as if said state were now, and during the 
 interval, a member of said Confederacy.” And 
 it was also provided that all the public property 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “acquired* from the United States” should be 
 transferred to the Confederate States. At the 
 same time a declaration of independence and a 
 secession ordinance were also adopted in secret 
 session, to be submitted to the people for rati- 
 fication. But as the league had practically 
 carried Tennessee into the rebel confederacy, 
 and the time for voting was put at a distant 
 day, before which there would be further acts to 
 commit the state more irretrievably to rebellion, 
 the vote of the people was of little consequence. 
 Tennessee was, therefore, actually one of the 
 Confederate States from the time of the forming 
 of the league and passing the secession ordi- 
 nance, which were on the 6th of May.+ 
 
 In Arkansas there was, probably, some loyalty 
 among the people, but it was of little account 
 in the secession excitement which spread so 
 swiftly through the slave states after the fall of 
 Fort Sumter. Rebellious demonstrations had 
 before been made by the people in different 
 parts of the state, and as early as February the 
 United States arsenal at Little Rock had been 
 surrendered te the state authorities. To the 
 President’s call for troops Governor Rector re- 
 plied, in a letter to the secretary of war, as 
 follows : — 
 
 “Tn answer to your requisition for troops 
 from Arkansas, to subjugate the southern states, 
 I have to say that none will be furnished. The 
 demand is only adding insult to injury. The 
 people of this commonwealth are freemen, not 
 slaves, and will defend to the last extremity 
 their honor, lives, and property against north- 
 ern mendacity and usurpation.” 
 
 * The rebels used mild terms to express the robbery, plunder, and 
 theft by which they “ acquired” the property of the United States. 
 
 + Among the loyal men and earnest patriots of Tennessee, who 
 would not join, or in any way consent to, the rebellion, were An- 
 drew Johnson, United States senator, Horace Maynard, represen- 
 tative in Congress, Emerson Etheridge, subsequently clerk of the 
 house of representatives, and Rev. William G. Brownlow, known 
 as Parson Brownlow, of the Knoxville “Union.” Among those of 
 
 whom the country had reason to expect better things than joining 
 
 in the treason, was John Bell, recently the “ Union” candidate 
 for president. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 As in some of the other states, the refusal to 
 furnish troops was followed by acts of hostility 
 against the federal government, in the seizure 
 of public property, and organizing forces to 
 resist rather than to aid the Union. A state 
 convention, which had been previously elected, 
 was reassembled, and on the 6th of May 
 adopted an ordinance of secession. On the 17th 
 of the month Arkansas was admitted as a mem- 
 ber of the Confederate States by the Congress 
 at Montgomery. 
 
 Thus the seceded states were increased to 
 ten, and had reached the limit to which they 
 were likely to extend. One other of the bor- 
 der slave states remains to be mentioned, the 
 little state of Delaware, which alone of the 
 slave states assumed a loyal attitude at the out- 
 set, and in which, by the state authority, a force 
 was duly organized in response to the Presi- 
 dent’s requisition, and mustered into the service 
 of the United States. 
 
 e 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 Attempts to seize United States Property in Virginia. — Fortress 
 Monroe.— Gosport Navy Yard.— Preparations of the Gov- 
 -ernment for saving Public Vessels and Property. — Negligence 
 of Commander and Treachery of Subordinate Officers. — Re- 
 port of Secretary of the Navy on the Subject. — Commodore 
 Paulding sent to Norfolk. — His Arrival too late to save the 
 Vessels. — Ships already scuttled. — Preservation of the Cum- 
 berland. — The Vessels and Buildings burned. — Loss to the 
 United States. — Harper’s Ferry Armory. — Small Force sent 
 for its Protection. — Advance of a Rebel Force to seize it. — 
 Arsenal destroyed by Lieutenant Jones. — Disappointment of 
 the Virginia Rebels. — Seizure of other Posts and Military 
 Property in North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas. — Mili- 
 tary Posts in the seceded States still retained by the United 
 States. 
 
 WueEn secession had been determined upon 
 in Virginia, and before the ordinance was yet 
 promulgated, preparations were made to seize 
 the public property of the United States within 
 the limits of the state. The most important 
 places belonging to the United States in Vir- 
 ginia, of which treason thus sought to get pos- 
 
 197 
 
 session, were Fortress Monroe, in Hampton 
 Roads, Gosport Navy Yard, and the armory at 
 Harper’s Ferry; the first an extensive and 
 strong fortification, commanding the entrance 
 to the only good harbors and thriving ports in 
 the state, and the others containing a large 
 quantity of arms and ordnance stores, while 
 at the navy yard were also several valuable 
 vessels of war. 
 
 The government was aware of the danger 
 which threatened these important posts, and 
 took measures to save them, or to prevent 
 them from falling into the hands of the rebels. 
 In Fortress Monroe there was a garrison of 
 two or three hundred men, which was not suf- 
 ficient to hold it against a very large force at- 
 tacking from the land side, and was entirely 
 inadequate to prevent the rebels from taking _ 
 strong positions in the immediate vicinity. 
 Two of the Massachusetts regiments, which 
 were the first to respond to the federal requisi- 
 tion, were accordingly sent to that stronghold, 
 
 jjand arrived there just as the Virginia rebels 
 
 were about to put in execution their plans. 
 This timely arrival secured the safety of the 
 fort if an attack or surprise was contemplated, 
 and, in a sudden emergency, was instrumental 
 in destroying some of the public property at 
 the Gosport Navy Yard, in order that it might 
 not be used by the rebels. 
 
 But a place much more easily seized, and far 
 more valuable to the rebels, because of the 
 great quantity of ordnance and stores, as well 
 as formidable ships of war which were lying 
 there, was the Gosport Navy Yard.* The meas- 
 ure adopted by the government to preserve 
 the property at this important naval station, 
 and the criminal negligence of some of its 
 officers, and the treachery of others, are re- 
 counted in the report of the secretary of the 
 navy as follows: — . 
 
 * Known more generally, perhaps, as the Norfolk Navy Yard, 
 but really on the opposite side of the Elizabeth River, from the 
 more important port of Norfolk. 
 
198 
 
 “The navy yard at Norfolk, protected by no 
 fortress or garrison, has always been a favored 
 depot with the government. It was filled with 
 arms and munitions, and several ships were in 
 the harbor, dismantled and in ordinary, and in 
 no condition to be moved, had there been men 
 to move them. There were, however, no sea- 
 men there or on home stations to man these 
 vessels, or even one of them of the larger 
 class, and any attempt to withdraw them, or 
 either of them, without a crew, would, in the 
 then sensitive and disturbed condition of the 
 public mind, have betrayed alarm and distrust, 
 and been likely to cause difficulty. 
 
 “ Apprehensive, however, that action might 
 be necessary, the commandant of the yard 
 was, early in April, advised of this feeling, and 
 cautioned to extreme vigilance and circum- 
 spection. These admonitions were, a few days 
 later, repeated to Commodore McCauley. This 
 commandant, whose patriotism and fidelity 
 were not doubted, was surrounded by officers 
 in whom he placed confidence; but most of 
 them, as events soon proved, were faithless to 
 the flag and the country. 
 
 “On the 10th of April, Commodore McCauley 
 was ordered to put the shipping and public 
 property in condition to be moved and placed 
 beyond danger, should it become necessary ; 
 but in doing this he was warned to take no 
 steps that could give needless alarm. The 
 steam frigate Merrimac could, it was believed, 
 were her machinery in order, be made avail- 
 able in this emergency, not only to extricate 
 herself, but the other shipping in the harbor. 
 Not knowing, however, who could be confided 
 in to take charge of her, a commander and 
 two engineers were-detailed to proceed to Nor- 
 folk for that purpose. Two days after, on the 
 12th of April, the department directed that 
 the Merrimac should be prepared to proceed 
 to Philadelphia with the utmost despatch. It 
 was stated that to repair the engine and put it 
 in working condition would require four weeks, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Discrediting this report, the engineer-in-chief. 
 
 |was ordered to proceed forthwith in person, 
 
 and attend to the necessary preparations. 
 
 “On the 16th of April the commandant was 
 directed to lose no time in placing armament 
 on board the Merrimac; to get the Plymouth 
 and Dolphin beyond danger; to have the Ger- 
 mantown in a condition to be towed out, and 
 to put the more valuable public property, ord- 
 nance, stores, &c., on shipboard, so that they 
 could, at any. moment, be moved beyond 
 danger. 
 
 “Such was the energy and despatch of the 
 engineer-in-chief, that on the 16th the depart- 
 ment was advised by the commandant of the 
 yard that on the 17th the Merrimac would 
 be ready for temporary service; but when, on 
 the afternoon of that day, the engineer-in-chief 
 reported her ready for steam, Commodore 
 McCauley refused to have her fired up. Fires, 
 were, however, built early the next morning, 
 and at nine o’clock the engines were working, 
 engineers, firemen, &c.,,on board; but the 
 commandant still refused to permit her to 
 be moved, and in the afternoon gave direc- 
 tions to draw the fires. The cause of this 
 refusal to move the Merrimac has no explana- 
 tion other than that of misplaced confidence 
 in his junior officers, who opposed it. 
 
 “As soon as this fatal error was reported to 
 the department, orders were instantly issued to 
 Commodore Paulding to proceed forthwith to 
 Norfolk, with such officers and marines as 
 could be obtained, and take command of all 
 the vessels afloat on that station; to repel 
 force by force, and prevent the ships and pub- 
 lic property, at all hazards, from passing into 
 the hands of the insurrectionists. But when 
 that officer reached Norfolk, on the evening 
 of Saturday the 20th, he found that the pow- 
 der magazine had already been seized, and that 
 an armed force had commenced throwing up 
 batteries in the vicinity. The commandant of 
 the yard, after refusing to permit the vessels 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to be moved on Thursday, and omitting it on| 
 
 Friday, ordered them to be scuttled on Satur- 
 day evening; and they were sinking when 
 Commodore Paulding, with the force under his 
 command, arrived at Norfolk. This officer, 
 knowing that to sink the ships would be only 
 a temporary deprivation to the insurgents, 
 who would, when in full possession of the 
 place, again have them afloat, ordered the 
 torch to be applied to the sinking ships. Pur- 
 suant to instructions, he also destroyed, so far 
 as he was able with his limited force, the pub- 
 lic property in the yard before abandoning the 
 place. 
 
 “The Cumberland was towed down the river, 
 and passed, after some little delay, over the 
 obstructions that had been sunk in the channel 
 to prevent her removal. 
 
 “This unfortunate calamity at Norfolk not 
 only deprived the government of several ves- 
 sels, but of a large amount of ordnance and 
 stores which had there accumulated. In pre- 
 venting the shipping and property from pass- 
 ing into the hands of the insurgents, who had 
 gathered in considerable force in that vicinity 
 under General Talliaferro, Commodore Paul- 
 ding, the officers, and those under them, per- 
 formed their duty, and carried out, so far as 
 was in their power, the wishes of the govern- 
 ment and the instructions of the department.” 
 
 Commodore Paulding, on his passage to Nor- 
 folk in the Pawnee, stopped at Fortress Mon- 
 roe, and there took on board the third Massa- 
 chusetts regiment, which had that day arrived 
 from Boston. With this force to aid in the 
 preservation of the public property, or to keep 
 it from the hands of the rebels, he proceeded 
 to Norfolk. There was great excitement at 
 Norfolk and Portsmouth, and the secessionists 
 seemed exceedingly anxious to obtain posses- 
 sion of the yard and the vessels. They had 
 already seized the magazine, and, aided by 
 traitors in the yard, would undoubtedly soon 
 have had possession of the coveted prize but 
 
 199 
 
 for the timely arrival of the Pawnee. The 
 troops were landed, and the vessel placed in a 
 position to resist any attack. The vessels, 
 however, with the exception of the frigate 
 Cumberland, had already been scuttled, and 
 were sinking. It was impossible to save them 
 and the valuable works in the yard, and every 
 effort was directed to their destruction in order 
 that they might be of no service to the rebels. 
 While a portion of the troops, and a marine 
 force of about sixty men, were posted so as to 
 repel an attack, the other soldiers and a body 
 of seamen were engaged in the work of de- 
 struction. All the government papers and 
 other movable property were first secured, 
 however, on board the Pawnee and Cumber- 
 ‘land. The costly dry dock was ruined, the 
 guns, of which there were a great number of 
 the largest and most effective belonging to the 
 United States, were spiked, the ship-houses and 
 other buildings were amply supplied with 
 combustibles for the flames, and the more val- 
 uable vessels, which were in shoal water, were 
 prepared in like manner. When these prep- 
 arations were made, as they were in a hurried 
 manner, under the expectation of an attack 
 from the military forces in the vicinity of the 
 yard, the trains were fired, and the Pawnee 
 towed the Cumberland down the river, safely 
 passing the obstructions sunk in the channel 
 by order of Governor Letcher for the pur- 
 pose of preventing the escape of the coveted 
 vessels. 
 
 The fire raged fiercely, and occasional ex- 
 plosions hastened the work of destruction, 
 which was in some parts complete, and in 
 others only partial. The most valuable of the 
 vessels, the steam frigate Merrimac, was but 
 very partially burned before she sunk so as to 
 extinguish the fire; and other property was 
 saved by the Virginia soldiers and people as 
 
 _ soon as the departure of the Union force and 
 the fear of explosions allowed them to enter 
 
 ‘the yard. The vessels thus sacrificed were 
 
200 
 
 the line of battle ships Pennsylvania, Colum- 
 bus, and New York, the latter still being on 
 the stocks; the frigates United States, Raritan, 
 and Columbia; the sloops of war Germantown 
 and Plymouth; the brig Dolphin; and the 
 steam frigate Merrimac. Several of the ves- 
 sels were old and of little value; but the Mer- 
 rimac and one or two others were a serious loss 
 to the government. The Virginia rebels had 
 counted on securing these vessels, and they 
 were greatly disappointed at the failure of their 
 plans and enraged at the destruction of prop- 
 erty which, with singular notions of proprietor- 
 ship, they regarded as their own. 
 
 They were equally disappointed in their 
 attempts to seize the armory at Harper’s Ferry 
 and the arms contained in it. This attempt 
 was made at about the same time as that at 
 Norfolk, pursuant to the arrangements of the 
 Virginia authorities when the secession ordi- 
 nance was adopted. A company of mounted 
 riflemen, under the command of Lieutenant 
 Roger Jones, had been sent by the government 
 to protect the armory; but this was too small 
 a force to resist any considerable body of men, 
 such as would probably be sent to take pos- 
 session of the armory, should the rebels deter- 
 mine upon such a course. Orders were accord- 
 ingly given for the destruction of the arms and 
 arsenal, should it be impossible to hold the place. 
 
 On the night of April 18, Lieutenant Jones 
 received information that a force of twenty- 
 five hundred or three thousand men was 
 approaching the town, and was within a few 
 hours’ march. The arsenal buildings had al- 
 ready been prepared for the flames, and upon 
 learning that a portion of the Virginia troops 
 would reach the armory in a few minutes, Lieu- 
 tenant Jones ardered the torch to be applied. 
 These buildings and the carpenter’s shop were 
 soon in flames, but the armory buildings, with 
 much of their valuable machinery, were not set 
 on fire. Having thus secured the destruction 
 of the arms, which it was most important to 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 keep from the hands of the rebels, the small 
 federal force was withdrawn, and crossing into 
 Maryland, proceeded by a forced march to Car- 
 lisle Barracks, in Pennsylvania, 
 
 Here again the Virginians were baffled. The 
 arms contained in the arsenal were what they 
 most desired to obtain; but the greater part of 
 them were totally destroyed, or rendered unfit 
 for service. Parts of the valuable machinery 
 used in the manufacture of the arms, were, 
 however, not damaged, and the rebels claimed 
 to have saved a large number of arms also; but 
 it was the belief of Lieutenant Jones that these 
 were almost wholly destroyed. 
 
 While the rebels were prevented by this 
 action of the federal troops from obtaining any 
 immediate material advantage, the destruction 
 of the arsenal and its contents, and the aban- 
 donment of the armory, were a serious loss to the 
 United States. The arms were much needed, 
 so many of the best muskets having been dis- 
 tributed by Floyd among the southern states. 
 The armory at Springfield, Massachusetts, was 
 the only other national manufactory of small 
 arms, and that was, of course, inadequate to 
 supply the number which would soon be re- 
 quired by the forces to be called into the field. 
 The works at Harper’s Ferry were extensive 
 and valuable, and a very effective arm was made 
 there. But the small force at the disposal of 
 the government rendered it impossible to pro- 
 tect them from an attack by large numbers, and 
 the only alternative was to destroy what would 
 most aid the insurgents. 
 
 The abandonment of the Gosport Navy Yard 
 and Harper's Ferry left all the national posts 
 in Virginia, except Fortress Monroe, in the 
 hands of the rebels. They took possession of 
 Fort Norfolk, near the city of Norfolk, and other 
 small fortifications, and the United States arse-_ 
 nal near Richmond, as well as the navy yard and 
 the armory; and they also posted their military 
 forces in other important places on the coast, 
 and erected new fortifications. 
 
PRESIDENT 
 
 The forts, military posts, and other public 
 property of the United States in North Caro- 
 lina, Tennessee, and Arkansas, which had not 
 already been seized, were taken possession of 
 immediately upon the secession of those states, 
 so that now the United States retained within 
 the seceded states only Fort Pickens, at the 
 entrance of Pensacola Bay, the Tortugas, Key 
 _ West, and Fortress Monroe, together with the 
 Rip Raps, an unfinished fort at the entrance.to 
 Hampton Roads, near Fortress Monroe. Re- 
 enforcements had been sent to Fort Pickens, 
 and were landed in safety, a portion on the 
 12th, and others on the 16th of April, so that 
 this important position could be held notwith- 
 standing the threatened attack of considerable 
 forces which were collected in the vicinity. 
 Fort Jefferson, on the Dry Tortugas, off the coast 
 of Florida, and Key West were also strength- 
 ened at this time, and from their position were 
 safe against any attack which the rebels would 
 be able to make. ‘These important posts the 
 government was determined to hold at all haz- 
 ards, both for the maintenance of its authority 
 within the states in which they were situated, 
 and as bases of future operations in case they 
 should be necessary. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 Blockade of Southern Ports. — President’s Proclamations. — Ac- 
 tion of the Navy Department. — Concentration of available 
 Vessels. —The Blockading Squadrons.— Defficiency of Off- 
 cers. — Spirit and Action of the seceded States. — Existence 
 of War recognized by the Confederate Congress. — Troops 
 concentrated in Virginia. — Purposes of the Rebels. — Hostile 
 Acts in Texas.— Capture of the Star of the West. — Troops 
 made Prisoners of War. — Measures of the Government to 
 meet this State of Affairs. — Call for Volunteers for Three 
 Years. — Response from the Loyal States. — Excess of Troops 
 offered. — Equipment and Organization of Troops. — Concen- 
 tration of Federal Troops. — Command of the Forces. — Gen- 
 erals appointed. — Patriotism of the People.—- Hearty Sup- 
 port of the Government in extraordinary Measures. 
 
 Tue government, being forced by the action 
 of the seceded states to assert its authority by 
 Fs : 296 
 
 LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 201 
 
 force, determined to do so at once, and with 
 such vigor as the means at its command would 
 allow. One of the first steps was to blockade 
 the ports of the seceded states. In order to do 
 this so as to guard against complications with 
 foreign governments, it was deemed proper to 
 announce the purpose of blockading these ports 
 in the usual manner when the ports of another 
 power are to be blockaded. Accordingly, the 
 President issued the following 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 “Whereas an insurrection against the gov- 
 ernment of the United States has broken out 
 in the states of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala- 
 bama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, 
 and the laws of the United States for the col- 
 lection of the revenue cannot be effectually 
 executed therein conformably to that provision 
 of the constitution which requires duties to be 
 uniform throughout the United States ; 
 
 “ And whereas a combination of persons en- 
 gaged in such insurrection have threatened to 
 grant pretended letters of marque to authorize 
 the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the 
 lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of 
 the country lawfully engaged in commerce on 
 the high seas, and in waters of the United 
 States ; — 
 
 “And whereas an executive proclamation 
 has been already issued, requiring the persons 
 engaged in these disorderly proceedings to 
 desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for 
 the purpose of repressing the same, and con- 
 vening Congress in extraordinary session to 
 deliberate and determine thereon ; — 
 
 “Now, therefore, I, Apranam Lincoxy, Presi- 
 dent of the United States, with a view to the 
 same purposes before mentioned, and to the pro- 
 tection of the public peace, and the lives and 
 property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing 
 their lawful occupations, until Congress shall 
 have assembled and deliberated on the said un- 
 lawful proceedings, or until the same shall have 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 202 
 
 ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set 
 on foot a blockade of the ports within the states 
 aforesaid, in pursuance of the laws of the United 
 States, and of the law of nations in such case 
 provided. For this purpose a competent force 
 will be posted so as to prevent entrance and 
 exit of vessels from the ports aforesaid. If, 
 therefore, with a view to violate such blockade, 
 a vessel shall approach, or shall attempt to 
 leave, any of the said ports, she will be duly 
 warned by the commander of one of the block- 
 ading vessels, who will indorse on her register 
 the fact and date of such warning, and if the 
 same vessel shall again attempt to enter or leave 
 the blockaded port, she will be captured and 
 sent to the nearest convenient port, for such 
 proceedings against her and her cargo as prize 
 as may be deemed advisable. , 
 
 “And I hereby proclaim and declare that if 
 any person, under the pretended authority of 
 the said states, or under any other pretence, 
 shall molest a vessel of the United States, or the 
 persons or cargo on board of her, such person 
 will be held amenable to the laws of the United 
 States for the prevention and punishment of 
 piracy. 
 
 “In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
 hand, and caused the seal of the United States 
 to be affixed. 
 
 “Done at the city of Washington, this nine- 
 teenth day of April, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
 sixty-one, and of the independence of the 
 United States the eighty-fifth. 
 
 “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 [1, 8] 
 “ By the President. 
 
 *WituiaM H. Szwarp, Secretary of State.” 
 
 When Virginia and North Carolina had 
 joined in the rebellion, it became necessary to 
 extend the blockade to those states also, and 
 an additional proclamation was issued, as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 “ By the President of the United States. 
 «A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 “Whereas, for the reasons assigned in my 
 proclamation of the 19th instant, a blockade of 
 the ports of the states of South Carolina, Geor- 
 gia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, 
 and Texas was ordered to be established ; 
 
 “And whereas, since that date, public prop- 
 erty of the United States has been seized, the 
 collection of the revenue obstructed, and duly 
 commissioned officers of the United States, 
 while engaged in executing the orders of their 
 superiors, have been arrested and held in cus- 
 tody as prisoners, or have been impeded in the 
 discharge of their official duties without due 
 legal process, by persons claiming to act under 
 authorities of the states of Virginia and North 
 Carolina, an efficient blockade of the ports of 
 those states will also be established. 
 
 “Jn witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
 hand, and caused the seal of the United States 
 to be affixed. 
 
 “ Done at the city of Washington, this twen- 
 ty-seventh day of April, in the year of 
 our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
 and sixty-one, and of the independence 
 of the United States the eighty-fifth. 
 
 [L. s.] “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 “By the President. 
 
 ‘‘Witiiam H, Sewarp, Secretary of State.” 
 
 The navy department took prompt and 
 efficient measures, so far as it was able, to en- 
 force the blockade and to maintain the author- 
 ity of the government. The seaboard of the 
 insurgent states embraced an extent of nearly 
 three thousand miles, along which were nu- 
 merous ports and harbors of more or less mag- 
 nitude and importance; and to institute an 
 effective blockade of such an extensive coast 
 required a very large force. All the available 
 vessels were concentrated as quickly as possible 
 to perform this work; those in the dockyards 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 were prepared for service with as much despatch 
 as could be commanded, and most of those on 
 foreign stations were recalled. But with all 
 the efforts of the department there were at its 
 disposal, for all purposes at home and abroad, 
 but sixty-two vessels, carrying about one thou- 
 sand guns and eleven thousand men. But im- 
 mediate measures were taken to build, with all 
 proper despatch, seven or eight steam sloops of 
 war, which had been authorized by Congress at 
 its late session, and also for the construction 
 of a considerable number of smaller steam-gun- 
 boats, for which there was no authority except 
 the pressing wants of the government. Steam- 
 ers and sailing vessels were also purchased and 
 chartered, and being furnished with small arma- 
 ments were rendered serviceable for the block- 
 ade and other duties required by the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 With such vessels as could be collected, two 
 blockading squadrons were formed; one on 
 the Atlantic coast, under command of Flag- 
 officer Stringham, consisting at first of twenty- 
 two vessels with two hundred and ninety-six 
 guns and thirty-three hundred men; and the 
 other in the Gulf of Mexico, under Flag-officer 
 Mervine, consisting of twenty-one vessels, with 
 two hundred and eighty-two guns and thirty- 
 five hundred men. In the mean time, Flag- 
 officer Pendergrast, of the home squadron, with 
 two or three of his vessels, established non- 
 intercourse as far as possible, and gave notice 
 of the blockade to foreigners. It was some 
 time before the blockading squadrons were 
 filled up to the numbers above stated; but as 
 fast as the vessels could be prepared they were 
 despatched to their destination, and the block- 
 ade; which at first was confined to only a few 
 of the more important ports, was gradually ex- 
 tended as‘far as the limited number of vesscls 
 would permit. 
 
 One difficulty with which the navy depart- 
 ment had to contend, in putting into service 
 a large naval force, was a lack of officers. 
 
 203 
 
 After the 4th of March there were a great num- 
 ber of resignations, and at the time of organizing 
 the blockading squadrons no less than two 
 hundred and fifty-nine officers had resigned or 
 been dismissed for disloyalty, in addition to 
 those who had previously left the service. To 
 supply the deficiency it was necessary to ap- 
 point officers from the merchant marine, though 
 a considerable number of gentlemen who had 
 formerly been connected with the navy, some 
 of them of great ability and experience, ten- 
 dered their services to sustain the flag and the 
 country. 
 
 In making these preparations to meet the 
 emergency in which the country was placed, the 
 navy department, like the war department, was 
 obliged to transcend its authority and the ap- 
 propriations which had been made for that 
 branch of the public service. But when the 
 existence of the nation was threatened, it was 
 necessary for the government to assume powers 
 for its preservation, and all its acts in this 
 direction were sustained by the common sen- 
 timent of the loyal people. 
 
 The fierce spirit in which the action of the 
 federal government was regarded at the south, 
 and the great military preparations which were 
 made by the several seceded states and the 
 government of the Confederate States, made it 
 evident that secession was to become a deter- 
 thined rebellion. The Confederate Congress 
 passed an act recognizing the “existence of 
 war between the United States and the Con- 
 federate States,” and making hostile prepara- 
 tions to carry it on. Troops were at once sent 
 from all the seceded states into Virginia to join 
 the forces of that state, and it was declared by 
 the press and by influential parties, though not 
 avowed by the Confederate authorities, that the 
 
 ‘army thus collecting was to attack Washing- 
 ‘ton and invade the free states. 
 of the rebellion undoubtedly had such inten- 
 
 The leaders 
 
 tions ; contingent, however, upon the secession 
 
 ‘of Maryland, or such an insurrection there 
 
204 
 
 against the federal government as should give 
 promise, with southern codperation, of the 
 addition of that state to the Confederacy.* 
 And it was, moreover, evident that the dis- 
 loyal people in Maryland were ready to ac- 
 complish secession if possible, or, failing in 
 that, to take up arms in aid of the rebel 
 cause. 
 
 In Texas hostile acts of a more decided char- 
 acter were committed. The United States 
 troops in that state, who had been so basely 
 betrayed by General Twiggs, had, in some cases, 
 been surrounded by superior numbers of the 
 state troops, and compelled to surrender. It 
 was declared, at the time General Twiggs be- 
 trayed these forces, that the men should be 
 free to-go north if they desired it. The tran- 
 sport Star of the West had been despatched 
 to Indianola to bring away a portion of these 
 troops, when both the vessel and the soldiers, 
 although making no hostile demonstrations, 
 were treacherously made captive. At mid- 
 night, on the 19th of April, (the memorable 
 day of the riot in Baltimore,) a Texan steamer 
 approached the Star of the West, for the al- 
 leged purpose of embarking on board the lat- 
 ter vessel some three hundred United States 
 soldiers. Preparations were accordingly made 
 for their reception ; but instead of the United 
 States troops, the steamer had a large number 
 of Texan soldiers, who took possession of the 
 transport, and sent her to New Orleans, retain- 
 ing the crew as prisoners of war. Shortly 
 afterwards a body of unarmed United States 
 troops, while attempting to leave Indianola in 
 two sailing vessels, were pursued by the Tex- 
 ans in armed steamers, and made prisoners. 
 
 Similar hostile demonstrations, wherever the 
 secessionists could make them, especially in 
 Virginia, where, from their proximity to the 
 national capital, they were most threatening, 
 indicated a determination on the part of the 
 
 * The speech of A. H. Stephens, at Atlanta, Georgia, April 30, 
 1861, acknowledges such a purpose. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 rebels, who so readily acknowledged “ the 
 existence of war,” to wage it with all their 
 power. . 
 
 It was apparent, therefore, that the govern- 
 ment must prepare for a more formidable 
 struggle, and a longer one, than was antici- 
 pated when the call for three months’ troops 
 was issued. It was accordingly determined to 
 raise troops for a longer term, and a calli for 
 volunteers for three years, or for the war, was ~ 
 issued, as follows : — 
 
 “ By the President of the United States. 
 «A PROCLAMATION. ut 
 
 “ Whereas existing exigencies demand im- 
 mediate and adequate measures for the protec- 
 tion of the national constitution and the 
 preservation of the national Union, by the 
 suppression of the insurrectionary combina- 
 tions now existing in several states for oppos- 
 ing the laws of the Union, and obstructing the 
 execution thereof, to which end a military force, 
 in addition to that called forth by my procla- 
 mation of the fifteenth day of April of the 
 present year, appears to be indispeusably 
 necessary, — 
 
 “Now, therefore, 1, Apranam Linco1y, Presi- 
 dent of the United States, and Commander-in- 
 Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of 
 the militia of the several states when called 
 into actual service, do hereby call into the 
 service of the United States forty-two thou- 
 sand and thirty-four volunteers to serve fora 
 period of three years, unless sooner discharged, 
 and to be mustered into service as infantry 
 and cavalry. The proportion of each arm, and 
 the details of enrolment *and organization, 
 will be made known through the department 
 of war. 
 
 “ And I also direct that the regular army of 
 the United States be increased by the addition 
 of eight regiments: of infantry, and one of 
 cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making, 
 altogether, a maximum aggregate increase of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 twenty-two thousand seven hundred and four: 
 teen officers and enlisted men, the details of 
 which increase will also be made known 
 through the department of war. 
 
 “And I further direct the enlistment, for 
 not less than one nor more than three years, 
 of eighteen thousand seamen, in addition to 
 the present force, for the naval service of the 
 United States. The details of the enlistment 
 and organization will be made known through 
 the department of the navy. 
 
 “The call for volunteers hereby made, and 
 the direction for the increase of the regular 
 army and for the enlistment of seamen hereby 
 given, together with the plan of organization 
 adopted for the volunteers and for the regular 
 forces hereby authorized, will be submitted to 
 Congress as soon as assembled. In the mean 
 time, I earnestly invoke the codperation of all 
 good citizens in the measures hereby adopted 
 for the effectual suppression of unlawful vio- 
 lence, for the impartial enforcement of consti- 
 tutional laws, and for the speediest possible 
 restoration of peace and order, and, with those, 
 of happiness and prosperity throughout our 
 country. 
 
 “In testimony whereof I have hereunto set 
 my hand, and caused the seal of the United 
 States to be affixed. 
 
 “ Done at the city of Washington, this third 
 day of May, in the year of our Lord 
 one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
 one, and of the independence of -the 
 United States the eighty-fifth. 
 
 “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 “ By the President. 
 
 “ Wirtram H. Sewarp, Secretary of State.” 
 
 The response to this call in the loyal states 
 was prompt and enthusiastic; and so numer- 
 ous were the offers of troops that the govern- 
 ment accepted a much larger number of regi- 
 ments than were called for. To arm and 
 equip this large number of men taxed the 
 
 205 
 
 military resources of the government and of 
 the states to the utmost. The supply of the 
 most effective arms was limited, and it was 
 found necessary to make large purchases in Eu- 
 rope. This was done both by the federal govern- 
 ment and by some of the states. Fortunately 
 this want of equipments was early foreseen, 
 and orders had been sent to Europe in season 
 to import a part of the requisite supply by the 
 time the troops were organized. The most 
 liberal provisions were made by the state legis- 
 latures, municipal authorities, and individuals 
 to raise and equip these troops, and to supply 
 them with comforts. The sums thus appropri- 
 ated amounted in the aggregate to many mil- 
 lions of dollars, and greatly facilitated the 
 complete equipment of the soldiers. 
 of the states, too, liberal aid was given, by pub- 
 lic appropriations or by private funds, to the 
 families of volunteers, thus relieving the sol- 
 dier from anxiety on account of those depend- 
 ent upon him. 
 
 The troops, when organized and equipped, 
 were collected in Washington, in the vicinity 
 of Baltimore, in Cairo, at the junction of the 
 Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, in St. Louis, and 
 at points on the Ohio River from which they 
 could enter Western Virginia; but the larger 
 part were assembled in Washington and vicin- 
 ity, gradually forming a large army there, to 
 be used either for the protection of the capital 
 or for offensive operations in Virginia, where 
 the rebels were collecting their most formida- 
 ble forces. 
 
 For the command of the large army thus 
 suddenly called into the field a great number 
 of general officers was required, besides the 
 regimental and company officers, who were 
 appointed by the governors of states. The 
 number of experienced officers who could be 
 appointed to these important posts was quite 
 limited. Many officers who had been educated 
 at the West Point Military Academy, and had 
 served in the small army of the United States, 
 
 In many 
 
206 
 
 were promoted to a rank much above that they 
 had held; and some men in civil life, who were 
 judged to have the requisite qualifications, 
 were also appointed to places of high rank. 
 Among the general officers who were early 
 appointed were George B. McClellan and John 
 C. Fremont, major-generals in the regular 
 army; Benjamin F. Butler, John A. Dix, and 
 Nathaniel P. Banks, major-generals of volun- 
 teers; E. V. Sumner, J. R. F. Mansfield, Irvin 
 McDowell, Robert S. Anderson, and William 
 S. Rosecrans, brigadier-generals in the army, 
 and some of them also major-generals of vol- 
 unteers. Many of the brigadier-generals of 
 volunteers were regular army officers of an 
 inferior grade, and not a few were taken from 
 civil life, though many of these had received 
 a military education, and had formerly served 
 in the army.* 
 
 The preparations made by the government 
 to oppose the rebel forces and to put down the 
 rebellion, though on a vast scale, compared 
 with any previous war measures in the history 
 of the country, did not keep pace with the 
 patriotism and ardor of the people in the loyal 
 states. The patriotism of the people was fully 
 aroused, and they were disposed to support 
 the government in the heartiest manner in all 
 its efforts to maintain the Union, giving men 
 and money without stint for a vigorous prose- 
 cution of the war against a rebellion so rap- 
 idly assuming gigantic proportions. The sec- 
 retary of the treasury found bankers and 
 capitalists sympathizing with the mass of the 
 people in their desire to furnish the govern- 
 ment with all necessary means to secure suc- 
 
 cess; and he was enabled to obtain, on much} 
 
 better terms than in the last months of the 
 previous administration, large loans for the 
 
 purpose of meeting the enormous expenses to | 
 
 which the country was so suddenly subjected 
 
 _ ————— 
 
 * See Appendix. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. | 
 
 by the necessity of these vast military and 
 naval preparations. 
 
 While the government transcended its pow- 
 ers in the organization of armies and naval 
 forces, and in raising the large sums required 
 for these purposes, it could safely rely on the 
 manifest patriotism of the people that all such 
 action would be ratified by Congress when that 
 body should assemble, as it was at once by the 
 people whom Congress represented. Never, 
 perhaps, was a constitutional government, of 
 limited powers, so thoroughly sustained by the 
 confidence of the people, and its necessary as- 
 sumptions of power so readily acquiesced in. 
 To the nations of Europe it revealed a new 
 phase of republican institutions. They learned 
 that true patriotism is consistent with such in- 
 stitutions ; that loyalty to principles and ideas 
 is as true and strong a sentiment as fidelity to 
 a crowned head; and that the obedience of an 
 intelligent, free people to its constituted rulers, 
 even when they transcend their legitimate 
 power for the common good, is more certain, 
 as it is more hearty, than that which is secured 
 
 by force. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 Foreign Relations. —Rebel Emissaries abroad. —Circular of Mr. 
 Black, President Buchanan’s Secretary of State, to Foreign 
 Ministers. — Circular of Mr. Seward. — Instructions to For- 
 eign Ministers of the United States. — Negotiations respecting 
 International Law concerning Privateers. — Circular of Mr. 
 Seward on the Subject. — Propositions not accepted by For- 
 eign Powers. — Policy of the European Powers towards the 
 United States. — Russia, Austria, Prussia, &c.— England and 
 France. — Efforts of Secessionists in those Countries. — Neu- 
 trality. — Delay of England and France in declaring their 
 Policy. — Proclamation of Neutrality by the Queen. — Similar 
 Action in France. — Violation of Neutrality by British Sub- 
 
 | jects. — Supplies of Contraband Articles, and Running of the 
 
 Blockade. — Nassau the Depot of the Contraband 'Trade.— 
 
 | General Remarks. 
 
 Tue action of foreign powers, in relation to 
 the internal troubles of the United States and 
 the assumptions of the “Confederate States” 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 as an independent and sovereign power, was a 
 subject of great importance, and early received 
 the attention of the government. It was cer- 
 tain that great efforts would be made, and, in- 
 deed, had begun in the early stages of seces- 
 sion, to secure a recognition, by some of the 
 great powers of Europe, of the independence 
 of the Confederate States. Kmissaries were 
 sent abroad to create a sympathy for the south 
 among influential classes, which should event- 
 ually secure the friendly action of the govern- 
 ments. Extraordinary advantages of cheap 
 . cotton and free trade were held out to the self- 
 interest and avarice of the nations, as induce- 
 ments for this recognition; and by the mean 
 misrepresentations of some of the éte of south- 
 ern society, who, under the false pretences of 
 ehivalry and social superiority, stooped to de- 
 ception and falsehood, the poison of secession 
 was infused into aristocratic circles. Even some 
 of the diplomatic agents of the United States 
 were engaged in this treacherous work, while 
 others, less active, promoted the rebel interests 
 by a weak, half-earnest support of the govern- 
 ment they represented. 
 
 On the 28th -of February, Mr. Black, then 
 secretary of state under President Buchanan, 
 addressed a circular to the foreign ministers of 
 the United States, in which he said, — 
 
 “Tt is not improbable that persons claiming 
 to represent the states which have thus at- 
 tempted to throw off their federal obligations 
 will seek a recognition of their independence 
 by the [Emperor of Russia.*] In the event of 
 such an effort being made, you are expected by 
 the President to use such means as may in your 
 judgment be proper and necessary to prevent 
 its success. 
 
 “Tt must be very evident that it is the right 
 of this government to ask of all foreign powers 
 that the latter shall take no steps which may 
 
 rats 
 tend to encourage the revolutionary movement | 
 
 * The same circular, mutatis mutandis, was sent to the repre- 
 sentatives at other courts. 
 
 207 
 
 of the seceding states, or increase the danger 
 of disaffection in those which still remain loyal. 
 The President feels assured that the govern- 
 ment of the Emperor will not do any thing in 
 these affairs inconsistent with the friendship 
 which this government has always heretofore 
 experienced from him and his ancestors. If 
 the independence of the ‘ Confederated States’ 
 should be acknowledged by the great powers of 
 Europe, it would tend to disturb the friendly re- 
 lations, diplomatic and commercial, now existing 
 between those powers and the United States.” 
 
 Upon assuming the office of secretary of 
 state under President Lincoln, Mr. Seward 
 addressed a cireular to the same ministers, in 
 substance as follows: — 
 
 “Sir: My predecessor, in his despatch num- 
 ber 10, addressed to you on the 28th of Febru- 
 ary last, instructed you to usé all proper and 
 necessary measures to prevent the success of 
 efforts which may be made by persons claiming 
 to represent those states of this Union in whose 
 name a provisional government has been an- 
 nounced to procure a recognition of their inde- 
 pendence by the government of Spain. 
 
 “]T am now instructed by the President of the. 
 United States to inform you that, having as- 
 sumed the administration of the government 
 in pursuance of an unquestioned election and 
 of the directions of the constitution, he renews 
 the injunction which I have mentioned, and re- 
 lies upon the exercise of the greatest possible 
 diligence and fidelity on your part to counter- 
 act and prevent the designs of those who would 
 invoke foreign intervention to embarrass or 
 overthrow the republic. 
 
 “When you reflect on the novelty of such 
 designs, their unpatriotic and revolutionary 
 character, and the long train of evils which must 
 follow directly or consequentially from even 
 their partial or temporary success, the President 
 feels assured that you will justly appreciate and 
 cordially approve the caution which prompts 
 
 || this communication. 
 
208 
 
 “JT transmit herewith a copy of the address 
 pronounced by the President on taking the 
 constitutional oath of office. It sets forth clear- 
 ly the errors of the misguided partisans who are 
 seeking, to dismember the Union, the grounds 
 on which the conduct of those partisans is dis- 
 allowed, and also the general policy which the 
 government will pursue with a view to the 
 preservation of domestic peace and order, and 
 the maintenance and preservation of the fed- 
 eral Union. 
 
 “You will lose no time in submitting this 
 address to the Spanish minister for foreign 
 affairs, and in assuring him that the President 
 of the United States entertains a full confidence 
 in the speedy restoration of the harmony and 
 unity of the government by a firm, yet just and 
 liberal bearing, codperating with the deliberate 
 and loyal action of the American people. 
 
 “You will truthfully urge upon the Spanish 
 government the-consideration that the present 
 disturbances have had their origin only in pop- 
 ular passions, excited under novel circumstances 
 of very transient. character, and that while not 
 one person of well-balanced mind has attempted 
 to show that dismemberment of the Union 
 would be permanently conducive to the safety 
 and welfare of even his own state or section, 
 much less of all the states and sections of our 
 country, the people themselves still retain and 
 cherish a profound confidence in our happy 
 constitution, together with a veneration and 
 affection for it such as no other form of gov- 
 ernment .ever received at the hands of those 
 for whom it was established. 
 
 “We feel free to assume that it is the general 
 conviction of men, not only here but in all 
 other countries, that this federal Union affords 
 a better system than any other that could be 
 contrived to assure the safety, the peace, the 
 prosperity, the welfare, and the happiness of 
 all the states of which it is composed. The 
 position of these states, and their mining, agri- 
 cultural, manufacturing, commercial, political, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 and social relations and influences, seem to 
 make it permanently the interest of all other 
 nations that our present political system shall 
 be unchanged and undisturbed. Any advan- 
 tage that any foreign nation might derive from 
 a connection that it might form with any dis- 
 satisfied or discontented portion, state, or sec- 
 tion, even if not altogether illusory, would be 
 ephemeral, and would be overbalanced by the 
 evils it would suffer from a disseverance of the 
 whole Union, whose manifest policy it must be 
 hereafter, as it has always been heretofore, to 
 maintain peace, liberal commerce, and cordial. 
 amity with all other nations, and to favor the 
 establishment of well-ordered government over 
 the whole American continent. 
 
 “ Nor do we think we exaggerate our national 
 importance when we claim that any political 
 disaster that should befall us, and introduce dis- 
 cord or anarchy among the states that have so. 
 
 |long constituted one great, pacific, prosperous 
 
 nation, under a form of government which has 
 
 |approved itself to the respect and confidence 
 
 of mankind, might tend by its influence to dis- 
 
 ‘turb and unsettle the existing systems of govy- 
 
 ernment in other parts of the world, and arrest 
 that progress of improvement and civilization 
 which marks the era in which we live.” 
 
 But according to the usual custom of the 
 government upon a change of administration, 
 new appointments were early made, as already 
 mentioned,* to the more important foreign 
 missions; and in the present juncture, when 
 some of the ministers were in codperation with 
 the secession movement, and others, from lack 
 of sympathy with the new administration, were 
 but indifferent representatives of their country, 
 the appointment of new envoys was important 
 and necessary. ‘To the new ministers special 
 instructions were given more in detail, exhibit- 
 ing, to some extent, the policy of the adminis- 
 tration, as far as then developed, with regard 
 
 * Page 162. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to the rebellion, and its position towards for- 
 eign powers. These instructions differed ac- 
 cording to the mission, but the general princi- 
 ples and arguments were much the same, and 
 as an example of them, the following, to Mr. 
 Dayton, the minister to France, are explicit and 
 forcible in stating the views of the government 
 respecting the rebellion and concerning the 
 rights of foreign nations : — 
 
 “ Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. 
 ‘« DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, April 22, 1861. 
 
 “Sir: You enter a very important foreign 
 mission at a moment when our demestic affairs 
 have reached a crisis which awakens deep so- 
 licitude. Throughout a period of eighty years 
 law and order have prevailed, and internal 
 peace and tranquillity have been undisturbed. 
 Five months ago sedition showed itself openly 
 in several of the southern states, and it has 
 acted ever since that time with boldness, skill, 
 and energy. An insurrectionary government, 
 embracing seven members of this Union, has 
 been proclaimed under the name of the Con- 
 federate States of America. That pretended 
 authority, by means chiefly of surprise, easily 
 seen here to have been unavoidable, although 
 liable to be misunderstood abroad, has possessed 
 itself of a navy yard, several fortifications and 
 arsenals, and considerable quantities of arms, 
 ordnance, and military stores. On the 12th of 
 April, instant, its forces commenced an attack 
 upon, and ultimately carried, Fort Sumter, 
 against the brave and heroic resistance of a 
 diminutive garrison, which had been, through 
 the neglect of the former administration, left 
 in a condition to prevent supplies and reén- 
 forcements. 
 
 “Owing to the very peculiar construction of 
 our system, the late administration, Congress, 
 and every: other department of the federal 
 government, including the army and the navy, 
 contained agents, abettors, and sympathizers in 
 
 this insurrection. 
 27 
 
 The federal authorities thus | 
 
 209 
 
 became inefficient, while large portions of the 
 people were bewildered by the suddenness of 
 the appearance of disunion, by apprehension 
 that needless resistance might aggravate and 
 precipitate the movement, and by political 
 affinities with those engaged in it. 
 
 “The project of dismembering the Union 
 doubtless has some support in commercial and 
 political ambition. But it is chiefly based upon 
 a local, though widely-extended partisan dis- 
 appointment in the result of the recent election 
 of President of the United States. It acquired 
 strength for a time from its assumed character 
 of legitimate opposition to a successful party, 
 while, on the other hand, that party could not 
 all at once accept the fact that an administra- 
 tive political issue had given place to one which 
 involved the very existence of the government 
 and of the Union. These embarrassments are 
 passing away so rapidly as to indicate that far 
 the greater mass of the people remain loyal as 
 heretofore. The President improved the tem- 
 porary misfortune of the fall of Fort Sumter by 
 calling on the militia of the states to reénforce 
 the federal army, and summoning Congress for 
 its counsel and aid in the emergency. On the 
 other hand, the insurrectionists have met those 
 measures with an invitation to privateers from 
 all lands to come forth and commit depreda- 
 tions on the commerce of the country. 
 
 “To take care that the government of his 
 Majesty the Emperor of France do not mis- 
 understand our position, and through that mis- 
 understanding do us some possible wrong, is 
 the chief duty which you will have to perform 
 at Paris. 
 
 “Tt would have been gratifying to the Presi- 
 dent if the movements to which I have alluded 
 had taken such a course as to leave this gov- 
 ernment free from the necessity, in any event, 
 of conferring upon them in the presence of 
 foreign powers. In this age of social develop- 
 ment, however, isolation even in misfortune is 
 impossible, and every attempt at revolution in 
 
210 
 
 one country becomes a subject of discussion in 
 every other. The agitators in this case have, 
 perhaps not unnaturally, carried their bad cause 
 before foreign states by an appeal for recogni- 
 tion of the independence they have proclaimed, 
 and which they are committed to establish by 
 arms. Prudence requires that we oppose that 
 appeal. The President believes that you will 
 be able to do this in such a manner as will at 
 once comport with the high consideration for 
 his Imperial Majesty which this government 
 habitually entertains, and a due sense of the 
 dignity and honor of the American people. 
 “The Emperor of France has given abundant 
 proofs that he considers the people in every 
 country the rightful source of all authority, and 
 that its only legitimate objects are their safety, 
 freedom, and welfare. He is versed in our 
 constitution, and therefore he will not need 
 demonstration that the system which is estab- 
 lished by the constitution is founded strictly on 
 those very principles. You will be at no loss 
 to show also that it is perfectly adapted to the 
 physical condition and the temper, spirit, and 
 habits of the American people. In all its es- 
 sential features it is the same system which 
 was first built, and has since existed with ever- 
 renewed popular consent in this part of Ameri- 
 ca. The people of this country have always 
 enjoyed the personal rights guaranteed by the 
 great statutes of British freedom, representation 
 concurrent with taxation, jury trial, hberty of 
 conscience, equality before the laws, and popu- 
 lar suffrage. The element of federation or union 
 was early developed while the colonies were 
 under the authority of, and during their revo- 
 lutionary contest with, the British crown, and 
 was perfected afterwards by the establishment 
 of the constitution of the United States. Prac- 
 tically it has been voluntarily accepted by every 
 state, territory, and individual citizen of the 
 United States. The working of the system has 
 been completely successful, while not one square 
 mile of domain that we at any time had occu- 
 
 | 
 
 HISTORY OF ‘THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 pied has ever been lost to us. We have ex- 
 tended our jurisdiction from the St. Mary’s 
 River to the Rio Grande, on the Gulf of Mexico, 
 and in a wide belt from the Mississippi to the 
 Pacific Ocean. Our population has swollen 
 from four millions to thirty-one millions. The 
 number of our states has increased from thirteen 
 to thirty-four. Our country has risen from insig- 
 nificance to be the second in the world. Leav- 
 ing out of view unimportant local instances of 
 conflict, we have had only two foreign wars, 
 and the aggregate duration of them was less 
 than five years. Not one human life has hith- 
 erto been forfeited for disloyalty to the govern- 
 ment, nor has martial law ever been established, 
 except temporarily in case of invasion. No 
 other people have ever enjoyed so much im- 
 munity from the various forms of political 
 casualties and calamities. 
 
 “ While there is not now, even in the midst 
 of the gathering excitement of civil war, one 
 American who declares his dissent from the 
 principles of the constitution, that great charter 
 of federal authority has won the approbation 
 of the civilized world. Many nations have taken, 
 it as a model, and almost every other one has 
 in some degree conformed its institutions to the 
 principles of this constitution. The empire of 
 France, and the new kingdom of Italy especially, 
 are built on the same broad foundation with 
 that of this federal republic, namely, universal 
 suffrage. 
 
 “Surely we cannot err in assuming that a 
 system of government which arose out of the 
 free consent of the people of this country, which 
 has been often reconsidered and yet continually 
 upheld in preference to every other throughout 
 a period of two hundred years, which has com- 
 manded the acceptance or the approval of all 
 other nations, and to the principles of which 
 even those who attempt to overthrew it adhere 
 in the very heat of insurrection, must be re- 
 garded as one which is not only well adapted 
 to the condition and character of the American 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 people, but is even indispensable and insepara- 
 ble from their national existence. 
 
 “Should it be answered that while all this 
 has heretofore seemed true, yet that it is now 
 disproved by the existing insurrection, you 
 may truthfully reply that we must wait for that 
 refutation until we see the end of the insurrec- 
 tion; that the insurrection proves in fact noth- 
 ing else except that eighty-years of peace is as 
 much as human nature has the moderation to 
 endure under circumstances the most conducive 
 to moderation. 
 
 “The attempted revolution is simply cause- 
 less. It is, indeed, equally without a reason 
 and without an object. Confessedly there is 
 neither reason nor object, unlesss it be one 
 arising out of the subject of slavery. The prac- 
 tice of slavery has been so long a theme of 
 angry political debate, while it has all the time 
 been, as it yet is, a domestic concern, that I ap- 
 proach it with deep regret in a communication 
 which relates to the action of a representative 
 of this government abroad. I refrain from any 
 observation whatever concerning the morality 
 or the immorality, the economy or the waste, 
 the social or the unsocial aspects of slavery, and 
 confine myself, by direction of the President, 
 strictly to the point that the attempt at revo- 
 lution on account of it is, as I have already said, 
 without reason and without object. Slavery of 
 persons of African derivation existed practically 
 within all the European colonies which, as states, 
 now constitute the United States of America. 
 The framers of our government accepted that 
 fact, and with it the ideas concerning it which 
 were then gaining ground throughout the civ- 
 ilized world. They expected and desired that 
 it should ultimately cease, and with that view, 
 authorized Congress to prohibit the foreign 
 slave trade after 1808. They did not expect 
 that the practice of African slavery should be 
 abruptly terminated to the prejudice of the 
 peace and the economy of the country. ‘They 
 therefore placed the entire control of slavery, 
 
 211 
 
 as it was then existing, beyond the control of 
 the federal authorities, by leaving it to remain 
 subject to the exclusive management and dis- 
 position of the several states themselves, and 
 fortified it there with a provision for the return 
 of fugitives from labor and service, and another 
 securing an allowance of three fifths of such 
 persons in fixing the basis of direct taxation 
 and representation. The legislators of that 
 day took notice of the existence of a vast and 
 nearly unoccupied region lying between the 
 western borders of the Atlantic states and the 
 Mississippi River. A few slaves were found 
 in the south-west, and none in the north-west. 
 They left the matter in the south-west to the 
 discretion of the new states to be formed there, 
 and prohibited the practice of slavery in the 
 north-western region forever. 
 
 “ Kconomical, moral, and political causes have 
 subsequently modified the sentiments of that 
 age differently in the two sections. Long ago 
 slavery was prohibited by all the northern 
 states, and, on the contrary, the increased pro- 
 duction of cotton has resulted in fortifying the 
 institution of slavery in the southern states. 
 The accretions of domain, by purchase from 
 Spain, France, and Mexico, brought regions in 
 which slavery had either a very slight foothold 
 or none at all; and this new domain, as it should 
 come under occupation, was to be constituted 
 into new states, which must be either free states 
 or slave states. The original states divided ac- 
 cording to their own divers practices — the free 
 states seeking so to direct federal legislation 
 and action as to result in multiplying free 
 states, and the slave states so to direct them as 
 to multiply slave states. The interest became 
 more intense because the several states have 
 equal representation in the senate of the United 
 States. This controversy soon disclosed itself 
 in the popular elections, and more distinctly 
 than ever before in the recent canvass, which 
 resulted in the accession of the present admin- 
 istration. 
 
212 
 
 «Tt is now to be observed that, from the éar- 
 liest agitation of the subject until that last elec- 
 tion, the decisions of the people were practically 
 favorable to the interest of the class which 
 favored the extension of slavery ; and yet their 
 opponents always acquiesced. Under these 
 circumstances, the executive administration, the 
 national legislature, and the judiciary, were for 
 practical purposes in the hands of that party, 
 and the laws, with the administration and ex- 
 ecution of them, conformed to their own policy. 
 The opposite class prevailed in the late election 
 so far as to bring in the President and Vice- 
 President, the citizens they had preferred, but 
 no further —Congress and the judiciary re- 
 mained under the same bias as before. The 
 new President could not assume his trust until 
 the 4th of March, 1861, and even after that 
 time, as before, the laws and the execution of 
 them must remain unchanged. He could not, 
 without consent of his opponents in Congress, 
 change either, nor appoint a minister, or a min- 
 isterial officer, nor draw a dollar from the treas- 
 ury even for his own defence or support. It 
 was under these circumstances that, on the very 
 day when the election closed and its result 
 became known, four months before the new 
 administration was to come in, the disappointed 
 party took their appeal from the ballot-box to 
 arms, and inaugurated their revolution. 
 
 “T need not further elaborate the proposition 
 that the revolution is without a cause; it- has 
 not even a pretext. 
 
 “Tt is just as clear that it is without an ob- 
 ject. Moral and physical causes have deter- 
 mined inflexibly the character of each one of 
 the territories over which the dispute has arisen, 
 and both parties after the election harmoniously 
 agreed on all the federal laws required for their 
 organization. The territories will remain in all 
 respects the same, whether the revolution shall 
 succeed or shall fail. The condition of slavery 
 in the several states will remain just the same 
 whether it succeed or fail. There is not even 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 {a pretext for the complaint that the disaffected 
 states are to be conquered by the United States 
 if the revolution fail; for the rights of the 
 states, and the condition of every human being 
 in them, will remain subject to exactly the same 
 laws and forms of administration, whether the 
 revolution shall succeed or whether it shall 
 fail. In the one case, the states would be fed- 
 erally connected with the new confederacy ; in 
 the other, they would, as now, be members of 
 the United States; but their constitutions and 
 laws, customs, habits, and institutions in either 
 case will remain the same. 
 
 “It is hardly necessary to add to this incon 
 testable statement the further fact that the new 
 President, as well as the citizens through whose 
 suffrages he has come into the administration, 
 has always repudiated all designs whatever and 
 wherever imputed to him and them of disturb- 
 ing the system of slavery as it is existing under 
 the constitution and laws. The case, however, 
 would not be fully presented if I were to omit 
 to say that any such effort on his part would 
 be unconstitutional, and all his actions in that 
 direction would be prevented by the judicial 
 authority, even though they were assented to 
 by Congress and the people. 
 
 “This revolution, thus equally destitute of 
 just cause and legitimate object, aims, never- 
 theless, at the dismemberment of the federal 
 Union, and, if successful, must end in the over- 
 throw of the government of the United States. 
 If it be true, as the consent of mankind author- 
 izes us to assume, that the establishment of this 
 government was the most auspicious political 
 event that has happened in the whole progress 
 of history, its fall must be deemed not merely a 
 national calamity, which a patriotic government 
 ought to try to prevent, but a misfortune to 
 the human race, which should secure for us at 
 least the forbearance of all other nations. 
 
 “Tt cannot be maintained that disunion 
 would leave it still existing in its true char: 
 acter, and for its proper ends, although in two 
 
PRESIDENT 
 
 not very unequal and similar parts. Its in- 
 tegrity as a federal government, embracing all 
 of the American independent, contiguous, and 
 homogeneous states, protecting them all against 
 foreign dangers and internal commotions, se- 
 curing to them all a common property, great- 
 ness, dignity, influence, and happiness, is an 
 indispensable feature of its constitution. 
 “Dismemberment would be less effectually 
 subversive of the character, objects, and pur- 
 poses of the Union, if the two confederacies, 
 which it is proposed shall succeed it, could 
 severally be expected to exercise its great 
 functions within their respective dominions. 
 But this would be impossible. The several 
 states are now held in union with each other 
 by a confessed obligation of cohesion that 
 only their common consent could dissolve, and 
 that moral law, hitherto acknowledged by all, 
 is substituted for the central military author- 
 ity, which, in other systems, secures the integ- 
 rity, as well as the peace and harmony, of 
 states. But if the revolution shall prevail, and 
 dismemberment ensue, the federal obligation 
 in that case will be broken, its moral force 
 spent, and in its place there must come up 
 
 the principles which are the acknowledged. 
 
 elements of the revolution, namely: first, that 
 in either confederacy each state is at liberty 
 to secede at pleasure; and secondly, the 
 minority in each confederacy, and even in 
 each state, may, whenever the will of the ma- 
 jority is ascertained, take an appeal from the 
 ballot to the sword. It is manifest that the 
 success of this revolution would therefore be 
 not only a practical overthrow of the entire 
 system of government, but the first stage by 
 each confederacy in the road to anarchy, such 
 as so widely prevails in Spanish America. 
 The contest, then, involves nothing less than 
 a failure of the hope to devise a stable system 
 of government upon the principle of the con- 
 sent of the people, and working through the 
 peaceful expressions of their will without de- 
 
 LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 213 
 
 pending on military authority. If the Presi- 
 dent were addressing his countrymen at home 
 on this occasion, instead of one of their represen- 
 tatives going abroad, he would direct me to set 
 forth the consequences which obviously must 
 follow the dissolution of the American Union 
 — the loss of the ambition, which is a needful 
 inspiration to a great people; -the loss of the 
 respect of mankind, and the veneration and 
 respect of posterity; the loss of the enterprise 
 and vigor which make us a prosperous nation ; 
 and, with the loss of sustained and constant 
 culture, which makes us an intellectual peo- 
 ple, the loss of safety, both at home and 
 abroad, which. directly involves the greatest 
 calamity of all, the loss of liberty. It is suffi- 
 cient only to allude to these possible evils on 
 this occasion to afford you the grounds for as- 
 suring the government of France that the 
 President regards the revolution as one which 
 in every event must and will be prevented, 
 since it is manifest that the evils which would 
 result from its success would be as incurable as 
 they would be intolerable. 
 
 “Tt is, indeed, an occasion of much regret 
 that it has been found needful to employ force 
 for this purpose. It is contrary to the genius 
 and the habits of the people, as it is repug- 
 nant to the sentiments of the government of 
 the country and of mankind. But the Presi- 
 dent believes that the country will accept that 
 alternative with the less regret because suff- 
 cient time has been allowed to try every ex- 
 pedient of conciliatory prevention, and civil 
 war is at last proved to be unavoidable. The 
 responsibility of it must rest with those who 
 have not only inaugurated it, but have done 
 so without cause and without provocation. 
 The world will see that it is an evil that comes 
 upon us not from any necessity growing out 
 of administration, or out of our constitution 
 itself, but from a necessity growing out of our 
 common nature. 
 
 “It must not, however, be inferred, that the 
 
214 
 
 reluctance of the government to employ force 
 so long has demoralized the administration, or 
 can demoralize the American people. They 
 are capable of a high, resolute, and vigorous 
 defence of the Union, and they will maintain 
 that defence with only the more firmness and 
 fidelity, because they are animated by no hos- 
 tile spirit, but, on the contrary, by a friendly 
 and even fraternal one, being satisfied that its 
 benefits will result equally to those who are 
 engaged in overthrowing and those who are 
 engaged in defending the Union. 
 
 “T have thus, under the President’s direction, 
 placed before you a simple, unexaggerated, and 
 dispassionate statement of the origin, nature, 
 and purposes of the contest in which the 
 United States are now involved. I have done 
 so only for the purpose of deducing from it 
 the arguments you will find it necessary to 
 employ in opposing the application of the so- 
 called Confederate States to the government 
 of his Majesty the Emperor for a recognition 
 of its independence and sovereignty. 
 
 “The President neither expects nor desires 
 any intervention, or even any favor, from the 
 government of France, or any other, in this 
 emergency. Whatever else he may consent to 
 do, he will never invoke, nor even admit, for- 
 eign interference or influence in this or any 
 other controversy in which the government of 
 the United States may be engaged with any 
 portion of the American people. It has been 
 simply his aim to show that the present con- 
 troversy furnishes no one ground on which a 
 great and friendly power, like France, can 
 justly lend aid or sympathy to the party en- 
 gaged in insurrection, and therefore he in- 
 structs you to insist on the practice of neu- 
 trality by the government of the Emperor, as 
 all our representatives are instructed to insist 
 on the neutrality of the several powers to 
 which they are aceredited. 
 
 “Not entertaining the least apprehension of 
 the departure from that course by his Majes- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 'ty’s government, it is not without some reluc- 
 
 tance that the President consents to the sugges- 
 tion of some considerations affecting France 
 herself, which you may urge in support of it. 
 France is an agricultural and manufacturing 
 country. Her industry depends very largely 
 on a consumption of her productions and fab- 
 rics within the United States, and on the re- 
 ceipt, in exchange, of cotton, or other staples, 
 or their equivalent in money, from the United 
 States. The ability of the United States to 
 thus consume and furnish depends on their 
 ability to maintain and preserve peace. War 
 here will in any case be less flagrant, and 
 peace, when broken, will be restored all the 
 more quickly and all the more perfectly if for- 
 eign nations shall have the sagacity, not to say 
 the magnanimity, to practise the neutrality we 
 demand. 
 
 “Foreign intervention would oblige us to 
 treat those who would yield it as allies of the 
 insurrectionary party, and to carry on the war 
 against them as enemies. The case would not 
 be relieved, but, on the contrary, would only 
 be aggravated, if several Huropean states 
 should combine in that intervention. The 
 President and the people of the United States 
 deem the Union, which would then be at stake, 
 worth all the cost and all the sacrifices of a ~ 
 contest with the world in arms, if such a con- 
 test should prove inevitable. 
 
 “ However other Kuropean powers may mis- 
 take, his Majesty is the last one of those sov- 
 ereigns to misapprehend the nature of this 
 controversy. He knows that the revolution 
 
 of 1775 in this country was a successful con- 
 test of the great American idea of free pop- 
 ular government against resisting prejudices 
 
 and errors. He knows that the conflict awa- 
 kened the sympathies of mankind, and that 
 
 ultimately the triumph of that idea has been 
 hailed by all Kuropean nations. 
 
 He knows at 
 what cost European nations resisted for a time 
 
 the progress of that idea, and perhaps is not 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 unwilling to confess how much France, espe- 
 _ cially, has profited by it. He will not fail to 
 recognize the presence of that one great idea 
 in the present conflict, nor will he mistake the 
 side on which it will be found. It is, in short, 
 the very principle of universal suffrage, with 
 its claim to obedience to its decrees, on which 
 the government of France is built, that is put 
 in issue by the insurrection here, and is in this 
 emergency to be vindicated, and, more effect- 
 ually than ever, established by the government 
 of the United States. 
 
 “J forbear from treating of questions arising 
 out of the revenue laws of the United States, 
 which lately have been supposed to have some 
 bearing on the subject. They have already 
 passed away before the proclamation of the 
 blockade of ports in the hands of the revolu- 
 tionary party. Nor could considerations so 
 merely mercenary and ephemeral in any case 
 cnter into the counsels of the Emperor of France. 
 
 “You will, naturally enough, be asked, What 
 is the President’s expectation concerning the 
 progress of the contest and the prospect of its 
 termination? It is, of course, impossible to 
 speculate, with any confidence, upon the course 
 of a revolution, and to fix times and seasons 
 for the occurrence of political events affected 
 by the excitement of popular passions; but 
 there are two things which may be assumed as 
 certain: first, that the union of these states 
 is an object of supreme and undying devotion 
 on the part of the American people, and, there- 
 fore, it will be vindicated and maintained ; 
 secondly, the American people, notwithstanding 
 any temporary disturbance of their equanim- 
 ity, are yet a sagacious and practical people, 
 and less experience of evils than any other 
 nation would require will bring them back to 
 their customary and habitual exercise of rea- 
 son and reflection, and, through that process, 
 to the settlement of the controversy without 
 further devastation and demoralization by need- 
 less continuance in a state of civil war. 
 
 | 
 
 215 
 
 “The President recognizes, to a certain ex- 
 tent, the European idea of the balance of power. 
 If the principle has any foundation at all, the 
 independence and the stability of these United 
 States, just in their present form, properties, 
 and character, are essential to the preservation 
 of the balance between the nations of the earth 
 as it now exists. It is not easy to see how 
 France, Great Britain, Russia, or even reviving 
 Spain, could hope to suppress wars of ambition 
 which must inevitably break out if this con- 
 tinent of North America, now, after the exclu- 
 sion of foreign interests for three quarters of a 
 century, is again to become a theatre for the 
 ambition and cupidity of European nations. 
 
 “It stands forth now to the glory of France 
 that she contributed to the emancipation of 
 this continent from the control of European 
 states — an emancipation which has rendered 
 only less benefit to those nations than to Amer- 
 ica itself. The present enlightened monarch 
 of France is too ambitious, in the generous 
 sense of the word, to signalize hisereign by an 
 attempt to reverse that great and magnanimous 
 transaction. He is, moreover, too wise not to 
 understand that the safety and advancement 
 of the United States are guaranteed by the 
 necessities, and, therefore, by the sympathies, 
 of mankind. 
 
 “Tam, sir, respectfully, 
 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 
 “ Wittram H. Sewarp. 
 ‘‘Hon. Wittiam L. Dayton, &c.” 
 
 In view of the proclamation of Jefferson 
 Davis, proposing to issue letters of marque, 
 and the possibility that under that proposition 
 the sea might swarm with privateers, greatly 
 to the detriment of the commerce of the 
 United States, the government further sought 
 to establish with other maritime powers certain 
 principles of public law for the protection of 
 private property upon the sea. The principles 
 in question had, some years before, been the 
 
216 
 
 subject of negotiation among the leading mar- 
 itime powers of Europe, and the United States 
 had, to some extent, participated in these nego- 
 tiations, but without becoming a party to any 
 convention or agreement. The history of the 
 negotiations, and the character of the proposi- 
 tions to which the European powers agreed, 
 are shown in the following circular sent by Mr. 
 Seward to the United States ministers at the 
 courts of those powers, for the purpose of 
 now making the United States a party to the 
 international agreement, and thus diminishing 
 the dangers to commerce by stamping priva- 
 teering as piracy. 
 
 “ Mr. Seward to Ministers of the United States in Great 
 Britain, France, Russia, Prussia, Austria, Belgium, Ita- 
 ly, and Denmark. 
 
 CIRCULAR. 
 
 ‘¢ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WasHINGTON, April 24, 1861. 
 
 “Str: The advocates of benevolence and 
 the believers in human progress, encouraged 
 by the slow though marked meliorations of 
 the barbarities of war which have obtained in 
 modern times, have been, as you are well 
 aware, recently engaged with much assiduity 
 in endeavoring to effect some modifications of 
 the law of nations in regard to the rights of 
 neutrals in maritime war. In the spirit of 
 these movements the President of the United 
 States, in the year 1854, submitted to the sev- 
 eral maritime nations two propositions, to 
 which he solicited their assent as permanent 
 principles of international law, which were as 
 follows: 
 
 “<1, Free ships make free goods; that is to 
 say, that the effects or goods belonging to sub- 
 jects or citizens of a power or state at war are 
 free from capture or confiscation when found 
 on board of neutral vessels, with the exception 
 of articles contraband of war. 
 
 “<9. That the property of neutrals on board 
 an enemy’s vessel is not subject to confiscation 
 unless the same be contraband of war’ 
 
 ? 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 “Several of the governments to which these 
 propositions were submitted expressed their 
 willingness to accept them, while some others, 
 which were in a state of war, intimated a de- 
 sire to defer acting thereon until the return 
 of peace should present what they thought 
 would be a more auspicious season for such 
 interesting negotiations. 
 
 “On the 16th of April, 1856, a congress was 
 in session at Paris. It consisted of several 
 maritime powers, represented by their pleni- 
 potentiaries, namely, Great Britain, Austria, 
 France, Russia, Prussia, Sardinia, and Turkey. 
 That congress having taken up the general 
 subject to which allusion has already been 
 made in this letter, on the day before men- 
 tioned, came to an agreement, which they 
 adopted in the form of a declaration, to the 
 effect following: namely, — 
 
 “<1, Privateering is and remains abolished. 
 
 “<2. The neutral flag covers enemy’s goods, 
 with the exception of contraband of war. 
 
 “<3. Neutral goods, with the exception of 
 contraband of war, are not liable to capture 
 under enemy’s flag. 
 
 “<4, Blockades, in order to be binding, must 
 be effective ; that is to say, maintained by forces 
 sufficient really to prevent access to the coast 
 of the enemy’ 
 
 “The agreement pledged the parties consti- 
 tuting the congress to-bring the declaration 
 thus made to the knowledge of the states 
 which had not been represented in that body, 
 and to invite them to accede to it. The con- 
 
 || gress, however, at the same time insisted, in 
 
 the first place, that the declaration should be 
 binding only on the powers who were or 
 should become parties to it as one whole and 
 indivisible compact; and, secondly, that the 
 parties who had agreed, and those who should 
 afterwards accede to it, should, after the adop- 
 tion of the same, enter into no arrangement 
 on the application of maritime law in time 
 of war without stipulating for a strict obser- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 vance of the four points resolved by the decla- 
 ration. 
 
 “The declaration which I have thus substan- 
 tially recited of course prevented all the pow- 
 ers which became parties to it from accepting 
 the two propositions which had been before 
 submitted to the-maritime nations by the Pyresi- 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 “The declaration was, in due time, submitted 
 by the governments represented in the con- 
 gress at Paris to the government of the United 
 States. 
 
 “The President, about the 14th of July, 
 1856, made known to the states concerned his 
 unwillingness to accede to the declaration. In 
 making that announcement on behalf of this 
 government, my predecessor, Mr. Marcy, called 
 the attention of those states to the following 
 points, namely : — 
 
 “1st. That the second and third proposi- 
 tions, contained in the Paris declaration, are 
 substantially the same with the two proposi- 
 tions which had before been submitted to the 
 maritime states by the President. 
 
 “2d. That the Paris declaration, with the 
 conditions annexed, was inadmissible by the 
 United States in three respects; namely, first, 
 that the government of the United States 
 could not give its assent to the first proposi- 
 tion contained in the declaration, namely, that 
 ‘privateering is and remains abolished, al- 
 though it was willing to accept it with an 
 amendment which should exempt the private 
 property of individuals, though belonging to 
 belligerent states, from seizure or confiscation 
 by national vessels in maritime war. Second, 
 that for this reason the stipulation annexed to 
 the declaration, viz., that the propositions must 
 be taken altogether or rejected altogether, 
 without modification, could not be allowed. 
 Third, that the fourth condition annexed to 
 the declaration, which provided that the parties 
 acceding to it should enter into no negotiation 
 
 28 
 
 217 
 
 for any modifications of the law of maritime 
 war with nations which should not contain the 
 four points contained in the Paris declaration, 
 seemed inconsistent with a proper regard to 
 the national sovereignty of the United States. 
 
 “On the 29th of July, 1856, Mr. Mason, 
 then minister of the United States at Paris, 
 was instructed by the President to propose to 
 the government of France to enter into an 
 arrangement for its adherence, with the United 
 States, to the four principles of the declaration 
 of the congress of Paris, provided the first of 
 them should be amended as specified in Mr. 
 Marcy’s note to the Count de Sartiges on the 
 28th of July, 1856. Mr. Mason accordingly 
 brought the subject to the notice of the im- 
 perial government of France, which was dis- 
 posed to entertain the matter favorably, but 
 which failed to communicate its decision on 
 the subject to him. Similar instructions re- 
 garding the matter were addressed by this 
 department to Mr. Dallas, our minister at Lon- 
 don, on the 31st day of January, 1857; but 
 the proposition above referred to had not been 
 directly presented to the British government 
 by him when the administration of this gov- 
 ernment by Franklin Pierce, during whose 
 term these proceedings occurred, came to an 
 end, on the 3d of March, 1857, and was suc- 
 ceeded by that of James Buchanan, who di- 
 rected the negotiations to be arrested for the 
 purpose of enabling him to examine the ques- 
 tions involved, and they have ever since re- 
 mained in that state of suspension. 
 
 “The President of the United States has 
 now taken the subject into consideration, and 
 he is prepared to communicate his views upon 
 it, with a disposition to bring the negotiation 
 to a speedy and satisfactory conclusion. 
 
 “ For that purpose you are hereby instructed 
 to seek an early opportunity to call the atten- 
 tion of Her Majesty’s government to the sub- 
 ject, and to ascertain whether it is disposed to 
 
218 HISTORY OF 
 
 enter into negotiations for the accession of 
 the government of the United States to the 
 declaration of the Paris congress, with the con- 
 ditions annexed by that body to the same; 
 and if you shall find that government so dis- 
 posed, you will then enter into a convention 
 to that effect, substantially in the form of a 
 project for that purpose herewith transmitted 
 to you; the convention to take effect from the 
 time when the due ratifications of the same 
 shall have been exchanged. It is presumed 
 that you will need no special explanation of 
 the sentiments of the President on this sub- 
 ject for the purpose of conducting the neces- 
 sary conferences with the government to which 
 you are accredited. Its assent is expected on 
 the ground that the proposition is accepted at 
 its suggestion, and in the form it has preferred. 
 For your own information it will be sufficient 
 to say that the President adheres to the opin- 
 ion expressed by my predecessor, Mr. Marcy, 
 that it would be eminently desirable for the 
 good of all nations that the property and ef- 
 fects of private individuals, not contraband, 
 should be exempt from seizure and confiscation 
 by national vessels in maritime war. If the 
 time and circumstances were propitious to a 
 prosecution of the negotiation with that object 
 in view, he would direct that it should be as- 
 siduously pursued. But the right season seems 
 to have passed, at least for the present. Eu- 
 rope seems once more on the verge of quite 
 general wars. On the other hand, a portion 
 of the American people have raised the stan- 
 dard of insurrection, and proclaimed a provis- 
 ional government, and, through their organs, 
 have taken the bad resolution to invite priva- 
 teers to prey upon the peaceful commerce of 
 the United States. 
 
 “Prudence and humanity combine in per- 
 suading the President, under the circumstances, 
 that it is wise to secure the lesser good offered 
 by the Paris congress, without waiting indefi- 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 nitely in hope to obtain the greater one offered 
 to the maritime nations by the President of 
 the United States. 
 “T am, sir, respectfully, 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 “Wirtam H. Szwarp.” 
 
 Various obstacles were thrown in the way 
 of agreeing to such a convention by some of 
 the principal maritime powers, and no imme- 
 diate advantage was derived from the proposi- 
 tion. The action of the government, however, 
 was of moment to the future interests of law- 
 ful commerce, and had an important bearing 
 on questions likely to arise in the course of 
 the war; while the failure to enter into the 
 proposed convention may subsequently have 
 prejudiced the interests of parties, the subjects 
 of Kuropean sovereigns, who might have 
 claimed the protection of the neutral flag. 
 
 The spirit manifested by some of the prin- 
 cipal powers of Europe towards the United 
 States was such as had been hoped for. Rus- 
 sia, with whom the relations of the United 
 States had always been most friendly, ex- 
 pressed a hearty sympathy with the United 
 States, and a hope that the internal troubles 
 would soon be settled. Austria, who naturally 
 had an aversion to insurrection and rebellion 
 against established authority, gave ample as- 
 surance that the rebel states would receive no 
 encouragement there. Prussia declared her 
 sympathy with the federal government, and 
 some of the inferior powers expressed their 
 friendship in a similar manner. In England 
 and France, however, with whose people the 
 United States were more intimately connected, 
 there was less cordiality for the federal gov- 
 ernment than was expected. « It was in those 
 countries, especially, that the secessionists had 
 labored most earnestly to poison the public 
 mind, and to secure the interest of the goy- 
 ernments. They found there not a few influ- 
 
. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ential presses and individuals who espoused 
 their course openly, or, with secret friendship, 
 indirectly aided them by advocating neutrality 
 on the part of their government, and advising 
 “peaceful separation” as the best and only 
 mode of adjusting the difficulties. Neutrality, 
 indeed, was all that the government and Hy 
 ple of the United States demanded, though 
 they hoped for sympathy from nations and 
 governments which had so often avowed their 
 abhorrence of slavery. But it was a genuine 
 neutrality that was asked, of action and of 
 language — a thorough non-intervention on the 
 part both of government and, people, and an 
 avoidance of any recognition of the rebellious 
 states that should give them the rights of an 
 independent government, or put them on an 
 equality with the government of the United 
 States, with which these powers had treaties 
 and friendly relations. 
 
 It was some time before stig English and 
 French governments declared their purposes 
 with regard to the rebellion. It was com- 
 monly understood that they would act in con- 
 cert, as they had in other cases; and there 
 were constant rumors of the course which 
 they had decided to pursue. At last, on the 
 13th of May, the English government defined 
 its policy by a proclamation of neutrality by 
 the Queen. The substance of this proclama- 
 tion was as follows: — 
 
 “ Whereas we are happily at peace with all 
 sovereign powers and states; and whereas hos- 
 tilities have unhappily commenced between 
 the government of the United States and cer- 
 tain states styling themselves the Confederate 
 States of America; and whereas we, being at 
 peace with the government of the United 
 ‘States, have declared our royal determination 
 to maintain a strict and impartial neutrality in 
 the contest between the said contending par- 
 ties, — we, therefore, have thought fit, with the 
 advice of privy council, to issue our royal 
 proclamation. 
 
 219 
 
 “And we do hereby strictly charge and 
 command all our loving subjects to observe a 
 strict neutrality in and during the aforesaid 
 hostilities, and to abstain from violating or 
 contravening either the laws and statutes of 
 the realm in this behalf, or the law of nations 
 in relation thereto, as they will answer to the 
 contrary at their peril. 
 
 “ And we hereby further warn all our loving 
 subjects, and all persons whatever entitled to 
 our protection, that if any of them shall pre- 
 sume, in contempt of this royal proclamation, 
 and of our high displeasure, to do any acts in 
 derogation of their duty as subjects of a 
 neutral sovereign in said contest, or in viola- 
 tion or contravention of the law of nations in 
 that behalf, as, for example and more especially, 
 by entering into the military service of either 
 of the contending parties, as commissioned or 
 non-commissioned officers or soldiers; or by 
 serving as Officers, sailors, or marines on board 
 any ship or vessel of war, or transport of or in 
 the service of either of the contending. par- 
 ties; or by serving as officers, sailors, or ma- 
 rines on board any privateer hearing letters of 
 marque of or from either of the said contend- 
 ing parties; or by engaging to go or going to 
 any place beyond the seas, with intent to en- 
 list or engage in any such service, or by pro- 
 curing or attempting to procure within Her 
 Majesty’s dominions, at home or abroad, others 
 to do so; or by fitting out, arming, or equip- 
 ping any ship or vessel to be employed as a 
 ship of war, or privateer, or transport, by either 
 of the said contending parties; or by break- 
 ing, or endeavoring to break, any blockade 
 lawfully and actually established by or on be- 
 half of either of the said contending parties; 
 or by carrying officers, soldiers, despatches, 
 arms, military stores or materials, or any arti- 
 cle or articles considered and deemed to be 
 contraband of war, according to law or modern 
 usage of nations, for the use or service of 
 either of the said contending parties, — all 
 
220 
 
 persons so offending will incur and be liable to 
 the several penalties and penal consequences 
 by said statute, or by the law of nations in 
 that behalf imposed. 
 
 “ And we do hereby declare that all our sub- 
 jects, and persons entitled to our protection, 
 who may misconduct themselves in these prem- 
 ises, will do so at their own peril and of their 
 own wrong, and that they will in no wise ob- 
 tain any protection from us, against any liabil- 
 ities or penal consequences, but will, on the 
 contrary, incur our high displeasure by such 
 misconduct. 
 
 “Given at Richmond Park, May 15.” 
 
 France soon followed the example of Eng- 
 land by declaring neutrality, and the Emperor 
 issued a similar proclamation. These procla- 
 mations probably had the effect to deter per- 
 sons, who otherwise might have been tempted 
 by the offer of Jefferson Davis, from fitting 
 out privateers; but the cupidity of many of 
 the English led them to fit out vessels loaded 
 with articles contraband of war for the purpose 
 of running the blockade. The rebels in this 
 way received much aid and comfort from the 
 English; and while any thing destined for the 
 United States was closely watched, it does not 
 appear that the proceedings intended to aid the 
 rebels were, to any considerable extent, inter- 
 fered with. In the British North American Prov- 
 inces and the British West Indies the Queen’s 
 proclamation was constantly violated with im- 
 punity, and large supplies were thus furnished 
 to the rebels by running the blockade in small 
 vessels and steamers, which, at some point or 
 other on the extended coast of the southern 
 states, were enabled to avoid the blockading 
 cruisers. As the blockading fleet was increased, 
 the difficulties attending this contraband trade 
 were multiplied, and many of the vessels were 
 captured as prizes. The principal depot of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the trade was at Nassau, New Providence, to 
 which place large quantities of contraband 
 goods were carried, and were there transferred 
 to smaller and swift vessels, to be carried into 
 some of the southern ports. And while this 
 trade was carried on without any apparent 
 restraint on the part of the British authorities, 
 the cruisers of the United States were not 
 allowed to coal there, or at any other British ~ 
 port in the West Indies; an example which 
 was followed in the Dutch colonies. 
 
 Such was the policy of the leading maritime 
 powers towards the “ belligerents,” as the gov- 
 ernment and loyal people of the United States, 
 on the one hand, and the traitors and rebels 
 on the other, were termed. The United 
 States government, a leading power among 
 the nations of the world, having treaty rela- 
 tions with all other leading powers, was treated 
 with the coldest forms of strict neutrality ; 
 while the rebel Confederacy, not recognized as 
 an independent power by any nation, was 
 nominally subjected to the same neutrality, 
 while practically it received all the benefits of 
 a lax administration on the part of the public 
 authorities, and the hearty sympathy and aid 
 of parties who should have been bound to a 
 close observance of the avowed neutrality. It 
 is to be observed, however, in justice to other 
 
 foreign nations, that the contraband trade, by 
 
 which the rebels were supplied with materials 
 of war, and the violation of the blockade, were 
 carried on almost wholly by the English. 
 
 It has been necessary to anticipate our nar- 
 rative a little in thus alluding to the foreign 
 relations of the United States and the policy 
 adopted by other nations with regard to the 
 insurrection; but, as a matter of considerable 
 importance in the history of the rebellion, these 
 affairs could not well be overlooked before con- 
 tinuing the relation of domestic events and the 
 warlike movements of armed forces. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXL 
 
 Military Movements. — Position of the Rebels in Virginia. — 
 Federal Troops sent to the Relay House. — Their Position. — 
 Effect of the Movement. — Landing of Troops in Baltimore. 
 — Entrance of Massachusetts Troops into Baltimore. — Pos- 
 session of Federal Hill. — Route through Baltimore opened 
 for Federal Troops. — Effect of the Presence of Troops in the 
 City. — Sympathy with the Rebellion. — Secession Women. — 
 Seizure of Contraband Articles, and Arrest of Rebel Sympa- 
 thizers. — Military Movements at the West. — Cairo. — Con- 
 spiracy to seize it.— Conferences between General Prentiss 
 and Kentucky Officers. — Organization of State Troops in 
 Missouri. — Removal of Arms from the Arsenal at St. Louis 
 to Illinois. — General Harney. —Home Guards. — Demand 
 of the Police Commissioners of St. Louis. — Camp Jackson. 
 — Evident Purpose of the Encampment of State Troops. — 
 Arms from Louisiana. — Measures adopted by Captain Lyon. 
 — Camp Jackson surrounded. —Surrender of State Troops. — 
 Attack by the Mob on Federal Troops. —The Result. — 
 Proclamation by General Harney. — Gradual Restoration of 
 Quiet and Confidence. 
 
 Tue events in the history of the rebellion 
 thus far recorded are chiefly preliminary to 
 the actual struggle which was to ensue. Se- 
 cession had gradually proceeded till it had in- 
 cluded eleven states, and assumed the position 
 of a hostile power, organizing forces and making 
 every preparation for resistance to legitimate, 
 constitutional authority, and, indeed, for the 
 overthrow of the free and liberal government 
 under which the United States had become a 
 great power among the nations. To suppress 
 insurrection, to repel assaults upon its author- 
 ity, and to maintain itself, the integrity of the 
 Union, and the rights of the loyal states, the 
 federal government had called into the field 
 large forces, and had greatly increased its navy. 
 The position of the several states was essen- 
 tially settled, though the rebels had not aban- 
 doned their hopes of securing Maryland, Ken- 
 tucky, and Missouri; the rebellion had become 
 well defined in territorial extent, though its 
 gigantic proportions were hardly yet realized ; 
 and we now enter upon the period when it be- 
 comes necessary to record the movements of 
 military and naval forces, and the actual hos- 
 tilities which it was evident could no longer be 
 
 221 
 
 avoided without suffermg the government to 
 fall in pieces, and yielding the country to the 
 control of the oligarchy which originated the 
 rebellion. 
 
 A considerable force had been collected at 
 Washington by the first of May, and was con- 
 stantly receiving accessions through Annapolis 
 and by way of the Potomac. But the route 
 through Baltimore was not yet opened, com- 
 munication by way of the Potomac was threat- 
 ened with interruption by batteries on the Vir- 
 ginia shore, and the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
 road was held at Harper’s Ferry and at points 
 west of that place by large numbers of the 
 rebels. With such limited means of communi- 
 cation with the loyal states, while a hostile feel- 
 ing of formidable extent still existed in Mary- 
 land, Washington could not be considered out 
 of danger. For, besides the large force which 
 was collecting at Harper's Ferry, an army equal 
 at least to that already concentrated by the 
 federal government was forming at Richmond. 
 It was necessary, therefore, to secure Maryland 
 beyond all danger of being added to the states 
 in rebellion, to open communication through 
 Baltimore, and to prepare for any attempt to 
 throw a rebel force into the rear of Washing- 
 ton from Harper’s Ferry. Accordingly one of 
 the first steps taken by the government, after 
 making Washington secure from immediate 
 danger, was to send a force of about three 
 thousand infantry, consisting of two Massachu- 
 setts regiments and one from New York, with a 
 Massachusetts battery of artillery, to the Relay 
 House, a short distance from Baltimore, at the 
 junction of the Baltimore and. Ohio Railroad 
 with the Washington branch. At the same time 
 the garrison of Fort McHenry, near Baltimore, 
 was reénforced by a battalion of rifles, and a 
 ship of war was stationed in the harbor of that 
 city to assist the garrison in case of necessity. 
 
 The movement of troops to the Relay House, 
 which took place on the 5th of May, was under 
 the command of General Butler, and was ef- 
 
222 
 
 fected quite suddenly and unexpectedly to the 
 secessionists of Baltimore. The force was so 
 posted as to command the Baltimore and Ohio 
 Railroad and the Washington branch, and a 
 body of troops was constantly stationed at the 
 junction of the railroads to examine the trains 
 for contraband goods which might be forwarded 
 by the secessionists of Baltimore to the rebels 
 in Virginia. These measures had the effect to 
 stop the transit of many contraband articles 
 destined for the rebels, and to suppress, in some 
 degree, the sympathy and aid which the dis- 
 loyal people of Baltimore were disposed to ex- 
 tend to the rebellion. But the chief purpose 
 of this movement and disposition of troops was 
 probably to prevent any rebel force from moy- 
 ing from Harper’s Ferry by railroad to Balti- 
 more, and exciting the disloyal people to join 
 them in holding that city and attacking Wash- 
 ington. Previous to this the rebels might easily 
 have carried out such a movement, and, prob- 
 ably, with success; for most of the managers 
 and employés of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail- 
 road were notoriously in sympathy with the 
 rebels, and the insurgents could have been as 
 suddenly and secretly moved as were the troops 
 of General Butler. The slumbering disloyalty 
 of Maryland would thus have been aroused; and 
 in the condition in which the Union men of the 
 state then were, unarmed and disorganized, the 
 rebels would have had every advantage. For- 
 tunately General Scott foresaw the danger be- 
 fore any such attempt was made; and in his 
 action the loyal people of the north saw, with 
 satisfaction, that the government was becoming 
 strong enough to take some more effective 
 measures than simply collecting troops at Wash- 
 ington, though all felt that was the first ne- 
 cessity. 
 
 Soon after General Butler went to the Relay 
 House, a considerable force of regular soldiers 
 and Pennsylvania volunteers were landed at 
 “Locust Point,” in Baltimore, one of the termini 
 of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. They 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 were transported from Perryville in a steam- 
 boat, and the steam cutter Harriet Lane stood 
 off the Point with her ports open, ready to fire 
 upon any force of rebels or rioters who should 
 oppose the debarkation. There was no attempt 
 to interfere with the troops. The mayor of 
 Baltimore and a police force were present, and 
 the crowd of spectators appeared to have been 
 attracted by curiosity rather than a purpose to 
 obstruct the passage of troops, so far as their 
 acts indicated. The soldiers, with artillery, 
 horses, and baggage, were transferred from the 
 steamboat to the cars, and carried immediately 
 to Washington. 
 
 In the mean time the bridges on the rail- 
 roads between Pennsylvania and Baltimore 
 were repaired, and were soon after opened for 
 the transportation of troops. On the 13th of 
 May General Butler entered Baltimore with a 
 part of his troops, carrying into effect a pro- 
 phetic threat which he had made to some of the 
 Baltimore authorities, that Massachusetts troops 
 in the service of the United States must march 
 unmolested over the pavements where Massa- 
 chusetts blood was shed on the 19th of April. 
 The march into Baltimore was looked upon by 
 the disloyal people there with indignation ; but 
 there was no outbreak, for it was well under- 
 stood that in case of such attack the city would 
 be at the mercy of Fort McHenry, now fully 
 garrisoned, the vessels of war in the harbor, and 
 the United States troops that could at very 
 short notice be brought to quell any rebellious 
 demonstration. On the other hand, the loyal 
 people of Baltimore received the troops with 
 cheers and other demonstrations of welcome. 
 Proceeding to Federal Hill, in the southern part 
 of the city, the artillery was posted so as to be 
 of service in case of necessity,and the forces 
 disposed of to meet any emergency. ‘Troops 
 from the north now arrived on the railroads 
 from Pennsylvania, and marched unmolested 
 through the city. Some attempts were made 
 secretly to destroy the bridges or track of the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 railroads, but without success, and no riotous 
 obstruction of the passage of the troops was 
 made. The route through Baltimore was opened 
 not to be again closed to the passage of the 
 forces called to the support of the government. 
 
 The troops at Federal Hill, after a few days’ 
 stay, returned to the Relay House; but the 
 position was held by some of the newly-arrived 
 regiments, and from that time a considerable 
 force was kept in Baltimore to sustain the Union 
 sentiment and to repress secession. General 
 Cadwallader, of Pennsylvania, who came with 
 the troops from that state, was assigned to the 
 command of the forces in the city. General 
 Butler’s efficient and unceremonious course had 
 not been very acceptable to the secessionists 
 and semi-disloyal people of Baltimore, and they 
 expressed much satisfaction with the change, 
 though General Butler still had command of 
 the department, his headquarters being at An- 
 napolis. By the genuine loyalists his course 
 was universally approved. General Butler soon 
 after, being now appointed major-general, was 
 ordered to Fortress Monroe, to take command 
 of a considerable force which was being col- 
 lected at that point. 
 
 Though the presence of troops in Baltimore 
 kept the secessionists in subjection, and pre- 
 * vented them from any open demonstrations of 
 sympathy with the rebels, secret aid and com- 
 fort were constantly extended to them. Small 
 parties went into Virginia to join the rebel 
 forces, and arms, ammunition, and medical 
 stores, in small quantities, were smuggled away. 
 There were also not infrequent exhibitions of 
 sympathy with the southern cause, and con- 
 tempt for the federal soldiers, by individuals. 
 The secession women of Baltimore were con- 
 spicuous in this conduct, taking great pains to 
 display’ upon their persons or in their windows 
 miniature flags of the southern Confederacy, 
 and avoiding, or otherwise manifesting their 
 dislike for, the federal-officers and soldiers. To 
 such an extent was this conduct carried, that it 
 
 223 
 
 became necessary to repress it by military 
 orders; and some of the more reckless female 
 sympathizers with the rebels were justly hu- 
 miliated by the insulted soldiers. 
 
 At the Relay House, as well as in Baltimore, 
 the troops were employed to prevent the pas- 
 sage of men to join the rebels and the trans- 
 portation of stores for their benefit. The con- 
 traband trade was in this way, to some extent, 
 stopped, but it was directed into other channels, 
 and conducted more secretly. Among the 
 seizures made by the troops at the Relay House 
 was that of the Winans steam-gun, a piece of 
 ordnance which was alleged to be a very formi- 
 dable affair, and about which a great deal had 
 been said. Special pains were taken to secure 
 this gun, and it was finally captured while be- 
 ing transported, in an incomplete state, on a 
 common road. It proved to be of little value; 
 and though its capture was regarded as of some 
 importance, it would probably have been of 
 little use to the rebels. There were also at 
 Baltimore and in the vicinity a number of cap- 
 tures of men and contraband goods on board 
 of steamers and small vessels bound down the 
 bay; and in the city there were several im- 
 portant seizures of arms, evidently intended for 
 the rebels in Virginia, or for the arming of the 
 rebels of Maryland, should they have an oppor- 
 tunity to use them. 
 
 While military movements were thus being 
 made at the east, and an army was collecting 
 about Washington, similar movements were 
 made at the west. As before stated, a force was 
 stationed at Cairo, an important position at the 
 junction of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, and 
 this point was made the rendezvous of a large 
 part of the volunteers in the western states. 
 This disposition of the volunteers was made by 
 the war department in consequence of evidence 
 being received that a conspiracy existed in Ken- 
 tucky, Tennessee, and Missouri to seize Cairo 
 as an important strategic point, and to take 
 possession of the southern portion of the Illinois 
 
 1) 
 
224 
 
 Central Railroad, and thus cut off communica- 
 tion between that point and the more loyal 
 northern and central part of the state. From 
 time to time the reports continued of military 
 preparations in Kentucky hostile to the United 
 States government, and rumors were frequent 
 of a contemplated attack upon the troops at 
 Cairo. On the other hand, it was more gen- 
 erally stated that the preparations in Kentucky 
 were to prevent any “invasion of the state by 
 either party ” according to the policy advocated 
 by some of the leading men of the state at the 
 commencement of the rebellion. Conferences 
 were held at different times between General 
 Prentiss, commanding the forces at Cairo, and 
 several Kentucky officers, among whom were 
 Generals Buckner and Tilghman, afterwards in 
 the rebel army, the result of which was, that 
 there would be no “invasion” of Kentucky, 
 except: to attack a rebel force, or to suppress a 
 rebel movement. In this position matters re- 
 mained for some time, the rebels in the mean 
 time concentrating forces at different points in 
 Western Kentucky, and the loyal people be- 
 coming gradually more decided in their adhe- 
 sion to the government, until they welcomed 
 a movement of federal forces upon their own 
 soil. 
 
 In Missouri active military movements were 
 early found necessary. As seen in a previous 
 chapter, Governor Jackson and the legislature 
 were in favor of secession, and their efforts 
 were directed to that end. A large number of 
 the people sympathized with the movement, 
 and it was quite evident that Missouri would 
 be the scene of civil strife sooner than any other 
 state, and, perhaps, of a more malignant char- 
 acter. Armed bands were every where formed 
 for the avowed purpose of aiding the rebellion, 
 and the state troops organized by the governor 
 and General Price, under the acts of the seces- 
 sion legislature, were really designed to aid the 
 same cause. On the other hand, troops desig- 
 nated as the “home guard” were formed by the 
 
 q 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 loyal people, chiefly at St. Louis and some of 
 the more important towns, and some of them 
 were mustered into the service of the United 
 States. 
 
 While affairs were in this condition in Mis- - 
 souri, and the activity of the secessionists, with 
 the aid of the state and municipal authorities, 
 seemed to give them the advantage, some so- 
 licitude was felt for the United States arsenal 
 at St. Louis. There was a body of regular 
 troops posted there, and the home guards were 
 being organized as rapidly as could be done 
 under the circumstances; but a sudden move- 
 ment of the state forces and the mob, which for 
 some time gathered in the vicinity of the arse- 
 nal, might effect the destruction, if not the 
 capture, of a large quantity of arms. These 
 arms were needed for the equipment of troops 
 in Illinois and Indiana, as well as the home 
 guard of Missouri; and it was deemed desirable 
 to secure and transport them to those states 
 without bringing about any collision. This 
 object was successfully accomplished on the 
 night of the 25th of April, by Captain James 
 H. Stokes, of Hlinois. 
 
 Having a requisition from the secretary of 
 war for ten thousand muskets for the governor 
 of Illinois, Captain Stokes went to St. Louis, 
 where he found a large mob about the arsenal, 
 watching the movement of the federal soldiers, 
 and ready to obstruct any removal of the pub- 
 lic property, and to bring in the state troops, 
 who only awaited such an attempt in order to 
 make a descent upon the arsenal. On the 25th 
 of April, Captain Stokes received information 
 that Governor Jackson had ordered two thou- 
 sand of the state troops from Jefferson City to 
 St. Louis; and it was considered by the United 
 States officers that such a movement threat- 
 ened the seizure of the arsenal. Alreatly bat- 
 teries had been planted in the vicinity of the 
 arsenal, and with the small force which as yet 
 could be depended upon for its defence, the 
 success of an attack by a large body of seces- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 sionists was more than probable. An order was 
 telegraphed to Alton, in Illinois, some miles 
 above St. Louis, for a steamer to be sent down 
 to the arsenal landing at midnight. Before the 
 
 arrival of this boat some five hundred flint-lock | 
 
 muskets, which had been brought to the arsenal 
 from Kentucky for repairs, were sent on board 
 another steamer, for the purpose of covering 
 the real intentions of the officers. A large 
 part of the mob followed these arms, and they 
 were taken possession of by the secessionists. 
 The spies, who still lingered about the arsenal, 
 were put in the guard house, and while the 
 secessionists were rejoicing over their success 
 in preventing the transportation of arms beyond 
 the state, the steamboat from Alton came down 
 to the arsenal landing, and the ten thousand 
 percussion arms, for which Captain Stokes 
 brought a requisition, were quickly placed on 
 board. Having secured them, Captain Stokes 
 entreated Captain Lyon and Major Callender, 
 the officers in charge, to allow him to take the 
 remainder of the valuable arms contained in 
 the arsenal. In view of the danger of the arms 
 falling into the hands of the secessionists if 
 they were retained, these officers yielded to 
 the appeal; and accordingly, about eleven 
 thousand more of effective arms were placed on 
 board the boat, together with ammunition and 
 equipments, leaving but seven or eight thou- 
 sand guns for arming the home guards. The 
 work of loading being completed, it was found 
 that the steamboat, in consequence of the weight 
 of the load, was fast aground. The danger of 
 an attack under these circumstances was great, 
 should the facts become known to the seces- 
 sionists ; but by shifting the cargo the boat was 
 got afloat, and proceeded safely to Alton. There 
 the citizens were summoned to bring away the 
 arms, or to protect them from attack, should 
 the rebels of St. Louis pursue, as they were 
 likely to do; and the entire load was soon 
 transferred from the boat to cars, and was 
 carried-to Springfield, to be placed in loyal 
 29 
 
 225 
 
 hands for the maintenance of the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 General Harney was commander of the west- 
 ern military department; but at this time he 
 was on his way to Washington. While on the 
 Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at Harper’s Ferry, 
 he was taken from the cars by rebel soldiers, 
 and detained as a prisoner. Being sent to 
 Richmond, however, he was immediately re- 
 leased. By some his loyalty was called in 
 question; but he soon after showed himself a. 
 hearty supporter of the Union, though it was 
 feared that his social relations might render 
 him less active and stern in his measures 
 against rebellion than the exigencies required. 
 
 The home guards organized in St. Louis 
 were quartered in their armories in different 
 parts of the city. The organization and arming 
 of this body of men gave offence to the seces- 
 sionists, who saw in such a force a serious 
 obstacle to the accomplishment of their pur- 
 poses. The police commissioners, who were 
 in sympathy with the rebellion, accordingly 
 demanded of Captain Lyon, the commandant 
 of the post in the absence of General Harney, 
 that all forces in the service of the United 
 States, except those in the arsenal, should be 
 removed. The demand was refused, as might 
 have been expected; and the subject was re- 
 ferred by the commissioners to the state gov- 
 ernment. ‘The secessionists evidently hoped in 
 this way to bring about a collision between the 
 state and the federal government, by which 
 Missouri might be carried out of the Union 
 before a sufficient force should be able to 
 repress the rebellious and sustain the Union 
 sentiment. 
 
 A few days after this demand, a “camp of 
 instruction” of the state troops was formed at 
 St. Louis, in obedience to orders from Governor 
 Jackson, and men from the south-western part 
 of the state were sent to it. The camp was 
 styled “Camp Jackson,” and was under the 
 command of Brigadier-general Frost, of the 
 
226 HISTORY OF 
 
 Missouri militia. To arm these or some other 
 portions of the state troops, it was known that 
 some of the arms taken by the Louisiana 
 secessionists from the United States arsenal at 
 Baton Rouge were sent to Missouri. Other 
 camps of the state troops had been formed at 
 the same time in different parts of the state, 
 avowedly for the purpose of instructing the 
 troops for a period of six days. But the well- 
 known sympathies of the governor of the state 
 and of the legislature, as well as of the men 
 enrolled in this militia, made it evident that if 
 they were not assembled for some ulterior and 
 hostile purpose, they might be used in the 
 present condition of affairs to precipitate a 
 collision and secure secession. 
 
 Acting from a conviction based on a knowl- 
 edge of events transpiring in the state, and of 
 the purposes of the leading men in the state 
 government, and also under instructions from 
 Washington, Captain Lyon determined to nip 
 this plan in the bud. Accordingly, on the 10th 
 of May, with the force under his command, 
 numbering some five or six thousand men, 
 including the home guards mustered into the 
 service of the United States, Captain Lyon 
 marched out of the city to Camp Jackson, and 
 posting his troops so as completely to surround 
 it, he summoned the commander of the state 
 troops to surrender. Previous to this, General 
 Frost addressed a note to Captain Lyon, stating 
 that he had received intimations that the latter 
 intended to make an attack on the camp, and 
 denying that any attack was contemplated on 
 the arsenal by the troops under his command. 
 Captain Lyon, however, made no reply to this 
 note, but carried out his plans, feeling assured 
 that it was time, and that it was his duty, to 
 take stringent measures to prevent the success 
 of the secession plot. In his note to General 
 Frost, demanding the surrender, Captain Lyon 
 wrote, — 
 
 “Your command is regarded as evidently 
 hostile towards the government of the United 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 States. Itis, for the most part, made up of those 
 secessionists who have openly avowed their 
 hostility to the general government, and have 
 been plotting at the seizure of its property and 
 the overthrow of its authority. You are openly 
 in communication with the so-called southern 
 Confederacy, which is now at war with the 
 United States, and you are receiving at your 
 camp, from the said Confederacy and under its 
 flag, large supplies of material of war, most of 
 which is known to be the property of the 
 United States. These extraordinary prepara- 
 tions plainly indicate none other than the well 
 known purpose of the governor of this state, 
 under whose orders you are acting, and whose 
 purpose, recently communicated to the legis- 
 ture, has just been responded to by that body 
 in the most unparalleled legislation, having in 
 direct view hostilities to the general govern- 
 ment and codperation with its enemies.” 
 
 Captain Lyon gave General Frost half an 
 hour to comply with hisdemand. After a brief 
 consultation with his officers, General Frost 
 agreed to surrender. The state troops were ° 
 accordingly made prisoners of war, and upon 
 laying down their arms were offered their free- 
 dom if they would take an oath of allegiance. 
 This, however, with a few exceptions, they 
 refused to do, and were accordingly taken to 
 the arsenal. The number of prisoners was 
 about one. thousand, and a considerable quan- 
 tity of the arms brought from Louisiana was 
 found in the camp. 
 
 When the federal troops, with their prison- 
 ers, were returning to the city, an attack was 
 made by some of the mob upon a portion of 
 the troops, and several shots were discharged at 
 them. The soldiers were so fiercely assaulted 
 that they were obliged to defend themselves, 
 and they fired ‘upon their assailants. Unfor- 
 tunately there was a vast crowd of people 
 present, — men, women, and children, — from 
 the midst of whom the rioters made their as- 
 sault. Knowing the purpose for which the fed- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 eral troops marched to the camp, and the danger 
 of some conflict, it was folly for such a crowd 
 to attend from mere curiosity, and it was hardly 
 to be expected that soldiers, wantonly and 
 fiercely assailed, should forbear to defend them- 
 selves, or should see the crowd beyond their 
 immediate assailants. Upwards of twenty per- 
 sons were killed or wounded by the fire of 
 the soldiers, and the crowd, with the rioters, 
 immediately scattered. Great excitement en- 
 sued in the city, and the most violent threats 
 against the soldiers and the federal government 
 were uttered. But the display of force made 
 by Captain Lyon, and the determination which 
 he had shown to suppress insurrection in its 
 incipient stages, had a good effect. The Union 
 men were encouraged by the exercise of federal 
 power, and the secessionists found that their 
 plots were to be crushed by force if necessary. 
 The next day another attack was made by a 
 mob upon a body of the home guard who had 
 just been enlisted, and more blood was shed. 
 The repetition of such scenes threw the people 
 of St. Louis into a state of excitement and 
 alarm. To restore confidence, General Harney, 
 who had now returned, issued a proclamation, 
 expressing regret at the existing state of things, 
 and pledging himself to do all he could to pre- 
 serve the peace and to protect the citizens. A 
 body of regular troops was placed in the city 
 to assist in maintaining order, and after a time 
 quiet and confidence were partially restored, 
 many of the secessionists left the city to join 
 insurrectionary forces in other places, and the 
 Union men grew stronger and more hopeful. 
 In order to prevent, as far as possible, the 
 arming of insurgent forces, seizures of arms 
 were made at several places in St. Louis, most 
 of which were secreted, and were evidently in- 
 tended to be used in the rebel cause. These 
 measures, and the continued mustering of the 
 home guards into the service of the United 
 States, kept up a state of excitement in the city | 
 among those who sympathized with secession, 
 
 227 
 
 while, on the other hand, the continued organi- 
 zation of the state troops created some well- 
 grounded alarm among the Union men. In 
 this state of things an agreement was made 
 between General Harney and General Price, 
 who commanded the state troops, by which it 
 was arranged that these troops should be dis- 
 banded; and as this would tend to secure the 
 maintenance of the public peace, General Har- 
 ney declared that he should have no object, as 
 he had no wish, to make military movements 
 which might create excitement and jealousies. 
 The state troops, however, refused to disband, 
 according to the agreement of General Price, 
 and it was evidently the purpose of their lead- 
 ers that, under the pretext of maintaining the 
 neutrality and safety of the state, they should 
 be organized to aid the rebellion. General 
 Price, too, issued a proclamation to his sub- 
 ordinate officers, in which, with specious argu- 
 ments, he enjoined upon them “to see that all 
 citizens, of whatever opinions in politics or 
 religion, be protected in their persons and 
 property ”— an injunction evidently designed 
 to bring about a collision with the United 
 States military authorities. 
 
 General Harney was, soon after, relieved from 
 the command of this department, and Cap- 
 tain Lyon, now appointed brigadier-general, 
 succeeded him. This appomtment was very 
 unsatisfactory to the secessionists, for in his 
 decisive action in capturing the state troops at 
 Camp Jackson they saw reason to suppose that 
 he would not deal leniently with rebellion. 
 Governor Jackson then proposed to disband and 
 disarm the “state guard,” if general Lyon 
 would disband the various forces of home 
 guards which had been mustered into the ser- 
 vice of the United States. Such a proposition 
 could not, of course, be entertained by General 
 Lyon; and Governor Jackson, finding that his 
 scheme for suffering Missouri to fall into the 
 Confederacy without opposition would fail, is- 
 sued a proclamation for the purpose of taking 
 
228 
 
 it out by force, and joining at once in the rebel- 
 lion. In it the governor thus stated the position 
 taken by General Lyon and Francis P. Blair, Jr., 
 member of Congress from the St. Louis district, 
 who was associated with him in the conference : 
 “They demanded not only the disorganization 
 and disbanding of the state militia, and the 
 nullification of the military bill, but they re- 
 fused to disband their own home guard, and 
 insisted that the federal government should 
 enjoy the unrestricted right to move and sta- 
 tion its froops throughout the state whenever 
 and wherever it might, in the opinion of its 
 officers, be necessary either for the protection 
 of the loyal subjects of the federal government 
 or for repelling invasion, and they plainly an- 
 nounced that it was the intention of the admin- 
 
 istration to take military possession, under these |, 
 
 pretexts, of the whole state,and to reduce it, 
 as avowed by General Lyon himself, to the 
 exact condition of Maryland.” Bent upon 
 making Missouri independent of the federal 
 
 government, Governor Jackson considered these | 
 
 terms as degrading, and he charged the federal 
 agents with “ energetically hastening the execu- 
 tion of their bloody and revolutionary schemes 
 for the inauguration of civil war in your midst, 
 and for the military oceupation of your state by 
 armed bands of lawless invaders— for the over- 
 throw of your state government, and for the 
 subversion of those liberties which the govern- 
 ment has a right to protect; and they intend to 
 bring their whole power to subjugate you, if 
 possible, to the military despotism which has 
 assumed the powers of the federal government.” 
 Inflaming the people with such misrepre- 
 sentations, he called “the militia of the state, 
 to the number of fifty thousand, into the ser- 
 
 vice of the state, for the purpose of repelling 
 
 such invasion.” 
 
 The safety of St. Louis appeared to be 
 secured for the present; but this action of 
 Governor Jackson, and the military prepara- 
 tions in various parts of the state in conse- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 quence thereof, soon led to open rebellion and 
 
 civil war, the events of which will be recorded 
 in subsequent pages. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Movements of Confederate Troops to Virginia. — Danger to 
 Washington. —Federal Movements. — Advance of the Army 
 into Virginia. — Entrance into Alexandria. — Colonel Ells- 
 worth’s Movements. — He hauls down a Secession Flag. — 
 Assassinated by the Proprietor. — The Assassin killed. — En- 
 trance of other Troops into the City. — Capture of Cavalry. — 
 Success of the Movement.— The Death of Ellsworth. — 
 Sketch of his Life. — Funeral Ceremonies. — Movement of 
 Troops from Fortress Monroe into Virginia. — Another Move- 
 ment in North-western Virginia. — Effect of the Advance of 
 Federal Troops at the South. — Misrepresentation to excite 
 the Hatred of the People towards the Government and Army. 
 — Beauregard’s Proclamation. — Jefferson Davis’s Speech. — 
 Proclamations and Orders of Federal Officers. — General 
 McClellan’s Proclamation and Orders. — General Patterson’s 
 Orders. — Colonel Duryea’s Proclamation. —General McDow- 
 ell’s Orders. — Leniency of Federal, and Barbarity of Rebel, 
 Warfare. 
 
 As soon as Virginia had been, by its conven- 
 tion, contingently transferred from the Union 
 to the Confederate States, and before the peo- 
 ple had acted upon the question of secession, 
 troops from the other seceded states were sent 
 as rapidly as they could be raised and equipped 
 into that state, and were placed under command 
 of General Robert E. Lee,* who had been made 
 commander-in-chief of the Virginia troops. The 
 cry of the south was, “On to Washington ;” and 
 from the disposition of the troops such was 
 supposed to be the design of the rebels. On 
 the southern bank of the Potomac, Arlington 
 Heights and adjacent hills commanded the city, 
 -and there were constant rumors that the rebels 
 were erecting batteries upon them, or were 
 _preparing to do so. There was known to be a’ 
 body of rebel soldiers in Alexandria. On the 
 ‘Lower Potomac they had certainly appeared, 
 
 * General Lee had been an officer of the United States army, 
 one of General Scott’s staff, and was highly esteemed by that 
 general. He treacherously left the service when the secession of 
 Virginia was probable. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 in more or less force, and were erecting bat-| 
 teries, while at Harper’s Ferry their numbers 
 were increasing, and they were taking up po- 
 sitions at other points above and below that 
 place, and had indeed taken possession of Mary- 
 land Heights, opposite Harper’s Ferry. These 
 movements had been made before the secession 
 of Virginia had been consummated by the vote 
 of the people, which was given on the 23d 
 of May. 
 
 A. federal force had already been ordered 
 forward from Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, to 
 Hagerstown in Maryland, to oppose any ad- 
 vance of the rebels from Harper’s Ferry ; and a 
 movement of troops into Virginia, to such an 
 extent at least as to secure the safety of Wash- 
 ington, was now determined upon. This move-| 
 ment was delayed, for weighty reasons, till the+ 
 election in Virginia had passed; but on the 
 night following the election, the necessary prep- 
 arations were made, and early on the morning 
 of the 24th of May, the troops entered Virginia. 
 The entire force consisted of about thirteen 
 thousand men, and was under the command of 
 General J. K. F. Mansfield, of the United States 
 army. ; 
 
 A portion of this force, of which the District 
 of Columbia volunteers formed the vanguard, 
 crossed the “Long Bridge” over the Potomac, 
 and proceeded towards Alexandria, the advance 
 halting about half a mile from the town for the 
 main body to come up. Another division of 
 the troops proceeded down the river by steam-| 
 boats. At about the same time, a third division 
 crossed the chain bridge, near Georgetgwn, and 
 took possession of Arlington Heights and the 
 adjacent hills. 
 
 - A little before five o’clock in the morning, 
 the commander of the United States steamer | 
 
 Pawnee, which was lying off Alexandria, sent a 1 
 flag of truce to the rebel forces, giving them | 
 
 one hour within which to withdraw from the | 
 town. Soon after, the New York Fire Zouaves, | 
 commanded by Colonel Ellsworth, and other, 
 
 229 
 
 troops, arrived at the wharf, and immediately 
 debarked. After detailing a company to destroy 
 the railroad track near by, Colonel Ellsworth 
 formed his regiment, and leaving them to await 
 further orders, proceeded, with two or three 
 officers and a very small guard, to take posses- 
 sion of the telegraph office and to cut the 
 wires. 
 
 While on the way, a large secession flag was 
 observed raised over a hotel, called the “ Mar- 
 shall House,” and the small party entered the 
 building, Colonel Ellsworth being determined 
 to haul down the flag, which for some time had 
 been waving there in sight of the loyal troops 
 about Washington. Proceeding to the top of 
 the house with his companions, Colonel Elis- 
 worth cut down the flag, and was returning 
 with it, preceded by private Brownell, when, 
 as he had nearly reached the foot of the upper 
 stairs, the proprietor of the house suddenly met 
 them, and, levelling a double-barrelled gun at 
 Colonel Ellsworth, discharged one of the barrels, 
 killing the colonel instantly. Private Brow- 
 nell had endeavored to turn the gun aside, but 
 ineffectually. No sooner, however, had the 
 man discharged his piece, than Brownell shot 
 him, and thrust his bayonet through him, killing 
 him at once, as he was in the act of discharging 
 the other barrel. The suddenness of this at- 
 tack, and the loss of their commander, alarmed 
 the small party, who did not know how large a 
 body of men might attack them from the vari- 
 ous rooms opening upon the hall in which they 
 were. Posting themselves as guards in the pas- 
 sage-way, and threatening any one who should 
 dare to open a door, they awaited the arrival 
 of a company of the Zouaves, for which Colonel 
 Ellsworth had despatched one of his men upon 
 entering the house. The time seemed long, 
 for the company had missed the street; but it 
 arrived at last, and relieved the party from 
 their unpleasant, and, as they supposed, dan- 
 gerous position. It appeared, however, that 
 there were no armed men in the house, and that 
 
230 
 
 the proprietor, whose name was Jackson, had 
 acted without concert with any other parties. 
 
 Meanwhile other troops entered the city, and 
 the first Michigan regiment, with a detachment 
 of regular cavalry and a section of a battery 
 of artillery, proceeding directly to the railroad 
 depot, saw a train just moving off with the 
 principal part of the rebel force which had oc- 
 cupied the city. The artillery, however, cap- 
 tured a small body of cavalry, which was unable 
 to get away. The railroad track was then torn 
 up at different points outside of the town, to 
 prevent the passage of trains with troops, or 
 the transportation of stores from the town. 
 The forces were disposed so as to hold the 
 place against any attack, and to prevent any 
 disturbance or insurrection among the seces- 
 sion inhabitants. 
 
 The entire movement was well planned and 
 executed, though no force, as was by some 
 anticipated, disputed possession of the points 
 aimed at. By it the city of Washington was 
 secured from the danger of rebel batteries on 
 the hills-of the Virginia side of the Potomac, 
 and the entire line of that bank of the river 
 from Georgetown to Alexandria, was held and 
 could be occupied by a force adequate to repel 
 any rebel attack. The one drawback to the 
 success of the movement was the untimely 
 death of Colonel Ellsworth — an event which 
 caused a deeper and more general sorrow than 
 the fall of any one man during the war. His 
 youth, his ability, his manly and chivalric char- 
 acter, and his patriotism, had endeared him to 
 the people even though they knew him not, 
 and he was universally lamented as one of the 
 first and noblest martyrs in the wicked rebel- 
 lion. Such a man will live in history; and his 
 memory merits more than the brief record of 
 his death. 
 
 Ephraim Elmer Ellsworth was born in Me- 
 chanicsville, New York, April 23, 1837. 
 business misfortunes of his father, when he was 
 quite young, limited his opportunities for more 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 than a common education, and he was early 
 thrown upon his own resources for support. 
 Proud, sensitive, and generous, he felt the weight 
 of circumstances even in his boyhood, but de- 
 voted himself with energy to the pursuits in 
 which he wasengaged. While yet quite young 
 he went to Chicago, and associated himself 
 in business with Mr. Devereux,* of Massachu- 
 setts. For atime they met with success; but 
 through the acts of another party, they after- 
 wards suffered some losses, and were compelled 
 to give up their business. Ellsworth then com- 
 menced the study of law with the energy which 
 characterized all his undertakings, and sup- 
 ported himself by copying during the hours 
 which he could spare from study and sleep. At 
 this time he must have endured great priva- 
 trons and mental suffering. He lived by him- 
 self, with very few friends and no amusements. 
 He would not permit himself to accept hospi- 
 talities and courtesies which his poverty would 
 not admit of his reciprocating, and generous 
 and genial as his nature was, his pride and sensi- 
 tiveness must have often caused him severe 
 struggles. 
 
 Ellsworth was not a_ man, however, to waste 
 his strength in morbid suffering. He had an 
 ambition to accomplish something practical, and 
 to do some good for his country. The idea 
 which most occupied his attention from an early 
 period of his manhood, and even of his youth, 
 was a complete and effective organization of 
 the militia of the United States. To this he 
 gave much thought and study; and, deeply im- 
 pressed with the necessity of such a system of 
 ‘national defence, he undertook to convince the 
 people of the value of his theory of organization 
 and drill by a practical illustration of its worth. 
 He first trained himself in the manual of arms, 
 by severe discipline and practice, and close study 
 
 } of all the movements of the soldier in an ana- 
 The 
 
 tomical view; and he thus was able to make 
 
 * Afterwards lieutenant-colonel of the 19th Massachusetts 
 
 ' regiment. 
 
PRESIDENT 
 
 some improvements on the chasseur drill then 
 in use. Having made himself perfect, he or- 
 ganized a company whose movements and drill 
 should be equally exact and perfect. But he 
 was not content with having men who could 
 drill well; he must have them disciplined in all 
 respects, of unimpeached moral character and 
 unquestioned sobriety, and bound together by 
 confidence in each other, a chivalrous sense of 
 honor, and fidelity to the purpose of their 
 organization. With such a company thoroughly 
 organized, he visited, in 1860, the principal 
 cities of the north, challenging competition and 
 winning the admiration of the vast numbers 
 who witnessed the exhibitions of the corps. He 
 thus secured the attention of the public, and 
 one result of his tour was the formation of 
 numerous companies of Zouaves, nominally on 
 the plan of the Chicago Zouaves. He next 
 formed a regiment in Northern Illinois, organ- 
 ized in a manner similar to that of the original 
 company; and, as if foreseeing the coming 
 struggle, tendered the services of his command 
 to the governor of the state. 
 
 But Ellsworth’s plan embraced the whole 
 militia of the United States; and he hoped, 
 should the presidential election result in the 
 choice of Mr. Lincoln, that he might be en- 
 abled to accomplish the work to which he had 
 given so much thought and study. He entered 
 the office of Mr. Lincoln as a law student soon 
 after his return frpm his military tour, but still 
 engaged most industriously in his favorite study 
 and plans. He enlisted heartily in the canvass, 
 and eloquently advocated before the* people 
 the election of Mr. Lincoln. When that desired 
 result was accomplished, he accompanied the 
 President elect, who had become his firm friend, 
 to Washington, trusting that now his hope 
 might be realized by the establishment, in the 
 war department, of a bureau of militia, to be 
 placed under his superintendence. Disgusted 
 with office-seeking as conducted at the capital, 
 and waiting apparently in vain for an appoint- 
 
 LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 231 
 
 ment, he abandoned the distasteful contest, and 
 was appointed by the President a lieutenant in 
 the army. 
 
 Before entering upon the special service for 
 which it was intended to detail him, the attack 
 on Fort Sumter was made; and Ellsworth, rising 
 from a sick bed, proceeded to New York, where, 
 by the reputation he had acquired as a soldier, 
 and the confidence with which he inspired all 
 who came in contact with him, he speedily 
 raised a regiment of Zouaves, chiefly among the 
 firemen of the city. This regiment, composed 
 of men somewhat rough, unruly, and peculiar, 
 but athletic, active, daring, and accustomed to 
 danger, was well fitted for the Zouave drill and 
 tactics to which Ellsworth had devoted so much 
 attention. He secured discipline among these 
 untamed men by the force of his character, by 
 his personal qualities of head and heart, and 
 by his physical training, strength, and endur- 
 ance. All these inspired the confidence of his 
 men, and they were ready to obey all his orders 
 and to follow him into any danger. With this 
 regiment, finely equipped by the liberality of 
 citizens of New York, Colonel Ellsworth went 
 to Washington, and when the time came for 
 the movement into Virginia he and his com- 
 mand were ready. 
 
 Too rash in his desire to accomplish some- 
 thing, and scarcely realizing, as few did at that 
 time, the malignant and murderous spirit of 
 secession, he met with his untimely death. His 
 fall was lamented throughout the country, for 
 he was every where known as a young, noble, 
 and chivalric soldier. . But he was more than a 
 brave soldier ; he wasa youth of pure and noble 
 
 ‘character, of high aims, of tender and generous 
 
 affections. For his parents, whose staff and 
 pride he was, he cherished the truest filial love, 
 and his life and death were colored by the 
 romance of a still more tender tie of betrothed 
 affection. One of his last acts on the night 
 before going to Alexandria was to write a letter 
 to his parents, in which, as if the result were 
 
932 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 foreshadowed to his mind, he said, “ Whatever 
 may happen, cherish the consolation that I was 
 engaged in the performance of a sacred duty ; 
 and to-night, thinking over the probabilities of 
 the morrow and the occurrences of the past, I 
 am perfectly content to accept whatever my 
 fortune may be, confident that He who noteth 
 the fall of a sparrow will have some purpose 
 even in the fate of one like me.” 
 
 The funeral ceremonies over the remains of 
 the gallant Ellsworth took place in Washing- 
 ton, where the body lay in state in the presi- 
 dential mansion, and every mark of respect to 
 his memory was paid by the President, who 
 was much attached to him, and by the military 
 authorities. 
 
 The day preceding the movement of the 
 troops across the Potomac, General Butler, who 
 was now in command at Fortress Monroe, made a 
 reconnoissance with a Vermont regiment, under 
 Colonel Phelps, into Hampton village and vi- 
 cinity. Some of the inhabitants, observing the 
 approach of the troops, attempted to burn the 
 bridge leading from the fortress to the Hamp- 
 ton side of the bay. The soldiers, however, by 
 a rapid movement, scattered the incendiaries 
 and extinguished the fire before it had caused 
 much damage. The next day, the same when 
 the movement was made from Washington, two 
 or three regiments went over from the fortress 
 and established a permanent camp upon ground 
 near the bridge in Hampton, thus occupying 
 Virginia soil in another quarter. 
 
 A few days after, on the 27th of May, a regi- 
 ment of loyal Virginians, organized at Whee- 
 ling, moved towards Grafton, at which point a 
 body of rebels were collected, and two Olio 
 regiments crossed the river and entered Vir- 
 ginia, one following the Virginia regiment from 
 Wheeling towards Grafton, and the other cross- 
 ing from Marietta to Parkersburg. A large | 
 portion of the people in this part of Virginia 
 
 in a subsequent chapter; but there were also 
 
 cite the people to resistance. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 many secessionists, and small bodies of troops 
 from other parts of the state were collecting at 
 different points, destroying bridges on the Bal- 
 timore and Ohio Railroad, and oppressing and 
 annoying the Union families, and the movement 
 of the Union troops was for the protection of 
 these people, and to open communication by the 
 railroad with Washington. This force, and those 
 which soon followed, were under the command 
 of Major-general George B. McClellan, who, on 
 entering upon the soil of Virgina, issued a proc- 
 lamation to the loyal Virginians, announcing 
 that the purpose of his coming was to aid their 
 own troops, and to enable them to organize for 
 their own defence against the traitors. And he 
 declared that not only would his forces abstain 
 from all interference with slavery, but that they 
 would, with an iron hand, crush any attempt 
 at insurrection on the part of the slaves. 
 
 As these troops proceeded they were re- 
 ceived with much joy by the Union people, 
 who were largely in the majority in most of 
 the places in the north-western part of the state, 
 the small bodies of rebel soldiers scattered and 
 fled at their approach, and loyal people were 
 relieved from the presence of active rebel sym- 
 pathizers by their capture or flight. 
 
 Thus were the first movements of troops 
 made into territory which was claimed to be 
 no longer under the jurisdiction of the United 
 States government, and the first steps taken by 
 the government to assert it» authority against 
 the rebellion. These movements created a 
 great excitement, not only in Virginia, but 
 throughout the seceded states. They were 
 declared to be an invasion of the soil of a 
 sovereign state and of the rights of the south, 
 and the most fiery appeals were made to ex- 
 Every sort of 
 misrepresentation of the purposes of the goy- 
 ernment was made to inflame the passions 
 
 | and prejudices of men, to force into open and 
 were loyal, as will be more particularly noticed | 
 
 active rebellion all who were yet uncommitted 
 
 | ° ° . 
 to it or were slow in its support, and even 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to alarm the slaves with fears for their lives 
 should the northern armies reach them. The 
 martial spirit was more fully aroused, and the 
 rebel authorities made new efforts to hurry 
 forward troops for the defence of Virginia, 
 which was now considered absolutely one of 
 the Confederate States. 
 
 General Beauregard, who commanded the 
 forces at Charleston at the time of the bom- 
 bardment of Fort Sumter, was appointed to the 
 command of the Confederate army collecting 
 in Virginia; and upon assuming that position 
 he issued a proclamation to the people of the 
 counties in the vicinity of Washington, con- 
 taining the most infamous misrepresentations 
 of the character and purposes of the federal 
 government. This proclamation commenced 
 as follows :— 
 
 “ A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has in- 
 vaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless 
 of all moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, 
 has thrown his abolition hosts among you, who 
 are murdering and imprisoning your citizens, 
 confiscating and destroying your property, and 
 committing other acts of violence and outrage 
 too shocking and revolting to humanity to be 
 enumerated. 
 
 “ All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, 
 and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their 
 banners, that their war-cry is ‘Beauty and 
 Booty.” All that is dear to man — your honor 
 and that of your wives and daughters, your 
 fortunes and your lives—are involved in this 
 momentous contest.” 
 
 Jefferson Davis, upon his arrival at Rich- 
 mond, whither the Confederate government 
 was now removed, in a speech to the people 
 of that city, said, “To the enemy we leave the 
 base acts of the assassin and incendiary ; to 
 them we leave it to insult helpless women ; to 
 us belongs vengeance upon man.” 
 
 The proclamations and orders issued by the 
 federal officers sufficiently refute these mis- 
 representations and falsehoods with which the 
 
 30 
 
 233 
 
 leaders of the rebellion sought to excite the ha- 
 tred of the people of the south against the fed- 
 eral government and armies. General McClel- 
 lan, when his forces entered Virginia, issued a 
 proclamation to the people, setting forth that 
 the troops came as friends, that their houses, 
 homes, families, and property were safe under 
 their protection, and that no interference would 
 be made with their slaves, but, on the contrary, 
 any attempt at insurrection would be crushed. 
 In his orders to his soldiers he said, — 
 
 “You are ordered to cross the frontier and 
 enter the soil of Virginia. Your mission is 
 to restore peace and confidence, protect the 
 majesty of the law, and secure our brethren 
 from the grasp of armed traitors. I place under 
 the safeguard of your hands the persons and 
 property of Virginians. I know yon will re- 
 spect their feelings and all their rights, and 
 preserve the strictest discipline. Remember 
 that each one of you holds in his keeping the 
 honor of Ohio and the Union. If you are called 
 upon to overcome an armed opposition, I know 
 your courage is equal to the task. Remember 
 your only foes are armed traitors, and show 
 mercy even to them when in your power, for 
 many of them are misguided. When, under 
 your protection, the loyal men of Western Vir- 
 ginia have been enabled to organize and form, 
 they can protect themselves, and you can then 
 return to your homes with the proud satisfac- 
 tion of having preserved a gallant people from 
 destruction.” 
 
 General Patterson, when about to move from 
 Chambersburg towards Harper’s Ferry, issued 
 orders to his troops, in which he said, — 
 
 “You are going on American soil to sustain 
 the civil power, to relieve the oppressed, and 
 to retake that which is unlawfully held. You 
 must bear in mind you are going for the good 
 of the whole country, and that, while it is your 
 duty to punish sedition, you must protect the 
 loyal, and, should the occasion offer, at once 
 suppress servile insurrection.” 
 
234 
 
 Colonel Duryea, who commanded the troops 
 sent from Fortress Monroe to Hampton, issued 
 a proclamation to the inhabitants, telling them 
 that their rights of person and property would 
 be entirely respected, and saying, “ Be assured 
 that we are here in no war against you, your lib- 
 erty, your property, or even your local customs; 
 but to keep on high that flag of which your 
 own great son was the bearer; to sustain those 
 institutions and those laws made by our ances- 
 tors, and defended by their common blood.” 
 
 So, too, General McDowell issued orders for 
 keeping a strict account of all damage done to 
 property by the advance of the army into Vir- 
 ginia. And such was the spirit of the procla- 
 mations and orders of other officers of the 
 Union army as they entered the territory oc- 
 cupied by secessionists. These orders were 
 strictly observed ; and, as the sequel proved, the 
 Union forces, for the most part, erred on the side 
 of leniency towards people whose sympathies 
 and acts were altogether on the side of rebel- 
 lion. On the other hand, the barbarities of the 
 rebels towards Union men and women in the 
 seceded states, and towards the federal troops 
 who fell into their hands, as well as their man- 
 ner of conducting the war in many instances, are 
 a striking commentary on the language of Davis 
 and Beauregard. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 Military Operations before Washington. — Skirmishes. — Caval- 
 ry Dash to Fairfax Court House. — Engagement at Vienna. 
 — Military Rule in Baltimore. — Arrests. — Suspension of 
 Habeas Corpus. — Movement of Federal Troops in Western 
 Virginia. — Attack on Rebels at Philippi.— Complete Rout 
 of the Rebel Force. Western Virginia relieved from the 
 Presence of Rebel Forces. — General Morris’s Proclamation. 
 — Guerrillas. — General Patterson’s Advance. — Retreat of 
 the Rebels from the Maryland Side of the Potomac. — Evacu- 
 ation of Harper’s Ferry. — Movements in Eastern Virginia. — 
 Advance to Newport News. — General Butler and the Slaves 
 of Rebels. — Contrabands. — General Butler’s Policy approved. 
 — Employment of Negroes. — Expedition to Great Bethel. — 
 Unfortunate Mistake. — Federal Troops fire on each other. — 
 Attack at Great Bethel. — Unsuccessful Assault, — Retreat 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 of Federal Troops. — Death of Lieutenant Grebble and Major 
 
 Winthrop. — Character and Bravery of Winthrop. — Number 
 
 of the Rebel Force. — The Retreating Force not pursued. — 
 
 Effect of the Repulse at Fortress Monroe.— Potomac Flotilla. 
 
 — Bombardment of Batteries at Acquia Creek. — Action at 
 
 Matthias Point. — Death of Captain Ward. 
 
 Tue federal troops having entered Virginia, 
 new regiments were constantly added to the 
 forces as fast as they could be forwarded, due 
 care being taken to keep a sufficient force in 
 and about Baltimore, and along the Potomac 
 above Washington. Brigadier-general Irwin 
 McDowell, of the United States army, was as- 
 signed to the command of the army in Eastern 
 Virginia, except the forces at Fortress Monroe 
 and vicinity, succeeding Major-general Sand- 
 ford, of the New York militia, who had been 
 first in command. Extensive earthwork forti- 
 fications were constructed on the eminences on 
 the south side of the Potomac, opposite Washing- 
 ton and Georgetown, and beyond Alexandria. 
 The troops were advanced a short distance into 
 Virginia, but with the exception of an occa- 
 sional capture of a few rebel soldiers or disloyal 
 residents, and some picket firmg and skirmish- 
 ing, little of importance transpired. One of 
 the most spirited of these affairs was the dash 
 of Lieutenant Tompkins, with a company of 
 cavalry, numbering about fifty, into the village 
 of Fairfax Court House. With this small force 
 Lieutenant Tompkins entered the village about 
 daylight, taking the rebel force, which num- 
 bered several hundred, by surprise. Charging 
 upon a body of Virginia cavalry, he dispersed 
 them, and then dashed again through the vil- 
 lage upon some detachments of rebel troops 
 who were just forming, and, taking five prison- 
 ers, he withdrew and returned within the Union 
 lines, with a loss of three men missing and three 
 wounded. Captain Marr, of the rebel troops, 
 was the only one known to be killed, though 
 a number were wounded. ‘T'wo of the missing 
 men were captured by the rebels, and were 
 reported to have been retaken the next night 
 by another bold dash of the same company. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 On the 17th of June an engagement occurred 
 unexpectedly near Vienna, on the line of the 
 Alexandria and Loudon Railroad, and about 
 thirteen miles from Alexandria. This railroad 
 had just been repaired and put in a condition 
 for use, and a train was despatched with a force 
 consisting of the first Ohio regiment, under 
 Brigadier-general Schenk, of Ohio, to be posted 
 at important points along the road for its pro- 
 tection. The guards were posted as the train 
 proceeded until the regiment was reduced to 
 only four companies. With this small force 
 the train was approaching Vienna, when, upon 
 turning a curve, it was fired upon by a rebel bat- 
 tery of three guns, so posted as to command the 
 track, and not to be seen till the train was fairly 
 within its range. The fire killed and wounded 
 a number of the men, who were on open cars. 
 The train being stopped, the troops left the 
 cars, and, being formed on either side of the 
 railroad, prepared to resist any further attack. 
 As they did so, the engine driver, instead of 
 retiring slowly, as ordered, detached one car 
 and ran back to Alexandria, leaving the troops 
 and the remainder of the train. The small 
 
 force, who were under the immediate command | 
 
 of Colonel McCook, stood their ground well; 
 but it was seen that the enemy had a large 
 body of infantry and cavalry to support his 
 artillery, and his force was so much greater 
 that it was deemed prudent to retire. This 
 was done slowly, the dead and wounded being 
 taken along on litters and blankets. The rebels 
 did not follow, nor even make any attack with 
 their infantry or cavalry, with which they might 
 have overwhelmed the small number of federal 
 soldiers. It appeared that they were fearful 
 that a large federal force was at hand, and that 
 the engine had returned to bring up reén- 
 forcements. General Schenk fell back slowly 
 through the night, and was met by reénforce- 
 ments early the next morning; but the enemy 
 abandoned their position, and a large federal 
 force was advanced to Vienna. 
 
 230 
 
 Quite a large number of troops were wisely 
 kept in and about Baltimore and at Annapolis. 
 These troops kept the secessionists in subjec- 
 tion, although General Cadwallader was more 
 lenient than General Butler had been, and the 
 spirit of secession in Baltimore was more de- 
 monstrative than it had dared to be while the 
 latter was in command. Many disloyal persons 
 were arrested and confined in Fort McHenry. 
 Among them were some of the leading and 
 wealthy citizens, whose sympathy with the rebel 
 cause was shown by more than words. Writs 
 of habeas corpus were issued in behalf of some 
 of these prisoners; but under orders from the 
 government, General Cadwallader® refused to 
 deliver them up or to answer to the process. 
 Chief Justice Taney, of the Supreme Court, who 
 issued a writ of habeas corpus in one of these 
 cases, sent a protest to the President against 
 the suspension of the writ, which he said the 
 President had no right to suspend, the power 
 being vested only in Congress. The necessity 
 for suspending the writ was so apparent in the 
 condition of affairs in Maryland, that the truly 
 loyal people were ready to sustain the course 
 of the government even if it transcended its 
 powers. But the question of right was an open 
 
 one, and the argument in favor of the power, 
 
 as well as the necessity of exercising it, or even 
 assuming it at such a perilous time, was clearly 
 set forth in the President's message at the 
 extra session of Congress, which will be found 
 in a subsequent chapter. General Banks, who 
 soon after succeeded to the command of this 
 department, drew a tighter rein upon secession. 
 
 In Western Virginia a considerable force had 
 followed the advance regiments, and gradually 
 occupied many of the most important towns. 
 Small forces of the rebels were scattered at 
 various points; but there was hardly a skirmish, 
 until an attack was made upon a rebel force 
 
 of about fifteen hundred men at the town of 
 
 Philippi. The Union troops left Grafton in 
 
 two columns, composed of parts of several 
 
236 HISTORY 
 
 regiments and a battery of artillery, under the 
 command of Colonels Dumont, Kelly, Critten- 
 den, and Lander,* and marched in the night, 
 and through a severe storm, about twenty miles, 
 to the town where the rebels were encamped. 
 Colonel Lander was to attack the enemy in 
 front, while Colonel Kelly was to cut off their 
 retreat by a movement in the rear. But the 
 long and difficult march, and a mistake ofa road, 
 prevented Colonel Kelly’s force from reaching 
 the position at the appointed time, and Colonel 
 Lander’s approach being discovered by the 
 rebels, and his men being impatient for an at- 
 tack before the rebels could retreat, the latter 
 officer, after waiting as long as he could for 
 Colonel Kelly to reach his position, opened the 
 attack. The cannonading had but just begun, 
 when Colonel Kelly’s force appeared on one 
 side of the rebel camp, and moved rapidly to- 
 wards it. The rebels, however, scarcely offered 
 resistance, but, after firing a single volley, scat- 
 tered and fled, pursued by the Union troops; 
 but as there was no cavalry to follow them, 
 they could not be overtaken by the infantry, 
 already*wearied with a long march. A few 
 prisoners and the camp equipage were captured. 
 The enemy lost also sixteen killed and a large 
 number wounded. The federal loss was but 
 one or two killed and a few wounded; arhong 
 the latter, Colonel Kelly, who was shot by a 
 rebel whom he was summoning to surrender 
 after the battle, if it could be called such, 
 was over. | 
 
 The success of this attack relieved the greater 
 part of North-western Virginia from the pres- 
 ence of rebel forces for a season. The loyal 
 inhabitants of this vicinity were greatly rejoiced 
 to return to their usual occupations, and to be 
 rid of the oppression of the rebel forces. The 
 secessionists, who were in a decided minority, 
 
 * F. W. Lander, of Massachusetts, afterwards brigadier-gen- 
 eral, who died while in command of a brigade on the Upper 
 Potomac. 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 either followed the retreating rebel forces, or 
 prudently kept quiet in their homes. 
 
 General Morris, under whose orders the fed- 
 eral forces had moved upon Philippi, soon after 
 issued a proclamation, in which he said, “ West- 
 ern Virginia is free from the enemies of her 
 freedom and peace. In full confidence of your 
 ability and desire to protect yourselves, I now 
 call upon you to come to the support of your 
 constitutional government. I am empowered 
 to muster you into the service of the United 
 States, to serve only in defence of your own 
 soil.” To this call the people responded in con- 
 siderable numbers, and a large body of militia, 
 or home guards, were organized, in addition to 
 
 | the regiments of volunteers raised for the gen- 
 eral service of the United States. 
 ground they thus gained in North-western Vir- 
 
 Holding the 
 
 ginia, the federal forces continued their advance 
 into the state southward and eastward, for the 
 purpose of opening the Baltimore and Ohio 
 Railroad. But though no large rebel forces 
 were again collected in this part of the state, 
 there were numerous guerrilla parties, who in- 
 flicted much damage upon the loyal citizens, 
 destroyed bridges, and waged a petty warfare 
 in various ways against the federal forces and 
 all who sympathized with the Union cause. 
 Early in June, a force of ten or twelve thou- 
 sand men, under General Patterson, moved 
 down from Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, to- 
 wards Harper’s Ferry, and another force moved 
 up the north bank of the Potomac from the 
 District of Columbia. There were some un- 
 important skirmishes, mostly firmg across the 
 river by pickets and other small bodies of 
 troops, but no battle or decisive movement 
 on either side. As General Patterson’s forces 
 approached Harper’s Ferry, the rebels evacu- 
 ated the Maryland Heights, which they had 
 for some time occupied, and where they had 
 some artillery mounted, and fell back to their 
 main body on the Virginia side of the river. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The positions held by the rebels at and near 
 Harper’s Ferry were naturally strong, and they 
 claimed — what was generally believed — that 
 they had rendered them impregnable. Their 
 confidence in their ability to hold the positions, 
 however, seemed to vanish as the federal forces 
 approached ; and after gradually withdrawing 
 their outlying detachments, they finally, on the 
 14th of June, evacuated their main position at 
 Harper’s Ferry, and retreated towards Winches- 
 ter. Before leaving the place, they destroyed the 
 fine bridge over the Potomac, the government 
 buildings, and other property which they could 
 not remove, as well as their own provisions 
 which they were unable to transport. General 
 Patterson moved his forces to Williamsport, 
 some miles above Harper’s Ferry, and also ad- 
 vanced towards the latter place, taking posses- 
 sion of strong positions on the Maryland side. 
 The rebels still remained gn some force in the 
 neighborhood, and an advance into Virginia was 
 delayed. 
 
 In Eastern Virginia the Union forces were 
 advanced from Hampton to Newport News 
 Point, an important position at the mouth of 
 the James River, where several regiments en- 
 camped and erected fortifications. At the first 
 advance of the Union troops into this part of 
 Virginia, most of the secessionists of the vicin- 
 ity who had not previously left, abandoned their 
 houses and estates, and left many of their slaves 
 to take care of themselves. Large numbers of 
 these sought the protection of the federal 
 troops, and gathered about Fortress Monroe. 
 For the sake of humanity it became necessary 
 to make some provision for these unfortunate 
 people, men, women, and children, of all ages. 
 General Butler had, at the outset, refused to 
 surrender some slaves, fugitives from a known 
 secessionist, and he now adopted the general 
 policy of considering the able-bodied negroes 
 escaping from rebel masters, as “ contraband of 
 
 237 
 
 and in other hostile work. Upon the question 
 of detaining and protecting such fugitives Gen- 
 eral Butler had no doubt; but in relation to the 
 children and infirm he would not assume to 
 decide, and submitted the question, with his 
 general policy, to the war department. The 
 secretary of war approved the course of Gen- 
 eral Butler in the following reply :— 
 
 “Sir: Your action in respect to the negroes 
 who came within your lines from the service of 
 the rebels, is approved. ‘The department is sen- 
 sible of embarrassments which must surround 
 officers conducting military operations in a state 
 by the laws of which slavery is sanctioned. 
 The government cannot recognize the rejection 
 by any state of its federal obligations; nor can 
 it refuse the performance of the federal obliga- 
 tions resting upon itself’ Among these federal 
 obligations, however, no one can be more im- 
 portant than that of suppressing and dispersing 
 armed combinations formed for the purpose of 
 overthrowing its whole constitutional authority ; 
 while, therefore, you will permit no interference 
 by the persons under your command with the 
 relations of persons held to service under the 
 laws of any state, you will, on the other hand, 
 so long as any state, within which your military 
 operations are conducted, is under the control 
 of such organizations, refrain from surrendering 
 to alleged masters any persons who may come 
 within your lines. You will employ such per- 
 sons in the services to which they may be best 
 adapted, keeping an account of the labor by 
 them performed, of the value of it, and of the 
 expenses of their maintenance. The question 
 of their final disposition will be reserved for 
 future determination. 
 
 “S. Cameron, Secretary of War. 
 
 «To Masor-GENERAL BurTLEeR.” 
 
 Acting under these instructions, large num- 
 
 war,” many of such being compelled by the ||bers of the slaves, who from this time were 
 rebels to do service in constructing batteries || quite generally called “contrabands,” were em- 
 
238 
 
 ployed at Fortress Monroe and in the camps at 
 Hampton and Newport News. In the village 
 of Hampton, which had been almost wholly 
 deserted by the rebel whites, these fugitives 
 formed a large part of the population. Such 
 as could be were employed in various ways by 
 the government officers, receiving rations, and 
 in some cases a tardy compensation, and others 
 raised vegetables and fruit on the deserted 
 grounds of their late masters, for which they 
 found a ready sale. The care of these people 
 required no little time and attention, and was 
 an important department in the administration 
 of affairs at Hampton Roads, though not, at all 
 times, successfully or faithfully managed. 
 
 Soon after the occupation of Newport News 
 by the federal forces, the rebels,in more or less 
 force, were found to be posted at points north 
 of this place, on the peninsula formed by the 
 James and York Rivers. The pickets of the 
 enemy occasioned some annoyance, and it was 
 found that fortifications were erected at Great 
 Bethel, a place some nine miles from Hampton, 
 an advance post of their more important posi- 
 tion at Yorktown and Williamsburg, from which 
 they sent small forces to impress slaves, arrest 
 Union men, and to attack the federal pickets. 
 General Butler, having determined to drive 
 them back from so close proximity to his lines, 
 sent a force, consisting of the New York regi- 
 ments of Colonels Townsend, Duryea, and 
 Bendix, and a battalion of Vermont and Massa- 
 chusetts troops, under Lieutenant-colonel Wash- 
 burn, with four pieces of artillery, under Lieu- 
 tenant Grebble, to make the attack. This force, 
 which was commanded by Brigadier-general 
 Pierce, of Massachusetts, numbered about three 
 thousand men, and moved before daylight from 
 Hampton and Newport News, the several regi- 
 ments moving separately, and with orders to 
 form a junction near Little Bethel, a place be- 
 tween Hampton and Great Bethel, where the 
 rebels had an outpost. A part of the forces had 
 thus united, and the detailed orders of Gen- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 eral Butler were being successfully carried out, 
 when, by an unfortunate mistake, Colonel Ben- 
 dix’s regiment, which was left at the cross-roads 
 to guard against an attack in the rear, opened 
 fire upon the command of Colonel Townsend ~ 
 as it approached in column by another road, 
 being mistaken for the enemy, and killed and 
 wounded several men. The fire was returned 
 by some of Colonel Townsend’s men, and con- 
 fusion and excitement followed among the men 
 of these two regiments. The troops which were 
 in advance, hearing the firing in their rear, re- 
 versed their march to form a junction with their 
 support. The design had been to surprise the 
 force at Little Bethel, and then to advance 
 quickly upon the force at Great Bethel; but 
 this unfortunate mistake of course gaye the 
 alarm to the enemy, and, leaving their camp, 
 they hastily retreated to Great Bethel. Colonel 
 Duryea, however, , JUSS before this affair, had suc- 
 ceeded in surprising a small FORGE, and captured 
 thirty prisoners. 
 
 The mistake having been discovered, the 
 troops again moved on towards Great Bethel. 
 Here the rebels had constructed fortifications 
 commanding the approaches to the place, and 
 protected on one side by a creek, the bridge over 
 which had been destroyed. From this work the 
 rebels opened a fire with heavy guns upon the 
 federal forces. Lieutenant Grebble replied rap- 
 idly with his howitzers, and an attempt was made 
 by a part ofthe infantry to storm the fortifica- 
 tion; but though forced to abandon one of their 
 batteries, the rebels, protected by their intrench- 
 ments, finally repulsed their assailants by their 
 fire of musketry and artillery. The federal 
 troops, now for the first time under fire, behaved 
 well and bravely for the most part; but the at- 
 tack was made without sufficient knowledge of 
 the position of the enemy, and without any 
 well-digested plan. Finding that the place could 
 not be carried by such an attack, and that the 
 ainmunition was failing, a retreat was ordered 
 by General Pierce, and his forces fell back in 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 good order. Had there been sufficient ammu- 
 nition, and had the attack been continued but 
 a short time longer, there is reason to believe 
 that it would have been successful. The fed- 
 eral loss in this contest was sixteen killed, fifty- 
 three wounded, and five missing; of whom two 
 were killed and nineteen were wounded by the 
 mistake made by Colonel Bendix’s command. 
 
 Among the killed were Lieutenant Grebble, 
 of the regular army, who commanded the artil- 
 lery, and Major Winthrop, of General Butler’s 
 staff Lieutenant Grebble used his pieces with 
 great skill and bravery, though they were too 
 light to avail much against the intrenchments 
 and the more effective artillery of the rebels. 
 He had fired his last shot, and had just spiked 
 the gun under his immediate charge, lest it 
 should fall into the hands of the enemy before 
 it could be drawn away, when he was killed by 
 a shot from a rifled cannon. 
 
 Major Theodore Winthrop had served in the 
 New York seventh regiment in its brief cam- 
 paign at Washington and on the road thither, 
 and when that regiment returned home he 
 went to Fortress Monroe, and again entered the 
 service as a member of General Butler’s staff. 
 A man of brilliant mind and great literary tal- 
 ent, he was as yet almost unknown to the world, 
 though he left some manuscript works which 
 have since been widely read and admired. His 
 ardent patriotism would not permit him to lie 
 idle when his country, and the great principles 
 of freedom involved in this contest, called for 
 his services. He went with the expedition to 
 Great Bethel as a volunteer ; but while there he 
 showed the greatest bravery, cheering on the 
 men and advancing the farthest towards the 
 rebellines. While thus leading a charge he was 
 shot, not by a chance bullet, but by the deliberate 
 aim of a rebel. His body fell so near the rebel 
 lines that the soldiers were unable to bring it 
 away. It was, however, subsequently recovered 
 under a flag of truce. Among those who knew 
 him, Major Winthrop’s death was felt as keenly 
 
 239 
 
 as was Hllsworth’s, so many noble traits of char- 
 acter had he, and such genuine ability; and the 
 public have since realized, by the publication 
 of some of his works, how great a loss to the 
 literary world he was. 
 
 The rebel force at Great Bethel was sup- 
 posed to be about two thousand, with ten guns 
 in their batteries. The number may have been 
 exaggerated ; but they had the advantage of a 
 strong position and better artillery than that 
 of the federal troops. Their success, however, 
 was not such as to lead them to pursue the 
 retreating forces, except for a short distance, by 
 a body of cavalry which was soon disposed to 
 retire, the column being protected by the how- 
 itzers. The news of the repulse had reached 
 Newport News and Fortress Monroe some time 
 before the troops arrived, and had produced 
 great excitement and activity in preparing to 
 resist an attack which it was supposed might 
 be made upon the camp at the former place, in 
 case the rebels should follow in force. The 
 ships of war moved up the roads so as to afford 
 additional protection to the camp, and other 
 measures for defence were taken; but it ap- 
 peared that the rebels were not disposed to 
 make any attack. 
 
 While these movements and skirmishes of 
 the land forces, preliminary to more important 
 movements, were taking place, a gun-boat “flo- 
 tiHa ” was organized on the Potomac. It con- 
 sisted chiefly of small steamers, purchased for 
 the purpose, and carrying a few guns of heavy 
 calibre; and its duty was to keep the river open 
 for navigation, and to prevent the passage of 
 rebel forces or contraband goods between Mary- 
 land and Virginia. The rebels had fortified 
 several points on the Virginia side of the river, 
 and the government transports and war vessels 
 had been repeatedly fired upon. 
 
 Among other places, batteries had been 
 erected at Acquia Creek, about fifty miles be- 
 low Washington, the terminus of a railroad 
 from Richmond. These batteries had caused 
 
240 
 
 some annoyance and damage to passing vessels, 
 and Captain Ward, who commanded the flotilla, 
 determined to attempt their destruction. On 
 the 31st of May he made an attack with his 
 flag ship, the steamer Freeborn, supported by 
 two steamers of lighter armament. ‘Three bat- 
 teries erected near the railroad were, after 
 several hours’ cannonading, effectually silenced 
 by the heavy fire from the steamers, and the 
 vessels were then hauled off, though another 
 battery on the heights back from the shore 
 still continued its fire. The next day the bom- 
 bardment was renewed by the Freeborn and 
 the more formidable steamer Pawnee, and was 
 continued for five hours, when it was suspended 
 in consequence of the fatigue of the men. 
 During the night the damage to the batteries 
 near the shore had been repaired, and the guns 
 from the battery on the heights had apparently 
 been transferred to them. The firing on the 
 part of the rebels was not so spirited as on the 
 day previous; but the vessels were slightly 
 damaged, and had the rebel gunners been more 
 skilled, the damage might have been serious. 
 The rapid and heavy firing of the steamers 
 caused a precipitate flight of a part of the rebels, 
 and their batteries were almost entirely silenced 
 when the vessels withdrew. The buildings in 
 the vicinity of the batteries were destroyed, 
 but the fortifications were of such a character 
 that the damage caused by the gun-boats could 
 be easily repaired. 
 
 At a later day, June 27, Captain Ward, who 
 had shown himself an active and efficient officer 
 in the performance of most arduous duties as 
 the commander of the Potomac flotilla, was 
 killed in an engagement at Matthias Point. 
 There had been frequent reports that the rebels 
 had erected batteries at this point, which was 
 a strong position from which to attack the ves- 
 sels navigating the Potomac; but Captain Ward 
 had himself reconnoitred on the point, and sat- 
 isfied himself that no permanent batteries had 
 been erected. It appeared, however, that the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. | 
 
 rebels had visited the place with field artillery, 
 and had thus annoyed the passing vessels. The 
 growth of wood was very thick, and would serve 
 to cover the enemy in his operations there ; and 
 Captain Ward had determined to fell and burn 
 the trees and underwood, and thus prevent the 
 enemy from masking: his batteries, with the 
 view also of inducing the government to hold 
 the position with a land force. With a detach- 
 ment of men from the Freeborn and the Paw- 
 nee, he effected a landing under the fire of the 
 Freeborn, which threw shot and shell into the 
 woods to drive back any rebel force that 
 might be there. Pickets were at once thrown 
 out, who soon met the pickets of a rebel force ; 
 and soon after a body of rebel troops approached, 
 when the naval force was ordered to take to 
 the boats and lie off, while Captain Ward re- 
 turned to the Freeborn and shelled the woods. 
 A landing was again effected, and the men pro- 
 ceeded to erect a breastwork of sand-bags for 
 protection in future movements. They had 
 nearly completed this work, and covered it with 
 branches, when the signal for their return to 
 the vessel was made. As they were embarking 
 in the boats the rebels opened fire upon them 
 with musketry. Several men were severely 
 wounded; but they all reached the boats, and 
 rowed to the Freeborn safely, though under a 
 heavy fire. On board that vessel it was found 
 that Captain Ward was killed by a musket ball 
 at the time of the attack on the forces on shore, 
 and just as he was sighting his gun to open 
 fire upon the attacking force. This event pre- 
 vented the protection to the boats’ crew, which 
 Captain Ward intended to give them, and the 
 safety of the men was greatly endangered. 
 The expedition thus failed to accomplish what 
 the brave commander had intended, and in the 
 attempt the country lost an able, active, and 
 patriotic officer. The rebels still held the Point, 
 and continued to endanger the navigation of the 
 river, until at a later period it was entirely block- 
 aded by their batteries on the Virginia shore. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 Rebellion in Missouri. — Action of General Lyon. — Movement 
 of Troops from St. Louis to Jefferson City. — Flight of Gov- 
 ernor Jackson and his Friends.— The Federal Troops take 
 Possession of the Capital. — Proclamation of General Lyon. — 
 Advance of Federal Troops towards Booneville. — Battle at 
 Booneville. — Flight of the Rebel Forces. —Occupation of 
 Booneville. — Liberation of Prisoners. — Proclamation by Gen- 
 eral Lyon. — Movement to the South-west. 
 
 Tue proclamation of Governor Jackson, of 
 Missouri, was the signal for the breaking out 
 of rebellion in that state. The secessionists 
 responded to his call for troops to act against 
 the United States forces, and armed resistance 
 was organized wherever the secessionists pre- 
 dominated. These rebel forces soon began to 
 assemble at Jefferson City, the capital, and at 
 other places in the central and western part of 
 the state, and it was evident that the governor, 
 with other secession leaders, was determined to 
 bring on a conflict which should result in carry- 
 ing the state speedily into the southern Con- 
 federacy. General Lyon, with whom Colonel 
 F. P. Blair codperated with great activity and 
 zeal, was not the man to wait for the rebellion 
 to become completely organized, and the rebel 
 forces to concentrate into a formidable army, be- 
 fore he took measures to repress it. Knowing 
 the sympathies of the governor and the pur 
 poses of the disloyal legislature, he had foreseen 
 to what the course of events led; but when the 
 governor, by his proclamation, committed him- 
 self to open rebellion, he at once made prepara- 
 tions to move a part of his forces to Jeffer- 
 son City, to hold the capital of the state, and, 
 if necessary,-to organize a provisional govern- 
 ment. . 
 
 Governor Jackson issued the proclamation 
 spoken of on the 12th of June. On the follow- 
 ing day General Lyon’s forces left St. Louis for 
 Jefferson City, and troops were sent in other 
 directions westward, to guard the railroads and 
 for future operations. Other troops followed 
 immediately, and Governor Jackson, finding that 
 
 31 ; 
 
 241 
 
 the federal authority was to be asserted, left 
 the capital with his secession friends, and the 
 considerable force of state troops which had 
 assembled there, issuing orders for the destruc- 
 tion of the railroads and telegraph lines leading 
 to the east. The federal forces took posses- 
 sion of the city on the 15th. Subsequently, 
 Colonel Bornstein, who was placed in command 
 of the forces there, issued a proclamation to the 
 people, in which he promised protection to all, 
 called upon the civil authorities to continue the 
 legal exercise of their official duties, offering to 
 aid them in the enforcement of the constitu- 
 tional laws. of the country, declared that he- 
 would suffer no attempt to destroy the Union 
 and the government, and called upon the friends 
 of the Union to organize for its defence. Gen- 
 eral Lyon, on leaving St. Louis, issued the 
 following proclamation, which is inserted be- 
 cause it describes the position of affairs in the 
 state : — } 
 
 “To THE PEOPLE oF Missouri. 
 
 “Prior to the proclamation issued by Govy- 
 ernor Jackson of June 12, it was well known 
 to you that the governor and legislature sym- 
 pathized with the rebellion movements now in 
 progress in the country, and had adopted every 
 means in their power to effect the separation 
 of this state from the general government. For 
 this purpose parties of avowed secessionists were 
 organized into military companies throughout 
 the state, with the full knowledge and approval 
 of the-governor. The establishment of encamp- 
 ments in this state at this unusual season of the 
 year, and authorized for an indefinite period, 
 could have had no other object than the concen- 
 tration of a large military force, to be subjected 
 to the provisions of the military law then in con- 
 templation, and subsequently passed —a bill 
 so offensive to all peaceable inhabitants, so pal- 
 pably unconstitutional, that it would only be 
 accepted by those who are willing to conform 
 to its extraordinary provisions for the purpose 
 
“242 HISTORY OF 
 
 of effecting their cherished object, the disrup- 
 tion of the federal government. That bill 
 provides for obligation to the state on the part 
 of all persons enrolled under its provisions, irre- 
 spective of any obligation to the United States, 
 when the constitution requires all state officers 
 to take the oath of allegiance to the United 
 States. This of itself is a repudiation of all 
 authority of the general government, whose 
 constitution is the supreme law, on the part of 
 the state government, its officers and such citi- 
 zens as might choose to adopt the provisions 
 of the bill, and coupled, as it was, on the part 
 of the legislature and governor, with declara- 
 tions hostile to its authority, and in sympathy 
 with those arrayed in hostility against it, could 
 leave no doubt of its object to carry out the 
 provisions of this extraordinary bill, having in 
 direct view hostilities to the federal govern- 
 ment. It was so denounced by General Harney, 
 who characterized it as a secession ordinance 
 in his proclamation of the 14th of May. That 
 proclamation, doubtless, gave rise to the inter- 
 view between General Harney and General 
 Price, resulting in an agreement which it was 
 hoped would lead to the restoration of tran- 
 quillity and good order in your state. That the 
 repudiation of the military bill, and all efforts 
 of the militia of the state under its provisions, 
 was the basis of the agreement, was shown as 
 well by the proclamation of General Harney 
 immediately preceding it, as by the paper sub- 
 mitted to General Price containing the prelimi- 
 nary conditions to an interview with him. 
 “This agreement failed to define specifically 
 the terms of peace, or how far a suspension of 
 the provisions of the military bill should form 
 a part of it, though, from the express declara- 
 tion of General Harney at the time of the con- 
 ference, a suspension of any action under the 
 bill until there could be a judicial determination 
 of its character by some competent. tribunal, 
 must, in good faith, be regarded as the funda- 
 mental basis of the negotiation. Nevertheless, 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ‘immediately after this arrangement, and up to 
 the time of Governor Jackson’s proclamation, 
 complaints of attempts to execute the pro- 
 visions of this bill, by which the most extraordi- 
 nary hardships have been imposed on peaceful 
 and loyal citizens, coupled with the persecution 
 and proscription of those opposed to its pro- 
 visions, have been made to me as commander 
 of the United States forces here, and have been 
 carried to Washington, with appeals for relief 
 from Union men of all parties in the state, who 
 have been abused, insulted, and, in some in- 
 stances, driven from their homes. That relief I 
 conceive it to be the duty of a just government 
 to use every exertion in its power to give. 
 “Upon this point the policy of the govern- 
 ment is set forth in the following communica- 
 tion from the department at Washington, dated 
 May 27, to Brigadier-general W. S. Harney, com- 
 manding department of the west, St. Louis : — 
 «“¢Sm: The President observes with concern 
 that, notwithstanding the pledge of the state 
 authorities to codperate in preserving the 
 peace of Missouri, loyal citizens continue to be 
 driven from their homes. It is immaterial 
 whether these outrages continue from inactivity 
 or indisposition on the part of the state au- 
 thorities to prevent them. It is enough that 
 they continue, and it will devolve on you the 
 duty of putting a stop to them summarily by 
 the force under your command, to be aided by 
 such troops as you may require from Kansas, 
 Iowa, and Illinois. The professions of loyalty 
 to the Union by the state authorities of Mis- 
 sourl are not to be relied upon. They have 
 already falsified their professions too often, and 
 are too far committed to secession to be admitted 
 to your confidence, and you can only be sure 
 of their desisting from their wicked purposes 
 when it is not in their power to prosecute them. 
 You will, therefore, be unceasingly watchful 
 of their movements, and not permit the clamors 
 of their partisans or the opponents of the wise 
 measures already taken, to prevent your check- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ing any movement against the government, 
 however disguised. The authority of the United 
 States is paramount, and whenever it is appar- 
 ent that any movement, whether by color of 
 state authority or not, is hostile, you will not 
 hesitate to put it down. 
 
 “¢T,, Tuomas, Adjutant-general? 
 
 “Tt is my design to carry out these instruc- 
 tions in letter and spirit. Their justice and 
 propriety will be appreciated by any one who 
 takes an enlightened view of the relation of 
 the citizens of Missouri to the general govern- 
 ment. Nor can such a policy be construed as 
 at all disparaging to the rights or dignity of 
 Missouri, or infringing upon individual liberty. 
 
 “The recent proclamation of Governor Jack- 
 son, by which he set at defiance the authority 
 of the United States, and urged you to make 
 war upon them, is but the consummation of his 
 treasonable purposes long indicated by his acts 
 and expressed opinions, and now made manifest. 
 If, in suppressing these treasonable purposes, 
 and carrying out the policy of the government, 
 and maintaining its dignity, as above indicated, 
 hostilities should unfortunately occur, and un- 
 happy consequences should follow, I would 
 hope that all aggravation of those events may 
 be avoided, and that they may be diverted from 
 the innocent, and fall only upon the heads of 
 those by whom they have been provoked. 
 
 “Tn the discharge of these plain but onerous 
 duties, I shall look for the countenance and 
 active codperation of all good citizens, and shall 
 expect them to discountenance all illegal com- 
 binations or organizations, and support and 
 uphold by every lawful means the federal govy- 
 ernment, upon the maintenance of which de- 
 pend their liberties and the perfect enjoyment 
 of all their rights. - 
 
 “N. Lyon, Brigadier-general 
 “U7. S. Volunteers, commanding.” 
 
 Leaving a small force under Colonel Born-| 
 
 stem at Jefferson City, General Lyon, with 
 
 243 
 
 about two thousand men, proceeded up the 
 Missouri River towards Booneville, where it 
 was understood the state troops were posted 
 in considerable force. On the 17th the troops 
 landed near Rocheport, and, learning that the 
 state troops were really at Booneville, and pre- 
 paring to give battle, General Lyon marched 
 towards that place. After proceeding several 
 miles, the enemy — for such they showed them- 
 selves to be—were discovered, posted in a 
 strong position along a lane and about a large 
 brick house, upon some rising ground. On 
 arriving at a suitable position, about three 
 hundred yards from the rebel line, fire was 
 opened by the artillery of General Lyon’s force, 
 and the infantry, forming on the right and left, 
 commenced a fire of musketry. The fire was 
 returned with some spirit for a time; but the 
 well-directed fire of the artillery scattered the 
 enemy, and the infantry following up the ad- 
 tage by effective discharges of musketry, they 
 retired in great haste, but formed again in a 
 neighboring field. They now returned the 
 fire of the federal troops with more spirit, and 
 another portion of their forces commenced an 
 effective fire from a grove on the left of the 
 centre of the Union forces. For a short time 
 there was the appearance of a severe battle; 
 but the enemy soon gave way again, and re- 
 treated with more haste than order. Although 
 the ground was well adapted for an obstinate 
 defence, the scattered insurgents did not rally 
 to resist the advance of the federal troops, who 
 took possession of the deserted camp. In the 
 mean time the fire from a howitzer on board 
 one of the steamboats had compelled the enemy 
 to abandon a battery about a mile from the 
 camp, constructed near the bank of the river 
 to oppose the passage of federal steamers. At 
 the camp a considerable quantity of ammu- 
 nition, camp equipage, and clothing was cap- 
 tured, and a number of prisoners were also 
 taken. 
 
 Arriving at Booneville, the scattered in- 
 
244 HISTORY 
 
 surgents showed some indications of making 
 another stand at the fair-grounds, where a state 
 armory had recently been established; but a 
 few shots from the gun of the steamer pre- 
 vented them from rallying. They passed on 
 through the town in great disorder, and con- 
 tinued their flight westward. The Union troops 
 entered the town amid many demonstrations 
 of satisfaction on the part of the loyal inhabit- 
 ants. The state troops collected at this point 
 numbered, probably, about three thousand, but 
 only a part of them were in the engagement; 
 and of the Union troops hardly more than one 
 fourth participated in the action. The loss of 
 the state troops was supposed to be upwards 
 of fifty killed and wounded, and the federal 
 loss was two killed and ten wounded. General 
 Price, who had been in command of the state 
 troops, had gone west before the federal troops 
 arrived, and, according to rebel statements, had 
 given orders for his troops to retreat; but 
 subsequent orders from Governor Jackson led 
 to the engagement. General Lyon’s prompt 
 action in attacking this force, which would soon 
 ‘have increased to a formidable rebel army, 
 saved the capital of the state, and relieved the 
 state itself from a secession government hold- 
 ing the insignia of authority and supported by 
 a large armed force. 
 
 General Lyon liberated the prisoners whom he 
 had taken, most of whom were quite young, and 
 had “been misled by frauds ingeniously devised 
 and industriously inculcated by designing lead- 
 ers,” upon condition that they should not serve 
 in hostilities against. the United States. In 
 proclaiming this act, he declared, — 
 
 “TY have done this in spite of the well-known 
 fact that the leaders in the present rebellion, 
 having long experienced the mildness of the 
 general government, still feel confident that this 
 
 OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 mildness cannot be overtaxed even by factious 
 hostilities having in view its overthrow; but 
 lest, as in the case of the late Camp Jackson 
 affair, this clemency shall still be misconstrued, 
 it is proper to give warning-that the govern- 
 ment cannot always be expected to indulge in 
 it to the compromise of its evident welfare. 
 
 “Hearing that those plotting against the 
 government have falsely represented that the 
 government troops intended a forcible and 
 violent invasion of Missouri for purposes of 
 military despotism and tyranny, I hereby give 
 notice to the people of this state that I shall 
 scrupulously avoid all interference with the 
 business, rights, and property of every descrip- 
 tion recognized by the laws of the state, and 
 belonging to law-abiding citizens. But it is 
 equally my duty to maintain the paramount 
 authority of the United States with such force 
 as I have at my command, which will be re- 
 tained only so long as opposition makes it 
 necessary, and that it is my wish, and shall be 
 my purpose, to visit any unavoidable rigor 
 arising in this issue upon those only who pro- 
 voke it.” 
 
 General Lyon remained at Booneville until 
 early in July, there being indications of a 
 gathering of the rebel forces at some point 
 above that place, on the Missouri River; but it 
 did not assume such proportions as to require 
 the advance of his entire force. In the mean 
 time other Union forces had been moved for- 
 ward towards the south-western «part of the 
 state. To that part of the state Governor Jack- 
 son and General Price had gone, and a rebel 
 army was there organized. When it became 
 apparent that the rebellion was to be met in 
 that quarter, General Lyon also marched thither 
 to form a junction with his forces, which had 
 already proceeded in that direction. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXV. 
 
 Western Virginia. — Opposition to Secession. — Union Conven- 
 tion. — Address to the People. — Convention to organize a 
 Government. — Declaration of Vacancies. — Separation op- 
 posed. — State Officers elected. — Inauguration of Governor. 
 — Inaugural Address.— Government recognized by the 
 United States Government. — Legislature. — United States 
 Senators. — Affairs in Maryland. —General Banks. — His 
 Policy. — Arrest of Marshal Kane. — Proclamation of Gen- 
 eral Banks.— Action of the Police Commissioners. — Dis- 
 covery of Arms, &c., in the Marshal’s Office. — Disloyalty of 
 
 . Police Commissioners. — Their Arrest. — Proclamation by 
 
 _ General Banks. — Effect of his Measures. 
 
 We have now reviewed the principal mili- 
 tary movements and events which took place 
 previous to the assembling of Congress at the 
 extrasession. War had been inaugurated from 
 Eastern Virginia to the western borders of 
 Missouri. The rebels were collecting forces at 
 various points along this whole line and at 
 places on the coast, a considerable army still 
 beleaguering Fort Pickens, at the entrance to 
 Pensacola Bay, and the various fortifications in 
 the seceded states which belonged to the United 
 States being strengthened and garrisoned by 
 troops of the Confederate States. On the other 
 hand, the federal forces, greatly exceeding the 
 number first called for, were also collecting and 
 making the first advance movements against 
 the insurgents. Before entering upon the 
 period when the action of the government was 
 sustained by the authority of Congress, and 
 more important events followed, it is proper 
 to mentiogecertain other events of a political 
 character, and of no little importance in main- 
 taining the federal authority. 
 
 The loyalty of the people of North-western 
 Virginia has already been mentioned. They 
 opposed secession from the commencement of 
 its agitation, and a majority of their representa- 
 tives contended against it in the state conven- 
 tion. When the ordinance of secession was 
 submitted to the popular vote, they gave a 
 large majority of votes against it. On the 
 13th of May, a Union convention was held at 
 
 245 
 
 Wheeling, which adopted resolutions declaring 
 “that the Virginia convention, in assuming to 
 change the relations of the state of Virginia 
 to the federal government, have not only act- 
 ed unwisely and unconstitutionally, but have 
 adopted a policy utterly ruinous to all the 
 material interests of our section, severing all 
 our social ties, and drying up all the channels 
 of our trade and prosperity.” Measures were 
 inaugurated for the maintenance of relations to 
 the Union, even by carrying out the doctrine 
 of secession, if necessary, to its logical conclu- 
 sion. A more formal convention was called, to 
 meet on the 11th of June, to take action upon 
 this subject, and an address was issued by a 
 committee of the convention, which ably dis- 
 cussed the question of secession, denied its 
 constitutionality and propriety, and argued in 
 favor of establishing a new state government, 
 through which the relations of the people to 
 the Union might be preserved. The address 
 concluded as follows :— 
 
 “Whilst we have a constitution and code of 
 laws for our state government, and local officers 
 to administer them, the executive and his im- 
 mediate subordinates have submitted them- 
 selves to the government of the Confederate 
 States. They have thrown off their allegiance 
 to the United States, and are now diligently 
 and laboriously preparing themselves to wage 
 war against the government of the Union. We 
 need not characterize, in terms, such conduct; 
 but, as true and loyal citizens of Virginia, we 
 can and must declare that, in our calm and 
 deliberate judgment, it will be the duty of the 
 people of North-western Virginia to provide, in 
 the lawful and constitutional mode, for the ex- 
 ercise of those executive and legislative func- 
 tions of our state government which have been 
 intrusted to those who are faithless and dis- 
 loyal, and thus save ourselves from that anarchy 
 which so imminently threatens us. In submit- 
 ting this grave subject for your consideration, 
 we do so in the earnest faith and hope that you 
 
246 HISTORY 
 
 will send to the convention of the 11th of 
 June your best and truest men, that such action 
 may be secured as will best subserve the inter- 
 ests of our state and secure the perpetuity of 
 its union with the United States.” 
 
 The new convention assembled at the ap- 
 pointed time, about forty counties of the state 
 being represented. It proceeded at once to 
 the important business for which it was con- 
 vened, and on the 17th the following declara- 
 tion was adopted, and subsequently signed by 
 the members of the convention : — 
 
 “The true purpose of all government is to 
 promote the welfare and provide for the pro- 
 tection and security of the governed; and when 
 any form or organization of government proves 
 inadequate for or subversive of this purpose, it 
 is the right, it is the duty, of the latter to alter 
 or abolish it. The Bill of Rights of Virginia, 
 framed in 1776, reaffirmed in 1830, and again 
 in 1851, expressly reserves this right to the 
 majority of her people, and the existing con- 
 stitution does not confer upon the General 
 Assembly the power to call a convention to 
 alter its provisions, or to change the relations 
 of the commonwealth, without the previously 
 expressed consent of such majority. The act 
 of the General Assembly calling the convention 
 which assembled at Richmond in February last 
 was therefore usurpation; and the convention 
 thus called has not only abused the powers 
 nominally intrusted to it, but, with the con- 
 nivance and active aid of the executive, has 
 usurped and exercised other powers, to the 
 manifest injury of the people, which, if per- 
 mitted, will inevitably subject them to a mili- 
 tary despotism. 
 
 “The convention, by its pretended ordi- 
 nances, has required the people of Virginia to 
 separate from and wage war against the goy-| 
 ernment of the United States, and against the 
 citizens of neighboring states with whom they, 
 have heretofore maintained friendly, social, and 
 business relations. 
 
 OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 “It has attempted to subvert the Union 
 founded by Washington and his compatriots in 
 the purer days of the republic, which has con- 
 ferred unexampled prosperity upon every class 
 of citizens, and upon every section of the 
 country. 
 
 “Tt has attempted to transfer the allegiance 
 of the people to an illegal confederacy of re- 
 bellious states, and required their submission 
 to its pretended edicts and decrees. 
 
 “Tt has attempted to place the whole mili- 
 tary force and military operation of the com-: 
 monwealth under the control and direction of 
 such confederacy, for offensive as well as de- 
 fensive purposes. 
 
 “Jt has, in conjunction with the state execu- 
 tive, instituted, wherever their usurped power 
 extends, a reign of terror intended to suppress 
 the free expression of the will of the people, 
 making elections a mockery and a fraud. 
 
 “The same combination, even before the 
 passage of the pretended ordinance of seces- 
 sion, instituted war by the seizure and appro- 
 priation of the property of the federal govern- 
 ment, and by organizing and mobilizing armies, 
 with the avowed purpose of capturing or de- 
 stroying the capital of the Union. | 
 
 “They have attempted to bring the allegi- 
 ance of the people of the United States into 
 direct conflict with their subordinate allegiance 
 to the state, thereby making obedience to 
 their pretended ordinance a reason against the 
 former. ~ 
 
 “ We, therefore, the delegates here assembled 
 in convention to devise such measures and take 
 such: action as the safety and welfare of the 
 loyal citizens of Virginia may demand, having 
 mutually considered the premises, and viewing 
 with great concern the deplorable condition to 
 which this once happy commonwealth must be 
 reduced, unless some regular adequate remedy 
 is speedily adopted, and appealing to the Su- 
 preme Ruler of the Universe for the rectitude 
 of our intentions, do hereby, in the name and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 247 
 
 on the behalf of the good people of Virginia, 
 solemnly declare that the preservation of their 
 dearest rights and liberties, and their security 
 in person and property, imperatively demand 
 the reérganization of the government of the 
 commonwealth, and that all acts of said con- 
 vention and executive, tending to separate this 
 commonwealth from the United States, or to 
 levy and carry on war against them, are without 
 authority and void, and the offices of all who 
 adhere to the said convention and executive, 
 whether legislative, executive, or judicial, are 
 vacated.” 
 
 A proposition was made for the ultimate 
 separation of the north-western part of the 
 state, and the formation of a new state. But, 
 though this proposition was favored by many 
 of the most earnest of the Union people, it was 
 not deemed expedient to adopt such measures 
 at first; and, accordingly, after the adoption of 
 the foregoing declaration, the convention pro- 
 ceeded to the establishment of a government for 
 the state of Virginia. Hon. Francis H. Pier- 
 pont, one of the firmest of the loyal men;* was 
 elected governor, and the various other offices 
 under the state constitution were filled by the 
 election of Union men. The governor elect 
 was inaugurated at once. In his inaugural 
 address he thus stated the position of the loyal 
 people of Virginia: “ We have been driven into 
 the position we occupy to-day by the usurpers 
 at the south, who- have inaugurated this war 
 upon the soil of Virginia,and have made it the 
 great Crimea of this contest. We, representing 
 the loyal citizens of Virginia, have been bound 
 to assume the position we have assumed to-day 
 for the protection of ourselves, our wives, our 
 
 * A loyal journal of Virginia said of Governor Pierpont at this 
 time, “He is more than a mere anti-secessionist. He is an 
 original and devoted friend of progress and liberalism, as it has 
 been especially advocated in Western Virginia. He entertains 
 none of those old, effete, hair-splitting notions of despotism, under 
 the guise of democracy, which have for the last fifty years gov- 
 ered and cursed the great official centre of this commonwealth. 
 He is a live man, of and from the people.” 
 
 children, and our property. We, I repeat, have 
 been driven to assume this position; and now 
 we are but recurring to the great fundamental 
 principle of our fathers, that to the loyal people 
 of a state belongs the law-making power of that 
 state. The loyal people are entitled to the 
 government and governmental authority of the 
 state. And, fellow-citizens, it is the assumtion 
 of that authority upon which we are now about 
 to enter. It will be for us, by firmness, and by 
 prudence, by wisdom, by discretion, in all our 
 acts, to inaugurate every step we take for the 
 purpose of restoring law and order to this 
 ancient commonwealth; to mark well our steps, 
 and to implore the divine wisdom and direction 
 of Him that ruleth above, who has every hair 
 of our heads numbered, and who suffereth not 
 a sparrow to fall unnoticed to the ground, and 
 his guidance and direction in enabling us to 
 earry out the great work we have undertaken 
 here, in humility, but with decision and deter- 
 mination.” 
 
 The convention took further measures to 
 establish the new government in its various 
 departments, and to organize the militia forth- 
 with. These acts of the convention were cor- 
 dially approved by a large majority of the 
 people in most of the counties represented, and 
 in Wheeling and other towns along the border 
 they were hailed with great demonstrations of 
 satisfaction. 
 
 The government thus established, upon apply- 
 ing to the United States government “for aid 
 to suppress rebellion and violence,” was at once 
 recognized as the government of Virginia, and 
 from that time cooperated with the federal 
 authorities in the measures to maintain the 
 national cause. A legislature, composed of 
 members from the loyal counties, assembled 
 at Wheeling, on the 2d of July, when, among 
 other acts, it elected two senators in Congress, 
 and provided for the election of representa- 
 tives; so that Virginia was still an active mem- 
 
 ber of the Union, through her loyal people, 
 
248 
 
 while by her disloyal leaders she had. been 
 committed to the fortunes of the Southern 
 Confederacy. In this respect Virginia stood 
 alone, though Tennessee had still two or three 
 loyal members to represent her Union people 
 in the United States Congress, 
 
 The maintenance of the federal authority in 
 Mawgyland, though placed-in the hands of the 
 military power, was a matter of political man- 
 agement. A show of force was evidently neces- 
 sary to keep down the spirit of rebellion; but 
 the condition of affairs was such, and so large 
 a part of the people were loyal, that strict 
 martial law was neither necessary nor expe- 
 dient. A watchful care was, however, required, 
 to keep the secessionists from actively aiding 
 their friends in arms, and preparing for the 
 much desired opportunity of openly rising in 
 rebellion. As before observed, this class of per- 
 sons was greatly pleased at the departure of 
 General Butler, and, taking courage from the 
 leniency of General Cadwallader, were gather- 
 ing strength and confidence, and were showing 
 their sympathy with the rebellion in a more 
 positive way, while they also chafed at the 
 presence of the military force. Such was the 
 state of affairs when General Banks was as- 
 signed to the command of this department, 
 and established his headquarters at Baltimore. 
 
 General Banks adopted a conciliatory policy 
 towards the mass of the people, but showed a 
 firm purpose of keeping the spirit of rebellion 
 in subjection. He sought to codperate with the 
 civil authorities in maintaining order and sup- 
 pressing sedition and rebellion; but he gave 
 those authorities to understand that they must 
 act honestly for the maintenance of the federal 
 government and the Union. It soon appeared, 
 however, that the police authorities of Balti- 
 more were disloyal, and that they not only suf- 
 fered secessionists to furnish aid and comfort to 
 the rebels, but that the police force, under the 
 lead of its chief, Marshal Kane, contributed to 
 that end. That officer was known to be a 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 secessionist, and, at the time of the riot on the 
 19th of April, he had taken measures to sum- 
 mon armed men to resist the passage of north- 
 ern troops to the national capital. The pressure 
 of public opinion, and the failure to accomplish 
 secession in Maryland, subsequently caused him 
 to modify his course; but, while he pretended 
 to be loyal, he was secretly as strong a seces- 
 sionist as before, and there was good reason to 
 believe that his efforts were directed to the 
 overthrow, rather than the support, of the fed- 
 eral government. General Banks accordingly 
 caused him to be arrested and taken to Fort 
 McHenry, and issued the following proclama- 
 tion to explain to the people the reason for 
 that act: — 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS, 
 ‘¢s DEPARTMENT OF ANNAPOLIS, June 27, 1861. 
 
 “By virtue of the authority vested in me, 
 and in obedience of orders as commanding 
 general of the military department of Annapo- 
 lis, | have arrested, and do now detain in cus- 
 tody, Mr. George P. Kane, chief of the police 
 of Baltimore. . 
 
 “TY deem it proper at this moment of arrest to 
 make formal public declaration of the motive 
 by which I have been governed in this pro- 
 ceeding. It is not my purpose, neither is it in 
 consonance with my instructions, to interfere 
 in any manner whatever with the legitimate 
 government of the people of Baltimore or 
 Maryland. I desire to support the public 
 authorities in all appropriate duties, in pre- 
 serving the peace, in protecting property, in 
 obeying and enforcing every municipal regula- 
 tion and public statute consistent with the 
 constitution and laws of the United States 
 and Maryland. But unlawful combinations 
 organized for resistance to such laws, that 
 provide hidden deposits of arms and ammuni- 
 tion, and encourage contraband traffic with men 
 at war with the government, and while enjoy- 
 ing its protection and privileges, stealthily wait 
 
 the opportunity to combine their means and 
 
' ’ , : ’ 
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 ro ee Bry een 
 , ia aM ° vd 
 
Ben srs 
 Be Paty cre Soy 
 LGD NGL coca 
 ise 
 
 aa 
 mee 
 
 LELETAPS 
 AIAN ABA 
 TPE 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 forces with those in@ebellion against its author- 
 ity. These are not among the recognized legal 
 rights of any class of men, and cannot be permit- 
 ted under any form of government whatever. 
 “Such combinations are well known to exist 
 in this department. The mass of the citizens 
 of Baltimore and Maryland are loyal to the 
 constitution and the Union, and are neither 
 parties to, nor responsible for, them; but the 
 chief of police is not only cognizant of these 
 facts, but in contravention of his duty, and in 
 violation of the law, he is, by direction or in- 
 direction, both a witness and protector to the 
 transactions and parties engaged therein. Un- 
 - der such circumstances, the government cannot 
 
 regard him otherwise than as the head of an 
 
 armed force, hostile to its authority, and acting 
 in concert with its avowed enemies. For this 
 reason, superseding his official authority, as 
 well as that of commissioner of police, I have 
 arrested and do now detain him in the custody 
 of the United States; and in further pursuance 
 of my instructions, I have appointed, for the 
 time being, Colonel Kenley, of the first. Mary- 
 land regiment of volunteers, provost marshal in 
 and for. the city of Baltimore, to superintend, 
 and cause to be executed, the police laws pro- 
 vided by the legislature of Maryland, with the 
 aid and assistance of subordinate officers of the 
 polite’ department; and he will be respected 
 accordingly. rh 
 “ Whenever a loyal citizen shall be otherwise 
 named for the performance of this duty, who will 
 execute the laws impartially and in good faith 
 to the government of the United States, the 
 military force of this department will render to 
 him that instant and willing obedience due 
 from every good citizen to his government. 
 “NavuHanreL P. Bangs, 
 “ Major-General commanding the 
 “ Department of Annapolis.” 
 
 This act was exceedingly unpalatable to the | 
 
 disloyal people of Baltimore, and, among others, 
 32 
 
 249 
 
 to the police commissioners, whose loyalty was 
 not much more certain than that of the mar- 
 shal. ‘The commissioners protested against the 
 act, and told the officers of the police depart- 
 ment to take off their badges and disband, 
 though still held subject to the orders of the 
 commission for some purpose. An examination 
 of the premises occupied by the marshal re- 
 vealed a quantity of arms and ammunition con- 
 cealed there, evidently, under the circumstances, 
 intended for no lawful purpose ; and, about the 
 same time, several cannon were discovered in 
 another quarter, which were said to have been 
 made some time previously by order of Marshal 
 Kane, and to have been intended for the bom- 
 bardment of Fort McHenry. The action of the 
 police commissioners, and the consequent ex- 
 citement among a dangerous class of the popu- 
 lation, made it necessary for General Banks to 
 take another step, which was promptly done. 
 Troops were sent to various parts of the city, pre- 
 pared to suppress any outbreak, and the police 
 commissioners themselves were then quietly 
 arrested, and the fact announced by General 
 Banks, as follows: — 
 “Fort McHenry, July 1. 
 
 “Tn pursuance of orders issued from the 
 headquarters of the army at Washington, for 
 the preservation of the public peace in the 
 department, I have arrested, and now detain in 
 the custody of the United States, the late mem- 
 bers of the board of police, Messrs. Charles 
 Howard, William Getchell, Charles Hinks, and 
 John W. Davis. The incidents of the past 
 week afforded a full justification for this order. 
 The headquarters under the charge of the 
 board, when abandoned by the officers, resem- 
 bled, in some respects, a concealed arsenal. 
 After a public recognition and protest against 
 the suspension of their functions, they continued 
 their sessions daily. Upon a forced and un- 
 
 | warrantable construction of my proclamation 
 
 of the 28th ult. they declared that the police 
 
 'law was suspended, and the police officers and 
 
250 
 
 men put off duty for the present, intending to 
 leave the city without any protection whatever. 
 They refused to recognize the officers and men 
 necessarily selected by the provost marshal for 
 its protection, and hold subject to their orders, 
 now and hereafter, the old police force, a large 
 body of armed men, for some purpose not known 
 to the government, and inconsistent with its) 
 peace and security. To anticipate any intentions 
 or orders on their part, I have placed temporarily 
 the force under my command within the city. 
 I disclaim, on the part of the government I; 
 represent, all desire, intention, and purpose to) 
 interfere in any manner whatever with the 
 ordinary municipal affairs of the city of Balti- 
 more. Whenever a loyal citizen can be named 
 who will execute its police laws with impartial- 
 ity and in good faith to the United States, the | 
 military will be withdrawn from the central, 
 parts of the municipality at once. No soldiers, 
 will be permitted in the city, except under 
 regulations satisfactory to the marshal; and if 
 any so admitted violate the municipal law, | 
 they shall be punished by the civil law through 
 the civil tribunals. 
 “ NaTHANIEL P. Bangs, 
 “ Major-General commanding.” 
 
 Other arrests of private individuals followed, 
 and the secessionists found that the federal 
 authority was to be asserted firmly, though 
 mildly and with reason. A better administra- 
 tion of the police department soon followed, 
 and the disloyal spirit was held in subjection, 
 _ if not wholly suppressed. | 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVI. 
 
 First Session of the Thirty-seventh Congress. — Organization of 
 the House. — Senators from Virginia. — President’s Message. 
 —Reports of the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the 
 Navy.— Sanitary Commission. — Opposition in Congress to 
 Executive Measures. — Hon. Andrew Johnson. — Measures 
 adopted by Congress. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Tue thirty-seventh Congyess assembled, pur- 
 suant to the call of the President, on the 4th 
 of July. The house of representatives was 
 organized by the choice of Hon. Galusha A. 
 Grow, of Pennsylvania, for speaker, and Hon. 
 Emerson Etheridge, one of the patriotic loyal- 
 ists of Tennessee, for clerk. In the senate, 
 Hon. Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, one of the 
 boldest and ablest champions of the Union, 
 was the only representative of a seceded state. 
 Not admitting the right of secession, he still 
 held his seat, to represent the loyal people of 
 his state. Two senators elected by the legis- 
 lature in Western Virginia subsequently took 
 seats in that body as the representatives of 
 that state. 
 
 The President’s message was transmitted to 
 the two houses the next day. This important 
 document, which reviews the progress of se- 
 cession and the action of the government, 
 was as follows :— 
 
 MESSAGE. 
 
 ‘‘FeLLow-CirizENs OF THE SENATE AND 
 ‘House or REPRESENTATIVES : 
 
 “Having been convened on an extraordinary 
 occasion, as authorized by the constitution, 
 your attention is not called to any ordinary 
 subject of legislation. . 
 
 “At the beginning of the present presiden- 
 tial term, four months ago, the functions of the 
 federal government were found to be generally 
 suspended within the several states of South 
 Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louis- 
 iana, and Florida, excepting only those of the 
 post office department. 
 
 “Within these states all the forts, arsenals, 
 dock yards, custom houses, and the like, in- 
 cluding the movable and stationary property 
 in and about them, had been seized, and were 
 held in open hostility to this government, ex- 
 cepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jeffer- 
 son, on and near the Florida coast, and Fort 
 Sumter, in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 201 
 
 The forts thus seized had been put in improved 
 condition; new ones had been built, and armed 
 forces had been organized, and were organizing, 
 all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. 
 
 “The forts remaining in the possession of 
 the federal government in and near these states 
 were either besieged or menaced by warlike 
 preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was 
 nearly surrounded by well-protected hostile 
 batteries, with guns equal in quality to the 
 best of its own, and outnumbering the latter 
 as perhaps ten to one. A disproportionate 
 share of the federal muskets and rifles had 
 somehow found their way into these states, and 
 had been seized to be used against the govern- 
 ment. Accumulations of the public revenue, 
 lying within them, had been seized for the same 
 object. The navy was scattered in distant seas, 
 leaving but a very small part of it within the 
 immediate reach of the government. Officers 
 of the federal army and navy had resigned in 
 great numbers; and of those resigning, a large 
 proportion had taken up arms against the gov- 
 ernment. Simultaneously, and in connection 
 with all this, the purpose to sever the federal 
 Union was openly avowed. In accordance with 
 this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted 
 in each of these states, declaring the states, 
 respectively, to be separated from the national 
 Union. A formula for insfituting a combined 
 government of these states had been promul- 
 gated; and this illegal organization, in the 
 character of confederate states, was already 
 invoking recognition, aid, and intervention, 
 from foreign powers. 
 
 “Finding this condition of things, and be- 
 lieving it to be an imperative duty upon the 
 incoming Executive to prevent, if possible, 
 the consummation of such attempt to destroy 
 the federal Union, a choice of means to that 
 end became indispensable. This choice was 
 made, and was declared in the inaugural ad- 
 dress. The policy chosen looked to the exhaus- 
 tion of all peaceful measures before a resort 
 
 'thousand good and well-disciplined men. 
 
 to any stronger ones. It sought only to hold 
 the public places and property not already 
 wrested from the government, and to collect 
 the revenue; relying, for the rest, on time, 
 discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a 
 continuance of the mails, at government ex- 
 pense, to the very people who were resisting 
 the government ; and it gave repeated pledges 
 against any disturbance to any of the people, 
 or any of their rights. Of all that which a 
 President might constitutionally and justifiably 
 do, in such a case, every thing was forborne, 
 without which it was believed possible to keep 
 the government on foot. 3 
 
 “On the 5th of March, (the present incum- 
 bent’s first full day in office,) a letter of Major 
 Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written 
 on the 28th of February, and received at the 
 war department on the 4th of March, was, by 
 that department, placed in his hands. This 
 letter expressed the professional opinion of the 
 writer that reénforcements could not be thrown 
 into that fort within the time for his relief, 
 rendered necessary by the limited supply of 
 provisions, and with a view of holding posses- 
 sion of the same, with a force of less than twenty 
 This 
 opinion was concurred in by all the officers of 
 his command, and their memoranda on the sub- 
 ject were made enclosures of Major Anderson’s 
 letter. The whole was immediately laid before 
 Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once con- 
 curred with Major Anderson in opinion. On 
 reflection, however, he took full time, consulting 
 with other officers, both of the army and the 
 navy, and, at the end of four days, came re- 
 luctantly, but decidedly, to the same conclusion 
 as before. He also stated at the same time 
 that no such sufficient force was then at the 
 control of the government, or could be raised 
 and brought to the ground within the time 
 when the provisions in the fort would be ex- 
 hausted. In a purely military point of view, 
 this reduced the duty of the administration in 
 
252 HISTORY OF 
 
 the case to the mere matter of getting the 
 garrison safely out of the fort. 
 
 “It was believed, however, that to so aban- 
 don that position, under the circumstances, 
 would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity 
 under which it was to be done would not be 
 fully understood; that by many it would be 
 construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that 
 at home it would discourage the friends of the 
 Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to 
 insure to the latter a recognition abroad ; that, 
 in fact, it would be our national destruction 
 consummated. This could not be allowed. 
 Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and 
 ere it would be reached, Mort Pickens might be 
 reénforced. This last would be a clear indica- 
 tion of policy, and would better enable the coun- 
 try to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter 
 as a military necessity. An order was at once 
 directed to be sent for the landing of the troops 
 from the steamship Brooklyn, into Fort Pickens. 
 This order could not go by land, but must take 
 the longer and slower route by sea. The first 
 return news from the order was received just 
 one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The 
 news itself was, that the officer commanding 
 the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been 
 
 transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon 
 | 
 some guasi armistice of the late administration, 
 
 (and of the existence of which the present 
 administration, up to the time the order was 
 despatched, had only too vague and uncertain 
 rumors to fix attention,) had refused to land 
 the troops. To now reénforce Fort Pickens, 
 before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sum- 
 ter, was impossible — rendered so by the near 
 ‘exhaustion of provisions in the latternamed 
 fort. In precaution against such a conjuncture, 
 the government had, a few days before, com- 
 menced preparing an expedition, as well adapt- 
 ed as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which 
 expedition was intended to be ultimately used, 
 or not, according to circumstances. The strong- 
 est anticipated case for using it was now pre- 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 sented; and it was resolved to send it forward. 
 As had been intended, in this contingency, it 
 was also resolved to notify the governor of 
 South Carolina, that he might expect an attempt 
 would be made to provision the fort; and that, 
 if the attempt should not be resisted, there 
 would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or 
 ammunition, without further notice, or in case 
 of an attack upon the fort. This notice was 
 accordingly given; whereupon the fort was 
 attacked, and bombarded to its fall, without 
 even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning 
 expedition. 4 
 
 “Tt is thus seen that the assault upon and 
 reduction of Fort Sumter was in no sense a 
 
 imatter of selfdefence on the part of the assail- 
 
 ants. They well knew that the garrison in the 
 fort could by no possibility commit aggression 
 upon them. They knew—they were expressly 
 notified — that the giving of bread to the few 
 brave and hungry men of the garrison was all 
 which would on that occasion be attempted, 
 unless themselves, by resisting so much, should 
 provoke more. They knew that this govern- 
 ment desired to keep the garrison in the fort, 
 not to assail them, but merely to maintain visi- 
 ble possession, and thus to preserve the Union 
 from actual and immediate dissolution — trust- 
 ing, as herein before stated, to time, discussion, 
 and the ballot-bom for final adjustment; and 
 they assailed, and reduced the fort, for precisely 
 the reverse object—to drive out the visible 
 authority of the federal Union, and thus force 
 it to immediate dissolution. That this was 
 their object the Executive well understood ; 
 and having said to them, in the inaugural ad- 
 dress, ‘ You can have no conflict without being 
 yourselves the aggressors, he took pains, not 
 only to keep this declaration good, but also 
 to keep the case so free from the power of in- 
 genious sophistry, as that the world should not 
 be able to misunderstand it. By the affair 
 at Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circum- 
 stances, that point was reached. Then and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 thereby the assailants of the government began 
 the conflict of arms, without a gun in sight or 
 in expectancy to return their fire, save only the 
 few in the fort, sent to that harbor, years before, 
 for their own protection, and still ready to give 
 that protection in whatever was lawful. In this 
 act, discarding all else, they have forced upon 
 the country the distinct issue: ‘Immediate 
 dissolution or blood.’ 
 
 “ And this issue embraces more than the fate 
 of these United States. It presents to the whole 
 family of man the question, whether a constitu- 
 tional republic or democracy —a government 
 of the people, by the same people — can, or 
 cannot, maintain its territorial integrity against 
 its own domestic foes. It presents the question, 
 whether discontented individuals, too few in 
 numbers to control administration, according to 
 organic law, in any case, can always, upon the 
 pretences made in this case, or on any other 
 pretences, or arbitrarily, without any pretence, 
 break up their government, and thus practically 
 put an end to free government upon the earth. 
 It forces us to ask, ‘Is there in all republics 
 this inherent and fatal weakness? Must a gov- 
 ernment of necessity be too strong for the 
 liberties of its own people, or too weak to main- 
 tain its own existence ?’ 
 
 “So viewing the issue, no choice was left but 
 to call out the war power of the government, 
 and so to resist force employed for its destruc- 
 tion by force for its preservation. 
 
 “The call was made, and the response of 
 the country was most gratifying, surpassing in 
 
 unanimity and spirit the most sanguine expec-| 
 
 tation. Yet none of the states commonly 
 called slave states, except Delaware, gave a 
 regiment through regular state organization. 
 A few regiments have been organized within 
 some others of those states by individual enter- 
 prise, and received into the government service. 
 Of course, the seceded states, so called, (and to 
 which Texas had been joined about the time 
 of the inauguration,) gave no troops to the cause 
 
 253 
 
 of the Union. .The border states, so called, 
 were not uniform in their action; some of them 
 being almost for the Union, while in others — as 
 Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkan- 
 sas — the Union sentiment was nearly repressed 
 and silenced. ‘The course taken in Virginia 
 was the most remarkable — perhaps the most 
 important. A convention, elected by the peo- 
 ple of that state to consider this very question 
 of disrupting the federal Union, was in session 
 at the capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter 
 fell. To this body the people had chosen a 
 large majority of professed Union men. Almost 
 immediately after the fall of Sumter, many mem- 
 bers of that majority went over to the original 
 disunion minority, and, with them, adopted an 
 ordinance for withdrawing the state from the 
 Union. Whether this change was wrought by 
 their great approval of the assault upon Sum- 
 ter, or their great resentment at the govern- 
 ment’s resistance to that assault, is not definitely 
 known. Although they submitted the ordi- 
 nance, for ratification, to a vote of the people, 
 to be taken on a day then somewhat more than 
 a month distant, the convention, and the legis- 
 lature, (which was also in session at the same 
 time and place,) with leading men of the state 
 not members of either, immediately commenced 
 acting as if the state were already out of the 
 Union. They pushed military preparations vig- 
 orously forward all over the state. They seized 
 the United States armory at Harper’s Ferry, 
 and the navy yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. 
 They received — perhaps invited — into their 
 state large bodies of troops, with their warlike 
 appointments, from the so-called seceded states. 
 They formally entered into a treaty of tempo- 
 rary alliance and codperation with the so-called 
 ‘Confederate States, and sent members to their 
 congress at Montgomery. And, finally, they 
 permitted the insurrectionary government to 
 be transferred to their capital at Richmond. 
 “The people of Virginia have thus allowed 
 
 ‘this giant insurrection to make its nest within 
 
204 
 
 her borders; and this government has no choice 
 left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it 
 has the less regret, as the loyal citizens have, in 
 due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal 
 citizens this government is bound to recognize 
 and protect, as being Virginia. 
 
 “Jn the border states, so called, —in fact, the 
 middle states, — there are those who favor a 
 policy which they call ‘armed neutrality ;’ that 
 is, an arming of those states to prevent the 
 Union forces passing one way, or the disunion 
 the other, over their soil. This would be dis- 
 union completed. Figuratively speaking, it 
 would be the building of an impassable wall 
 along the line of separation— and yet not quite 
 an impassable one; for, under the guise of neu- 
 trality, it would tie the hands of the Union men, 
 afid freely pass supplies from among them to 
 the insurrectionists, which it could not do as an 
 open enemy. At a stroke, it would take all 
 the trouble off the hands of secession, except 
 only what proceeds from the external block- 
 ade. It would do for the disunionists that 
 which, of all things, they most desire — feed 
 them well, and give them disunion without a 
 struggle of theirown. It recognizes no fidelity 
 to the constitution, no obligation to maintain 
 the Union; and while very many who have 
 favored it are, doubtless, loyal citizens, it is, 
 nevertheless, very injurious in effect. 
 
 “Recurring to the action of the government, 
 it may be stated that, at first, a call was made 
 for seventy-five thousand militia; and rapidly 
 following this, a proclamation was issued for 
 closing the ports of the imsurrectionary districts 
 by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So 
 far all was believed to be strictly legal. At this 
 point the insurrectionists announced their pur- 
 pose to enter upon the practice of privateering. 
 
 “Other calls were made for volunteers to 
 serve three years, unless sooner discharged, and 
 also for large additions to the regular army 
 and navy. ‘These measures, whether strictly 
 legal or not, were ventured upon, under what 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 appeared to be a popular demand and a public 
 necessity; trusting then, as now, that Congress 
 would readily ratify them. It is believed that 
 nothing has been done beyond the constitu- 
 tional competency of Congress. 
 
 “Soon after the first call for militia, it was 
 considered a duty to authorize the commanding 
 general, in proper cases, according to his dis- 
 cretion, to suspend the privilege of the writ of 
 habeas corpus, or, in other words, to arrest and 
 detain, without resort to the ordinary processes 
 and forms of law, such individuals as he might 
 deem dangerous to the public safety. This au- 
 thority has purposely been exercised but very 
 sparingly. Nevertheless, the legality and pro- 
 priety of what has been done under it are 
 questioned, and the attention of the country 
 
 has been called to the proposition that one who 
 
 | 
 
 is sworn to ‘ take care that the laws be faithfully 
 
 executed’ should not himself violate them. Of 
 ‘course some consideration was given to the 
 
 ‘nearly one third of the states. 
 
 questions of power and propriety before this 
 ‘matter was acted upon. 
 
 The whole of the laws 
 which were required to be faithfully executed 
 were being resisted, and failing of execution in 
 Must they be 
 allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it 
 been perfectly clear, that by the use of the 
 
 /means necessary to their execution, some single 
 
 law, made in such extreme tenderness of the 
 
 _citizen’s liberty, that, practically, it relieves more 
 
 of the guilty than of the innocent, should, to a 
 very limited extent, be violated? To state the 
 question more directly: are all the laws but one 
 to go unexecuted, and the goverment itself go 
 to pieces, lest that one be violated? Even in 
 such a case, would not the official oath be bro- 
 ken, if the government should be overthrown, 
 when it was believed that disregarding the 
 single law would tend to preserve it? But it 
 was not believed that this question was pre- 
 sented. It was not believed that any law was 
 violated. The provision of the constitution, 
 that ‘the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 shall not be suspended unless when, in cases 
 of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may 
 “require it, is equivalent to a provision—is a 
 provision —that such privilege may be sus- 
 pended when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, 
 the public safety does require it. It was decided 
 that we have a case of rebellion, and that the 
 public safety does require the qualified sus- 
 pension of the privilege of the writ which was 
 authorized to be made. Now, it is insisted that 
 Congress, and not the Executive, is vested with 
 this power. But the constitution itself is silent 
 as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; 
 and as the provision was plamly made for a 
 dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed the 
 framers of the instrument intended that in 
 every case the danger should run its course 
 until Congress could be called together, the 
 very assembling of which might be prevented, 
 as was intended in this case by the rebellion. 
 
 “No more extended argument is now offered, 
 as an opinion, at some length, will probably be 
 presented by the attorney-general. Whether 
 there shall be any legislation upon the subject, 
 and, if any, what, is submitted entirely to the 
 better judgment of Congress. 
 
 “The forbearance of this government had 
 been so extraordinary, and so long continued, 
 as to lead some foreign nations to shape their 
 action as if they supposed the early destruction 
 of our national Union was probable. While 
 this, on discovery, gave the Executive some 
 concern, he is now happy to say that the sov- 
 ereignty and rights of the United States are 
 now every where practically respected by 
 foreign powers; and a general sympathy with 
 the country is manifested throughout the world. 
 
 “The reports of the secretaries of the treas- 
 ury, war, and the navy, will give the informa- 
 tion in detail deemed necessary and convenient 
 for your deliberation and action; while the 
 Executive, and all the departments, will stand 
 ready to supply omissions, or to communicate 
 new facts, considered important for you to know. 
 
 250 
 
 “It is now recommended that you give the 
 legal means for making this contest a short and 
 a decisive one; that you place at the control 
 of the government, for the work, at least four 
 hundred thousand men, and four hundred mil- 
 lions of dollars. That number of men is about 
 one tenth of those of proper ages within the 
 regions where, apparently, a// are willing to 
 engage; and the sum is less than a twenty- 
 third part of the money value owned by the 
 men who seem ready to devote the whole. A 
 debt of six hundred millions of dollars now 
 is a less sum per head than was the debt of 
 our revolution when we came out of that 
 struggle; and the money value in the country 
 now bears even a greater proportion to what 
 it was then, than does the population. Surely 
 each man has as strong a motive now to preserve 
 our liberties, as each had then to establish them. 
 
 “A right result, at this time, will be worth 
 more to the world than ten times the men and 
 ten times the money. The evidence reaching 
 us from the country leaves no doubt that the 
 material for the work is abundant, and that it 
 needs only the hand of legislation to give it 
 legal sanction, and the hand of the Executive 
 to give it practical shape and efficiency. One 
 of the greatest perplexities of the government 
 is to avoid receiving troops faster than it can 
 provide for them. In a word, the people will 
 save their government, if the government itself 
 will do its part only indifferently well. 
 
 “Tt might seem, at first thought, to be of 
 little difference whether the present movement 
 at the south be called ‘secession’ or ‘rebellion’ 
 The movers, however, well understand the dif: 
 ference. At the beginning, they knew they 
 could never raise their treason to any respec- 
 table magnitude by any name which implies 
 violation of law. They knew their people pos- 
 sessed as much of moral sense, as much of de- 
 votion to law and order, and as much pride in, 
 and reverence for, the history and government 
 of their common country, as any other civil- 
 
206 HISTORY OF 
 
 ized and patriotic people. They knew they 
 could make no advancement directly in the 
 teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. 
 Accordingly they commenced by an insidious 
 debauching of the public mind. They invented 
 an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was 
 followed by perfectly logical steps, through all 
 the incidents, to the complete destruction of 
 the Union. The sophism itself is, that any 
 state of the Union may, consistently with the 
 national constitution, and therefore lawfully 
 and peacefully, withdraw from the Union, with- 
 out the consent of the Union, or of any other 
 state. The little disguise that the supposed 
 right is to be exercised only for just cause, 
 themselves to be the sole judge of its justice, 
 is too thin to merit any notice. 
 
 “ With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have 
 been drugging the public mind of their section 
 for more than thirty years, and until at length 
 they have brought many good men to a will- 
 ingness to take up arms against the govern- 
 ment the day after some assemblage of men 
 have enacted the farcical pretence of taking 
 their state out of the Union, who could have 
 been brought to no such thing the day defore. 
 
 “This sophism derives much, perhaps the 
 whole, of its currency from the assumption that 
 there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy 
 pertaining to a state —to each state of our federal 
 Union. Our states have neither more nor less 
 power than that reserved.to them, in the Union, 
 by the constitution — no one of them ever hav- 
 ing been a state out of the Union. The original 
 ones passed into the Union even before they 
 cast off their British colonial dependence ; 
 and the new ones each came into the Union 
 directly from a condition of dependence, ex- 
 cepting Texas. And even Texas, in its tempo- 
 rary independence, was never designated a 
 state. The new ones only took the designa- 
 tion of states on coming into the Union, while 
 that name was first adopted for the old ones 
 in and by the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Therein the ‘United Colonies’ were declared 
 to be ‘free and independent states ;’ but, even 
 then, the object plainly was not to declare their 
 independence of one another, or of the Union, but 
 directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge, 
 and their mutual action, before, at the time, 
 and afterwards, abundantly show. The express 
 plighting of faith, by each and all of the origi- 
 nal thirteen, in the Articles of Confederation, 
 two years later, that the Union shall be per- 
 petual, is most conclusive. Having never been 
 states, either in substance or in name, outside of 
 the Union, whence this magical omnipotence 
 of ‘state rights, asserting a claim of power. to 
 lawfully destroy the Union itself? Much is 
 said about the ‘sovereignty’ of the states; but 
 the word, even, is not in the national constitu- 
 tion; nor, as is believed, in any of the state 
 constitutions. What is a ‘sovereignty, in the 
 political sense of the term? Would it be far 
 wrong to define it, ‘A political community 
 without a political superior?’ Tested by this, 
 no one of our states, except Texas, ever was a 
 sovereignty. And even Texas gave up the 
 character on coming into the Union; by which 
 act she acknowledged the constitution of the 
 United States, and the laws and treaties of the 
 United States made in pursuance of the con- 
 stitution, to be, for her, the supreme law of the 
 land. 'The states have their status In the Union, 
 and they have no other legal status. If they 
 break from this, they can only do so against 
 law, and by revolution. The Union, and not 
 themselves separately, procured their independ- 
 ence and their liberty. By conquest or. pur- 
 chase, the Union gave each of them whatever 
 of independence and liberty it has. The Union 
 is older than any of the states, and, in fact, it 
 created them as states. Originally some de- 
 pendent colonies made the Union, and, in turn, 
 the Union threw off their old dependence for 
 them, and made them states, such as they are. 
 Not one of them ever had a state constitution 
 independent of the Union. Of course, it is not 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 forgotten that all the new states framed their 
 constitutions before they entered the Union ; 
 nevertheless, dependent upon, and preparatory 
 to, coming into the Union. 
 
 “Unquestionably the states have the powers 
 and rights reserved to them in and by the 
 national constitution ; but among these, surely, 
 are not included all conceivable powers, how- 
 ever mischievous or destructive ; but, at most, 
 such only as were known in the world, at the 
 time, as governmental powers; and certainly a 
 power to destroy the government itself had 
 never been known as a governmental—as a 
 merely administrative power. This relative 
 matter of national power and state rights, as a 
 principle, is no other than the principle of gen- 
 erally and locality. Whatever concerns the whole 
 should be confided to the whole — to the gen- 
 eral government; while whatever concerns only 
 the state should be left exclusively to the state. 
 This is all there is of original principle about 
 it. Whether the national constitution, in de- 
 fining boundaries between the two, has applied 
 the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be 
 questioned. We are all bound by that defining, 
 without question. 
 
 “What is now combated is the position that 
 secession is consistent with the constitution — is 
 lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that 
 there is any express law for it; and nothing 
 should ever be implied as law, which leads to 
 unjust or absurd consequences. The nation 
 purchased with money the countries out of 
 which several of these states were formed. Is 
 it just that they shall go off without leave, 
 and without refunding? The nation paid very 
 large sums (in the aggregate, I believe, nearly 
 a hundred millions) to relieve Florida of the 
 aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now 
 go off without consent, or without making any 
 return? The nation is now in debt for money 
 applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding 
 states, im common with the rest. Is it just, 
 either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the 
 
 33 
 
 207 
 
 remaining states pay the whole? <A part of 
 the present national debt was contracted to 
 pay the old debts of Texas. Is it just that she 
 shall leave, and pay no part of this herself? 
 
 “Again, if one state may secede, so may 
 another ; and when all shall have seceded, none 
 is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to 
 creditors? Did we notify them of this sage 
 view of ours when we borrowed their money ? 
 If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing 
 the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see 
 what we can do if others choose to go, or to 
 extort terms upon which they will promise to 
 remain. 
 
 “The seceders insist that our constitution 
 admits of secession. They have assumed to 
 make a national constitution of their own, in 
 which, of necessity, they have either discarded 
 or retamed the right of secession, as, they insist, 
 it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, 
 they thereby admit that, on principle, it ought 
 not to bein ours. If they have retained it, by 
 their own construction of ours they show that, 
 to be consistent, they must secede from one 
 
 ;another, whenever they shall find it the easiest 
 
 way of settling their debts, or effecting any 
 other selfish or unjust object. The principle 
 itself is one of disintegration, and upon which 
 no government can possibly endure. 
 
 “If all the states, save one, should assert the 
 power to drive that one out of the Union, it is 
 presumed the whole class of seceder politicians 
 would at once deny the power, and denounce 
 the act as the greatest outrage upon state 
 rights. But suppose that precisely the same 
 act, instead of being called ‘driving the one 
 out, should be called ‘the seceding of the 
 others from that one, it would be exactly what 
 the seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they 
 make the point, that the one, because it is a 
 minority, may rightfully do what the others, 
 because they are a majority, may not rightfully 
 do. ‘These politicians are subtle and» profound 
 on the rights of minorities. They are not 
 
258 
 
 partial to that power which made the constitu- 
 tion, and speaks from the preamble, calling 
 itself ‘We, the People’ 
 
 “Tt may well be questioned whether there is, 
 to-day, a majority of the legally qualified 
 voters of any state, except perhaps South 
 Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much 
 reason to believe that the Union men are the 
 majority in many, if not in every other one, of 
 the so-called seceded states. The contrary has 
 not been demonstrated in any one of them. It 
 is ventured to affirm this even of Virginia and 
 Tennessee; for the result of an election, held 
 in military camps, where the bayonets are all 
 on one side of the question voted upon, can 
 scarcely be considered as demonstrating popu- 
 lar sentiment. At such an election all that 
 large class who are, at once, for the Union, 
 and against coercion, would be coerced to vote 
 against the Union. 
 
 “It may be affirmed, without extravagance, 
 that the free institutions we enjoy have devel- 
 oped the powers, and improved the condition, 
 of our whole people, beyond any example in 
 the world. Of this we now have a striking and 
 an impressive illustration. So large an army as 
 the government has now on foot was never 
 before known, without a soldier in it but who 
 had taken his place there of his own free choice. 
 But more than this: there are many single 
 regiments whose members, one and another, 
 possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, 
 sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether 
 useful or elegant, is known in the world; and 
 there is scarcely one from which there could not 
 be selected a president, a cabinet, a congress, 
 and perhaps a court, abundantly competent to 
 administer the government itself. Nor doI say 
 this is not true also in the army of our late 
 friends, now adversaries, in this contest; but 
 if it is, so much the better reason why the gov- 
 ernment, which has conferred such benefits on 
 both them and us, should not be broken up. 
 Whoever, in any section, proposes to abandon 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 such a government, would do well to consider 
 in deference to what principle it is that he does 
 it— whether better he is likely to get in its 
 stead — whether the substitute will give, or be 
 intended to give, so much of good to the people. 
 There are some foreshadowings on this subject. 
 Our adversaries have adopted some declarations 
 of independence, in which, unlike the good old 
 one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words 
 ‘all men are created equal. Why? They have 
 adopted a temporary national constitution, in 
 the preamble of which, unlike our good old 
 one signed by Washington, they omit ‘ We, the 
 people, and substitute ‘We, the deputies of 
 the sovereign and independent states’ Why? 
 Why this deliberate pressing out of view the 
 rights of men and the authority of the people? 
 
 “This is essentially a People’s contest. On 
 the side of the Union, it is a struggle for main- 
 taining in the world that form and substance 
 of government whose leading object is to ele- 
 vate the condition of men; to lift artificial 
 weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths 
 of laudable pursuit for all; to afford all an un- 
 fettered start, and a fair chance in the race of 
 life. Yielding to partial and temporary depart- 
 ures, from necessity, this is the leading object 
 of the government for whose existence we 
 contend. 
 
 “T am most happy to believe that the plain 
 people understand and appreciate this. It is 
 worthy of note, that while in this, the govern- 
 ment’s hour of trial, large numbers of those in 
 the army and navy who have been favored with 
 the offices have resigned, and proved false to 
 the hand which had pampered them, not one 
 common soldier, or common sailor, is known to 
 have deserted his flag. 
 
 “Great honor is due to those officers who 
 remained true despite the example of their 
 treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, 
 and most important fact of all, is the unani- 
 
 -mous firmness of the common soldiers and com- 
 
 mon sailors. To the last man, so far as known, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 they have successfully resisted the traitorous 
 efforts of those whose commands, but an hour 
 before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is 
 the patriotic instinct of plain people. They 
 understand, without an argument, that the 
 destroying the government which was made 
 by Washington means no good to them. 
 
 “Our popular government has often been 
 called an experiment. ‘Two points in it our 
 people have already settled—the successful 
 establishing and the successful admunistering of it. 
 One still remains —its successful maintenance 
 against a formidable internal attempt to over- 
 throw it. It is now for them to demonstrate 
 to the world, that those who can fairly carry an 
 election can also suppress a rebellion; that 
 ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors 
 of bullets; and that when ballots have fairly 
 and constitutionally decided, there can be no 
 successful appeal back to bullets; that there can 
 be no successful appeal except to ballots them- 
 selves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a 
 great lesson of peace # teaching men that what 
 they cannot take by an election, neither can 
 they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of 
 being the beginners of a war. 
 
 “Lest there be some uneasiness, in the minds 
 of candid men, as to what is to be the course 
 of the government towards the southern states 
 after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, 
 the Executive deems it proper to say, it will be 
 his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the 
 constitution and the laws; and that he proba- 
 bly will have no different understanding of the 
 powers and duties of the federal government 
 relatively to the rights of the states and the 
 people, under the constitution, than that ex- 
 pressed in the inaugural address. He desires 
 to preserve the government, that it may be 
 administered for all, as it was administered by 
 the men who made it. Loyal citizens every 
 
 where have the right to claim this of their gov-| 
 
 ernment, and the government.has no right to 
 withhold or neglect it. It isnot perceived that 
 
 — 
 
 209 
 
 in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, 
 or any subjugation, in any just sense of those 
 terms. 
 
 “'The constitution provides, and all the states 
 have accepted the provision, that ‘The United 
 States shall guarantee to every state in this 
 Union a republican form of government. But, 
 if a state may lawfully go out of the Union, 
 having done so, it may also discard the repub- 
 lican form of government; so that to prevent 
 its going out is an indispensable means to the 
 end, of maintaining’ the guarantee mentioned ; 
 and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the 
 indispensable means to it are also lawful and 
 obligatory. 
 
 “It was with the deepest regret that the 
 Executive found the duty of employing the 
 war-power in defence of the government forced 
 upon him. He could not but perform this duty, 
 or surrender the existence of the government. 
 No compromise by public servants could, in this 
 case, be a cure; not that compromises are not 
 often proper, but that no popular government 
 can long survive a marked precedent, that those 
 who carry an election can only save the govy- 
 ernment from immediate destruction by giving 
 up the main point upon which the people gave 
 the election. The people themselves, and not 
 their servants, can safely reverse their own 
 deliberate decisions. : 
 
 “As a private citizen, the Executive could 
 not have consented that these institutions shall 
 perish ; much less could he, in betrayal of so 
 vast and so sacred a trust as these free people 
 had confided to him. He felt that he had no 
 moral right to shrink, nor even to count the 
 chances of his own life, in what might follow. 
 In full view of his great responsibility, he has, 
 so far, done what he deemed his duty. You 
 will now, according to your own judgment, 
 perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your 
 views and your action may so accord with his, 
 as to assure all faithful citizens, who have been 
 disturbed in their rights, of a certain and speedy 
 
260 
 
 restoration of them, under the constitution and 
 the laws. 
 
 “ And having thus chosen our course, without 
 ‘guile, and with pure purpose, let us renew our 
 trust in God, and go forward without fear, and 
 
 with manly hearts. 
 
 “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 «¢ July 4, 1861.” 
 
 By the report of the secretary of war, ac- 
 companying the President’s message, it appeared 
 that the federal forces then in the field num- 
 bered about two hundred and thirty-five thou- 
 sand men, exclusive of regiments of volunteers 
 for the war accepted but not yet in service, 
 and of the new regiments of the regular army. 
 Of these about eighty thousand were three 
 months’ volunteers, the term of whose service 
 would generally expire in the latter part of 
 July or early in August. But the new regi- 
 ments of volunteers for the war, which were 
 being organized, and the new regular army 
 
 regiments, would nearly make up for the with- 
 drawal of the three months’ volunteers, who | 
 
 had so patriotically responded to the first call 
 of the President. 
 
 Of the volunteer system and the character 
 of the large army thus suddenly raised, the 
 secretary wrote as follows :— 
 
 “T cannot forbear to speak favorably of the 
 volunteer system, as a substitute for a cum- 
 brous and dangerous standing army. 
 heretofore, by many been deemed unreliable 
 and inefficient in a sudden emergency; but 
 actual facts have proved the contrary. If it be 
 
 urged that the enemies of order have gained, 
 some slight advantages at remote points, by | 
 reason of the absence of a sufficient regular | 
 
 force, the unexampled rapidity of concentration 
 
 of volunteers -already witnessed is an ample 
 
 refutation of the argument. 
 
 is so strong as that whose foundations rest im- 
 movably in the hearts of the people. 
 
 A government. 
 whose every citizen stands ready to march to. 
 its defence can never be overthrown; for none 
 
 | 
 
 It has, | 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “The spectacle of more than a quarter of a 
 million of citizens rushing to the field in defence 
 of the constitution must ever take rank among 
 |the most extraordinary facts of history. Its 
 interest is vastly heightened by the lavish out- 
 pouring, from states and individuals, of voluntary 
 contributions of money, reaching an aggregate 
 thus far of more than ten millions of dollars. 
 But a few weeks since the men composing this 
 great army were pursuing the avocations of 
 |peace. They gathered from the farm, from the 
 workshop, from the factory, from the mine. 
 The minister came from his pulpit, the merchant 
 from his counting room, the professor and stu- 
 dent from the college, the teacher and pupil 
 from the common schools. Young men of 
 fortunes left luxurious homes for the tent and 
 the camp. Native and foreign born alike came 
 forward with a kindred enthusiasm. That a well- 
 disciplined, homogeneous, and efficient force 
 should be formed out of such a seemingly 
 heterogeneous mass, appears almost incredible. 
 But what is the actual faet ? Experienced men, 
 who have had ample opportunity to familiarize 
 
 | themselves with the condition of European 
 
 armies, concede that, in point of personnel, this 
 patriot army is fully equal to the finest reg- 
 ular troops of the Old World. A more intelli- 
 gent body of men, or one actuated by purer 
 motives, was never before marshalled in the 
 field.” 
 
 The equipment and subsistence of so large a 
 force, with the limited means at the command 
 of the government, was a difficult matter; and 
 it was no wonder that, through the inexperience 
 or negligence of officers, and the delays conse- 
 quent upon an incomplete system, many of 
 the troops suffered some temporary hardships. 
 Nor was it surprising that, in the immense and 
 necessarily hurried contracts which were re- 
 quired for the support of the army, and to carry 
 on war on so vast a scale, there should be found 
 “numerous instances of poor supplies uninten- 
 tionally furnished and of wilful fraud. That 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the country so engrossed in the pursuits of 
 peace, and so unaccustomed to war, could so 
 readily and successfully raise*equip, and supply 
 such an army with all the munitions required, 
 was the real marvel. 
 
 Among the measures taken for the promotion 
 of the health and comfort of the troops was the 
 appointment of a sanitary commission, to ex- 
 amine into the condition and wants of the army, 
 and to codperate with the medical department 
 in providing for the care and comfort of the 
 sick and wounded. ‘This commission consisted 
 of Henry W. Bellows, D.D.; Prof. A. D. Bache, 
 LL. D.; Prof Jeffries Wyman; Prof. Walcott 
 Gibbs, M. D.; W. H. Van Buren, M. D.; Sam- 
 uel G. Howe, M.D.; R. C. Wood, surgeon 
 United States army; George W. Cullum, United 
 States army, and Alexander E. Shiras, United 
 States army ; all of them gentlemen who were 
 distinguished for philanthropy, experience, or 
 professional attaimments. Serving without com- 
 pensation, this commission devoted time and 
 labor to the cause, and secured many reforms 
 in the system of supplies for rations, as well as 
 in equipments and camp equipage. But more 
 than all, they directed the generous efforts of 
 the patriotic people in furnishing for the troops 
 additional clothing beyond that supplied by 
 government, and for the sick and disabled the 
 various necessaries and comforts which the gov- 
 ernment alone would have been entirely unable 
 tosupply. In connection with this department, 
 Miss D. L. Dix,a lady who had achieved a wide 
 reputation by her philanthropic labors in pris- 
 ons and hospitals, was intrusted with the duty, 
 which she volunteered to perform, of organizing 
 the military hospitals and directing the employ- 
 ment of female nurses. 
 
 The report of the secretary of the navy, 
 while it could not exhibit such a great increase 
 of force as had been created for land service, 
 showed that the navy department had not been 
 idle. From twenty-four vessels of all kinds, 
 carrying five hundred and fifty-five guns, which 
 
 261 
 
 were in commission on the 4th of March, the 
 navy had been increased to eighty-two vessels 
 in commission, carrying upwards of eleven 
 hundred guns, and about thirteen thousand 
 seamen. In addition to these, the several dock 
 yards were busy with the construction of flew 
 steam-sloops, authorized by the preceding Con- 
 gress, and with the fitting out of vessels pur- 
 chased for the naval service, while contracts 
 had been made with private parties for the 
 construction of a fleet of steam gun-boats, and 
 the department was still chartering and pur- 
 chasing vessels to be used for gun-boats or 
 armed transports. 
 
 Early in the session, Congress adopted a 
 resolution to legislate only on subjects con- 
 nected with the suppression of the rebellion; 
 and the various measures brought before it were 
 of that nature. Bills in relation to a volunteer 
 force, for an increase of the navy, authorizing 
 a loan of two hundred and fifty millions of 
 dollars, increasing the duties on imports, levy- 
 ing an internal. tax, to suppress insurrection, 
 large appropriation bills, and other measures 
 of detail in carrying out the purpose of organ- 
 izing a large force for the suppression of the 
 rebellion, were considered and passed by large 
 votes, though not without some opposition. 
 The ratification of the acts of the President met 
 with strenuous opposition from certain men 
 whose sympathies with the rebel states were 
 scarcely disguised. This opposition manifested 
 itself against all the measures intended to sup- 
 press the rebellion and to maintain the govern- 
 ment by force against the attempts of traitors 
 to overthrow it. Among those who were most 
 forward in their opposition to these measures, 
 and who showed a strong sympathy with re- 
 bellion, were Mr. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, 
 and Mr. Polk, of Missouri, in the senate, and 
 Mr. Burnett, of Kentucky, Mr. May, of Mary- 
 land, and some others of less note, in the house 
 —men who would have had their states secede, 
 if they could have effected it, and who now sat 
 
262 
 
 in Congress, as the members from Virginia and 
 other seceded states had set there, the pre- 
 tended supporters of the government, while, 
 faithless to their duty and their oaths, they 
 were laboring for its overthrow. Some of the 
 mefnbers from Maryland strongly condemned 
 the suspension of the habeas corpus, and on 
 account of this opposed the approval of the 
 acts of the President. There were also in both 
 houses of Congress a few representatives from 
 free states, who joined to a certain extent in 
 this opposition, and either from party feeling, 
 or worse motives, threw all possible obstacles 
 in the way of the administration. <A large 
 majority, however, supported the President, 
 ratified his acts for the maintenance of the 
 government, strengthened his hands for the 
 more vigorous prosecution of war against the 
 rebels, and voted — what the loyal people were 
 ready to give — money and forces without stint 
 for this purpose. Among the most earnest and 
 ablest supporters of the President’s action was 
 Andrew Johnson, the loyal senator from Ten- 
 nessee, who, though politically opposed to the 
 administration, and representing a state that 
 had joined in the rebellion, gave the adminis- 
 tration his cordial aid and approval, and labored 
 in the senate most earnestly in behalf of the 
 most vigorous measures for the suppression of 
 the rebellion. 
 
 The bill authorizing the employment of vol- 
 unteers provided for the acceptance of volun- 
 teers not exceeding half a million in number, 
 and appropriated a very large sum for the 
 equipment and maintenance of this force. The 
 bill for the increase of the navy provided for 
 the construction of a large additional number 
 of steamers, including several iron-clad vessels, 
 and for the purchase or charter of others, as 
 the wants of the naval service might require. 
 The various financial measures which were 
 adopted, under the efficient and wise manage- 
 ment of the able secretary of the treasury and 
 the patriotism of the northern bankers, enabled 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the government to obtain the large sums re- 
 quired to carry on the vast operations in which 
 it was engaged. “The act to suppress insurrec- 
 tion provided for the confiscation of the property 
 of certain parties engaged in the rebellion, and 
 for the freedom of their slaves. Most of the 
 other measures adopted were for specific objects 
 connected with the great general subject which 
 engrossed the attention of Congress. These 
 various measures of such vast importance, and 
 involving such immense expenditures of money, 
 were considered with unprecedented diligence, 
 and, notwithstanding the interruption and ex- 
 citement of a disastrous battle, were disposed 
 of in a month, and Congress adjourned on the 
 6th of August. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 Campaign in Western Virginia. — General McClellan takes com- 
 mand of the Federal Forces. — Advance of the Federal Army, 
 and Retreat of the Rebels. — Action of the Rebel Government. 
 — Proclamation of Governor Letcher. — Movement towards 
 Beverly. — Battle of Rich Mountain. — Retreat of the Rebels. 
 — General McClellan’s Official Announcement of the Re- 
 sult. — Retreat of General Garnett.—Surrender of Colonel 
 Pegram.— Pursuit of General Garnett’s Force. —Battle of 
 Carrick’s Ford. — Rout of the Rebels. Death of General 
 Garnett. — Results of the Victory. — General McClellan’s 
 Despatch. — Success of the Campaign. — Movement of Gen- 
 eral Cox in the Kanawha Valley. — Skirmish at Barboursville. 
 — Repulse at Scaryville. — Occupation of Charlestown. — 
 General McClellan called to Washington. 
 
 Rusumine the narrative of military operations, 
 we recur first to the campaign in Western Vir- 
 ginia. Major-General McClellan assumed com- 
 mand of the federal forces, in person, on the 
 20th of June, having previous to that time 
 remained at Cincinnati, organizing his forces 
 and directing the general movements. The 
 entire force under his command numbered now 
 
 about fifteen thousand; but they were neces- 
 
 sarily divided, the advance into Virginia being 
 from several different points. After the affair at 
 Philippi there were occasional skirmishes, of no 
 ‘great importance, as the federal forces advanced, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and the rebels, who as yet appeared-in no great 
 force, retired from town to town, with but little 
 opposition. Guerrilla bands, however, carried 
 on a petty warfare against the loyal people 
 of the country, seizing property, destroying 
 bridges, and in some cases wantonly taking 
 life. The rebel governments of Virginia and 
 the Confederate States, however, were making 
 some preparation to resist the advance of the 
 federal forces. Governor Letcher, in a procla- 
 mation to the people of North-western Virginia, 
 appealed to them to submit to the will of the 
 majority, who had declared for secession by 
 an overwhelming vote, to join their brethren 
 in Eastern Virginia, and “to drive the invader 
 from their soil.” He stated that he had sent a 
 large force to their aid, but he relied “ with the 
 utmost confidence upon their own strong arms 
 to rescue their firesides and altars from the 
 pollution of a reckless and ruthless enemy.” 
 Governor Wise was appointed a brigadier-gen- 
 eral, and sent into Western Virginia to organize 
 the rebel forces; and considerable bodies of 
 troops were gathered from the central counties, 
 which were reénforced by several regiments of 
 Confederate troops from other states. 
 
 Early in July, General McClellan moved his 
 forces southward to Buckhannon and towards 
 Beverly, in the vicinity of which a rebel force 
 was collecting. Some skirmishes with small 
 bands, of little consequence in their results, 
 occurred along the march; but nothing of 
 importance took place till the federal troops 
 arrived near Beverly. At this place, two roads, 
 one from Buckhannon,by which General McClel- 
 lan advanced, and the other from Philippi, unite 
 at an acute angle. Both these roads cross a 
 mountain ridge, some miles north of Beverly, 
 and at these points the rebel forces, under 
 the command of General Garnett and Colonel 
 Pegram, were posted in intrenched camps, sur- 
 rounded by woods in all directions. Colonel 
 Pegram was in immediate command at Rich 
 
 263 
 
 Mountain, on the Buckhannon road, and Gen- 
 eral Garnett at Laurel Hill, on the Philippi 
 road. The position at Rich Mountain was 
 very strong, and could not be carried by direct 
 assault. without great loss of life. General 
 McClellan accordingly, on the 11th of July, 
 despatched General Rosecrans with three regi- 
 ments, to move along the mountain and get on 
 the east side of the rebel position, so as to 
 nearly surround them. After a long march, 
 General Rosecrans came out upon a part of 
 the rebel intrenchments at the top of the hill. 
 The rebels had received information of the 
 approach of the federal forces from this direc- 
 tion, and had a strong force ready to meet them. 
 They fired upon the approaching column with 
 several pieces of artillery; but the federal forces 
 were soon formed in line of battle as well as 
 the nature of the ground would admit, and, 
 
 after firing a few volleys, they charged upon 
 
 the battery and cgrried it. The contest was 
 short but severe, and the rebels, unable to stand 
 before the impetuous charge of the western 
 troops, were soon utterly rotited, and precipi- 
 tately fled, leaving about one hundred and 
 fifty dead and wounded on the field. The fed- 
 eral loss was about eleven killed and thirty-five 
 wounded. A reénforcement, which was coming 
 to the aid of the rebels, finding that they were 
 routed, also retreated, and General Rosecrans 
 remained in possession of the ground, capturing 
 the cannon, many small arms, and the camp 
 equipage. 
 
 In the mean time, General McClellan ap- 
 proached the lower and main position of the 
 rebels, by cutting a road for his artillery through 
 the woods. Night, however, came on before he 
 was able to commence an attack. In the morn- 
 ing a white flag was discovered flying over the 
 enemy’s position, and it proved that he had 
 hastily abandoned his camp, leaving all his 
 equipage, several cannon, and many horses and 
 wagons. Taking possession of these, General 
 
264 
 
 McClellan pushed on rapidly to Beverly. The 
 following are General McClellan’s despatches, 
 announcing the result of this contest : — 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO, } 
 
 “ Ricw Mountain, Va., 9, A. M., July 12, 1861. 
 
 “CotoneL E. D. Townsenp: We are in pos- 
 session of all the enemy’s works up to a point 
 on the right of Beverly. I have taken all his 
 guns, a very large amount of wagons, tents, Xc., 
 every thing he had, a large number of prisoners, 
 many of whom were wounded, and several of 
 them officers. They lost many killed. We have 
 lost, in all, perhaps twenty killed and wounded, 
 of whom all but two or three were in the column 
 under Rosecrans, which turned the position. 
 The mass of the enemy escaped through the 
 woods, entirely disorganized. Among the pris- 
 oners is Dr. Taylor, formerly of the army. 
 Colonel Pegram was in command. 
 
 “Colonel Rosecrans’ column left camp yester- 
 day morning, and marched some eight miles 
 through the mountains, reaching the turnpike 
 some two or three miles in the rear of the ene- 
 my, defeating an advanced post and taking two 
 guns. I had a position ready for twelve guns 
 near the main camp, and as the guns were mov- 
 ing up, I ascertained that the enemy had retreat- 
 ed. Jam now pushing on to Beverly, a part of 
 Colonel Rosecrans’ troops being now within 
 three miles of it. Our success is complete, 
 and almost bloodless. I doubt whether Wise 
 or Johnson will unite and overpower me. The 
 behavior of the troops in the action and to- 
 wards the prisoners was admirable. 
 
 “G. B. McCretian, 
 “ Major-General commanding.” 
 ‘‘ Brverzy, July 13. 
 
 “Cotone, E. D. Townsenp: The success of 
 to-day is all that I could desire. We captured 
 six brass cannon, of which one is rifled, and all 
 the enemy’s camp equipage and transportation, 
 even to his cups. The number of tents will 
 probably reach two hundred, and more than 
 sixty wagons. Their killed and wounded will 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 amount to one hundred and fifty, with at least 
 one hundred prisoners; and more are coming 
 in constantly. I know already of ten officers 
 killed and prisoners. Their retreat was com- 
 plete. 
 
 “T occupied Beverly by arapid march. Gar- 
 net abandoned his camp early this morning, 
 leaving much of his equipage. He came 
 within a few miles of Beverly; but our rapid 
 march turned him back in great confusion, and 
 he is now retreating on the road to St. George. 
 General Morris is to follow him up closely. I 
 have telegraphed for the two Pennsylvania 
 regiments at Cumberland to join General Hill 
 at Bowlesburg. The general is concentrating 
 all his troops at Bowlesburg, and will cut off 
 Garnett’s retreat near West Union, or, if pos- 
 sible, at St. George. I may say we have driven 
 out some ten thousand troops, strongly in- 
 trenched, with the loss of eleven killed and 
 thirty-five wounded. 
 
 “Previous returns here show Garnett’s force 
 to have been ten thousand men. They were 
 Eastern Virginians, Georgians, Tennesseans, and 
 I think, Carolinians. To-morrow I can give full 
 details as to prisoners, &c. I trust that General 
 Cox has, by this time, driven Wise out of the 
 Kanawha Valley. In that case, I shall have 
 accomplished the object of liberating Western 
 Virginia. I hope the general in-chief will 
 approve of my operations. 
 
 “G. B. McCtetuay, 
 “ Major-General Department of Ohio.” 
 
 General Garnett, who commanded in person 
 at the rebel camp on Laurel Hill, also aban- 
 doned his camp and retreated towards Beverly; 
 but the rapid march of General McClellan to- 
 wards the same point induced him to change 
 his course and march north-east towards St. 
 George. General Morris, with his brigade, was 
 immediately sent in pursuit, while the main body’ 
 of the Union forces proceeded to Beverly. 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S. ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 on Rich Mountain, finding himself unable to 
 join General Garnett, and his retreat through 
 Beverly cut off, after remaining in the woods 
 for some time without food, sent to General 
 
 McClellan a proposition to surrender as prison-| 
 
 ers of war, expressing a hope that they would 
 receive “such treatment as has been invariably 
 shown to the northern prisoners by the south.” 
 In his reply, General McClellan said, “I will 
 
 receive you and them with the kindness due to. 
 
 prisoners of war, but it is not in my power to 
 relieve you or them from the liabilities incurred 
 by taking arms against the United: States.” 
 Accordingly, on the 13th, Colonel Pegram sur- 
 rendered with his forces, numbering six hundred 
 men. With those previously taken, the rebel 
 prisoners now numbered nearly one thousand. - 
 
 General Garnett, with his retreating forces, 
 took a rugged road across the mountains; but 
 he was followed rapidly by General Morris, 
 whose advance came up with the enemy at 
 Cheat River. The rebel general determined 
 here to make a stand, and, by repulsing the 
 pursuing forces, to make good his retreat. He 
 selected an advantageous position on the river 
 at Carricksford, where he crossed, on a high 
 bluff which completely commanded the low 
 and open ground on the side where the Union 
 troops must approach. He concealed his force 
 by the woods and shrubbery which bordered 
 the bluff, and left his wagon train in the ford of 
 the river, either for the purpose, as was after- 
 wards supposed, of deceiving the pursuers and 
 decoying them into a position where they would 
 be directly under his fire, or because, with his 
 disheartened men, he was unable to get safely 
 across before the federal advance came up. 
 
 As the first regiment of the Union troops — 
 the 14th Ohio — approached the river over the 
 low ground mentioned, the rebels opened a 
 fire of musketry upon them, followed quickly 
 by a heavy artillery fire; but the aim was so 
 poor that the regiment so greatly exposed 
 suffered comparatively little, though taken by 
 
 34 
 
 265 
 
 surprise as they marched in column. Had the 
 rebels been good marksmen, and had their leader 
 been able to inspire them with his own courage 
 and energy, they might have almost destroyed 
 the advance federal force before the main 
 body could come to reénforce them. But they 
 were demoralized, and showed no determination 
 or courage. The Ohio regiment immediately 
 formed in line of battle, and returned the fire 
 with much effect, although” the enemy were 
 protected by the bluff, or hidden from sight by 
 the bushes upon its summit. Other regiments 
 soon came up and joined in the battle. 
 
 Up the river a place was discovered where 
 the bluff could be scaled, and an Indiana reg 
 ment, under Colonel Dumont, was sent to ford 
 the river, scale the bluff, and attack the enemy 
 on his flank. He had already overcome the 
 obstacles, and reached the top of the bluff with 
 a part of his command, and would soon have 
 turned the flank of the enemy,—who had not 
 yet discovered his movement, in consequence 
 of the thick growth of laurel which hid his men 
 from view,—when he was ordered to attempt 
 to turn the left flank of the enemy, his superior 
 officer not knowing that the obstacles had been 
 overcome. Without questioning the order of 
 his superior, the brave colonel led his men down 
 the bluff again, and marched down the bed of 
 the shallow river underneath the fire of the 
 contending forces. Passing the wagon train, 
 he led his regiment through a dense growth of 
 laurel, and appeared most unexpectedly on the 
 enemy’s right flank. The rebels, who were 
 hardly disposed, notwithstanding their advan- 
 tage of position, to hold out against the federal 
 force in their front, were panic-stricken at the 
 appearance of this force on their flank, and fled 
 in disorder. The Indiana regiment pursued 
 the flying forces to the next ford, where Gen- 
 eral Garnett endeavored to rally his men. He 
 was waving them back to resist their pursuers, 
 when he was shot, and fell dead, a young Geor- 
 gian soldier, the only one who remained with 
 
266 
 
 him, falling by his side.* A portion of the rebel 
 force rallied a little, and for a few minutes re- 
 turned the fire of the federal troops; but they 
 soon gave way again, and ran in confusion, 
 pursued by the federal troops, until the latter 
 halted from exhaustion. 
 
 The casualties of this battle were compara- 
 tively few, for the rebels were protected from 
 the federal fire, while their own fire was far 
 from being effective. The federal loss was four 
 killed and eight wounded. The rebel loss 
 was eleven killed and ten wounded, who were 
 taken prisoners, while probably others, slightly 
 wounded, escaped. The victory —and it was 
 a substantial one— consisted in the utter rout 
 of the rebel forces, so that they could not again 
 be rallied. Numbers of prisoners, including 
 many officers, were taken, and continued to be 
 brought in for several days. Two stands of 
 colors, a rifled cannon, and a large quantity of 
 small arms, besides a train of forty wagons, 
 were also captured. General McClellan an- 
 nounced the result to the government in the 
 following despatch : — 
 
 ‘‘ HuTTONVILLE, VA., July 15, 1862. 
 
 «*CotongeL E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adjutant-General : 
 
 “General Garnett and his forces have been 
 routed, and his baggage and one gun taken. 
 His army is completely demoralized. General 
 Garnett was killed while attempting to rally 
 his forces at Carricksford, near St.George. We 
 have completely annihilated the enemy in West- 
 ern Virginia. Our loss is but thirteen killed, 
 and not more than forty wounded, while the 
 enemy’s loss is not far from two hundred killed ; 
 and the number of prisoners we have taken 
 will amount to at least one thousand. We 
 have captured seven of the enemy’s guns in all. 
 A portion of General Garnett’s forces retreated ; 
 but I look for their capture by General Hill, 
 
 * General Garnett was a Virginian, who had been an officer in 
 the United States army, and served with distinction in Mexico. 
 He was more soldier than politician, but, when Virginia seceded, 
 joined the rebels. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 who is in hot pursuit. The troops that General 
 Garnett had under his command are said to 
 be the crack regiments of Eastern Virginia, 
 aided by Georgians, Tennesseeans, and Caro- 
 linians. Our success is complete, and I firmly 
 believe that secession is killed in this section 
 of the country. 
 “QGrorce B. McCietian, 
 “ Major-General United States Army.” 
 
 To his soldiers the general issued the follow- 
 ing address : — 
 
 ‘‘Sonpizrs 6F THE ARMY OF THE WEST: 
 
 “JT am more than satisfied with you. You 
 have annihilated two armies, commanded by 
 educated and experienced soldiers, intrenched 
 in mountain fastnesses, and fortified. You have 
 taken five guns, twelve colors, and fifteen hun- 
 dred stand of arms, and one thousand prison- 
 ers, including more than forty officers. One of 
 the second commanders of the rebels is a pris- 
 oner, and the other lost his life on the field of 
 battle. You have killed more than two hun- 
 dred and fifty of the enemy, who have lost all 
 their baggage and camp equipage. All this 
 has been accomplished with a loss of twenty 
 brave men killed and sixty wounded. 
 
 «You have proved that the Union men, fight- 
 ing for the preservation of the government, are 
 more than a match for misguided and erring 
 brothers. More than this, you have shown 
 mercy to the vanquished. You have made long 
 and arduous marches, had insufficient food, and 
 been expesed to the inclemency of the weather. 
 I have not hesitated to demand this of you, 
 feeling that I could rely on your endurance, 
 patriotism, and courage. In the future I may 
 have still greater demands to make upon you, 
 still greater sacrifices for you to offer. It shall 
 be my care to provide for you to the extent of 
 my ability ; but I know now that by your valor 
 and endurance you will accomplish all that 
 is asked. 
 
 * Soldiers, | have confidence in you; and [ 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 trust you have learned to confide in me. Re- 
 member that discipline and subordination are 
 qualities of equal value with courage. I am 
 proud to say that you have gained the highest 
 reward that American troops can receive — the 
 thanks of Congress and the applause of your 
 fellow-citizens. 
 “Groree B. McC ettay, 
 “ Major-General.” 
 
 Huttonville, the place to which General 
 McClellan moved from Beverly, was the ren- 
 dezvous named in Governor Letcher’s procla- 
 mation, summoning the people of Western 
 Virginia to arms to repel the federal forces. 
 It was now occupied by a victorious Union 
 army; ten thousand rebel soldiers had been 
 
 defeated and scattered, and the rebellion was) 
 
 virtually suppressed in North-western Virginia, 
 there being no considerable force of rebels now 
 within that section, except one in the valley of 
 the Kanawha, against which another division 
 of General McClellan’s command, under Gen- 
 eral Cox, was operating. . 
 General Cox had a sharp skirmish at Bar- 
 boursville, where he drove out the rebel forces, 
 and took possession of the place. At Scary- 
 ville, however, on the Kanawha, a part of his 
 forces were repulsed in an attack made upon 
 a body of rebels strongly posted. The Union 
 force numbered about fifteen hundred men, 
 and were sent out to capture a rebel camp at 
 that place. The rebels, who were reported to 
 number four thousand, with two pieces of artil- 
 lery, occupied a hill, where they had intrench- 
 ments and some log houses pierced for musket 
 firing. The federal troops were exposed to a 
 severe fire as they approached the rebel posi- 
 tion; but with their artillery they succeeded, 
 after a time, in silencing that of the enemy, and 
 driving the men from the log houses. It was 
 probable that the rebels would have been de- 
 feated but for the failure of ammunition on the 
 part of the federal troops, which compelled 
 
 267 
 
 them to retire, leaving their dead and wounded 
 on the field. Several federal officers, belonging 
 to regiments not engaged in the skirmish, who 
 accidentally got within the rebel lines, were 
 also captured. The rebels, however, gained no 
 material advantage, and were compelled soon 
 to retire before General Cox, who, on the 24th 
 of July, occupied Charlestown, a town at the 
 junction of the Kanawha and Elk Rivers. The 
 enemy evacuated this place without a strug- 
 gle, destroying the bridges and other property 
 which might be useful to the pursuers, and 
 retirmg still farther eastward. 
 
 At this time General McClellan was appointed 
 general-in-chief of the armies of the United 
 States, and went to Washington, leaving Gen- 
 eral Rosecrans in command of the forces in 
 Western Virginia. The campaign had rid the 
 greater part of North-western Virginia of the 
 rebel forces, afforded protection to the loyalists 
 there, and given strength to the loyal govern- 
 ment of the state. Here we leave, for the 
 present, the narrative of the campaign in this 
 section, to recur to the military operations in 
 other fields. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIIL 
 
 Passage of General Patterson’s Army over the Potomac. — Ad- 
 vance to Martinsburg and Bunker Hill. — Delay at Bunker 
 Hill. — Reports of Rebel Strength at Winchester. — Move- 
 ment to Charlestown. —Advance of the Army of North-Eastern 
 Virginia. — Order for the Organization of the Army. — The 
 Advance to Fairfax Court House. — Obstructions. — Entrance 
 to Village of Fairfax Court House. — Progress to Centreville. 
 — Reconnoisance at Bull Run. — Battle of Blackburn’s Ford. 
 
 Arter remaining near the line of the Upper 
 Potomac for some time, General Patterson, with 
 his forces, crossed the river at Williamsport on 
 the 2d of July, and marched into Virginia. 
 The rebel pickets soon gave signs of their pres- 
 ence in that vicinity, and near Haynesville 
 there was a skirmish with the rebel forces that 
 had been posted at Martinsburg. These forces, 
 which were under the command of General 
 
268 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Jackson, were brought up, with four pieces 
 of artillery, to resist the federal advance, and 
 apparently with the expectation of driving the 
 Union troops across the Potomac again ; for they 
 had made preparations on the road by which 
 they could harass a retreating force. The rebel 
 
 troops, however, did not maintain their ground ; 
 
 but after some skirmishing, in which the federal 
 loss was three killed and several wounded, and 
 the rebel loss somewhat larger, they retreated, 
 and General Patterson’s forces occupied their 
 camp. The number of the rebels was stated, 
 in General Patterson’s despatch announcing the 
 skirmish, to be ten thousand ; but it was proba- 
 bly not so large. They fell back to join the 
 main body of their troops at Winchester, near 
 which place their combined forces, under Gen- 
 eral Joseph E. Johnston, would apparently make 
 a stand. They were said to number nearly 
 twenty thousand men, including reénforce- 
 ments just arrived, and to have upwards of 
 twenty pieces of artillery. General Patterson’s 
 army advanced to Martinsburg, where they 
 remained fora short time, waiting for his forces 
 to be concentrated, neither army making any 
 movement. On the 15th of July, General Pat- 
 terson moved with his army, now numbering | 
 nearly twenty thousand men, towards Winches- 
 ter, till he arrived at Bunker Hill, ten miles 
 from Martinsburg, where the enemy at first 
 had shown signs of taking position to resist 
 the advance of the Union force. They had- 
 left that place, however, and only a skirmish 
 with a part of their cavalry, which was put to 
 flight without any loss on the part of the fed- 
 eral force, indicated that they were near. 
 
 At Bunker Hill General Patterson remained 
 two days, his men expecting to move upon the 
 rebels, who were supposed to be intrenched 
 at Winchester. But scouts reported that the 
 rebels had been largely reénforced, and, num- 
 bering from thirty-five to forty-two thousand 
 men, were preparing for battle. 
 tion induced the commanding general to call a 
 
 This informa- | 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 council of war; and it was determined not to 
 advance towards Winchester, nor yet to wait at 
 Bunker Hill, but to withdraw to Charlestown, a 
 town east of the position then held by the fede- 
 
 ral force, and nearer to Harper’s Ferry. Accord- « 
 
 ingly, on the second day after reaching Bunker 
 Hill, General Patterson’s whole column marched 
 to Charlestown, and part of it thence proceeded 
 to Harper’s Ferry, leaving the rebel forces 
 either to pursue or to reénforce the army of 
 Beauregard at Manassas. 
 
 In the mean time the army in front of Wash- 
 ington was organized, and preparations were 
 made for an advance against the rebel forces 
 collected at Manassas. This army had now 
 reached sixty thousand or upwards in number, 
 and there was a strong desire on the part of 
 the people of the north that thefe should be a 
 forward movement, and, before they had assem- 
 bled a larger force, a blow should be struck at 
 the rebels which should make them feel the pow- 
 er of the federal government. Such a move- 
 ment was urged very strenuously by a portion of 
 the press and by some of the members of Con- 
 gress. Such advice was to be taken only when 
 the military authorities were ready for a move- 
 ment; and probably the desire of those who 
 urged the forward movement was not to hasten 
 an advance without due preparation, but to 
 hurry the work of preparation, that the advance 
 might be speedily made, before the term of the 
 three months volunteers should expire, and the 
 service of a large number of disciplined soldiers 
 should be lost. Whether the movement was 
 ordered before the military authorities consid- 
 ered the preparations complete, or against their 
 advice, is a mooted point, which it is not easy 
 to decide. But the order for an advance was 
 finally given, and by authority of the President, 
 who in military affairs, from the first, had almost 
 entirely deferred to the opinions of General 
 Scott. 
 
 On the 8th of July, an order was issued, by 
 which the army was first organized into brig- 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ades and divisions. The regiments, as they 
 arrived at Washington, had been sent into Vir- 
 ginia, to points where they were needed; in 
 some cases they were attached to brigades, and 
 in others they were independent. In very few 
 cases were they organized and manoeuvred as 
 permanent brigades, or made acquainted with 
 the movements of large bodies of troops. 
 
 ‘The order alluded to organized the army 
 into five divisions. The first division was under 
 Brigadier-General Daniel Tyler, of the Connec- 
 ticut volunteers, and consisted of four brigades, 
 commanded by Colonel E. D. Keyes, of the 
 regular army, Colonel William T. Sherman, 
 also of the regular army, Brigadier-General 
 Schenck, of the Ohio volunteers, and Colonel J. 
 B. Richardson, of the Michigan volunteers. The 
 second division was under command of Col- 
 onel David Hunter, of the regular army, and 
 consisted of two brigades, commanded by Col- 
 onel Andrew Porter, of the regular army, and 
 Colonel A. E. Burnside, of the Rhode Island 
 volunteers. The third division, under command 
 of Colonel S. P. Heintzelman, of the regular 
 army, consisted of three brigades, commanded 
 by Colonel W. B. Franklin, of the regular army, 
 Colonel O. B. Wilcox, of the Michigan volun- 
 teers, and Colonel O. O. Howard, of the Maine 
 volunteers. The fourth and fifth divisions con- 
 stituted the reserve. The fourth was composed 
 » entirely of New Jersey troops, four regiments 
 of three months’ volunteers, and three regiments 
 of three years’ volunteers, all under the com- 
 mand of Brigadier-General Runyon, of New 
 Jersey. The fifth, under command of Colonel 
 D. 8. Miles, of the regular army, consisted of 
 
 two brigades, commanded by Colonel Blenker 
 and Colonel Davies, of the New York volun- 
 teers.* The army, thus organized, numbered 
 fifty thousand men or upwards, and with this 
 force General McDowell, on the 16th of July, 
 
 * Most of the colonels above named were afterwards appointed 
 brigadier-generals and major-generals, and nearly all of them 
 assigned to important commands. 
 
 269 
 
 commenced the march for Fairfax and Manas- 
 sas, his advance moving out on the evening of 
 that day, and the main body following on the 
 succeeding day. The troops marched in high 
 spirits, excited with the prospect of meeting 
 and defeating the rebel forces. 
 
 The army moved in four columns, which 
 were to be concentrated at Fairfax Court House. 
 Along the roads trees were cut down to oppose 
 obstructions to the advance of the troops, and 
 at different points some earthworks of little 
 strength had been constructed, but were found 
 abandoned. Within half a mile of Fairfax 
 Court House a more extensive work was met 
 with, consisting of an embankment extending 
 half a mile, with embrasures for cannon. This 
 also had been abandoned, and the guns, if there 
 had been any, were removed. A rebel force 
 of two or three thousand had been stationed 
 at this village; but they retreated about two 
 hours before the federal advance reached the 
 place, leaving a quantity of fresh beef, flour, 
 intrenching tools, and camp equipage behind 
 them, with various other evidences of a hasty 
 evacuation of the post. On the march the van 
 of one of the columns had a very slight skirmish 
 with rebel pickets, and a number of prisoners 
 were captured ; but there was no real show of 
 resistance to the march of the federal forces, 
 except such as was offered by the obstructions 
 in the woods. 
 
 The entrance of the army into the village is 
 described by those present as inspiriting in the 
 highest degree. The long column came in 
 marching to the national airs by the bands, and 
 cheering loudly at the apparently easy victory 
 before them, and heartily welcomed by the few 
 Union people who remained. The troops biv- 
 ouacked in and about the village, while a cay- 
 alry force dashed on in pursuit of the retreating 
 foe. The day was excessively warm, and the 
 pursuit was not long continued, the rebels 
 being too far in advance to afford much pros- 
 pect of overtaking them. 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 From Fairfax Court House the army moved 
 on to Centreville, where the enemy had con- 
 structed intrenchments, and where it was sup- 
 posed that he would dispute the progress of 
 the federal forces. The troops were formed in 
 line of battle; but instead of finding a rebel 
 force to attack, they saw a Union flag raised 
 above the intrenchments, and a solitary man 
 advanced and announced that the rebels had 
 retreated, taking with them their cannon and 
 baggage. This continued retreat of the rebels, 
 without a show of battle, made the march of 
 the Union army appear like a pleasant excur- 
 sion, and perhaps led the men to feel that its 
 object was to be easily and speedily accom- 
 plished. Inexperienced in the stern realities 
 of war, they did not meet with sufficient oppo- 
 sition to train them for an earnest conflict, and 
 the facility of their progress rather unfitted 
 than nerved them for a fierce battle such as 
 was to ensue. 
 
 On the 18th of July, General Tyler advanced 
 _from Centreville with a part of his division, for 
 the purpose of making reconnoissance in the 
 direction which the retreating enemy had taken. 
 As this column reached the crest of a hill slop- 
 ing down to the stream called “Bull Run,” at 
 Blackburn’s Ford, it- was saluted with a shot 
 from the enemy’s artillery in position beyond 
 the stream, and at a distance too great for the 
 range of their guns. The firing was replied to 
 by part of a battery of rifled cannon which ac- 
 companied the expedition, and skirmishers were 
 sent forward into the woods which bordered 
 the stream. Artillery was advanced to another 
 position nearer the enemy, and infantry was 
 also advanced to the woods. The skirmishers 
 had failed to draw the fire of the enemy; but 
 when the main body of the infantry reached 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 the woods, full volleys of musketry were dis- 
 charged at them by a large force of the rebels, 
 who were concealed from the view of the fed- 
 eral soldiers. This fire was returned by them, 
 however, aided by the artillery, which had been 
 sent forward ; but the enemy had the advantage 
 in position as well as in numbers, and their fire 
 was so severe that the twelfth New York regi- 
 ment fell back in disorder, and the artillery 
 which they had been ordered to support, as also 
 a company of cavalry, all being on the left of 
 the line, were withdrawn. The other troops 
 engaged held their ground bravely, and Colonel 
 Richardson, whose brigade formed the recon- 
 noitring force, requested permission to charge 
 through the woods with his other regiments, the 
 first Massachusetts, and the second and third 
 Michigan, feeling confident that he could drive 
 the enemy from his position ; but General Tyler, 
 having accomplished his object in ascertaining 
 the position of the enemy, ordered the troops 
 to be withdrawn, and they subsequently re- 
 turned to their camp near Centreville, though 
 an effective fire of artillery was continued for 
 some time at long range. This was a sharp 
 skirmish, and assumed, indeed, the proportions 
 of a battle, giving the first proof that the 
 rebels were at last ready to oppose the federal 
 forces. The loss of the latter was nineteen 
 killed, thirty-eight wounded, and twenty-six 
 missing; and the rebel loss, according to their 
 official report, was fifteen killed and fifty-three 
 wounded. 
 
 It was supposed that this reconnoissance 
 would be followed immediately by an attack 
 in force upon the rebel position; but the army 
 rested for two days at Centreville before the: 
 advance was again made. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 Bull Run. — Position of the Rebel Army at Manassas. — Its 
 Strength and Number of Rebel Troops. — Order for Advance 
 of Federal Forces. — Plan of Attack.— Movement of the 
 Divisions. — The Battle. — Successful Advance of Federal 
 Troops. — Rebel Reénforcements. — Attack on the Right 
 Flank of the Federal Forces. — Retreat, Disorder, and Rout. 
 — Cavalry Charge on the Left Flank. — Panic and Flight of 
 the Federal Troops. — Cause of the Panic. — Account of the 
 Battle and Rout, by an Eye-witness. 
 
 THE reconnoissance and battle at Blackburn’s 
 Ford made it evident that the rebels had at 
 length fallen back to their line of defence, and 
 that here, on the banks of Bull Run, they would 
 
 resist the farther advance of the federal army.| 
 
 The position of the rebel army was a strong 
 one, and General Beauregard had strengthened 
 its natural advantages and concentrated all the 
 available forces of the rebels for its defence. 
 The strength of this place and of the rebel 
 force is thus described by one of their own 
 writers a short time previous to the advance 
 of the Union forces: “By nature, the position 
 is one of the strongest that could have been 
 found in the whole state. About half way be- 
 tween the eastern spur of the Blue Ridge and 
 the Potomac, below Alexandria, it commands 
 -the whole country between, so perfectly that 
 there is scarcely a possibility of its being turned. 
 The right wing stretches off towards the head 
 waters of the Occoquan, through a wooded 
 country, which is easily made impassable by 
 the felling of trees. The left is a rolling table- 
 land, easily commanded from the successive 
 elevations, till you reach a country so rough 
 and so rugged that it is a defence to itself The 
 key to the whole position, in fact, is precisely 
 that point which General Beauregard chose for 
 his centre, and which he has fortified so strongly 
 that, in the opinion of military men, five thou- 
 sand men could there hold twenty thousand 
 at bay. The position, in fact, is fortified, in 
 part, by Nature herself. It is a succession of 
 
 271 
 
 | hills, nearly equidistant from each other, in 
 | front of which is a ravine so deep and so thickly 
 
 wooded that it is passable only at two points, 
 and those through gorges which fifty men can 
 defend against a whole army. 
 
 “Of the fortifications superadded here by 
 General Beauregard to those of nature, it is, of 
 course, not proper for me to speak. The gen- 
 eral reader, in fact, will have a sufficiently pre- 
 cise idea of them by conceiving a line of forts, 
 some two miles in extent, zigzag in form, with 
 angles, salients, bastions, casemates, and every 
 thing that properly belongs to works of this 
 kind. The strength and advantages of this 
 position at Manassas are very much increased 
 by the fact that fourteen miles farther on is a 
 position of similar formation, while the country 
 between is admirably adapted to the subsistence 
 and intrenchment of troops in numbers as large 
 as they can easily be manceuvred on the real 
 battle field. : 
 
 “As might be expected from the skill with 
 which he has chosen his position and the system 
 with which he encamps and moves his men, 
 General Beauregard is very popular here. I 
 doubt if Napoleon himself had more the un- 
 divided confidence of his army. By nature, as 
 also from a wise policy, he is very reticent. 
 Not an individual here knows his plans, or a 
 single move of a regiment before it is made; 
 and then only the colonel and his men know 
 where it goes to. There is not a man here 
 who can give any thing like a satisfactory an- 
 swer how many men he has or where his exact 
 lines are. For the distance of fourteen miles 
 around you see tents every where, and from 
 them you can make a rough estimate of his 
 men ; but how many more are encamped on the 
 by-roads and in the forests none can tell. The 
 new-comer, from what he sees at first glance, 
 puts down the number at about thirty thousand 
 men; those who have been here longest esti- 
 mate his force at forty or fifty thousand, and 
 
272 
 
 some even at sixty thousand strong. And there 
 is the same discrepancy as to the quantity of 
 his artillery.” 
 
 The allusions to the strength of the rebel 
 forces at this point, though not explicit state- 
 ments, are supported by much other similar 
 evidence from rebel sources, and are, probably, 
 a fair representation of the number of the army 
 under Beauregard, though in his report of the 
 battle of Bull Run that officer places the num- 
 ber of his forces much lower. The advantages 
 of the position are not overstated, according to 
 most military authorities; and the delay between 
 the time of the battle of Blackburn’s Ford and 
 the advance of the federal forces from Centre- 
 ville enabled the rebel general to concentrate 
 his forces and to receive that reénforcement 
 which finally turned the fortunes of the day so 
 much in his favor. 
 
 The orders for the advance of the federal 
 forces to attack the enemy’s position were issued 
 on the 20th of July: General McDowell had 
 intended to move the troops forward several 
 miles on the evening of that day, so that the 
 march should be shorter on the morning of the 
 attack; but he deferred to the opinions of offi- 
 cers who had the greatest distance to go, and the 
 several columns did not move till early in the 
 morning of Sunday, the 21st. Reconnoissances 
 showed that the rebels had planted batteries at 
 points along the stream from Blackburn’s Ford 
 to the ford at Sudley’s Spring, and were in 
 strong force near the stone bridge by which 
 the Warrenton turnpike crossed it. General 
 McDowell's purpose was to turn the enemy’s 
 position, drive him from the turnpike, and, re- 
 opening that road, advance to and destroy the 
 railroad leading into the valley of Virginia. 
 The army was ordered to advance in four col- 
 umns ; the first division, under General Tyler 
 towards the stone bridge; the seeond division, 
 under Colonel Hunter, was to move to the 
 right after passing Cub Run, and to cross Bull 
 Run above the ford at Sudley’s Spring; the 
 
 ? 
 
 Bye ed 
 Fe) 1) 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 third division, under Colonel Heintzelman, was 
 to follow on the same road, but to cross at a 
 ford below Sudley’s Spring; but no such ford was 
 found, and the division accordingly marched to 
 the ford crossed by Hunter’s division ; and the 
 fifth division, under Colonel Miles, with Rich- 
 ardson’s brigade, was to advance towards Black- 
 burn’s Ford, and opening fire with artillery only, 
 to hold the position against any attack of the 
 enemy, and to form a reserve. The fourth 
 division, under General Runyon, was holding 
 the roads in the rear. 
 
 The several divisions moved towards their 
 appointed positions at an early hour in the 
 morning, and before dawn were well on their 
 way. But there were repeated obstructions and 
 delays; one division was waiting for another to 
 pass, and the advance was not made as if with 
 a unity of purpose, which lack was attributable, 
 in a great measure, to the recent organization 
 of the army and its want of familiarity with the 
 movements of brigades, as well as to the gen- 
 eral inexperience of both officers and men. 
 General Tyler’s division reached its position 
 at half past five o’clock, and was formed in line 
 of battle on each side of the turnpike. The 
 pickets of the enemy were driven in, and a few 
 shot were fired by the artillery at the rebel 
 forces on the other side of the stream. But 
 the ground was low, descending gradually to- 
 wards the stream, and being much covered with 
 woods the view of the artillerists was obstructed. 
 This division remained in its position for a long 
 time, quietly waiting for the divisions of Hun- 
 ter and Heintzelman to reach their position and 
 commence the attack on the enemy’s left, after 
 
 |;crossing the run at Sudley’s Spring. In the 
 
 mean time the batteries of Richardson’s brigade, 
 which was attached to Miles’s division, and was 
 advanced towards Blackburn’s Ford, opened 
 a vigorous cannonade upon the enemy in that 
 direction. As soon as Hunter’s column had 
 commenced the attack, the right of General 
 Tyler’s division was advanced, and, crossing the 
 
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 AN2 Rebel Camps. 
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 ° — Rebel Columns. 
 il! Batteries. 
 ’ Rebel Cavalry Charge. 
 
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 r 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 run, moved rapidly up the slope of a hill to- 
 wards one of the enemy’s positions, which they 
 carried. The left brigade of the division also 
 advanced, but was compelled to fall back before 
 the fire of a battery which had been concealed 
 by bushes, and it did not again advance so as 
 to sustain the right. It was late in the forenoon 
 when Hunter’s and Heintzelman’s divisions, hav- 
 ing crossed the run, attacked the left wing of 
 the enemy with great vigor. To this position 
 the rebel general brought up his troops in 
 great force, aware of the danger which threat- 
 ened him if the federal army was successful 
 here. But the Union forces advanced steadily, 
 though slowly, compelling the rebels to retire 
 from one strong position to another. They were 
 not defeated or routed, however, except at one 
 or two points, but generally withdrew in order 
 to intrenchments and natural strongholds as 
 - advantageous as those they left, while the fed- 
 eral troops, exhausted by the severe labors of 
 the march and the battle, gained little advan- 
 tage by thus compelling the enemy to retire. 
 The divisions of Tyler, Hunter, and Heintzel- 
 man continued to press forward, and it seemed 
 that a junction of the two columns would soon 
 be effected. But the advance of Tyler’s right 
 wing, and the neglect of the left wing to press 
 the enemy and carry the position in front of it, 
 had exposed the left of the federal lines; and 
 the rebel general, seeing the weakness, advanced 
 a body of fresh troops to attack at this point. 
 These troops crossed the run and appeared 
 upon the flank of the federal forces, threaten- 
 ing to cut off the line of retreat; but their ad- 
 vance was checked by the firmness of a part of 
 the brigade remaining on that side of the run, 
 and they were forced to retreat without fol- 
 lowing up the advantage which their position 
 offered them. 
 
 It was now some hours after noon, and the 
 -troops on the right had been engaged in march- 
 ing and fighting since an early hour in the 
 morning. They had gained much, and had 
 
 35 
 
 273 
 
 driven the rebels southward across the War- 
 renton turnpike, but the strong positions of the 
 enemy and the reénforcements which he was 
 receiving rendered the result doubtful; and at 
 last a new body of reénforcements, from John- 
 ston’s army, which should have been kept em- 
 ployed by General Patterson’s forces, attacked 
 the right flank with such vigor that the ex- 
 hausted troops who were exposed to the attack 
 gave way, fell back, and then began to fly. The 
 movement was rapidly communicated from bat- 
 talion to battalion, and the men who had hither- 
 to fought bravely, in some cases against as great 
 odds as now threatened them, could not be 
 made to rally, and seemed to think only of 
 safety in flight. Soon after this disorder on 
 the right, a panic was created in the rear, or, 
 more properly, on the left of the federal line of 
 battle, by a charge of rebel cavalry that had 
 crossed Bull Run south of the stone bridge, and 
 having turned the left flank, dashed in among 
 the ambulances and wagon trains which had 
 been advanced towards the stream. This charge 
 created a panic among the teamsters and civil- 
 ians, and caused the troops of this wing to imi- 
 tate those on the other side of the run, so that 
 the whole of the three divisions that were in the 
 battle were at once entirely disorganized and 
 routed. Meanwhile, the flying forces from the 
 advanced positions of the battle field made their 
 way towards Bull Run, some in the direction 
 of the ford at Sudley’s Spring, and others to- 
 wards the stone bridge, leaving their dead and 
 many wounded on the battle field. All was 
 confusion, except among a part of the regular 
 army who were ordered to protect the retreat. 
 The roads were blocked, artillery carriages 
 were broken down, and the pieces abandoned. 
 The panic-stricken soldiers threw away their 
 arms and all that would encumber their flight. 
 At the crossing of the stream the confusion was 
 increased, and more cannon were necessarily 
 abandoned, for the enemy were following up 
 their advantage, and were using their artillery 
 
274 
 
 against the panic-stricken crowd. The tide was 
 perfectly resistless, and when across the stream, 
 and in a position where the rebels could have 
 been stopped in a pursuit which they did not 
 seem inclined to follow up, the flight continued. 
 A part of the reserve of Miles’s division was 
 brought into position near Centreville, to pro- 
 tect the retreat; but the flying columns could 
 not be rallied, and not even these solid lines, or 
 those of Runyon’s regiments, far back on the 
 road to Fairfax, could stay the flight, and the 
 rear guard itself finally made a rapid, though 
 an orderly retreat. The flight and the retreat 
 did not end till the troops reached their old 
 camps in the vicinity of Washington. 
 
 A large number of civilians had come out 
 from Washington, in carriages and on horseback, 
 to witness the battle, which all had anticipated 
 would result in a victory for the federal arms. 
 These added to the confusion of the roads lead- 
 ing back to the capital, mingled as they were 
 with artillery, wagons, and flying soldiers. The 
 destruction of property was immense.  Evi- 
 dences of the panic were distributed all along 
 the road; broken wagons, artillery carriages, 
 caissons, provisions, clothing, arms and ammu- 
 nition strewed the way. Wounded and weary 
 soldiers sunk by the road-side, unable to pro- 
 ceed, and exposed to a drenching rain, which 
 came on during the night. Fortunately the 
 rebels did not know how terrible was the de- 
 feat and disorganization of the Union army, or 
 they might have pursued with a force suffi- 
 cient to d6vercome the rear guard, and to cap- 
 ture large numbers of prisoners and an im- 
 mense amount of stores. They did not pursue 
 that night even to Centreville, and by the next 
 morning the fugitive soldiers were near the 
 defences of Washington, leaving only the sick 
 and wounded to be captured. 
 
 This disgraceful panic was attributed to vari- 
 ous causes by parties present in different parts 
 of the field; but the one here given is the one 
 assigned in General McDowell’s official report, 
 and from all the evidence that can be gathered 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 appears to be the true one. On the right the 
 attack of Johnston’s heavy reénforcements 
 caused the federal lines to break and fly in 
 disorder, while very shortly after the cavalry 
 charge on the left caused a panic which ren- 
 dered it impossible to rally the flying troops. 
 But a brief outline of the battle and its 
 results has been given in order to afford a gen- 
 eral idea of the plan and the movement of the 
 large divisions. The details and incidents of 
 the conflict are hardly adapted to the purpose 
 of this work, except so far as they are shown 
 in the official reports which will be found in 
 subsequent pages. But of the many descrip- 
 tions of the battle which were written by those 
 who witnessed it and the succeeding flight, we 
 take extracts from one most general in its 
 descriptions, and yet affording a vivid picture 
 of the day’s proceedings. The writer * accom- 
 companied General Tyler’s division, from the 
 advanced positions of which the general prog- 
 ress and effects of the entire engagement were 
 apparent, though the particular movements of 
 the other divisions could not be observed. After 
 describing the advance of General Tyler’s divis- 
 ion to its first position, the account proceeds : — 
 “ Our position was less commanding and less 
 clear than that we had occupied on Thursday. 
 We were still before the valley of Bull Run; 
 but the descent from our side was more grad- 
 ual, and we were surrounded by thick woods 
 down almost to the ravine through which the 
 stream flows. The enemy, on the contrary, 
 had cleared away all obstructing foliage, and 
 bared the earth in every direction over which 
 they could bring their artillery upon us. Clump# 
 of trees and bushes remained wherever their 
 earthworks and other concealed defences could 
 be advantageously planted among them. The 
 ground on their side was vastly superior to 
 ours. It rose in regular slopes to great heights, 
 but was broken into knolls and terraces in 
 
 numberless places, upon which strong earth- 
 
 Correspondent of the New York Tribune. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 works were successively planted, some openly, 
 but the greater part concealed. The long in- 
 terval between our first discharge of artillery 
 and the positive attack afforded abundant op- 
 portunity to overlook the ground. In no spot 
 did the enemy seem weak. Nature had sup- 
 plied positions of defence which needed but 
 little labor to render them desperately formida- 
 ble. How thoroughly these advantages had 
 been improved we know by the enormous ef- 
 forts which were required to dislodge the troops, 
 and by the obstinate opposition which they 
 displayed before retiring from point to point. 
 “ While our division waited, quiet and alert, 
 General McDowell led the columns of Hunter 
 and Heintzelman far around by the right, to the 
 enemy’s flank and rear. The march was long, 
 and doubtless slow, for it was not until about 
 eleven o’clock that we were able to discover 
 indications of their having met the rebels. From 
 Richardson’s position, to the left, however, we 
 heard, at eight o’clock, the commencement of 
 vigorous cannonading. The deep, sullen sound 
 from hig distant batteries was all that broke the 
 silence for nearly an hour. Then the hurrying 
 of our officers up and down the hill, and through 
 _ the woods, told us that our assault was about 
 to open. The skirmishers had detected a thick 
 and tangled abatis at the banks of the run, into 
 which, before advancing, a few shells were 
 thrown. As these burst, the rebels swarmed 
 out from their hiding places, and took up their 
 next fortified post beyond. General Schenck’s 
 brigade was moved forward at the left, but, be- 
 fore reaching the run, received the full fire 
 of a battery masked with bushes, before which 
 they retired to their first line. Again all oper- 
 ations were suspended by our division, and until 
 eleven o’clock the contest was carried on by 
 _ the artillery, which, indeed, at that hour re- 
 sounded from every point of the field. The 
 action by artillery must have extended over 
 five or six miles, from Richardson’s position at 
 the extreme left around to Hunter’s at the 
 
 279 
 
 right. The roar and rattle were incessant, and 
 the air above the vast field soon became thick 
 with smoke. 
 
 “Suddenly a line of troops was seen moving 
 over the open hillslope precisely in advance 
 of us and within a mile — the least distance at 
 which the rebel infantry had been seen. The 
 third brigade, under Colonel Sherman, was now 
 drawn from its shelter among the woods and led 
 rapidly around by the right across the run, and 
 towards one of the enemy’s best positions. Brisk 
 
 volleys of musketry were soon after heard; but 
 'the smoke hung like a veil before us, and it 
 
 was impossible to discover by whom, or against 
 whom, they were directed. <A puff of wind 
 afterwards cleared the view, and we saw the 
 brigade still in firm line, and advancing with 
 great speed. A few shots, and a round or two 
 of artillery, next came from the right upon the 
 second brigade, which had not yet moved 
 forward, and which, as a whole, held its post 
 squarely, although some squads broke and ran 
 into the open road. 
 
 “ At half past eleven o’clock, the cannonading 
 was lighter from our side, and the attention of 
 the enemy seemed to be distracted from us. We 
 were then able to.descry great volumes of smoke 
 arising in front, in the precise spot at which 
 Hunter’s column should have arrived. This 
 gloomy signal of the battle waved slowly to 
 the left, assuring us that Hunter and Heintzel- 
 man were pushing forward, and driving the 
 enemy before them. At the same time our 
 right brigade disappeared over the eminence 
 for which they had been contending, and the 
 distant cheers, which evidently came from them, 
 proved that the present triumph was their own. 
 To sustain and reénfotce them, the reserve 
 brigade of Colonel Keyes was then brought 
 down, and marched forward, in spite of a ter- 
 mendous cannonade which opened upon them 
 from the left, in the same line as that which 
 Colonel Sherman had followed. The left bri- 
 gade, under General Schenck, did not advance, 
 
276 
 
 but still remained on the ground where it had 
 formed at the very outset. The result of this 
 inaction was, that our left was, at the close of 
 the battle, assailed and successfully turned ; and 
 although the enemy did not pursue this final 
 triumph, it was not the fault of the commander 
 of that brigade that great mischief was not 
 done. Colonel Keyes soon vanished with his 
 four regiments, and the second brigade was left 
 isolated at the edge of the battle ground. Its 
 best protection then was furnished by the thirty- 
 two pound Parrot rifled cannon, which, some rods 
 to the right, among the brushwood, was raking 
 the road far ahead, and plunging shell among 
 the strongholds which the enemy still main- 
 tained. 
 
 “At half past twelve o’clock the battle ap- 
 peared to have reached its climax. Hunter’s 
 and Heintzelman’s divisions were deep in the 
 enemy’s position, and our own force, excepting 
 always the second brigade, was well at work. 
 
 The discharges of artillery and musketry caused 
 
 a continuous and unbroken roar, which some- 
 times swelled tumultuously to terrific crashes, 
 but never lulled. On the heights before us, 
 bodies of infantry were plainly seen driving 
 with fury one against the other, and slowly 
 pressing towards the left—another proof that 
 our advance was resisted in vain. At one point, 
 the rebels seemed determined to risk all rather 
 than retreat. Many a regiment was brought to 
 meet our onset, and all were swept back with 
 the same impetuous charges. Prisoners who 
 were subsequently brought in, admitted that 
 some of our troops, especially the seventy-first 
 New York regiment, literally mowed down and 
 annihilated double their number. Two Alabama 
 regiments, in succession, were cut right and 
 left by the seventy-first. The flanking column 
 was now fully discernible, and the junction of 
 our forces was evidently not far distant. The 
 gradual abandonment of their positions by the 
 rebels could not be doubted. At some points 
 they fled precipitately, but in most cases moved 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 regularly to the rear. It is probable that they 
 only deserted one strong post for another even 
 stronger, and that, however far we might have 
 crushed them back, we should still have found 
 them intrenched and fortified to the last—even 
 to Manassas itself. But they had_ positively 
 relinquished the entire line in which they had 
 first arrayed themselves against Tyler’s division, 
 excepting one fortified elevation at the left, 
 which could and should have been carried by 
 the second brigade an hour before. How far the 
 enemy had retreated before Hunter and Heint- 
 zelman I cannot say; but I am given to under- 
 stand that they had forsaken all, excepting one 
 powerful earthwork with lofty embankments, 
 
 “upon the highest ground of their field. It was 
 
 this work, which, later in the day, was stormed 
 by the Zouaves and other regiments, and which, 
 in spite of a daring and intrepidity which 
 
 our rebel prisoners speak of with amazement, 
 
 ‘resisted their charge. 
 
 But other important 
 works had been carried by the third and fourth 
 brigades on our side, so that little appeared to 
 remain for our victory but to perfect the union 
 
 of the two columns, and to hold the ground we 
 
 irepulsed by Heintzelman. 
 
 had won. 
 
 “The fire now slackened on both sides for. 
 several minutes. Although the movements of 
 our own troops were mainly hidden, we could 
 see a peculiar activity among the enemy at the 
 spot where they had been most vehemently 
 A long line of ap- 
 parently fresh regiments was brought forward, 
 and formed at the edge of a grove through 
 which our men had penetrated. Four times 
 we saw this line broken, and re-formed by its 
 
 officers, who rode behind, and drove back with 
 
 their swords those who fled. A fifth time it 
 was shattered and re-formed, but could not be 
 made to stand fast, and was led back to the. 
 fortified ground. This afforded us, who looked 
 on from the lower battle field, a new ground 
 for the conviction that the triumph would be 
 with us. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “For nearly half an hour after this we were 
 left in great uncertainty. The enemy lan- 
 guished, and our own movements were clogged 
 by some mysterious obstacle. All that was 
 done within our view was the leading forward 
 of Schenck’s brigade a few hundred rods on the 
 open road. But as many of us, lookers-on, had 
 long before passed ahead to Bull Run, and as- 
 sured ourselves that the field was open for near- 
 ly a mile in advance, this was not regarded. as 
 of much importance. From Bull Run the as- 
 pect of the field was truly appalling. The éenhe- 
 my’s dead lay strewn so thickly that they rested 
 upon one another, the ground refusing space 
 to many that had fallen. Few of our men had 
 suffered here, although it seemed that farther 
 on they. lay in greater numbers. But the at- 
 tention of those who gazed was quickly turned 
 from these awful results of the battle to the 
 imminent hazard of its renewal. Down to- 
 wards our left, which had so long been exposed, 
 a new line of troops moved with an alacrity 
 that indicated entire freshness. As they swept 
 around to the very woods upon which the second 
 brigade rested, the artillery from the last in- 
 trenchments they held upon this field — that 
 which should have been overrun betimes by our 
 idle troops — opened with new vigor. Grape 
 and round shot, most accurately aimed, struck 
 the ground before, behind, and each side of Gen- 
 eral Schenck and the group of officers about him. 
 The Ohio regiments were’ somewhat sheltered 
 by a cleft in the road, but the New York sec- 
 ond was more exposed. General Schenck was 
 in great danger, to which, I am glad to say, 
 he seemed perfectly insensible, riding always 
 through the hottest of the fire, as if nothing 
 more serious than a shower of paper pellets 
 threatened him. 
 
 “A few minutes later and the great, peril of our 
 division — that which should have been fore- 
 seen and provided against —was upon us. ‘The 
 enemy appeared upon the left flank, between 
 us and our way of retreat. Why they failed, 
 
 277 
 
 | having once secured it, to pursue this enormous 
 advantage, it is impossible to conjecture. I am 
 inclined to believe that the coolness and pre- 
 cision of Colonel McCook, of the first Ohio regi- 
 ment, saved us from this disaster. It is certain 
 Colonel McCook displayed a firm resistance to 
 the charge which menaced him, and that the 
 enemy wavered, and then withdrew. But at 
 this time the first proofs of the panic which had 
 stricken the army were disclosed. From the 
 distant hills our troops, disorganized, scattered, 
 pallid with a terror which had no just cause, 
 came pouring in among us, trampling down 
 some, and spreading the contagion of their fear 
 among all. It was even then a whirlwind which 
 nothing could resist. The most reluctant of 
 the officers were forced from the valley up the 
 hill, in spite of themselves. Whoever had stood 
 would have been trodden under foot by his own 
 men. Near the top of the hill a like commo- 
 tion was visible, but from a different cause. The 
 rebel cavalry, having completely circumvented 
 our left, had charged in among a crowd of 
 wounded and stragglers, who surrounded a small 
 building which had been used for our hospital. 
 Nothing but the unexpected courage of a con- 
 siderable number of unorganized men, many of 
 them civilians, who seized the readiest weapons 
 and repelled the enemy, saved that point from 
 being occupied. 
 
 “The secret of that panic will perhaps never 
 be known. All essay to explain it, and all fail. 
 Whether General McDowell did or did not give 
 an order to retreat, I cannot say of my own 
 knowledge. Jam assured by one who was with 
 him that he did, and by others that he also failed 
 to preserve his self-control. If this be so, we 
 shall know of it in time; but all we can now be 
 sure of is the afflicting fact of our utter and 
 absolute rout. How nearly one great object of 
 the day had been accomplished may be under- 
 stood when it is known that General Tyler and 
 General McDowell had actually met. Many who 
 came into the battle with Colonel Heintzelman 
 
278 
 
 and Colonel Hunter fled by the road over which 
 General Tyler had advanced. In the race from 
 a fancied danger, all divisions and all regiments 
 were mingled. ‘There was not even an attempt 
 to cover the retreat of Tyler’s division. With 
 Heintzelman’s it was better, Lieutenant Drum- 
 mond’s cavalry troop keeping firm line, and 
 protecting the artillery until its abandonment 
 was imperatively ordered. The extent of the 
 disorder was unlimited. Regulars and volun- 
 teers shared it alike. A mere fraction of our 
 artillery was saved. Whole batteries were left 
 upon the field, and the cutting off of others 
 was ordered when the guns had already been 
 brought two miles or more from the battle 
 ground, and were as safe as they would be in 
 New York at this moment. A perfect frenzy 
 was upon almost every man. Some cried pite- 
 ously to be lifted behind those who rode on 
 horses, and others sought to clamber into wag- 
 ons, the occupants resisting them with bayo- 
 nets. All sense of manhood seemed to be for- 
 gotten. I hope, and I am sure, there were 
 exceptions, but I am speaking of the rule with 
 the mass. Drivers of heavy wagons dashed 
 down the steep road, reckless of the lives they 
 endangered on the way. Even the sentiment of 
 shame had gone. Some of the better men tried 
 to withstand the rush, and cried out against 
 the flying groups, calling them “cowards, pol- 
 troons, brutes,” and revilig them for so degrad- 
 ing themselves, especially when no enemy was 
 near. Insensible to the epithets, the runaways 
 only looked relieved, and sought renewed as- 
 surance that their imagined pursuers were not 
 upon them. Every impediment to flight was 
 cast aside. Rifles, bayonets, pistols, haversacks, 
 cartridge-boxes, canteens, blankets, belts, and 
 overcoats lined the road. The provisions from 
 the wagons were thrown out, and the tops 
 broken away. All was lost to that American 
 army, even its honor. 
 
 “The agony of this overwhelming disgrace 
 
 can never be expressed in words, or understood 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 by those who only hear the tale repeated. Ibe- 
 lieve there were men upon that field who turned 
 their faces to the enemy, and marched to certain 
 death, lest they should share the infamy which 
 their fellows had invited and embraced. The 
 suffering of a hundred deaths would have been 
 as nothing compared with the torture under 
 which the few brave soldiers writhed, who were 
 swept along by that maniac hurricane of terror. 
 But suddenly their spirits were revived by a 
 sight which, so long as God lets them live, they 
 will never cease to remember with pride and 
 joy. Stretching far across the road, long be- 
 fore the hoped-for refuge of Centreville was 
 reached, was a firm, unswerving line of men, to 
 whom the sight of the thousands who dashed by 
 them was only a wonder or a scorn. This was 
 the German rifle regiment; and to see the manly 
 bearing of their general, and feel the imspira- 
 tion which his presence gave at that moment, 
 was like relief to those who perish in a desert. 
 At least, then, all was not lost, and we knew 
 that, let our destiny turn that night as it should, 
 there was one man who would hold and keep 
 the fame of the nation unsullied to the end. 
 
 “T need not speak much in praise of the ac- 
 tion of Blenker and the.officers who served him 
 so well. The events speak for them. Steady and 
 watchful, he held his line throughout the even- 
 ing, advancing his skirmishers at every token 
 of attack, and spreading a sure protection over 
 the multitudes who fled disordered through his 
 columns. With three regiments he stood to 
 fight against an outnumbering enemy already 
 flushed with victory, and eager to complete its 
 triumph. As the darkness increased, his post 
 became more perilous and more honorable. At 
 eleven o’clock the attack came upon the ad- 
 vance company of Colonel Stahl’s Rifles, not in 
 force, but from a body of cavalry whose suc- 
 cessful passage would have been followed by a 
 full force, and the consequent destruction of 
 our broken host. The rebel cavalry was driven 
 back, and never returned; and at two in the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 morning, the great body of our troops, having 
 passed and found their road to safety, the com- 
 mand was given to retreat in order, and the 
 brigade fell slowly and regularly back, with the 
 same precision as if on parade, and as thoroughly 
 at the will of their leader as if no danger had 
 ever come near them. y 
 
 “Notwithstanding all that I had seen, it 
 seemed incredible that our whole army should 
 melt away in a night; and so I remained at 
 Centreville, trusting that by the morning a sort 
 of reorganization should have taken place, and 
 that our front should still oppose the enemy. 
 At seven o’clock I started towards the battle- 
 field, but, on reaching a considerable acclivity, 
 was amazed to find that no vestige of our troops 
 remained, excepting a score or two of strag- 
 gling fugitives who followed the tracks of those 
 who had gone before. While returning to Cen- 
 treville, a group of rebel cavalry passed, who 
 looked inquiringly, but did not question. Their 
 conversation turned upon the chances of cut- 
 ting off the retreat at Fairfax Court House. 
 
 The road leading from Centreville to 
 Germantown was filled with marks of the ruin- 
 ousretreat. At the outskirts of the village thou- 
 sands of dollars’ worth of property lay wrecked 
 and abandoned. In one field a quantity of 
 powder had been thrown. The destruc- 
 tion of property seemed to have increased at 
 every mile. Baggage wagons were overturned, 
 ambulances broken in pieces, weapons of every 
 kind cast off Horses lay dead and dying. 
 Food was heaped about the wayside. Bags of 
 corn and oats were trodden into the ground. 
 Piles of clothing were scattered on all sides. 
 In many places the discarded goods and equip- 
 ments were ranged breast-high, and stood like 
 monuments erected by our own hands to our 
 own shame. 
 
 “At Fairfax I had hoped to find a rallying 
 place, and could hardly believe that the flight 
 had gone even beyond this. But the village 
 was deserted, excepting by native prowlers, 
 
 279 
 
 who were ransacking the emptied contents of 
 our baggage wagons, and who scowled savagely 
 enough at the fugitives who sought among 
 them a temporary shelter from the storm. Be- 
 yond Fairfax the marks of destruction were 
 less frequent, though the stream of the retreat 
 grew even stronger. Along the main road the 
 flying kept their way in something like a con- 
 tinuous line, dividing only at the turnpike 
 which leads to Arlington, into which some di- 
 verged, while others moved on to Alexandria. 
 Three miles from the Long Bridge I came upon 
 the rear of Blenker’s brigade, Stahl’s German 
 Rifles still holding the hindmost position, and 
 the other two regiments, Steinwehr’s and the 
 Garibaldi Guard, moving in order before them. 
 Still in advance of these was the De Kalb regi- 
 ment, also intact. But beyond all was tumult 
 again, and even to the city itself the wretched 
 disorder and confusion had reached.” 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 Official Report of General McDowell. — Reports of General 
 Tyler, Colonel Porter, Colonel Heintzelman, and Colonel 
 Miles. — Results of the Battle. —Demoralization of the Army. 
 — Causes of the Defeat. — General Patterson and his Forces. 
 — Beauregard’s Report. 
 
 To complete the narrative of the battle of 
 Bull Run, we give the following official report 
 of General McDowell, and extracts from the re- 
 ports of the several commanders of divisions : — 
 
 To Lieutenant-Colonel E. D. Townsend, Assistant Adju- 
 tant-General, Headquarters of the Army, Washington, 
 De 
 
 ‘‘ HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT NORTH-EASTERN 
 ‘“Virainta, ARLINGTON, VA., August 4, 1861. 
 
 “Coronet: I have the honor to submit the 
 following report of the battle of the 21st of 
 July, near Manassas, Virginia. It has been 
 delayed till this time for the inability of the 
 subordinate commanders to get earlier a true 
 account of the state of their commands. 
 
 “In my communication to you of the 26th. 
 
280 
 
 ultimo, I stated it as my intention to move that 
 afternoon, and drive the enemy from the east 
 side of Bull Run, so as to enable the engineers 
 to make a sufficiently accurate reconnoissance 
 to justify our future movements. Later in the 
 day, they had obtained enough information of 
 the passage across the stream to dispense with 
 this reconnoissance, and it was decided to move 
 without delay. It had been my intention to 
 move the several columns out on the road a 
 few miles on the evening of the 20th, so that 
 they would have a shorter march in the morn- 
 ing; but I deferred to those who had the 
 greatest distance to go, and who preferred start- 
 ing early in the morning, and making but 
 one move. 
 
 “On the evening of the 20th ult. my com- 
 mand was at or near Centreville. The enemy 
 was at or near Manassas, distant from Centre- 
 ville about seven miles to the south-west. Cen- 
 treville is a village of a few houses, mostly on 
 the west side of a ridge running nearly north 
 and south. The road from Centreville to Ma- 
 nassas Junction was along this ridge, and crosses 
 Bull Run about three miles from the former 
 place. The Warrenton turnpike, which runs 
 nearly east and west, goes over this ridge, 
 through the village, and crosses Bull Run about 
 four miles from it, Bull Run having a course 
 between the crossing from north-west to south- 
 east. The first division (Tyler’s) was stationed 
 on the north side of the Warrenton turnpike, 
 and on the eastern slope of the Centreville 
 ridge, two brigades on the same road, and a 
 mile and a half in advance, to the west of the 
 ridge, and one brigade on the road from Centre- 
 ville to Manassas where it crosses Bull Rua, at 
 Blackburn’s Ford, where General Tyler had the 
 engagement of the 18th ult. The second divis- 
 ion (Hunter’s) was on the Warrenton turn- 
 pike, one mile east of Centreville. The third 
 division (Heintzelman’s) was on a road known 
 as the Old Braddock road, which comes into 
 Centreville from the south-east, about a mile 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 and a half from the village. The fifth division 
 (Miles’s) was on the same road with the third 
 division, and between it and Centreville. A 
 map, which is herewith marked A, will show 
 these positions better than I can describe them. 
 
 “On Friday night a train of subsistence -ar- 
 rived, and on Saturday its contents were ordered 
 to be issued to the command, and the men re- 
 quired to have three days’ rations in their hay- 
 ersacks. On Saturday orders were issued for 
 the available force to march. As reported to 
 you in my letter of the 19th ult. my personal 
 reconnoissance of the roads to the south had 
 shown that it was not practicable to carry out 
 the original plan of turning the enemy’s posi- 
 tion on their right. The affair of the 18th, at 
 Blackburn’s Ford, showed he was too strong at 
 that point for us to force a passage there with- 
 out great loss, and if we did, that it would bring 
 us in front of his strong position at Manassas, 
 which was not desired. Our information was 
 that the stone bridge over which the Warren- 
 ton road crossed Bull Run, to the west of Cen- 
 treville, was defended by a battery in position, 
 and the road on his side of the stream impeded 
 by a heavy abatis. The alternative was, there- 
 fore, to turn the extreme left of his position. 
 Reliable information was obtained of an unde- 
 fended ford about three miles above the bridge, 
 there being another ford between it and the 
 bridge, which was defended. It was therefore 
 determined to take the road to the upper ford, 
 and after crossing, to get behind the forces 
 guarding the lower ford and the bridge, and 
 after occupying the Warrenton road east of the 
 bridge, to send out a force to destroy the rail- 
 road at or near Gainesville, and thus break up 
 the communication between the enemy’s forces 
 at Manassas and those in the valley of Vir- 
 ginia, before Winchester, which had been held 
 in check by Major-General Patterson. 
 
 “ Brigadier-General Tyler was directed to 
 move, with three of his brigades,on the War- 
 renton road, and commence cannonading the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 enemy’s batteries, while Hunter’s division, mov- 
 ing after him, should, after passing a little stream 
 called Cub Run, turn to the right and north, 
 and move around to the upper ford, and there 
 turn south and get behind the enemy. Colonel 
 Heintzelman’s division was to follow Hunter’s 
 as far as the turning-off place to the lower 
 ford, where he was to cross after the enemy 
 should have been driven out by Hunter’s divis- 
 ion, the fifth division (Miles’s) to be in reserve 
 on the Centreville ridge. 
 
 “J had felt anxious about the road from 
 Manassas by Blackburn’s Ford to Centreville, 
 along this ridge, fearing that whilst we should 
 be in force to the front, and endeavoring to 
 turn the enemy’s position, we ourselves should 
 be turned by him by this road; for if he should 
 once obtain possession of this ridge, which over- 
 looks all the country to the west to the foot of 
 the spurs of the Blue Ridge, we should have 
 been irretrievably cut off and destroyed. I 
 had, therefore, directed this point to be held in 
 force, and sent an engineer to extemporize 
 some field works to strengthen the position. 
 
 “The fourth division (Runyon’s) had not 
 been brought to the front farther than to guard 
 our communications by way of Vienna and the 
 Orange and Alexandria Railroad. His advanced 
 regiment was about seven miles in the rear of 
 Centreville. 
 
 “The divisions were ordered to march at 
 half past two o’clock, A. M., so as to arrive on 
 the ground early in the day, and thus avoid 
 the heat which is to be expected at this season. 
 There was delay in the first division getting out 
 of its camp on the road, and the other divisions 
 were, in consequence, between two and three 
 hours behind the time appointed — a great mis- 
 fortune, as events turned out. The wood road 
 leading from Warrenton turnpike to the upper 
 ford was much longer than we counted upon, 
 the general direction of the stream being ob- 
 
 lique to the road, and we having the obtuse 
 
 angle on our side. 
 36 
 
 281 
 
 “ General Tyler commenced with his artillery 
 at half past six, A. M.; but the enemy did not 
 reply, and after some time it became a question 
 whether he was in any force in our front, and 
 if he did not intend himself to make an attack, 
 and make it by Blackburn’s Ford. After firing 
 several times, and obtaining no response, I held 
 
 one of Heintzelman’s brigades in reserve, in case 
 
 we should have to send any troops back to re- 
 enforce Miles’s division. The other brigades 
 moved forward as directed in the general orders. 
 On reaching the ford at Sudley’s Spring, I 
 found part of the leading brigade of Hunter’s 
 division (Burnside’s) had crossed; but the men 
 were slow in getting over, stopping to drink. 
 As at this time the clouds of dust from the 
 direction of Manassas indicated the immediate 
 approach of a large force, and fearing it might 
 
 |come down on the head of the column before 
 
 the division could get over and sustain it, orders 
 were sent back to the heads of regiments to 
 break from the column and come forward sep- 
 arately as fast as possible. Orders were sent 
 by an officer to the reserve brigade of Heintzel- 
 man’s division to come by a nearer road across 
 the fields, and an aid-de-camp was sent to 
 Brigadier-General Tyler to direct him to press 
 forward his attack, as large bodies of the enemy 
 were passing in front of him to attack the 
 division which had crossed over. The ground 
 between the stream and the road leading from 
 Sudley’s Spring south, and over which Burn- 
 side’s brigade marched, was, for about a mile 
 from the ford, thickly wooded, whilst on the 
 right hand of the road, for about the same dis- 
 tance, the country was divided between fields 
 and woods. About a mile from the road the 
 country on both sides of the road is open, and 
 for nearly a mile farther large rolling fields ex- 
 tend down to the Warrenton turnpike, which 
 crosses what became the field of battle through 
 the valley of a small watercourse, a tributary 
 of Bull Run. 
 
 “Shortly after the leading regiment of the 
 
282 
 
 first brigade reached this open space, and whilst 
 others and the second brigade were crossing to 
 the front and right, the enemy opened his fire, 
 beginning with artillery, and following it up 
 with infantry. The leading brigade (Burnside’s) 
 had to sustain this shock for a short time with- 
 out support, and did it well. The battalion 
 of regular infantry was sent to sustain it, and 
 shortly afterwards the other corps of Porter’s 
 brigade, and a regiment detached from Heint- 
 zelman’s division to the left, forced the enemy 
 back far enough to allow Sherman’s and Keyes’s 
 brigades, of Tyler’s division, to cross from their 
 position on the Warrenton road. These drove 
 the right of the enemy, understood to have been 
 commanded by Beauregard, from the front of 
 the field, and out of the detached woods, and 
 down to the road, and across it up the slopes 
 on the other side. While this was going on, 
 Heintzelman’s division was moving down the 
 field to the stream and up the road beyond. 
 Beyond the Warrenton road, and to the left of 
 the road, down which our troops had marched 
 from Sudley’s Spring, is a hill with a farm 
 house on it. Behind this hill the enemy had, 
 early in the day, some of his most annoying 
 batteries planted. Across the road from this 
 hill was another hill, or rather elevated ridge, 
 or table of land. The hottest part of the con- 
 test was for the possession of this hill with a 
 house on it. The force engaged here was 
 Heintzelman’s division, Wilcox’s and Howard’s 
 brigades on the right, supported by part of 
 
 Porter’s brigade and the cavalry under Palmer, | 
 
 and Franklin’s brigade of Heintzelman’s divis- 
 ion, Sherman’s brigade of Tyler’s division in the 
 centre and up the road, whilst Keyes’s brigade 
 of Tyler’s division was on the left, attacking the 
 batteries near the stone bridge. The Rhode 
 Island battery of Burnside’s brigade also par- 
 ticipated in this attack by its fire from the north 
 of the turnpike. The enemy was understood 
 to have been commanded by J. E. Johnston, 
 Rickett’s battery, which did such effective ser- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 vice, and played so brilliant a part in this con- 
 test, was, together with Griffin’s battery, on the 
 side of the hill, and became the object of the 
 special attention of the enemy, who succeeded 
 —our officers mistaking one of his regiments 
 for one of our own, and allowing it to approach 
 without firing upon it —in disabling the bat- 
 tery, and then attempted to take it. Three 
 times was he repulsed by different corps in suc- 
 cession, and driven back, and the guns taken 
 by hand, the horses being killed, and pulled 
 away. The third time it was supposed by us 
 all that the repulse was final, for he was driven 
 entirely from the hill, and so far beyond it as 
 not to be in sight; and all were certain the day 
 was ‘ours. He had before this been driven 
 nearly a mile and a half, and was beyond the 
 Warrenton road, which was entirely in our pos- 
 session from the stone bridge westward, and our 
 engineers were just completing the removal of 
 the abatis across the road, to allow our reén- 
 forcement (Schenck’s brigade and Ayers’s bat- 
 tery) to join us. 
 
 “The enemy was evidently disheartened and 
 broken. But we had been fighting since half 
 
 || past ten o’clock in the morning, and it was after 
 
 three o’clock in the afternoon. The men had 
 been up since two o’clock in the morning, and 
 had made what to those unused to such things 
 seemed a long march, before coming into ac- 
 tion, though the longest distance gone over 
 was not more than nine.and a half miles; and 
 though they had three days’ provisions Served 
 out to them the day before, many, no doubt, did 
 not eat them, or either threw them away on the 
 march or during the battle, and were, therefore, 
 
 | without food. They had done much severe fight- 
 
 ing. Some of the regiments which had been 
 driven from the hill in the first two attempts 
 of the enemy to keep possession of it, had be- 
 
 ‘come shaken, were unsteady, and had many 
 
 men out of the ranks. 
 “Tt was at this time that the enemy’s reén- 
 
 | foreements came to his aid from the railroad 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 train, understood to have just arrived from the 
 valley with the residue of Johnston’s army. 
 They threw themselves in the woods on our 
 right, and towards the rear of our right, and 
 opened a fire of musketry on our men, which 
 caused them to break and retire down the hill- 
 side. This soon degenerated into disorder, for 
 which there was no remedy. Every effort was 
 made to rally them, even beyond the reach of 
 the enemy’s fire, but in vain. The battalion 
 of regular infantry alone moved up the hill 
 opposite to the one with the house on it, and 
 there maintained itself until our men could get 
 down to and across the Warrenton turnpike, on 
 the way back to the position we occupied in 
 the morning. The plain was covered with the 
 ‘retreating troops, and they seemed to infect 
 those with whom they came in contact. The 
 retreat soon became a rout, and this soon 
 degenerated still further into a panic. 
 “Winding this state of affairs was beyond 
 the efforts of all those who had assisted so faith- 
 fully during the long and hard day’s work in 
 gaining almost the object of our wishes, and 
 that nothing remained on the field but to 
 recognize what we could no longer prevent, I 
 gave the necessary orders to protect their with- 
 drawal, begging the men to form in line, and 
 offer the appearance, at least, of organization. 
 They returned by the fords to the Warrenton 
 road, protected, by my order, by Colonel Por- 
 ter’s force of regulars. Once on the road, and 
 the different corps coming together in small 
 parties, many without officers, they became in- 
 termingled, and all organization was lost. 
 “Orders had been sent back to Miles’s divis- 
 jon for a brigade to move forward and protect 
 this retreat, and Colonel Blenker’s brigade was 
 detached for this purpose; and was ordered to 
 go as far forward as the point where the road 
 to the right left the main road. 
 “By referring to the general order, it will be 
 seen that, while the operations were to go on 
 
 283 
 
 in front, an attack was to be made at Black- 
 burn’s Ford by the brigade (Richardson’s) sta- 
 tioned there. A reference to his report, and to 
 that of Major Hunt, commanding the artillery, 
 will show that this part of the plan was well 
 and effectively carried out. It succeeded in 
 deceiving the enemy for a considerable time, 
 and in keeping in check a part of his force. 
 The fire of the artillery at this point is repre- 
 sented as particularly destructive. 
 
 “At the time of our retreat, seeing great 
 activity in this direction, much firing, and col- 
 umns of dust, | became anxious for this place, 
 fearing, if it were turned or forced, the whole 
 stream of our retreating mass would be cap- 
 tured or destroyed. After providing for the 
 protection of the retreat by Porter’s and Blenk- 
 er’s brigades, I repaired to Richardson’s, and 
 found the whole force ordered to be stationed 
 for the holding of the road from Manassas by 
 Blackburn’s Ford to Centreville, on the march, 
 under the orders from the division commander, 
 for Centreville. I immediately halted it, and 
 ordered it to take up the best line of defence 
 across the ridge that their position admitted 
 of, and subsequently taking.in person the com- 
 mand of this part of the army, I caused such 
 disposition. of the forces which had ‘been added 
 to by the first and second New Jersey and the 
 De Kalb regiments, ordered up from Runyon’s 
 reserve, before going forward, as would best 
 serve to check the enemy. The ridge being 
 held in this way, the retreating current: passed 
 slowly through Centreville to the rear. The 
 enemy followed us from the ford as far as Cub 
 Run, and owing to the road becoming blocked 
 up at the crossing, caused us much damage 
 there, for the artillery could not pass, and sev- 
 eral pieces and caissons had to be abandoned. 
 In the panic, the horses hauling the caissons 
 and ammunition were cut from their places by 
 persons to escape with, and in this way much 
 confusion was caused, the panic aggravated, and 
 
284 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the road encumbered. Not only were pieces of || and forty-seven non-commissioned ‘officers and 
 
 artillery lost, but also many of the ambulances 
 carrying the wounded. 
 
 “By sundown most of our men had gotten be- 
 hind Centreville ridge, and it became a question 
 whether we should or not endeavor to make a 
 stand there. The condition of our artillery and 
 its ammunition, and the want of food for the 
 men who had generally abandoned or thrown 
 away all that had been issued the day before, 
 and the utter disorganization, and consequent 
 demoralization, of the mass of the army, seemed 
 to all who were near enough to be consulted — 
 division and brigade commanders and staff—to 
 admit of no alternative but to fall back; the 
 more so as the position at Blackburn’s Ford was 
 then in the possession of the enemy, and he was 
 already turning our left. On sending the offi- 
 cers of the staff to the different camps, they 
 found, as they reported to me, that our decision 
 had been anticipated by the troops, most of 
 those who had come in from the front being 
 already on the road to the rear, the panic with 
 which they came in still continuing and hurry- 
 ing them along. 
 
 “ At —o’clock, the rear guard (Blenker’s 
 brigade) moved, covering the retreat, which was 
 effected during the night and next morning. 
 The troops at Fairfax station, leaving by the 
 cars, took with them the bulk of the supplies 
 which had been sent there. My aid-de-camp, 
 Major Wadsworth, staid at Fairfax Court House 
 till late in the morning, to see that the stragglers 
 and weary and worn-gut soldiers were not left 
 behind. 
 
 “T transmit herewith the reports of the sev- 
 eral division and brigade commanders, to which 
 I refer for the conduct of particular regiments 
 and corps, and a consolidated return of the 
 killed, wounded, and missing. From the latter 
 it will be seen that our killed amounted to nine- 
 teen officers and four hundred and ‘sixty-two 
 non-commissioned officers and privates, and our 
 wounded to sixty-four officers and nine hundred 
 
 privates. Many of the wounded will soon be 
 able to join the ranks, and will leave our total 
 of killed and disabled from further service under 
 one thousand. The return of the missing is 
 very inaccurate, the men supposed to be missing 
 having fallen into other regiments and gone to 
 Washington — many of the Zouaves to New 
 York. In one brigade the number orginally 
 reported at six hundred and sixteen, was yester- 
 dy reduced to one hundred and seventy-four. 
 These reductions are being made daily. Ina 
 few days a more correct return can be made. 
 
 “Of course nothing accurate is known of the 
 loss of the enemy. An. officer of their forces, 
 coming from them with a flag of truce, admitted 
 eighteen hundred killed and wounded; and 
 other information shows this to be much under 
 the true number. 
 
 “The officer commanding the eleventh New 
 York Zouaves, and Colonel Heintzelman, say 
 that the returns of that regiment cannot be re- 
 lied on, as many of those reported among the 
 casualties have absented themselves since their 
 return, and have gone to NewYork. Among the 
 missing are reported many of our surgeons, who 
 remained in attendance on our wounded, and 
 were, against the rules of modern warfare, 
 made prisoners. 
 
 “The issue of this hard-fought battle — in 
 which certainly our troops lost no credit in their 
 conflict on the field with an enemy ably com- 
 manded, superior in numbers, who had but a 
 short distance to march, and who acted on his 
 own ground, on the defensive, and always under 
 cover, whilst our men were of necessity out in 
 the open fields—should not prevent full credit 
 being given to those officers and corps whose 
 services merited success, if they did not attain 
 it. se Mis 
 
 “As my position may warrant, even if it does 
 not call for, some explanation of the causes, as 
 
 ‘far as they can be seen, which led to the results 
 
 herein stated, I trust it may not be out of place 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 if I refer,in a few words, to the immediate ante- 
 cedents of the battle. When I submitted to the 
 -general-in-chief, in compliance with his verbal 
 instructions, the plan of operations and estimate 
 of force required, the time I was to proceed to 
 carry it into effect was fixed for the 8th July, 
 Monday. Every facility possible was given me 
 by the general-in-chief and heads of the ad- 
 ministrative departments in making the neces- 
 sary preparations. But the regiments, owing, 
 
 I was told, to want of transportation, came over 
 
 slowly. Many of them did not come across till 
 eight or nine days after the time fixed upon, and 
 went forward without my even seeing them, 
 and without having been together before in a 
 brigade. The sending reénforcements to Gen- 
 eral Patterson, by drawing off the wagons, was 
 a further and unavoidable cause of delay. Not- 
 withstanding the herculean efforts of the quar- 
 termaster-general, and his favoring me in every 
 way, the wagons for ammunition, subsistence, 
 &c., and the horses for the trains and the artil- 
 lery, did not all arrive for more than a week 
 after the time appointed to move. I was not 
 even prepared as late as the 15th ultimo, and 
 the desire I should move became great, and it 
 was wished I should not, if possible, delay 
 longer than Tuesday, the 16th ultimo. When 
 I did set out, on the 16th, I was still deficient 
 in wagons for subsistence. But I went forward, 
 trusting to their being procured in time to fol- 
 low me. The trains thus hurriedly gathered 
 together, with horses, wagons, drivers, and wag- 
 on managers, all new and unused to each other, 
 moved with difficulty and disorder, and was the 
 cause of a day’s delay in getting the provis- 
 ions forward, making it necessary to make on 
 Sunday the attack we should have made on 
 Saturday. 
 
 “T could not, with every exertion, get forward 
 with the troops earlier than we did. I wished to 
 go to Centreville the sécond day, which would 
 have taken us there on the 17th, and enabled 
 us, so far as they were concerned, to go into 
 
 285 
 
 action on the 19th, instead of the 21st; but 
 when I went forward from Fairfax Court House, 
 beyond Germantown, to urge them forward, I 
 was told it was impossible for the men to march 
 farther. They had only come from Vienna, 
 about six miles, and it was not more than six 
 and a half miles farther to Centreville — in all 
 amarch of twelve and a half miles; but the men 
 were foot-weary, not so much, I was told, by the 
 distance marched, as by the time they had been 
 on foot, caused by the obstructions in the road 
 and the slow pace we had to move to avoid 
 ambuscades. ‘The men were, moreover, unac- 
 customed to marching, their bodies not in con- 
 dition for that kind of work, and not used to 
 carrying even the load of light marching order. 
 
 “We crossed Bull Run with about eighteen 
 thousand men of all arms, the fifth division 
 (Miles’s and Richardson’s brigade) on the left, at 
 Blackburn’s Ford to Centreville, and Schenck’s 
 brigade, of Tyler’s division, on the left of the 
 road, near the stone bridge, not participating 
 in the main action. The numbers opposed to 
 us have been variously estimated. I may safely 
 say, and avoid even the appearance of exag- 
 geration, that the enemy brought up all he 
 could which were not kept engaged elsewhere. 
 He had notice of our coming on the 17th, and 
 had from that time until the 21st to bring up 
 whatever he had. It is known that in estimat- 
 ing the force to go against Manassas, I engaged 
 not to have to do with the enemy’s forces under 
 Johnston, then kept in check in the valley by 
 Major-General Patterson, or those kept engaged 
 by Major-General Butler; and 1 know every 
 effort was made by the. general-in-chief that 
 this should be done, and that even if Johnston 
 joined Beauregard, it would not be because he 
 could be followed by General Patterson, but 
 from causes not necessary for me to refer to, if 
 I knew them all. This was not done, and the 
 enemy was free to assemble from every direc- 
 tion in numbers only limited by the amount of 
 his railroad rolling stock and his supply of pro- 
 
286 
 To the forces, therefore, we drove in 
 from Fairfax Court House, Fairfax Station, 
 Germantown, and Centreville, and those under 
 Beauregard at Manassas, must be added those 
 under Johnston from Winchester, and those 
 brought up by Davis from Richmond to other 
 places at the south, to which is to be added the 
 levy en masse ordered by the Richmond author- 
 ities, which was ordered to assemble at Manas- 
 sas. What all this amounted to, I cannot say ; 
 certainly much more than we attacked them 
 with. 
 
 “T could not, as I have said, more early push 
 on faster, nor could I delay. A large and the 
 best part of my forces were three months’ vol- 
 unteers, whose term of service was about to 
 expire, but who were sent forward as having 
 long enough to serve for the purpose of the 
 expedition. On the eve of the battle the fourth 
 Pennsylvania regiment of volunteers and the 
 battery of volunteer artillery of the New York 
 eighth militia, whose term of service expired, 
 insisted on their discharge. I wrote to the regi- 
 ment, expressing a request for them to remain 
 a short time, and the Hon. Secretary of War, 
 who was at the time on the ground, tried to 
 induce the battery to remain at least five days. 
 But in vain. They insisted on their discharge 
 that night. It was granted; and the next 
 morning, when the army moved forward into 
 battle, these troops moved to the rear to the 
 sound of the enemy’s cannon. ; 
 
 “Tn the next few days, day by day, I should 
 have lost ten thousand of the best armed, drilled, 
 officered, and disciplined troops in the army. 
 In other words, every day which added to the 
 strength of the enemy made us weaker. 
 
 “In conclusion, I desire to say, in reference 
 to the events of the 21st ult., that the general 
 order for the battle to which I referred was, 
 with slight modifications, literally conformed 
 to; that the corps were brought over Bull Run 
 
 visions. 
 
 in the manner proposed, and put into action as | 
 
 before arranged ; and that up to late in the after- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 noon every movement ordered was carrying us 
 successfully to the object we had proposed be- 
 fore starting — that of getting to the railroad 
 leading from Manassas to the valley of Virginia, 
 and going on it far enough to break up and 
 destroy the communications and interviews be- 
 tween the forces under Beauregard and those 
 under Johnston. And could we have fought a 
 day or a few hours sooner, there is every thing 
 to show how we could have continued suc- 
 cessful, even against the odds with which we 
 contended. 
 “T have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
 “Your most obedient servant, 
 “Trwin McDowst1, 
 “ Brigacer-General commanding.” 
 
 GENERAL TYLER’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘‘ Heapquarrers First Diyision Department N. E. Va., 
 ‘¢ WASHINGTON, July 27, 1861. 
 
 “ (GENERAL: In obedience to order No. 22, 
 dated Centreville, July 20, Sherman’s, Schenck’s, 
 and Keyes’s brigades, of this division — Richard- 
 son’s brigade having been left in front of Black- 
 burn’s Ford — moved at half past two, A. M., 
 on the 21st inst., to threaten the passage of the 
 Warrenton turnpike bridge, on Bull Run. I 
 arrived in front of the bridge with Schenck’s 
 and Sherman’s brigades, and Ayres’s and Car- 
 lisle’s batteries, about six, A. M., Keyes’s brigade 
 having been halted by your order to watch the 
 road coming up from Manassas, and about two 
 miles from the run. After examining the posi- 
 tion, and posting Sherman’s and Schenck’s bri- 
 gades and artillery, I fired the first gun at half 
 past six, A. M.,as agreed upon, to show that we 
 were in position, As my orders were to threat- 
 en the passage of the bridge, I caused Schenck’s 
 brigade to be formed into line, its left resting 
 in the direction of the bridge, and the battery 
 which the enemy had established to sweep the 
 bridge and its approach, so as to threaten both. 
 Sherman’s brigade was posted to the right of 
 the Warrenton turnpike, so as to be in position 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to sustain Schenck, or to move across Bull Run 
 in the direction of Hunter’s column. 
 
 “The thirty-pounder gun attached to the 
 Carlisle battery was posted on the Warrenton 
 turnpike, with Ayres’s battery considerably in 
 its rear. Carlisle’s battery was posted on the 
 left of Sherman’s brigade. In this position we 
 awaited the appearance of Hunter’s and Heint- 
 zelman’s columns as ordered, until such time 
 as the approach to the bridge should be carried, 
 and the bridge rebuilt by Captain Alexander, 
 of the engineers, who had on the spot the neces- 
 sary structure for that purpose. 
 
 “Soon after getting into position we dis- 
 covered that the enemy had a heavy battery, 
 with infantry in support, commanding both the 
 road and bridge approaches, on which both 
 Ayers and Carlisle at different times tried the 
 effect of their guns without success ; and, a care- 
 ful examination of the banks of Bull Run satisfy- 
 ing me that they were impracticable for the pur- 
 pose of artillery, these batteries had to remain 
 comparatively useless until such time as Hunter's 
 eolumn might clear the approach by a move- 
 ment on the opposite bank. During this period 
 of waiting, the thirty-pounder was occasionally 
 used with considerable effect against bodies of 
 infantry and cavalry, which could be seen from 
 - time to time moving in the direction of Hunter’s 
 column, and out of the range of ordinary guns. 
 Using a high tree as an observatory, we could 
 constantly see the operations of Hunter’s and 
 Heintzelman’s column from the time they crossed 
 Bull Run; and through one of my staff, Lieuten- 
 ant O’Rourke, of the engineers, | was promptly 
 notified as to any change in the progress of 
 their columns up to the time when it appeared 
 that the heads of both were arrested, and the 
 enemy seemed to be moving heavy reénforce- 
 ments to support their troops. At this time 
 I ordered Colonel Sherman, with his brigade, 
 to cross Bull Run, and to support the two col- 
 umns already in action. Colonel Sherman, as 
 appears by his reports, crossed the run without 
 
 287 
 
 opposition, and after encountering a party of 
 the enemy flying before Hunter’s forces, found 
 General McDowell, and received his orders to 
 join in the pursuit. The subsequent operations 
 of this brigade and its able commander having 
 been under your own eye and directions, I shall 
 not follow its movements any farther, but refer 
 you to Colonel Sherman’s report, which you 
 will find herewith. 
 
 “So soon as it was discovered that Hunter’s 
 division had been arrested, I ordered up Keyes’s 
 brigade, which arrived just as the left of Sher- 
 man’s was crossing the run, and having satisfied 
 myself that the enemy had not the force nor 
 the purpose to cross Bull Run, I ordered Keyes’s 
 brigade to follow Sherman, accompanying the 
 move in person, as I saw it must necessarily 
 place me on the left of our line, and in the best 
 possible position, when we should have driven 
 the enemy off, to join Schenck’s brigade and 
 the two batteries left on the opposite side. I 
 ordered Colonel Keyes to incline the head of 
 his column a little to the right of the line of 
 march taken by Sherman’s brigade, to avoid 
 the fire of a battery which the enemy had 
 opened. This movement sheltered the men to 
 a considerable degree, and resulted in closing 
 on the rear of Sherman’s brigade; and, on 
 reaching the high ground, I ordered Colonel 
 Keyes to form into line on the left of Sherman’s 
 brigade, which was done with great steadiness 
 and regularity. After waiting a few moments, 
 the line was ordered to advance, and came into 
 conflict on its right with the enemy’s cavalry 
 and infantry ; which, after some severe strug- 
 gles, it drove back, until the farther march of 
 the brigade was arrested by a severe fire of ar- 
 tillery and infantry, sheltered by some buildings 
 standing on the heights above the road leading 
 to Bull Run. The charge was here ordered, 
 and the second Maine and third Connecticut 
 regiments, which were opposed to this part of 
 the enemy’s line, pressed forward to the top of 
 the hill until they reached the buildings which 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 were held by the enemy, drove them out, and 
 for a moment had them in possession. At this 
 point, finding the brigade under the fire of a 
 strong force behind breastworks, the order was 
 given to march by the left flank across an open 
 field until the whole line was sheltered by the 
 right bank of Bull Run, along which the march 
 was conducted, with a view to turn the battery 
 which the enemy.had placed on the hill below 
 the point at which the Warrenton turnpike 
 crosses Bull Run. The march was conducted 
 for a considerable distance below the stone 
 bridge, causing the enemy to retire, and giving 
 Captain Alexander an opportunity to pass the 
 bridge, cut out the abatis which had been 
 placed there,and prepared the way for Schenck’s 
 brigade and the two batteries to pass over. Be- 
 fore the contemplated movement could -be 
 made on the enemy’s battery, it was removed 
 and placed in’a position to threaten our line ; 
 but before the correct range could be obtained, 
 Colonel Keyes carried his brigade, by a flank 
 movement, around the base of the hill, and was 
 on the point of ascending it in time to get at 
 the battery, when I discovered that our troops 
 were on the retreat, and that, unless a rapid 
 movement to the rear was made, we should be 
 cut off; and through my aid, Lieutenant Upton, 
 Colonel Keyes was ordered to file to the right 
 and join the retreating column. ‘The order was 
 executed without the least confusion, and the 
 brigade joined the retreating column in good 
 order. When this junction was made, I left 
 Keyes’s brigade, and rode forward to ascertain 
 the condition of Schenck’s brigade and the ar- 
 tillery left this side of Bull Run, and on arriving 
 there, found Ayers’s battery and Lieutenant 
 Haines’s thirty-pounder waiting orders. I im- 
 mediately ordered Lieutenant Haines to limber 
 up and move forward as soon as possible. This 
 was promptly done, and the piece moved on to- 
 wards Centreville. I then went into the wood 
 where the ammunition wagon of this piece 
 had. been placed, out of the reach of the fire, 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 |and found that the driver had deserted, and 
 
 taken away part of the horses, which made it 
 impossible to move it. I then returned to 
 Ayers’s battery, which I found limbered up, and 
 ordered it to move forward and cover the re- 
 treat, which was promptly done by its gallant 
 officers; and when the cavalry charge was made, 
 shortly afterwards, they repulsed it promptly 
 and effectually. I then collected a guard, main- 
 ly from the second Maine regiment, and put it 
 under the command of Colonel Jameson, with 
 orders to sustain Captain Ayers during the 
 retreat, which was done gallantly and success- 
 fully, until the battery reached Centreville. 
 Before ordering Colonel Jameson to cover 
 Ayers’s battery, I passed to the rear to find 
 General Schenck’s brigade, intending, as it was 
 fresh, to have it cover the retreat. I did not 
 find it in the position in which I had left it, and 
 supposed it had moved forward and joined 
 the retreating column. I did not see General 
 Schenck again until near Cub Run, where he 
 appeared active in rallying his own or some 
 other regiments. General Schenck reports that 
 the two Ohio regiments left Bull Run after the 
 cavalry charge, and arrived at Centreville in 
 good order. 
 
 “In closing this report, it gives me great 
 pleasure to express my admiration of the man- 
 ner in which Colonel Keyes handled his brigade, 
 completely covering it by every possible acci- 
 dent of the ground, while changing his positions, 
 and leading it bravely and skilfully to the at- 
 tack at the right moment, to which the brigade 
 responded in every instance ina manner highly 
 creditable to itself and satisfactory to its com- 
 manding officers. At no time during the con- 
 flict was this brigade disorganized, and it was 
 the last off the field, and in good order. 
 
 “Colonel Keyes says, ‘The gallantry with 
 which the second Maine and third Connecticut 
 regiments charged up the hill upon the enemy’s 
 artillery and infantry, was never, in my opinion, 
 surpassed ; and the conduct of Colonels Jame- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 289 
 
 son and Chatfield, in this instance and through- || treville until thirty minutes past four o’clock, 
 
 out the day, merits the highest commendation. 
 Colonel Terry rendered great assistance by 
 his gallantry and excellent conduct. Lieuten- 
 ant Hascall, acting assistant adjutant-general, 
 Lieutenants Walter and Ely, rendered gallant 
 and effective assistance.” It gives me pleasure 
 to be able to confirm the above from personal 
 observation, and to express my personal satis- 
 faction with the conduct of this brigade. For 
 further particulars as to gallant conduct of in- 
 dividuals, I beg leave to refer you to the re- 
 ports of commanders of brigades, hereunto 
 ‘attached. Colonel Sherman speaks highly of 
 Colonel McCoon, of Wisconsin, and Lieutenants 
 Piper and McQuester — all on his personal staff. 
 
 “From my own personal staff I received, in 
 every instance, prompt and gallant assistance ; 
 
 and my thanks are due to Captains Baird and | 
 
 Merrill, Lieutenants Houston, Abbott, Upton, 
 O'Rourke, and Audenreid, for gallant conduct, | 
 . and the prompt and valuable assistance they 
 rendered me. Lieutenants Abbott and Upton 
 were both wounded, and each had a horse killed 
 under him, as also had Lieutenant O’Rourke. 
 “TI enclose herewith a table of casualties, 
 showing our losses at Bull Run. } 
 “J have the honor to be, with great respect, 
 “Your most obedient servant, 
 “ DanreL TYLER, 
 “ Brigadier-General, commanding Division. 
 
 “To BricapieR-Grenprat McDowsz 1, 
 Commanpinc Department Nortu-EAsTERN VIRGINIA.” 
 
 Colonel Hunter, commander of the second 
 division, was wounded early in the action, and the 
 command devolved on Colonel Andrew Porter, 
 whose report, with that of Colonel Burnside, 
 gives an account of the action of this division. 
 
 COLONEL PORTER’S REPORT. 
 
 «“Heapavarrers First Bricapr, Second Division, \ 
 ‘ARLINGTON, Va., July 25, 1861. 
 
 “Captain J. B. Fry, A. A. G.: 
 Owing to frequent delays in the march of | 
 troops in front, the brigade did not reach Cen- 
 
 37 
 
 A. M.,and it was an hour after sunrise when 
 the head of it. was turned to the right to com- 
 mence the flank movement. 
 
 “The slow and intermittent movements of the 
 second brigade (Burnside’s) were then followed 
 through the woods for four hours, which 
 brought the head of our division to Bull Run 
 and Sudley’s Mills, where a halt of half an hour 
 took place, to rest and refresh the men and 
 horses. From the heights on this side of the 
 run a vast column of the enemy could be 
 plainly descried, at the distance of a mile or 
 more on our left, moving rapidly towards our 
 line of march in front. Some dispositions of 
 skirmishers were then directed to be made at 
 the head of the column by the division com- 
 mander, in which Colonel Slocum, of the second 
 Rhode Island regiment, was observed to bear 
 an active part. The column moved forward, 
 however, before they were completed, and in 
 about thirty minutes emerged from the timber, 
 where the rattle of the musketry and occasional — 
 crash of round shot, through the leaves and 
 branches of the trees in our vicinity, betokened 
 the opening of battle. 
 
 “The head of the brigade was immediately 
 turned slightly to the right, in order to gain 
 time and room for deployment on the right of 
 the second brigade. Griffin’s battery found its 
 way through the timber to the fields beyond, 
 followed promptly by the marines, while the 
 twenty-seventh took direction more to the left, 
 and the fourteenth followed upon the trail 
 of the battery —all moving up at a double- 
 quick step. : 
 
 “The enemy appeared drawn up in a long 
 line, extending along the Warrenton turnpike, 
 from a house and haystack upon our extreme 
 right to a house beyond the left of the division. 
 Behind that house there was a heavy masked 
 battery, which, with three others along his line 
 on the heights beyond, covered the ground upon 
 which we were advancing with all sorts of pro- 
 
290 
 
 jectiles. A grove in front of his right wing 
 afforded it shelter and protection, while the 
 shrubbery along the road in the fences screened 
 somewhat his left wing. 
 
 “ Griffin advanced to within a thousand yards, 
 and opened a deadly and unerring fire upon 
 his batteries, which were soon silenced or 
 driven away. 
 
 “Our right was rapidly developed by the 
 marines, twenty-seventh, fourteenth, and eighth, 
 with the cavalry in rear of the right; the enemy 
 retreating in more precipitation than order as 
 our line advanced. The second brigade ( Burn- 
 side’s) was at this time attacking the enemy’s 
 right with perhaps too hasty vigor. 
 
 “The enemy clung to the protecting wood 
 with great tenacity, and the Rhode Island bat- 
 tery became so much endangered as to impel 
 the commander of the second brigade to call for 
 the assistance of the battalion of regulars. At 
 this time I received the information, through 
 Captain W. D. Whipple, A. A. G., that Colonel 
 Hunter was seriously wounded, and had directed 
 him to report to me as commander of the 
 division, and in reply to the urgent request of 
 Colonel Burnside, I detached the battalion of 
 regulars to his assistance. 
 
 “For an account of its operations, I would re- 
 spectfully beg a reference to the enclosed report 
 of its commander, Major Sykes. The rebels 
 soon came flying from the woods towards the 
 right, and the twenty-seventh completed their 
 rout.by charging directly upon their centre in 
 the face of a scorching fire, while the fourteenth 
 and eighth moved down the turnpike to cut 
 off the retiring foe, and to support the twenty- 
 seventh, which had lost its gallant colonel, but 
 was standing the brunt of the action, with its 
 ranks thinning in the dreadful fire. Now the 
 resistance of the enemy’s left was so obstinate 
 that the beaten.right retired in safety. 
 
 “The head of Heintzelman’s column at this 
 moment appeared upon the field, and the 
 eleventh and fifth Massachusetts regiments 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 moved forward to the support of our centre 
 while staff officers could be seen galloping rap- 
 idly in every direction, endeavoring to rally 
 the broken eighth; but this laudable purpose 
 was only partially attained, owing to the in- 
 efficiency of some of its field officers. 
 
 “The fourteenth, though it had broken, was 
 soon rallied in rear of Griffin’s battery, which 
 soon took up a position farther to the front and 
 right, from which his fire was delivered with 
 such precision and rapidity as to compel the 
 batteries of the enemy to retire in consterna- 
 tion far behind the brow of the hill in front. 
 
 “At this time my brigade occupied a line 
 considerably in advance of that first occupied 
 by the left wing of the enemy. The battery 
 was pouring its withering fire into the batteries 
 and columns of the enemy wherever they ex- 
 posed themselves. The cavalry were engaged 
 in feeling the left flank of the enemy’s position, 
 in doing which some important captures were 
 made, one by Sergeant Socks, of the second | 
 dragoons, of a General George Stewart, of Balti- 
 more. Our cavalry also emptied the saddles of 
 a number of the mounted rebels. 
 
 “General Tyler’s division was engaged with 
 the enemy’s right. The twenty-seventh was 
 resting on the edge of the woods in the centre, 
 covered by a hill, upon which lay the eleventh 
 and fifth Massachusetts, occasionally delivering 
 a scattering fire. The fourteenth was moving 
 to the right flank ; the eighth had lost its organi- 
 zation; the marines were moving up in fine 
 style in rear of the fourteenth, and Captain 
 Arnold was occupying a height in the middle 
 ground with his battery. At this juncture there 
 was a temporary lull in the firmg from the 
 rebels, who appeared only occasionally on the 
 heights in irregular formations, but to serve as 
 marks for Griffin's guns. The prestige of suc- 
 cess had thus far attended the efforts of our 
 inexperienced but gallant troops. The lines 
 of the enemy had been forcibly shifted nearly 
 a mile to their left and rear. The flags of eight 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 regiments, though borne somewhat wearily, 
 now pointed towards the hill, from which disor- 
 dered masses of rebels had been seen hastily 
 retiring. Griffin’s and Rickett’s batteries were 
 ordered by the commanding general to the top 
 of the hill on the right, supported with the 
 “Fire Zouaves” and marines, while the four- 
 teenth entered the skirt of wood on their right, 
 to protect that flank; and a column, composed 
 of the twenty-seventh New York, eleventh and 
 fifth Massachusetts, second Minnesota, and sixty- 
 ninth New York, moved up towards the left 
 flank of the batteries; but so soon as they were 
 in position, and before the flanking supports had 
 reached theirs, a murderous fire of musketry 
 and rifles, opened at pistol range, cut down 
 every cannoneer and a large number of horses. 
 The fire came from some infantry of the enemy, 
 which had been mistaken for our own forces, 
 
 an officer in the field having stated that it was || 
 
 a regiment sent by Colonel Heintzelman to 
 support the batteries. 
 
 “The evanescent courage of the “ Zouaves” 
 prompted them to fire perhaps a hundred shots, 
 when they broke and fled, leaving the batteries 
 open to acharge of the enemy’s cavalry, which 
 took place immediately. The marines also, in 
 spite of the exertions of their gallant officers, 
 gave way in disorder. The fourteenth, on the 
 right, and the column on the left, hesitatingly 
 retired, with the exception of the sixty-ninth 
 and thirty-eighth New York, who nobly stood, 
 and returned the fire of the enemy for fifteen 
 minutes. Soon the slopes behind us were swarm- 
 ing with our retfeating and disorganized forces, 
 while riderless horses and artillery teams ran 
 furiously through the flying crowd. 
 
 “ All further efforts were futile. The words, 
 gestures, and threats of our officers were thrown 
 away upon men who had lost all presence of 
 mind, and only longed for absence of body. 
 Some of our noblest and best officers lost their 
 lives in trying to rally them. - Upon our jst 
 
 position the twenty-seventh was the first to rally, | 
 
 291 
 
 under the command of Major Bartlett, and 
 around it the other regiments engaged soon 
 collected their scattered fragments. The bat- 
 talion of regulars, in the mean time, moved 
 steadily across the field from the left to the 
 right, and took up a position, where it held the 
 entire forces of the rebels in check until our 
 forces were somewhat rallied. 
 
 “The commanding general then ordered a re- 
 treat upon Centreville, at the same time direct- 
 ing me to cover it with the battalion of regulars, 
 the cavalry, and a section of artillery. The 
 rear guard, thus organized, followed our panic- 
 stricken troops to Centreville, resisting the 
 attacks of the rebel cavalry and artillery, and 
 saving them from the inevitable destruction 
 which awaited them, had not this body been 
 interposed. . . . 
 
 “ Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 “ A. Porter, , 
 “ Colonel Sixteenth Reg., U. S. A., commanding.” 
 
 COLONEL BURNSIDE’S REPORT, 
 
 “¢ Mayor-GreneraL McDowett’s Cotumn, 
 ‘¢WasHINGTON, July 24, 1861. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to report that the 
 brigade under my command, in common with 
 the rest of the division, left Washington at 
 three, P. M., on Tuesday, July 15; encamped 
 that night at Annandale; occupied Fairfax 
 Court House, and encamped there on Wednes- 
 day; on Thursday, July 17, proceeded to Cen- 
 treville, where we remained till Sunday morn- 
 ing, July 21, when the whole army took up 
 the line of march to Bull Run. 
 
 “ Nothing of moment occurred till the arrival 
 of the division at the crossing of Bull Run, at 
 half past nine o’clock, when intelligence was 
 received that the enemy was in front with con- 
 siderable force. The brigade was ordered to 
 halt for a supply of water and temporary rest. 
 Afterwards an advance movement was made, 
 and Colonel Slocum, of the second Rhode Island 
 
 6‘ HEADQUARTERS SECOND BRIGADE, SECOND cans 
 
292 
 
 regiment, was ordered to throw out skirmish- 
 ers upon either flank and in front. These were 
 soon confronted by the enemy’s forces, and the 
 head of the brigade found itself in presence of 
 the foe. The second regiment Rhode Island 
 volunteers was immediately sent forward with 
 its battery of artillery, and the balance of the 
 brigade was formed in a field to the right of the 
 road. At this time, much to my sorrow, I met 
 you returning from the field, severely wounded, 
 and was requested to take charge of the forma- 
 tion of the division in the presence of the ene- 
 my. Finding that the second regiment Rhode 
 Island volunteers was closely pressed by the 
 enemy, I ordered the seventy-first regiment 
 New York militia and the second regiment New 
 Hampshire volunteers to advance, intending 
 to hold the first Rhode Island volunteers in 
 reserve; but owing to delay in the formation 
 of the two former regiments, the first Rhode 
 Island regiment was at once ordered on the 
 field of action. Major Balch, in command, gal- 
 lantly led the regiment into it, where it per- 
 formed most effective service in assisting its 
 comrades to repel the attack of the enemy’s 
 forces. The second Rhode Island regiment of 
 volunteers had steadily borne the enemy’s at- 
 tack, and had bravely stood its ground, even 
 compelling him to give way. At this time, Col- 
 .onel Slocum fell, mortally wounded, and soon 
 after Major Ballou was very severely injured by 
 a cannon ball, that killed his horse and crushed 
 one of his legs. The regiment, under the com- 
 mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Wheaton, con- 
 tinued gallantly to hold its position. Soon after, 
 Colonel Martin, of the seventy-first regiment 
 New York state militia, led his regiment into 
 action, and planting the two howitzers belong- 
 ing to the regiment upon the right of his 
 line, worked them most effectively against the 
 enemy’s troops. The battery of the second 
 Rhode Island regiment, on the knoll upon the 
 extreme right, was used in silencing the heavy 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 masked battery of the enemy in front, occa- 
 sionally throwing in shot and shell upon the 
 enemy’s infantry, six regiments of which were 
 attempting to force our position. Captain Rey- 
 nolds, who was in command of this battery, 
 served it with great coolness, precision, and 
 skill. The second regiment of New Hampshire 
 volunteers, under Colonel Marston, was now 
 brought into the field, and rendered great ser- 
 vice in defending the position. Colonel Mars- 
 ton was wounded early in the action, and 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Fiske ably directed the ad- 
 vance of the regiment. Thus my whole bri- 
 gade was brought into the engagement at the 
 earliest possible moment, and succeeded in 
 compelling the enemy to retire. We were 
 wholly without support, bearing the brunt of 
 the contest until relieved by Major Sykes, of 
 the third infantry United States army, who 
 formed his battalion most admirably in front 
 of the enemy, and pouring in a destructive fire 
 upon his lines, assisted in staggering him. At 
 that moment, after the fight had continued an 
 hour or more, Colonel Heintzelman’s division 
 was seen marching over the hill opposite our 
 left flank, and, attacking the enemy at that 
 point, the opposing force was soon dispersed. 
 
 | This point being gained, and the enemy retir- 
 
 ing in confusion before the successful charge of 
 Colonel Heintzelman’s division, I withdrew my 
 brigade into the woods in the rear of the line, 
 for the purpose of supplying the troops with 
 ammunition, which had become well nigh ex- 
 hausted. The second regiment New Hampshire 
 volunteers were sent. forward to assist one of 
 Colonel Heintzelman’s brigades, at that time 
 three quarters of a mile distant, and driving the 
 enemy before them. The battery of the second 
 Rhode Island volunteers changed its position 
 into a field upon the right, and was brought to 
 bear upon the force which Colonel Porter was 
 engaging. The enemy’s infantry having fallen 
 back, two sections of Captain Reynolds’s bat- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 tery advanced, and succeeded in breaking the 
 charge of the enemy’s cavalry, which had now 
 been brought into the engagement. 
 
 “It was nearly four o’clock, P. M., and the 
 battle had continued for almost six hours since 
 the time when the second brigade had been 
 engaged, with every thing in favor of our troops, 
 and promising decisive victory, when some of 
 the regiments engaging the enemy upon the 
 extreme right of our line, broke, and large 
 
 numbers passed disorderly by my brigade, then 
 
 drawn up in the position which they last held. 
 The ammunition had been issued in part, when 
 I was ordered to protect the retreat. The 
 seventy-first regiment New York state militia 
 was formed between the retreating columns 
 and the enemy by Colonel Martin, and the 
 second regiment Rhode Island volunteers by 
 Lieutenant Colonel Wheaton. The first regi- 
 ment Rhode Island volunteers moved out into 
 the field at the bottom of the gorge near the 
 ford, and remained for fifteen minutes, until 
 a general retreat was ordered. The regiment 
 then passed on to the top of the hill, where 
 it was joined by the remainder of the brigade, 
 and formed into column. Large bodies of 
 stragglers were passing along the road, and it 
 was found impossible to retain the order which 
 otherwise would have been preserved. Yet 
 the brigade succeeded in retiring in compara- 
 tively good condition, with Arnold’s battery of 
 artillery and Captain Armstrong’s company of 
 dragoons bringing up the rear. The retreat 
 continued thus until the column was about 
 emerging from the woods and entering upon 
 the Warrenton turnpike, when the artillery and 
 cavalry went to the front, and the enemy 
 opened fire upon the retreating mass of men. 
 Upon the bridge crossing Cub Run a shot took 
 effect upon the horses of a team that was cross- 
 ing. The wagon was overturned directly in 
 the centre of the bridge, and the passage was 
 completely obstructed. The enemy continued 
 to play his artillery upon the train carriages, 
 
 293 
 
 ambulances, and artillery wagons that filled the 
 road, and these were reduced to ruin, The ar- 
 tillery could not possibly pass, and five pieces. 
 of the Rhode Island battery, which had been 
 safely brought off the field, were here lost. Cap- 
 tain Reynolds is deserving of praise for the skill 
 with which he saved the lives of his men. The 
 infantry, as the files reached the bridge, were 
 furiously pelted with a shower of grape and 
 other shot, and several persons were here killed 
 or dangerously wounded. As was to be ex- 
 pected, the whole column was thrown into 
 confusion, and could not be rallied again for a 
 distance of two or three miles. 
 
 “The brigade reached Centreville at nine 
 o'clock, P. M., and entered into the several 
 camps that had been occupied the night before, 
 where the brigade rested until ten o’clock, when, 
 in pursuance of orders from the general com- 
 manding, the retreat was continued. The col- 
 umn reached Washington about nine o’clock, 
 A. M., Monday morning, when the several regi- 
 ments composing the brigade repaired to their 
 respective encampments. 
 
 “TY have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 “A. K. Burnswe, Colonel conunanding. 
 “To CotoneL Hunrer, COMMANDING SEconD Division.” 
 
 COLONEL HEINTZELMAN’S REPORT. 
 
 «“ Heapquartrrs Tutrp Diytston, Department N. FE. Va., 
 ‘s WASHINGTON, July 31, 1861. 
 
 “Sir: In obedience to instructions received 
 on the 20th inst., the division under my com- 
 mand was under arms, in light marching order, 
 with two days’ cooked rations in their haver- 
 sacks, and commenced the march at half past 
 two, A. M., on the 21st, the brigade of Colonel 
 Franklin leading, followed by those of Colonels 
 Wilcox and Howard. At Centreville we found 
 the road filled with troops, and were detained 
 three hours to allow the divisions of General 
 Tyler and Colonel Hunter to pass. I followed 
 with my division immediately in the rear of 
 the latter. Between two and three miles be- 
 
294 
 
 yond Centreville we left the Warrenton turn- 
 pike, turning into a country road on the right. 
 Captain Wright accompanied the head of Colo- 
 nel Hunter’s column, with directions to stop 
 at a road which turned in to the left to a ford 
 across Bull Run, about half way between the 
 point where we turned off from the turnpike 
 and Sudley’s Springs, at which latter point Colo- 
 nel Hunter’s division was to cross. No such 
 road was found to exist; and about eleven, 
 A. M., we found ourselves at Sudley’s Springs, 
 about ten miles from Centreville, with one 
 brigade of Colonel Hunter’s division still on our 
 side of the run. Before reaching this point 
 the battle had commenced. We could see the 
 smoke rising on our left from two points, a 
 mile or more apart. Two clouds of dust were 
 seen, showing the advance of troops from the 
 direction of Manassas. At Sudley’s Springs, 
 whilst waiting the passage of the troops of the 
 division in our front, I ordered forward the 
 first brigade to fill their canteens. Before this 
 was accomplished, the leading regiments of 
 Colonel Hunter’s division became engaged. 
 General McDowell, who, accompanied by his 
 staff, had passed us a short time before, sent 
 back Captain Wright, of the engineers, and 
 Major McDowell, one of his aids, with orders 
 to send forward two regiments to prevent the 
 enemy from outflanking them. Captain Wright 
 led forward the Minnesota regiment to the left 
 of the road, which crossed the run at this 
 point. Major McDowell led the eleventh Mas- 
 sachusetts up the road. I accompanied this 
 regiment, leaving orders for the remainder of 
 the division to follow, with the exception of 
 Arnold’s battery, which, supported by the first 
 Michigan, was posted a little below the cross- 
 ing of the run asa reserve. At a little more 
 than a mile from the ford we came upon the 
 battle field. Rickett’s battery was posted on a 
 hill, to the right of Hunter’s division and to 
 the right of the road. After firing some twenty 
 minutes at a battery of the enemy, placed just 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 |beyond the crest of a hill, on their entrance 
 
 left, the distance being considered too great, it 
 was moved forward to within about a thousand 
 feet of the enemy’s battery. Here the battery 
 was exposed to a heavy fire of musketry, which 
 soon disabled it. Franklin’s brigade was posted - 
 on the right of a wood, near the centre of our 
 line, and on ground rising towards the enemy’s 
 position. In the mean time, I sent orders for 
 the Zouaves to move forward to support Rick- 
 ett’s battery on its right. As soon as they 
 came up I led them forward against an Ala- 
 bama regiment, partly concealed in a clump of 
 small pines in an old field. At the first fire 
 they broke, and the greater portion of them 
 fled to the rear, keeping up a desultory firing 
 over the heads of their comrades in front; at the 
 same moment they were charged by a company 
 of secession cavalry on their rear, who came 
 by a road through two strips of woods on our 
 extreme right. ‘The fire of the Zouaves killed 
 four and wounded one, dispersing them. The 
 discomfiture of this cavalry was completed by 
 a fire from Captain Collum’s company of United 
 States cavalry, which killed and wounded sev- 
 eral men. Colonel Farnham, with some of his 
 officers and men, behaved gallantly; but the 
 regiment of Zouaves, as a regiment, did not 
 appear again on the field. Many of the men 
 joined other regiments, and did good service as 
 skirmishers. I then led up the Minnesota regi- 
 ment, which was also repulsed, but retired in 
 tolerably good order. It did good service in 
 the woods on our right flank, and was among 
 the last to retire, moving off the field with the 
 third United States infantry. Next was led 
 forward the first Michigan, which was also re- 
 pulsed, and retired in considerable confusion. 
 They were rallied, and helped to hold the woods 
 on our right. The Brooklyn fourteenth then 
 appeared on the ground, coming forward in 
 gallant style. I led them forward to the left, 
 where the Alabama regiment had been posted 
 in the early part of the action, but had now 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 disappeared, but soon came in sight of the line 
 of the enemy drawn up beyond the clump of 
 trees. Soon after the firmg commenced, the 
 regiment broke and ran. I considered it use- 
 less to attempt to rally them. The want of 
 discipline in these regiments was so great, that 
 the most of the men would run from fifty to 
 several hundred yards to the rear, and continue 
 to fire—fortunately for the braver ones — very 
 high in the air, and compelling those in front 
 to retreat. During this time, Reickell’s battery 
 had been taken and retaken three times by us, 
 
 been killed —Captain Reickell being wounded, 
 and First Lieutenant D. Ramsay killed. Lieu- 
 tenant Kirby behaved very gallantly, and suc- 
 ceeded in carrying off one caisson. Before this 
 time heavy reénforcements of the enemy were 
 distinctly seen approaching by two roads, ex- 
 tending and outflanking us on the right. Colo- 
 nel Stewart’s brigade came on the field at this 
 time, having been detained by the general as a 
 reserve at the point where we left the turnpike. 
 It took post on a hill on our right and rear, 
 and for some time gallantly held the enemy in 
 check. I had one company of cavalry attached 
 to my division, which was joined during the 
 engagement by the cavalry of Colonel Stanton’s 
 division. Major Palmer, who cannonaded them, 
 was anxious to engage the enemy. The ground 
 being unfavorable, I ordered them back out of 
 range of fire. Finding it impossible to rally 
 any of the regiments, we commenced our re- 
 treat about half past four, P. M. There was a 
 fine position a short distance in the rear, where 
 I hoped to make a stand with a section of Ar- 
 nold’s battery and the United States cavalry, if 
 I could rally a few regiments of infantry. In 
 this I utterly failed, and we continued our re- 
 treat on the road we had advanced on in the 
 morning. JI sent forward my staff officers to 
 rally some troops beyond the run; but nota 
 company would form. I stopped back a few 
 moments at the hospital to see what arrange- 
 
 295 
 
 ments could be made to save the wounded. 
 The few ambulances that were there were 
 filled, and started to the rear. The church, 
 which was used as a hospital, with the wound- 
 ed and some of the surgeons, soon after fell 
 into the hands of the secession cavalry, that 
 followed us closely. A company of? cavalry 
 crossed the rear, and seized an ambulance full 
 of wounded. Captain Arnold gave them a 
 couple of rounds of canister from his sec- 
 tion of artillery, which sent them scampering 
 
 us,)iaway, and kept them at a respectful distance 
 but was finally lost, most of the horses having |; 
 
 during the remainder of our retreat. At this 
 point most of the stragglers were in advance 
 of us. Having every reason to fear a vigorous 
 pursuit from the enemy’s fresh troops, I was 
 desirous of forming a strong rear guard; but 
 neither the efforts of the officers of the regular 
 army, nor the coolness of the regular troops 
 with me, could induce them to form a single 
 company. We relied entirely for our protec- 
 tion on one section of artillery and a few com- 
 panies of cavalry. Most of the road was favor- 
 able for infantry, but unfavorable for cavalry 
 and artillery. About dusk, as we approached 
 the Warrenton turnpike, we heard a firing of 
 rifled cannon on our right, and learned that the 
 enemy had established a battery enfilading 
 the road. Captain Arnold, with his section of 
 artillery, attempted to run the gantlet, and 
 reached the bridge over Cub Run, about two 
 miles from Centreville, but found it obstructed 
 with broken vehicles, and was compelled to 
 abandon his pieces, as they were under the fire 
 of these rifled cannon. ‘The cavalry turned to 
 the left, and after passing through a strip of 
 woods and some fields, struck a road which led 
 them to some camps occupied by our troops in 
 the morning, through which we regained the 
 turnpike. At about eight, P. M, we reached 
 the camps we had occupied in the morning. 
 Had a brigade from the reserve advanced a 
 short distance beyond Centreville, near one 
 third of the artillery lost might have been saved, 
 
296 
 
 ‘as it was abandoned at or near this crossing. 
 Such a rout I never witnessed before. No 
 efforts could induce a single regiment to form 
 after the retreat had commenced. 
 
 “Our artillery was served admirably, and did 
 much execution. Some of the volunteer regi- 
 ments behaved very well,and much excuse can 
 be made for those who fled, as few of the enemy 
 could at any time be seen. Raw troops cannot 
 be expected to stand long against an unseen 
 enemy. I have been unable to obtain any re- 
 port from the Zouaves, as Colonel Farnham 
 is still at hospital. Since the retreat, more 
 than three fourths of the Zouaves have dis- 
 appeared: @yi.. }. 
 
 “ Very respectfully, 
 “SS. P. HEINTZzELMAN, 
 “ Colonel of the Seventeenth Infantry, 
 
 “commanding the First Division. 
 «To Caprain James*B. Fry, Assistant ADJUTANT-GENERAL.” 
 
 COLONEL MILES’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘* HEADQUARTERS Firtu Drvision, 
 ‘«*CamMP NEAR ALEXANDRIA, July 24, 1861, 
 ’ Y at 
 
 “SIR: Pursuant to instructions, the 
 brigades of Blenker or Davies, soon after day- 
 light, were in readiness to march and take 
 position, but were prevented from so doing by 
 other divisions blocking up the road. I dis- 
 covered, however, that Davies’s brigade could 
 be passed to the left and west, through fields, 
 to Blackburn’s Ford. Lieutenant Brinel, en- 
 gineer officer, conducted the brigade, and as 
 soon as possible it joined Colonel Richardson, 
 before the crossing of this ford on DBull Run. 
 Fire was then opened by Hunt’s battery, sup- 
 ported by Richardson’s brigade on the right. 
 Edwards's twenty-pounder rifled guns were 
 posted on the left, about six hundred yards 
 from Richardson’s position, and sustained by 
 a portion of Davies’s brigade. Blenker’s bri- 
 gade took position at Centreville, and com- 
 menced throwing up intrenchments; one regi- 
 ment being located at the former work of the 
 enemy, one to the west of the town on the 
 
 ( 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Warrenton road, and two on the height to- 
 wards Bull Run. With these last regiments 
 were first placed Tidball’s and Green’s bat- 
 teries — Green’s afterwards being removed to 
 Richardson’s position, in consequence of notifi- 
 cation being sent by that officer that about 
 two thousand of the enemy were about to at- 
 tack him, and that he required more artillery. 
 I may here remark, that some difference existed 
 in the order given Lieutenant Brinel and myself, 
 in regard to the defensive works to be thrown 
 up, and also as to the quantity of tools he was to 
 receive — my orders being, by the heutenant’s 
 advice, to intrench Centreville ; his, from Major 
 Barnard, to throw up works at Blackburn’s Ford. 
 No tools came forward but the small amount 
 Lieutenant Brinel had of his own. These he 
 took to Richardson’s position, commenced a 
 battery, and made several hundred yards of it. 
 Blenker, with his pioneers, improved and ex- 
 tended the works at Centreville left by the 
 enemy. 
 
 “Tt was soon reported that the fourth Penn- 
 sylvania regiment had left at its encampment 
 a battery of field guns. For this, Colonel Blen- 
 ker offered to organize a company of experi- 
 enced European artillerists, which I accepted. 
 The captain’s name, I regret, I have forgotten, 
 as -I should recommend his having permanent 
 command of the guns in question. He is an 
 efficient officer. So soon as I completed my 
 arrangements with Blenker, I visited Colonel 
 Richardson —found him in proper position and 
 effectively at work, Hunt’s and Edwards’s bat- 
 tery being in good position. There was no 
 evidence of the enemy immediately about the 
 ford until after the first opening of the fire, 
 when he fled from barns and houses in the 
 vicinity. Then, after ordering proper supports 
 for the batteries, and placing a reserve force 
 in position, I returned to Centreville, finding all 
 
 ‘quiet, and the troopers at work. Remaining 
 “here some time, I returned to Richardson, when 
 9 2 
 
 it was surmised that there was no enemy at 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 that place, and found the ammunition of the 
 batteries rapidly diminishing. I ordered from 
 the brigadier a few skirmishers to go forward 
 and examine the ford, determined if I could 
 cross to do so, and endeavor to cut the line of 
 travel pursued by retreating and advancing 
 detachments of the enemy. The line of skir- 
 mishers had barely entered the woods, when a 
 large force of the enemy was discovered con- 
 cealed by breastworks. He opened fire, which 
 was handsomely returned. In this affair three 
 of the sixteenth New York volunteers were 
 wounded. The skirmishers report the force of 
 the enemy greatly damaged by Green’s bat- 
 tery. 1 made no other attempt on this ford, 
 my orders being on no account to get into a 
 general engagement. As I was again return- 
 ing to Blenker’s position, I received the notice 
 to telegraph to Washington, which I found 
 had been done by Lieutenant Wendell, topo- 
 graphical engineer .in my staff; and was com- 
 pelled by illness to remain at my headquarters. 
 It was at this time the order was received to 
 ut two brigades on the Warrenton turnpike, 
 at the bridge. I without delay sent a staff- 
 officer to order forward Davies’s brigade ;, but 
 whilst this officer was executing my instruc- 
 tions, Davies sent word he wanted a reserve 
 regiment forward; that the enemy, some three 
 thousand, was attempting to turn his flank. The 
 staff officer, therefore, properly suspended the 
 giving of my order, and immediately reported 
 the fact to me, and this caused me to advance 
 but the one brigade (Blenker’s) to the position 
 onthe Warrenton turnpike. Blenker’s advance 
 to that point was soon impeded by fugitives 
 from the battle field. When these were pass- 
 ing my headquarters I endeavored to rally 
 them, but my efforts were vain. 
 
 “The attack on Davies’s position caused pain- 
 ful apprehension for the safety of the left flank 
 of the army, and deeming it of the first im- 
 portance that my division should occupy the 
 strongest position, I sent instructions to Davies 
 
 38 
 
 i‘ 
 
 297 
 
 and Richardson to have their brigades fall back 
 on Centreville. Then fcllowed Blenker’s bri- 
 gade to see if it was in position, when I was 
 informed the commanding general had passed. 
 I then returned to Centreville, and found Da- 
 vies’s and Richardson’s brigades arriving, and 
 commenced placing them in position — Rich- 
 ardson’s brigade, with Green’s battery, being 
 placed about half a mile in advance of Centre- 
 ville Heights, his line of battle facing Black- 
 burn’s Ford. In rear of Richardson I posted 
 two regiments behind fences, as a support for 
 the first line, and still farther in rear and on 
 the heights I placed Hunt’s and Edwards’s bat- 
 teries, two of Davies’s regiments being in reserve 
 to support them. I then followed Blenker, 
 found Tidball’s battery in admirable position, 
 supported by the Garibaldi Guard; Blenker, 
 with three regiments and the fourth Pennsyl- 
 vania battery, being in advance. Having great 
 confidence in his judgment and troops, I re- 
 turned to Centreville Heights, to ‘await events, 
 when I found all my defensive arrangements 
 changed. Not knowing who had done this, 
 and seeing Colonel Richardson giving different: 
 positions to my troops, I asked by what au- 
 thority he was acting, when he told me he 
 had instructions from my superior officer. I 
 soon thereafter met the commanding general, 
 and complained of the change. The general’s 
 views were completed, and left me without 
 further control of the division. At the time 
 the attack was made on Davies’s flank, the regi- 
 ments of the brigade engaged performed their 
 duty gallantly. The batteries of Hunt’s and 
 Hdwards’s opening fire did great damage to the 
 advancing troops of the enemy, soon repulsing 
 them. Iam grieved that in this engagement 
 a brave and accomplished young officer, Lieu- 
 tenant Presby O’Craig, of the second regiment 
 artillery, and who was attached to Hunt’s bat- 
 tery, was almost instantly killed. Several of 
 the New York volunteers: were wounded; I 
 have not the reports relative thereto. 
 
298 
 
 “Blenker’s brigade, whilst on the Warrenton 
 road, was charged by cavalry ; but by a prompt 
 and. skilful fire, emptied several saddles, and 
 relieved themselves from further annoyance. 
 This summary embraces the operations of my 
 division up to the evening of the 21st. 
 
 “Tn closing this report, I would make a per- 
 sonal allusion to my condition during the day. 
 I had lost my rest the two nights previous ; 
 was sick, had eaten nothing during the day, 
 and had it not been for the great responsibility 
 resting on me, should have been in bed. 
 
 “T am, dear sir, respectfully, 
 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 
 “D. J. Mitzs, 
 “Col Second Infantry, commanding Fifth Dw.” 
 
 “To Caprain Jamzes B. Fry, Assistant ApsuTANT-GENERAL, 
 Heapquarters Department.” 
 
 The result of the battle was a shameful de- 
 feat, which retarded the progress of the Union 
 cause for months. The army which had been 
 so promptly, and, as it was hoped, efficiently 
 organized and put into the field to strike a heavy 
 and an early blow at the rebellion, was broken, 
 routed, and, for the time, utterly demoralized. 
 The panic-stricken men, in many cases unre- 
 strained by brave and efficient officers, fled back 
 to their camps near the Potomac, into the in- 
 trenchments, across the river into Washington, 
 and some of the New York Zouaves even to 
 the city of New. York. For days there were 
 crowds of men about Washington, separated 
 from their regiments, worn out by the severe 
 labors of the battle and the more exhausting 
 flight, and suffering for want of food and rest. 
 
 Their arms and equipments had been thrown 
 away; their courage and self-respect had van-| 
 ished, for the want of organization and disci-| 
 
 pline. Even the regiments which had been 
 kept together were worn down with fatigue, 
 and demoralized by the hasty retreat. 
 
 Had the rebel army been prepared to follow 
 up their advantage, and to advance immediately 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 on Washington with a considerable force, the 
 chances of a successful attack would have been 
 greatly in their favor. But their forces were 
 broken, too. They were, in truth, almost de- 
 feated before the reénforcements of Johnston 
 turned the battle in their favor. They did not 
 know how fearful was the panic in the Union 
 army, and a few days’ delay, necessary for their 
 own reorganization, was sufficient also for such 
 a disposition of the federal forces, as to render 
 any attack on Washington more difficult. By 
 
 ||stringent orders and activity on the part of 
 
 some of the officers, the stragglers were gradu- 
 ally collected into their several regiments, and 
 discipline was restored. The fortifications had 
 been at once strengthened, and placed in charge 
 of the strongest regiments, and very soon the 
 fears for the capital, which had at first been 
 entertained, were quieted, and the confidence 
 both of the soldiers and of the people was 
 restored. 
 
 The spirit of the loyal people of the north 
 was, for a moment, disconcerted by this unfortu- 
 nate result of the first attempt of their grand 
 army to overthrow the rebellious forces; but it 
 soon recovered, and aroused the government 
 to renewed activity and energy. Confident in 
 their superiority in numbers and resources, the 
 people soon rallied from this defeat, demanded 
 more vigorous action, and offered more gener- 
 ous supplies. At the same time there were, as 
 usual among a people accustomed to discuss 
 every thing, inquiries for the causes of the 
 disaster, and various theories were suggested, 
 and numerous charges were made, to account 
 for what was so humiliating a result. 
 
 It was charged that members of Congress 
 and other civilians had importuned the govern- 
 ment to hasten the movement of the army to- 
 wards Richmond, and that the government had 
 
 | yielded to their importunities and to the appeals 
 of a portion of the press, and had ordered the 
 advance contrary to the advice of the military 
 
 authorities, and before adequate preparations 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 were made. It is undoubtedly true, that lead- 
 ing men and influential journals urged a forward 
 movement as early as possible; but there is no 
 evidence that the government acted in response 
 to such appeals, except so far as they were 
 supported by sound and weighty argument, to 
 which both civil and military authority could 
 but give heed. A large army of volunteers for 
 three months had been collected, and were now 
 well disciplined and efficient ; but their time of 
 service would soon expire, and they would re- 
 turn to their homes, leaving their places to be 
 filled by the new regiments, which could not for 
 several months arrive at the same condition in 
 discipline and efficiency. To wait for these new 
 levies to be in a better condition than the forces 
 then in the field, would cause a delay by which 
 the rebels would equally profit, by increasing 
 their numbers and discipline. There were rea- 
 sons for believing that the forces they then had 
 in the field could be scattered by the well- 
 equipped army of the government, and there 
 were reasons why a blow should be struck as 
 soon as possible, for the sake of effect both at 
 home and abroad. Such reasons, urged by 
 civilians and military men, were of sufficient 
 _ weight to justify and even to demand the ad- 
 vance before a large number of efficient and 
 disciplined troops should be lost to the service. 
 If there was want of preparation and organiza- 
 tion of the army as a whole, it was because 
 that work was not begun early enough or 
 pushed with sufficient vigor, and because the 
 inexperience of officers caused unnecessary de- 
 ‘ lays. The regiments were not brigaded soon 
 enough, or made familiar with brigade move- 
 ments; nor were the men familiar even with 
 the faces of thew brigade commanders. Wheth- 
 er there had been sufficient time to perfect this 
 organization may be a question; but certainly 
 those who urged the advance for the reasons 
 above stated should hardly be held responsible 
 for any failure in this respect. The reasons 
 were such as could not be put aside as un- 
 
 299 
 
 sound, nor is there any evidence that the mili- 
 tary authorities did not admit their force. 
 
 The plan of battle adopted by General 
 McDowell has been commended by military 
 authority as a good one, with the exception, 
 perhaps, that the reserve was not sufficiently 
 strong or well posted. For a long time the 
 tide of battle was in favor of the federal army. 
 The men fought bravely, and drove the enemy 
 from some of their strong positions; but they 
 went into the battle greatly fatigued by a long 
 march, to which they were unaccustomed, and 
 they fought against an enemy who was fresh, 
 and who also had the advantage of fighting on 
 his own chosen ground. When, therefore, after a 
 long struggle, in the heat of the day, the worn- 
 ‘out federal forces were attacked by the reén- 
 'forcements brought by General Johnston, it is 
 not strange that they gave way. Once broken, 
 it was difficult, if not impossible, to rally forces 
 who were no better disciplined, even had all 
 the officers exerted themselves to that end. 
 But officers as well as men joined in the re- 
 treat, in many instances without attempting 
 
 to rally or organize their scattered commands. 
 
 The panic which commenced among the non- 
 combatants at sight of the retreating forces, and 
 in consequence of the cavalry charge in the 
 rear of Schenck’s brigade, was soon commu- 
 nicated to the soldiers, so that all hope of rally- 
 ing them and making another stand was out 
 of the question. Thus what was only a repulse, 
 so far as the enemy effected any thing, resulted 
 in a complete rout. 
 
 The immediate cause of the repulse was the 
 arrival of General Johnston’s forces from Win- 
 chester. And it appeared that in making his 
 plans, General McDowell had calculated upon 
 such codperation from General Patterson as 
 should prevent reénforcements to the enemy 
 from that quarter. In a previous chapter the 
 movements of General Patterson have been 
 | narrated, and it was seen that, instead of attack- 
 ‘ing General Johnston, or so menacing him as 
 
300 
 
 to keep his forces at Winchester, General Pat- 
 terson made a retrograde movement to Charles- 
 town and Harper’s Ferry, leaving Johnston to 
 withdraw his army and reénforce Beauregard. 
 In this movement General Patterson disre- 
 garded his orders and the evident object of his 
 advance at this time into Virginia. General 
 Scott informed General Patterson that General 
 McDowell was about to attack Manassas, and 
 instructed him to watch Johnston closely, and 
 prevent him from reénforcing Beauregard. 
 After the forward movement of General McDow- 
 ell’s army had commenced, General Scott ad- 
 vised General Patterson that the rebels were 
 driven beyond Fairfax Court House, and ordered 
 him to see that Johnston did not amuse him 
 with a small force in front, while he reénforced 
 Beauregard. General Patterson was further 
 instructed, if Johnston commenced a retreat, to 
 attack him; and if he did not attack and _ fol- 
 low the retreating rebels, then to proceed by 
 foreed marches to reénforce General McDowell. 
 These instructions, as has already been seen, 
 were not followed; had they been, the result 
 of the battle at Bull Run might have been 
 far different, and the whole course of the war 
 changed. 
 
 In justice to General Patterson, the reasons 
 for his movements, viz., the superior force of the 
 enemy, according to his information, and the 
 expiration of the term of service of a large 
 
 number of his troops who refused to stay be- 
 
 yond that term, should be stated. In a letter, 
 written from Harper’s Ferry, General Patterson 
 said, “General Johnston retreated to Winches- 
 ter, where he had thrown up extensive intrench- 
 ments, and had a large number of heavy guns. 
 I could have turned his position and attacked 
 him in the rear, but he had received large re- 
 enforcements from Mississippi, Alabama, and 
 Georgia — a total force of over thirty-five thou- 
 sand Confederate troops, and five thousand 
 Virginia militia. My force is less than twenty 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 thousand —nineteen regiments, whose term of 
 service was up, or will be within a week. All 
 refused to stay one hour over their time but 
 four, viz, two Indiana regiments, Frank Jar- 
 rett’s, (the eleventh Pennsylvania,) and Owen’s, 
 (the twenty-fourth Pennsylvania.) Five regi- 
 ments have gone home. Two more go to-day, 
 and three more to-morrow. ‘To avoid being cut 
 off with the remainder, I fell back and occupied 
 this place.” 
 
 A writer, who was with General Patterson’s 
 forces, gives the followimg more particular ex- 
 planations : — 
 
 “ At the time the first advance into Virginia 
 was ordered, General Johnston’s force num- 
 bered over fourteen thousand men, and had 
 attached to it a park of splendid artillery. Gen- 
 eral Patterson’s command did not exceed eleven 
 thousand men, and he had not over eight pieces 
 of artillery, which latter were taken from him, 
 compelling the return of our army to Maryland. 
 The second advance was made by nine thou- 
 sand men, and not over ten guns. General 
 Patterson knew from information derived from 
 scouts, deserters, &c., that Johnston’s force ex- 
 ceeded his own, and the result of a battle with 
 him was deemed by the general and army 
 officers more than doubtful. Upon our arrival 
 
 'at Bunker Hill we had not one man more than 
 
 eighteen thousand men. This calculation is 
 based on the assumption that each regiment 
 numbered seven hundred fighting men. This, 
 however, is too liberal an estimate; and after 
 deducting the sick and the camp guards, it will 
 be seen that we could not have brought more 
 than fourteen thousand men into the field. Our 
 artillery numbered eighteen guns, all of small 
 calibre, with the exception of four pieces. We 
 had five companies of cavalry. 
 
 “Despatches from the war department showed 
 that the advance of McDowell’s column would 
 commence Tuesday. On that day, General 
 Patterson was at Bunker Hill, having driven 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Johnston’s cavalry into Winchester. That even- 
 ing scouts brought information that Johnston’s 
 force had been under arms, anticipating an 
 attack from us. They numbered from ¢hirty- 
 fwe to forty-two thousand men, and were drawn 
 up in line one mile north of their intrench- 
 ments, wherein there were mounted sixty-four 
 guns. This statement of the enemy’s force has 
 been since confirmed by all our accounts, by 
 every deserter, and by Samuel Webster and 
 John Staub, Esqrs, both well-known Union 
 citizens of Martinsburg, the lattes being a lead- 
 ing lawyer of the place, and a Union candidate 
 in the spring for the legislature. Both gentle- 
 men had been impressed in the secession force. 
 Mr. Staub escaped in the confusion of the march 
 from Winchester to Manassas. 
 
 “Immediately after the return of our scouts, 
 a council of war was held, at which it was 
 decided unanimously that the force should be 
 moved to Charlestown. 
 
 “'The reasons for so doing, as given, were, that 
 a position at Charlestown would preclude the 
 possibility of Johnston’s going on the left of 
 Beauregard and marching on Washington ; 
 again, that Patterson would be on the line 
 of the railroad to Harper’s Ferry, and could, 
 therefore, better receive supplies and reénforce- 
 ments; and, lastly, that in the case of the three 
 months men refusing to remain ten days be- 
 yond their time, the army could fall back on 
 Harper’s Ferry.” 
 
 In conclusion, we give the following abstract 
 of Beauregard’s report of the battle, as given 
 in one of the Richmond journals.* This report 
 was not made until several months after the 
 battle, but why it was so long delayed does 
 not appear. 
 
 “Beauregard opens with a statement of his 
 position antecedent to the battle, and of the 
 plan proposed by him to the government for 
 
 * The Richmond Dispatch. 
 
 301 
 
 the junction of the armies of the Shenandoah 
 and Potomac, with a view to the relief of Mary- 
 land, and the capture of the city of Washington, 
 which plan was rejected by the president. Gen- 
 eral Beauregard states that he telegraphed the 
 war department, on the 13th of July, of the 
 contemplated attack by General McDowell, 
 urgently asking for a junction of General John- 
 ston’s forces with his own, and continued to make 
 urgent requests for the same until the 17th of 
 July, when the president consented to order 
 General Johnston to his assistance. General 
 Beauregard goes on to state that his plan of 
 battle assigned to General Johnston an_at- 
 tack on the enemy on the left, at or near Cen- 
 treville, while he himself would command in 
 front; but the condition of the roads prevented 
 this. 
 
 “Tt was then decided to receive the attack of 
 the enemy behind Bull Run. After the engage- 
 ment at Blackburn’s Ford, on the 18th, Gen- 
 eral Beauregard was convinced that General 
 McDowell’s principal demonstration would be 
 made on our left wing, and he then formed the 
 idea of throwing forward a sufficient force, by 
 converging roads, to attack the enemy’s re- 
 serves at Centreville so soon as the main body 
 of the latter became inextricably engaged on 
 the left. Late in the day, finding that General 
 Ewell, who was posted on the extreme right of 
 our line, had not moved forward in accordance 
 with the programme and the special order 
 which had been sent him, General Beauregard 
 despatched a courier to General Ewell to inquire 
 the reason why the latter had failed to advance, 
 and received a reply from General Ewell, stating 
 that he had not received any such order. The 
 enemy’s attack having then become too strong 
 on the left to warrant carrying out the original 
 plan, as it would take three hours for General 
 Ewell’s brigade to reach Centreville, it became 
 necessary to alter the plan, change front on the 
 
302 
 
 left, and bring up our reserves to that part of 
 the field. This movement was superintended 
 in person by General Johnston, General Beau- 
 regard remaining to direct the movements in 
 front. 
 
 “ At the time when General Kirby Smith and 
 General Early came up with their divisions, and 
 appeared on the right of the enemy, our forces 
 on the left occupied the chord of the arc of a 
 circle, of which the are itself was occupied by 
 the enemy — the extremes of their line flanking 
 ours. The appearance of Smith’s and Early’s 
 brigades, and their charge on the enemy’s right, 
 broke the lines of the latter, and threw them 
 into confusion, when shortly afterwards the 
 rout became complete.  . 
 
 “General Beauregard acknowledges the great 
 generosity of General Johnston in fully accord- 
 ing to him (General Beauregard) the right to 
 earry out the plans he had formed with relation 
 to this campaign, in yielding the command of 
 the field after examining and cordially approv- 
 ing the plan of battle, and in the effective 
 codperation which General Johnston so chival- 
 rously extended to him on that eventful day. 
 
 “He remarks that the retreat of our forces 
 from Fairfax, immediately previous to the en- 
 gagement of the 18th, is the first mstance on 
 record of volunteers retiring before an engage- 
 ment, and with the object of giving battle in 
 another position. The number under his com- 
 mand on the 18th July is set down at seven- 
 teen thousand effective men, and on the 21st at 
 twenty-seven thousand, which includes sixty- 
 two hundred of Johnston’s army, and seven- 
 teen hundred brought up by General Holmes 
 from Fredericksburg. The killed on our side, 
 in this ever-memorable battle, are stated in 
 the report to have been in number three 
 hundred and ninety-three, and the wounded 
 twelve hundred. The enemy’s killed, wounded, 
 and prisoners are estimated by General Beau- 
 regard at forty-five hundred, which does not 
 include the missing.” 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 Campaign in South-Western Missouri.— Proclamation by Gen- 
 eral Sweeny. — Concentration of Rebel Forces. — Rebel Move- 
 ments in Arkansas. — Appeal of Ben McCulloch. — Move- 
 ment of Jackson’s Forees.—Intercepted by Colonel Sigel. 
 — Battle of Carthage. — Success of Colonel Sigel over the 
 superior Force of the Rebels. — Retreat to Sarcoxie. — Ability 
 of Colonel Sigel.—Concentration of Federal Forces under 
 General Lyon.— Large Force of Rehels to oppose him. — 
 Unsuccessful Appeal for Reénforcements. — Necessity of re- 
 treating from Springfield. — Determination first to fight the 
 Rebels. — Advance from Springfield. — Battle of Wilson’s 
 Creek. — Successful Attack by General Lyon. — Attack by 
 General Sigel on the Enemy’s Rear.— The Rebels driven 
 from their Camps. — Repulse of General Sigel. — Advance of 
 General Lyon.— The Enemy finally repulsed. — Death of 
 General Lyon. — Retreat to Springfield. — Federal and Rebel 
 Losses. — Rebel Claim of Victory. — Notice of General Lyon. 
 
 THE campaign in South-western Missouri, the 
 movements for which have been alluded to in | 
 a previous chapter, commenced early in July. 
 A considerable federal force, under the com- 
 mand of General Sweeny, had been sent in 
 that direction, and on the 4th of July were at 
 Springfield, the most considerable town of that 
 section of the state. Here General Sweeny 
 issued a proclamation, calling upon the loyal 
 citizens to aid in upholding the federal govern- 
 ment, requiring the doubtful to take the oath 
 of allegiance, and all persons arrayed in arms 
 against the United States to disperse; and 
 preparations were made to enforce the last re- 
 quirement against the secession forces which 
 were being collected in this vicinity. Jackson 
 and Price had brought their followers from 
 Booneville to this remote part of the state, and 
 had made great efforts to assemble troops under 
 the state law, to resist the authority of the 
 United States. These had assembled with such 
 arms and equipments as they could bring, 
 portion belonging to the state, but the greater 
 part being private property — shot guns, rifles, 
 and various other weapons. While these efforts 
 were made in Missouri to array an army against 
 the federal authority, the “military board” of 
 Arkansas called for troops to resist invasion 
 
 a 
 
. | PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 from the north, and Ben McCulloch, former- 
 ly famous as a Texas “ranger,” and a com- 
 missioner to Utah at the time of the Mormon 
 war, now a brigadier-general of the rebel 
 forces, appealed to the people of that state to 
 join him in opposing the federal forces. “To 
 defend your frontier,” he said, “troops of Mis- 
 souri are falling back upon you. If they are 
 not sustained, your state will be invaded and 
 your homes desolated.” He accordingly called 
 upon all men to arm themselves, and to ren- 
 dezvous at Fayetteville, a town in the north- 
 western part of the state, near Missouri. This 
 force was collected to unite with the Missouri 
 troops of Jackson and Price, for the purpose of 
 driving back the federal forces, and securing 
 Missouri for the Confederacy. 
 
 Jackson’s troops were in Jasper county, in 
 the south-western part of Missouri; and on the 
 5th of July they marched south, probably for 
 the purpose of forming a junction with McCul- 
 loch’s forces before they could be attacked by 
 the federal army. At Brier Forks, seven miles 
 north of Carthage, the county seat of Jasper 
 county, they were met by Colonel Sigel,* with 
 less than fifteen hundred Union troops and 
 eight pieces of artillery, who immediately pre- 
 pared to give battle. The state troops were 
 under the command of Generals Price and 
 Rains, and were posted in a very advantageous 
 position on a ridge ina prairie. They had five 
 pieces of artillery, well supported by infantry, 
 and a large body of cavalry on each flank, the 
 whole numbering upwards of five thousand men. 
 Colonel Sigel commenced the attack with ar- 
 tillery, at half past ten o’clock in the forenoon ; 
 and his fire was so well directed, that in an hour 
 the enemy’s most effective gun was dismount- 
 ed, and by noon his whole battery was nearly 
 silenced. The fire of the artillery upon the 
 infantry repeatedly caused them to give way 
 in confusion ; while, on the other hand, the fire 
 
 * Franz Sigel, afterwards a major-general and commander of 
 an army corps in Virginia. 
 
 o 
 303 
 
 of the enemy’s artillery was of little effect, 
 their gunnery being wretched. Finding that 
 they could not stand before the splendid ar- 
 tillery of Colonel Sigel, and the effective fire of 
 such of his infantry as was brought into action, 
 the enemy sent a large force of cavalry to flank 
 him and cut off his baggage train, which was 
 about three miles in the rear, guarded by a 
 small force. Fortunately, the ground was so 
 open that Colonel Sigel could see the move- 
 ment; and, anticipating the object, though the 
 rebel forces were now giving way in their cen- 
 tre, he gave the order to retreat, at the same 
 time sending an order for his train to advance. 
 The Union troops fell back in good order, and 
 with the artillery to protect them, they made a 
 rapid movement to reach the train before the 
 enemy’s cavalry could accomplish their purpose. 
 The movement was successful, and the wagons 
 were placed in the centre of the column, pro- 
 tected on all sides by the artillery and infantry. 
 
 Failing in this attempt, the enemy, who had 
 now, probably, ascertained the small number, 
 as well as the bravery and excellence, of the 
 Union troops, fell back to a position on some 
 high bluffs overlooking a stream. There was 
 but one road leading across this stream, and to 
 move at all in the direction of Carthage it was 
 necessary to cross the stream. To remain in 
 the open prairie was to expose the federal 
 troops to ultimate defeat and capture by the 
 large force of the enemy. Finding his passage 
 over the stream obstructed, Colonel Sigel or- 
 dered his artillery to oblique right and left, 
 following the movement with a part of his force. 
 This manceuvre deceived the rebels, who evi- 
 dently supposed that it was Sigel’s purpose to 
 effect a passage on their extreme sides; and, 
 accordingly, a large force of cavalry advanced 
 towards the right and left to resist the attempt. 
 When this force, which was thus drawn away 
 from the road in front, had advanced within 
 five hundred yards of the federal troops, Colo- 
 ‘nel Sigel suddenly wheeled his artillery, and 
 
304 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 poured into their ranks a terrific fire of canis- 
 ter. Atthe same time the infantry were ordered 
 to advance rapidly across the bridge in their 
 front. This sudden and damaging attack threw 
 the rebel forces into confusion, and they were 
 soon flying in all directions. They had no ar- 
 tillery to use against Colonel Sigel, and when 
 once broken they made no attempt to rally. 
 Colonel Sigel’s force, with their train, accord- 
 ingly passed the stream safely. The Union 
 troops captured here about fifty prisoners, 
 eighty-five horses, and a considerable number 
 of arms, mostly shot guns. 
 
 Colonel Sigel now proceeded towards Car- 
 thage, seeing small bodies of the rebel forces 
 along the road, at whom the infantry occasion- 
 ally discharged a volley; but no attack was made. 
 As the federal forces approached Carthage, that 
 place was found to be in possession of the rebels; 
 and as Colonel Sigel’s ammunition had begun 
 to fail, it was deemed necessary to retire to 
 Sarcoxie, a place eight miles south-west of Car- 
 thage, from which a junction might be formed 
 with the remainder of the south-western army, 
 now being concentrated under the command 
 of General Lyon. The road to Sarcoxie was 
 on one side of Carthage, and led through thick 
 woods, to reach which was Sigel’s object, as the 
 enemy’s cavalry, of which his force was chiefly 
 composed, could not follow him there. Aware 
 of the advantage the federal commander would 
 have if his force reached the woods, the enemy 
 had taken a position on the road to dispute 
 his advance in that direction. This led to the 
 severest struggle of the day, the infantry on 
 both sides being, for the first time, fairly en- 
 gaged. The Union troops fought bravely, and 
 the rebel troops showed more courage than in 
 the preceding contests; but their arms were 
 poor, and their cavalry was now of little use. 
 After a contest of about two hours, Colonel 
 Sigel got his force into the wood, and the enemy 
 retreated to Carthage, baffled and beaten. The 
 federal loss in the several contests was reported 
 
 | of the government. 
 
 UNITED STATES. . ‘ 
 
 as twenty-four killed and about fifty wounded, 
 while the loss of the rebels in killed and wound- 
 ed was thought to be‘nearly five hundred. It 
 was not prudent to remain where so large a force 
 of the enemy might cut him off from a junc- 
 tion with the other Union forces; and, notwith- 
 standing the exhaustion of his men, Colonel 
 Sigel continued his march to Sarcoxie, whence, 
 after a day’s rest, he proceeded to Mount Ver- 
 non, in Lawrence county, and thence to Spring- 
 field. A small guard which he left at Neosho, 
 from which place he had moved to attack the 
 rebels, was afterwards captured by a large force 
 of Arkansas troops. 
 
 In this series of conflicts Colonel Sigel dis- 
 played great ability as a commander, and it was 
 due to the admirable manner. with which he 
 handled his troops, as well as to their bravery, 
 discipline, and effective arms, that he succeeded 
 so well against an enemy of much greater nu- 
 merical strength. Colonel Sigel, who is a Ger- 
 man, with a thorough military education, had 
 had experience in actual warfare in Baden, dur- 
 ing the revolutionary period of 1848, and had 
 successfully commanded a large army there.* 
 
 * A countryman of Colonel Sigel’s, who served under him in 
 Baden, has given the following sketch of his life: “Some years 
 before the Baden revolution of 1842, which a year later culminated 
 in open war, Sigel was a first lieutenant of artillery in the army 
 A man of fine education and a close thinker, 
 he had been but a short time in the army before he became aware 
 that it required an entire remodelling, and he wrote a series of 
 letters upon this subject, which was published in one of the most 
 influential papers in Germany. ‘The letters acquired a large cir- 
 culation, and were read with great interest by military men through- 
 out Germany and Prussia, and some years subsequently his re- 
 form was adopted in the army of the last-named kingdom. 
 
 “The notoriety of the letters at last became so great, that a 
 search was made for the author; and when it became known that 
 a mere lieuténant had had the audacity to originate and advocate - 
 these reforms, the jealousy of the officials manifested itself by the 
 imprisonment of the lieutenant and the withdrawal of his com- 
 mission. 
 
 “A few years later, Herr Sigel, (not then even a lieutenant,) 
 the revolution having broken out, was a general in the army of 
 the revolution, and proved his right to that title in several minor 
 
 +) conflicts, until, at the battle of Hemsbach, he showed himself far 
 || superior to General Mieroslawsky, who was in command; and 
 
 had he been the commander, instead of a subordinate, the battle 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 He inspired his soldiers-with confidence and 
 daring, and secured a discipline which made 
 them the more effective. His ability as a com- 
 mander, as displayed in this brief campaign, 
 subsequently secured for him an appointment 
 as a brigadier-general of volunteers, and he 
 joined the army under General Lyon. 
 
 The several other bodies of federal troops 
 
 which had been sent to South-western Missouri, 
 
 now concentrated at Springfield, when General 
 Lyon assumed command, and prepared, as well 
 as the number of his forces and the arrival of 
 his supplies would admit, to strike a blow at 
 the rebel army. As the troops advanced to 
 this point, there were several skirmishes with 
 small bodies of the rebels, who were in all cases 
 dispersed. Meanwhile numbers of Missourians 
 were joining the forces under Price, and, though 
 most of them were but poorly equipped, swelled 
 his army to formidable dimensions. It was not 
 till about the first of August that any move- 
 ment of importance was made by General 
 Lyon. In the mean time he had urgently re- 
 quested reénforcements, in order to meet the 
 enemy with something like equal numbers; but 
 it had been impossible to send them, and the 
 alternative was presented of withdrawing from 
 this section of the state without a struggle, 
 leaving the Union men there to the mercy of 
 the rebel army, or with an inferior force to 
 attempt to strike a blow which should cripple, 
 if not repulse, the enemy, and secure a safer re- 
 treat. ‘The latter course was determined upon, 
 and General Lyon advanced beyond Springfield 
 towards the position occupied by the rebels, and 
 where, at “Dug Springs,” near the town of 
 Curran, on the 3d of August, they were dis- 
 covered in some force. A scouting party of 
 
 would, without doubt, have resulted in the victory of the revo- 
 lutionists. 
 
 “After the close of the revolution, General Sigel, who was 
 made a refugee by the treachery of the government, fled to Eng- 
 land, and afterwards came to the United States, as before stated. 
 At twenty-eight he was a general; now he is about forty years of 
 age, and is a colonel.” 
 
 o9 
 
 305 
 
 cavalry, meeting with a regiment of rebel in- 
 fantry, charged upon it and put it to flight, 
 killing and wounding several. The charge was 
 not ordered by General Lyon, and was supposed 
 to have prevented the main body of this force 
 of the rebels from attacking him—a move- 
 
 ; ment which would inevitably have resulted in 
 
 their complete rout. 4 
 
 General Lyon at once formed for battle upon 
 discovering the enemy’s position, and advanced 
 to attack him. One column was ordered to enter 
 a piece of woods for the purpose of flanking the 
 rebel force, while a battery of artillery opened , 
 fire upon their front. The artillery, however, 
 soon caused them to retreat without making 
 any stand to encounter the infantry, and they 
 fell back hastily to their main army. The 
 federal troops encamped at Curran without 
 meeting any resistance; but the next day, 
 General Lyon, having discovered that the rebels 
 were near in great force, and had a large body 
 of mounted men, who might flank him and take 
 Springfield, where his supplies were, determined 
 to retire to that place to await the attack which 
 there was reason to believe they would soon 
 make, and hoping still for reénforcements. Ina 
 few days the rebels took up a position on Wilson’s 
 Creek, ten or twelve miles from Springfield, and 
 General Lyon again advanced to make an at- 
 tack himself, before he should be surrounded 
 by overwhelming numbers. 
 
 On the evening of the 9th of August the fed- 
 eral forces’moved out from Springfield. They 
 numbered about five thousand five hundred, — 
 two thousand home guards being left in the 
 town, —and marched in two columns, the larger 
 one, composed of the main body of the army, 
 with ten pieces of artillery, being under the 
 immediate command of General Lyon, and the 
 other, which consisted of less than two thou- 
 sand men, with six pieces of artillery, being 
 under the command of General Sigel. The lat- 
 ter column moved in a southerly direction, with 
 a view to pass around the extreme south-east- 
 
306 
 
 ern camp of the enemy, and attack him in 
 the rear or on the flank, while General Lyon’s 
 column advanced more’ directly against his 
 front; and the attack was to be made simul- 
 taneously by the two columns. 
 
 The rebel forces under Price, McCulloch, 
 Mackintosh, and others, were encamped along 
 the banks,of Wilson’s Creek, towards which the 
 hills sloped gently, affording excellent camping 
 grounds, which were overlooked by hills and 
 ridges on the north, east, and west.. Upon one 
 of these ridges the rebels were first-encountered 
 . by General Lyon’s advance ; but, after a brief 
 contest, they were driven from their position, 
 and the federal troops, gaining the summit of 
 the ridge, commenced an artillery fire, while 
 the infantry pushed on. From a second sum- 
 mit the rebels were driven in like manner, after 
 a sharp contest. The action then became gen- 
 eral, and continued with varying success ; but 
 the federal forces gradually gained ground by 
 the valor with which they fought and the pre- 
 cision and effect with which their artillery was 
 served. The. rebels were driven back to their 
 camps, and portions of them retreated in great 
 disorder. In the midst of the contest, a body 
 of rebel cavalry attempted to charge upon the 
 federal flank and upon the rear, where the 
 wounded were lying under a small guard ; but 
 the artillery was turned upon them, and scat- 
 tered them in great disorder. 
 
 While the column under General Lyon thus 
 attacked the enemy in front, General Sigel’s 
 column, after marching all night, had reached a 
 position from which to attack them in the rear. 
 The rebel outposts were driven in with scarcely 
 any resistance, and General Sigel obtained pos- 
 session of ground which commanded their camp. 
 From this position he opened upon them so 
 suddenly with artillery and musketry, that they 
 were taken by surprise, and fled in alarm to a 
 hill covered with brushwood, which afforded 
 them an opportunity for concealment and rally- 
 ing. General Sigel pursued them through their 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 camp, in which they left a quantity of arms 
 and equipments and a large number of horses. 
 Without pausing to take possession of the booty, 
 he followed the retreating rebels to the hill 
 whither they had fled, and, forming his line of 
 battle, commenced a vigorous attack. He was 
 driving the enemy in the direction of General 
 Lyon’s forces, which were attacking with like 
 vigor on their side. Being so hotly pressed on 
 both sides, the rebel generals saw that their 
 position was desperate unless they repulsed or 
 cut through one or the other of the federal 
 columns. Sigel’s was the weaker force, and 
 concentrating a strong body of troops, they 
 made a desperate attack upon that, and suc- 
 ceeded in driving it back. The infantry sup- 
 porting General Sigel’s artillery were compelled 
 to give way, and many of the horses having 
 been shot, he was obliged to abandon five of 
 his guns, which, however, were first spiked. 
 The commander of the artillery succeeded in 
 saving the other gun, by compelling some pris- 
 oners, whom he had previously taken, to draw 
 it off General Sigel, in falling back, took with 
 him a considerable number of prisoners, and 
 still continued the fight, and with a portion of 
 his force obstinately resisted the overwhelming 
 numbers of the enemy. 
 
 In the mean time General Lyon’s force con- 
 tinued to advance, and drove the enemy through 
 their camps in the opposite direction, when the 
 set fire to their tents and baggage, to prevent 
 them from falling into the hands of the federal 
 troops. When they had succeeded in repulsing 
 General Sigel’s troops, the rebels rallied to 
 oppose the other column more vigorously, and 
 made several attempts to drive the federal 
 troops from the position they had gained, but 
 they were each time compelled to retire. In 
 the midst of this conflict, after the repulse of 
 General Sigel, General Lyon, who had pre- 
 viously received slight wounds, fell, mortally 
 wounded, while leading an Iowa regiment to 
 the charge against the enemy. He lived but 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 a few minutes after his fall; but his troops, 
 though losing a commander in whose ability 
 and bravery they had the greatest confidence, 
 did not waver, but, under the command of Major 
 Sturges, continued the fight successfully. ° 
 After continuing from five o’clock in the 
 morning until noon, the battle ceased. The 
 rebel forces were too much dispirited to renew 
 their attempts to drive back the successful 
 Union troops; while the latter, wearied with 
 the long and severe conflict, and being deficient 
 in artillery ammunition, were not in condition 
 to continue their attacks. Accordingly Major 
 Sturges, after causing his wounded to be taken 
 to Springfield, withdrew his forces in such a 
 manner as to be able to repel any attack which 
 might be made, should the enemy see fit to 
 pursue. But the rebel army had suffered se- 
 verely, and was in no condition, or its leaders 
 were in no mood, to attempt a pursuit. Major 
 Sturges’s troops reached Springfield without 
 further sight of the enemy, and General Sigel’s 
 force also arrived there without being followed. 
 The federal loss in this battle was between 
 two and three hundred killed, and about nine 
 hundred wounded and missing. The loss of the 
 rebels was thought to be much larger. Accord- 
 ing to their own statements, their number of 
 killed was two hundred and sixty-five, the num- 
 ber of wounded and missing not being stated. 
 The federal forces engaged numbered scarcely 
 five thousand five hundred, while, according 
 to rolls and returns reported to have been found 
 in the rebel camps, the entire force of the enemy 
 was nearly or quite twenty thousand, of which 
 number about fourteen thousand were well or- 
 ganized and equipped, and the greater part of 
 these were probably brought into the battle. 
 Notwithstanding the rebels were so much 
 crippled by this engagement that they were un- 
 able to follow the retreating federal forces, and 
 did not advance even to Springfield for two or 
 three days after the battle, they, nevertheless, 
 claimed a great victory, which was announced 
 
 307 
 
 by their generals in vain-glorious terms. But 
 any advantage which they gained was because 
 of the want of reénforcements to enable the 
 federal army to continue the campaign, rather 
 than the result of the battle. 
 
 In the death of General Lyon the country 
 met with a serious loss. He was a thorough 
 soldier, and was heartily enlisted in the cause 
 of the Union. He belonged to a family which 
 was somewhat distinguished for services in the 
 revolutionary war, and was born July 14, 1819. 
 Entering the Military Academy at West Point, 
 in 1837, he graduated in 1841, the eleventh, in , 
 rank, of his class. Being commissioned as a 
 lieutenant in the second regiment of infantry, 
 his first service was in Florida. In the Mexican 
 war he distinguished himself at Cerro Gordo 
 and Contreras, and for his gallantry in the latter 
 action received the brevet rank of captain. He 
 also took part in the engagement on the en- 
 trance of the army into the city of Mexico, and 
 received there aslight wound. After the Mexi- 
 can war he served several years, as captain, in 
 California, where he exhibited much ability and 
 tact in dealing with the Indians. From Cali- 
 fornia he was transferred to Kansas, where he 
 espoused the free state cause. Early in 1861 
 he was placed in command of the St. Louis ar- 
 senal, in which position his actions have already 
 been mentioned in previous pages of this work. 
 His fidelity to the government was equalled 
 by his energy, and in his whole administration 
 of the duties of his command he proved him- 
 self vigilant, able, and brave; and he was re- 
 garded by all who knew him as one who would 
 be one of the ablest leaders of the Union army. 
 In his private character, as in his military 
 career, he was worthy of all praise. His death 
 
 | was felt to be a national loss, and was sincerely 
 
 mourned by all who were acquainted with his 
 noble qualities. The body of the dead hero 
 was safely brought from the field of battle, 
 and was interred with military honors in his 
 native place. 
 
308 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 Affairs in Northern Missouri. — Guerrilla Warfare and Bridge 
 Burning. — Skirmishes. — Fight at Monroe. — Defeat of the 
 Rebel Force. — Proclamation by General Hurlburt. — Gen- 
 eral Pope assigned to the Command in Northern Missouri. — 
 Plan to suppress Guerrilla Warfare. — Its Success. — Civil 
 Authority in Missouri. — State Convention. — Executive Offices 
 declared vacant, and Legislature abolished. —H. R. Gam- 
 ble elected Governor. — Address to the People. —Proclama- 
 tion of the Rebel Lieutenant-Governor. — Course of the new 
 Government. — Proclamation by Governor Gamble. — General 
 Fremont in Command of the Western Department. * 
 
 Waite the events just related were trans- 
 piring in South-western Missouri, the secession- 
 ists in the northern part of the state were 
 resorting to guerrilla warfare, collecting in small 
 bands, destroying the property, and in some 
 cases, taking the lives, of loyal men, and burn- 
 ing the bridges, and otherwise interrupting 
 communication along the great railroads. At 
 some points they assembled considerable forces 
 to resist or attack the federal forces which were 
 sent to that. part of the state for the protection 
 
 of loyal citizens and the preservation of the) 
 
 railroad bridges. Skirmishing frequently took 
 place between the small parties of the seces- 
 sionists and the home guards formed by loyal 
 citizens for their own protection, and occasion- 
 ally detachments of the federal forces met 
 parties of secessionists, but without any con- 
 siderable engagement. One of the most im- 
 portant of these skirmishes at this time was at 
 Monroe, a village and station on the Hannibal 
 and St. Joseph railroad. A federal force, not 
 exceeding six hundred men, undex Colonel 
 Smith, was stationed at this place, when a body 
 of the rebels, said to number sixteen hundred or 
 upwards, under General Harris, collected in the 
 vicinity. Colonel Smith’s force moved from 
 the town July 10th, to attack a part of the 
 rebel force, when another body of the rebels 
 entered the town and destroyed the railroad 
 buildings and cars. After some skirmishing, 
 Colonel Smith, with his forces, retired to Mon- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 roe, where he took up a position in a large 
 academy building, and sent for reénforcements. 
 The rebels advanced towards the town the next 
 day, and with their superior numbers might 
 have surrounded the place, and compelled a 
 surrender of the federal force, had they made 
 a determined attack. But they took up a 
 position at too great a distance for an engage- 
 ment with small arms, and opened an ineffectual 
 artillery fire, which was returned by Colonel 
 Smith with guns of longer range and more 
 skilfully used. While this artillery contest con- 
 tinued without any loss to the federal troops, 
 but, as it was supposed, with some effect against 
 the rebels, reénforcements arrived and attacked 
 the rebels inthe rear. After a brief contest the 
 enemy fled, the federal troops taking seventy- 
 five prisoners, one gun, and a considerable num- 
 ber of horses. About twenty rebels were killed, 
 and many others wounded, while the casualties 
 on the federal side were only a small number 
 wounded. 
 
 The northern and north-eastern portion of 
 the state was so much disturbed by the action 
 of the secessionists and the guerrilla. bands 
 which they organized, that General Hurlburt, 
 who commanded the federal forces in Illinois 
 and in North-eastern Missouri, issued a procla- 
 mation, calling upon the citizens to resume their 
 usual avocations, in which they should be pro- 
 tected, and threatening the severest punishment, 
 by military authority, of all those engaged in 
 the system of assassination and arson with which 
 these men waged war. Additional forces were 
 also sent to that part of the state, and skir- 
 mishes continued with varying results. But 
 the rebel warfare was of a character that could 
 not successfully be met by troops alone, unless 
 an immense army was distributed throughout 
 that part of the state. Loyal people, and those 
 whose sympathies were not very strong either 
 way, dreaded the attacks of the rebel guerrilla 
 parties more than they trusted to the federal 
 troops for protection. ‘To meet such a warfare, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 some of the people resorted to a similar course, 
 and civil war, in its worst form, seemed about 
 to ruin this portion of the state. 
 
 To put a stop to such occurrences, Brigadier- 
 General Pope, who was assigned to the com- 
 mand of Northern Missouri, resorted to a new 
 system of military restraint. General Hurlburt 
 was assigned to the command of the forces on 
 the line of the Hannibal and St. Joseph rail- 
 road, and Colonel Grant to the command of the 
 forces on the line of the North Missouri railroad. 
 These forces were posted at convenient stations 
 along the railroads, in numbers sufficient to 
 meet any rebel force that was likely to appear 
 in that part of the state. The roads were then 
 divided into districts, and the divisions placed 
 under the protection of the leading citizens of 
 the district, who were to be held responsible 
 for the safety of the road; and any neglect on 
 their part, or connivance with marauding par- 
 ties, resulting in injury, was declared to be an 
 offence which should be severely punished. 
 This plan was carried out, and generally with 
 excellent success. Troops were posted in sev- 
 eral counties along the railroad lines, and the 
 county officers, or other prominent citizens, of 
 each county, without regard to opinions, were 
 appointed committees of safety, who were held 
 responsible in the manner above named; the 
 military being held in readiness to respond to 
 their call, should it be necessary, to suppress 
 insurgent parties, or to protect property from 
 guerrillas. The troops, when thus called for by 
 the committees of safety, or required by their 
 neglect, were quartered upon the people of the 
 county. Under this system marauding parties 
 soon became less numerous, and gradually peace 
 was restored to that section of the state, seces- 
 sionists as well as Union men finding that it 
 was for their interest to remain quiet, and to 
 discourage and repress all attempts to disturb 
 the peace, or to destroy public or private 
 property. 
 
 While the military measures which have been 
 
 309 
 
 recounted were being taken for the suppression 
 of the rebellion in Missouri, measures were also 
 in progress to place the civil authority of the 
 state on the side of the Union. Governor Jack- 
 son had fled from the capital, and subsequently 
 convened the legislature, or those members of 
 it who were in favor of secession, at Sarcoxie, 
 in the south-western part of the state, where 
 the rebel army was concentrated ; and he went 
 himself to Richmond, to consult with the rebel 
 government. The state was thus practically 
 left without a government; but the state con- 
 vention, which had been called by the secession 
 legislature for the purpose of taking the state 
 out of the Union, and which at its meeting in 
 March had declared against secession, still held 
 over, having adjourned to a late period in the 
 year. This body was now convened at the 
 capital, where it assembled on the 22d of July. 
 General Price had been the president of the 
 convention at its former session; but the office 
 was declared vacant, and the vice-president, Mr. 
 Wilson, a Union man, was elected presiding 
 officer. A committee of seven was appointed to 
 consider the extraordinary condition of affairs 
 in the state, and to report what action should 
 be taken. On the 25th of July the committee 
 submitted their report with ordinances, declar- 
 ing the offices of governor, lieutenant-governor, 
 and secretary of state vacant, and providing for 
 filling the vacancies; abolishing the existing 
 legislature, and providing for the election of 
 new members; and repealing, in part, the mili- 
 tary law and the law to suspend the distribution 
 of the school fund. The several ordinances 
 were adopted, though not without some strong 
 opposition from secession members; and Judge 
 H. R. Gamble, an earnest supporter of the 
 Union, was forthwith elected governor, to serve 
 until August, 1862. An address to the people 
 of Missouri was also adopted, of which the fol- 
 lowing, exhibiting the aspect of affairs, and the 
 reasons for the action of the convention, is the 
 most material part : — 
 
ca) 
 310 
 «To rH PEOPLE OF THE STATE OF MissourI: — 
 
 “Your delegates assembled in convention 
 propose to address you upon the present con- 
 dition of affairs within our state. 
 
 “Since the adjournment of this convention 
 in March last, the most startling events have 
 rushed upon us with such rapidity that the na- 
 tion stands astonished at the condition of anar- 
 chy and strife to which, in so brief a period, it 
 has been reduced. 
 
 “When the convention adjourned, although 
 the muttering of the storm was heard, it seemed 
 to be distant, and it was hoped that some quiet 
 but powerful force might be applied, by a be- 
 neficent Providence, to avert its fury, and pre- 
 serve our country from threatened ruin. That 
 hope has not been realized. The storm, in all 
 its fury, has burst upon the country — the armed 
 hosts of different sections have met each other 
 in bloody conflict, and the grave has already 
 received the remains of thousands of slaugh- 
 tered citizens. Reason, inflamed to madness, 
 demands that the stream of blood shall flow 
 broader and deeper; and the whole energies 
 of a people, but a few months since prosperous 
 and happy, are now directed to the collection 
 of larger hosts, and the preparation of increased 
 and more destructive engines of death. 
 
 “Your delegates enjoy the satisfaction of 
 knowing that neither by their action, nor their 
 failure to act, have they in any degree contrib- 
 uted to the ferocious war spirit which now pre- 
 vails so “cenerally over the whole land. We 
 have sought peace; we have entreated those 
 who were about to engage in war to withhold 
 their hands from the strife; and in this course 
 we know that we but expressed the wishes and 
 feelings of the state. Our entreaties have been 
 unheeded ; and now, while war is raging in 
 other parts of our common country, we have 
 felt that our first and highest duty is to pre- 
 serve, if possible, our own state from its ray- 
 ages. The danger is imminent, and demands 
 prompt and decisive measures of prevention. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 “We have assembled in Jefferson under cir- 
 cumstances widely different from those that 
 existed when the convention adjourned its ses- 
 sion at St. Louis. 
 
 “We find high officers of the state govern- 
 ment engaged in actual hostilities with the 
 forces of the United States, and blood has been 
 spilt upon the soil of Missouri. Many of our 
 citizens have yielded obedience to an ill-judged 
 call of the governor, and have assembled in 
 arms for the purpose of repelling the invasion 
 of the state by armed bands of lawless invaders, 
 as the troops of the United States are desig- | 
 nated by the governor in his proclamation of 
 the 17th day of June last. 
 
 “ We find that troops from the state of Arkan- 
 sas have come into Missouri for the purpose of 
 sustaining the action of our governor in his 
 contest with the United States, and this at the 
 request of our executive. 
 
 “ We find no person present, or likely soon to 
 be present, at the seat of government, to exer- 
 cise the ordinary functions of the executive 
 department, or to maintain the internal peace 
 of the state. 
 
 “We find that throughout the state there is 
 imminent danger of civil war in its worst form, 
 in which neighbor shall seek the life of neigh- 
 bor, and bonds of society will be dissolved, and 
 universal anarchy shall reign. If it be possible 
 to find a remedy for existing evils, and to avert 
 the threatened horrors of anarchy, it is mani- 
 festly the duty of your delegates, assembled in 
 convention, to provide such a remedy; and, in 
 order to determine upon the remedy, it is neces- 
 sary to trace, very briefly, the origin and prog- 
 ress of the evils that now afflict the state. 
 
 “Tt is not necessary that any lengthy refer- 
 ence should be made to the action of those states 
 which have seceded from the Union. We can- 
 not remedy or recall that secession. They 
 have acted for themselves, and must abide the 
 consequences of their own action. So far as 
 you have expressed your wishes, you have 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 declared your determination not to leave the 
 Union, and your wishes héve been expressed 
 by this convention. 
 
 “ Any action of any officer of the state in con- 
 flict with your will, thus expressed, is an action 
 in plain opposition to the principle of our goy- 
 ernment, which recognizes the people as the 
 source of political power, and their will as the 
 rule of conduct for all their officers. It would 
 have been but a reasonable compliance with 
 your will, that after you had, through this con- 
 vention, expressed your determination to re- 
 main in the Union, your executive and legis- 
 lative officers should not only have refrained 
 from any opposition to your will, but should 
 have exerted all their powers to carry your 
 will into effect. 
 
 “We have been enabled to ascertain by some 
 correspondence of different public officers, ac- 
 cidentally made public, that several of these 
 officers not only entertained and expressed 
 Opinions and wishes against the continuance 
 of Missouri in the Union, but actually engaged | 
 in schemes to withdraw her from the Union, 
 contrary to your known wishes. 
 
 “ After the adjournment of your convention, | 
 which had expressed your purpose to remain 
 in the Union, Governor Claiborne F. Jackson, in 
 a letter addressed to David Walker, president 
 of the Arkansas convention, dated April 19, 
 1861, says, ‘From the beginning, my own con- | 
 viction has been that the interest, duty, and | 
 honor of every slaveholding state demand their | 
 separation from the non-slaveholding states.’ | 
 Again, he says,‘I have been, from the begin-| 
 ning, in favor of decided and prompt action on 
 the part of the southern states; but the majority 
 of the people of Missouri, up to the present 
 time, have differed with me’ Here we have 
 the declaration of his opinion and wishes, and | 
 the open confession that a majority of the peo- 
 ple did not agree with him. 
 
 “ But he proceeds: ‘What their future action | 
 
 [meaning the future action of the people| may | 
 
 311 
 
 be, no man with certainty can predict or fore- 
 tell; but my impression is, judging from the 
 indications hourly occurring, that Missouri will 
 be ready for secession in less than thirty days, 
 and ygill secede if Arkansas will only get out 
 of the way, and give her a free passage.’ 
 
 “Tt will presently be seen, by an extract 
 from another letter, what the governor means 
 by being ready for secession ; but it is very re- 
 markable that he should undertake, not only to 
 say that she would be ready to secede in thirty 
 days, but further, that she will secede, when in 
 fact your convention, at that time, stood ad- 
 journed to the 3d Monday of December next. 
 His declaration that the state would secede, is 
 made, doubtless, upon some plan of his own, 
 independent of the convention. 
 
 “Nine days after this letter to the president 
 of the Arkansas convention, he wrote another, 
 addressed to J. W. Tucker, Esq., the editor of a 
 secession newspaper in St. Louis. This letter 
 is dated April 28, 1861. The writer says, ‘I 
 do not think Missouri should secede to-day or 
 to-morrow, but I do not think it good policy 
 that I should so openly declare. I want a little 
 time to arm the state, and I am assuming 
 every responsibility to do it with all possible 
 despatch,’ 
 
 “ Again, he says, ‘We should keep our own 
 counsels. Every body in the state is in favor 
 of arming the state; then let it be done. All 
 are opposed to furnishing Mr. Lincoln with sol- 
 diers. Time will settle the balance. Nothing 
 should be said about the time or the manner 
 in which Missouri should go out. That she 
 ought to go, and will go, at the proper time, I 
 have no doubt. She ought to have gone last 
 winter, when she could have seized the public 
 arms and public property, and defended herself.’ 
 
 “Here we have the fixed mind and purpose 
 of the governor, that Missouri shall leave the 
 Union. He wants time —a little time to arm 
 the state. He thinks secrecy should be pre- 
 served by the parties with whom he acts in 
 
312 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 keeping their counsels. He suggests that noth- 
 ing should be said about the time or the man- 
 ner in which Missouri should go out; manifest- 
 ly implying that the time and manner of going 
 out, which he, and those with whom hegacted, 
 proposed to adopt, were some other time and 
 manner than such as were to be fixed by the 
 people through their convention. It was, no 
 doubt, to be a time and manner to be fixed by 
 the governor and the General Assembly, or by 
 the governor and a military body to be pro- 
 vided with arms during the little time needed 
 by the governor for that purpose. 
 
 “There have been no specific disclosures 
 made to the public of the details of this plan ; 
 but the governor expresses his strong conviction 
 that at the proper time the state will go out. 
 
 “This correspondence of the governor oc- 
 curred at a time when there was no interference 
 by soldiers of the United States with any of the 
 citizens, or with the peace of the state. The 
 event which produced exasperation through the 
 state—the capture of Camp Jackson — did 
 not take place until the 10th of May. Yet the 
 evidence is conclusive that there was at the 
 time of this correspondence a secret plan for 
 taking Missouri out of the Union without 
 any assent of the people through their con- 
 vention. 
 
 “An address to the people of Missouri was 
 issued by Thomas C. Reynolds, the leutenant- 
 governor, in which he declares that in Arkan- 
 sas, Tennessee, and Virginia his efforts have 
 been directed unceasingly, to the best of his 
 limited ability, to the promotion of our interests, 
 indissolubly connected with the vindication of 
 our speedy union with the Confederate States. 
 Here is the second executive officer of Mis- 
 sourl avowedly engaged ingtravelling through 
 states which he must regard while Missouri 
 continues in the Union as foreign states, and 
 those states endeavoring, as he says, to promote 
 the interest of our state. 
 
 “The mode of promoting our interests is 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 disclosed in another passage of the address, in 
 which he gives tht people assurance that the 
 people of the Confederate States, though en- 
 gaged in a war with a powerful foe, would not 
 hesitate still further to tax their energies and 
 resources at the proper time, and on a proper 
 occasion in aid of Missouri. The mode of pro- 
 moting our interests, then, was by obtaining 
 military aid, and this while Missouri continued 
 in the Union. The result of the joint action 
 of the first and second executive officers of the 
 state has been, that a body of military forces 
 of Arkansas has actually invaded Missouri, to 
 carry out the schemes of your own officer, who 
 ought to have conformed to your will, as you 
 had made it known at elections, and had ex- 
 pressed it by your delegates in convention. 
 
 “Still further to execute the purpose of sey- 
 ering the connection of Missouri with the United 
 States, the General Assembly was called, and 
 when assembled sat in secret session, and en- 
 acted laws which had for their object the pla- 
 cing in the hands of the governor large sums of 
 money, to be expended, in his discretion, for mil- 
 itary purposes, and a law for the organization 
 of a military force which was to be sustained by 
 extraordinary taxation, and to be absolutely 
 subject to the orders of the governor, to act 
 against all opposers, including the United States. 
 By these acts, schools are closed, and the de- 
 mands of humanity for the support of lunatics 
 are denied, and the money raised for the pur- 
 poses of education and benevolence may swell 
 the fund to be expended in war. 
 
 “Without referring more particularly to the 
 provisions of these several acts, which are most 
 extraordinary and extremely dangerous as pre- 
 cedents, it is sufficient to say that they display 
 the same purpose to engage in a conflict with 
 the general government, and to break the con- 
 nection of Missouri with the United States, 
 which had before been manifested by governor 
 Jackson. ‘The conduct of these officers of the 
 legislative and executive departments has pro- 
 
j 7 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S: ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 duced evils and dangers of vast magnitude, and 
 your delegates in convention have addressed 
 themselves to the important and delicate du- 
 ty of attempting to free the state from these 
 evils. 
 
 “The high executive officers have fled from 
 the government and from the state, leaving us 
 without the officers to discharge the ordinary 
 necessary executive functions. But, more than 
 this, they are actually engaged in carrying ona 
 war with the state, supported by troops from 
 states in the Southern Confederacy; so that 
 the state, while earnestly desirous to keep out 
 of the war, has become the scene of conflict 
 without any action of the people assuming such 
 hostility.. Any remedy for our present evil, to 
 be adequate, must be one which shall vacate 
 the offices held by the officers who have thus 
 brought our trouble upon us. 
 
 “Your delegates desire that you shall by 
 election fill these offices, by process of your own 
 choice, and for this purpose they have directed, 
 by ordinance, that an election shall be held 
 on the first Monday in November. ‘This time, 
 rather than one nearer at hand, was selected, so 
 as to conform to the spirit of the provision in 
 the constitution, which requires three months’ 
 notice to be given of an election to fill a vacan- 
 cy in the office of governor. But, in the mean 
 time, much damage might happen to the state 
 by keeping the present incumbents in office, 
 not only by leaving necessary executive duties 
 unperformed, while they prosecute their war 
 measures, but by continuing and increasing the 
 internal social strife which threatens the peace 
 of the whole state. 
 
 “Your delegates judged it necessary that, in 
 order to preserve the peace, and in order to 
 arrest. invasions of the state, these executive 
 offices should be vacated at once, and be filled 
 by persons selected by your delegates, until you 
 could fill them by election. They have, there- 
 fore, made such selection as they trust will be 
 
 i bn 40 
 
 313 
 
 found to be judicious in preserving the peace 
 of the state. The office of secretary of state 
 has not been mentioned before, and it is suf- 
 ficient to say that Benjamin F. Massey, the 
 present incumbent, has abandoned the seat of 
 government, and has followed the fortunes of 
 the governor, taking with him the seal of state 
 as an instrument of evil. He may be employed 
 by the governor in action deeply injurious to 
 the state; and he has been dealt with by your 
 delegates in the same manner as the governor 
 and lieutenant-governor. 
 
 “In regard to the members of the General 
 Assembly, it is only necessary to say that by the 
 enactment of the law called the “ Military Bill,” 
 which violates the constitution, and places the 
 entire military strength of the state at the 
 almost unlimited control of the executive, and 
 imposes onerous burdens upon the citizens for 
 the support of an army, and by the passage of 
 general appropriation acts which give to the 
 executive the command of large funds to be 
 expended at his discretion for military pur- 
 poses, thus uniting the control of the purse and 
 the sword in the same hands, they have dis- 
 played their willingness to sustain the war 
 policy of the executive, and place the destinies 
 of the state in the hands of the governor. 
 
 “The offices of the members of the General 
 
 || Assembly have, therefore, been vacated, and a 
 
 new election ordered ; so that you may have an 
 opportunity of choosing such legislative repre- 
 sentatives as may carry out your own Views 
 
 -of policy. 
 
 “Tn order that the schemes of those who.seek 
 to take Missouri out of the Union may not fur- 
 ther be aided by the late secret legislation of 
 the General Assembly, your delegates have, by 
 ordinance, amended the military law, and such 
 other acts as were doubtless passed for the pur- 
 pose of disturbing the relations of the state with 
 the federal government. 
 
 “These are the measures adopted by your 
 
314 
 
 delegates in convention for the purpose of 
 restoring peace to our disturbed state, and en- 
 abling you to select officers for yourselves to 
 declare and carry into effect your views of the 
 true policy of the state. They are measures 
 which seem to be imperatively demanded by 
 the present alarming condition of public affairs, 
 and your delegates have determined to submit 
 them to you for your approval or disapproval, 
 that they may have the authority of your sanc- 
 tion, if you find them to be adapted to secure 
 the peace and welfare of the state.” 
 
 But the deposed executive officers still 
 claimed to exercise the functions of the offices 
 to which they had been elected. Lieutenant- 
 Governor Reynolds, who had been south to 
 secure aid from the rebels, now returned, and 
 issued a proclamation from New Madrid, in 
 the south-eastern part of the state, claiming to 
 exercise the executive authority in the absence 
 of Governor Jackson. He denounced the na- 
 tional administration, and promised the aid of 
 the Confederate States to overthrow the federal 
 power in Missouri. His proclamation, however, 
 was but the manifesto of an exile as well as a 
 traitor, and had little effect, except upon those 
 already committed to the rebellion. 
 
 Governor Gamble, and those elected with 
 him, entered upon the duties of their offices on 
 the 31st of July, and zealously exercised their 
 - legitimate powers to continue the state in the 
 Union, and to restore peace within the borders 
 of Missouri. ‘The convention contributed fur- 
 ther to the same end, and adopted ordinances 
 to supply the place of necessary legislation, and 
 to guard against secession in any form in which 
 it might be attempted. 
 
 The following proclamation, issued by Gov- 
 ernor Gamble, shows the’spirit of the govern- 
 ment as then established, which was, perhaps, 
 as strongly on the side of the Union as the 
 people would sustain. From that time a 
 more unconditional and active Union sentiment 
 seemed to increase in the state: — 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ¢To tHe Propie or THE State or Missovurr: — 
 ‘(JEFFERSON City, August 3, 1861. 
 
 “Your delegates, assembled in convention, 
 have decided that in order to vindicate the 
 sovereignty of the state, it was necessary to 
 vacate the offices of governor, lieutenant-goy- 
 ernor, secretary of state, and members of the 
 General Assembly, and to order an election to 
 take place on the first Monday of November 
 next to fill those offices with persons of your 
 own choice. They have chosen me to dis- 
 charge the duties of chief magistrate until that 
 election can take place. 
 
 “No argument will here be made in support 
 of the action of the convention. An address 
 has been issued to you by that body, in which 
 are set forth the necessities for the action, and 
 the power under which they have acted. I 
 could give you no stronger expression of my 
 deliberate judgment that their action was both 
 constitutional and necessary, than is afforded — 
 by my acceptance of the office until the elec- 
 tion can take place. 
 
 “The choice thus made of temporary or pro- 
 visional governor will satisfy all that no coun- 
 tenance will be afforded to any scheme or to 
 any conduct calculated in any degree to inter- 
 fere with the institution of slavery existing in 
 the state. To the very utmost extent of execu- 
 tive power that institution will be protected. 
 
 “The choice of temporary governor gives the 
 further assurance to all that every effort: will 
 be made to stop the practices on the part of the 
 military which have occasioned so much irrita- 
 tion throughout the state —such as arresting 
 citizens who have neither taken up arms against. 
 the government, nor aided those who are in 
 open hostility to it, and searching private houses 
 without any reasonable ground to suspect the 
 occupants of any improper conduct, and un- 
 necessarily seizing or injuring private property. 
 Such acts must be, and will be, discountenanced; 
 and there is every reason to believe, from a 
 general order recently issued by Lieutenant- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 General. Scott, and from the known disposition 
 of Major-General Fremont, whose command 
 embraces Missouri, that such oppressive con- 
 duct on the part of the military will in a short 
 time be arrested. 
 
 “There exists in many parts of the state a 
 most unfortunate and unnatural condition of 
 feelmg among our citizens, amounting to actual 
 hostility, and leading often to scenes of violence 
 and bloodshed ; and even neighbors of the same 
 race have come to regard each other as enemies. 
 This feeling, too, has originated in questions of 
 a political character, although the American 
 mind has been accustomed to consider a differ- 
 ence upon such questions as affording no cause 
 of hostility. Combinations have been formed 
 for carrying out schemes of violence by one 
 class against another, and by those holding 
 one set of opinions against others holding a 
 different set. | 
 
 “Civil government in this state has no con- 
 cern with men’s opinions, except to protect all 
 in their undisturbed enjoyment. It is only 
 when they become the causes of acts that they 
 bring those who entertain them into any re- 
 sponsibility to the law. 
 
 “While this freedom of opinion is the right 
 of all, and while it is the duty of each to respect 
 this right in others, it is plainly the duty of the 
 government to suppress, as far as practicable, 
 all combinations to violate this right, and all 
 violence arising from a difference of opinion. 
 Yet it is important that every wel]-disposed 
 citizen should remember that the extreme and 
 intemperate exercise of this right of expressing 
 _ his opinions often leads to unnecessary discord 
 and violence, and that refraining from the in- 
 temperate discussion of topics known to be 
 exciting would be but a slight contribution 
 made by each towards the prerat vation of the 
 general peace. _ 
 
 “The state has ne invaded by troops from 
 
 | 
 | 
 
 315 
 
 General Pillow, of Tennessee, has landed upon 
 the soil of Missouri, notwithstanding the con- 
 gress of the Confederate States, in their act 
 declaring war against the United States, ex- 
 pressly excepted Missouri as a state against 
 which the war was not to be waged. 
 
 “General Pillow has issued a proclamation 
 addressed to the people of Missouri, in which he 
 declares that his army comes at the request of 
 the goyernor of this state, and says they will 
 help us to expel from our borders the popula- 
 tion hostile to our rights and institutions, treat- 
 ing all such as enemies, if found under arms. 
 It remains to be seen whether General Pillow, 
 and other officers of the Confederate States, 
 will continue their endeavor to make Missouri 
 the theatre of war upon the invitation of Gov- 
 ernor Jackson, or of any other person, when 
 such invasion is contrary to the act of the Con- 
 federate States, and when the invitation given 
 by the governor is withdrawn by the people. 
 We have sought to avoid the ravaging our state 
 in this war, and if the military officers of the 
 Confederate States seek to turn the war upon 
 us, upon the mere pretext that they are in- 
 vited by a state officer to do so, when they 
 know that no officer of the st&te has authority 
 to give such invitation, theh upon them be the 
 consequences, for the sovereignty of Missouri 
 must be protected. 
 
 “There should be, on the part of the people 
 of Missouri, a paramount purpose to preserve 
 the internal peace of their own state, whatever 
 may be the condition of affairs in other states. 
 Our first duties are at home. If there could be 
 a general recognition of this principle, the duty 
 of preserving peace would be less onerous upon 
 the magistracy of the state. But all will admit 
 that, however unpleasant it may be, the duty 
 
 ‘of preserving the peace must be discharged 
 by those upon whom the law imposes it. 
 means furnished by law are ample, and must 
 
 The 
 
 the State of Arkansas, and a large force, under, be employed.” 
 
316 
 
 In the mean time Major-General John C. 
 Fremont assumed command of the western 
 military department, and established his head- 
 quarters at St. Louis. The military operations 
 under his command will be narrated in sub- 
 sequent chapters. 
 
 - CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 * 
 
 Preparations to continue the War. — Major-General McClellan 
 Commander of the Army of the Potomac. — Confidence of the 
 People and the Government in him. — Defence of Washing- 
 ton, and Organization of the Army. — Order of General Scott 
 for the Protection of Mount Vernon. — Movements of the 
 Army in Western Virginia. — Advance of General Cox. — 
 Governor Wise’s Forces dispersed. — General Cox’s An- 
 nouncement of the Result. — Address of General Rosecrans 
 to the loyal People. — Affairs in South-eastern Virginia. — 
 Burning of Hampton by the Rebels under General Magruder. 
 —Inhumanity of the Incendiaries. — Expedition to Hatteras 
 Inlet. — General Wool in Command at Fortress Monroe. — 
 Naval and Military Preparations. — Arrival at Hatteras Inlet. 
 — Landing of Troops. — Naval Attack on the Forts. — Fort 
 Clark abandoned. — Renewal of the Attack. — Surrender of 
 Fort Hatteras. — Terms of Surrender. — Prisoners captured. 
 — The Forts garrisoned. — General Butler’s official Report. 
 
 Tue federal government and the people of 
 the loyal states, though disappointed, were not 
 disheartened bythe result of the battle at Bull 
 Run. Congress authorized the acceptance of 
 volunteers for the war, not exceeding five hun- 
 dred thousand in number, and efforts were at 
 once made to raise and organize this large force. 
 Volunteers readily offered, and most of the 
 states responded to the requisitions upon them 
 for their respective quotas of the force to be 
 raised. Criminations and recriminations, which 
 were at first somewhat indulged in, gave place 
 to united and well-directed efforts to furnish 
 the men and means for the prosecution of the 
 war to more successful results. 
 
 General McClellan, who was called from West- 
 ern Virginia to take command of the army on 
 the Potomac, was the youngest of the major- 
 generals in the federal service, being at this 
 time but thirty-five years of age. His father 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 was of Connecticut birth, but became,an emi- 
 nent physician in Philadelphia, where General 
 McClellan was born. The latter was appointed 
 a cadet in the Military Academy at West Point, 
 where he graduated in 1846, at the age of 
 twenty, one of the best scholars of his class. 
 He acted as lieutenant in the Mexican war, and 
 after its close attained to the rank of captain. 
 He served in the engineers’ corps, for which 
 his talents and attainments especially qualified 
 him, and afterwards in the cavalry. In 1855 
 he was appointed one of a military commission 
 to visit Europe during the Crimean war, and 
 subsequently prepared one part of the report 
 of the commission in relation to the art of war, 
 as shown in the Crimean campaign. After his 
 return from Europe, he resigned his commission 
 in the army, and became an officer of the Il- 
 nois Central Railroad, and subsequently of the 
 Ohio and Mississippi Railroad. In the latter 
 place he was engaged at the time the rebellion 
 broke out, when he was appointed first a gen- 
 eral officer of Ohio voluntéers, and subsequent- 
 ly a major-general in the United States army. 
 General McClellan was highly esteemed by 
 General Scott, at whose suggestion, probably, 
 he was appointed to the command of the most 
 important of the federal armies. | 
 
 The appointment of General McClellan gave 
 general satisfaction to the people, with whom 
 he at once became popular as the young hero 
 who should lead their army to victory. In him 
 they not,only hoped to find, but believed they 
 saw, all the military ability of Scott, combined 
 with more youthful vigor and activity.* The 
 government also reposed in him the greatest 
 
 * The confidence which was at once given to General McClel- 
 lan by the people was somewhat remarkable; for he was taken 
 wholly upon trust, not having then achieved any great deed either 
 in his military or civil capacity. There were, however, certain 
 elements in his character which inspired confidence and good 
 will, and his capacity as an engineer was somewhat known, while 
 the success of the army of Western Virginia, of which he was 
 the commander, in a not yery arduous campaign, gave éclat to 
 his name. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 confidence, and afforded every facility for him 
 to organize and discipline the army committed 
 to his charge. He arrived in Washington on 
 the 25th of July, and soon entered upon his 
 duties, though he did not formally take com- 
 mand of the army until some time after. 
 
 The first measures taken were to strengthen 
 the defences of Washington, and so to dispose 
 of the forces as to be best prepared for an 
 ageressive movement on the part of the rebels. 
 The small force remaining of Patterson’s army, 
 after the discharge of the three months’ troops, 
 were removed to the Maryland side of the Po- 
 tomac, and were reénforced by a portion of the 
 new regiments as they arrived. Major-General 
 Nathaniel P. Banks was assigned to the com- 
 mand of this division of the army, which was 
 now posted nearer to Washington, so as to be 
 within supporting distance of that portion of 
 the army on the Potomac north-west of Wash- 
 ington. The federal forces also occupied the 
 Maryland shore of the Potomac below Wash- 
 ington, the lines being gradually extended to- 
 wards the mouth of the river. 
 
 The new regiments of three years’ volun- 
 teers soon made good the place of the three 
 months’ troops who had been discharged; and 
 as the new levies were constantly arriving at or 
 near the capital, the army soon grew to dimen- 
 sions such as had hardly been anticipated when 
 the war began. A systematic organization of 
 the army into brigades and divisions was carried 
 out, more strict discipline was enforced, and 
 constant drill and camp duty made the soldiers 
 more efficient. Meanwhile, the advance of the 
 rebels towards Washington, and the accession 
 to their army of large additional forces which 
 occupied the strong positions in front of the 
 whole federal line, made necessary a strong 
 picket force, and constant watchfulness on the 
 part of officers. Thus weeks and months passed 
 away with various necessary but apparently 
 unimportant movements, occasional alarms, and 
 picket skirmishing, but scarcely any remarka- 
 
 317 
 
 ble event to vary the monotony of the daily 
 report of.“ all quiet on the Potomac.” 
 
 The position of the two armies was such that 
 Mount Vernon, the home and burial place of 
 Washington, was for a time in the disputed 
 ground between them, and was subject to visits 
 of pickets or reconnoitring parties of either 
 force. It was charged by each side that the 
 other had violated the sacred enclosure where 
 repose the remains of “the Father of his Coun- 
 try.” That this sacrilege might not be justly 
 charged upon those who supported the Union 
 which Washington had done so much to estab- 
 lish, General Scott issued the following order, 
 which was strictly enforced and obeyed :— 
 
 “GENERAL ORDER, No. 13. 
 
 ‘©GENERAL HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, 
 ‘¢ WasHINGToN, July 31, 1861. 
 
 “Tt has been the prayer of every patriot that 
 the tramp and din of civil war might at least 
 spare the precincts within which repose the sa- 
 cred remains of the Father of his Country. But 
 this pious hope is disappointed. Mount Vernon, 
 so recently consecrated anew to the immortal 
 Washington, has already been overrun by bands 
 of rebels, who, having trampled under foot the 
 constitution of the United States, — the ark of 
 our freedom and prosperity, — are prepared to 
 trample on the ‘ashes of him to whom we are 
 all mainly indebted for these mighty blessings. 
 Should the operations of war take the United 
 States troops in that direction, the general-in- 
 chief does not doubt that each and every man 
 will approach with due reverence, and leave 
 unimpaired, not only the tomb, but also the 
 house, graves, and walks which were so loved 
 by the greatest and best of men. 
 
 “ WINFIELD Scorr.” 
 
 While matters remained thus quiet on the 
 Potomac, there were some movements of the 
 forces in other parts of Virginia. In Western 
 Virginia, while the division of the “ Army of 
 Occupation,” under the immediate command of 
 
318 
 
 General Rosecrans, advanced southward slowly, 
 the division under General Cox moved east- 
 ward from Charleston through the Kanawha 
 valley, causing small bodies of the rebels, who 
 were collected at different points, to disband 
 or to retire to join the main rebel army in this 
 part of the state, under the command of Gov- 
 ernor Wise. The larger part of these forces, it 
 was believed, disbanded without joining the 
 main body, and retired to their homes, under 
 the promise of protection from the federal com- 
 mander. Many of them had taken up arms 
 under the excitement caused by the appeals of 
 Governor Wise and the rebel emissaries from 
 Eastern Virginia, and were quite willing to lay 
 them down upon the approach of the federal 
 troops, when they saw that peace and quiet fol- 
 lowed the army of occupation. 
 
 The main body of Wise’s force was finally 
 collected at Gauley Bridge, a strong position, 
 where it was supposed that there might be a 
 battle. But here, also, as farther down the 
 valley, the rebels fled at the approach of the 
 federal force, destroying the bridge over Gauley 
 River, to prevent pursuit — a mode of escaping 
 to which they had repeatedly resorted in their 
 retreat up the valley. This final retreat, which 
 occurred on the 29th of July, appeared to dis- 
 organize entirely the army under Wise, who 
 was not among the last to retreat; and the rebel 
 force, which was to “relieve Western Virginia 
 from the invader,’ was driven out from that 
 portion of the state, and the campaign, from 
 which the rebels were promised so much, ended 
 in utter failure, which was as good as a defeat. 
 Ina letter to Governor Pierpont,announcing the 
 result of his campaign, General Cox said, — 
 
 “The Kanawha valley is now free from the 
 rebel troops. Most of the forces raised by Wise 
 in this valley left him between Charleston and 
 this place. I had sent them assurances that if 
 they laid down their arms they might go quietly 
 to their homes; and many have done so, assert- 
 ing that they were cheated into the rebel ser- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 vice. I regret to have to say that Wise, in 
 his retreat, has burned a number of valuable 
 bridges, and carried off most of the wagons and 
 teams belonging to the people of the valley. 
 All parties denounce him for his vandalism. I 
 congratulate you on the success of this expe- 
 dition.” 
 
 Having substantially secured peace and quiet, 
 for a time at least, to Western Virginia, Gen- 
 eral Rosecrans issued an address to the loyal 
 people, in which, after describing the position 
 of affairs in that part of the “Old Dominion,’ 
 he declared the policy by which he sought to 
 secure peace and to maintain the authority 
 of the federal government. In this address 
 he wrote, — 
 
 “You are the vast majority of the people. 
 If the principle of self-government is to be re- 
 spected, you have a right to stand in the posi- 
 tion you have assumed, faithful to the constitu- 
 tion and laws of Virginia, as they were before 
 the ordinance of secession. 
 
 “The Confederates have determined at all 
 hazards to destroy the government which, for 
 eighty years, has defended our rights, and 
 given us a name among the nations. Contrary 
 to your interests and your wishes, they have 
 brought war upon-your soil. Their tools and 
 dupes told you you must vote for secession as 
 the only means to insure peace; that unless 
 you did so, hordes of abolitionists would over- 
 run you, plunder your property, steal your 
 slaves, seize upon your lands, and hang all 
 those who opposed them. 
 
 “By these and other atrocious falsehoods 
 they alarmed you, and led many honest and 
 unsuspecting citizens to vote for secession. 
 Neither threats, nor fabrications, nor intimida- 
 tions sufficed to carry Western Virginia, against 
 the interest and wishes of its people, into the 
 arms of secession. 
 
 “Enraged that you dared to disobey their be- 
 hests,-Hastern Virginians, who had been accus- 
 tomed to rule you and count your votes, and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ambitious recreants from among yourselves, 
 disappointed that you would not make good 
 their promises, have conspired to tie you to the 
 desperate fortunes of the Confederacy, or drive 
 you from your homes. 
 
 “Between submission to them and subjuga- 
 
 tion or expulsion, they leave you no alternative. 
 You say you do not wish to destroy the old 
 sovernment, under which you have lived so 
 long and peacefully ; they say you shall break 
 it up. You say,you wish to remain citizens of 
 the United States; ¢hey reply you shall join the 
 Southern Confederacy, to which the Richmond 
 junta has transferred you; and to carry their 
 will, their Jenkins, Wise, Jackson, and other 
 conspirators proclaim upon your soil a relent- 
 less and neighborhood war; their misguided 
 and unprincipled followers reécho their cry, 
 threatening fire and sword, hanging and expul- 
 sion, to all who oppose their arbitrary designs. 
 They have set neighbor against neighbor, and 
 friend against friend; they have introduced 
 among you warfare only known among savages. 
 In violation of the laws of nations and human- 
 ity, they have proclaimed that private citizens 
 may and ought to make war. 
 
 “Under this bloody code, peaceful citizens, 
 unarmed travellers, and single soldiers have 
 been shot down, and even the wounded and 
 defenceless have been killed; scalping their 
 victims is all that is wanting to make their 
 warfare like that which, seventy or eighty 
 years ago, was waged by the Indians against 
 the white race on this very ground. You have 
 no alternative left you but to unite as one man 
 in the defence of your homes, for the restora- 
 tion of law and order, or be subjugated or 
 expelled from the soil. 
 
 “J therefore earnestly exhort you to take the 
 most prompt and vigorous measures to put a 
 stop to neighborhood and private wars. You 
 must remember that the laws are suspended in 
 Eastern Virginia, which has transferred itself 
 to the Southern Confederacy. The old consti- 
 
 319 
 
 tution and laws of Virginia are only in force 
 in Western Virginia. 
 maintain. : 
 
 “Let every citizen, without reference to past 
 political opinions, unite with his neighbors to 
 keep those laws in operation, and thus prevent 
 the country from being desolated by plunder 
 and violence, whether committed in the name 
 of Secessionism or Unionism. 
 
 “J conjure all those who have hitherto advo- 
 cated the doctrine of secessionism, as a politi- 
 cal opinion, to consider that now its advocacy 
 means war against the peace and interests of 
 Western Virginia; it is an invitation to the 
 Southern Confederates to come in and subdue 
 you, and proclaims that there can be no law 
 nor right until this is done. 
 
 “My mission among you is that of a fellow- 
 citizen, charged by the government to expel 
 the arbitrary force which domineered over you, 
 to restore that law and order of which you 
 have been robbed, and to maintain your right 
 to govern yourselves under the constitution 
 and laws of the United States. 
 
 “To put an end to the savage war waged by 
 individuals, who, without warrant of military 
 authority, lurk in the bushes and waylay mes- 
 sengers, or shoot sentries, I shall be obliged to 
 hold the neighborhood in which these outrages 
 are committed as responsible ; and, unless they 
 raise the hue and cry and pursue the offenders, 
 deal with them as accessories to the crime. 
 
 “Unarmed and peaceful citizens shall be pro- 
 tected, the rights of private property respected, 
 and only those who are found enemies of the 
 government of the United States, and the peace 
 of Western Virginia, will be disturbed. Of 
 these I shall require absolute certainty that 
 they will do no mischief. 
 
 « Put a stop to needless arrests and the spread 
 of malicious reports. Let each town and dis- 
 trict choose five of its most reliable and ener- 
 getic citizens a committee of public safety, to 
 act in concert with the civil and military au- 
 
 These laws you must 
 
320 HISTORY OF THE 
 thorities, and be responsible for the preservation 
 of peace and good order. 
 
 “ Citizens of Western Virginia, your fate is 
 mainly in your own hands. If you allow your- 
 selves to be trampled under foot by hordes of 
 disturbers, plunderers, and murderers, your land 
 will become a desolation. If you stand firm 
 for law and order, and maintain your rights, 
 you may dwell together peacefully and happily 
 as in former days.” 
 
 The rebel authorities, however, did not aban- 
 don Western Virginia, and additional forces 
 were advanced in that direction, under General 
 Floyd, the former secretary of war of President 
 Buchanan. The result of this movement will 
 be found in a subsequent chapter. 
 
 In South-eastern Virginia the general quiet 
 which had prevailed in General Butler’s depart- 
 ment since the unsuccessful attack at Great 
 Bethel, was broken by the destruction of the 
 village of Hampton by the rebel forces under 
 General Magruder. General Butler had forti- 
 fied Hampton, and for a time had kept a force 
 there for its defence ; but having reason to fear 
 an attack from the rebels while he had an 
 insufficient force to hold this and the more im- 
 portant positions of his army, he had withdrawn 
 all but a small guard, and it was consequently 
 open to the attack of the enemy. General 
 Magruder, with a force of six or seven thousand 
 men, including cavalry and artillery, moved 
 down the peninsula on the 7th of August, and 
 took up a position about two and a half miles 
 from Hampton, where he hoped to induce an 
 attack from the federal forces at Newport News 
 and at Hampton. Failing to draw out the fed- 
 eral troops, the rebels then moved nearer to 
 Hampton, and again formed in line of battle. 
 -Here they remained till night, when a detach- 
 ment entered the village, and while a part 
 skirmished with the federal troops posted to 
 defend the long bridge, which had been in part 
 torn up and barricaded, another body set fire 
 to the buildings in the village. But a few 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 whites and some two or three hundred negroes 
 remained in the village. All who were found 
 in the houses received but the briefest notice 
 of the purpose of the incendiaries, and were 
 allowed only time to save themselves, without 
 removing any of their property. Among the 
 incendiary force were some of the former resi- 
 dents of Hampton, and some of these set fire 
 to their own dwellings. Houses of secessionists 
 and Union men were alike remorselessly de- 
 stroyed, and the rankest secessionist, equally 
 with the loyal negro, was turned out of doors, 
 several aged and sick persons being among the 
 sufferers. Among the buildings destroyed was 
 the ancient village church, a land-mark of the 
 past, in which Washington had worshipped, 
 which took fire accidentally, according to the 
 rebel accounts. The reason for this destruction 
 of property, even by those who were most deep- 
 ly interested in it, was to prevent the federal 
 force from occupying the dwellings or using 
 them for the shelter of the numerous “ contra- 
 band” negroes who were collecting within the 
 Union lines. An attempt was made, in some 
 of the rebel journals, to charge this act upon 
 the federal troops; but the evidence was too 
 clear to admit a doubt of the authors of the 
 destruction. 
 
 Having accomplished this work of vandalism, 
 General Magruder withdrew his forces to the 
 neighborhood of Bethel, where he fortified his 
 position. His force was too strong for the 
 federal troops to risk a battle in the position 
 chosen by the rebel general, though the four 
 thousand men at Newport News would have 
 been abundantly able, in their intrenched po- 
 sition, to have resisted an attack from the entire 
 force of the enemy. The rebel general, how- 
 ever, was too prudent to venture such an 
 attack ; and having destroyed a village in which 
 his own friends were most interested, he re- 
 turned to act on the defensive, and made no 
 other important demonstration. 
 
 One other affair of importance, not strictly 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 belonging to the operations in Eastern Virginia, 
 but in which Fortress Monroe was the base, 
 may be related in this connection, as the con- 
 clusion of the summer campaign. This was a 
 joint military and naval expedition to Hatteras 
 Inlet, a narrow passage through the sand bank 
 which stretches along the coast of North Caro- 
 lina like an outwork of the main shore. This 
 inlet was the rendezvous of the rebel privateers, 
 which were becoming quite numerous along 
 the coast; and by passing through the intricate 
 channel into Pamlico Sound, they were safe from 
 storms, and were protected from pursuit by the 
 shallow water, and -by two forts erected on the 
 northern side of the inlet. Information having 
 been received of the position of the forts, and 
 the strength and intentions of the rebel. forces 
 at this point, Commodore Stringham, the flag- 
 officer of the Atlantic squadron, and General 
 Butler, planiied a joint expedition, which was 
 undertaken with the approval of the govern- 
 ment, to capture the forts, with the intention 
 of destroying them and obstructing the inlet, so 
 as to render it of little value to the rebels. The 
 plan was already made, when Major-General 
 John E. Wool, a veteran officer of the army, 
 was ordered to take command of the depart- 
 ment under General Butler, and the latter was 
 assigned to the command of all the troops of 
 the department outside of the fortress. 
 The expedition consisted of the flag-ship 
 ’ Minnesota, the Wabash, the Pawnee, the Monti- 
 cello, and the Harriet Lane, war vessels, two 
 steam transports, and the steam-tug Fanny. 
 A number of surf boats were taken along, and 
 a dismasted vessel, to be sunk in the channel 
 of the inlet. The frigate Cumberland and the 
 steamer Susquehanna were expected to join 
 the expedition off the coast. The military part 
 of the expedition, under General Butler, con- 
 sisted of about nine hundred men, mostly New 
 York volunteers ; and the plan was to land this 
 force, or a part of it, two or three miles north 
 of the forts, while the ships of war should shell 
 41 
 
 321 
 
 the fortifications, and $repare the way for a 
 decisive blow by the troops. The military 
 force, however, did not play the important 
 part which was anticipated for it. 
 
 The vessels arrived off Cape Hatteras on the 
 afternoon of the 27th of August, and proceed- 
 ing towards the inlet, prepared the surf boats 
 for landing the troops the next morning. On 
 the morning of the 28th, the troops were em- 
 barked in the surf boats, and the war vessels 
 approached the forts for the purpose of cover- 
 ing the landing of the troops, which was to be 
 effected at some distance north-east of the inlet. 
 The landing of the troops, owing to the surf, 
 was effected with much difficulty; and only a 
 portion of them were safely put on shore, sev- 
 eral of the boats being stove or swamped. In 
 the mean time the war vessels approached the 
 fortifications and commenced an attack, to which 
 the rebels replied, though most of their shot 
 fell short. The shells from the ships of war 
 burst in and about the forts, and after a severe 
 bombardment, the flags of both forts were hauled 
 down. The rebel force in one of the batteries, 
 Fort Clark, evacuated it, and hastened to the 
 other fort; which movement being seen by the 
 federal troops, they advanced, and taking pos- 
 session of Fort Clark, hoisted the American 
 flag, which was greeted with enthusiastic cheers 
 by the crews of the vessels. As both flags had 
 been hauled down, it was supposed that both 
 forts were about to be surrendered; and accord- 
 ingly the vessels of lighter draft were sent into 
 the inlet, while the larger ships approached 
 as near as the shoal water would allow. But 
 the rebels were not yet disposed to surrender 
 Fort Hatteras, and within the inlet were sev- 
 eral steamers and vessels which had evidently 
 brought reénforcements, the rebels having, 
 without doubt, learned the destination of the 
 expedition when it sailed from Hampton Roads. 
 Fort Hatteras again opened fire upon the ves- 
 sels, and the Monticello, which, being of light 
 draft, was in an advanced position, was exposed 
 
322 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to some danger. Sevé@ral shot struck her, but 
 without doing material damage. The ships 
 returned the fire with effect until the approach 
 of night 4nd signs of squally weather rendered 
 it necessary for them to haul off, the smaller 
 vessels remaining where they could protect 
 the troops. 
 
 The next morning, August 29, the attack 
 was renewed with much vigor by the ships of 
 war, and for a time the rebels made no response ; 
 but they at last returned the fire without effect. 
 The battle thus continued several hours, the 
 troops awaiting the result of the bombardment, 
 and doing little except firing an occasional shot 
 from some boat howitzers which were landed 
 with them, and a six-pounder cannon that they 
 had taken near Fort Clark. At last a white 
 flag was raised over Fort Hatteras, and the 
 vessels which appeared to have brought reén- 
 forcements were seen making off from the inlet. 
 
 As soon as communication was established 
 with the shore, Captain Barron, formerly an offi- 
 cer of the United States navy, and now “ flag-offi- 
 cer” in the rebel navy, and Colonel Martin and 
 Major Andrews, commanding the rebel forces, 
 stated that they had seven hundred troops in the 
 fort and fifteen hundred more within call, and 
 they proposed that if their officers should be 
 permitted to retire with side arms and the men 
 without arms, they would surrender the forts. 
 General Butler, however, demanded an uncon- 
 ditional surrender as prisoners of war. After 
 some parleying the terms were agreed to. The 
 remainder of the federal land force was put on 
 shore, the forts were taken possession of, and 
 the rebel forces surrendered, and were taken on 
 board the vessels as prisoners. In addition to 
 the officers above named, many subordinate 
 officers were captured, and between six and 
 seven hundred rank and file. Several small 
 vessels, with cargoes of some value, were also 
 taken as prizes. 
 
 The object of the expedition, as before stated, 
 had been to destroy the fortifications and 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 obstruct the inlet; but upon examination of 
 the forts and the position, General Butler saw 
 that it would be an advantageous position to 
 hold, and that a comparatively small force would 
 be sufficient for the purpose. He accordingly, 
 upon consultation with Commodore Stringham, 
 determined to retain possession of the forts 
 until he could report to the government and 
 obtain further instructions. The forts were 
 garrisoned and strengthened, and a part of the 
 naval force remained to afford further protec- 
 tion. The other vessels, with a part of the 
 troops and the prisoners, sailed for Hampton 
 Roads and New York, and General Butler's 
 course, being laid before the government by 
 that able officer, was fully approved, and in 
 subsequent movements proved to be a great 
 advantage. 
 
 The report of Commodore Stringham gave 
 in detail the movements of the séveral vessels 
 under his command, and the operations by 
 which the victory was achieved by that branch 
 of the service. Of the report of General But- 
 ler, more comprehensive in its character, the 
 following is the most material part: — 
 
 “We left Fortress Monroe on Monday, at one 
 o’clock, P.M. The last ship of our fleet arrived 
 off Hatteras Inlet about four o’clock Tuesday 
 afternoon. Such preparations as were possible 
 for the landing were made in the evening, and 
 at daylight next morning dispositions were 
 made for an attack upon the forts by the fleet, 
 and for the landing of the troops. 
 
 “Owing to the previous prevalence of south- 
 west gales, a heavy surf was breaking on the 
 beach. Every effort was made to land the 
 troops, and after about three hundred and fif- 
 teen were landed, including fifty-five marines 
 from the fleet and the regulars, both the iron 
 boats upon which we depended were swamped 
 in the surf, and both flat-boats stove, and a brave 
 attempt made by Lieutenant Crosby, of the 
 United States army, (serving with the army as 
 post-captain at Fortress Monroe,) who had volun- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 teered to come down with the steam-tug Fanny, 
 belonging to the army, to land in a boat from 
 the war steamer Pawnee, resulted in the beach- 
 ing of the boat, so that she could not be got 
 off It was impracticable to land more troops 
 because of the rising wind and sea. Fortunate- 
 ly, a twelve-pound rifled boat gun, loaned us 
 by the flag-ship, and a twelve-pound howitzer, 
 were landed, the last slightly damaged. Our 
 landing was completely covered by the shells 
 of the Monticello and the Harriet Lane. I was 
 on board the Harriet Lane, directing the dis- 
 embarkation of the troops by means of signals, 
 and was about landing with them at the time 
 the boats were stove. 
 “We were induced to desist from further at- 
 tempts at landing troops by the rising of the 
 wind, and because, in the mean time, the fleet 
 had opened fire upon the nearest fort, which 
 was finally silenced, and its flag struck. No 
 firing had opened upon our troops from the 
 other fort, and its flag was also struck. Sup- 
 posing this to be a signal of surrender, Colonel 
 Weber advanced his troops, already landed, 
 upon the beach. The Harriet Lane, Captain 
 Faunce, by my direction, tried to cross the bar 
 to get in the smooth water of the inlet, when 
 fire was opened upon the Monticello (which 
 had proceeded in advance of us) from the other 
 fort. Several shots struck her, but without 
 causing any casualties, as I am informed. So 
 well convinced were the officers of both army 
 and navy that the forts had surrendered at 
 this time, that the Susquehanna had towed 
 the frigate Cumberland to an offing. The fire 
 was then reopened —as there was no signal 
 from either — upon both forts. In the mean 
 time, a few men from the ‘Coast Guard’ had 
 advanced up the beach with Mr. Wiegel, (who 
 was acting as volunteer aid, and whose gal- 
 lantry and services I wish to commend,) and 
 took possession of the smaller fort, which was 
 found to have been abandoned by the enemy, 
 and raised the American flag thereon. It had 
 
 323 
 
 become necessary, owing to the threatening 
 appearance of the weather, that all the ships 
 should make an offing, which was done with 
 reluctance, from necessity, thus leaving the 
 troops upon shore —a part in possession of the 
 small fort, (about seven hundred yards from 
 the larger one, ) and the rest bivouacked upon 
 the beach, near the place of landing, about two 
 miles north of the forts. Early the next morn- 
 ing the Harriet Lane ran in shore for the pur- 
 pose of covering any attack upon the troops. 
 At the same time a large steamer was observed 
 coming down the Sound, inside the land, with 
 reenforcements for the enemy; but she was 
 prevented from landing by Captain Johnson, of 
 the ‘Coast Guasd, who had placed the two 
 guns from the ship, and a six-pounder captured 
 from the enemy, in a small sand battery, and 
 opened fire upon the rebel steamer. 
 
 “ At eight o’clock the fleet opened fire again, 
 the flag-ship beiig anchored as near as the 
 water allowed, and the other ships coming 
 gallantly into action. It was evident, after a 
 few experiments, that our shot fell short. An 
 increased length of fuse was telegraphed, and 
 firing commenced with shells of fifteen seconds 
 fuse. I had sent Mr. Fiske, acting aide-de-camp, 
 on shore, for the purpose of gaining intelligence 
 of the movements of the troops and of the 
 enemy. I then went with the Fanny, for the 
 purpose of effecting a landing of the remainder 
 of the troops, when a white flag was run up 
 from the fort. I then went with the Fanny 
 over the bar into the inlet. At the same time 
 the troops, under Colonel Weber, marched up 
 the beach, and signal was made from the flag 
 ship to cease firing. As the Fanny rounded 
 in over the bar, the rebel steamer Winslow 
 went up the channel, having a large number 
 of secession troops on board, which she had 
 not landed. We threw a shot at her from the 
 Fanny, but she proved to be out of range. 
 I then -sent Lieutenant Crosby on shore to 
 demand the meaning of the white flag. The 
 
$24 
 
 boat soon returned, bringing Mr. Wiegel, with 
 the following written communication from Sam- 
 uel Barron, late captain in the United States 
 navy :— 
 ‘Memorandum. 
 ‘Fort Harrrras, August 29, 1861. 
 
 ‘Flag-officer Samuel Barron, C. 8. Navy, 
 offers to surrender Fort Hatteras, with all the 
 arms and munitions of war. The officers al- 
 lowed to go out with-side arms, and the men 
 
 without arms to retire. 
 ‘S. Barron, 
 
 ‘Commanding Naval Defence, 
 
 ‘Virguua and North Carona. 
 And also a verbal communication, stating that 
 he had in the fort six huydred and fifteen 
 men, and a thousand more within an hour’s| 
 eall, but that he was anxious to spare the 
 effusion of blood. To both the written and) 
 verbal communications I made the reply which 
 follows, and sent it by Lieutenant Crosby :— 
 
 ‘Memorandum. 
 
 ‘Benjamin F. Butler, Major-General United 
 States Army, commanding, in reply to the com- 
 munication of Samuel Barron, commanding 
 forces at Fort Hatteras, cannot admit the terms 
 proposed. The terms offered are these: Full 
 capitulation, the officers and men to be treated 
 as prisoners of war. No other terms admis- 
 sible. 
 
 ‘Commanding officers to meet on board flag- 
 ship Minnesota, to arrange details. 
 
 «August 9, 1861.’ 
 
 “After waiting three quarters of an hour, 
 Lieutenant Crosby returned, bringing with him | 
 Captain Barron, Major Andrews, and Colonel, 
 Martin, of the rebel forces, who, on being re- 
 ceived on board the tug Fanny, informed me 
 that they had accepted the terms proposed in my 
 memorandum, and had come to surrender them- 
 selves and their command as prisoners of war. 
 I informed them that, as the expedition was a 
 combined one from the army and navy, the sur- 
 render must be made on board the flag-ship to 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Flag-officer Stringham, as well as to myself. 
 We went on board the. Minnesota for that 
 purpose. ; 
 
 “1 then landed, and took a formal surrender 
 of the forts, with all the men and munitions of 
 war, inspected the troops, to see that the arn:s 
 had been properly surrendered, marched them 
 out, and embarked them on board the Adelaide, 
 and marched my own troops into the fort, and 
 raised our flag upon it, amid the cheers of our 
 men and a salute of thirteen guns, which had 
 been shotted by the enemy. The embarkation 
 of the wounded, which was conducted with 
 great care and tenderness from a temporary 
 wharf, erected for the purpose, took so long 
 that night came on, and so dark that it was im- 
 possible for the pilots to take the Adelaide over 
 the bar, thereby causmmg delay. I may men- 
 tion in this connection that the Adelaide, in car- 
 rying in the troops, at the moment that my 
 terms of capitulation were under consideration 
 by the enemy, had grounded upon the bar, but 
 by the active and judicious exertions of Com- 
 mander Stellwagen, after some delay, was got 
 off At the same time, the Harriet Lane, in 
 attempting to enter the bar, had grounded, and 
 remained fast; both were under the guns of 
 the fort. This, to me, was a moment of the 
 greatest anxiety. By these accidents, a valua- 
 ble ship of war and a transport steamer, with 
 a large portion of my troops, were within the 
 power of the enemy. I had demanded the 
 strongest terms, which he was considering. 
 He might refuse, and, seeing our disadvantage, 
 renew the action. But I determined to abate 
 not a tittle of what I believed to be due to 
 the dignity of the government; not even to 
 give an official title to the officer in command 
 of the rebels. Besides, my tug was in the in- 
 let, and at least I could carry on the engage- 
 ment with my two rifled six-pounders, well 
 supplied with Sawyer’s shell. 
 ~ “Upon taking possession of Fort Hatteras, I 
 found that it mounted ten guns, with four yet 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 unmounted, and one large ten-inch columbiad, 
 all ready for mounting. I append the official 
 muster roll of Colonel Martin, furnished by him, 
 of the officers and men captured by us. 
 
 “The position of the fort is an exceedingly 
 strong one, nearly surrounded on all sides by 
 water, and only to be approached by a marsh 
 of five hundred yards circuitously over a long 
 neck of sand, within half musket range, and 
 over a causeway a few feet only in width, and 
 which was commanded by two thirty-two pound 
 guns, loaded with grape and canister, which 
 were expended in our salute. It had a well- 
 protected magazine and bdfiAb-proof, capable of 
 sheltering some three or four hundred men. 
 The parapet was nearly of octagon form, en- 
 closing about two thirds of an acre of ground, 
 well covered, with sufficient traverses, and ram- 
 
 parts, and parapets, upon which our shells had. 
 
 made but little impression. 
 
 “The larger work, nearest this inlet, was 
 known as Fort Hatteras. Fort Clark, which 
 was about seven hundred yards northerly, is a 
 square redoubt, mounting five guns and two 
 six-pounders. The enemy had spiked these 
 guns, but in a very inefficient manner, upon 
 abandoning the fort the day before. I had all 
 the troops on shore at the time of the surren- 
 der of the forts, but reémbarked the regulars 
 and marines. Finding it impossible to remain, 
 without a delay of the fleet which could not 
 be justified under the state of facts at For- 
 tress Monroe, and owing to the threatening 
 appearance of the weather, I disembarked the 
 provisions, making, witle the provisions cap- 
 tured, about five days’ rations for the use of 
 the troops. 
 
 “On consultation with Flag-officer Stringham 
 and Commander Stellwagen, I determined to 
 leave the troops and hold the fort, because of 
 
 ‘ment. 
 
 325 
 
 the strength of the fortifications and its impor- 
 tance, and because, if again in the possession of 
 the enemy, with a sufficient armament, of the 
 very great difficulty of its capture, until I could 
 get some further instructions from the govern- 
 Commodore Stringham directed the 
 steamers Monticello and Pawnee to remain in- 
 side, and these, with the men in the forts, are 
 sufficient to hold the position against any force 
 which is likely, or indeed possible, to be sent 
 against it. The importance of the point can- 
 not be overrated. When the channel is buoyed 
 out, any vessel may carry fifteen feet water 
 over it with ease. Once inside, there is a safe 
 harbor and anchorage in all weathers. From 
 there the whole coast of Virginia and North 
 Carolina, from Norfolk to Cape Lookout, is 
 within our reach, by light draft vessels, which 
 cannot possibly live at sea during the winter 
 months. From it offensive operations may be 
 made upon the whole coast of North Carolina 
 to Bogue Inlet, extending many miles inland 
 to Washington, Newbern, and Beaufort. In the 
 language of the chief engineer of the rebels, 
 Colonel Thompson, in an official report, ‘it is 
 the key of the Albemarle’ In my judgment it 
 is a station second in importance only to For- 
 tress Monroe on this coast. As a depot for 
 coaling and supplies for the blockading squad- 
 ron, it isinvaluable. Asa harbor for our coast- 
 ing trade, or inlet from the winter storm, or 
 from pirates, it is of the first importance. By 
 holding it, Hatteras ight may again send forth 
 its cheering ray to the storm-beaten mariner, 
 of which the worse than vandalism of the rebels 
 deprives him. It has but one drawback —a 
 want of good water; but that a condenser, 
 like the one now in operation at Fortress Mon- 
 roe, at a cost of a few hundred dollars, will 
 relieve.” 
 
826 
 
 CHAPTER XLIV. 
 
 The Rebel Government.— The permanent Constitution of the 
 Confederate States. — The Cabinet.— Message of Jefferson 
 Davis. — Measures adopted by the Rebel Congress. — Thanks- 
 giving for the “ Victory at Manassas.”— Financial Schemes. 
 — Adoption of Doctrines of International Law. — Commis- 
 sioners to European Courts. — Admission of Missouri to the 
 Confederacy. — Secret Sessions. — Codperation of State Gov- 
 ernments and People. — Slavery the Strength of the Rebel- 
 lion. — Gigantic Proportions of the Rebellion. — Effect of the 
 Battle of Bull Run. 
 
 At this point we may leave the movements 
 of the military forces to glance at the position 
 of the rebel government and the seceded states, 
 
 “which assumed the character of nationality 
 under the name of “Confederate States of 
 America.” The permanent constitution had 
 early taken the place of the provisional constitu- 
 tion, and the provisional government assumed 
 the powers of the permanent government, with- 
 out change of men. The permanent constitution 
 was ratified, eventually, by eleven states, in but 
 one case being submitted to the vote of the peo- 
 ple, but being adopted by the state conventions 
 or legislatures, which bodies assumed all the 
 powers that were necessary to carry out the pur- 
 poses of the secessionists. In all these states, 
 except in the eastern part of Tennessee, all 
 opposition to secession had been abandoned, 
 the tyranny of the slave power crushing out 
 all sentiments of loyalty to the Union, or all 
 expression of such sentiments. In Eastern 
 Tennessee the Union men were too numerous 
 and too strong to be at once overwhelmed, and 
 were subjected to the most violent persecution. 
 Whatever of loyalty was felt in other states 
 was suppressed through prudence, or was per- 
 verted to secession by the specious arguments 
 of the leading rebels and the march of events. 
 
 The seat of government was changed from 
 Montgomery, Alabama, to Richmond, Virginia. 
 Here the rebel government assumed still more 
 audaciously the rights of nationality, and put 
 forth energies worthy of a better cause to sus- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 tain itself and to overthrow the national gov- 
 ernment, while it published to the world the 
 grossest falsehoods and misrepresentations to 
 justify itself, and to throw opprobrium upon 
 the national administration. The cabinet of 
 Jefferson Davis was constituted as follows: 
 Secretary of State, Robert Toombs, of Georgia ; 
 Secretary of the Treasury, C. L. Memminger, of 
 South Carolina; Secretary of War, L. P. Walker, 
 of Alabama; Secretary of the Navy, Stephen 
 R. Mallory, of Florida; Postmaster, John H. 
 Reagan, of Texas; Attorney-General, Judah P. 
 Benjamin, of Louisiana.* 
 
 The rebel Congr@&s assembled at Richmond 
 on the 20th of July, and the message of Jeffer- 
 son Davis was transmitted to them on that day. 
 That document, which, in some degree, shows 
 the assumptions of the rebel government, and 
 exhibits the misrepresentations to which it re- 
 sorted to justify itself before the world, was as 
 follows : — 
 
 ‘sGENTLEMEN OF THE CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES 
 or AMERICA: — 
 
 “ My message addressed to you at the com- 
 mencement of the last session contained such 
 full information of the state of the Confederacy 
 as to render it unnecessary that I should now 
 do more than call your attention to such im- 
 portant facts as have occurred during the re- 
 cess, and the matters connected with the public 
 defence. 
 
 “J have again to congratulate you on the 
 accession of new members to our Confederation 
 of free and equally sovereign states. Our loved 
 and honored brethret' of North Carolina and 
 Tennessee have consummated the action fore- 
 seen and provided for at your last session, and 
 I have had the gratification of announcing, by 
 proclamation, in conformity with law, that these 
 states were admitted into the Confederacy. 
 The people of Virginia, also, by a majority 
 previously unknown in our history, have rati- 
 
 * Several changes occurred in this cabinet at an early period. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 fied the action of her convention uniting her 
 fortunes with ours. The states of Arkansas, 
 North Carolina, and Virginia have likewise 
 adopted the permanent constitution of the 
 Confederate States, and no doubt is entertained 
 of its adoption by Tennessee, at the election 
 to be held early in next month. 
 
 “J deemed it advisable to direct the removal 
 of the several executive departments, with their 
 archives, to this city, to which you have re- 
 moved the seat of government. Immediately 
 after your adjournment, the aggressive move- 
 ments of the enemy required prompt, energetic 
 action. The accumulation of his forces on the 
 Potomac sufficiently demonstrated that his 
 efforts were to be directed against Virginia; 
 and from no point could necessary measures for 
 her defence and protection be sa effectively de- 
 cided as from her own capital. The rapid prog- 
 ress of events, for the last few weeks, has fully 
 sufficed to lift the veil, behind which the true 
 policy and purposes of the government of the 
 United States had been previously concealed. 
 Their odious features now stand fully revealed. 
 The message of their President, and the action 
 of their Congress during the present month, 
 confess their intention of the subjugation of 
 these states by a war, by which it is impossible 
 to attain the proposed result, while its dire 
 calamities, not to be avoided by us, will fall with 
 double severity on themselves. 
 
 “Commencing in March last with the affec- 
 tation of ignoring the secession of seven states, 
 which first organized this government; perse- 
 vering in April in the idle and absurd assumption 
 of the existence of a riot, which was to be dis- 
 persed by a posse conutatus ; continuing in suc- 
 cessive months the false representation that 
 these states intended an offensive war, in spite 
 of conclusive evidence to the contrary, fur- 
 nished as well by official action as by the very 
 basis on which this government is constituted, 
 —the President of the United States and his 
 advisers succeeded in deceiving the people of 
 
 327 
 
 those states into the belief that the purpose of 
 this government was not peace at home, but 
 conquest abroad; not defence of its own liber- 
 ties, but ee i of those of the people of 
 the United States. The series of manceuvres 
 by which this. impression was created, the art 
 with which they were devised, and the perfidy 
 with which they were executed, were already 
 known to you; but you could scarcely have sup- 
 posed that they would be openly avowed, and 
 their success made the subject of boast and 
 selflaudation in an executive message. Fortu- 
 nately for truth and history, however, the 
 President’ of the United States details, with 
 minuteness, the attempt to reénforce Fort Pick- 
 ens, in ,violation of an armistice of which he 
 confessed to have been informed, but only by 
 rumors, too vague and uncertain to fix the at- 
 tention of the hostile expedition despatched to 
 supply Fort Sumter, admitted to have been 
 undertaken with the knowledge that its success 
 was impossible. The sending of a notice to the 
 governor of South Carolina of his intention to 
 use force to accomplish his object, and then 
 quoting from his inaugural address the assur- 
 ance that ‘there could be no conflict ‘unless 
 these states were the aggressors, he proceeds 
 to declare his conduct, as just related by him- 
 self, was the performance of a promise, so free 
 from the power of ingenious sophistry as that 
 the world should not be able to misunderstand 
 it; and in defiance of his own statement that 
 he gave notice of the approach of a hostile 
 fleet, he charges these states with becoming 
 the assailants of the United States, without a 
 gun in sight, or in expectancy, to return their 
 fire, save only a few in the fort. He is, indeed, 
 fully justified in saying that the case is so free 
 from the power of ingenious sophistry that the 
 world will not be able to misunderstand it. Un- 
 der cover of this unfounded pretence, that the 
 Confederate States are the assailants, that high 
 functionary, after expressing his concern that 
 some foreign nations had so shaped their action 
 
328 
 
 as if they supposed the early destruction of the 
 national Union probable, abandons all further 
 disguise, and proposes to make this contest a) 
 short and decisive one, by placing at the con- 
 trol of the government for the work at least 
 four hundred thousand men, and four hundred 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 millions of dollars. The Congress, concurring | 
 in the doubt thus intimated as to the sufficiency 
 of the force demanded, has increased it to half 
 a million of men, | 
 
 “These enormous preparations in men and 
 money, for the conduct of the war, on a scale 
 more grand than any which the new world ever 
 witnessed, is a distinct avowal, in the eyes of | 
 civilized man, that the United States are en-| 
 gaged in a conflict with a great and powerful 
 nation. They are at last compelled to abandon | 
 the pretence of being engaged in dispersing 
 rioters and suppressing insurrections, and are. 
 driven to the acknowledgment that the ancient 
 Union has been dissolved. They recognize the 
 separate existence of these Confederate States, 
 by an interdictive embargo and blockade of all 
 commerce between them and the United States, | 
 not only by sea, but by land; not only in ships, | 
 but in cars; not only with those who bear arms, 
 but with the entite population of the Confed- 
 erate States. Finally, they have repudiated 
 the foolish conceit that the inhabitants of this 
 Confederacy are still citizens of the United 
 States; for they are waging an indiscriminate 
 war upon them all, with savage ferocity, un- 
 known in modern civilization. 
 
 “In this war, rapine is the rule; private 
 houses, in beautiful rural retreats, are bom- 
 barded and burned; grain crops in the field are 
 consumed by the torch, and, when the torch is 
 not convenient, careful labor is bestowed to ren- 
 der complete the destruction of every article of 
 use or ornament remaining in private dwellings 
 after their inhabitants have fled from the out- 
 rages of brute soldiery. In 1781, Great Britain, 
 when invading the revolted colonies, took pos- 
 session of every district and county near For- 
 
 STATES. 
 
 | tress Monroe, now occupied by the troops of 
 the United States. The houses then inhabited 
 by the people, after being respected and pro- 
 tected by avowed invaders, are now pillaged 
 and destroyed by men who pretend that Vir- 
 ginians are their fellow-citizens. Mankind will 
 shudder at the tales of the outrages committed 
 on defenceless families by soldiers of the United 
 States, now invading our homes; yet these 
 outrages are prompted by inflamed passions 
 and the madness of intoxication. But who 
 shall depict the horror they entertain for the 
 cool and deliberate malignancy which, under 
 the pretext of suppressing insurrection, (said 
 by themselves to be upheld by a minority only 
 of our people,) makes special war on the sick, 
 including children and women, by carefully de- 
 vised measures to prevent them from obtaining 
 the medicines necessary for their cure. The 
 sacred claims of humanity, respected even dur- 
 ing the fury of actual battle, by careful diver- 
 sion of attack from hospitals containing wound- 
 ed enemies, are outraged in cold blood by a 
 government and people that pretend to desire 
 a continuance of fraternal connections. All 
 
 '| these outrages must remain unayenged, by the 
 
 universal reprehension of mankind. In all 
 cases where the actual perpetrators of the 
 
 | wrongs escape capture, they admit of no retalia- 
 
 tion. The humanity of our people would shrink 
 instinctively from the bare idea of urging a 
 like war upon the sick, the women, and the 
 children of an enemy. But there are other 
 savage practices which have been resorted to 
 by the government of the United States, which 
 do admit of repression by retaliation, and I have 
 been driven to the necessity of enforcing the 
 repression. ‘The prisoners of war taken by the 
 enemy on board the armed schooner Savannah, 
 sailing under our commission, were, as I was 
 credibly advised, treated like common felons, 
 put in irons, confined in a jail usually appro- 
 
 priated to criminals of the worst dye, and 
 threatened with punishment as such. I had 
 
 e 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 made application for the exchange of these 
 prisoners to the commanding officer of the ene- 
 my’s squadron off Charleston, but that offi- 
 cer had already sent the prisoners to New 
 York when application was made. I therefore 
 deemed it my duty to renew the proposal for 
 the exchange to the constitutional commander- 
 in-chief of the army and navy of the United 
 States, — the only officer having control of the 
 prisoners. To this end, I despatched an officer 
 to him under a flag of truce, and, in making the 
 proposal, I informed President Lincoln of my 
 resolute purpose to check all barbarities on 
 prisoners of war by such severity of retalia- 
 tion on prisoners held by us as should secure 
 the abandonment of the practice. This com- 
 munication was received and read by an officer 
 in command of the United States forces, and a 
 message was brought from him by the bearer 
 of my communication, that a reply would be 
 returned by President Lincoln as soon as pos- 
 sible. I earnestly hope this promised reply 
 (which has not yet been received) will convey 
 the assurance that prisoners of war will be 
 treated, in this unhappy contest, with that re- 
 gard for humanity which has made such con- 
 spicuous progress in the conduct of modern 
 warfare. As measures of precaution, however, 
 and until this promised reply is received, I still 
 retain m close custody some officers captured 
 from the enemy, whom it had been my pleas- 
 ure previously to set at large on parole, and 
 whose fate must necessarily depend on that of 
 prisoners held by the enemy. J append a copy 
 of my communication to the President and com- 
 mander-in-chief of the army and navy of the 
 United States, and of the report of the officer 
 charged to deliver my communication. There 
 are some other passages in the remarkable 
 paper to which I have directed your attention, 
 having reference to the peculiar relations which 
 exist between this government and the states 
 usually termed Border Slave States, which can- 
 not properly be withheld from notice. The 
 42 
 
 329 
 
 hearts of our people are animated by sentiments 
 towards the inhabitants of these states, which 
 found expression in your enactment refusing to 
 consider them enemies, or authorize hostilities 
 against them. That a very large portion of the 
 people of these states regard us as brethren; 
 that, if unrestrained by the actual presence of 
 large armid, subversion of civil authority, and 
 declaration of martial law, some of them, at 
 least, would joyfully unite with us; that they 
 are, with almost entire unanimity, opposed to 
 the prosecution of the war waged against us,— 
 are facts of which daily-recurring events fully 
 warrant the assertion that the President of the 
 United States refuses to recognize in these our 
 late sister states the right of refraining from 
 attack upon us, and justifies his refusal by the 
 assertion that the states have no other power 
 than that reserved to them in the Union by the 
 constitution. Now, one of them having ever 
 been a state of the Union, this view of the con- 
 stitutional relations between the states and the 
 general government is a fitting introduction to 
 another assertion of the message, that the Ex- 
 ecutive possesses power of suspending the writ 
 of habeas corpus, and of delegating that power 
 to military commanders at their discretion. 
 And both these propositions claim a respect 
 equal to that which is felt for the additional 
 statement of opinion in the same paper, that it 
 is proper, in order to execute the laws, that 
 some single law, made in such extreme tender- 
 ness of citizens’ liberty that practically it re- 
 lieves more of the guilty than the innocent, 
 should to a very limited extent be violated. 
 We may well rejoice that we have forever sev- 
 ered our connection with a government that 
 thus trampled on all principles of constitu- 
 tional liberty, and with a people in whose pres- 
 ence such avowals could be hazarded. 
 
 The operations in the field will be greatly ex- 
 tended by reason of the policy which heretofore 
 has been secretly entertained, and is now avowed 
 and acted on,by them. The forces hitherto raised 
 
330 
 
 provide amply for the defence of seven states 
 which originally organized in the Confederacy, 
 as is evidently the fact, since, with the excep- 
 tion of three fortified islands, whose defence 
 is efficiently aided by a preponderating naval 
 force, the enemy has been driven completely 
 out of these stations; and now, at the expira- 
 tion of five months from the fornition of the 
 government, not a single hostile foot presses 
 their soil. These forces, however, must neces- 
 sarily prove inadequate to repel invasion by the 
 half million of men now proposed by the ene- 
 my, and a corresponding increase of our forces 
 will become necessary. The recommendations 
 for the raising of this additional force will be 
 contained in the communication of the secre- 
 tary of war, to which I need scarcely invite 
 your earnest attention. : 
 
 “In my message delivered in April last, I re- 
 ferred to the promise of the abundant crops 
 with which we were cheered. The grain crops, 
 generally, have since been harvested, and the 
 yield has proven to be the most abundant ever 
 known in our history. Many believe the sup- 
 ply adequate to two years’ consumption of our 
 population. Cotton, sugar, tobacco, forming a 
 surplus of the production of our agriculture, 
 and. furnishing the basis of our commercial in- 
 terchange, present the most cheering promises 
 Providence has smiled on the 
 labor which extracts the teeming wealth of our 
 soil in all parts of our Confederacy. 
 
 “Tt is the more gratifying to be able to give 
 you this, because, in need of large and increased 
 expenditure, in support of our army, elevated 
 and purified by that sacred cause they main- 
 tain, our fellow-citizens, of every condition 
 of life, exhibit most. self-sacrificing devotion. 
 They manifest a laudable pride of upholding 
 their independence, unaided by any resources 
 other than their own, and the immense wealth 
 which a fertilizing and genial climate has accu- 
 mulated in this Confederacy of agriculturists, 
 could not be more strongly displayed than in 
 
 ever known. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the large revenues which, with eagerness, they 
 have contributed at the call of their country. 
 In the single article of cotton, the subscriptions 
 to the loan proposed by the government can- 
 not fall short of fifty millions of dollars, and 
 will probably exceed that sum; and scarcely 
 an article required for the consumption of our 
 army is provided otherwise than by subscrip- 
 tion to the produce loan, so happily devised by 
 your wisdom. ‘The secretary of the treasury, 
 in his report submitted to you, will give you 
 the amplest details connected with that branch 
 of the public service ; but it is not alone in their 
 prompt pecuniary contributions that the noble 
 race of freemen who inhabit these states evi- 
 dence how worthy they are of those liberties 
 which they so well know how to defend. In 
 numbers far exceeding those authorized by 
 your laws, they have pressed the tender of 
 their services against the enemy. Their atti- 
 tude of calm and sublime devotion to their 
 country; the cool and confident courage with. 
 which they are already preparing to meet 
 the invasion, whatever proportions it may as- 
 sume; the assurance that their sacrifices and 
 their services will be renewed from year to 
 year with unfailing purpose, until they have 
 made good to the uttermost their rights to self 
 government ; the generous and almost unequiv- 
 ocal confidence which they display in their 
 government during the pending struggle,—all 
 combine to present a spectacle such as the 
 world has rarely, if ever, seen. To speak of 
 subjugating such a people,so united and deter- 
 mined, is to speak in a language incomprehen- 
 sible to them; to resist attack on their rights 
 or their liberties is with them an instinct. 
 Whether this war shall last one, or three, or 
 five years, is a problem they leave to be solved 
 by the enemy alone. It will last till the enemy 
 shall have withdrawn from their borders; till 
 their political rights, their altars, and their 
 homes are freed from invasion. Then, and 
 then only, will they rest from this struggle, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to enjoy, in peace, the blessings which, with 
 the favor of Providence, they have secured by 
 the aid ‘Sf their own strong hearts and steady 
 erme, “ JEFFERSON Davis.” 
 
 Among the acts adopted by the rebel Con- 
 gress, one of the first was for a day of thanks- 
 giving for “the victory at Manassas,” which was 
 expressed in the following language : — 
 
 “ Resolved, That we recognize the hand of the 
 Most High God, the King of kings and the Lord 
 of lords, in the glorious victory with which he 
 hath crowned our army at Manassas; and that 
 the people of the Confederate States are invited, 
 by appropriate services on the ensuing Sabbath, 
 to offer up their united thanksgiving and praise 
 for this mighty deliverance. 
 
 “Resolved, That,deeply deploring the necessity 
 which has washed the soil of our country with 
 the blood of so many of her noblest sons, we 
 offer to their respective families and friends our 
 warmest and most cordial sympathy, assuring 
 them that the sacrifice made will be consecrat- 
 ed in the hearts of our people, and will there 
 enshrine the names of the gallant dead as 
 the champions of free and constitutional lib- 
 erty.” 
 
 Measures were taken to strengthen the rebel 
 armies, and to provide ways and means for 
 meeting the great expenditures incurred by 
 carrying on the war. For the latter purpose 
 the government issued a large amount of treas- 
 ury notes; and a favorite measure was the 
 pledge or contribution of cotton, to be stored 
 by the government, and shipped, as occasion 
 offered, to Europe, or retained till such time as 
 the blockade should be raised, and then sold in 
 the depleted markets of England and France. 
 In the way of loans of money the rebel gov-| 
 ernment had met with little success, and the 
 expedient of contributing cotton had been re- 
 sorted to in order to meet the deficiencies which 
 were already becoming alarming in the rebel ex- 
 
 chequer. This measure, though perhaps more 
 
 | 
 
 ‘sovereign power. 
 
 331 
 
 successful than the ordinary loan, was hardly 
 so much so as had been anticipated; while the 
 impossibility of converting the cotton to any 
 considerable extent, so long as the blockade 
 continued, made it of little practical use to the 
 government, except so far as it was the basis 
 on which to issue “ Confederate notes.” 
 
 The Congress, assuming to represent a nation 
 among the nations, adopted the doctrines of 
 international law proposed by the Paris congress 
 of 1856, except that relating to privateering, 
 a system upon which they relied to damage 
 the northern states. Upon the same assumption 
 Mr. Davis was authorized to appoint. commis- 
 sioners to courts in Europe, with more exten- 
 sive powers than those already there possessed, 
 who should attempt to secure the recognition of 
 the Confederacy, and should represent it as a 
 
 Measures of extraordinary 
 severity against alien enemies and those who 
 should indicate any sympathy for the Union 
 cause were adopted, thus encouraging the per- 
 secutions with which the Unionists were pur- ° 
 sued, and crushing out all show of opposition 
 to secession and rebellion. An act was passed 
 admitting Missouri to the Confederacy, recog- 
 nizing the fugitive Governor Jackson and his 
 compeers as the government of that state, and 
 providing for the “protection” of the citizens 
 of the state against “invasion” by the United 
 States. 
 
 The sessions of the Richmond Congress were 
 often secret, by which means they kept from the 
 knowledge of the north some of their most im- 
 
 | portant measures, and deprived the federal gov- 
 
 ernment of advantages which they themselves 
 enjoyed by the open sessions and immediate pub- 
 lication of the action of the Congress of the Unit- 
 ed States. This secrecy, however, was not always 
 
 agreeable to the people of the south, .and loud 
 ‘protests were occasionally uttered by some of 
 
 the southern papers against it. But the ruling 
 ‘spirits understood the methods by which their 
 
 || purposes were best to be obtained; and though 
 
332 
 
 the rule of close sessions was somewhat re- 
 laxed, they did not hesitate to adhere to it 
 whenever they considered it desirable. 
 
 The governments of the. several states co- 
 operated with the Confederate government 
 in vigorous measures to increase the armies, 
 strengthen fortifications, and otherwise to aid 
 the rebel cause and injure the Union. The 
 manufacture of arms and ordnance stores was 
 encouraged as much as possible, though with- 
 
 ont affording any adequate supply. For the 
 
 most part the rebel authorities depended upon 
 the importation of these articles from Hurope, 
 which was effected by not infrequent evasions 
 of the blockade, and by transportation over the 
 Mexican boundary into Texas. The people 
 appeared almost unanimously the ardent sup- 
 porters of the rebellion, and submitted with 
 apparent cheerfulness to many inconveniences 
 and wants which they already experienced. 
 Soldiers were not wanting, and while the able- 
 bodied whites freely joined the army, the cul- 
 - tivation of the soil continued undiminished. 
 The system of slavery was the strength of the 
 rebellion, for the army of blacks on the planta- 
 tions were maintaining the army of soldiers in 
 their campaigns, and were also performing the 
 severer labors of the camp and fortifications. 
 Servile insurrections were scarcely feared, and 
 the escape of slaves along the lines occupied 
 by the federal forces was, as yet, a matter of 
 little account. 
 
 Thus had the rebellion assumed gigantic 
 proportions, and the seceded states presented a 
 compact and strong confederacy, ruled by men 
 bold, unscrupulous, defiant. The result of the 
 battle of Bull Run, while it opened the eyes of 
 the north to the strength and determination 
 of the rebels, and in some degree to the real 
 proportions of the rebellion, also made the 
 rebels stronger and more confident of success. 
 Those who had before lacked confidence be- 
 came bold; and among the people, as well as 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 strength, and rebel generals and_ soldiers 
 
 now looked only for victory. 
 e 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 Military Movements in Missouri.— General Fremont.— Ardu- 
 ous Duties and Difficulties of his Position. — Organization of 
 Troops. — Inability to reénforce General Lyon. — Secession- 
 ists encouraged by the Retreat from Springfield. — Organiza- 
 tion of Rebel Forces. — Preparations for Movements down the 
 Mississippi, and in Missouri.— Skirmishes and Guerrilla Fight- 
 ing. — Martial Law proclaimed by General Fremont. — Discus- 
 sion of the Proclamation. —Dissatisfaction with the Clause 
 
 jp relating to Slaves. — Modification by the President. — Gen- 
 
 eral Fremont’s Explanation to the Rebels. — Movement of 
 Troops to Lexington.—Colonel Mulligan in Command. — 
 Approach of the Rebel Army. — Preparations for Defence. — 
 Attack by the Rebels. — Large Rebel Force. — Colonel Mulli- 
 gan’s Messengers for Reénforcements captured.— Advance 
 of the Rebel Lines. — Federal Troops cut off from Water. — 
 Continuation of the Fight.— Bravery of the Troops. — The 
 Home Guards disheartened. — Flag of Truce raised by them. 
 —They retreat. — Capitulation and Surrender of the Place. 
 — Losses. — Property captured by the Rebels. — Battle of 
 Blue Mills. — Lieutenant-Colonel Scott’s Force. — Rebel 
 Force. — The Attack. — The Federal Force obliged to retreat. 
 — Arrival of Colonel Smith.— Disappearance of the Rebels. 
 — Orders to Colonel Smith.— General Fremont censured 
 
 for not reénforcing Colonel Mulligan. — Reasons for not 
 sending Reénforcements earlier. — General Fremont’s De- 
 spatch. 
 
 In the history of a rebellion of such gigantie 
 proportions and spread over so wide a territory, 
 we are obliged to call the reader's attention 
 somewhat abruptly from one field of operations 
 to another, as the current events by their im- 
 portance seem to demand. We now return to 
 Missouri, and the administration of the military 
 department of the west under General Fre- 
 mont, whose appointment to that command has 
 already been mentioned. General Fremont 
 
 'was in Kurope when the rebellion broke out, 
 
 and was appointed a major-general before he 
 returned. While there he gave his influence 
 and his services in behalf of his country, by 
 enlightening public sentiment, and procuring 
 arms of which, through the treachery of Secre- 
 tary Floyd, the Union was much in need. His 
 
 the leaders, the cause gained infinitely in|} appointment was. hailed with satisfaction by 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 a large number of his personal and political 
 friends, who had the greatest confidence in his 
 ability and energy, as well as in his views of 
 the rebellion and the measures required to sup- 
 press it. They were gratified that, after some 
 delay, he was appointed to the important com- 
 mand of the western department, and antici- 
 pated some successful campaigns in that quarter, 
 under his direction. But, from his former 
 position as the candidate for the presidency, 
 supported, in 1856, by the Republican party 
 against Mr. Buchanan, there were not a few 
 who were in some measure opposed to him, by 
 the remembrance of former political associa- 
 tions. There were also some who were per- 
 
 sonally not well disposed towards him, and yet. 
 
 others who, upon a review of his career, doubted 
 his capacity for a large command. 
 
 A | 
 Under such circumstances General Fremont 
 
 entered upon his duties, surrounded by much 
 greater and more numerous difficulties than 
 the commanders of armies nearer to the seat of 
 government and more directly under the charge 
 of the general-in-chief and the war department. 
 Much of the burden of raising, organizing, and 
 supplying the troops of his department was 
 necessarily imposed upon him and his staff, 
 while at the same time the difficulties of arm- 
 ing, equipping, and supplying these troops were 
 much greater than at the east. The deficiency 
 of good arms and equipments was especially 
 felt, and caused great delays in preparing his 
 regiments for the field. Such delays, though 
 unavoidable, and diminished as much as possi- 
 ble by General Fremont’s devotion of his private 
 means and credit in aid of the government, 
 created some complaint, especially at the time 
 when General Lyon, in the face of a much 
 greater numerical force of rebels, asked for re- 
 enforeements, which he much needed. General 
 Fremont believed that he could not send for- 
 ward the required reénforcements with safety 
 to St. Louis and Eastern Missouri. His force, 
 exclusive of the home guards, was not so large 
 
 333 
 
 as had been believed, and when he was nearly 
 ready to send additional troops to the south-west, 
 the exigencies of the service at the east, after 
 the disaster at Bull.Run, caused the government 
 to order him to send east several regiments 
 which were intended for the western service. 
 Whether or not there were unnecessary delays 
 in the preparation of his troops it is difficult to 
 decide, amid the conflicting statements which 
 were put forth. General Fremont, however, 
 was not himself remiss in attention to his 
 duties, and the delays occasioned by his sub- 
 ordinates, or the extravagance of his quarter- 
 master’s department, which were subsequently 
 alleged and much discussed, were not altogether 
 chargeable upon him. 
 
 After the battle of Wilson’s Creek, in which 
 
 || the brave General Lyon fell, and the retreat 
 
 of the federal forces from Springfield to Rolla, 
 General Fremont increased his exertions to 
 organize and equip an army to meet the rebel 
 forces which were threatening an advance to- 
 wards the state capital, and also upon St. Louis. 
 The secessionists of Missouri, encouraged by 
 what they called the success of the rebel army 
 at Wilson’s Creek, but what was really a repulse, 
 though followed by the necessary retreat of the 
 unequal federal force, were collecting in various 
 parts of the state, forming guerrilla bands or 
 organizing to join the army of Price, under the 
 name of “state guards.” To aid in suppress- 
 
 ‘ing these rebellious demonstrations, Governor 
 
 Gamble issued a proclamation, calling for forty- 
 two thousand volunteers from the militia, to 
 serve for six months. These troops were or- 
 ganized as rapidly as they could be armed and 
 equipped, and were so disposed as to aid the 
 federal forces, but were not concentrated in any 
 large body, or placed wholly under the direction 
 of the commander of the department. 
 
 But General Fremont’s attention was not 
 confined to a campaign in Missouri. Opera- 
 tions in Kentucky and Tennessee were also 
 receiving his attention, those states, and the 
 
334 
 
 movements from Cairo as a base, being under 
 his command. Preparations were made for an 
 advance down the Mississippi, and into West- 
 ern Kentucky and Tennessee, against the rebel 
 forces which had taken up strong positions 
 there, and were threatening a movement to- 
 wards St. Louis. To organize forces for this wide 
 field of operations required great energy and 
 much time; but the preparations progressed 
 rapidly in spite of the difficulties alluded to. 
 
 While these preparations were being made, 
 skirmishes and guerrilla fights became more fre- 
 quent, and the spirit of secession, even among 
 those who had not taken up arms, was every 
 where becoming bold and dangerous. The late 
 governor, Jackson, with the secession members 
 of his legislature, assumed to be the legitimate 
 government of the state, and were preparing 
 to hold a session at Lexington, or even in Jeffer- 
 son City, if the forces under Price could take 
 that place and protect them in it. The tide of 
 rebellion, which had receded for a time, was 
 now rolling back again over the state. 
 
 In this condition of affairs, General Fremont, 
 deeming it absolutely necessary to resort to 
 the most stringent measures to suppress the re- 
 bellion, and to prevent secession sentiment from 
 culminating every where, in open resistance 
 to the federal authority, in which judgment he 
 was supported by all truly loyal men in the 
 state, issued the following proclamation : — 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS OF THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
 “Sr. Louis, Saturday, August 31. ¢ 
 
 “ Circumstances, in my judgment, of sufficient 
 urgency, render it necessary that the command- 
 ing general of this department should assume 
 the administrative powers of the state. Its 
 disorganized condition, the helplessness of the 
 civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and 
 the devastation of property by bands of mur- 
 derers and marauders, who infest nearly every 
 county in the state, and avail themselves of the 
 public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile 
 force to gratify private and neighborhood ven- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 geance, and who find an enemy wherever they 
 find plunder, finally demand the severest meas- 
 ures to repress the daily increasing crimes and 
 outrages which are driving off the inhabitants 
 and ruining the state. In this condition the 
 public safety and the success of our arms re- 
 quire unity of purpose, without let or hinder- 
 ance to the prompt administration of affairs. 
 
 “In order, therefore, to suppress disorders, to 
 maintain as far as now practicable the public 
 peace, and to give security and protection to 
 the persons and property of loyal citizens, I do 
 hereby extend and declare martial law through- 
 out the state of Missouri. The lines of the 
 army of occupation in this state are, for the 
 present, declared to extend from Leavenworth, 
 by way of the posts of Jefferson City, Rolla, 
 and junction, to Cape Girardeau, on the Mis- 
 sissippi River. 
 
 “ All persons who shall be taken with arms in 
 their hands within these lines shall be tried by 
 court martial, and, if found guilty, will be shot. 
 The property, real and personal, of all persons 
 in the State of Missouri, who shall take up 
 arms against the United States, or who shall be 
 directly proven to have taken an active part 
 with their enemies in the field, is declared to 
 be confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, 
 if any they have, are hereby declared free men. 
 All persons who shall be proven to have de- 
 stroyed, after the publication of this order, rail- 
 road tracks, bridges, or telegraphs, shall suffer 
 the extreme penalty of the law. All persons 
 engaged in treasonable correspondence, in giv- 
 ing or procuring aid to the enemies of the 
 United States, in disturbing the public tranquil- 
 lity by creating and circulating false reports, or 
 incendiary documents, are in their own interest 
 warned that they are exposing themselves. 
 
 “ All persons who have been led away from 
 their allegiance are required to return to their 
 homes forthwith: any such absence, without 
 
 sufficient cause, will be held to be presumptive 
 
 evidence against them. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “The object of this declaration is to place in 
 the hands of the military authorities the power 
 to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and 
 to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of 
 wardemand. But it is not intended to suspend 
 the ordinary tribunals of the country where the 
 law will be administered by the civil officers in 
 the usual manner and with their customary 
 authority, while the same can be peaceably 
 exercised. 
 
 “The commanding general will labor vigi- 
 lantly for the public welfare, and in his efforts 
 for their safety hopes to obtain not only the 
 acquiescence, but the active support, of the 
 people of the country. 
 
 , “J. C. Fremont, 
 “ Major-General conimanding.” 
 
 This proclamation occasioned a good deal 
 of discussion, not only in the territory where 
 martial law was declared, but throughout the 
 country, and especially in the border states and 
 in the seceded states. The loyal people of Mis- 
 sourl accepted it as a necessity, a relief from 
 evils much greater than the inconveniences and 
 restraint of martial law ; and, for the most part, 
 they approved of the stringency and complete- 
 ness with which it carried out the principles of 
 the recent legislation of Congress with regard 
 to the confiscation of the property of rebels, 
 including their slaves. But while the public 
 opinion of the loyal people most interested in 
 the matter was clearly in favor of the declara- 
 tion of martial law, and of the confiscation of 
 the property and the liberation of the slaves 
 of rebels, in Kentucky the latter measure was 
 deprecated among a portion of the Union men, 
 and was strongly denounced by those who sym- 
 pathized with the south every where. Larnest 
 representations were made to the President by 
 Mr. Holt, of Kentucky, and other citizens of 
 the border slave states, for the purpose of in- 
 ducing him to rescind or modify the order. The 
 President, in consequence of these representa- 
 
 335 
 
 tions, privately requested General Fremont to 
 modify that part of his order relating to the 
 confiscation of the property and the liberation 
 of the slaves of rebels, so that it should conform 
 more exactly with the act of Congress. Gen- 
 eral Fremont, in reply, desired that the President 
 should make an open order for such modifica- 
 tion, and accordingly, the President wrote as 
 follows : — 
 ‘““Wasuineton, D. C., September 11, 1861. 
 
 ‘““To Masor-GENERAL JouHN C. FREMONT. 
 
 “Sm: Yours of the 8th,in answer to mine of 
 the 2d instant, was just received. Assured that 
 you, upon the ground, could better judge of the 
 necessities of your position than I could at this 
 distance, on seeing your proclamation of August 
 30, I perceived no general objection to it; the 
 particular clause, however, in relation to the 
 confiscation of property and the liberation of 
 slaves appeared to me to be objectionable in its 
 non-conformity to the act of Congress, passed 
 the 6th of last August, upon the same subjects, 
 and hence I wrote you, expressing my wish 
 that that clause should be modified accordingly. 
 Your answer just received expresses the prefer- 
 ence on your part that I should make an open 
 order for the modification, which I very cheer- 
 fully do. It is therefore ordered that the said 
 clause of said proclamation be so modified, 
 held, and construed,as to conform with, and not 
 to transcend, the provisions on the same subject 
 contained in the act of Congress entitled ‘An 
 Act to confiscate property used for insurrection- 
 ary purposes, approved August 6, 1861, and 
 that said act be published at length with this 
 order. Your obedient servant, 
 
 “A. Lincoun.” 
 
 In this connection it may be observed that 
 the rebels made complaint of another portion 
 of the proclamation, and inquired of General 
 Fremont if it was his purpose to shoot wounded 
 men who might be taken prisoners. To this 
 the general replied, — 
 
336 
 
 “You have wholly misapprehended the mean- 
 ing of the proclamation. Without undertaking 
 to determine the condition of any man engaged 
 in this rebellion, I desire it to be clearly under- 
 stood that the proclamation is intended dis- 
 tinctly to recognize the usual rights of an open 
 enemy in the field, and to be in all respects 
 strictly conformable with the usages of war. It 
 is hardly necessary for me to say that it was 
 not prepared with any purpose to ignore the 
 ordinary nights of humanity with respect to 
 wounded men, or those who are humanely en- 
 gaged in alleviating their sufferings.” 
 
 Early in September the movements of the 
 rebel forces were such as to require a concen- 
 tration of the federal troops and active opera- 
 tions to defeat their purposes. There had been, 
 as already stated, frequent skirmishes between 
 detached bodies of federal troops and the rebel 
 forces in various parts of the state. Now a 
 large army was collected under General Price, 
 who threatened the capital of the state, or at 
 least to get possession of Lexington, a hundred 
 and sixty miles farther up the river, where the 
 rebel Governor Jackson and his legislature pro- 
 posed to establish themselves, and had already 
 been in session, and which place might form an 
 advantageous base of future operations. A small 
 federal force, composed chiefly of home guards, 
 was stationed at Lexingtongunder Colonel Pea- 
 
 body, which had already had a skirmish with | 
 
 a body of rebels and repulsed them. To this 
 place reénforcements were sent from Jefferson 
 City, consisting of seven hundred cavalry, fol- 
 lowed in a few days by a regiment called the 
 “Trish Brigade,” under Colonel Mulligan. These 
 reénforcements made the force at Lexington a 
 little more than twenty-six hundred men, of 
 whom Colonel Mulligan now assumed command. 
 At the same time several bodies of troops, 
 
 under General Sturgis, were ordered to march | 
 
 towards Lexington from the north-western part 
 of the state, and a body of Kansas troops, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 under General Lane, was expected to move 
 from that state towards the same point. 
 
 Some slight fortifications had been con- 
 structed at Lexington when Colonel Mulligan 
 arrived there. These he strengthened and ex- 
 tended as quickly as possible, an attack from 
 the rebel forces being imminent. The position 
 chosen for defence was about half a mile from 
 the river, between the old and new towns of 
 Lexington, which are about a mile apart. The 
 work upon the intrenchments was unremit- 
 ting, and by the 12th of September a part of 
 them were completed; but an important work 
 of defence on the west side, towards New Lex- 
 ington, was yet weak. On that day the scouts, 
 and advanced pickets who had been driven 
 in, reported the approach of the rebels in 
 force, and it was necessary to prepare at once 
 to meet the assailants. Colonel Mulligan’s ar- 
 tillery consisted of but six brass field pieces, 
 and two mortars, which were of little use, as 
 he had no shell. These he disposed of advan- 
 tageously, and meeting the advance rebel force, 
 which approached from the south, at some 
 distance from his main position, he partially 
 repulsed them with some loss. The next day, 
 however, reénforcements of the rebels began to 
 come up, and in such numbers that they were 
 gradually enabled to surround the position oc- 
 cupied by Colonel Mulligan. The entire rebel 
 force was stated to be more than thirty thou- 
 sand, with thirteen pieces of artillery. Finding 
 the capture of the place attended with some 
 difficulty, notwithstanding their numbers, they 
 collected large quantities of hemp, in bales, 
 with which they formed breastworks, and ad- 
 vanced gradually under their protection, as in 
 a regular siege, and were thus enabled to bring 
 their guns to bear upon the weakest portion 
 of the federal defences. These operations of the 
 enemy were resisted by the federal forces as 
 well as their small numbers would admit, by 
 
 | frequent skirmishes and occasional artillery 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 * 
 
 shots. Colonel Mulligan and his men were 
 determined to hold the place as long as possi- 
 ble: in the mean time, he despatched messen- 
 gers for reénforcements, but all or a portion of 
 them were captured by the rebels. So strong 
 were the rebel forces, and so disposed, that any 
 reénforcements, unless in large numbers, would 
 probably have been captured or driven back, 
 without being able to afford any aid to the be- 
 leaguered troops. They not only held positions 
 on all sides of the federal troops on the south 
 side of the river, but they also had possession 
 of the river itself, and could prevent reénforce- 
 ments from the north, whence it was expected 
 General Sturgis would arrive. It was reported 
 that on that side of the river the rebels actu- 
 ally compelled an Iowa regiment to retreat 
 again towards St. Joseph.* 
 
 The rebel forces advanced in such numbers, 
 and gained such strong positions, that the situ- 
 ation of the federal troops became desperate, 
 and grew worse from day to day. The rebels 
 threw shot and shell constantly within the fed- 
 eral lines, and among the horses and mules 
 picketed in a somewhat exposed position, kill- 
 ing many animals, and creating the danger of 
 a “stampede” of the whole number. On the 
 17th the rebel lines were so advanced that 
 Colonel Mulligan’s force was cut off from the 
 river whence they obtained their supply of 
 water. Fortunately, a heavy rain, at intervals, 
 afforded some relief, though the troops were in 
 so great want of water that they spread their 
 blankets to collect the fallmg rain, and then 
 wrung them over their camp kettles. This, 
 with a small quantity obtained during a brief 
 truce, was all that they had for more than two 
 days. From the 16th to the 21st the fighting 
 was continued almost incessantly, even the 
 
 * This report probably arose from the fact that an Iowa regi- 
 ment, under Colonel Scott, had a skirmish near Liberty, with 
 a rebel force on its. way to join anes which is mentioned in the 
 following pages. 
 
 43 
 
 337 
 
 nights bringing no cessation of the roar of ar- 
 tillery, while in the bright moonlight there were 
 frequent sorties and skirmishes outside the 
 works. Owing to the protection of the in- 
 trenchments and breastworks, however, the loss 
 of life on either side was not great. Through 
 all this time the federal troops, though worn 
 down with fatigue, evinced great bravery, and 
 a determination to hold out to the last, in the 
 hope that reénforcements might come to their 
 relief. The home guards, however, who were 
 not so well disciplined, or inured to hardship, 
 as some of the other troops, at last became dis- 
 heartened, and on the 21st raised a white flag 
 upon an outwork which they were defending, 
 and where they were exposed to a severe fire. 
 Colonel Mulligan immediately sent a detach- 
 ment to take down the flag, and a desperate 
 but unsuccessful charge was immediately after 
 made upon the nearest rebel battery. The 
 home guards then retired from their position to 
 the inner line of intrenchments, and refused to 
 fight longer. A white flag was again raised, this 
 time from the centre of the fortifications, and the 
 fire of the enemy soon slackened and ceased. 
 In this state of affairs Colonel Mulligan called 
 a council of his officers, when it was decided to 
 capitulate. Officers were despatched to meet 
 those sent forward by General Price, and a sur- 
 render, as prisoners of war, was agreed upon; 
 it being decided that the officers should be held, 
 and the rank and file, after laying down their - 
 arms, should be permitted to march north, to a 
 point on the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad. 
 It was with much regret and dissatisfaction that 
 Colonel Mulligan, and most of his officers and 
 men, yielded to the necessity of a surrender ; 
 but to attempt to hold out longer, with his men 
 exhausted by constant duty, and suffering for 
 want of water,—a want more terrible to the 
 weary men than the full ranks of the enemy, — 
 and with an overwhelming force to contend 
 against, would have resulted only in greater suf 
 
338 
 
 fering and loss of life without any advantage. 
 The terms of capitulation were carried out, and 
 the rebel forces took possession of the town and 
 the federal position, manifesting their joy at 
 their not very glorious victory by disorderly 
 carousals, in which some of the federal troops 
 were outraged in a cowardly manner. 
 
 The loss on either side was small, consider- 
 ing the length of the contest, which was owing 
 to the protection which each side had, the one 
 from their intrenchments, and the other from 
 the bales of hemp, which they moved before 
 ‘them in their advance. The federal loss was 
 stated to be about three hundred killed and 
 wounded. It was believed by the federal troops 
 that the loss of the enemy was much greater; 
 but General Price, in his report to Governor 
 Jackson, states the rebel loss as twenty-five 
 killed and seventy-five wounded. 
 
 The surrender of Colonel Mulligan’s force, 
 and the possession of Lexington, were great 
 advantages to the rebels. Besides the prison- 
 ers and arms captured, they obtained a consid- 
 erable amount of commissary stores, and many 
 horses and wagons. A still more valuable prize 
 was nearly a million of dollars in specie, which 
 Colonel Mulligan had taken from the bank, and 
 concealed, for safe keeping. In his official re- 
 port, Price charged the federal officer with 
 robbing the bank, and claimed that he had 
 -caused it to be restored; but it was subse- 
 quently asserted that the money was taken 
 away when the rebels left the place. Another 
 prize was the great seal of the state, which had 
 been carried away from the capital by the 
 disloyal secretary, and left at this place for 
 further use. 
 
 While the unequal contest at Lexington was 
 proceeding, a less important affair occurred at 
 Blue Mills, near Liberty, a town farther up the 
 Missouri, and near the western boundary of 
 . the state. A part of the third Iowa regiment, 
 with a smal! number of home guards and a 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 few artillerists with one cannon, numbering in 
 all five hundred and seventy men, under the 
 command of Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, were pro- 
 ceeding from Cameron, in the northern part of 
 the state, to codperate with a similar force, under 
 Colonel Smith, which moved from St. Joseph, 
 in the pursuit of a rebel force of about forty- 
 five hundred men, which was marching from St. 
 Joseph towards Lexington. Colonel Scott came 
 up with the rebel force on the 17th, before he 
 had effected a junction with Colonel Smith, to 
 whom he had twice despatched messengers, in- 
 forming him of his progress. After waiting a 
 short time for some tidings of the latter’s ap- 
 proach, Colonel Scott concluded to advance 
 upon the enemy; and again sending word to 
 Colonel Smith, he moved forward. His advance 
 soon came upon the pickets of the rebels, who 
 had turned back to attack the pursuers with 
 their superior numbers, before a junction 
 could be formed. The skirmish of pickets soon 
 grew into a more serious conflict. The rebels 
 attacked with a confidence of success, and Col- 
 onel Scott’s artillerists were soon shot or scat- 
 tered, so that the single piece of artillery was 
 useless, and came near falling into the hands 
 of the rebels. The infantry, however, bravely 
 resisted the attack, though they were soon 
 
 jobliged to fall back towards Liberty. They 
 
 retreated so slowly that the enemy, fearing re- 
 enforcements, did not follow up their advantage. 
 Colonel Smith’s force reached Liberty the same 
 night, and the next morning it was proposed 
 to attack the rebels; but it was found that they 
 had left their position in the night, and had 
 crossed the river. It was this engagement 
 which probably gave rise to the report that an 
 Towa regiment, on its way to reénforce Colonel 
 Mulligan at Lexington, had been turned back 
 by a part of Price’s force. Colonel Scott’s force, 
 however, was not marching to the relief of 
 Lexington, though it appeared that a messen- 
 ger had been despatched from St. Joseph, with 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 orders to Colonel Smith to proceed with the 
 united forces to Lexington. The messenger 
 did not reach Colonel Smith, and he, therefore, 
 did not continue his march beyond the point 
 where Colonel Scott had met the enemy. 
 
 General Fremont was severely blamed by 
 many for not promptly reénforcing Colonel Mul- 
 ligan with sufficient forces to defeat the army 
 of Price. It appears, however, that orders for 
 such reénforcement had been sent to some of 
 those forces the position of which would prob- 
 ably enable them to reach Lexington most 
 readily. Whether there were other available 
 troops in considerable numbers, which could 
 safely be sent to reénforce Colonel Mulligan, is 
 a disputed question. It will be remembered, 
 however, that in consequence of the guerrilla 
 warfare which the rebels were carrying on in 
 Missouri, the federal troops were scattered in 
 small bodies over a great extent of territory, 
 while, on the other hand, the strong forces, per- 
 haps more formidable than the army of Price, 
 which were threatening an invasion from the 
 south, rendered it prudent not to weaken too 
 much the federal forces in the eastern and 
 south-eastern part of the state. 
 
 But it was also stated that Colonel Mulligan 
 was sent to Lexington to protect the bank and 
 the loyal citizens there, who were subjected to 
 the outrages of the secessionists, and to keep 
 the state government of the rebels from assem- 
 bling, and that it was not imtended that he 
 should undertake to hold the place against a 
 large force; but upon the sudden approach of 
 Price’s army, he was induced by the loyal citi- 
 zens to remain for their protection. Under 
 such circumstances the necessity of reénforce- 
 ments could not be seen until too late to move 
 them a great distance. The following despatch 
 from General Fremont, announcing the result 
 of the attack on Lexington, indicates that the 
 reénforcements were ordered, but did not reach 
 the place in season to afford relief: — 
 
 339 
 
 ‘¢ Heapa@uarTEeRs WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
 ‘¢ Sr. Louis, September 23, 1861. 
 
 ‘To Cotonet E. D. Townsenp, ADJUTANT-GENERAL. 
 
 “T have a telegram from Brookfield that 
 Lexington has fallen into -Price’s hands, he 
 having cut off Colonel Mulligan’s supply of 
 water. Reénforcements, four thousand strong, 
 under Sturgis, by capture of the ferry boats, 
 had no means of crossing the river in time. 
 Lane’s force from the southward and Davis’s 
 from the south-east, — upwards of eleven 
 thousand men in all,—could not get there in 
 time. Iam taking the field myself, and hope. 
 to destroy the enemy either before or after 
 the junction of the forees under McCulloch. 
 Please notify the President immediately. 
 
 “J. CO. Fremonr.” 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. 
 
 Campaign of General Fremont in South-western Missouri. — 
 Change of original Plans. — Concentration of the Army. — 
 Advance towards Springfield. — Cavalry Reconnoissance. — 
 Major Zagonyi.— Attack on the Rebels at Springfield. — 
 Brilliant Cavalry Charge. — Rout of the Rebels. — Movement 
 of the Army to Springfield. — Price at Neosho. — Prepara- 
 tions for a Battle. —General Fremont relieved of Command. 
 — Reasons for the Change. — Feeling in the Army. — Arri- 
 val of General Hunter, and Command assigned to him. — The 
 Plan of the Campaign not carried out.— The Army separated 
 and withdrawn. — Review of General Fremont’s Command 
 in the West. 
 
 GENERAL Fremont, after nearly completing the 
 organization of the army of the western depart- 
 ment, and preparing an expedition down the 
 Mississippi, which, in consequence of the prep- 
 arations of the rebels, was deemed important, 
 left St. Louis on the 27th of September, to as- 
 sume command of the army then being con- 
 centrated to operate against Price, in Western, 
 and McCulloch in South-western Missouri. The 
 sudden appearance of Price, with his large body 
 of “state troops,” had compelled General Fre- 
 mont to change his plans, which appear to have 
 been to lead the expedition down the Missis- . 
 
 sippl.. Butit was necessary, before undertaking 
 
‘340 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the latter movement, to check the progress of 
 Price, and to render the state safe from inva- 
 sion by McCulloch. After remaining near Jef 
 ferson City for some time, in order to concentrate 
 his army, General Fremont moved west in pur- 
 suit of Price, who was already marching to the 
 south-west, apparently for the purpose of form- 
 ing a junction with the forces of McCulloch. 
 His army was composed of five divisions, under 
 Generals Hunter, Pope, Sigel, McKinstry,and As- 
 both, and numbered about thirty thousand men, 
 including five thousand cavalry, with eighty-six 
 ‘ pieces of excellent artillery. In addition to this 
 force, Generals Sturgis and Lane were advan- 
 cing from Kansas to join General Fremont at 
 some point on the Osage, and a force then sta- 
 tioned at Rolla was to meet him near the same 
 river. Lack of transportation and forage de- 
 layed the movement of the army; but about 
 the middle of September the march was com- 
 menced, the several divisions moving by dif 
 ferent routes towards the Osage. The rising 
 waters rendered the fording of this river unsafe, 
 and as there were no sufficient ferry boats to 
 transport the army and trains quickly, there 
 was a delay of several days for the construction 
 of a bridge. This being completed, the army 
 crossed the Osage and marched towards Spring- 
 
 field, near which it was anticipated that Price | 
 
 and McCulloch would unite their forces, and 
 thus form an army of forty thousand men. 
 When about thirty miles from Springfield, a 
 small body of cavalry, under Major White, was 
 sent forward to make a reconnoissance in the 
 direction of that town. Subsequently, a de- 
 tachment of one hundred and sixty of the 
 squadron of cavalry which acted as a body guard 
 to General Fremont, under the command of 
 Major Zagonyi,* was sent forward, with orders 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 to join the reconnoitring party, and then for 
 the combined force, numbering about three 
 hundred men, to attack the rebel garrison, sup- 
 posed to be three or four hundred strong. 
 When within two hours’ march of the town, 
 Major Zagonyi learned that a considerable rebel 
 force, on its way to join Price’s army, had ar- 
 rived at Springfield, making the force there 
 about two thousand strong. Sending back for 
 reénforcements, Major Zagonyi, without waiting 
 for them to arrive, determined to make a 
 bold and perhaps imprudent dash into the rebel 
 camp, and, by surprising them, in their confu- 
 sion hoped to gain some slight advantage, which 
 could be followed up by the reénforcements. A 
 loyal farmer offered to conduct the small force 
 by a circuitous route to the rear of the rebel 
 position, and they accordingly made a wide 
 détour for that purpose. In the mean time, 
 Major White, the commander of the reconnoi- 
 tring party, who was sick, and had stopped ata 
 farm house to rest, rode forward with a half 
 dozen men, to join the expedition; but being 
 ignorant of the détow, proceeded by the direct 
 road towards Springfield, and was taken prison- 
 er. This circumstance, and the information of 
 their scouts, put the rebels on their guard, and 
 they were, therefore, preparing for action when 
 Major Zagonyi reached a position from which 
 he might make an attack. Of the brilliant and 
 successful charge which followed, we make ex- 
 tracts from a most graphic description, written 
 by a member of General Fremont’s staff, who 
 became acquainted with the facts upon the 
 ground. 
 
 “Making a détour of twelve miles, Zagonyi 
 approached the position of the enemy. They 
 were encamped half a mile west of Springfield, 
 upon a hill which sloped to the east. Along the 
 
 * Major Zagonyi was a*Hungarian by birth, who had been a 
 cavalry officer under General Bem, in the Hungarian struggle for 
 independence. He proposed to General Fremont to raise a 
 picked company of cavalry for his body-guard, and such was the 
 readiness to enlist in that service, that Major Zagonyi soon had 
 three fine companies, and a fourth was raised and left in St. Louis 
 
 when General Fremont took the field. Under the command of 
 their experienced and dashing commander, this body of cavalry 
 soon became admirably trained, and evinced a spirit not surpassed 
 
 by any similar force in the service. 
 
 + Major Dorsheimer, in the Atlantic Monthly. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 northern side of their camp was a broad and 
 well-travelled road; along the southern side a 
 narrow lane ran down toa brook at the foot 
 of the hill; the space between, about three 
 hundred yards broad, was the field of battle. 
 Along the west side of the field, separating it 
 from the county fair-ground, was another lane, 
 connecting. the main road and the first-men- 
 tioned lane. ‘The side of the hill was clear, but 
 its summit, which was broad and flat, was cov- 
 ered with a rank growth of small timber, so 
 dense as to be impervious to horse. , 
 “The foe was advised of the intended attack. 
 When Major White was brought into their 
 camp, they were preparing to defend their 
 position. As appears from the confessions of 
 prisoners, they had twenty-two hundred men, 
 of whom four hundred were cavalry, the rest 
 being infantry, armed with shot-guns; American 
 rifles, and revolvers. ‘Twelve hundred of their 
 foot were posted along the edge of the wood 
 upon the crest of the hill. The cavalry were 
 stationed upon the extreme left, on top of a 
 spur of the hill and in front of a patch of tim- 
 ber. Sharp-shooters were concealed behind the 
 trees close to the fence alongside the lane, and 
 a small number in some underbrush near the 
 foot of the hill, Another detachment guarded 
 their train, holding possession of the county 
 fair-cround, which was surrounded by a high 
 board-fence. : 
 “This position was unassailable by cavalry 
 from the road, the only point of attack being 
 
 down the lane on the right; and the enemy 
 
 were so disposed as to command this approach 
 perfectly. The lane was a blind one, being 
 closed, after passing the brook, by fences and 
 ploughed land; it was, in fact, a cul-de-sac. If 
 the infantry should stand, nothing could save 
 the rash assailants. There are horsemen suf- 
 ficient to sweep the little band before them, as 
 helplessly as the withered forest leaves in the 
 grasp of the autumn winds; there are deadly 
 
 341 
 
 marksmen lying behind the trees upon the 
 heights, and lurking in the long grass upon the 
 lowlands; while a long line of foot stand upon 
 the summit of the. slope, who, only stepping 
 a few paces back into the forest, may defy the 
 boldest riders. Yet, down this narrow lane, 
 leading into the very jaws of death, came the 
 three hundred. : 
 
 “They pass the fair-ground. They are at 
 the corner of the lane where the wood begins. 
 It runs close to the fence on their left for a 
 hundred yards, and beyond it they see white 
 tents gleaming. They are half way past the 
 forest, when, sharp and loud, a volley of mus- 
 ketry bursts upon the head of the column; 
 horses stagger, riders reel and fall, but the troop 
 presses forward undismayed. The farther cor- 
 ner of the wood is reached, and Zagonyi be- 
 holds the terrible array. Amazed, he involun- 
 tarily checks his horse. The rebels are not 
 surprised. There to his left they stand crown- 
 ing the height, foot and horse ready to ingulf 
 him, if he shall be rash enough to go on. The 
 road he is following declines rapidly. There is 
 but one thing to do,—run the gantlet, gain 
 the cover of the hill, and charge up the steep. 
 These thoughts pass quicker than they can be 
 told. He waves his sabre over his head, and 
 shouting, “Forward! follow me! quick trot! 
 gallop!” he dashes headlong down the stony 
 road. The first company and most of the sec- 
 ond follow. From the left a thousand muzzles 
 belch forth a hissing flood of bullets; the poor 
 fellows clutch wildly at the air and fall from 
 their saddles, and maddened horses throw them- 
 selves against the fences. Their speed is not 
 for an instant checked; farther down the hill 
 they fly, like wasps driven by the leaden storm. 
 Sharp volleys pour out of the underbrush at 
 the left, clearing wide gaps through their ranks, 
 They leap the brook, take down the fence, and 
 draw up under the shelter of the hill. Zagonyi 
 looks around him, and to his horror sees that 
 
342 
 
 only a fourth of his men are with him. He 
 cries, ‘They do not come, —we are lost!’ and 
 frantically waves his sabre. 
 
 “ He has not long to wait. The delay of the 
 rest of the guard was not from hesitation. 
 - When Captain Foley reached the lower corner 
 of the wood and saw the enemy’s line, he 
 thought a flank attack might be advantageous- 
 ly made. He ordered some of his men to dis- 
 mount and take down the fence. This was 
 done under a severe fire. Several men fell, 
 and he found the wood so dense that it could 
 not be penetrated. Looking down the hill, he 
 saw the flash of Zagonyi’s sabre, and at once 
 gave the order, ‘Forward!’ At the same time, 
 Lieutenant Kennedy, a stalwart Kentuckian, 
 shouted, ‘Come on, boys! remember Old Ken- 
 
 tucky!’ and the third company of the guard, 
 fire on every side of them,— from behind trees, | 
 
 from under the fences, — with thundering strides 
 and loud cheers, poured down the slope and 
 rushed to the side of Zagonyi. They have lost 
 seventy dead and wounded men, and the car- 
 casses of horses are strewn along the lane. . 
 
 “The remnant of the guard are now in the 
 field under the hill, and from the shape of the 
 ground, the rebel fire sweeps with the roar of 
 a whirlwind over their heads. Here we will 
 leave them for a moment, and trace the for- 
 tunes of the Prairie Scouts.* 
 
 “When Foley brought his troop to a halt, 
 Captain Fairbanks, at the head of the first com- 
 pany of scouts, was at the point where the first 
 volley of musketry had been received. The 
 narrow lane was crowded by a dense mass of 
 struggling horses, and filled with the tumult 
 of battle. Captain Fairbanks says, — and he is 
 corroborated by several of his men who were 
 near,— that at this moment an officer of the 
 guard rode up to him, and said, ‘They are fly- 
 ing; take your men down that lane, and cut 
 off their retreat,” — pointing to the lane at the 
 
 * The name given to Major White’s squadron. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 left. Captain Fairbanks was not able to identify 
 the person who gave this order. It certainly 
 did not come from Zagonyi, who was several 
 hundred yards farther on. Captain Fairbanks 
 executed the order, followed by the second com- 
 pany of Prairie Scouts, under Captain Kehoe. 
 When this movement was made, Captain Naugh- 
 ton, with the third Irish dragoons, had not 
 reached the corner of the lane. He came up 
 at a gallop, and was about to follow Fairbanks, 
 -when he saw a guardsman, who pointed in the 
 direction in which Zagonyi had gone. He took 
 this for an order, and obeyed it. When he 
 reached the gap in the fence, made by Foley, 
 not seeing any thing of the guard, he supposed 
 they had passed through at that place, and gal- 
 lantly attempted to follow. Thirteen men fell 
 in a few minutes. He was shot in the arm and 
 dismounted. Lieutenant Connolly spurred into 
 the underbrush, and received two balls through 
 the lungs and one in the left shoulder. The 
 dragoons, at the outset not more than fifty 
 strong, were broken, and, dispirited by the loss 
 of their officers, retired. A sergeant rallied a 
 few, and brought them up to the gap again, 
 and they were again driven back. Five of the 
 boldest passed down the hill, joined Zagonyi, 
 and were conspicuous by their valor during the 
 rest of the day. Fairbanks and Kehoe, having 
 gained the rear and left of the enemy’s position; 
 made two or three assaults upon detached 
 parties of the foe, but did not join in the main 
 attack. 
 
 “JT now return to the guard. It is forming . 
 under the shelter of the hill. In front, with a 
 gentle inclination, rises a grassy slope, broken 
 by occasional tree-stumps. A line of fire upon 
 the summit marks the position of the rebel in- 
 fantry ; and nearer and on the top of a lower 
 eminence to the right stand their horse. Up . 
 to this time no guardsman has struck a blow; 
 but blue coats and bay horses lie thick along 
 
 the bloody lane. Their time has come. Lieu- 
 ‘tenant Maythenyi, with thirty men, is ordered 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to attack the cavalry. With sabres flashing 
 over their heads, the little band of heroes spring 
 towards their tremendous foe. Right upon the 
 centre they charge. The dense mass opens, 
 the blue coats force their way in, and the whole 
 rebel squadron scatter, in disgraceful flight, 
 through the cornfields in the rear. The bays 
 follow them, sabring the fugitives. Days after, 
 the enemy’s horses lay thick among the uncut 
 corn. 
 
 “Zagonyi holds his main body until May- 
 thenyi disappears in the cloud of rebel cavalry ; 
 then his voice rises through the air,—‘ In open 
 order, — charge!’ The line opens out to give 
 play to their sword-arm. Steeds respond to the 
 ardor of their riders; and, quick as thought, 
 with thrilling cheers, the noble hearts rush into 
 the leaden torrent which pours down the in- 
 cline. With unabated fire the gallant fellows 
 press through. Their fierce onset is not even 
 checked. The foe do not wait for them, — they 
 waver, break, and fly. The guardsmen spur 
 into the midst of the rout, and their fast-falling 
 swords work a terrible revenge. Some of the 
 boldest of the southrons retreat into the woods, 
 and continue a murderous fire from behind trees 
 and thickets. Seven guard horses fall upon a 
 space not more than twenty feet square. AS 
 his steed sinks under him, one of the officers is 
 caught around the shoulders by a grape-vine, 
 and hangs dangling in the air until he is cut 
 down by his friends. 
 
 “The rebel foot are flying in furious haste 
 “tom the field. Some take refuge in the fair- 
 ground, some hurry into the cornfield ; but the 
 greater part run along the edge of the wood, 
 swarm over the fence into the road, and hasten 
 to the village. The guardsmen follow. Zapon 
 leads them. 
 
 “The conflict now rages through the vil- 
 lage, in the public square, and along the streets. 
 Up and down the guards ride in squads of three 
 or four, and wherever they see a group of the 
 enemy, charge upon and scatter them. It is 
 
 ; hand-to-hand. 
 
 343 
 
 No one but has a share in the 
 fray. 
 
 « Meariaiitle it has grown dark. The, foe 
 have left the village and the battle has ceased. 
 The assembly is sounded, and the guard gathers 
 in the Plaza. Not more than eighty mounted 
 men appear; the rest are killed, wounded, or 
 unhorsed.” 
 
 It had been General Fremont’s intention to 
 concentrate the several divisions of his army on 
 a wide prairie,some miles from Springfield, 
 where he might review and manceuvre them 
 briefly before moving against the enemy. But 
 the affair at Springfield made it advisable to 
 march at once to that place, to protect the 
 wounded soldiers and the loyal inhabitants from 
 an attack. The whole army was, accordingly, 
 ordered to march to Springfield, and in the 
 course of two or three days all the divisions, 
 except General Hunter’s, arrived there. In- 
 formation was received that Price was moving 
 from Neosho towards Springfield, for the pur- 
 pose of giving battle, being impelled to do so 
 by the short term of service of his troops and 
 the advice of McCulloch, who was reported to 
 have joined him. Fugitive Unionists came in 
 from the direction of Neosho, reporting a very 
 large force advancing from that direction, and 
 it appeared to be certain that a battle was im- 
 minent. The federal army was eager to meet 
 the enemy, and preparations were being made 
 for an advance to attack him, when orders were 
 received from Washington, relieving General 
 Fremont of his command, and directing him to 
 transfer it to General Hunter. 
 
 The proclamation of General Fremont, de- 
 claring martial law in Missouri, with its pro- 
 visions in relation to confiscation and the 
 liberation of the slaves of rebels, had caused 
 a strong feeling against him, and, although 
 modified by the President, continued to make 
 for him enemies among those who sustained 
 the institution of slavery. There was a vari- 
 ety of other causes, some of them personal, 
 
344 
 
 some of them political, and others of a military 
 nature, which had made enemies for the gen- 
 eral. Among others, Hon. F. P. Blair, a mem- 
 ber of Congress and a colonel of one of the 
 Missouri regiments, made charges against the 
 general, some of which were of a serious charac- 
 ter.* The secretary of war and the adjutant- 
 general visited St. Louis in consequence of these 
 charges, to examine into the position of affairs 
 in the western department. General Fremont 
 had already started on his expedition, and the 
 secretary and the adjutant-general visited his 
 camp and briefly reviewed a portion of his army. 
 They brought with them the order for the re- 
 moval, but its issue was suspended till after 
 their return. Whether upon their report of the 
 position of affairs or for other reasons, the order 
 was finally issued on the 24th of October, and 
 sent forward from St. Louis to reach the army 
 just as a battle was confidently expected. 
 
 The order caused not a little excitement in 
 the army, the men composing which had great 
 confidence in their commander, and were at- 
 tached to him by reason of certain traits of 
 character and his previous history. General 
 Hunter had not yet arrived at Springfield, and 
 his position was not known. General Fremont, 
 however, at once prepared to comply with the 
 orders, and waited only for the arrival of Gen- 
 eral Hunter, at the urgent advice of his general 
 officers. A large number of officers waited 
 upon the general, and urgently desired that he 
 should carry out his plan and attack the enemy, 
 
 * The charges against General Fremont were, that he neg- 
 lected his duty by remaining at the east for three weeks after his 
 appointment to the command of the western department; that he 
 neglected and refused to reénforce General Lyon when urged to 
 do so, and allowed him to be sacrificed, while he himself, with 
 great pomp, proceeded to fortify Bird’s Point ; that he expended 
 enormous sums of government money, through the hands of per- 
 sonal favorites, in erecting useless fortifications around St. Louis; 
 that he affected an almost “ regal state,” and denied interviews to 
 officers and civilians having important business with him; that 
 he brought from California certain favorites, to whom he gave 
 government contracts and offices, through which they received 
 large sums of money; and that he suffered Colonel Mulligan to 
 be sacrificed at Lexington; with others of a similar character. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 without waiting for the, as yet uncertain, arri- 
 val of his successor. The reasons urged for so 
 doing were cogent, and General Fremont con- 
 sented, if General Hunter did not arrive before 
 midnight on that day, — November 3, — to act 
 upon the request, and the orders for the several 
 divisions to move on the following morning 
 were accordingly issued. But the movement 
 was destined not to take place. General Hunter 
 arrived within the limited time, and General 
 Fremont, explaining to him the position of 
 affairs, resigned the command into his hands, 
 The following are the orders of General Fre- 
 mont upon relinquishing the command : — 
 
 ‘sHEADQUARTERS WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
 ‘¢ SPRINGFIELD, Mo., November 2, 1861. 
 
 “SOLDIERS OF THE Mississtpp1 Army: Agreea- 
 bly to orders received this day, I take leave of 
 you. Although our army has been of sudden 
 growth, we have grown up together, and I have 
 become familiar with the brave and generous 
 spirits which you bring to the defence of your 
 country, and which makes me anticipate for you 
 a brilliant career. Continue as you have be- 
 gun, and give to my successor the same cordial 
 and enthusiastic support with which you have 
 encouraged me. Kmulate the splendid example 
 which you have already before you, and let me 
 remain as I am, proud of the noble army which 
 I have thus far labored to bring together. 
 
 “Soldiers, I regret to leave you. Most sin- 
 cerely I thank you for the regard and confidence 
 you have invariably shown me. I deeply re- » 
 gret that I shall not have the honor to lead 
 you to the victory which you are just about to 
 win; but I shall claim the right to share with 
 
 ; you in the joy of every triumph, and trust 
 
 always to be personally remembered by my 
 companions in arms. 
 “Joun C. Fremont, 
 “ Major-General.” 
 
 General Hunter did not carry out General 
 
 | Fremont’s plan to advance against Price. By 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 many it was declared that there was no con- 
 siderable rebel army to contend with, and that 
 the advance of General Fremont’s large army 
 to the south-west was a movement against a 
 mythicalenemy. But the accounts from Spring- 
 field, at the time, indicated that the forces under 
 Price were large, and that he did make a move- 
 ment towards that town, probably with the ex- 
 pectation of meeting a smaller force than the 
 concentrated federal army. ‘The presence of 
 Price near Neosho, and undoubtedly with a 
 large force, was shown by the agreement entered 
 into between him and General Fremont, in 
 relation to exchange of prisoners, treatment 
 of non-combatants, and expression of political 
 opinions by citizens. The arrival of all the 
 divisions of the army at Springfield probably 
 caused a speedy retrograde movement of the 
 rebels during the delay which succeeded the 
 change of command. The agreement above 
 named was, for good reasons, repudiated by 
 General Hunter, who saw that it might be used 
 successfully to promote the cause of rebellion, 
 though entered into by General Fremont for 
 the purpose of mitigating the evils of war. 
 
 The rebels having ceased, for the time being, 
 to threaten any movement in force, and the 
 guerrilla warfare being still continued in vari- 
 ous parts of the state, the army collected by 
 General Fremont was again separated and 
 moved to different points, leaving South-west- 
 ern Missouri again exposed to the advance of 
 the rebel army, and greatly discouraging the 
 ‘Joyal people of that region. 
 
 In concluding the narrative of this compara- 
 tively fruitless campaign, it is but just to give 
 a further extract from the writer whose descrip- 
 tion of the cavalry charge has been quoted, and 
 who wrote from personal knowledge, whatever 
 may have been his sympathy for General 
 Fremont. Reviewing the record of General 
 Fremont’s command in the west, he says, — 
 
 “Jn bringing these papers to a close, the 
 writer cannot refrain from expressing his re- 
 
 44 
 
 345 
 
 gret that circumstances have prevented him 
 from making that exposition of affairs in the 
 western department which the country has 
 long expected. While he was in the field, 
 General Fremont permitted the attacks of his 
 enemies to pass unheeded, because he held 
 
 them unworthy to be intruded upon more im- 
 
 portant occupations, and he would not be 
 diverted from the great objects he was pursu- 
 ing ; since his recall, considerations affecting the 
 public service, and the desire not at this time 
 to embarrass the government with personal mat- 
 ters, have sealed his lips. I will not now dis- 
 regard his wishes by entering into any detailed 
 discussion of the charges which have been made 
 against him; but I cannot lay down my pen 
 without bearing voluntary testimony to the 
 fidelity, energy, and skill which he brought to 
 his high office. It will be hard for any one 
 who was not a constant witness of his career 
 to appreciate the labor which he assumed and 
 successfully performed. From the first to the 
 last hour of the day, there was no idle moment. 
 No time was given to pleasure—none even 
 to needed relaxation. Often, long after the 
 strength of his body was spent, the force of his 
 will bound him to exhausting toil. No relt- 
 gious zealot ever gave himself to his devotions 
 with more absorbing abandonment than Gen- 
 eral Fremont to his hard, and, as it has proved, 
 most thankless task. Time will verify the state- 
 ment, that, whether as respects thoroughness 
 or economy, his administration of affairs at the 
 west will compare favorably with the transac- 
 tions of any other department of the govern- 
 ment, military or civil, during the last nine 
 months. . 
 
 “ When General Fremont reached St. Louis, 
 the federal militia were returning to their 
 homes, and a confident foe pressed upon every 
 salient point of an extended and difficult de- 
 fensive position. Drawing his troops from a 
 few sparsely settled and impoverished states, de- 
 nied expected and needed assistance in money 
 
346 
 
 and material from the general government, he 
 overcame every obstacle, and at the end of eight 
 weeks led forth an army of thirty thousand 
 men, with five thousand cavalry and eighty-six 
 pieces of artillery. Officers of high rank de- 
 clared that this force could not leave its en- 
 campments by reason of the lack of supplies 
 and transportation; but he conveyed them one 
 hundred and ninety miles by rail, marched them 
 one hundred and thirty-five miles, crossing a 
 broad and rapid river in five days, and in three 
 months from his assumption of the command, 
 and in one month after leaving St. Louis, placed 
 them in presence of the enemy — not an inco- 
 herent mass, but a well-ordered and compact 
 army, upon whose valor, steadiness, and disci- 
 pline the fate of the nation might safely have 
 been pledged. 
 
 “If General Fremont was not tried by the 
 crowning test of the soldier—the battle field — 
 it was not through fault of his. On the very 
 eve of battle he was removed. His army was 
 arrested in its triumphal progress, and com- 
 pelled to a shameful retreat, abandoning the 
 beautiful region it had wrested from the foe, 
 and deserting the loyal people who trusted to 
 its protection, and who, exiles from their homes, 
 followed its retreating files—a mournful pro- 
 cession of broken-hearted men, weeping women, 
 and suffering children, With an unscrupulous- 
 ness which passes belief, the authors of this 
 terrible disaster have denied the presence of the 
 enemy at Springfield. The miserable wretches, 
 once prosperous farmers upon the slopes of 
 the Ozark Hills, who now wander mendicants 
 through the streets of St. Louis, or crouch around 
 the camp fires of Rolla and Sedalia, can tell 
 whether Price was near Springfield or not. 
 
 “ Forty-eight hours more must have given to 
 General Fremont an engagement. What the 
 result would have been no one who was there 
 
 doubted. A victory such as the country has|, 
 
 long desired and sorely needs—a decisive, 
 complete, and overwhelming victory — was as 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 certain as it is possible for the skill and valor 
 of man to make certain any future event.” 
 During General Fremont’s campaign many 
 skirmishes occurred,in various parts of the state, 
 between detached bodies of federal troops and 
 similar forces of the rebels, or guerrilla parties. 
 Among the more important of these affairs were, 
 a skirmish near Lebanon, October 13, in which 
 two companies of United States cavalry routed 
 about three hundred mounted rebels, and cap- 
 tured thirty prisoners ; a skirmish near Freder- 
 ickton, October 17, in which the federal forces 
 attacked and routed the rebels; a more severe 
 contest at Frederickton, October 21, when a 
 large body of rebels, a portion of the force of 
 Jefferson Thompson, a somewhat notorious rebel 
 general, was defeated by about two thousand 
 federal troops, after an engagement of two 
 hours, in which the rebel commander, Colonel 
 Lowe, was killed, and some of his scattered 
 forces pursued along distance. A more impor- 
 tant engagement, which occurred at Belmont, 
 in the south-eastern part of the state, opposite 
 the rebel position at Columbus, Kentucky, be- 
 longs rather to the campaign in the latter state. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 Affairs in Kentucky.— Neutrality. — Governor Magoffin’s Cor- 
 respondence with President Lincoln and Jefferson Davis. — 
 Action of the Legislature. — Measures to drive out the Rebel 
 Forces. — Movements of the Secessionists. — General Buck- 
 ner. — Mr. Breckinridge. — Meeting of Secessionists. — Or- 
 ganization of a “ Provisional Government.” — Delegates to 
 the Confederate Congress. — Organization of armed Rebel 
 Forces. — Guerrilla Warfare. —Skirmishes at “Camp Wild 
 Cat,” West Liberty, and Hazelgreen. — Affair at Piketon. — 
 Kastern Kentucky rid of Rebel Forces. — Movements in South- 
 ern and Western Kentucky. — Expedition towards Columbus. 
 — Battle of Belmont.— Federal Success. — Reénforcement 
 of the Rebels. — Severe Conflict. — Withdrawal of Federal 
 Forces. —General Grant’s Report. — General McClernand’s 
 Report. —- Despatch of the Rebel General Polk. — Federal 
 and Rebel Losses. — Preparations for important Operations. 
 
 In Kentucky the close of the summer did 
 jnot find the secessionists wholly hopeless of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 carrying that state over to the southern Con- 
 federacy. The great obstacle to an uncondi- 
 tional support of the Union and the government 
 by the people of Kentucky, was the fatal delu- 
 sion entertained by many, whose sympathies 
 were not strongly enlisted on either side, that 
 they might occupy a position of neutrality. 
 This delusion was encouraged by secessionists 
 as the means of finally securing the state; or, 
 at least, of weakening by so much the power 
 of the United States, and forming a barrier be- 
 tween the truly loyal states and those in open 
 rebellion. For a long time the government 
 had deferred to the apparent feeling of Ken- 
 tucky; but the representations of truly loyal 
 citizens of the state, as well as the evident 
 purposes of the rebels, led to the occupation of 
 Paducah, on the Ohio, and the organization of 
 military forces in the northern and central parts 
 of the state. Governor Magoffin, whose sym- 
 pathies, as before seen, were evidently with the 
 rebels, had encouraged the delusion of neu- 
 trality; and when the government at last formed 
 camps within the limits of Kentucky, he ad- 
 dressed a letter to President Lincoln, complain- 
 ing of the act, and requesting that the troops 
 be withdrawn from the state. At the same 
 time he sent a commissioner to Jefferson Davis, 
 bearing a similar letter, in relation to the with- 
 drawal of the rebel forces which had for a long 
 time held positions within the limits of Ken- 
 _tucky. President Lincoln replied that, in or- 
 ganizing the troops in Kentucky, he had acted 
 upon the urgent solicitation of many eminent 
 Kentuckians, and in accordance with what he 
 believed, upon careful inquiry, to be the desire 
 of a large majority of the Union-loving people 
 of the state; and that he did not find any rea- 
 son to believe that they desired the removal of 
 the troops. He concluded with the following 
 pointed remark: “It is with regret I search for, 
 and cannot find, in your not very short letter, 
 any declaration or intimation that you enter- 
 tain any desire for the preservation of the Fed- 
 
 347 
 
 eral Union.” Jefferson Davis, knowing well 
 what an advantage to the rebellion the neu- 
 trality of Kentucky would be, both in itself and 
 as a means of eventually securing that state, 
 acquiesced in the propriety of the governor's 
 request, and agreed to withdraw the rebel 
 forces if the United States troops were with- 
 drawn, but only on that condition. A propo- 
 sition to this effect was also communicated to 
 Governor Magoffin by Bishop Polk, of Tennes- 
 see, who had been appointed a major-general 
 in the rebel army. 
 
 The legislature of Kentucky were more loyal 
 than the governor, and by their action thwarted 
 the measures of the latter which encouraged 
 secession. On the llth of September they 
 adopted a resolution, directing the governor to 
 issue a proclamation ordering the rebel troops 
 to leave the state, and refused to adopt a reso- 
 lution requiring both federal and rebel troops to 
 leave. Other resolutions were adopted, which 
 declared that the peace and neutrality of Ken- 
 tucky had been wantonly violated, and her soil 
 invaded by the so-called “Southern Confederate” 
 forces, requested the governor to call out the 
 military to expel the invaders, invoked the 
 assistance of the United States in so doing, re- 
 quested General Anderson to enter upon his 
 active duties as commander of the military dis- 
 trict, and appealed to the people of Kentucky 
 to assist in driving out the lawless invaders. 
 
 Thus instructed, the governor was obliged to 
 act more directly than he had hitherto done. 
 The state militia was called out by orders from 
 General Crittenden; General Anderson assumed. 
 command of the military forces of the district, 
 and commenced the organization of the troops, 
 but was soon obliged to relinquish the post, on 
 account of ill health. The position of Kentucky 
 was at last taken; and although the idea of 
 neutrality was still entertained, the action of 
 the government, and the ready response of large 
 numbers of loyal people, committed the state 
 to the cause of the Union. 
 
348 
 
 On the other hand, the secessionists of the 
 state were not idle. Failing to control the gov- 
 ernment, they sought to lead away the people 
 of the state, and when the legislature at last 
 so openly declared against the rebellion, they 
 as openly raised the standard of revolt, and 
 called upon the people to resist the federal 
 troops; and in so doing, they appealed to that 
 desire of neutrality which had paralyzed the 
 state. Among the leaders of the secessionists 
 was General S. B. Buckner, who now received 
 a commission from the rebel government, and 
 was assigned to the command of the disloyal 
 Kentuckians who should take up arms against 
 the Union. He was a man of ability and great 
 persuasive powers, and by his eloquence and pop- 
 ular manners misled a large number of young 
 men in Kentucky to join the rebel army, and 
 secured considerable material aid for the cause. 
 Mr. Breckinridge, also, having at once put him- 
 
 self in close alliance with the rebel government | 
 
 after the adjournment of Congress, and being 
 expelled from his home by the loyal people of 
 his state, issued a manifesto, in which he en- 
 deavored, with specious arguments, and appeals 
 as-of a patriot martyr to an oppressed people, 
 to seduce them into treason and rebellion, and 
 declared that he exchanged, “ with proud satis- 
 faction, a term of six years in the Senate of the 
 United States for the musket of a soldier.” 
 
 The secessionists, however, found it not alto- 
 gether safe to act up to their convictions, except 
 in the southern and south-western part of the 
 state, where they were near the seceded state 
 of Tennessee, and virtually under the protec- 
 tion of the rebel armies. In this section the 
 leading secessionists gathered for consultation 
 and treason. They held a conference at Rus- 
 sellville, and adopted resolutions bidding “ defi- 
 ance both to the federal and state governments,” 
 denouncing both in unmeasured terms, and 
 calling upon the people to join them in resisting 
 the power of both. A convention was called, 
 and measures taken to excite the people to 
 
 \ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 rebellion, and to raise forces in each county. 
 Among other resolutions was. one requesting 
 Governor Magoffin, whom they thus recog- 
 nized as a traitor, to convene a legislature 
 “outside of the lines of the Lincoln army,” to 
 be composed of such members then elected as 
 would attend, or new ones elected for the pur- 
 pose. The conference was not large, but was 
 composed of determined and desperate men, 
 who were ready to ruin their state if they could 
 not drag it into the southern Confederacy. 
 The “convention” was duly held, and was com- 
 posed of members “appointed in any manner 
 possible.” It was, of course, composed of the 
 leaders of secession, bent upon carrying out 
 their own purposes, rather than any wishes of 
 a constituency. They declared Kentucky ab- 
 
 ‘solved from all connection with the Union, 
 
 and that the state government was hetrayed 
 by the legislature, and they accordingly estab- 
 lished a “ provisional government,’ of which a 
 Mr. Johnson was the head, and the principal 
 members of the convention were the subordi- 
 nate executive officers and the “ provisional 
 council.” This rebel junto, assuming to repre- 
 sent the state of Kentucky, appointed delegates 
 to the Confederate Congress, among whom was 
 Henry C. Burnett, who sat as a member from 
 his state in the United States Congress at its 
 recent extra session. These delegates were 
 duly admitted to the Confederate Congress ; 
 and thus Kentucky was claimed by the rebels 
 as one of the “Confederate States,” although 
 this movement was made only by a very small 
 minority, who rebelled at once against the 
 national and state governments. 
 
 These measures of the leading secessionists, 
 in their selfconstituted “provisional council,’ 
 were sustained by actual revolt and organiza- 
 tion of armed forces wherever there were suff- 
 cient numbers of those disposed to side with 
 the southern Confederacy. In a short time 
 
 considerable bodies of these armed rebels were 
 ‘collected in different parts of the state. 
 
 This 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 called for new activity on the part of the na- 
 tional and state governments, and additional 
 troops from Indiana and Ohio were sent into 
 the state, while the loyal Kentuckians also 
 enlisted in the cause of the Union. Collisions 
 soon followed, and the scenes which had so 
 widely disturbed the peace of Missouri were 
 reénacted, to some extent, in various parts of 
 Kentucky, small bands of rebels carrying on a 
 guerrilla warfare against the loyal people, and 
 destroying their property. As the federal and 
 state troops were moved forward, there were 
 many skirmishes of more or less magnitude. 
 
 Among the more important of these engage- 
 ments was one which occurred on the 21st of 
 October, in Laurel County, in the south-eastern 
 part of the state, where a rebel force, reported 
 as upwards of six thousand men, under General 
 Zollicoffer, made an attack upon “Camp Wild 
 Cat,’ a position occupied by a portion of the 
 federal forces under General Schoepf A single 
 Kentucky regiment had held this post for some 
 days; but learning that an attack by the rebels 
 was imminent, General Schoepf hurried forward 
 two additional regiments and a battery of ar- 
 tillery, and these reénforcements arrived in 
 season to participate in the engagement. ‘The 
 federal position was a strong one, on a hill, 
 which the rebels twice attempted to carry ; but 
 they were repulsed each time, with some loss, 
 and withdrew. ‘The federal loss was four killed 
 and twenty-one wounded; that of the rebels 
 was unknown. 
 
 On the 23d of October a more decisive skir- 
 mish occurred at West Liberty, in the eastern 
 part of the state, between a detachment of Gen- 
 eral Nelson’s command and about seven hundred 
 rebels. The latter were completely routed, with 
 the loss of twenty-one killed, thirty-four prison- 
 ers, and a considerable number of horses, arms, 
 and equipments. The federal force had none 
 killed, and only two wounded. On the same 
 day, another portion of General Nelson’s com- 
 mand routed a body of rebels at Hazelgreen, 
 
 349 
 
 and took a number of prisoners. General Nel- 
 son’s forces continued to advance, and the rebels 
 to retire before him, until he reached Piketon, 
 in the extreme eastern part of the state, where 
 an engagement of more magnitude occurred. 
 The federal forces advanced in two columns 
 towards Piketon, with the view of cutting off 
 and capturing the rebel force stationed there. 
 One column, moving by the direct road, found 
 many obstructions, and met with strong resist- 
 ance; but they advanced steadily, compelling 
 the enemy to retire: the other advanced by a 
 circuitous march, and had but slight skirmish- 
 ing. The main body of the rebels, however, 
 was not captured, nor routed, but retreated 
 during the night from Piketon. The rebel loss 
 in killed, wounded, and missing, was variously 
 stated from sixty to upwards of one hundred. 
 The federal loss was nine killed and about forty 
 wounded.* The operations of General Nelson, 
 in a brief campaign of less than a month, drove 
 the rebel forces, where they had collected in 
 considerable numbers, from eastern Kentucky, 
 and apparently restored peace to that section 
 of the state. 
 
 While General Nelson was moving in eastern 
 Kentucky, federal and state troops were also 
 pushed forward towards the southern part of 
 the state, where the rebels were concentrating 
 forces and holding the railroads and thorough- 
 fares leading to Tennessee. Although some 
 slight skirmishes occurred here, too, there was 
 no important engagement during the autumn. 
 Movements were also made in the western part 
 of the state, where the rebels had stronger 
 
 * The rebel commander, Colonel Williams, in his official report, 
 states his loss to be ten killed, fifteen wounded, and forty miss- 
 ing, and that he at first believed that the federal loss was “ but 
 one hundred and fifty men,” but he was satisfied from subsequent 
 information,—* from spies, Union men, and escaped prisoners, and 
 others who have examined their burial ground,” —that the loss 
 was “over three hundred in killed, with the usual proportion of 
 wounded.” Such a loss would certainly have taken nearly half 
 of the force engaged, and is aremarkable instance of the exagger- 
 ation with which an enemy’s loss is sometimes computed. 
 
350 
 forces and in more important positions. Ad- 
 vances were made from Paducah and Cairo 
 towards Columbus, at which place the rebels 
 were posted in considerable force, and which 
 they were strongly fortifying, for the purpose 
 of commanding the Mississippi, and preventing 
 any expedition down the river against the se- 
 ceded states. Here, as in eastern Kentucky, 
 there were occasional skirmishes and some 
 guerrilla fighting. 
 
 Connected with the campaign in western 
 Kentucky was an expedition which moved from 
 Cairo, on the 6th of November, down the Mis- 
 sissippl, to Belmont, a rebel post in Missouri, 
 nearly opposite Columbus. The expedition 
 consisted of about twenty-eight hundred men, 
 under the immediate command of General 
 McClernand, but accompanied by General Grant, 
 commander of the forces at Cairo and vicinity, 
 and was designed to prevent the enemy from 
 sending troops into Missouri to cut off a federal 
 force sent on another expedition. This force 
 proceeded down the river in steamboats, and 
 Janded at Belmont under the protection of the 
 gunboats Lexmgton and Tyler. The troops 
 were immediately formed in line of battle, and 
 attacked the rebels in their works. The rebel 
 troops prepared to resist, and were speedily 
 reénforced by additional troops from Columbus; 
 but they were, after a sharp contest, driven 
 from their positions and through their camps 
 in great disorder. The federal troops captured 
 many prisoners, twelve guns, and a large quan- 
 tity of baggage, and burned the rebel camp. 
 The stronger rebel post, Columbus, was held 
 by a large force, and the federal success was 
 hardly achieved when heavy additional reén- 
 forcements were sent across the river to aid the 
 discomfited rebels at Belmont. These reén- 
 forcements made the rebel numbers much larger 
 than the federal force. The battle was renewed 
 just as the federal troops were about to retire ; 
 the rebels being commanded by Generals Pillow, 
 Cheatham, and Russell, under direction of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 General Polk, who went over with the last reén- 
 forcements. But notwithstanding their num- 
 bers they were several times repulsed. An 
 attempt was made to cut off the retreat of the 
 federal troops, while they were also pressed 
 hard in front; but officers and men behaved 
 with great bravery, and when the flank move- 
 ment was observed, they cut their way through 
 to their boats, and finally reémbarked in good 
 order, though a portion of the rebels continued 
 to fire upon them till the boats steamed away. 
 
 The following is General Grant’s official re- 
 port :— 
 
 ‘¢Carro, November 12, 1861. 
 
 “On the evening of the 6th inst. I left this 
 place with two thousand eight hundred and 
 fifty men of all arms, to make a reconnoissance 
 towards Columbus. The object of the expedi- 
 tion was to prevent the enemy from sending 
 out reénforcements to Price’s army in Missouri, 
 and also from cutting off columns that I had 
 been directed to send out from this place and 
 Cape Girardeau, in pursuit of Jefferson Thomp- 
 son. Knowing that Columbus was strongly gar- 
 risoned, I asked General Smith, commanding at 
 Paducah, Kentucky, to make demonstrations in 
 the same direction. He did so, by ordering a 
 small force to Mayfield, and another in the direc- 
 
 | tion of Columbus, not to approach nearer, how- 
 
 ever, than twelve or fifteen miles. I also sent a 
 small force on the Kentucky side, with orders 
 not to approach nearer than Ellicott’s Mills, 
 some twenty miles from Columbus. The ex- 
 pedition, under my immediate command, was 
 stopped about nine miles below here on the 
 Kentucky shore, and remained until morning. 
 All this served to distract the enemy, and led 
 him to think he was to be attacked in his 
 strongly fortified position. At daylight we 
 proceeded down the river to a point just out of 
 range of the rebel guns, and debarked on the 
 Missouri shore. From here the troops were 
 taarched by flank for about one mile toward 
 Belmont, and then drawn up in line of battle, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 a battalion also having been left as a reserve 
 near the transports. Two companies from each 
 reciment, five skeletons in number, were then 
 thrown out as skirmishers, to ascertain the po- 
 sition of the enemy. It was but a few moments 
 before we met him, and a general engagement 
 ensued. : 
 
 “ The balance of my forces, with the exception 
 of the reserve, was then thrown forward, — all 
 as skirmishers,—and the enemy driven foot by 
 foot, and from tree to tree, back to their en- 
 campment on the river bank, a distance of two 
 miles. Here they had strengthened their po- 
 sition by felling the timber for several hundred 
 yards around their camp, and making a sort of 
 abatis. Our men charged through this, driving 
 the enemy over the bank into their transports 
 in quick time, leaving us in possession of every 
 thing not exceedingly portable. Belmont is 
 on low ground, and every foot of it 1s com- 
 manded by the guns on the opposite shore, and 
 of course could not be held for a single hour 
 after the enemy became aware of the with- 
 drawal of their troops. Having no wagons, I 
 could not move any of the captured property ; 
 consequently, I gave orders for its destruction. 
 Their tents, blankets, &c., were set on fire, and 
 we retired, taking their artillery with us, two 
 pieces being drawn by hand; and one other, 
 drawn by an inefficient team, we spiked and 
 left in the woods, bringing the two only to this 
 place. Before getting fairly under way the 
 enemy made his appearance again, and at- 
 tempted to surround us. Our troops were not 
 in the least discouraged, but charged on the 
 enemy again, and defeated him. Our loss was 
 about eighty-four killed, one hundred and fifty 
 wounded, — many of them slightly, — and about 
 an equal number missing. Nearly all the miss- 
 ing were from the Iowa regiment, who behaved 
 with great gallantry, and suffered more severely 
 than any other of the troops. 
 
 “T have not been able to put in the reports 
 from sub-commands, but will forward them as 
 
 3oL 
 
 soon as received. All the troops behaved with 
 much gallantry, much of which is attributed to 
 the coolness and presence of mind of the officers, 
 particularly the colonels. General McClernand 
 was in the midst of danger throughout the 
 engagement, and displayed both coolness and 
 judgment. His horse was three times shot. 
 My horse was also shot under me. To my 
 staff, Captains Rawlins, Logan, and Hillyer, vol- 
 unteer aids, and to Captains Hatch and Gra- 
 ham, I am much indebted for the assistance 
 they gave. Colonel Webster, acting chief engi- 
 neer, also accompanied me, and displayed high- 
 ly soldier-like qualities. Colonel Dougherty, 
 of the twenty-second Illinois volunteers, was 
 three times wounded, and taken prisoner. 
 
 “The seventh lowa regiment had their lieu- 
 tenant-colonel killed, and the colonel and major 
 were severely wounded. The reports to be 
 forwarded will detail more fully the particulars 
 of our loss. Surgeon Brinton was in the field 
 during the entire engagement, and displayed 
 great ability and efficiency in providing for the 
 wounded and organizing the medical corps. 
 
 “The gunboats Tyler and Lexington, Cap- 
 tains Walker and Stemble, U. 8. N., commanding, 
 convoyed the expedition, and rendered most 
 efficient service. Immediately upon our land- 
 ing they engaged the enemy’s batteries, and 
 protected our transports throughout. 
 
 “For particulars, see accompanying report of 
 Captain Walker. 
 
 “JT am, sir, very respectfully, 
 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 © U; Sean 
 
 “ Brigader-General commanding.” 
 
 The following extracts from General McCler- 
 nand’s report exhibit some of the details of 
 the expedition. After stating the preliminary 
 preparations and the rendezvous of the trans- 
 ports at an appointed time and place, General 
 McClernand proceeds : — 
 
 “At that hour, preceded by the gunboats 
 
352 
 
 Tyler and Lexington, and followed by the re- 
 mainder of the transports, I proceeded down 
 the river to the designated landing on the 
 
 a direct line, from Columbus and Belmont. 
 
 “By half past eight o’clock the rest of the 
 transports had arrived, and the whole force 
 was disembarked, and, marching beyond a col- 
 lection of cornfields in front of the landing, 
 was- formed for an advance movement, and 
 awaited your order. Ordering Dollins’s and 
 Delano’s cavalry to scour the woods along the 
 road to Belmont, and report to me from time to 
 time, the remainder of my command followed 
 —the twenty-seventh in front, the thirtieth 
 next — supported by a section of Taylor’s bat- 
 tery, succeeded by the thirty-first, and the re- 
 mainder of Taylor’s battery, the seventh Lowa, 
 (Colonel Lauman,) and the twenty-second Ili- 
 nois, (Colonel Dougherty,) who had been as- 
 signed by you to that portion of the command. 
 
 “When the rear of the column had reached 
 a road intersecting our line of march, about a 
 mile and a half from the abatis surrounding the 
 enemy’s camp, the line of battle was formed on 
 ground which I had previously selected. The 
 twenty-seventh and thirtieth, having formed 
 too far in advance, were recalled to the posi- 
 tion first assigned them — the twenty-seventh 
 on the right, and the thirtieth on the left. <A 
 section of Taylor’s battery was disposed on the 
 left of the thirtieth, and two hundred feet in 
 rear of the line, the thirty-first in the centre, 
 and the seventh lowa and twenty-second Ilh- 
 nois forming the left wing, masking two sec- 
 tions of artillery. 
 
 “ By this time Dollins’s cavalry were skirmish- 
 ing sharply with the enemy’s pickets to the 
 right, and in advance of our line, and the ene- 
 my had shifted the heavy fire of their batteries 
 at Columbus from our gunboats to our advan- 
 cing line, but without effect. 
 
 “With your permission I now ordered two 
 companies from each regiment of my command 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 to advance, instructing them to seek out and 
 develop the position of the enemy, the twenty- 
 
 second Illinois and seventh Iowa pushing for- 
 Missouri shore, about two and a half miles, in 
 
 ward similar parties at the same time. 
 “A sharp firmg having immediately com- 
 
 |menced between the skirmishing parties of the 
 
 thirtieth and thirty-first and the enemy, I or- 
 dered forward another party to their support, 
 rode forward, selected a new position, and or- 
 dered up the balance of my command —the 
 twenty-seventh — to pass around the head of a 
 pond, the thirtieth and thirty-first, with the 
 artillery, crossing the dry bed of the same 
 slough in their front. 
 
 “ On their arrival, J reformed the line of battle . 
 in the same order as before. It was my expec- 
 tation that the twenty-second Ilinois and the 
 seventh Iowa would resume their former posi- 
 tions on the left wing, which would have per- 
 fected a line sufficient to enclose the enemy’s 
 camp on all sides accessible to us, thus ena- 
 bling us to command the river above and below 
 them, and prevent the crossing of reénforce- 
 ments from Columbus, insuring his capture as 
 well as defeat. 
 
 “The thirtieth and thirty-first and the artil- 
 lery, moving forward, promptly relieved the 
 skirmishing parties, and soon became engaged 
 with a heavy body of the enemy’s infantry and 
 cavalry. The struggle, which was continued 
 
 | for half an hour with great severity, threw our 
 
 ranks into temporary disorder; but the men 
 promptly rallied under the gallant example of 
 Colonels Fouke and Logan, assisted by Major 
 Berryman, acting assistant adjutant-general 
 of my brigade; also by Captain Schwartz, act- 
 ing chief of artillery, Captain Dresser, of the 
 artillery, Lieutenant Babcock, of the second 
 cavalry, and Lieutenant Eddy, of the twenty- 
 ninth Hlinois regiment, who had, upon my in- 
 vitation, kindly jomed my staff Our men 
 
 pressed vigorously upon the enemy and drove 
 
 them back, their cavalry leaving that part of 
 the field, and not appearing again until attacked 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 by Captain. Dollins, on the river bank below 
 their encampment, and chased out of sight, 
 near the close of the contest. 
 
 “ Advancing about a quarter of a mile farther, 
 
 this force again came up with the enemy, who | 
 
 by this time had been reénforced upon this part 
 of the field, as I since learn, by three regiments 
 and acompany of cavalry. Thus strengthened, 
 they attempted to turn our left flank; but, 
 ordering Colonel Logan to extend the line of 
 battle by a flank movement, and bringing up a 
 section of Taylor’s battery, commanded by First 
 Lieutenant B. H. White, under the direction 
 of Captain Schwartz, to cover the space thus 
 made between the thirtieth and thirty-first, the 
 attempt was frustrated. 
 
 “ Having completed that disposition, we again 
 
 opened a deadly fire from both infantry and | 
 
 artillery, and after a desperate resistance, drove 
 the enemy back the third time, forcing them 
 to seek cover among thick woods and brush, 
 protected by the heavy guns at Columbus. 
 
 “In this struggle, while leading the charge, 
 I received a ball in one of my holsters, which 
 failed of harm by striking a pistol. Here Colo- 
 nels Fouke and Logan urged on their men by 
 the most energetic appeals; here Captain Dres- 
 ser’s horse was shot under him, while Captain 
 Schwartz’s horse was twice wounded; here the 
 projectiles from the enemy’s heavy guns at Co- 
 lumbus, and their artillery at Belmont, crashed 
 through the woods over and among us; here, 
 again, all my staff who were with me displayed 
 the greatest intrepidity and activity ; and here, 
 too, many of our officers were killed or wound- 
 ed; nor shall I omit to add that this gallant 
 conduct was stimulated by your presence, and 
 inspired by your example. Here your horse 
 was killed under you. 
 
 “While this struggle was going on, a tremen- 
 dous fire from the twenty-seventh, which had 
 approached the abatis on the right and rear of 
 the tents, was heard. About the same time the 
 seventh and twenty-second, which had passed 
 
 45 
 
 « 
 
 309 
 
 the rear of the thirtieth and thirty-first, has- 
 tened up, and, closing the space between them 
 and the twenty-seventh, poured a deadly fire 
 upon the enemy. 
 
 “ A combined movement was now made upon 
 three sides of the enemy’s works, and, driving 
 him across the abatis, we followed close upon 
 his heels into the clear space around his camp. 
 The twenty-seventh was the first seen by me 
 entering upon this ground. I called the atten- 
 tion of the other regiments to their approach, 
 and the whole line was quickened by eager 
 and impatient emulation. In a few minutes 
 our entire force was within the enclosure. 
 
 “Under the skilful direction of Captain 
 Schwartz, Captain Taylor now brought up his 
 battery within three hundred yards of the ene- 
 my’s tents, and opened fire upon them. He 
 fled with precipitation from the tents, and took 
 shelter behind some buildings near the river, 
 and in the woods above the camp, under cover 
 of his batteries at Columbus. 
 
 “ Near this battery I met Colonel Dougherty, 
 who was leading the seventh and twenty-second 
 through the open space towards the tents. 
 
 “At the same time our lines upon the right 
 and left were pressing up to the line of fire from 
 our battery, which now ceased firing, and our 
 men rushed forward among the tents and to- 
 wards some buildings near the river. Passing 
 over to the right of the camp, I met with Colo- 
 nel Buford, for the first time since his detour © 
 around the pond, and congratulated him upon 
 the ardor of his men, to be the first to pass the 
 enemy’s works. 
 
 “Having complete possession of the enemy’s 
 camp in full view of his formidable batteries 
 at Columbus, I gave the word for three cheers 
 for the Union, to which the brave men around 
 me responded with the most enthusiastic ap- 
 plause. 
 
 “Several of the enemy’s steamers being within 
 range above and below, I ordered a section of 
 Taylor’s battery, under the direction of Captain 
 
304 
 
 Schwartz, down near the river, and opened a fire 
 upon them and upon Columbus itself, with what 
 effect I could not learn. The enemy’s tents 
 were set on fire, destroying his camp equipage, 
 about four thousand blankets, and his means of 
 transportation. Such horses and other property 
 as could be removed were seized, and four pieces 
 of his artillery brought to the rear. 
 
 “The enemy at Columbus, seeing us in pos- 
 session of his camp, directed upon us the fire of 
 his heavy guns, but, ranging too high, inflicted 
 no injury. Information came at the same time 
 of the crossing of heavy bodies of troops above 
 us, amounting, as I since learn, to five regiments, 
 which, joining those which had fled in that di- 
 rection, formed rapidly in our rear, with the de- 
 sign of cutting off our communication with our 
 transports. To prevent this, and having fully 
 accomplished the object of the expedition, I 
 ordered Captain Taylor to reverse his guns and 
 open fire upon the enemy in his new position, 
 which was done with great spirit and effect, 
 breaking his line and opening our way by the 
 main road. Promptly responding to an order to 
 “that effect, Colonel Logan ordered his flag in 
 front of his regiment, prepared to force his way 
 in the same direction if necessary. Moving on, 
 he was followed by the whole force, except the 
 twenty-seventh and the cavalry companies of 
 Captain Dollins and Delano. Determined to 
 preserve my command unbroken, and to defeat 
 the evident design of the enemy to divide it, I 
 twice rode back across the field to bring up the 
 twenty-seventh and Dollins’s cavalry, and also 
 despatched Major Brayman for the same pur- 
 pose, but without accomplishing the object; they 
 
 having sought, in returning, the same route by | 
 
 which they advanced in the morning. 
 
 “On passing into the woods, the thirtieth, 
 the seventh, and twenty-second encountered a 
 heavy fire on their right and left successively, 
 which was returned with such vigor and effect as 
 to drive back the superior force of the enemy 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 and silence his firing, but not until the seventh 
 and twenty-second had been thrown into 
 temporary disorder. Here Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Wentz, of the seventh, and Captain Markley, 
 of the thirtieth, with several privates, were 
 killed ; and Colonel Dougherty, of the twenty- 
 second, and Major McClurken, of the thirtieth, 
 who was near me, were severely wounded. 
 Here my body servant killed one of the enemy 
 by a pistol shot. 
 
 “Driving the enemy back on either side, we 
 moved on, occasionally exchanging shots with 
 straggling parties, in the course of which my 
 horse received another ball, being one of two 
 fired at me from the corner of a field. Captain 
 Schwartz was at my right when these shots 
 were fired. 
 
 “At this stage of the contest, according to 
 the admission of rebel officers, the enemy’s 
 forces had swelled, by frequent reénforcements 
 from the other side of the river, to over thir- 
 teen regiments of infantry, and something less 
 than two squadrons of cavalry ; excluding his 
 artillery, four pieces of which were in our pos- 
 session, and two of which, after being spiked, 
 together with part of one of our caissons, were 
 left on the way for want of animals to bring 
 them off The other two, with their horses 
 and harness, were brought off. 
 
 “On reaching the landing, and not finding the 
 detachments of the seventh and twenty-second, 
 which you had left behind in the morning to 
 guard the boats, I ordered Delano’s cavalry, 
 which was embarking, to the rear of the field 
 to watch the enemy. Within an hour all our 
 forces which had arrived were embarked, Cap- 
 tain Schwartz, Captain Hatch, assistant-quarter- 
 master, and myself being the last to get on 
 board. Suddenly the enemy, in strong force, — 
 whose approach had been discovered by Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel John H. White, of the thirty- 
 first, who was conspicuous through the day for © 
 his dauntless courage and conduct,— came with- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 in range of our musketry, when a terrible fire 
 was opened upon him by the gunboats, as well 
 as by Taylor’s battery and the infantry. 
 
 “ The engagement, thus renewed, was kept up 
 with great spirit, and with a deadly effect upon 
 the enemy, until the transports had passed be- 
 yond his reach. Exposed to the terrible fire of 
 the gunboats and Taylor's battery, a great num- 
 ber of the enemy were killed and wounded in 
 this the closing scene of a battle of six hours’ 
 duration. 
 
 “The twenty-seventh and Dollins’s cavalry 
 being yet behind, I ordered my transport to 
 continue in the rear of the fleet, excepting the 
 gunboats, and, after proceeding a short distance, 
 landed, and directed the gunboats to return and 
 await their appearance. 
 
 “At this moment Lieutenant H. A. Rust, 
 
 adjutant of the twenty-seventh, hastened up and | 
 
 announced the approach of the twenty-seventh 
 and Dollins’s cavalry. Accompanied by Captains 
 Schwartz and Hatch, I rode down the river 
 bank, and met Colonel Buford with a part of 
 hiscommand. Inferring that my transport was 
 waiting to receive him, I went farther down the 
 river, and met Captain Dollins, whom I also 
 instructed to embark, and still farther met the 
 remainder of the twenty-seventh, which had 
 halted on the bank where the gunboat Tyler 
 was lying to, the Lexington lying still farther 
 down. The rest of the boats having gone for- 
 ward, Captain Walker, of the Tyler, at my re- 
 quest, promptly took the remainder of the 
 twenty-seventh on board, Captain Stamble, of 
 _the Lexington, covering the embarkation. 
 “Having thus embarked all my command, I 
 returned, with Captains Schwartz and Hatch, to 
 _my transports, and reémbarked, reaching Cairo 
 about midnight, after a day of almost unceasing 
 _marching and conflict. 
 “I cannot bestow too high commendation 
 _ upon all whom I had the honor to command on 
 that day. Supplied with inferior and defective 
 arms, many of which could not be discharged, 
 
 300 
 
 and others bursting in use, they fought an ene- 
 my in woods with which he was familiar, be- 
 hind defensive works which he had been pre- 
 paring for months, in the face of a battery at 
 Belmont, and under his heavy guns at Colum- 
 bus, and, although numbering three or four to 
 our one, beat him, capturing several stands of 
 his colors, destroying his camp, and carrying off 
 a large amount of property, already mentioned. 
 From his own semi-official account, his loss was 
 six hundred killed, wounded, and missing, in- 
 cluding among the killed and wounded a num- 
 ber of officers, and probably among the missing 
 one hundred and fifty-five prisoners who were 
 brought to this post.” 
 
 The report of General Polk to the rebel 
 government shows the odds against which the 
 federal force had to contend when the battle 
 was renewed. ‘The force already in Belmont 
 before the reénforcements were sent over, con- 
 sisted of an Arkansas reyiment, a battery of 
 artillery, and a troop of cavalay, numbering, 
 probably, at least a thousand men, in a fortified 
 position. The following is General Polk’s de- 
 spatch : — 
 
 To General Headquarters, through General A. S. Johnston. 
 
 ‘* HEADQUARTERS, First Division, WESTERN DEPARTMENT, 
 ‘¢ CoLtumBus, Ky., November 7, 1861. 
 
 “The enemy came down on the opposite side 
 of the river, to Belmont, to-day, about seven thou- 
 sand five hundred strong, landed under cover 
 of gunboats, and attacked Colonel Tappan’s 
 camp. I sent over three regiments, under Gen- 
 eral Pillow, to his relief, then, at intervals, three 
 others, then General Cheatham. 
 
 “TI then took over two others in person, 
 to support a flank movement which I had 
 directed. It was a hard-fought battle, lasting 
 from half past ten A. M. to five P.M. They 
 took Beltzhoover’s battery, four pieces of which 
 were recaptured. The enemy were thoroughly 
 routed. We pursued them to their boats seven 
 miles, then drove their boats before us. The 
 
306 
 
 road was strewn with their dead and wounded, 
 guns, ammunition, and equipments. Our loss 
 considerable; theirs heavy. 
 
 “L. Pot, 
 
 “ Major-General conmanding.” 
 
 The federal loss in this engagement was 
 eighty-four killed and three hundred and forty 
 wounded and missing, about one hundred and 
 fifty of the wounded being brought from the 
 field. The loss of the rebels must have been 
 much greater; for, according to their official re- 
 ports of four regiments, which included only 
 about one third of their force, the number of 
 killed was sixty-five, wounded one hundred and 
 eighty-seven, missing one hundred and eight. 
 The same ratio in the other regiments would 
 make their loss upwards of one thousand. 
 A semi-official account, as stated in General 
 McClernand’s report, made their loss about six 
 hundred. Of these one hundred and fifty-five 
 were taken prisoners, and the rebels held about 
 the same number of federal prisoners. 
 
 No other important movement took place in 
 this department for the present. Meanwhile 
 preparations, commenced some time previously, 
 were continued, for more formidable expeditions 
 down the Mississippi and into Tennessee. Troops 
 were collected at Cairo, Paducah, and at other 
 places in Kentucky, where they could be readily 
 concentrated, and at the same time be prepared 
 for any offensive movement of the rebels. Gun- 
 boats, some of them iron-clad, were being con- 
 structed and equipped at St. Louis, Cairo, and 
 on the Ohio River, for codperation with the land 
 forces. Two or three, already completed, had 
 several times gone down the river to the vicin- 
 ity of Columbus, and bombarded rebel batteries 
 and camps with some effect. _The sequel showed 
 that these gunboats were important auxiliaries 
 to army movements, and proved too formidable 
 for the rebels to resist, although they, too, on 
 the Mississippi, were constructing gunboats 
 and “rams,” on which they depended to hold 
 the river. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIIL 
 
 Renewal of Hostilities in Western Virginia.— Mr. Floyd. — 
 Surprise of Federal Troops, and Skirmish at Summerville. — 
 Movement of General Rosecrans. — Position of Floyd’s Forces. 
 — Reconnoissance by Federal Troops. — Advance against the 
 Rebel Position. — Resistance of the Rebels. — Unsuccessful 
 Assaults. — Flank Movement. — The Battle ended by Dark- 
 ness. — Retreat of the Rebels by Night. — Their Camp occu- 
 pied by the Federal Troops. — Reports of Generals Rosecrans 
 and General Benham. — Movements of Rebels under General 
 Lee, near Cheat Mountain. — Attack on Federal Outposts. 
 — Repulse of the Rebels. — Advance against the Federal Post 
 at Elk Water.— Renewed Attacks at Cheat Mountain. —Failure 
 and Repulse of the Rebel Forces. — Report of General Rey- 
 nolds. — Reconnoissance from Cheat Mountain. — Battle of 
 Green Brier. — Attack on the Rebel intrenched Camp.— An 
 Artillery Contest. — Unsuccessful Movement of Infantry. — 
 Withdrawal of Federal Troops. — General Reynolds’ Report. 
 — Attack on the Rebels at Camp Alleghany, by General Mil- 
 roy. — Division of General Milroy’s Force. — Advance by two 
 Routes for simultaneous Attack.— Attack by one Party. — 
 Failure of Ammunition, and Withdrawal. — Attack commenced 
 by the other Division. — Sharp Skirmish, and orderly Retreat. 
 — Probable Success of a, simultaneous Attack. —Skirmishes in 
 the Kanawha Valley. — Rebel Forces held in Check.— Skirmish 
 near Gauley Bridge. — Sudden Retreat of Floyd. — End of 
 the Campaign. — Movements in Northern Virginia. — Pur- 
 poses of the Rebels. — Skirmish at Romney. — Federal At- 
 tack on, and Occupation of, Romney. 
 
 In Western Virginia the flight of Wise, and 
 the dispersion of many of his troops, did not 
 put an end to the attempts of the rebels to 
 subject that part of the “Old Dominion” to the 
 control of the rebel government. In some of 
 the more southern counties there were many 
 secessionists, who were ready to join any force 
 from the east both against the federal troops 
 and against their loyal neighbors. Mr. Floyd, 
 the treacherous secretary of war under Presi- 
 dent Buchanan, had been commissioned to 
 organize forces for operations in Western Vir- 
 ginia at about the same time as Governor Wise; 
 but the campaign of the latter was finished be- 
 fore the former came into the field. He then 
 outranked Wise, and all the want of success 
 which followed was attributed by the friends 
 of the latter to the incompetency or cowardice 
 of Floyd. The general direction of the rebel 
 operations, however, was under General Lee. 
 
 Actual conflict between the federal and rebel 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 forces was recommenced on the 26th of Au- 
 gust, at Summerville, in Nicholas County, on 
 the Gauley River, about twenty-five miles from 
 its junction with the Kanawha. The seventh 
 
 Ohio regiment, Colonel Tyler, which was sta- 
 
 tioned here, was surrounded by a large body 
 of rebels, who had made their dispositions and 
 approach without the knowledge of the federal 
 officers. Although surprised and evidently con- 
 tending against superior numbers, the federal 
 troops evinced steadiness and bravery, and suc- 
 ceeded in breaking through the surrounding 
 forces. Colonel Tyler sent forward to a bag- 
 gage train which was approaching Summerville, 
 and turned it back towards Gauley Bridge, and 
 -then, with such of his regiment as had escaped, 
 he retreated to the same place, losing about 
 two hundred of the nine hundred under his 
 command. 
 
 The federal troops were at this time dis- 
 tributed from the vicinity of Beverly to the 
 
 Kanawha valley, the strongest forces being in| 
 
 the vicinity of Cheat Mountain. The move- 
 ments of the rebels, however, required a more 
 active campaign, and operations against the 
 enemy were resumed. Having collected a suf 
 ficient force, General Rosecrans moved towards 
 Summerville, from the north, to oppose Floyd, 
 who, after Colonel Tyler was driven away, oc- 
 eupied the place, and subsequently posted his 
 forces several miles farther south, in a position 
 at once strong against an attack and dangerous 
 to himself in case of disaster. The position 
 was on a hill for the most part thickly wooded, 
 except at the summit, where the approach by 
 the roads could be easily commanded by artil- 
 lery, while either flank was almost inaccessible ; 
 and in the rear was the Gauley River —adeep 
 and rapid stream at this point. The descent to 
 the river was steep, and in some places precipi- 
 tous ; and this, with the rapid current, presented 
 an obstacle to the approach of an assailing 
 force and the retreat of those holding the po- 
 sition, There was one road, however, descend- 
 
 307 
 
 ing to the river, where there was a ferry, called 
 “Carnifex Ferry.” Upon this hill Floyd had 
 intrenched his force,and extended breastworks 
 a long distance on either flank. 
 
 Having reached Summerville, General Rose- 
 crans, on the 10th of September, advanced a 
 part of his forces to make a reconnoissance and 
 discover the enemy’s position, and the strength 
 of his intrenchments and forces, about which 
 there were very conflicting and uncertain re- 
 ports. ‘The dense wood, which extended for a 
 long distance from the rebel camp, entirely 
 concealed their works from those approaching, 
 and rendered a careful advance necessary. The 
 force sent forward was the brigade of General 
 Benham, supported afterwards by the brig- 
 ade commanded by Colonel McCook, with six 
 pieces of artillery. This force, being extended 
 for a more effectual reconnoissance, advanced 
 through the thick woods, and soon met the 
 enemy’s pickets, when skirmishing at once com- 
 menced. The advance of the rebels, consisting 
 of one regiment, was driven in; but the main 
 body and their fortifications were not discovered 
 till the federal force reached the open ground 
 near the top of the hill, within short range of 
 their guns. The rebel artillery, as well as in- 
 fantry, opened a severe fire upon the federal 
 advance when it made its appearance, and 
 caused it to fall back with loss into the woods, 
 where it was again quickly rallied. Two at- 
 tempts to carry the rebel battery by assault 
 by single regiments were made, but the fire 
 was too heavy for so small a number of troops, 
 and they were again compelled to retire. In 
 the mean time, one regiment moved to the left, 
 to try the strength of the rebel lines on their 
 right; and while the remainder of the brigade 
 held its ground in front of the enemy, this 
 regiment succeeded in turning the rebel right, 
 and gaining a position from which an attack 
 upon their weakest point could be made. But 
 being unsupported, it could not follow up the 
 advantage of its position before darkness caused 
 
308 
 
 a cessation of the contest. Before this advan- 
 tage was known to General Benham, prepara- 
 tions were made for a charge by the brigade 
 of Colonel McCook upon the principal battery 
 of the rebels, and these troops were already 
 moving for that purpose, when General Rose- 
 crans, who had come up, countermanded the 
 order, on account of the loss of life which it 
 would occasion and the approach of night. 
 Withdrawing the troops a little from their ad- 
 vanced position, behind ridges in front of the 
 enemy, where they slept upon their arms, Gen- 
 eral Rosecrans awaited the morning for a re- 
 newal of the attack, confident of success. 
 
 But notwithstanding the strength of his po- 
 sition, General Floyd, it appeared, had no con- 
 fidence that he could hold it. He sent to 
 General Wise for reénforcements, but Wise 
 could not send them; and during the night he 
 crossed the river in his rear, by means of the 
 ferry and a temporary bridge, leaving a consid- 
 erable quantity of arms, quartermaster’s stores, 
 and baggage, which he was unable to remove. 
 The retreat of the rebels was not discovered by 
 the federal forces until it had been successfully 
 accomplished. The camp was then occupied, 
 and a few prisoners captured ; but it was found 
 impossible to follow the fugitives, as the bridge 
 had been destroyed and the boats sunk, and the 
 stream was too swift and deep for fording. 
 
 The following report of General Rosecrans, 
 with extracts from the report of General Ben- 
 ham, exhibits more in detail the events of the 
 engagement thus briefly sketched : — 
 
 REPORT OF GENERAL ROSECRANS. 
 
 ‘* HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF VIRGINIA, 
 ‘‘Camp Scort, Sept. 11, P. M. 
 
 “ CotroneL E. D. Townsenp. 
 
 “We yesterday marched seventeen and a half 
 miles, reached the enemy’s intrenched position, 
 in front of Carnifex Ferry, driving his advance 
 outposts and pickets before us. We found him 
 occupying a strongly intrenched position, cov- 
 ered by a forest too dense to admit of its being 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 seen at a distance of three hundred yards. 
 His force was five regiments, besides the one 
 driven in. He had, probably, sixteen pieces of 
 artillery. 
 
 “At three o’clock we began a strong recon- 
 noissance, which proceeded to such length, we 
 were about to assault the position on the flank 
 and front, when night coming on, and our troops 
 being completely exhausted, I drew them out 
 of the woods and posted them in the order of 
 battle behind ridges immediately in front of the 
 enemy’s position, where they rested on their 
 arms till morning. 
 
 “Shortly after daylight a runaway ‘contra- 
 band’ came in, and reported that the enemy 
 had crossed the Gauley during the night, by 
 means of the ferry and a bridge which they had 
 completed. 
 
 “ Colonel Ewing was ordered to take posses- 
 sion of the camp, which he did about seven 
 o’clock, capturing a few prisoners, two stand 
 of colors, a considerable quantity of arms, with 
 quartermaster’s stores, messing and camp equl- 
 page. 
 
 “The enemy having destroyed the bridge 
 across the Gauley, which here rushes though a 
 deep gorge, and our troops being still much fa- 
 tigued,and having no material for immediately 
 repairing the bridge, it was thought prudent to 
 encamp the troops, occupy the ferry and the 
 captured camp, sending a few rifle cannon shots 
 after the enemy to produce a moral effect. 
 
 “Our loss would probably amount to twenty 
 killed and one hundred wounded. The ene- 
 my’s loss had not been ascertained; but from 
 report it must have been considerable. 
 
 “W. S. Roszorans.” 
 
 GENERAL BENHAM’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘‘Heapquarters Army oF Occupation, W. Va., 
 ‘«‘Camp Scott, Sept. 3, 1861. , 
 
 “Sir: I have the honor to report as follows 
 in relation to the operation of my brigade in ~ 
 the battle at the rebel intrenchments at Carni- 
 fex Ferry on the 10th instant. As previously 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 stated to you, the head of my brigade started 
 from the camp, eight miles north of Summer- 
 ville, at about four A. M., reaching that place 
 before eight A. M., in good order, and with the 
 men eager for the continuance of the march 
 towards the enemy, who, we there ascertained, 
 were well intrenched and determined to resist 
 us near Carnifex Ferry. 
 
 » “ After a halt of nearly two hours, about one 
 mile short of the Cross Lanes, we moved rapid- 
 ly forward towards the position of the enemy, 
 until our arrival at the site of this camp, about 
 one mile from their intrenchments, a little past 
 two o'clock, when, after a reconnoissance by 
 you, myself accompanying you, I was author- 
 ized to move forward with my brigade, ‘ using 
 my best discretion in the case’ Upon receiv- 
 ing this order, and with the mass of my brigade 
 well closed up, which had been accomplished 
 during our reconnoissance, I moved carefully 
 forward, with the tenth Ohio regiment lead- 
 ing, having our skirmishers well ahead, and at 
 the flanks for nearly three fourths of a mile, 
 when we discovered, through the opening of 
 the woods on our left, their intrenchments in 
 an open space on our left, beyond a deep and 
 steep valley, and crowning the crest of the op- 
 posite hill. : 
 
 “ Having no engineer officer with my brigade, 
 and no others, that I knew of, to replace one, 
 I kept with the head of the regiment to avoid 
 ambuscades, and to judge myself of their posi- 
 tion and arrangements. After advancing about 
 one fourth of a mile to the end of the woods, I 
 halted the command, and could perceive that a 
 heavy cross fire had been prepared for us at 
 the open space at the debouche from the roads. 
 Within some five minutes after this time, — 
 nearly half past three o’clock — while carefully 
 examining their earthworks on the road in 
 front, and their intrenchments on our left, a 
 tremendous fire of musketry was opened on us, 
 which in a few minutes was followed by a dis- 
 charge of grape and spelter canister from a 
 
 359 
 
 battery of some six pieces of artillery. This 
 caused a break in the line for a few minutes, 
 though for a few minutes only, for the men im- 
 mediately returned to their ranks, under the 
 lead of their officers, to their former position, 
 where I retained them, as I was certain that 
 the fire at us through the close woods was with- 
 out direct aim, and because they were needed 
 for the protection of our artillery, which I im- 
 mediately ordered up; the two rifled guns of 
 Captain Schneider, and Captain McMullen, with 
 his four mountain howitzers, immediately fol- 
 lowed, throwing their shells well into their 
 intrenchments on our left. 
 
 “ A further examination of their position con- 
 vinced me that their weak part, and our true 
 point of attack, was on their right flank, across 
 the deep valley from our position; upon which 
 orders were immediately sent to Colonel Smith, 
 of the thirteenth regiment, and to Colonel 
 Lowe, of the twelfth regiment, to advance and 
 pass the valley on our left, under cover of the 
 woods, to that attack. Neither of these regi- 
 ments was to be found in their proper po- 
 sition on the road in my rear, as I expected. 
 After a short time, Colonel Smith was met with 
 on our right, where he had been drawn into 
 the woods by the belief, from the sound of the 
 firmg, that the attack was upon our right. 
 Upon the receipt of my order, however, Colo- 
 nel Smith moved rapidly across the main road, 
 down the ravine valley on our left, where he 
 fortunately struck upon the most advantageous 
 route, and thence he moved up the opposite 
 hill, entirely past the right flank of the ene- 
 my. But as I had been unable to find the 
 twelfth regiment to send forward to his support, 
 though I have since learned that three com- 
 panies, under Lieutenant-Colonel White, were 
 near him, his movement became principally a 
 reconnoissance, from which he soon after re- 
 turned, reporting to me his opinion of the en- 
 tire practicability of a successful attack upon 
 the rebel intrenchments at that point, he having 
 
360 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 entirely passed by the breastwork on the right, 
 approaching within one hundred yards of their 
 line, pouring a fire into them, which, it is since | 
 satisfactorily ascertained, cleared that part of 
 that breastwork of the enemy, : 
 
 “ As I was still unable to find the position of 
 the twelfth regiment, which it has been re- 
 ported to me had been ordered into the woods 
 by the commanding general, I sent one of my 
 staff to Colonel McCook, commanding the second 
 brigade, to ask him to aid the thirteenth in 
 this attack with his ninth regiment, to which 
 request a reply was returned to me that there | 
 were other orders from the commanding gen- 
 eral, as stated to my aid by acting Adjutant- 
 General Captain Hartsuff. 
 
 “Tn this state of affairs I could only hold my 
 position in front, with the tenth regiment pro- 
 tecting the artillery, which was endeavoring to 
 silence the cannon of the enemy, which was to 
 a considerable extent accomplished after the 
 first fifteen or twenty minutes — their guns be- 
 ing at once removed to other positions, as was 
 then also done with one half of Schneider’s 
 and McMullen’s pieces, to enfilade the crest of 
 the hill from the edge of the woods on our right, 
 which gave a fair view of their battery at some 
 three hundred and eighty yards’ distance. 
 
 “At this time, or about one hour after the 
 commencement of the action, Colonel Lytle, 
 of the tenth, though not ordered by me, and 
 while I was still endeavoring to obtain troops 
 for the attack from our left, made a very gal- 
 lant attempt to approach their battery through 
 the cleared space in front of it, which of course 
 failed, from the smallness of his force in that 
 
 exposed situation — he being severely wounded 
 and compelled to retire, with the loss of many 
 men killed and wounded. 
 
 “ Colonel Lowe, of the twelfth, also, at a sub- 
 sequent period, made a similar attempt, and, as 
 far as I can learn, without orders; in which, I 
 
 regret to say, he fell, being instantly killed by 
 a discharge of canister from the enemy. 
 
 UNITED STATES. | 
 
 “The above comprises the sum of the action 
 of the portion of my brigade that was with 
 me, until you arrived on the field and assumed 
 the direction of affairs, some time after which 
 arrival you also arranged for and directed the 
 attack upon their right, with Colonel Smith’s 
 regiment, and a part of the twelfth and forty- 
 seventh—Colonel Mohr. This attack,as having 
 been first directed by myself, you will recollect, f 
 offered to lead upon the enemy, recommending 
 at the same time a simultaneous demonstration 
 or attack by the ninth and twelfth regiments, 
 under cover of the woods, from our right. The 
 command moved forward, however, under the 
 direction of Colonel Smith; but from the late- 
 ness of the hour it was compelled to return 
 without attempting any thing, and the lateness 
 of the hour seemed to forbid further operations 
 for the day.ine ‘say, 
 
 “Very respectfully, your obd’t servant, 
 
 “H. W. Brenna, 
 “Brigadier-General commanding Furst Brigade.” 
 
 While General Rosecrans moved against the 
 forces of Floyd, a larger body of rebels, under 
 the command of General Robert E. Lee, threat- 
 ened an attack upon the federal lines farther 
 north, where General Reynolds held strong po- 
 sitions at Cheat Mountain and Elk Water. Gen- 
 eral Lee apparently attempted to get through 
 Cheat Mountain Pass, with a view of attacking 
 the federal forces in the rear, and gaining access 
 to the open country west of the mountains, 
 from which the rebel forces had been driven. 
 Making a reconnoissance in force, the rebels 
 approached secretly to within a short distance 
 of the federal outposts, and on the 12th of 
 September they met with detachments from 
 two regiments, by whom they were repulsed, 
 though greatly exceeding the federal force in 
 numbers, the latter then falling back to the 
 main body. At the same time another body 
 of rebels advanced by another route, and suc- 
 ceeded in throwing a part of their force into the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 rear of Cheat Mountain. The federal position 
 was a strong one, and the rugged nature of the 
 country enabled a comparatively small body to 
 hold in check superior numbers. While the 
 federal force on Cheat Mountain held the rebels 
 in check, reénforcements were sent from Elk 
 Water and Cheat Mountain Pass, with orders to 
 cut their way through the rebel forces if neces- 
 sary. These reénforcements moved early on 
 the morning of the 13th; but before they 
 reached the mountain summit, the force there, 
 numbering but three hundred men, had re- 
 pulsed the enemy, compelling him to retire in 
 haste, with the loss of a large quantity of cloth- 
 ing and equipments, which had been cast aside 
 in making the attack. 
 
 While these movements were taking place at 
 Cheat Mountain, General Lee advanced another 
 portion of his forces towards Elk Water, about 
 seven miles distant, by the shortest road, from 
 the summit of the mountain; but a few shots 
 from artillery compelled them to retire. On 
 the 14th, however, they again approached Elk 
 Water, and avain retired before a moderate show 
 of resistance. Another attempt was made upon 
 the mountain also, and again the small garrison 
 there repulsed the assailants. The next day a 
 larger force of the enemy advanced upon the 
 mountain, and attempted a flank movement; 
 but the federal force were too strongly posted, 
 and again succeeded in driving back superior 
 numbers. Foiled in all his attempts to take the 
 position or to advance into Western Virginia, 
 the rebel general withdrew his forces. In these 
 various engagements the federal loss was nine 
 killed, a considerable number wounded, and 
 about sixty prisoners, who belonged to the regi- 
 ment on picket. Of the enemy it was supposed 
 that nearly a hundred were killed and a propor- 
 tionate number wounded, and twenty were taken 
 prisoners. Among the killed was Colonel John 
 A. Washington, the former proprietor. of Mount 
 Vernon, who was aid-de-camp to General Lee, 
 and was shot while making a reconnoissance. 
 
 46 
 
 361 
 
 The following is the official report of Gen- 
 eral Reynolds : — 
 
 ‘s HEADQUARTERS First Bricaps I. V. M., 
 «Hix Water, Sept. 17, 1861. 
 
 ‘“‘Grorce L. Hartsurr, Assistant Apsutant-GENERAL, Dez- 
 PARTMENT OHIO. 
 
 “Sir: The operations of this brigade for the 
 past few days may be summed up as follows: 
 On the 12th instant, the enemy, nine thousand 
 strong, with eight to twelve pieces of artillery, 
 under command of General R. E. Lee, advanced 
 on this position by the Huntersville Pike. Our 
 advanced pickets — portions of the fifteenth In- 
 diana and sixth Ohio — gradually fell back to 
 our main picket station ; two companies of the 
 |seventeenth Indiana, under Colonel Hascall, 
 checking the enemy’s advance at the Point 
 Mountain Turnpike, and then falling back on 
 the regiment which occupied a very advanced 
 position on our right front, and which was now 
 ordered in. The enemy threw into the woods on 
 our left front three regiments, who made their 
 way to the right and rear of Cheat Mountain, 
 took a position on the road leading to Hutton- 
 ville, broke the telegraph wire, and cut off our 
 communication with Colonel Kimball’s four- 
 teenth Indiana cavalry on Cheat Summit. Simul- 
 taneously another force of the enemy, of about 
 equal strength, advanced by the Staunton Pike 
 on the front of Cheat Mountain, and threw two 
 regiments to the right and rear of Cheat Moun- 
 tain, which united with the three regiments 
 from the other column of the enemy. (The 
 two posts, Cheat Summit and Elk Water, are 
 seven miles apart by a bridle path over the 
 mountains, and eighteen miles by the wagon 
 road, via Huttonville, Cheat Mountain Pass, the 
 former headquarters of the brigade, being at 
 the foot of the mountain, ten miles from the 
 summit.) The enemy, advancing towards the 
 pass by which he might possibly have obtained 
 the rear or left of Elk Water, was met there 
 by three companies of the thirteenth Indiana, 
 ordered up for that purpose, and by one com- 
 
362 
 
 pany of the fourteenth Indiana from the summit. 
 These four companies engaged and gallantly 
 held in check greatly superior numbers of the 
 enemy, foiled him in his attempt to obtain the 
 rear or left of Elk Water, and threw him into 
 the rear and right of Cheat Mountain, the com- 
 panies retiring to the pass at the foot of the 
 mountains. 
 
 “The enemy, about five thousand strong, was 
 closed in on Cheat Summit, and became engaged 
 with detachments of the fourteenth Indiana, 
 twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth Ohio, from the 
 summit, in all only about three hundred, who, 
 deployed in the wood, held in check and killed 
 many of the enemy, who did not at any time 
 succeed in getting sufficiently near the field re- 
 doubt to give Dunn’s battery an opportunity of 
 firing into him. So matters rested at dark on 
 the 12th, with heavy forces in front, and in plain 
 sight of both posts; communication cut off, and 
 the supply train for the mountain, loaded with 
 provisions which were needed, waiting for an 
 opportunity to pass up the road. Determined 
 to force a communication with Cheat, I ordered 
 the thirteenth Indiana, under Colonel Sullivan, 
 to cut their way, if necessary, by the mail road, 
 and the greater part of the third Ohio and sec- 
 ond Virginia, under Colonels Manon and Moss, 
 respectively, to do the same by the path; the 
 two commands starting at three o’clock A. M,, 
 on the 13th — the former from Cheat Mountain 
 Pass, and the latter from Hlk Water, so as to 
 fall upon the enemy, if possible, simultaneously. 
 Early on the 15th, the small force of about three 
 hundred from the Summit engaged the enemy, 
 and with such effect, that notwithstanding his 
 greatly superior numbers, he retired in great 
 haste and disorder, leaving large quantities of 
 clothing and equipments on the ground ; and 
 our relieving forces, failing to catch the enemy, 
 marched to the Summit, securing the provision 
 train, and reopening our communication. While 
 this was taking place on the mountain, and as 
 yet unknown to us, the enemy, under Lee, ad- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 vanced on Elk Water, apparently for a general 
 attack. One rifled ten-pound Parrott gun, from 
 Loomis’s battery, was run to the front three 
 fourths of a mile, and delivered a few shots at 
 the enemy, doing fine execution, causing him to 
 withdraw out of convenient range. Our rela- 
 tive positions remained unchanged until near 
 dark, when we learned the result of the move- 
 ment on the mountain, as above stated, and the 
 enemy retired somewhat for the night. 
 
 “On the 14th, early, the enemy was again in 
 position in front of Elk Water, and a few rounds, 
 supported by a company of the fifteenth In- 
 diana, were again administered, which caused 
 him to withdraw as before. The forces that 
 had been before repulsed from Cheat returned, 
 and were again driven back by a comparatively 
 small force from the mountain. The seven- 
 teenth Indiana was ordered up the path to open 
 communication, and make way for another sup- 
 ply train; but, as before, found the little band 
 from the Summit had already done the work. 
 During the afternoon of the 14th the enemy 
 withdrew from before Elk Water, and is now 
 principally concentrated some ten miles from 
 this post, at or near his main camp. On the 
 15th he appeared in stronger force than at any 
 previous time, in front of Cheat, and attempted 
 a flank movement by the left, but was driven 
 back by the ever-vigilant and gallant garrison 
 of the field redoubt on the Summit. To-day the 
 enemy has also retired from the front of Cheat, 
 but to what precise position I am not yet 
 informed. 
 
 “J. J. Reynowps, 
 “ Brigadier-General commanding First Brigade. 
 
 ‘«‘Grorce 8S. Rosr, Assistant ADJUTANT-GENERAL,” 
 
 The rebel forces under Lee still threatened 
 the federal lines; but their exact position and 
 numbers, and their purposes, were matters of 
 doubt. On the night of the 2d of October, Gen- 
 eral Reynolds accordingly started from Cheat 
 Mountain with about five thousand troops and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 363 
 
 twelve pieces of artillery, to make a recon- 
 noissance of the rebel position on the Green 
 Brier range, about twelve miles south, where 
 they were reported to be intrenched. This 
 force drove in, after a sharp skirmish, the ene- 
 my’s advanced regiments, and moved directly 
 upon the strong, fortified position which he held 
 on Buffalo Hill, when the batteries were brought 
 to bear upon the camp and works. The rebels 
 returned the fire, and for some time there was 
 a conflict of artillery, in which the rebels had 
 several guns disabled, and apparently lost a con- 
 siderable number of men, while their own shots 
 were generally of little effect, owing to the 
 proximity of the attacking force and the pro- 
 tection of the trees. The infantry were not 
 content that the artillery should alone fight the 
 battle, and yielding to the request of the officers, 
 General Reynolds ordered a flank movement, by 
 which the infantry should make a demonstration, 
 and ascertain more particularly the strength 
 and location of the enemy, while the artillery 
 occupied his attention in front. ‘The rebels, 
 however, observed the movement, and turned 
 their artillery upon the infantry, throwing one 
 of the regiments into confusion, and repulsing 
 them, though without much loss. In the mean 
 time it was evident that the rebels were re- 
 ceiving reénforcements, and General Reynolds, 
 having accomplished all that he anticipated, 
 by fixing the position and strength of the rebel 
 forces, ordered his troops to retire; and after a 
 four hours’ battle, in which the federal loss was 
 eight killed and thirty-two wounded, and the 
 rebel loss was admitted to be much larger, 
 they returned in good order to their camp at 
 Cheat Mountain. The result was claimed as a 
 victory on the part of the rebels, though the 
 details of the battle, and the conduct of the 
 Union troops, and their orderly return to camp, 
 indicate nothing like a defeat. The follow- 
 ing is General Reynolds’s report of this move- 
 ment : — 
 
 ‘“Heapquarters First Bricapr, 
 “ARMY or Occupation, WESTERN VIRGINIA, 
 “ELK WATER, Oct. 4, 1861. 
 
 “Grorce L. Harrsurr, Assistant Apsutant-GENERAL. 
 
 “Sir: On the night of the 2d of October, at 
 twelve o’clock, I started from the summit of 
 Cheat Mountain, to make an armed reconnois- 
 sance of the enemy’s position on the Green Brier 
 River, twelve miles in advance. Our force con- 
 sisted of Howe’s battery, fourth regular artil- 
 lery, Loomis’s battery, Michigan volunteer ar- 
 tillery, part of Daum’s battery, Virginia volun- 
 teer artillery, twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth, and 
 thirty-second Ohio regiments, seventh, ninth, 
 thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, and seventeenth 
 Indiana regiments — the last four being reduced 
 by continuous hard service and sickness to about 
 half regiments — parts of Robinson’s company 
 of Ohio, Greenfield’s reserve, and Bracken’s 
 Indiana cavalry; in all about five thousand. 
 Millroy’s ninth Indiana drove in the enemy’s 
 advanced pickets, and deployed to our right, 
 driving the enemy on that flank into his in- 
 trenchments. Kimball’s fourteenth Indiana was 
 advanced directly to the enemy’s front and 
 right, to drive his advanced regiments from a 
 position suitable for our artillery: this was 
 soon done in gallant style, and our batteries 
 promptly took their positions within about 
 seven hundred yards of the intrenchments, and 
 opened fire. Some of the enemy’s guns were 
 visible, and others concealed. We disabled three 
 of his guns, made a thorough reconnoissance, 
 and, after having fully and successfully accom- 
 plished the object of the expedition, retired 
 leisurely and in good order to Cheat Mountain, 
 arriving at sundown, having marched twenty- 
 four miles, and been under the enemy’s fire 
 four hours. The enemy’s force was about nine 
 thousand, and we distinctly saw heavy reén- 
 forcements of infantry and artillery arrive, 
 while we were in front of the works. 
 
 “We took thirteen prisoners. The number 
 
364 
 
 of killed and wounded could not be accurately 
 ascertained ; but from those actually counted in 
 the field, and estimated in the trenches which 
 could be seen from the heights, it is believed 
 the number reached at least three hundred. 
 Our loss was surprisingly small — eight killed 
 and thirty-two wounded, most of them slightly ; 
 the proximity of our batteries to the intrench- 
 ments causing many shots to pass over us. 
 “Very respectfully, &e., 
 © EV SEYNOLDS: 
 “ Brigadier-General commanding. 
 
 ‘¢Grorce W. Rosz, Assistant ApsJuTANT-GENERAL.” 
 
 Although the rebels claimed a victory in the 
 affair on the Green Brier Mountain, they made 
 no advance from that position, but, on the con- 
 trary, withdrew, after a time, to positions farther 
 east, on the Alleghany range. Here, at a point 
 some eight or ten miles beyond the scene of 
 the battle of Green Brier, another engagement 
 took place on the 13th of December. With 
 about two thousand men, General Milroy moved 
 from Cheat Mountain against this position of 
 the rebels. Reaching the former rebel position, 
 General Milroy divided his forces, with a view 
 to attack the enemy on two sides simultane- 
 ously; but the road taken by one division was 
 
 very bad, and much obstructed by fallen timber | 
 thrown across it by the rebels as a defence, and | 
 
 the march was so much impeded that this divis- 
 ion did not: reach a position for attack until the 
 other division was retiring. The latter, which 
 was under command of General Milroy in per- 
 son, having reached the summit upon which 
 the rebel camp was established, found it neces- 
 sary to make an attack without waiting for the 
 codperation of the column that had moved to 
 the right. The rebels had formed for battle 
 when their pickets were driven in, and advanced 
 to meet the federal force. They were speedily 
 
 driven back, but soon rallied again, when they. 
 
 were again compelled to retire before the fire 
 of their assailants. An attempt to turn the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 flank of the small federal force also failed. But 
 the ammunition of General Milroy’s troops was 
 nearly exhausted, and they were obliged to re- 
 tire, nothing yet being heard from the other 
 division. But General Milroy’s troops had re- 
 tired but a short time when this division com- 
 menced an attack on the right. The rebels, 
 relieved from the attack of the first body, turned 
 their strength against the new comers. The 
 latter, however, skirmished successfully, and, 
 when a rebel force came out of their works, 
 drove them back by a well-directed fire. This 
 part of the engagement continued for nearly 
 four hours, without any decisive result, when 
 the federal forces were withdrawn, carrying 
 with them their dead and wounded. Had the 
 attack been made simultaneously by the two 
 divisions, as intended, the result would probably 
 have been a decisive victory for the federal 
 As it was, the expedition failed of its 
 purpose, though the federal troops were simply 
 repulsed, not defeated. The rebels claimed a 
 brilliant triumph, though their own accounts 
 fail to make it appear. The federal loss was 
 twenty killed, one hundred and seven wounded, 
 and ten missing. The loss on the part of the 
 rebels, according to their reports, was about 
 the same. 
 
 Besides the engagements above described, 
 detached bodies of troops belonging to the 
 command of General Rosecrans, were moved 
 to different points in the Kanawha valley, and 
 had several skirmishes with the rebels, who had 
 again collected forces in the valley. The most 
 important of these engagements was one at 
 Chapmanville, September 25, where a body of 
 rebels were routed, with heavy loss, by a Ken- 
 tucky regiment, under command of Colonel 
 Enyart, and an Ohio regiment, under command 
 of Colonel Piatt, each of which met the enemy 
 separately, and compelled him to retire. 
 
 The troops of General Rosecrans were not 
 idle, though no other important battle or move- 
 ment occurred for the present. They were so- 
 
 arms. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 disposed as to hold in check the rebel forces, 
 and to press them gradually back from the slight 
 advance they had made since the summer cam- 
 paign. The roads were bad, and the movements 
 of either side were greatly impeded by the dif- 
 ficulties of transportation. The tide of success, 
 however, was in favor of the federal troops. On 
 the 10th of November an advance was made 
 against Floyd’s forces in a strong position on 
 Cotton Hill, near Gauley Bridge. General Cox’s 
 brigade crossed the river, and ascended the 
 heights upon which the rebels were posted. 
 After a slight resistance the latter abandoned 
 their position, and retreated to other strong- 
 holds among the hills of that region. Prepara- 
 tions were made to pursue and attack them 
 again as speedily as the bad roads would per- 
 mit; but the active campaign in this part of 
 Virginia was suddenly brought to a close by 
 the sudden retreat of Floyd, who, on the 20th 
 of November, broke up his camp near the Gau- 
 ley River, burned a large number of tents, 
 destroyed a quantity of camp equipage, and 
 abandoned several wagons of ammunition and 
 arms in his flight. 
 
 Floyd’s forces were pursued some thirty miles 
 by General Benham’s troops, who had several 
 skirmishes with the rear guard of the rebels. 
 General Benham anticipated being able to 
 entirely rout or capture the whole force at 
 Raleigh; but while he was yet in pursuit, his 
 brigade was transferred to General Schenck, 
 and was ordered back. 
 
 A month later General Rosecrans issued an 
 address to the army of Western Virginia, con- 
 gratulating them upon their triumphs during 
 the campaign then finished, and urging more 
 perfect preparation for future operations. Gen- 
 eral Floyd, about the same time, issued an 
 address to the troops under his command, ex- 
 pressing his admiration at the manner in which 
 they had conducted a campaign of five months, 
 and baffled the enemy. The success of General 
 Floyd, however, was hardly acknowledged by 
 
 ~ 
 
 365 
 
 the rebel government; for he was relieved of 
 command, and his forces were sent to Tennes- 
 see and Kentucky. 
 
 While the rebels made demonstrations against 
 Western Virginia, they also organized a cam- 
 paign in the mountainous region in the north- 
 ern part of the state, from the region of Cheat 
 River, where General Lee’s forces moved against 
 the federal forces at Cheat Mountain, to the 
 vicinity of Harper’s Ferry. The object was to 
 get possession of and hold the Baltimore and 
 Ohio Railroad, thus cutting off the most direct 
 communication between Washington and the 
 west, while they might also be able to turn the 
 flank of the federal army of the Potomac, and 
 even threaten incursions into Pennsylvania. 
 Federal troops had moved forward along the 
 railroad from Western Virginia, reopening com- 
 munication which had been interrupted by the 
 destruction of bridges, and guarding the more 
 important places along the route. Slight skir- 
 mishes occurred at various points between small 
 detachments of these troops and bands of dis- 
 loyal inhabitants who were organized for guer- 
 rilla warfare or to join the rebel army. The 
 increasing numbers of the rebel troops in this 
 region rendered it necessary to add to the 
 federal forces posted along the extended line 
 which they held; but with such numbers as 
 were sent no considerable force could be col- 
 lected at one point. 
 
 The only engagements of any magnitude 
 that occurred during the autumn, in this region, 
 were at Romney, in Hampshire County, on the 
 south branch of the Potomac. The first of these 
 affairs took place on the 23d of September, 
 when about one thousand men, including a 
 small cavalry force, with one piece of artillery, 
 advanced from New Creek towards Romney. 
 At Mechanicsburg Gap, near Romney, they 
 met a force of seven hundred rebels, whom 
 they drove out of the gap, and then attacked 
 the rebels posted in the town. The attack was 
 sudden and vigorous, and the enemy, number- 
 
366 
 
 ing about fourteen hundred men, retreated from 
 the town to the neighboring mountains, with 
 a loss of many killed and wounded. The fed- 
 eral troops did not attempt to hold the place, 
 but retired to their former position. 
 
 The other engagement occurred on the 26th 
 of October. General Kelley, with twenty-five 
 hundred men, moved from New Creek towards 
 Romney, on the west, and at the same time 
 Colonel Johns, with seven hundred men, moved 
 from Patterson’s Creek to the north side of the 
 town, to create a diversion in favor of General 
 Kelley. At Mill Creek, about five miles from 
 Romney, General Kelley’s troops came upon 
 the rebel outposts, and skirmishing commenced. 
 The rebel force stationed here soon retreated, 
 and General Kelley advanced to the Indian 
 Mound Cemetery, where a larger body of the 
 rebels made a stand, and opened fire with a 
 rifled cannon, while at the same time other ar- 
 tillery, from high grounds on the east side of 
 the river commanding the road taken by the 
 federal troops, also commenced throwing shot 
 at them. At the east end of the bridge the 
 rebels had also thrown up intrenchments, from 
 which they kept up a constant, though rather 
 harmless, fire of musketry. 
 
 After responding briskly to the rebel fire 
 with his three or four pieces of artillery, Gen- 
 eral Kelley, having ascertained the rebel po- 
 sition, ordered an assault upon battery and 
 intrenchment. The cavalry dashed across the 
 river, which was shallow and fordable, while the 
 infantry charged rapidly over the bridge. This 
 movement had hardly begun when the rebels 
 abandoned their position and commenced a pre- 
 cipitate retreat through the town and towards 
 Winchester. They were followed by the fed- 
 eral cavalry, who took many prisoners, while 
 in the town General Kelley captured all their 
 cannon, a quantity of small arms, many horses, 
 tents, and a large amount of stores. 
 on either side was small, being one killed and 
 five wounded on the federal side, and eight or 
 
 The loss} 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ten killed and fifteen wounded on the part of 
 the rebels. 
 While General Kelley advanced on the west 
 
 of the town, Colonel Johns approached through 
 
 Springfield on the north. After a slight skir- 
 mish at Springfield, this force advanced to a 
 bridge leading into Romney, where its passage 
 was opposed by the rebels. An attempt to 
 charge across the bridge was ineffectual, because 
 of the removal of the planks from a part of it, 
 which was not discovered till the federal troops 
 were already upon the bridge, where they were 
 exposed toa galling fire from the rebels on the 
 other side. Colonel Johns, finding it impracti- 
 cable to cross, and as his orders were simply to 
 create a diversion in favor of General Kelley, 
 which he had accomplished, now withdrew his 
 troops. General Kelley had already succeeded 
 in routing the enemy on his side, and the rebel 
 force on the north of the town soon followed 
 the fugitives towards Winchester. 
 
 The rebel forces, under General Jackson, 
 continued to threaten the federal lines on the 
 Upper Potomac and the forces that had ad- 
 vanced from the west; but though there were 
 occasional slight skirmishes, and a constant 
 oppression of all loyal persons who were within 
 reach of the rebel forces, regular and irregular, 
 no conflict or movement of importance occurred 
 during this year. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 The Army of the Potomac. — Its Position. — Reconnoissances 
 and Skirmishes. — Occupation of Lewinsville.— Movement at 
 Harper’s Ferry, and successful Skirmish. — Battle of Ball’s 
 Bluff. — Object of a Movement towards Leesburg. — Feint at 
 Edwards’s Ferry, and Crossing at Harrison’s Island. —Ad- 
 vance of the Massachusetts Fifteenth Regiment. — Skirmishing. 
 —Advance of the Rebel Forces.—Severe Conflict. — Death 
 of Colonel Baker. — The Federal Forces overcome. — Retreat. 
 — Want of Transportation across the River. — Escape of the 
 Soldiers. — Continued Attack of the Rebels. — Prisoners. — 
 Colonels Lee and Coggswell. — Federal and Rebel Losses. — 
 Report of General Stone. — Extracts from Report of Colonel 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Devens. — Effect of the Defeat. — Inadequate Means of Cross- 
 ing the River.— Extract from the Report of Colonel Hinks. 
 — Colonel Baker. 
 
 WE now return to the army of the Potomac, 
 which was posted in front of Washington from 
 some distance below Alexandria to a point 
 several miles beyond the chain bridge above 
 Georgetown. Above that point, on the Mary- 
 land side of the river, were other federal forces, 
 the pickets of which extended nearly to Har- 
 per’s Ferry, while the principal body of these 
 troops were stationed in the vicinity of Pooles- 
 ville. In front of this line the rebels had col- 
 lected a large army, which was posted in strong 
 positions, constantly threatening an attack, and 
 making movements which required vigilant 
 watching and counter-movements on the part 
 of the federal forces. Frequent skirmishes 
 occurred between the pickets and reconnoitring 
 and foraging parties of the two armies, with 
 various success and more or less loss; but no 
 engagement of any magnitude until a severe 
 battle at Ball’s Bluff, opposite Harrison’s Island, 
 in front of Poolesville. Previous to this the 
 federal troops had made some advances and 
 gained some of the strong positions held by the 
 rebels. One of these movements was made 
 October 10, from the chain bridge, towards 
 Lewinsville, which place, with the neighboring 
 eminences, was occupied by a strong force, 
 without resistance on the part of the rebels, 
 who retired at the approach of the federal 
 troops. A few days after, a large rebel force 
 advanced towards Lewinsville, probably for the 
 purpose of reconnoitring ; but a general attack 
 was expected, and preparations were made to 
 meet it, while great excitement prevailed at 
 Washington in anticipation of a battle. The 
 rebel force, however, after throwing a few ar- 
 tillery shot at long range, withdrew, and the 
 federal position was strengthened. 
 
 On the Upper Potomac the skirmishes con- 
 sisted principally of the firing of pickets and 
 
 367 
 
 small parties across the river; but occasionally 
 parties of either army crossed the river on 
 foraging expeditions. One of these expeditions, 
 worthy of mention, was an expedition, on the 
 15th of October, under command of Colonel 
 Geary,* of Pennsylvania, who, with four hun- 
 dred men, crossed the river at Harper’s Ferry, 
 and captured a large quantity of wheat, stored 
 ina mill near that place. The rebels did not 
 occupy Harper’s Ferry, but were strongly posted 
 on the neighboring heights and in the vicinity 
 of Charlestown. On the return of the federal 
 force the next day, an attack was made by a 
 rebel force of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, 
 while the batteries on the heights also com- 
 menced a heavy cannonading. After some 
 skirmishing, Colonel Geary’s force charged upon 
 the battery on Bolivar Heights, and carried it, 
 capturing one heavy piece of ordnance, and 
 putting the rebels to flight. Being reénforced, 
 he succeeded in compelling the whole rebel 
 force to retire, and, as it appeared, with con- 
 siderable loss, including several prisoners. The 
 federal loss was four killed, eight wounded, 
 and two taken prisoners. Having secured the 
 wheat and destroyed an iron foundery used by 
 the rebels for the casting of shot and shell, 
 Colonel Geary’s command recrossed the river 
 without further attack. 
 
 The battle of Ball’s Bluff occurred on the 
 21st of October. General McCall had occupied 
 Drainesville, a village in Virginia, about midway 
 between Washington and Leesburg, and Gen- 
 eral Stone, who commanded the forces near 
 Poolesville, was directed to codperate with re- 
 connoissances from Drainesville by advancing a 
 force towards Leesburg. Accordingly prepara- 
 tions were made to cross at Edwards’s Ferry, in 
 front of General Stone’s position, and a feint of 
 carrying out the movement was made, while a 
 force of about twenty-one hundred men, con- 
 sisting of detachments of the fifteenth and 
 
 * Afterwards brigadier-general. 
 
368 
 
 ‘twentieth Massachusetts regiments, first Cali- 
 fornia, and Tammany regiments of New York, 
 with sections of a Rhode Island and a regular 
 battery of light artillery, were ordered to cross 
 at Harrison’s Island, some miles above. The 
 latter force, with very limited means of trans- 
 portation, crossed on the 21st, by small detach- 
 ments and slowly, the fifteenth Massachusetts 
 regiment, Colonel Devens,* being in the ad- 
 vance. The detachment from this regiment, 
 having ascended the steep bluff which extended 
 along the Virginia shore, advanced a mile or 
 more towards Leesburg without meeting with 
 the enemy, or seeing any signs of their presence 
 in considerable numbers. While waiting here 
 for reénforcements, a rebel force suddenly ap- 
 peared, and skirmishing commenced, the federal 
 troops retiring to a wood, and subsequently 
 falling back towards the bluff Here the twen- 
 tieth Massachusetts regiment, Colonel Lee, had 
 arrived, and Colonel Devens again advanced. 
 While in his advanced position, a strong rebel 
 force made an attack upon him, and compelled 
 him to retire again to the position where the 
 other Massachusetts regiment, with the Cali- 
 fornia and Tammany regiments, were forming 
 in line of battle. Colonel Baker, of the Cali- 
 fornia regiment, by orders from General Stone, 
 assumed command of the entire force, and pre- 
 pared to meet the enemy. The latter came in 
 numbers evidently greatly exceeding the fed- 
 eral troops, and advancing under the cover of 
 woods, through which they threw out numer- 
 ous skirmishers, they poured a heavy fire of 
 artillery and musketry into the unprotected 
 lines of Colonel Baker's force. The federal 
 artillery responded briskly, but with some dis- 
 advantage, owing to the protection afforded to 
 the rebels by the woods; but two or three 
 pieces were soon nearly silenced by the loss of 
 officers and men, and one piece was captured 
 by being drawn up the bluff at the wrong point. 
 
 * Afterwards brigadier-general. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 The infantry returned the enemy’s volleys 
 bravely, though it was soon evident that the 
 rebels had in every way the advantage. Sud- 
 denly a conspicuous rebel officer, riding in front 
 of his troops, beckoned to the federal soldiers 
 as if daring them to advance. Colonel Baker, 
 believing that the rebels were about to emerge 
 from their cover and meet in open fight, or- 
 dered a charge, leading his own regiment him- 
 self; but they were met by a tremendous fire, 
 as if reénforcements had arrived to aid the 
 already overwhelming numbers of the rebels, 
 and in this attack Colonel Baker fell, being in- 
 stantly killed by a shot through the head. .The 
 federal force now wavered and fell back; but 
 by the efforts of Colonel Coggswell, of the Tam- 
 many regiment, upon whom the command now 
 devolved, they were rallied, and an attempt to 
 cut a passage through to Hdwards’s Ferry, 
 where troops had now been thrown across the 
 river, was contemplated. This was soon found — 
 impracticable with so strong a force to oppose 
 it, and the only thing that remained was to re- 
 treat down the bluff and recross the river to 
 Harrison’s Island. This movement was accord- 
 ingly ordered, the enemy pursuing as soon as 
 the retreat was evident. A few of the troops 
 crossed in boats; but the large boat in which 
 they had come over was too heavily laden, and 
 was swamped, and a number of the men were — 
 drowned. Others, throwing their arms into 
 the river, swam across, the rebels in the mean 
 time firing upon them from the edge of the. 
 bluff, probably killing a few, or wounding them 
 so that they were drowned. About five hundred 
 were taken prisoners, including the wounded. 
 Among the prisoners was Colonel Lee, of the 
 twentieth Massachusetts, who declined to use a 
 small boat which had been found, preferring to 
 secure the safety of some of his wounded sol- 
 diers. Being unable to find other means of 
 transportation, he was captured by a party of 
 rebels, together with the major, adjutant, and 
 assistant surgeon of his regiment. Colonel 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINIS TRATION. 
 
 Cogeswell, who was wounded, also fell into the 
 hands of the enemy. ‘The federal loss in killed 
 was about one hundred and fifty, and the 
 wounded numbered at least two hundred and 
 fifty. According to the report of the rebel 
 commander, General Evans, he took seven hun- 
 dred and ten prisoners, and his loss in killed 
 and wounded was one hundred and fifty-three. 
 The rebel force numbered about four thousand. 
 
 The details of this movement and battle are 
 more minutely described in the following official 
 reports : — 
 
 GENERAL STONE’S REPORT. 
 
 « HEaApQuaRrtEerRs Corps OF OBSERVATION, 
 ‘* October 28, 1861. 
 
 “Generat: On the 20th inst. being advised 
 from headquarters of General McCall’s move- 
 ments to Drainesville to reconnoitre and draw 
 out the intentions of the enemy at Leesburg, I 
 went to Edwards’s Ferry, at one o’clock P. M., with 
 General Gorman’s brigade, seventh Michigan, 
 two troops of the Van Alen cavalry, and the 
 Putnam Rangers, while four companies of the 
 
 fifteenth Massachusetts volunteers were sent to 
 
 Harrison’s Island, under Colonel Devens, who 
 then had one company on the island, and Colo- 
 nel Lee, with a battalion of the Massachusetts 
 twentieth, a section of the Rhode Island battery 
 and Tammany regiment, was sent to Conrad’s 
 Ferry. A section of Bunting’s New York bat- 
 tery and Rickett’s battery was already on duty, 
 respectively at Edwards’s and Conrad’s Ferries. 
 
 “General McCall’s movements had evidently 
 attracted the attention of the enemy, a regiment 
 
 of infantry having appeared from the direction 
 
 of Leesburg, and taken shelter behind a hill 
 about a mile and a half from our position at 
 the ferry. 
 
 “General Gorman was ordered to deploy his 
 forces in view of the enemy, and in so doing no 
 movement of the enemy was excited. Three 
 flat-boats were ordered, and at the same time, 
 shell and spherical case-shot were thrown into 
 the place of the enemy’s concealment. This 
 
 47 
 
 369 
 
 was done to produce an impression that a 
 crossing was to .be made. The shelling at Ed- 
 wards’s Ferry, and launching of the boats, in- 
 duced the quick retirement of the enemy’s 
 force seen there, and three boat loads of thirty- 
 five men each, from the first Minnesota, crossed 
 and recrossed the river, each trip occupying 
 about six or seven minutes. 
 
 “While this was going on, the men evinced 
 by their cheering that they were all ready and 
 determined to fight gallantly when the op- 
 portunity was presented. At dusk, General 
 Gorman’s brigade and the seventh Michigan 
 returned to camp, leaving the Tammany regi- 
 ment and the companies of the fifteenth Mas- 
 sachusetts and artillery at Conrad’s Ferry in 
 position, awaiting the return of scouts. Mean- 
 while, General Stone remained at Edwards’s 
 Ferry. At ten o’clock P.M, Lieutenant Howe, 
 quartermaster of the eat Mi 
 reported that scouts, under Captain Philbrick, 
 had returned to the island, having been within 
 one mile of Leesburg, and there discovering in 
 the edge of a wood an encampment of thirty 
 tents. No pickets were out any distance, and 
 he approached to within twenty-five rods with- 
 out being even challenged. 
 
 ¥ ace were then instantly sent to Colonel 
 Devens to cross four companies to the Virginia 
 shore, and march silently, under cover of the 
 night, to the position of the camp referred to, to 
 attack and destroy it at daybreak; pursue the 
 enemy lodged there as far as would be pru- 
 dent, and return immediately to the island, his 
 return to be covered by a company of the Mas- 
 sachusetts twentieth, to be posted over the 
 landing place. Colonel Devens was ordered to 
 
 make close observation of the position, strength, 
 and movements of the enemy, and in the event 
 of there being no enemy there visible, to hold 
 on, in a secure position, until he could be 
 strengthened sufficiently to make a valuable 
 reconnoissance. 
 
 “At this time orders were sent to Colonel 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Baker to send the first California regiment to 
 Conrad’s Ferry, to arrive there at sunrise, and 
 to have the remainder of his brigade ready to 
 move early. 
 
 “Tieutenant-Colonel Ward, of the fifteenth 
 Massachusetts, was also ordered to move with a 
 battalion to the river bank opposite Harrison’s 
 Island by daybreak. Two mounted howitzers, 
 in charge of Lieutenant French, of Rickett’s bat- 
 tery, were ordered to the tow-path of the canal 
 opposite Harrison’s Island. Colonel Devens, in 
 pursuance of his orders, crossed and proceeded 
 to the point indicated, Colonel Lee remaining 
 on the bluff, with one hundred men to cover 
 his return. ‘To distract attention from Colonel 
 Devens’s movements, and to make a reconnois- 
 sance in the direction of Leesburg from Ed- 
 wards’s Ferry, I directed General Gorman to 
 throw across the river at that point two com- 
 panies of the first Minnesota, under cover of a 
 fire from Rickett’s battery, and sent out a party 
 of thirty-one Van Alen cavalry, under Major 
 Mix, accompanied by Captain Charles Stewart, 
 assistant adjutant-general, Captain Murphy, and 
 Lieutenants Pierce and Gouraud, with orders 
 to advance along the Leesburg road until they 
 should come to the vicinity of a battery which 
 was known to be on that road, and then turn 
 to the left and examine the heights between 
 that and Goose Creek, and see if any of the) 
 enemy were posted in the vicinity, find out 
 their numbers as nearly as possible, their dis- 
 position, examine the country with reference 
 to the passage of troops to the Leesburg and 
 Georgetown turnpike, and return rapidly to 
 cover behind the skirmishers of the Minnesota 
 first. This reconnoissance was most gallantly 
 conducted, and the party proceeded along the 
 Leesburg road, nearly two miles from the ferry, 
 and when near the position of the hidden bat- 
 tery,came suddenly upon a Mississippi regiment, 
 about thirty-five yards distant, received its fire, 
 and returned it with their pistols. The fire of 
 the enemy killed one horse; but Lieutenant 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 Gouraud seized the dismounted man, and draw- 
 ing him on his horse behind him, carried him 
 unhurt from the field. One private of the 
 fourth Virginia cavalry was brought off by the 
 party a prisoner, who, being well mounted and 
 armed, his mount replaced the one lost by the 
 fire of the enemy. 
 
 “Meantime, on the right, Colonel Devens, 
 having, in pursuance of his orders, arrived at the 
 position designated to him as the site of the 
 enemy's camp, found that the scouts had been 
 deceived by the uncertain light, and mistaken 
 openings in the trees for a row of tents. Col- 
 onel Devens found, however, a wood, in which he 
 concealed his force, and proceeded to examine 
 the space between that and Leesburg, sending 
 back to report that thus far he could see no 
 enemy. Immediately on receipt of this intelli- 
 gence, brought me by Lieutenant Howe, who 
 had accompanied both parties, I ordered a non- 
 commissioned officer and ten cavalry to join 
 Colonel Devens, for the purpose of scouring the 
 country near him while engaged in the recon- 
 noissance, and giving due notice of the approach 
 of any force, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Ward, 
 with his battalion of the fifteenth Massachu- 
 setts, should move on to Smoot’s Mills, half a 
 mile to the right of the crossing place of Col- 
 onel Devens, and see where, in a strong posi- 
 tion, he could watch and protect the flank of 
 Colonel Devens in his return, and secure a sec- 
 ond crossing more favorable than the first, and 
 connected by a good road with Leesburg. Cap- 
 tain Candy, assistant adjutant-general, and Gen- 
 eral Lander, accompanied the cavalry to serve 
 with it. For some reason, never explained to 
 me, neither of these orders was carried out. 
 The cavalry were transferred to the Virginia 
 shore, but were sent back without having left 
 the shore to go inland; and thus Colonel Devens 
 was deprived of the means of obtaining warn- 
 ing of any approach of the enemy. 
 
 “The battalion under Colonel Ward was 
 detained on the bluff in the rear of Colonel 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Devens, instead of being directed to the right. 
 Colonel Baker, having arrived at Conrad’s Ferry 
 with the first California regiment at an early 
 hour, proceeded to Hdwards’s Ferry, and re- 
 ported to me in person, stating that his regiment 
 was at the former place, and the three other 
 regiments of his brigade ready to march. I 
 directed him to Harrison’s Island to assume com- 
 mand, and in full conversation explained to him 
 the position as it then stood. I told him that 
 General McCall had advanced his troops to 
 Drainesville, and that I was extremely desirous 
 of ascertaining the exact position and force of 
 the enemy in our front, and exploring as far as 
 it was safe on the right towards Leesburg, and 
 on the left towards the Leesburg and Gum 
 Spring road. I also informed Colonel Baker 
 that General Gorman, opposite Edwards’s Ferry, 
 should be reénforced, and that I would make 
 
 every effort to push Gorman’s troops carefully | 
 
 forward to discover the best line from that ferry 
 to the Leesburg and Gum Spring road, already 
 mentioned ; and the position of the breastworks 
 and hidden battery, which prevented the move- 
 ment of troops directly from left to right, was 
 also pointed out to him. 
 
 “The means of transportation across, of the 
 sufficiency of which he (Baker) was to be 
 judge, was detailed, and authority given him to 
 make use of the guns of a section each of 
 Vaughan’s and Bunting’s batteries, together 
 with French’s mountain howitzers, all the troops 
 of his brigade and the Tammany regiment, be- 
 sides the nineteenth and part of the twentieth 
 regiments of Massachusetts volunteers, and I left 
 it to his discretion, after viewing the ground, to 
 retire from the Virginia shore under the cover 
 of his guns and the fire of the large infantry 
 force, or to place our reénforcements in case he 
 found it practicable and the position on the 
 other side favorable. Istated that I wished no 
 advance made, unless the enemy were of in- 
 ferior force, and under no circumstances to pass 
 beyond Leesburg, or a strong position between 
 
 371 
 
 it and Goose Creek, on the Gum Spring road, 
 i. e., the Manassas road. Colonel Baker was cau- 
 tioned in reference to passing artillery across the 
 river; and I begged him, if he did do s0, to see it 
 well supported by good infantry. The general 
 pointed out to him the position of some bluffs 
 on this side of the river, from which artillery 
 could act with effect on the other; and, leaving 
 the matter of crossing more troops, or retiring 
 what were already over, to his discretion, gave 
 him entire control of operations on the right. 
 This gallant and energetic officer left me about 
 nine A. M., or half past nine, and galloped off 
 quickly to his command.. 
 
 “ Reénforcements were rapidly thrown to the 
 Virginia side by General Gorman at Edwards’s 
 
 Ferry, and his skirmishers and cavalry scouts 
 
 advanced cautiously and steadily to the front 
 and right, while the infantry lines were formed 
 in such positions as to act rapidly and in con- 
 cert, in case of an advance of the enemy, and 
 shells were thrown by Lieutenant Woodruff’s 
 Parrott guns into the woods beyond our lines, 
 as they gradually extended, care being taken 
 to annoy the vicinity of the battery on the 
 right. Messengers from Harrison’s Island in- 
 formed me, soon after the arrival of Colonel 
 Baker opposite the island, that he was crossing 
 his whole force as rapidly as possible, and that 
 he had caused an additional flat-boat to be rafted 
 from the canal into the river, and had provided 
 a line to cross the boats more rapidly. 
 
 “In the morning a skirmish took place be- 
 tween two companies of the twentieth Massa- 
 chusetts and about one hundred Mississippi 
 riflemen, during which a body of the enemy’s 
 cavalry appeared. Colonel Devens then fell 
 back in good order on Colonel Lee’s position. 
 Presently he again advanced, his men behaving 
 admirably, fighting, retiring, and advancing in 
 perfect order, and exhibiting every proof of 
 high courage and good discipline. Had the 
 cavalry scouting party, sent him in the morn- 
 ing, been with him then, he could have had 
 
372 
 
 timely warning of the approach of the superior 
 force which afterwards overwhelmed his regi- 
 ment, Thinking that Colonel Baker might be 
 able to use more artillery, I despatched to him 
 two additional pieces, supported by two com- 
 panies of infantry, with directions to come into 
 position below the place of crossing, and report 
 to Colonel Baker. Colonel Baker suggested 
 this himself, later in the day, just before the 
 guns on their way arrived. 
 
 « After Colonel Devens’s second advance, Col- 
 onel Baker went to the field in person ; and it is 
 a matter of regret to me that he left no record 
 of what officers and men he charged with the 
 care of the boats and insuring the regular pas- 
 sage of troops. If any were charged with this 
 duty, it was not performed; for the reénforce- 
 ments, as they arrived, found no one in com- 
 mand of the boats, and great delays were thus 
 occasioned. Had one officer and a company 
 remained at each landing, guarding the boats, 
 their full capacity would have been made ser- 
 viceable, and sufficient men would have been 
 passed on to secure success. The forwarding 
 of artillery before its supporting force of infan- 
 try, also impeded the rapid assembling of an 
 imposing force on the Virginia shore. If the 
 infantry force had first crossed, a difference of 
 one thousand men would have been made in 
 the infantry line at the time of attack, proba- 
 bly enough to have given us the victory. 
 
 “ Between twelve and one P. M. the enemy ap- 
 peared in force in front of Colonel Devens, and 
 a sharp skirmish ensued, and was maintained 
 for some time by the fifteenth Massachusetts, 
 unsupported; and finding he would be eut- 
 flanked, Colonel Devens retired a short dis- 
 tance, and took up a position near the wood, 
 half a mile in front of Colonel Lee, where he 
 remained until two o’clock, when he again fell 
 back, with the approval of Colonel Baker, and 
 took his place with the portions of the twen- 
 tieth Massachusetts and first California, which 
 had arrived. Colonel Baker now. formed his 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 line, and waited the attack of the enemy, which 
 
 came upon him with great vigor about three 
 
 P. M., and was well met by our troops, who, 
 though pitched against much superior num- 
 bers,—three to one,— maintained their ground 
 under a most destructive fire of the enemy. 
 Colonel Coggswell reached the field amid the 
 heaviest fire, and came gallantly into action, 
 with a yell.swhich wavered the enemy’s line. 
 Lieutenant Bramhall, of Bunting’s battery, had 
 succeeded, after extraordinary exertions and 
 labor, in bringing up a piece of the Rhode 
 Island battery, and Lieutenant French his two 
 howitzers; but both officers, after well directed 
 firing, were soon borne away wounded, and the 
 pieces were hauled to the rear, so that they 
 might not fall into theenemy’s hands. At four 
 P. M., Colonel Baker fell at the head of his col- 
 umn, pierced by a number of bullets, while 
 cheering his men, and by his own example 
 sustaining the obstinate resistance they were 
 making. The command then devolved upon 
 Colonel Lee, who prepared to commence throw- 
 ing out forces to the rear ; but it was soon found 
 that Colonel Coggswell was the senior in rank, 
 and he, taking the command, ordered prepara- 
 tion to be made for marching to the left, and ~ 
 cutting a way through to Edwards’s Ferry. But 
 just as the first dispositions were being effect- 
 ed, a rebel officer rode rapidly in front, and 
 beckoned the Tammany regiment towards the 
 enemy. Itis not clear whether or not the Tam- 
 many men supposed this one of our officers; 
 but they responded with a yelk and charged 
 forward, carrying with them, in their advance, 
 the rest of the line, which soon received a de- 
 structive fire from the enemy at close distance. 
 The men were quickly recalled; but their new 
 position frustrated the movement designed, and 
 Colonel Coggswell gave the necessary order to 
 retire. The enemy pursued to the edge of the 
 bluff over the landing place, and poured in 
 a heavy fire as our men were endeavoring to 
 cross to the island ‘The retreat was rapid, but 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 according to orders. The men formed near the 
 river, maintaining for nearly half an hour the 
 hopeless contest rather than surrender. The 
 smaller boats had disappeared, no one knew 
 where. The largest boat, rapidly and too heav- 
 ily loaded, swamped some fifteen feet from the 
 shore, and nothing was left to our soldiers but 
 to swim, surrender, or die. 
 
 “With a devotion worthy of the cause they 
 were serving, officers and men, while quarter 
 was being offered to such as would lay down 
 their arms, stripped themselves of their swords 
 and muskets, and hurled them out into the 
 river, to prevent their falling into the hands of 
 the foe, and saved themselves as they could by 
 swimiming, floating on logs, and concealing them- 
 selves in the bushes of the forest, and endeavor- 
 ing to make their way up and down the river 
 bank to the place of crossing. The instances of 
 personal gallantry of the highest order were so 
 many, that it would be unjust to detail particu- 
 lar cases. Officers displayed for their men, 
 and men for their officers, that beautiful devo- 
 _ tion which is only to be found among true sol- 
 diers. While these scenes were being enacted 
 on the right, I was preparing on the left for a 
 rapid push forward to the road by which the 
 enemy would retreat if driven, and entirely 
 unsuspicious of the perilous condition of our 
 troops. The additional artillery had already 
 been sent, and when the messenger, who did 
 not leave the field until after three o’clock, was 
 questioned as to Colonel Baker’s position, he 
 informed me ‘that the colonel, when he left, 
 seemed to feel perfectly secure, and could doubt- 
 less hold his position in case he should not 
 advance. The same statement was made by 
 another messenger, half an hour later, and I 
 watched anxiously for a sign of advance on the 
 right, in order to push forward General Gor- 
 man. It was, as had been explained to Colonel 
 Baker, impracticable to throw General Gor- 
 man’s brigade directly to the right by reason 
 of the battery in the woods, between which | 
 
 373 
 
 we had never been able to reconnoitre. At 
 four P. M,, or thereabouts, I telegraphed to Gen- 
 eral Banks fora brigade of his division, intending 
 it to occupy the ground on this side of the river 
 near Harrison’s Island, which would be aban- 
 doned in case of a rapid advance, and shortly 
 after, as the fire slackened, a messenger was 
 waited for, on whose tidings should be given 
 orders either for the advance of General Gor- 
 man to cut off the retreat of the enemy, or for 
 the disposition for the night in the position 
 then held. At five P.M. Captain Candy arrived 
 from the field, and announced the melancholy 
 tidings of Colonel Baker’s death; but with no 
 intelligence of any further disaster. I imme- 
 diately apprised General Banks of Colonel 
 Baker’s death, and I rode quickly to the right, 
 to assume command. Before arriving opposite 
 the island, men who had crossed the river plainly 
 gave evidence of the disaster; and on reaching 
 the same, I was satisfied of it by the conduct of 
 the men then landing in boats, 
 
 “The reports made to me were, that the en- 
 emy’s force was ten thousand men. This I 
 considered, as it proved to be, an exaggeration. 
 Orders were then given to hold the island, and 
 establish a patrol on the tow-path from oppo- 
 site the island to the line of pickets near the 
 Monocacy, and I returned to the left, to secure 
 the troops there from disaster, and make prep- 
 arations for moving them as rapidly as possible. 
 
 “Orders arrived from General McClellan to 
 hold the island on the Virginia shore at Ed- 
 wards’s Ferry at all risks, indicating at the same 
 time that reénforcements would be sent; and 
 immediately additional means of intrenching 
 were forwarded, and General Gorman was fur- 
 nished with particular directions to hold out 
 against any and every force of the enemy. 
 
 “During that time, General Hamilton, with 
 his brigade, was on the march from Darnestown. 
 Before I left to go to the right, I issued orders 
 to intercept him, and instructed him to repair 
 to Conrad’s Ferry, where orders awaited him to 
 
374 
 
 so dispose of his force as to give protection to 
 Harrison’s Island, and protect the line of the 
 river. At three A. M. Major-General Banks 
 arrived and took command. 
 
 “A report of division for the following days 
 will be made out speedily. I cannot conclude 
 without bearing testimony to the courage, good 
 discipline, and conduct of all the troops of this 
 division during the day. Those in action be- 
 haved like veterans, and those not brought into 
 action showed that alacrity and steadiness in 
 their movements which proved their anxiety 
 to engage the foe in their country’s cause. We 
 mourn the loss of the brave departed dead on 
 the field of honor, if not of success, and we 
 miss the companionship of those of our com- 
 rades who have fallen into the hands of our 
 enemies. But all feel that they have earned 
 the title of soldier, and all await with increased 
 confidence another measurement of strength 
 with the foe. 
 
 “Cras. P. Strong, 
 “ Brigadier-General commanding.” 
 
 The following is an extract from the report 
 of Colonel Devens : — 
 
 “ At about ten o’clock, Quartermaster Howe 
 returned, and stated that he had reported the 
 skirmish of the morning, and that Colonel 
 Baker would shortly arrive with his brigade, 
 and take command. Between nine and eleven 
 o'clock, I was joined by Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Ward with the remainder of my regiment, mak- 
 ing, in all, a force of six hundred and twenty-five 
 men, with twenty-eight officers from my regi- 
 ment, as reported to me by the adjutant, many 
 of the men of the regiment being at this time 
 on other duty. About twelve o’clock it was 
 reported to me a force was gathering on my 
 left,and about half past twelve o’clock a strong 
 attack was made on my left by a body of in- 
 fantry, concealed in the woods, and upon the 
 skirmishers in front, by a body of cavalry. The 
 fire of the enemy was resolutely returned by 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the regiment, which maintained its ground with 
 entire determination. Reénforcements not yet 
 having arrived, and the attempt of the enemy 
 to outflank us being very vigorous, I directed 
 the regiment to retire about sixty paces into an 
 open space in the wood, and prepared to receive 
 any attack that might be made, while I called 
 in my skirmishers. When this was done, I re- 
 turned to the bluff, where Colonel Baker had 
 already arrived. This was at a quarter past 
 two P.M. He directed me to form my regi- 
 ment at the right of the position he proposed to 
 occupy — which was done by eight companies ; 
 the centre and left being composed of a detach- 
 ment of the twentieth Massachusetts, number- 
 ing about three hundred men, under command 
 of Colonel Lee. A battalion of the California 
 regiment, numbering about six hundred men, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Wistar commanding; two 
 howitzers, commanded by Lieutenant Pierce ; 
 and a six-pounder, commanded by Lieutenant 
 Bramhall, were planted in front, supported by 
 company D, Captain Studley, and company F, 
 Captain Sloan, of the fifteenth Massachusetts. 
 The enemy soon appeared in force, and after 
 sharp skirmishing on the right, directed his at- 
 tack upon our whole line, but more particularly 
 upon our centre and left, where it was gallantly 
 met by the Massachusetts twentieth and the 
 California battalion. Skirmishing during all the 
 action was very severe on the right; but the 
 skirmishers of the enemy were resolutely re- 
 pulsed by our own, composed of companies A 
 and I, Captains Rockwood and Joslin, of the 
 Massachusetts fifteenth, and company —, of the 
 twentieth Massachusetts, under the direction of 
 Major Kimball, of the Massachusetts fifteenth. 
 “The action commenced about three o’clock 
 P. M., and at about four P. M. I was ordered to 
 detach two companies from the left of my regi- 
 ment to the support of the left of the line, and 
 to draw in proportionately the right flank — 
 which was done, companies G and H, Captains 
 Forehand and Philbrick, being detached for 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 that purpose. By this time it had become 
 painfully evident, by the volume and rapidity 
 of the enemy’s fire, and the persistency of his 
 attacks, that he was in much larger force than 
 we. ‘The two howitzers were silent, and the 
 six-pounder also. Their commanders came from 
 the field wounded. Soon after I was called 
 from the right of my regiment, there being at 
 this time a comparative cessation of the ene- 
 my’s fire to the centre of the line, and learned, 
 for the first time, that Colonel Baker had been 
 killed, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Ward, of the 
 fifteenth Massachusetts, had been carried from 
 the field severely wounded. Colonel Lee suppos- 
 ing it his duty to take command, I reported my- 
 self ready to execute his orders. He expressed 
 his opinion that the only thing to be done was 
 to retreat to the river, and that the battle was 
 utterly lost. It soon appeared that Colonel 
 Coggswell was entitled to the command, who ex- 
 pressed his determination to make the attempt 
 to cut our way to Edwards’s Ferry, and ordered 
 me, as a preliminary movement, to form the 
 fifteenth regiment in line towards the left. 
 The fifteenth regiment accordingly moved 
 across from the right to the left of the original 
 line. Two or three companies of the Tammany 
 New York regiment, just then arrived, formed 
 also on its left: while endeavoring to make the 
 necessary disposition to retreat, confusion was 
 created by the appearance of an officer of the 
 enemy’s force in front of the Tammany regi- 
 ment, who called on them to charge on the ene- 
 my, who were now in strong force along the 
 wood occupied formerly by the fifteenth Mas- 
 sachusetts during the former portion of the ac- 
 tion. The detachment of the Tammany regi- 
 ment, probably mistaking this for an order from 
 their own officers, rushed forward to the charge, 
 and the Massachusetts fifteenth, supposing that 
 an order had been given for the advance of 
 the whole line, rushed with eagerness, but 
 were promptly recalled by their officers, who 
 had received no such order. 
 
 375 
 
 of the Tammany regiment were received by 
 a shower of bullets, and suffered severely; in 
 the disturbance caused by their repulse, the 
 line was broken, but was promptly reformed. 
 After this, however, although several volleys 
 were given and returned, and the troops fought 
 vigorously, it seemed impossible to preserve the 
 
 order necessary for a combined military move- 
 ment, and Colonel Cogeswell reluctantly gave 
 the order to retreat to the river bank. The 
 troops descended the bluff, and reached the bank 
 of the river, where there is a narrow plateau be- 
 tween the river and the ascent of the bluff, both 
 the plateau and the bluff being heavily wooded. 
 As I descended upon this plateau, in company 
 with Colonel Coggswell, I saw the large boat 
 upon which we depended as the means of cross- 
 ing the river, swamped by the number of men 
 who had rushed upon it. For the purpose of re- 
 tarding as much as possible the approach of the 
 enemy, by direction of Colonel Coggswell, I 
 ordered the fifteenth regiment to deploy as skir- 
 mishers over the bank of the river, which order 
 was executed, and several volleys were given 
 and returned between them and others of our 
 forces and the enemy, who were now pressing 
 upon us in great numbers, and forcing down 
 furious volleys on this plateau and into the 
 river, to prevent any escape. It was impossible 
 longer to continue to resist, and I should have 
 had no doubt, if we had been contending with 
 the troops of a foreign nation, in justice to the 
 lives of men, it would have been our duty to 
 surrender ; but it was impossible to do this to 
 rebels and traitors, and I had no hesitation in 
 advising men to escape as they could, ordering 
 them, in all cases, to throw their arms into the 
 river rather than give them up to the enemy. 
 This order was generally obeyed, although sev- 
 eral of the men swam the river with their mus- 
 kets on their backs, and others have returned 
 to camp, bringing with them their muskets, 
 who had remained on the Virginia shore for 
 
 The detachment ||/two nights, rather than to part with their 
 
376 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 weapons, in order to facilitate their escape. 
 Having passed up along the line of that portion 
 of the river occupied by my regiment, I re- 
 turned to the lower end of it, and at dark my- 
 self swam the river by the aid of three of the 
 soldiers of my regiment.” 
 
 The sad defeat of our ‘troops at Balls Bluff 
 created a deep feeling of regret, and not a little 
 dismay, that the second battle upon the soil of 
 Eastern Virginia should result as disastrously 
 as the first. The cause of the disaster was 
 freely canvassed, and it was variously attributed 
 to the commanding officer of this division of 
 the army and to the commander of the expe- 
 dition who fell in the battle. It is perhaps 
 difficult to decide upon whom the blame should 
 rest; but it is evident that the want of ade- 
 quate transportation across the river was the 
 principal cause of the disaster, by preventing 
 the rapid passage of the troops sent to support 
 the advance of Colonel Devens, and especially 
 by preventing the ready retreat of the defeated 
 forces. Upon this point, Colonel Hinks, of the 
 nineteenth Massachusetts regiment, who was in 
 command at Harrison’s Island at the time of 
 the defeat, in his report thus speaks : — 
 
 “TY cannot close this report with justice to 
 our troops, who fought valiantly, without com- 
 menting upon the causes which led to their 
 defeat and complete rout. The means of trans- 
 portation, for advance in support, or for a re- 
 treat, were criminally deficient — especially when 
 we consider the facility for -creating proper 
 means for such purposes at our disposal. The 
 place for landing on the Virginia shore was 
 most unfortunately selected, being at a point 
 where the shore rose with great abruptness for 
 a distance of some one hundred and fifty yards, 
 at an angle of at least thirty-five degrees, and 
 was entirely studded with trees, being perfectly 
 impassable to artillery or infantry in line. At 
 the summit, the surface is undulating, where 
 the enemy were placed in force, out of view, and 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 cut down our troops with a murderous fire, 
 which we could not return with any effect. 
 The entire island was also commanded by the 
 enemy’s artillery and rifles. In fact, no more 
 unfortunate position could have been forced 
 upon us by the enemy for making an attack — 
 much less selected by ourselves. 
 
 “Within a half mile upon either side of the 
 points selected a landing could have been ef 
 fected, where we could have been placed upon 
 equal terms with the enemy, if it was necessary 
 to effect a landing from the island. My judg- 
 ment, however, cannot approve of that policy 
 which multiplies the number of river crossings 
 without any compensation in securing com- 
 manding positions thereby.” 
 
 The death of Colonel Baker was a great loss 
 to the country. By his ability and his surpassing 
 eloquence he was just attaining to a command- 
 ing position in the United States Senate, as one 
 of the leaders of the administration party, and 
 a most earnest supporter of the government 
 against the rebellion. Born in England, he 
 came at a very early age, with his parents, to 
 America, and, after living some years in Phila- 
 delphia, removed with them to the west. With 
 a comparatively limited education, he improved 
 his mind by constant study and reading, and 
 early showed great talent in conversation and 
 speaking. He pursued the study of the law, 
 and practised in Illinois, where he first entered 
 public life as a member of the legislature in 
 1837. Elected to Congress in 1844, he was 
 achieving some distinction there, when the 
 Mexican war broke out; and with a restless 
 energy which characterized his whole life, he 
 raised a regiment of volunteers, and entered 
 the military service. He went to Mexico, and 
 showed great gallantry at Cerro Gordo and in 
 other engagements. After his return he was 
 again elected to Congress from another district, 
 and served there with success. In 1852 he 
 went to California, and having won wealth and 
 distinction, he subsequently removed to Oregon, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 where he entered, with his accustomed earnest- 
 ness, into political life. He was here elected to 
 the Senate, and had served but a brief part of 
 his term, — though long enough to take a fore- 
 most place as an orator,—when his restless 
 spirit and.his ardent patriotism led him to the 
 more exciting service of a soldier. Declining 
 the proffered appointment of brigadier-general, 
 he raised a regiment in New York, called the 
 “ California regiment,” in which many men who 
 had sojourned in the Pacific states rallied eager- 
 ly around his standard. At the head of this 
 regiment, leading them in a gallant but des- 
 perate charge, and impressed, it is said, with a 
 foreboding of his end, he fell. With him fell 
 other noble officers of less conspicuous position, 
 and many brave men of the rank and file; 
 while yet others were doomed to a long and 
 cruel imprisonment. 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 Operations of the Navy. — Naval Forces. — The Blockading 
 Fleet.— Evasions of the Blockade. — Capture of Prizes. — 
 Obstructing the Channels of Southern Harbors. — Sinking 
 -Stone-laden Vessels. — Southern and Foreign Indignation. — 
 Rebel Privateers and Cruisers. — Capture of Northern Ves- 
 sels. — The Privateer Savannah captured.— The Crew held 
 as Pirates.— Rebel Threats of Retaliation. — The Priva- 
 teer Jeff. Davis.—Capture of Prizes.—The Sumter. — 
 Her Success.— Prizes taken to Cuba released.— Evasion 
 of Federal Cruisers.— Other Privateers. — Destruction of 
 the Petrel.— Burning of the Judah, at Pensacola. — Cap- 
 ture of the Beauregard. —- Other Naval Operations. — Bom- 
 bardment of Galveston. — Attack by the Rebel Ram on Federal 
 Vessels at the Passes of the Mississippi. 
 
 Wate the large armies were organized, and 
 various campaigns were made, as narrated in 
 the preceding chapters, the navy department 
 _ prepared and carried out naval operations upon 
 an extended scale. ‘The objects in view were, 
 to blockade and close, as much as possible, the 
 ports along the coast of the rebellious states, in 
 extent nearly three thousand miles, to codperate 
 with land forces in expeditions against some 
 
 48 
 
 377 
 
 important points, and the pursuit of the rebel 
 privateers which might escape from the block- 
 aded ports, or be secretly fitted out for foreign 
 ports. The vessels required for this various 
 and extended service were constructed or pur- 
 chased and fitted out as rapidly as possible. 
 Congress, at the extra session, had made most 
 liberal appropriations for this branch of the 
 service, and authorized the construction of a 
 large number of vessels adapted for service 
 upon the coast and in the shallow waters of the 
 southern harbors. But before these could be 
 finished and fitted out, the navy department 
 
 j had created a large navy by fitting out all the 
 
 available vessels belonging to the United States, 
 completing those previously commenced, and 
 purchasing a large number of sailing vessels 
 and steamers. 
 
 After the capture of the forts at Hatteras 
 Inlet, Commodore Stringham, at his own re- 
 quest, was relieved from his command of the 
 Atlantic squadron, and the fleet was divided 
 into two squadrons, one guarding the coast of 
 Virginia and North Carolina, under the com- 
 mand of Commodore Goldsborough, and the 
 other guarding the remainder of the south-east- 
 ern coast to the southern point of Florida, under 
 the command of Commodore Dupont. In the 
 Gulf was another large squadron, under the 
 command of Commodore McKean, who suc- 
 ceeded Commodore Mervine. _ 
 
 Although the rebel states had little commerce 
 of their own, there were numerous attempts to 
 evade the blockade; and while not a few ves- 
 sels succeeded in running in or out of the block- 
 aded ports, probably a larger number was cap- 
 tured. Before the middle of November, more 
 than one hundred and fifty vessels were taken 
 as prizes. Many of these were small vessels, 
 running to or from the West Indies ; but some 
 were large and valuable, and carried cargoes 
 of contraband goods. 
 
 Besides blockading the ports in the usual 
 manner by ships of war, the secretary of the 
 
378 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 navy adopted another method, which it was 
 hoped would be successful, and relieve the goy- 
 ernment from maintaining so large a number 
 of vessels at some points along the coast. This 
 plan was to sink old hulks, laden with stone, in 
 the channels of the harbors, so as to prevent 
 the passage of vessels of considerable size. A 
 
 number of such hulks were sunk in Ocracoke | 
 
 Inlet, one of the numerous channels on the coast 
 of North Carolina, which afforded opportunities 
 for eluding the blockade and for the escape of 
 privateers. A more elaborate attempt was sub- 
 sequently made to effectually seal up Charles- 
 ton harbor, by sinking a number of these stone- 
 laden vessels upon the bar at the entrance of 
 the harbor, and also to stop some of the chan- 
 nels opening into the Savannah River. For a 
 while these obstructions appeared to answer 
 their purpose; but the current, in course of time, 
 seemed to remove them, or the stone settled so 
 deeply into the sand, that the depth of water 
 was but little diminished. This course pro- 
 duced, at first, great indignation in Charleston, 
 where it was feared that the future commerce 
 of the city would be essentially destroyed, and 
 caused some excitement among the foreign 
 sympathizers with the rebellion, who called 
 upon the governments of France and England 
 to protest against the unheard-of and barbarous 
 mode of blockade, forgetting that an English 
 admiral had practised upon this innovation 
 nearly half a century before. 
 
 The rebel government had early proposed 
 to issue letters of marque, under which all who 
 were disposed to engage in the work might 
 prey upon the extensive commerce of the north- 
 ern states. ‘There were few offers, however, to 
 accept such authority from a power not recog- 
 nized among the nations. But as fast as they 
 were able, with few vessels and sailors at their 
 command, privateers, or vessels directly in the 
 service of the rebel government, were fitted out, 
 not to oppose the navy of the United States, but 
 to capture private property belonging to citi- 
 
 zens of the northern states. These vessels were 
 mostly of light draught, capable of running 
 into harbors and inlets where the United States 
 ships of war could not follow them. They suc- 
 ceeded in capturing many prizes, mostly ves- 
 sels trading between northern ports and the 
 West Indies. 
 
 The first. privateer which succeeded in getting 
 to sea, so as to commence operations, was the 
 Savannah, a small schooner, armed with a heavy 
 pivot gun. This vessel sailed from Charleston 
 on the 2d of June, and on the next day cap- 
 tured a brig; but she had hardly made sure of 
 her prize, when the United States brig Perry 
 overhauled her, and after discovering her char- 
 acter by her suspicious movements, opened fire 
 upon her. ‘The rebel vessel returned the fire, 
 but very soon, without any considerable show 
 of resistance, made signals of surrender. The 
 vessel was accordingly taken as a prize, and the 
 rebel officers and crew were sent to New York, 
 where they were subsequently tried for piracy. 
 As soon as it was understood at the south that 
 the rebel privateersmen were to be treated as 
 pirates, Jefferson Davis sent to the President, 
 under a flag of truce, a threat of retaliation 
 upon an equal number of United States officers. 
 As the privateersmen captured on board the 
 Savannah, and others taken on board recap- 
 tured prizes, were kept in close confinement, 
 and some of them were convicted of piracy, the 
 threat was so far carried out as to confine several 
 Union officers, under the most rigorous treat- 
 ment, with the purpose of reeking vengeance 
 upon them should the privateersmen be exe- 
 cuted. The federal government, however, re- 
 laxed its policy in regard to the rebel prisoners, 
 and the threatened retaliation was abandoned. 
 
 One of the most successful of these priva- 
 teers, or rebel cruisers, was the brig “Jeff: Davis,” 
 supposed to‘have been the former slaver Echo, 
 
 which had brought a load of native Africans 
 
 to the vicinity of Savannah. This vessel, hay- 
 ing eluded the blockading squadron, captured 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 a number of prizes in northern waters, taking 
 two or three off Nantucket, and one even 
 within two hundred miles of New York. One 
 of these was retaken by the colored steward, 
 who, watching his opportunity, killed the prize 
 officer and two of his men, when near Charles- 
 ton, and then, with the aid of a comrade, who 
 was also left on board, and of two of the prize 
 crew, navigated the vessel to New York. 
 
 The Jeff. Davis continued the work of cap- 
 turing and destroying the vessels belonging 
 to northern parties which were fallen in with. 
 Several vessels were despatched after the pirati- 
 cal cruiser, and there was a chance of its being 
 captured ; when, in attempting to cross the bar 
 at St. Augustine, Florida, on the 18th of Au- 
 gust, to escape the pursuers, the vessel was 
 wrecked, and became a total loss, the crew 
 escaping in their boats. 
 
 A more formidable privateer was the steamer 
 Sumter, which succeeded in running the block- 
 ade at the passes of the Mississippi, and sailing 
 to the West Indian waters, where she com- 
 menced operations upon vessels belonging to 
 northern owners. This vessel had belonged to 
 the Mexican leader Miramon, and had been 
 taken by a ship of war of the United States, 
 near Vera Cruz, when it was considered that 
 the movements of Miramon were hostile to the 
 United States. Having been taken to New 
 Orleans as a prize, she remained there at the 
 commencement of the rebellion, and the rebel 
 authorities took possession of her, and fitted her 
 out to prey upon the private property of loyal 
 merchants. She was commanded by Raphael 
 Semmes, formerly an officer in the United States 
 navy, and made her escape through the block- 
 ade, after long watching an opportunity, on the 
 7th of July. The United States steamer Brook- 
 lyn was blockading the Pass 4 lOutre at this 
 time, and a vessel having appeared in the offing, 
 with the apparent purpose of running the block- 
 ade, the Brooklyn went in pursuit, and,was led 
 a chase of some fifteen miles away from her 
 
 379 
 
 station. While the Brooklyn thus left the Pass 
 unguarded, the Sumter steamed out with all 
 speed, and the commander of the Brooklyn — 
 although the Sumter was known to be waiting 
 such an opportunity — very unwisely continued 
 his chase of a vessel simply suspected of an 
 attempt to enter the river. When the Sumter 
 was fairly out of the Pass, the Brooklyn re- 
 turned from the pursuit of the suspicious ship, 
 and, when too late, gave chase to the privateer. 
 After a short pursuit the chase was abandoned, 
 and the Sumter went on her piratical cruise. 
 
 It was not long before the privateer reached 
 the West Indies, and fell in with northern vessels, 
 which were all captured, except those carrying 
 cargoes on foreign account. Seven of these 
 prizes were taken by the Sumter into the har 
 bor of Cienfuegos, Cuba, with the view to having 
 them condemned. The governor-general, how- 
 ever, held the vessels, and subsequently restored 
 them to their proper crews and owners, when 
 they were convoyed by a United States ship of 
 war till beyond all probable danger. ‘The Sum- 
 ter continued to cruise about the waters of the 
 West Indies, capturing other northern vessels, 
 several of which were burned. War steamers 
 were sent in pursuit, but did not succeed in 
 finding the piratical cruiser. During the pur- 
 suit the Sumter put into the Dutch ports of 
 Curagoa and Surinam, the Brazilian port of 
 Maranham, the French port of Martinique, and 
 other places, in which she obtained coal or pro- 
 visions, and her officers were treated with great 
 attention and kindness. This good will was not 
 extended to the officers of the United States 
 vessels who came in pursuit of the pirate ; but 
 they were ordered off, in most cases, within 
 twenty-four hours. The Sumter was treated 
 with a similar show of “neutrality” at several 
 ports into which she sailed; but every where 
 there were numerous friends of the rebels, and 
 the orders were evaded, or the officers suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining, by some means, the supplies 
 and aid they wanted. 
 
380 
 
 The United States steamer Powhattan had j 
 
 pursued the Sumter from place to place with- 
 out succeeding in finding her, before being 
 obliged to return for repairs. The Iroquois, 
 subsequently, was more fortunate in tracking 
 the rebel cruiser, and finally overhauled her 
 in the harbor of St. Pierre, Martinique. But 
 here the French authorities interposed the rules 
 of international law for the benefit of the pirate, 
 and the discomfiture of the national officers. A 
 French ship of war afforded protection against 
 any attack in violation of French neutrality, 
 and,the commander of the Iroquois was obliged, 
 in order to avoid any cause of offence between 
 his country and France, to sail out of the har- 
 bor- before the Sumter, being determined not 
 to wait twenty-four hours after the departure 
 of the latter. Waiting outside the broad bay, 
 beyond the jurisdiction of the French authori- 
 ties, the commander of the Iroquois watched, 
 as well as he could, the rebel vessel, whose 
 officers were enjoying the hospitalities of the 
 town. Every exertion appears to have been 
 made by the officers and crew of the Iroquois 
 to secure the capture of the Sumter; but in 
 the darkness of the night, aided by the friendly 
 authorities and people of the port, the privateer 
 succeeded inescaping. The following extracts 
 from the official report of the commander of the 
 Troquois, Commander James 8. Palmer, show the 
 difficulties attending the pursuit of the rebel 
 vessel, and the sympathy and aid extended by 
 the French authorities and residents at St. 
 Pierre ——- 
 
 ‘‘Unitep States SteamMER Iroquois, {| 
 “Orr Sr. Prerrz, Martinique, Nov. 17, Bail 
 
 “Sm: I addressed a letter to the department 
 on the 11th inst., upon my arrival at St. Thomas. 
 On the day following, in the midst of coaling, a 
 mail steamer arrived, bringing information that 
 the Sumter had just put in, on the 9th, to Port 
 Royal, Martinique, in want of coals. 
 
 “T had been often led astray by false reports ; 
 but this seemed so positive that I instantly 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ceased coaling, got my engines together, and 
 was off at two in the mid-watch for Martinique, 
 arriving at St. Pierre in thirty-six hours. On 
 turning into the harbor I discovered a suspicious 
 steamer, which, as we approached, proved to be 
 the Sumter, flying the secession flag, moored to 
 the wharf, in the midst of this populous town, 
 quietly coaling. The town and shipping in the 
 harbor were instantly all excitement. I could 
 not attack her in this position for humanity’s 
 sake, even were | disposed to be regardless of 
 the neutrality of the port. I did not anchor, 
 but cruised around the harbor within half gun- 
 shot of her during the night. . 
 
 “Tn the morning a French man-of-war arrived 
 from Port Royal, the seat of government, only 
 twelve miles distant. The Sumter had been 
 there for the last two days. The government, 
 it is true, had refused to give her any of its 
 coals, but had allowed her to come around to 
 St. Pierre, where she readily obtained them 
 from some merchants, (English, I believe.) 
 
 “She evidently had been received with cour- 
 tesy at the seat of government; and this farce 
 of the non-recognition of the Confederate flag 
 ‘is played out of both France and England in 
 the most flagrant manner. 
 
 “I now addressed a letter to the governor, 
 assuming him to be ignorant of the character 
 of the Sumter, a copy of which I enclose. I 
 also enclose a translation of his reply. The de- 
 partment will observe that, from the generous 
 disposition of the governor, the Sumter has the 
 same privileges as this vessel. 
 
 “The captain of the French war steamer also 
 addressed me a letter, saying he was directed 
 by the governor to request me no longer to 
 compromise the neutrality of the French waters 
 
 by establishing a blockade within their jurisdic- 
 
 tion, but to anchor, when every hospitality and 
 facility should be afforded me, or to take my 
 Cae without the distance of a marine league 
 from shore. At the same time, that, while at 
 anchor weigh it was contrary to the police reg- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ulations of the port to communicate with the 
 shore. 
 
 “T consequently decided upon anchoring ; 
 which I had no sooner done than the French 
 commander paid me a visit, offered me every 
 civility and attention, saying that he did not 
 doubt that all international law would be re- 
 spected by me, and, in the course of conversa- 
 tion, quoting from Wheaton, reminded me that 
 one belligerent could not depart until twenty- 
 ‘four hours after the other. I instantly got 
 under weigh, with him on board, fearing that 
 the Sumter should do so before me, as her 
 steam was up. 
 
 “J have now accepted the alternative, and 
 established myself at the mouth of the harbor, 
 without the marine league, with much anxiety, 
 lest, during the darkness of the night, under 
 cover of the high land, the Sumter should be 
 able to get off without my being aware of it. 
 
 “The majority of the town is in favor of the 
 Sumter, and with the utmost vigilance, which 
 all on board exert, she may yet escape, some 
 night, for want of signals from the shore to give 
 us notice of her departure. 
 
 “P.S. November 18. I feel more and more 
 convinced that the Sumter will yet escape me, 
 in spite of all our vigilance and zeal, even 
 admitting that I can outsteam her, which is a 
 question. 
 
 “To blockade such a bay as this, which is al- 
 most an open roadstead, fifteen miles in width, 
 the surrounding land very high and the water 
 very bold, obliged, as we are by the neutrality 
 laws, to blockade at three miles distance, it 
 would require at least two more fast steamers, 
 - and a vessel of war of any description in port, 
 to notify us by signal of her departure, to give 
 any reasonable hope of preventing her escape. 
 
 “iven now, moonlight though it be, she may 
 yet creep out under shadow of the land, and no 
 one be able to perceive her, she being always 
 able to observe my position, open to seawards. 
 Though I have made arrangements to be in- 
 
 381 
 
 formed by signal of her departure from shore, 
 I fear I cannot depend upon the parties, so fear- 
 ful are they of the authorities and of popular 
 indignation.” 
 ‘‘Unitep States SreAmsurp Iroquois, 
 «Sr, Tuomas, W. I., Nov. 25, 1861. . 
 
 “Sir: As I expected, I have to report the 
 escape of the Sumter, to the great dejection of 
 us all, for never were officers and crew more 
 zealous for a capture. 
 
 “ At eight o’clock on the night of the 23d, the 
 signal was faithfully made us from the shore, 
 that the Sumter had shipped to the southward. 
 Instantly we were off in pursuit, soon at full 
 speed, rushing down to the southern part of 
 the bay; but nothing was visible on the dark 
 background. 
 
 “A small steamer, apparently one plying be- 
 tween St. Pierre and Port Royal, was off the 
 point making signals, doubtless for the benefit 
 of the Sumter. But we could see nothing of 
 her, as we proceeded on, so dark was the shadow 
 thrown by the high land. Still we went on, 
 all searching the darkness in vain. So soon as 
 I had opened Port Royal Point, and seen noth- 
 ing on the now open horizon, I concluded that 
 we had passed her, or that she had doubled on 
 us and gone to the northward. I then turned, 
 keeping close on the shore, looking into her 
 former anchorage, thinking she might possibly 
 have returned. 
 
 “No sign of her there. We continued on to 
 the northward, but, when we opened the port, 
 saw nothing of her this way. 
 
 “T have the honor to be, very ey Reuaies 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 | “James S. Parmer, 
 “ Commander.” 
 
 Subsequently the Sumter made her way to 
 Europe, after capturing and destroying other 
 American vessels. She put into Cadiz, whither 
 she was followed by a United States cruiser ; 
 but under the rule of “ neutrality” she was again 
 
382 
 
 permitted to escape, and went to Gibraltar. 
 Here, for some months, she remained idle and 
 out of repair, her commander, Semmes, having 
 left her. Without funds to procure supplies, 
 the privateer was unable to leave, and the 
 crew gradually diminished by desertion. All 
 this time she was closely watched by one or 
 more United States cruisers, which were ready 
 to pursue and capture her*upon any attempt to 
 leave. Finding the chances of escape and fu- 
 ture depredations were far from flattering, the 
 parties in control of the rebel vessel, in the 
 latter part of the year 1862, disposed of her, 
 professedly for a more peaceful employment, 
 though the honesty and legality of the transfer 
 were called in question by the commander of 
 the federal cruiser. 
 
 Other rebel privateers were less successful 
 than the Jeff Davis and Sumter, and, with the 
 disappearance of the latter from the seas, north- 
 ern commerce ceased to suffer. In the mean 
 time several other vessels fitted out for such 
 purposes were captured. The schooner Petrel, 
 formerly a United States revenue cutter, was 
 fitted out at Charleston, and upon her first ex- 
 pedition, on the 7th of August, mistaking the 
 frigate St. Lawrence for a large merchant ves- 
 sel, fired upon the expected prize. The St. 
 Lawrence responded with a broadside, which 
 speedily sunk the Petrel, the crew of which, 
 with the exception of a few who were killed or 
 drowned, were rescued by the boats of the frig- 
 ate, and sent north as prisoners. 
 
 A more daring and brilliant exploit was the 
 destruction of the privateer schooner Judah, 
 at Pensacola, on the 14th of September. This 
 vessel was being fitted out at the navy yard, 
 evidently for privateering purposes, and Flag- 
 officer Mervine, commanding the Gulf squadron, 
 determined to destroy her, if possible, before 
 she had an opportunity to evade the blockade. 
 Accordingly, four boats, with about one hun- 
 dred men, under the command of Lieutenant 
 Russell, were sent into the harbor, at night, to 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 jaccomplish this purpose, and at the same time 
 to spike a heavy cannon which was mounted 
 |in the navy yard. The forts and batteries about 
 the harbor were still heavily garrisoned by the 
 rebel troops, and nearly one thousand men 
 were posted in and about the navy yard, and 
 the federal ships of war were lying near Fort 
 Pickens, a long distance from the navy yard, 
 and where they could not afford protection to 
 the boats. The expedition might, therefore, be 
 considered a desperate one; but its audacity 
 was, probably, the reason of its success. Such 
 an attempt was not anticipated by the rebels, 
 who were consequently taken somewhat by 
 surprise. The boats, however, were discovered 
 in season to prepare the men on the schooner 
 for resistance, and to alarm the forces stationed 
 in the navy yard. As the boats approached, a 
 heavy volley of musketry was discharged at 
 them; but the gallant crews rowed rapidly to 
 the side of the privateer, and boarded her. A 
 desperate resistance on deck was at first at- 
 tempted ; but the vessel was soon cleared of its 
 rebel crew, and was then set on fire. In the mean 
 
 time, one of the boats proceeded to a corner 
 of the navy yard, where the heavy cannon was 
 mounted, and the crew succeeded in spiking it 
 without meeting with any resistance. When the 
 boats left, the vessel was so thoroughly on fire 
 that the flames could not be extinguished with 
 the means at the disposal of the rebels, and 
 it was burned to the water’s edge. ‘The crew, 
 driven from the vessel, rallied on the wharf, 
 where they were joined by a detachment of 
 soldiers, and continued to fire upon the assail- 
 ants; but they were kept at some distance by 
 the fire of the latter. The rebels continued to 
 fire at the boats as they moved away, but with 
 little effect, while they received in return sev- 
 eral discharges of shrapnel from the boats’ 
 howitzers. The loss in this successful and gal- 
 lant expedition was three killed and twelve 
 wounded. 
 
 The privateer Beauregard, a small schooner, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 armed with one rifled cannon, was captured, in 
 the Bahama Channel, by the United States bark 
 W. G. Anderson, on the 13th of November. 
 This vessel had probably not succeeded in cap- 
 turing any northern merchant vessels, although 
 seven days out from Charleston. Being over- 
 taken by the Anderson, the vessel was sur- 
 rendered without resistance, and the crew were 
 carried to Key West as prisoners. 
 
 No other rebel privateer or cruiser ventured 
 to sea during this year, though there were con- 
 stant rumors that they were fitting out in sev- 
 eral of the southern ports, and several steamers 
 were probably armed for attack on northern 
 commerce, or resistance to federal cruisers, 
 should either come in their way; but their prin- 
 cipal object was to run the blockade with val- 
 uable cargoes, which object was, in too many 
 instances, successfully accomplished. 
 
 While the chief duties of the vessels of the 
 navy were to blockade the coast, and to capture 
 such privateers as might get to sea, there were 
 occasional engagements, mostly of little conse- 
 quence, with some of the rebel fortifications. 
 Several of these occurred in Hampton Roads, 
 with the battery at Sewall’s Point, and with 
 other batteries up the James and York Rivers, 
 as well as on the Potomac, where the rebels 
 had industriously fortified commanding points 
 so as at last completely to blockade the river. 
 Most of these affairs, however, were without 
 any practical result. On the coast of North 
 Carolina there were also several engagements, 
 ‘of little importance, between federal gunboats 
 and armed rebel steamers that occasionally 
 made their appearance in the Sound. Attacks 
 were also made upon several forts on this coast, 
 and two or three small batteries were destroyed 
 by boat expeditions from the ships of war. 
 Near Hatteras Inlet the steamer Monticello 
 shelled a land force of the rebels, and dispersed 
 them apparently with much loss. 
 
 In the Gulf, besides the bombardment of 
 Pensacola and the neighboring forts, the federal 
 
 * 383 
 
 vessels had, during this year, but little to vary 
 the monotony of blockading, except a slight 
 engagement with a rebel steamer near Ship 
 Island, the bombardment of Galveston, and the 
 attack of a rebel “ram” on the ships lying in 
 the Passes of the Mississippi. The bombard- 
 ment of Galveston by the steamer South Caro- 
 lina, Commander Alden, was induced by an 
 attack from rebel batteries on a tender of the 
 steamer, and subsequently on the steamer it- 
 self, and evident preparations for a contest on 
 the part of the rebels. In replying to the shots 
 from the rebel batteries, some of the shot and 
 shell from the South Carolina were thrown into 
 the city, causing great alarm and excitement. 
 As soon as Commander Alden saw that he was 
 causing more damage to the city than to the 
 rebel batteries, he ceased firing, and withdrew. 
 But the unintentional bombardment of the city 
 called forth a “protest” from some of the for- 
 eign consuls at Galveston, which Commander 
 Alden characterized as insulting, and entirely 
 at variance with the facts. The commander 
 made a spirited and apt reply to the interfer- 
 ence of these officials in matters which belonged 
 to the military authorities. ; 
 The affair at the Passes of the Mississippi 
 occurred early in the morning of October 12. 
 There had been rumors for some time that the 
 rebels were constructing a formidable iron-clad 
 “ram,” with powerful engines, and a sharp iron 
 beak, or prow, the purpose of which was to at- 
 tack the federal vessels, and batter or cut holes 
 through them below the water-line, while other 
 rebel vessels joined in the conflict. The antici- 
 pated exploits of this vessel, which was called 
 the Manassas, were loudly boasted of in the 
 New Orleans journals; but the federal officers 
 were not disposed to believe that the strange 
 craft would accomplish what was threatened. 
 Previous to the 12th there ‘had been shots ex- 
 changed between the federal vessels and one 
 or two armed steamers of the rebels, but with- 
 out any result on either side. LHarly on the 
 
384 , ’ HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 morning of the 12th the rebel fleet, consisting 
 of the Manassas and several large armed steam- 
 ers, came down the river towards the head of 
 the Passes, where the United States steamers 
 Richmond and Water Witch and the ships Pre- 
 ble and Vincennes were at anchor, with a vessel 
 which was supplying the steamers with coal. 
 With the rebel vessels were three large fire 
 rafts, which were to be fired at a certain signal, 
 and set adrift in the stream, to float down 
 among the federal vessels, and set them on fire. 
 
 The night was very dark, and the approach 
 of the rebel vessels was not discovered till the 
 Manassas, which took the lead, steamed at a 
 rapid rate down the river directly at the fed- 
 eral ships. ‘The Richmond was the farthest up 
 the river, and the Manassas ran at full speed 
 against her bow with the sharp beak alluded 
 to, cutting a hole in her bottom, though not a 
 very largeone. Anattempt was made to strike 
 the Richmond again farther aft; but owing to 
 some derangement in the machinery of the 
 rebel ram, it was unable to strike another 
 formidable blow. As soon as the strange as- 
 sailant was discovered, the crew of the Rich- 
 mond were beat to quarters, and the blow had 
 no sooner been given than a broadside was dis- 
 charged at the ram as it backed off. The shot, 
 however, appeared to glance or fall harmless 
 from the iron sheathing, and but for the de- 
 rangement of the machinery alluded to, the 
 ram would probably have caused further dam- 
 age to the Richmond and the other federal 
 vessels. Signals were made for the squadron 
 to move down the Passes, and the vessels got 
 under way as soon as possible. But the other 
 rebel steamers now approached, and the fire 
 rafts were lighted. The Richmond and Water 
 Witch continued to fire at the ram, which had 
 withdrawn after its assault upon the Richmond. 
 The flames of the fire rafts illumined the river, 
 which had before been shrouded in darkness, 
 and the federal guns were turned upon the 
 steamers up the river, which could now be indis- 
 
 tinctly seen. The length of the Richmond 
 prevented her from being turned in the river 
 with safety, and her broadside batteries could 
 not be used advantageously. Her commander, 
 
 Captain Pope, who was also in command of the * 
 
 squadron, deemed it prudent, therefore, to move 
 down the Pass to its mouth. This was accord- 
 ingly done, the rebel steamers and the fire rafts 
 following. In crossing the bar the Vincennes 
 grounded, and the Richmond fared no better. 
 The Vincennes, being a sailing vessel, was en- 
 tirely helpless in such a condition, and her 
 commander, mistaking a signal on board of the 
 Richmond, abandoned his ship, lighting a slow- 
 match for the purpose of blowing it up. The 
 rebel steamers here opened a heavy fire upon 
 the federal vessels, and a brief engagement fol- 
 lowed, in which the superiority of some of the 
 rebel guns was manifested, though no material 
 damage was done. After this contest, in which 
 the rebels claimed, in their accounts, to have 
 sunk the Vincennes, the rebel steamers with- 
 drew up the river. The match fired on the 
 Vincennes having gone out, the officers and 
 crew returned to their vessel, and she was sub- 
 sequently got afloat. The Richmond, though 
 considerably damaged, was not so much so as 
 to endanger her safety; and the other vessels 
 were unharmed. But the affair was a mortify- 
 ing discomfiture for the federal ships, which 
 were thus disgracefully driven down the Pass; 
 and it was loudly boasted by the rebels as a 
 substantial triumph. The following is Captain 
 Pope’s official report : — ‘ 
 
 ‘“‘Unitep Starrs SteAmMER RicumMonpD, SoutTH-WwEsT 
 Pass oF Mississippr1 Rryrr, Oct. 18, 1861. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to make the follow- 
 
 ing report: At forty-five minutes past three — 
 
 A. M., October 12, 1861, while the watch on 
 deck were employed in taking coal on board 
 from the schooner Joseph H. Toone, a ram was 
 
 discovered in close proximity to this ship. By 
 
 the time the alarm could be given, she had 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 struck the ship abreast of the port fore-chan- | 
 nels, tearing the schooner from her fastenings, 
 and forcing a hole through the ship’s side. 
 Passing aft, the ram endeavored to effect a 
 breach in the stern, but failed. Three planks 
 in the ship’s side were stove in about two feet 
 below the water-line, making a hole about five 
 inches in circumference. At the first alarm, 
 the crew promptly and coolly repaired to their 
 quarters, and as the ram passed abreast of the 
 ship the entire port battery was discharged at 
 her, with what effect it is impossible to discover, 
 owing to the darkness. A red light was shown 
 as a signal of danger, and the squadron was 
 under way in a very few minutes, having 
 slipped their cables. I ordered the Preble and 
 Vincennes to proceed down the South-west 
 Pass while I covered their retreat, which they 
 did at fifty minutes past four A. M. 
 
 “ At this time three large fire rafts, stretch- 
 mg across the river, were rapidly nearing us, 
 while several large steamers and a bark-rigged 
 propeller were seen astern of them. 
 
 “The squadron proceeded down the river in 
 the following order: first, the Preble, second, 
 the Vincennes, third, the Richmond, fourth, the 
 Water Witch, with the prize schooner Frolic in 
 tow. When abreast of the Pilot Settlement, the 
 pilot informed me that he did not consider it 
 safe to venture to turn this ship in the river, 
 but that he believed he could pass over the bar. 
 I accordingly attempted to pass over the bar 
 with the squadron; but in the passage the Vin- 
 cennes and Richmond grounded, while the 
 Preble went over clear. This occurred about 
 eight o’clock; and the enemy, who were now 
 down the river with the fire steamers, com- 
 menced firing at us, while we returned the fire 
 from our port battery and rifled gun on the 
 poop; our shot, however, falling short of the 
 enemy, while their shell burst on all sides of 
 us, and several passed directly over the ship. 
 
 “ At half-past nine, Commander Handy of the 
 - 49 
 
 385 
 
 Vincennes, mistaking my signal to the ships 
 outside the bar to get under way, for a signal 
 to him to abandon his ship, came on board the 
 Richmond, with all his officers and a large num- 
 ber of the crew, the remainder having gone on 
 board the Water Witch. Captain Handy, before 
 leaving his ship, had placed a lighted slow-match 
 at the magazine. Having Waited a reasonable 
 time for an explosion, I directed Commander 
 Handy to return to his ship, with his crew, to 
 start his water, and, if necessary, at his own 
 request, to throw overboard his small guns, for 
 the purpose of lightening his ship, and to carry 
 out his kedge with a cable to heave off by. At 
 
 [ten A. M. the enemy ceased firing, and withdrew 
 
 up the river. During the engagement a.shell 
 entered our quarter-port, and one of the boats 
 was stove by another shell. 
 
 “IT have succeeded in reducing the leak of 
 this ship so that our small engines keep the 
 ship free. This is only temporary, and the 
 ship will have to go to some place and have 
 three planks put in. I have received rifle guns, 
 and placed the thirty-two-pounder on the fore- 
 castle and the twelve-pounder on the poop. 
 Could I have possibly managed this ship in any 
 other way than keeping her head up and down 
 the river, | would have stopped at Pilot Town 
 to give battle ; but this was found too hazardous, 
 owing to her extreme length. The attempt 
 was made, but a broadside could not be brought 
 to bear without running the ship ashore. I 
 then concluded, as advised, to start for the bar, 
 and trust to the chance of finding water 
 enough to cross. 
 
 “Tn narrating the affair of the river, I omitted 
 to state that the ram sunk one of our large 
 cutters, and a shot from the enemy stove 
 the gig. 
 
 “Tam pleased to say that the Vincennes is 
 afloat, and at anchor outside on my starboard 
 quarter. Very respectfully, ; 
 
 “Joun Porn, Captain.” 
 
CHAPTER LI 
 
 Naval and Military Expedition to Port Royal. — Preparations. — 
 Extent of the Expedition. — Sailing of Fleet from Hampton 
 Roads. — Stormy Weather. — Severe Gale. — The Fleet scat- 
 tered. — Loss of Vessels. — Steamer Governor. — Critical Sit- 
 uation. —Rescue of Crew and Passengers. —The Winfield 
 Scott.— Damage to@Vessels. — Collection of the Fleet. — 
 Arrival at the Rendezvous. — Passage over the Bar. — Port 
 Royal and Beaufort.— Preparations for Attack. — Forts 
 Walker and Beauregard. — The Plan of Attack. — The Battle. 
 — Terrible Bombardment. — Movements of the Squadron. — 
 Fort Walker evacuated.— The Union Flag raised on the 
 Fort. — Fort Beauregard abandoned. — Occupation of Hilton 
 Head. — Captures. — Rebel Force and Loss. — Loss on board 
 the Fleet. — Results of the Victory.— Description of the 
 Battle by an Eye-witness. 
 
 Arter the capture of the forts at Hatteras 
 Inlet, a more formidable combined naval and 
 military expedition was contemplated, to oper- 
 ate at some more important point on the south- 
 ern coast. It was intended that this expedition 
 should be fitted out in September ; but the great 
 difficulties attending the organization of the 
 military forces, preparation of transports, and 
 collecting the necessary naval force, caused de- 
 lays, and the expedition was not ready until 
 the latter part of October. In the mean time 
 a change of the destination of the expedition 
 was made, and it was determined to take Port 
 Royal harbor as a safe roadstead for the ships 
 of war employed on the coast, and a base for 
 future military operations. This, however, was 
 not made known, and though it was generally 
 supposed that the force was destined to some 
 point in the vicinity of Charleston, South Caro- 
 lina, from which it could operate upon that 
 cradle of rebellion, yet the real destination was 
 not known to the northern people until the an- 
 nouncement of its success was-made. 
 
 The rendezvous of the naval vessels and 
 transports was at Hampton Roads, and the col- 
 lection of so many vessels and such consider- 
 able preparations would certainly have revealed 
 to the rebels in their neighboring posts that a 
 great expedition was in preparation, even if 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 there had not been, as at all times during the 
 rebellion, spies who kept the enemy informed 
 of all federal movements. It was reported 
 that, a day or two before the sailing of the ex- 
 pedition, a clerk of one of the high officers of 
 the fleet had fled, taking with him the charts 
 and other papers which would reveal to the 
 rebels the object. of the expedition. But m 
 this case the rebels did not seem to be aware 
 of the exact point of attack, though they might 
 reasonably have anticipated the general object 
 of the expedition. 
 
 The naval force of this expedition, consisting 
 of upwards of twenty-five armed vessels, of 
 various size and armament, from the steam 
 frigate Wabash, the flag-ship of the squadron, 
 to the small steamer armed with one or two 
 guns, was under the command of Flag-officer 
 S. F. Dupont. The military force which was 
 embarked on hoard of various transports, many 
 of them steamers and ships of the largest size, 
 was under the command of Brigadier-General 
 T. W. Sherman, and numbered about twelve 
 thousand men. The combined fleet of naval 
 vessels and transports numbered fifty vessels — 
 the largest squadron that had ever been col- 
 lected under the United States flag. On the 
 28th of October Commodore Dupont despatched 
 his coal vessels, twenty-five in number, (addi- 
 tional to the fleet just mentioned,) under convoy 
 of the sloop of war Vandalia, to rendezvous off 
 Savannah, with the view of misleading the 
 enemy as to the true destination of the expe- 
 dition. On the 29th the signal was given for 
 the fleet to sail; and as the vessels moved out 
 of the roads in their order, the scene was the 
 most magnificent and inspiriting ever viewed in 
 American waters, and demonstrated the power 
 and resources of the Union, no less than did 
 the grand armies collected upon the banks of 
 the Potomac, and organizing in the west. 
 
 _. The weather had been unsettled, and had 
 delayed several days the departure of the fleet ; 
 but on this morning there was a prospect of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 fair weather and favorable winds, which au- 
 cured well for the speedy success of the expe- 
 dition. But it was now the season for storms 
 upon the southern coast, and off Hatteras the 
 wind blew hard, and drove several vessels 
 among the breakers, from which, however, 
 they escaped without damage. On the Ist of 
 November the wind had increased to a gale, 
 and one of the: most violent storms ever expe- 
 rienced upon that stormy coast succeeded. The 
 fleet was utterly dispersed, and when the storm 
 at last began to abate, only one vessel out of 
 the whole number was visible from the deck of 
 the flag-ship. At the commencement of the 
 storm several of the smaller vessels had put 
 back to Hampton Roads, and, probably thus 
 escaped destruction. Several other's, which were 
 totally unfitted for any boisterous seas, were lost, 
 or so disabled as to be saved with the greatest 
 difficulty, and one or two were driven ashore 
 on the coast of South Carolina, where the crews 
 were captured and the vessels destroyed. 
 These, however, were vessels carrying ordnance 
 stores and supplies, and the naval vessels and 
 transports, though some of them suffered se- 
 verely, and were obliged to throw overboard 
 their guns and heavy cargo, succeeded in riding 
 through the terrible storm, except one steamer, 
 the Governor. This vessel, on board of which 
 was a battalion of marines, was for a long time 
 ina most critical condition, and was kept afloat 
 only by the unremitting labors of the crew and 
 soldiers, Several vessels that came to the re- 
 lief of the Governor, in answer to the signals 
 of distress which were continually made, were 
 unable to render any assistance to those on 
 board the ill-fated steamer owing to the violence 
 of the storm. The destruction of the vessel 
 and the death of all on board seemed inevi- 
 table; but at last the frigate Sabine came to 
 their assistance, and by the intrepid exertions 
 of the officers and crew of:that ship, continued 
 for a long time, the*crew and marines on the 
 _ Governor were taken off, with the exception 
 
 387 
 
 of seven, who were lost in the attempt to board 
 the Sabine. The arms of the marines were 
 saved, but their equipments, clothing, and stores 
 were all lost. It was but a short time after 
 the living freight of the Governor was trans- 
 ferred to the Sabine that the former vessel went 
 down. 
 
 The steamer Winfield Scott, an armed trans- 
 port, which carried a part of the fiftieth Penn- 
 sylvania regiment, was also very nearly wrecked. 
 This vessel suffered severely, and it became 
 necessary to throw overboard the steamer’s 
 guns, the arms of the soldiers, and every thing 
 except the rations, in order to keep the vessel 
 from sinking. The armed steamer Bienville 
 went to the assistance of the Winfield Scott, 
 and as she came alongside, the engineers and a 
 portion of the crew of the latter jumped on 
 board, deserting their posts in the hour of 
 danger. This action created a panic among 
 the soldiers, and greatly increased the risk to 
 the large number of persons remaining on 
 board the damaged vessel. The captain of the 
 Winfield Scott, however, by vigorous measures 
 quieted the alarm, and having caused the rec- 
 reant crew to be placed in irons, by great 
 exertions, and the aid of the transport Van- 
 derbilt, which also came to the rescue, the ves- 
 sel was towed, in a greatly damaged condition, 
 to the place of rendezvous. 
 
 Other vessels were more or less damaged by 
 the terrible storm, but they succeeded in riding 
 through it without serious loss; and as the 
 storm abated they came in slowly to the place 
 of rendezvous. “It was a trying time for the 
 commander of the fleet, who found his vessels 
 thus scattered, and knew not how many were 
 lost. Many of the transports were not built 
 for sea-going vessels, and considering their char- 
 acter and the severity of the storm, there was 
 too much reason to fear that many of them 
 were utterly wrecked or helpless, and that, with 
 the loss of many lives, the expedition was to 
 prove a failure. But when the storm had 
 
388 
 
 passed, the vessels began to come in sight, and 
 
 on the 4th of November the ‘advance part of 
 the fleet, numbering about twenty-five vessels, 
 arrived off Port Royal bar. The masters of 
 vessels which had become entirely separated 
 from the flag-ships of the naval and military 
 commanders had opened the sealed orders 
 which were furnished to all in case of such 
 accident, and had thus first learned the desti- 
 nation, or the rendezvous of the fleet. They 
 came in slowly; but, as Commodore Dupont 
 himself observed, there was reason for great 
 thankfulness that the disasters had not. been 
 more numerous and distressing. 
 
 Finding the scattered vessels thus rejoining 
 the expedition, measures were at once taken 
 to carry out its object. By the aid of officers 
 connected with the coast survey, the channel 
 was soon surveyed, sounded, and buoyed, and 
 the transports and gunboats of light draught 
 passed over the bar, and anchored in the safe 
 roadstead of Port Royal. This harbor or bay 
 is by far the best on the Atlantic coast south 
 of Hampton Roads. It is much superior to 
 that of Charleston, admitting vessels of greater 
 draught, and being quite as safe from the 
 stormy winds; and had the people of South 
 Carolina been imbued with the spirit of enter- 
 prise which characterizes the north, a city 
 rivalling Charleston would long ago have been 
 built here. But the early settlement of Beau- 
 fort,;* which lies on one side of Port Royal Isl- 
 and, the largest of a group of many which are 
 separated by channels of moderate breadth, 
 was abandoned for various reasons, and the col- 
 onists settled at Charleston, which thus became 
 the chief town of the colony; and association, 
 aristocracy, and lack of enterprise contributed 
 to preserve Charleston from a rival within the 
 limits of South Carolina. The islands about 
 
 * Beaufort is about sixty miles by the road, and about thirty- 
 
 five in a direct line, from Savannah, and about seventy by the’ 
 
 road, and fifty in a direct line, from Charleston. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Port Royal, however, were found admirably 
 adapted to the production of the finest quality 
 of cotton ; and they have been chiefly occupied 
 for that purpose, while the town of Beaufort 
 and its vicinity became a pleasant resort. for 
 wealthy residents of Charleston and a portion 
 of the interior during the hot season. 
 
 Further soundings having been made, it was 
 ascertained and reported that*the flag-ship Wa- 
 bash could safely pass the bar ; and though some 
 risk attended the passage of so large a vessel, 
 it was safely accomplished on the 5th, and, fol- 
 lowed by others of the larger vessels of war and 
 transports, the flag-ship sailed into the road- 
 stead loudly cheered by the crews and soldiers on 
 board the vessels already there. Preparations 
 were immediately made for an attack on the 
 forts, by which the harbor or entrance to Broad 
 Sound was defended. It was necessary, how- 
 ever, for the safety of the vessels, to place buoys 
 at certain dangerous shoals, and the day was 
 spent in such preparations. The next day a 
 gale prevented the attack; but on the 7th, all 
 things being ready, the signals were made for 
 the vessels to move according to the orders 
 already issued. The transports in the mean 
 time were to remain in the roadstead, the mili- 
 tary part of the expedition awaiting the reduc- 
 tion of the forts by the navy, it being impos- 
 sible, from the position of the forts and the 
 nature of the shore, to safely land a force to 
 codperate with the ships of war. 
 
 The forts to be reduced by the navy were 
 two — one on Bay Point, on the north-east side 
 of the entrance to Broad Sound, which was 
 called Fort Beauregard, and the other on Hilton 
 Head, on the south-western side, which was 
 called Fort Walker. The latter was apparently 
 the strongest and most important work, though 
 a reconnoissance in force, which had drawn the 
 fire of both, led to the belief that each mount- 
 ed about twenty guns. They were well-con- 
 structed works, and evidently of sufficient 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 strength to resist a formidable attack, and the 
 result proved that Fort Walker contained twen- 
 ty-three guns, most of them of large calibre, 
 and several of them rifled, while Fort Beau- 
 regard mounted, including those in the out- 
 works, eighteen guns, and had also two field 
 pieces. In addition to these forts for the de- 
 fence of Port Royal, the rebels also had sevy- 
 eral armed steamers of small size, under the 
 command of Captain Tatnall, formerly of the 
 United States navy. These vessels were seen 
 up the Sound, but they did not invite an 
 engagement, the purpose of the commander 
 being apparently to watch the result, and if 
 any vessel of the federal fleet should be se- 
 riously damaged in the conflict with the forts, 
 or become separated from the others, to join in 
 the attack. = 
 
 The plan adopted by Commodore Dupont 
 was to reduce the fort on Hilton Head first, 
 the distance being too great to engage both 
 forts from a position midway between them. 
 He formed his line of battle with vessels, of 
 which the flag-ship Wabash took the lead, suc- 
 ceeded by the Susquehanna, three steam sloops 
 of war and several gunboats following, one of 
 them towing the sailing sloop of war Vandalia. 
 In addition to this a flanking squadron of five 
 gunboats was formed, which was to sail up the 
 sound or harbor, and remain there to engage 
 the rebel gunboats if they came within reach. 
 The signal to move was made at eight o’clock 
 on the morning of the 7th, and the vessels were 
 
 soon under way in the order designated, keep- | 
 
 ing a course midway between the two forts. 
 The action was commenced by a gun from 
 Fort Walker, followed by another from Fort 
 Beauregard. The Wabash replied with a part 
 of her heavy batteries, and the Susquehanna 
 immediately after responded; and as each of 
 the squadron came so as to bring its guns to 
 bear, they were discharged at the rebel bat- 
 teries. Passing up the harbor about two miles 
 and a half, the main squadron turned to the 
 
 389 
 
 west and south, while the flanking squadron 
 passed on to its station to watch the rebel fleet. 
 In going down the harbor, the main squadron 
 passed nearer to Hilton Head, passing Fort 
 Walker at a distance of less than six hundred 
 yards. The attack now commenced in earnest. 
 The Wabash poured in a tremendous and rapid 
 fire from her heavy guns, and the Susquehanna 
 and other vessels, as they reached the proper 
 position, joined with no less spirit in the terrible 
 cannonade. This attack, at so short a distance, 
 and against the weakest flank of the fort, while 
 at the same time a portion of the fire enfiladed 
 the water faces of the work, showed the enemy 
 the power with which he had to contend, while 
 he did not at first succeed in bringing his guns 
 to bear upon the vessels at so short a distance. 
 Passing slowly down by Fort Walker with this 
 severe and damaging fire, the squadron again 
 turned, and, steaming nearer to Fort Beauregard 
 than before, poured into that a similar storm 
 of shot and shell, firmg also, as it passed, at 
 longer range against Fort Walker. Twice the 
 squadron had passed up and down, sending its 
 countless missiles of destruction with deafening 
 and continuous roar into the devoted forts, 
 when there were evident signs that the fire 
 of the latter, especially Fort Walker, which 
 had been hitherto kept up with spirit and some 
 effect, had begun to slacken. The repeated 
 experience by the defenders of Fort Walker 
 of that terrible bombardment at short range 
 was too severe for them to endure it again. 
 Their flag had already been shot away, some 
 of their guns had been dismounted, shell and 
 shrapnel had dealt wounds and death amongst 
 them, and before the third close attack could 
 be made, they hastily evacuated the fort, and 
 retreated, evidently in great disorder, over the 
 island. The battle with Fort Walker was 
 ended. 
 
 An officer with a flag of truce was sent on 
 shore, but he found no one with whom to con- 
 fer, and he soon raised the flag of the Union 
 
390 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 over the captured fort. The cheers and shouts 
 of victory which arose from the crews of the 
 ships of war and the soldiers on board the 
 transports, who had watched the magnificent 
 but terrible spectacle with breathless interest, 
 must have sent dismay to the garrison of Fort 
 Beauregard. That fort had not yet been sub- 
 jected to the bombardment at short range, 
 though a steady fire at long range, as the ves- 
 sels passed, had been directed against it. It 
 had not suffered as much as Fort Walker, and 
 its garrison had not experienced the weight of 
 metal thrown by the broadsides of the Wabash 
 and Susquehanna, and the continuous dis- 
 charges of the huge guns of the other vessels. 
 But seeing that Fort Walker was lost, and hear- 
 ing the shouts of victory which forewarned 
 them of the futility of resistance, they were 
 not long in following the example of their 
 friends, and, hauling down their flag, hastily 
 evacuated the fort. A squadron of gunboats 
 sent to reconnoitre more closely after the evac- 
 uation of Fort Walker probably hastened their 
 movements. In the mean time the rebel fleet 
 that had shown itself uncertainly up the harbor 
 steamed away up some of the numerous chan- 
 nels that open from Broad River. 
 
 A body of sailors and marines had been at 
 once sent to take possession of the fort on Hil- 
 ton Head, when its evacuation was discovered. 
 They found abundant evidence of the effect of 
 the bombardment, and the haste with which 
 the rebels had retreated. Several of their dead 
 were found in the fort, and there was reason to 
 suppose that other bodies, as well as nearly or 
 quite all their wounded, were carried away: 
 only four prisoners were captured; large quan- 
 tities of ammunition, tents, clothing, and stores, 
 and some small arms, were found near the fort 
 and on the road taken by the rebels in their 
 retreat, and a mile from the works was a large 
 camp, which the rebels had abandoned, leaving 
 the tents standing, with much baggage and a 
 quantity of small arms. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 As soon as Hilton Head was evacuated, the 
 transports moved up the harbor, and before 
 night a brigade of troops landed and took pos- 
 session of the fort. It was not till the next 
 day that possession was taken of Fort Beaure- 
 gard, which afforded ample evidence that it 
 was abandoned with as much haste as Fort 
 Walker had been. 
 
 The rebel forces in the two forts, and in po- 
 sition near them, were supposed to number 
 twenty-five hundred or three thousand men; 
 and the tents, baggage, and blankets captured 
 indicated that this was about the force. They 
 were under the command of General Drayton, 
 of South Carolina; and it is a noteworthy inci- 
 dent that the steamer Pocahontas, which, hay- 
 ing been delayed by the storm, came into the 
 harbor in the midst of the battle and joined in 
 the bombardment, was commanded by Com- 
 mander Drayton, also a native of South Caro- 
 lina, and brother of the rebel general. 
 
 The victory of Port Royal, which was a bril- 
 liant one for the navy, secured at once a safe 
 and comfortable haven for the federal vessels 
 in service along the southern coast, and a base 
 for future military operations. To the rebels 
 it was a severe blow and a great disappoint- 
 ment, while among the loyal people of the 
 north it was hailed with delight, as a token of 
 future successes. 
 
 Of the bombardment and victory, which we 
 have so briefly described, the following account 
 by an eye-witness will, perhaps, give the reader 
 a clearer view :— 
 
 “ At nine o’clock, the fleet was signalled from 
 the Wabash to raise anchor, and in rather more 
 than half an hour afterwards, all the vessels 
 were in motion. ‘They moved slowly towards 
 the land, cautiously feeling the way with the 
 sounding line, arranged in two columns, of 
 which the first was led by the flag-ship, and 
 the second by the Bienville. The first column 
 comprised the Wabash, Susquehanna, Mohican, 
 Seminole, Pawnee, Unadilla, Ottawa, Pembina, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and Vandalia, in tow of the Isaac Smith. The 
 gunboats Penguin, Augusta, Curlew, Seneca, 
 and R. B. Forbes, followed in the track of the 
 Bienville. Sufficient space was given each ves- 
 sel, in order that the fire from one column might 
 not interfere with the operation of the other. 
 
 “Tt was well understood that the commodore 
 intended to fight at close quarters, and the fact 
 intensified the interest every body felt in the 
 approaching conflict. As the fleet moved ma- 
 jestically on towards the foe, the few minutes 
 consumed in getting within range of the bat- 
 teries seemed dreadfully long to the spectators, 
 who watched in deep suspense for the com- 
 mencement of the fight. At length, precisely 
 at five minutes before ten o’clock, the Bay Point 
 battery opened its fire upon the Wabash, and 
 that at Hilton Head followed almost within a 
 second. The ships were then nearly midway 
 between the hostile guns, and scarcely within 
 range. For a minute they made no reply; but 
 presently the Wabash began. Then grandly 
 she poured from both her massive sides a ter- 
 rible rain of metal, which fell with frightful 
 rapidity upon either shore. The other vessels 
 were not slow in following her example, and 
 the battle was fairly begun. 
 
 “From my point of observation on board the 
 Atlantic, which had been taken as close to the 
 combatants as was consistent with safety, in 
 order that General Sherman might witness the 
 proceedings, it was apparent that few of the 
 shells, which at first were the only projectiles 
 used, burst within the fortifications. The guns 
 had too great an elevation, and their iron mes- 
 sengers went crashing among the tree-tops a 
 mile or two beyond the batteries. The same 
 was the case with the rebels, whose shot passed 
 between the masts and above our vessels. The 
 frigates and gunboats, each having delivered 
 their fire, which mainly in this round was di- 
 rected against Bay Point, passed within the bay, 
 indifferent alike to the bursting shells, hamming 
 projectiles, and hot round shot which the rebels 
 
 391 
 
 furiously discharged, breaking the water into 
 foaming columns every where around them. 
 
 “It was, I believe, part of the plan of battle 
 to engage the batteries alternately, and the 
 vessels, preserving their relative positions, were 
 to move in circles before the foe. This mode 
 of procedure was decided upon, because the 
 current sets swiftly in the straits between the 
 fortifications, which are about two miles and 
 three quarters apart, and it was impossible, even 
 had it been desirable, for the vessels to remain 
 stationary lohg enough to silence one battery 
 before attacking the other. Something oc- 
 curred, however, to change these arrangements 
 a little. It is true the larger vessels followed 
 the Wabash, from first to last, in the prescribed 
 way, and the Bienville, leading the second di- 
 vision, gallantly maintained the position which 
 had been assigned to her throughout the entire 
 action; but the gunboats, finding that they 
 could bring a destructive enfilading fire to bear 
 upon Hilton Head, by stationing themselves in 
 a cove about a mile’s distance to the left of 
 the fortification, took that position, and per- 
 formed most efficient service. The commo- 
 dore, perceiving the good result of the manceu- 
 vre, permitted them to remain. 
 
 “The Wabash was brought as near Hilton 
 Head battery as the depth of water permitted ; 
 while soundings were given and signals made 
 during the whole time the ship was in action, 
 as regularly as upon ordinary occasions. 
 
 “Within a distance of nine hundred yards 
 from the rebel guns, the Wabash threw in her 
 fiery messengers, while the other frigates, no 
 farther away, participated in the deadly strife ; 
 and the gunboats, from their sheltered nook, 
 raked the ramparts frightfully. Thus the fire 
 of about: fifty guns was concentrated every 
 moment upon the enemy, who worked hero- 
 ically, never wavering in his reply, except when 
 the Wabash was using her batteries directly in 
 front of him. Then it was too hot for flesh 
 and blood to endure. Shells fell almost as 
 
392 
 
 rapidly as hail-drops within, and for a mile and 
 a half beyond, the battery. As they struck 
 and ploughed into the earth, a dense pillar of 
 sand would shoot upward, totally obscuring the 
 fortification, and driving the blinded gunners 
 from their pieces. 
 
 “In describing their circuit and delivering 
 their fire, the vessels consumed rather more 
 than an hour for each round. Little more 
 than half of this time, however, was spent in 
 getting into position ; for gliding slowly around, 
 perhaps entering the bay beyond the fort half 
 a mile, just far enough to permit the safe 
 turning of his immense ship, the commodore 
 brought her back, and repeated from his star- 
 board battery, until the guns became too hot 
 to handle, that devastating fire. What is true 
 respecting the firmg of the Wabash is also true 
 respecting the Susquehanna, Bienville, Paw- 
 nee, Mohican, and the rest. Each vessel dis- 
 charged her broadside at the shortest possible 
 range, loading and firing again and again, with 
 all the coolness and precision exercised in tar- 
 get practice, before she passed the battery. 
 
 “But the enemy was by no means inactive. 
 He offered a stubborn and heroic resistance. 
 Looking through a powerful telescope belong- 
 ing to the engineer officers of the expedition, 
 I saw, when the ships were approaching the 
 battery the second time, two men wearing red 
 shirts. ‘They had heen particularly active, and 
 now sat at the muzzle of a gun, apparently 
 exhausted, and waiting for more ammunition. 
 This terrible fire from the fleet was falling all 
 around them; but they moved not, and I doubt- 
 ed if they were alive. Finally they sprang up 
 and loaded their piece—a shell at that instant 
 burst near them, and they disappeared, doubtless 
 blown into atoms. J heard frequently, during 
 the hottest of the fight, most unqualified ex- 
 pressions of approval of the manner in which 
 the rebels served their guns. That their marks- 
 
 manship was good, the torn hulls and cut rig- || 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ging of our vessels, rather than the number of 
 killed on board, furnish full evidence. 
 
 “ After the second round had been brilliantly 
 fought on both sides, the Wabash gave a signal 
 to the vessels which had been most actively 
 engaged, to cease firing, and give refreshments 
 to their men. Accordingly the steamers re- 
 paired toa point beyond reach of the batteries, 
 and the poor sailors — nearly exhausted with 
 their work — satisfied their hunger, and grate- 
 fully accepted a few moments’ repose. ‘Then 
 it was that the gunboats did their most efficient 
 cannonading. Their shell and round shot flew 
 straight across the parapet of the fortification, 
 driving the men from their guns, and making 
 dreadful havoc. The little steam-tug Mercury, 
 Master Commanding Martin, gallantly steamed 
 into a shallow bay to the left of the fort, not 
 more than half a mile distant, and presentmg 
 her diminutive figure to the rebel guns, opened 
 upon them with her thirty-pounder Parrott, 
 which was fired rapidly and with good. effect. 
 From her proximity to the fort, Captain Martin 
 was probably the first to see that the rebels were 
 preparing to evacuate the place. 
 the fortification, extending about three fourths 
 of a mile, is a broad meadow bounded by dense 
 woods. Across this open space the enemy 
 was carrying his dead and wounded, and wag- 
 ons were hurriedly removing the equipage of 
 the camp. 
 
 “The Mercury, steaming closer to the shore, 
 found that the battery had been deserted, and 
 immediately took the news to the flag-ship, 
 which, by this time, with her sister vessels, was 
 coming up like a destroying angel to renew 
 the conflict. The commodore almost ,simul- 
 taneously received confirmation of the tidings 
 from other sources, and, even while listening to 
 the words of the messenger, the rebels struck 
 their flag. 
 
 “The signal to cease firing was at once hoist- 
 ed; and it being precisely a quarter to three 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 o'clock, the bombardment had been nearly five 
 hours in progress. 
 
 “The flag-ship lowered a boat and sent it 
 ashore, carrying a flag of truce in the bow, and 
 our own proud banner at the stern. Its mission 
 was to inquire if the enemy had surrendered. 
 Commander John Rodgers, a passenger on the 
 Wabash, who had come down to join his ves- 
 sel, the Flag, now blockading off Charleston, 
 and had been acting during the fight as aid to 
 Commodore Dupont, was assigned the duty of 
 taking the-flag ashore. Himself and crew were 
 unarmed, but they found no one to receive 
 them. He planted the American ensign upon 
 the deserted ramparts, and took possession of 
 the rebel soil of South Carolina in the majesty 
 of the United States. Another and larger star- 
 spangled banner was afterwards displayed upon 
 the flag-staff of a building a few rods to the left, 
 where the rebel standard had waved during the 
 eombat, and whence it had just been taken down. 
 
 “Commodore Tatnall and his gunboats dis- 
 appeared in the early part of the engagement. 
 He sent a few shots towards the fleet, but, as 
 usual, his boats were not near enough to do us 
 injury. Much regret was felt that neither of 
 our fast steamers pursued and captured the 
 commodore. He would have been an interest- 
 ing prisoner. Among the papers found in the 
 secessionist garrison was one from Mr. Tatnall, 
 in which he promised emphatically to General 
 Drayton, who commanded the rebel forces, that 
 his gunboats should be brought down from 
 Savannah, and that they should share the fate 
 of the forts. The promise was kept, and the 
 fate was shared — the latter much earlier than 
 was necessary. ; 
 
 “Ten thousand eager eyes beheld our flag as 
 it was planted upon the parapet; and who shall 
 describe the enthusiasm with which the sight 
 was greeted? Cheer followed cheer from the 
 men-of-war, and were echoed by the transports 
 in the distance. Tears of joyful pride filled 
 many an eye; hands were cordially shaken, 
 50 
 
 393 
 
 heartfelt congratulations for the glorious vic- 
 tory were expressed. Some, in the exuberance 
 of their exultation, danced wildly, and clapped 
 their hands, until it seemed doubtful whether 
 they would ever cease their antics. Nor was 
 the ebullition of patriotic fervor at all decreased 
 when the regimental bands, with earnest feel- 
 ing, as if by a spontaneous impulse, all struck 
 up ‘The Star-Spangled Banner, the majesty 
 of which had been so signally vindicated.” 
 
 CHAPTER -LII. 
 
 Expedition to Port Royal, continued. — Official Reports. — De- 
 spatches of Commodore Dupont. — General Order, congratu- 
 lating the Officers and Men of the Fleet. — Federal Loss and 
 
 ' Damage of Vessels. — Report of General Sherman. — Procla- 
 mation of General Sherman to the People of South Carolina. 
 —Occupation of Beaufort. — Advantages gained by the 
 Expedition. 
 
 Tue following are the despatches of Com 
 modore Dupont, announcing the success of 
 the expedition in gaining possession of Port 
 Royal : — 
 
 ‘‘FLaGg-sHip WaBAsH, orF Hinton Huan, 
 “Port Royar Harsgor, Nov. 6, 1861. ‘ 
 
 “Sm: The government having determined 
 to seize and occupy one or more’ important 
 points upon our southern coast, where our 
 squadrons might find shelter, possess a depot, 
 and afford protection to loyal citizens, com- 
 mitted to my discretion the selection from 
 among those places which it thought available 
 and desirable for these purposes. 
 
 “After mature deliberations, aided by the 
 professional knowledge and great intelligence 
 of the assistant secretary, Mr. Fox, and upon 
 taking into consideration the magnitude to 
 which the joint naval and military expedition 
 had been extended, to which you have called 
 my attention, I came to the conclusion that the 
 original intentions of the department, if carried 
 out, would fall short of the expectations of the 
 country and of the capabilities of the fleet; 
 
394 HISTORY OF 
 
 while Port Royal, I thought, would meet both 
 in a high degree. 
 
 “T therefore submitted to General Sherman, 
 commanding the military part of the expedition, 
 this modification of our earliest matured plans, 
 and had the satisfaction to receive his full con- 
 currence; though he and the commanders of 
 brigades very justly laid great stress on the 
 necessity, if possible, of getting this frigate mto 
 the harbor of Port Royal. 
 
 “On Tuesday, the 29th of October, the fleet 
 under my command left Hampton Roads, and, 
 with the army transports, numbered fifty ves- 
 sels. On the day previous I had despatched the 
 coal vessels, twenty-five in all, under convoy 
 of the Vandalia, Commander Haggerty, to ren- 
 dezvous off Savannah, not wishing to give indi- 
 cations of the true point. 
 
 “The weather had been unsettled in Hamp- 
 ton. Roads, though it promised well when we 
 sailed. But off Cape Hatteras the wind blew 
 hard; some ships got into the breakers, and 
 two struck, without injury. 
 
 “On Friday, November 1, the rough weather 
 soon increased into a gale, and we had to 
 encounter one of great violence from the south- 
 east, a portion of which approached to a hurri- 
 cane. The fleet was utterly dispersed; and on 
 Saturday morning one sail only was in sight 
 from the deck of the Wabash. On the follow- 
 ing day the weather moderated, and the steam- 
 ers and ships began to reappear. Orders (not 
 to be opened except in case of separation) were 
 furnished to all the men-of-war by myself, and 
 to the transports by Brigadier-General Sher- 
 man. 
 
 “ As the vessels rejoined, reports came in of 
 disasters. I expected to hear of many; but 
 when the severity of the gale and the character 
 of the vessels are considered, we have only cause 
 for great thankfulness. 
 
 “In reference to the men-of-war, the Isaac 
 Smith, a most efficient, well-armed vessel for 
 
 the class, purchased, but not intended to en-| 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 counter such a sea and wind, had to throw 
 her formidable battery overboard to keep from 
 foundering ; but, thus relieved, Lieutenant Com- 
 manding Nicholson was enabled to go to the 
 
 assistance of the chartered steamer Governor, 
 
 then in a very dangerous condition, and on 
 board of which was our fine battalion of ma- 
 rines, under Major Reynolds. They were finally 
 rescued by Captain Ringold, of the frigate Sa- 
 bine, under difficult circumstances; soon after 
 which the Governor went down. I believe that 
 seven of the marines were drowned by their 
 own imprudence. Lieutenant Commanding 
 Nicholson’s conduct in the Isaac Smith has met 
 my warmest commendations. 
 
 “The Peerless, transport, in a sinking con- 
 dition, was met by the Mohican, Commander 
 Gordon, and all the people on board — twenty- 
 six in number — were saved, under very pecu- 
 liar circumstances, in which service Lieutenant 
 W. H. Miller was very favorably noticed by his 
 commander. 
 
 “On passing Charleston, I sent in the Seneca, 
 Lieutenant-Commanding Ammen, to direct Cap- 
 tain Lardner to join me with the Susquehanna, 
 off Port Royal, without delay. On Monday, at 
 eight o’clock in the morning, I anchored off the 
 bar, with some twenty-five vessels in aie 
 and many heaving in sight. 
 
 “ The Nbpertmnent- is aware that all the aids 
 to navigation had been removed, and the bar 
 lies ten miles seaward, with no features on the 
 shore line with sufficient prominence to make 
 any bearings reliable. But to the skill of Com- 
 mander Davis, the fleet captain, and Mr. Bou- 
 telle, the able assistant of the coast survey, in — 
 charge of the steamer Vixen, the channel was 
 immediately found, sounded out, and buoyed. 
 By three o’clock I received assurances from Cap- 
 tain Davis that I could send forward the lighter 
 transports, — those under eighteen feet, — with 
 all the gunboats, which was immediately done; 
 and before dark they were securely anchored 
 in the roadstead of Port Royal, South Carolina. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The gunboats almost immediately opened their 
 batteries upon two or three rebel steamers, 
 under Commodore Tatnall, instantly chasing 
 him under the shelter of the batteries. 
 
 “In the morning, Commander John Rodgers, 
 of the United States steamer Flag, temporarily 
 on board this ship and acting on my staff, ac- 
 companied Brigadier-General Wright in the 
 gunboat Ottawa, Lieutenant Commanding Ste- 
 
 vens, and supported by the Seneca, Lieutenant. 
 
 Commanding Ammen, the Curlew, Acting Lieu- 
 tenant Commanding Watmough, and the Isaac 
 Smith, Lieutenant Commanding Nicholson, made 
 
 a reconnoissance in force, which drew the fire || 
 
 of the batteries on Hilton Head and Bay Point, 
 sufficiently to show that the fortifications were 
 works of strength and scientifically constructed. 
 
 “In the evening of Monday, Captain Davis 
 and Mr. Boutelle reported water enough for 
 the Wabash to venture in. The responsibility 
 of hazarding so noble a frigate was not a light 
 one. Over a prolonged bar of more than two 
 miles, there was but a foot or two of water to 
 spare, and the fall and rise of the tide are such 
 that if she had grounded she would have sus- 
 tained mostserious injury from straining, perhaps 
 total loss. Too much, however, was at stake to 
 hesitate, and the result was entirely successful. 
 
 “On the morning of Tuesday the Wabash 
 crossed the bar, followed closely by the frigate 
 Susquehanna, the Atlantic, Vanderbilt, and oth- 
 er transports of deep draught— and on run- 
 ning through that portion of the fleet already 
 in, the safe passage of this great ship over the 
 bar was hailed with gratifying cheers from the 
 crowded vessels. 
 
 “We anchored, and immediately commenced 
 preparing the ship for action; but the delay of 
 planting the buoys, particularly on the Fishing 
 Rip,—a dangerous shoal we had to avoid, — 
 rendered the hour late before it was possible 
 to move with the attacking squadron. In our 
 anxiety to get the outline of the forts before 
 dark, we stood in too near those shoals, and the 
 
 395 
 
 ship grounded. By the time she was gotten 
 off it was too late, in my judgment, to proceed, 
 and I made signals for the squadron to anchor 
 out of gun shot from the enemy. 
 
 “To-day the wind blows a gale from the 
 southward and westward, and the attack is 
 unavoidably postponed. 
 
 “I have the honor to be, sir, respectfully, 
 
 your obedient servant, 
 “S$. F. Dupont, 
 
 “ Flag-officer commanding South Atlantic 
 “Blockading Squadron.” 
 
 ‘* FLaG-sHIP WaBASH, OFF Hinron Hazan, 
 “Port Royat Harsor, Nov. 8, 1861. 
 
 ‘‘Hon. Grpron Weiss, SecrETARY oF THE Navy. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to inform you that 
 yesterday I attacked the enemy’s batteries on 
 Bay Point and Hilton Head, (Forts Walker and 
 Beauregard,) and succeeded in silencing them, 
 after an engagement of four hours’ duration, 
 and driving away the squadron of rebel steam- 
 ers under Commodore Tatnall. The reconnois- 
 sance of yesterday made us satisfied with the 
 superiority of Fort Walker, and to that I direct- 
 ed my special efforts, engaging it at a distance 
 of eight hundred, and afterwards at six hundred 
 yards. But the plan of the attack brought the 
 squadron sufficiently near Fort Beauregard to re- 
 ceive its fire, and the ships were frequently fight- 
 ing the batteries on both sides at the same time. 
 
 “The action was begun, on my part, at twen- 
 ty-six minutes after nine, and at half past two 
 the American ensign was hoisted on the flag- 
 staff of Fort Walker, and this morning at sun- 
 rise on that of Fort Beauregard. 
 
 “The defeat of the enemy terminated in 
 utter rout and confusion. Their quarters and 
 encampments were abandoned without an at- 
 tempt to carry away either public or private 
 property. The ground over which they fled 
 was strewn with the arms of private soldiers, 
 and the officers retired in too much haste to 
 submit to the encumbrance of their swords. 
 
 “Landing my marines and a company of sea- 
 
396 
 
 men, I took possession of the deserted ground, 
 and held the fort on Hilton Head until the ar- 
 rival of General Sherman, to whom I had the 
 honor to transfer its occupation. 
 
 “ We have captured forty-three pieces of can- 
 non, most of them of the heaviest calibre and 
 of the most improved design. The bearer of 
 these despatches will have the honor to carry 
 with him the captured flags, and two small 
 brass field pieces, lately belonging t6 the state 
 of South Carolina, which are sent home as suita- 
 ble trophies of the success of the day. I enclose 
 herewith a copy of the general order which is 
 to be read in the field to-morrow morning at 
 muster. <A detailed account of this battle will 
 be submitted hereafter. 
 
 “TY have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
 
 your obedient servant, 
 “S. F. Dupont, 
 
 “ Flag-officer commanding South Atlantic 
 “ Blockading Squadron.” 
 
 “PS. The bearer of despatches will also carry 
 with him the first American ensign raised upon 
 the soil of South Carolina since the rebellion 
 broke out. hed ae a bp 
 
 “GENERAL ORDER No. 2. 
 
 ‘¢Frac-sH1p Wasasu, Hinton Hrap, 
 ‘¢Port Royat Bay, Nov. 8, 1861. 
 
 “Tt is the gratifying duty of the commander- 
 in-chief to make a public acknowledgment of 
 his entire commendation of the coolness, disci- 
 pline, skill, and gallantry displayed by the 
 officers and men under his command in the 
 capture of the batteries at Hilton Head and 
 Bay Point, after an action of four hours’ dura- 
 tion. The flag-officer fully sympathizes with 
 the officers and men of his squadron in the sat- 
 isfaction they must feel at seeing the ensign 
 of the United States flying once more in the 
 state of South Carolina, which has been the chief 
 promoter of the wicked and unprovoked rebel- 
 lion they have been called upon to suppress. 
 
 “S. F. Dupont, 
 “ Flag-officer conummanding South Atlantic 
 “ Blockading Squadron.” 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Commodore Dupont subsequently made a 
 more detailed report, which did not contain any 
 material facts not given in the foregoing de- 
 spatches and the account in the preceding chap- 
 ter. By other official reports it appeared that 
 the loss on board the fleet was eight killed and 
 twenty-three wounded. Most of the vessels 
 directly engaged in the bombardment were 
 more or less damaged by shot from the forts, 
 but none of them received any serious injury. 
 The loss of the rebels was unknown. Six of 
 their dead were found in Fort Walker, and it 
 was supposed that many others, as well as all 
 their wounded, were removed. Notwithstand- 
 ing the protection of their works, itis probable 
 that the throwing of nearly two thousand shells 
 and many solid shot into and about the forts, 
 caused a considerable loss of men, as well as 
 damage to their works, ; 
 
 After landing his troops and taking posses- 
 sion of the forts, General Sherman issued the 
 following proclamation, which was conveyed, as 
 best it could be, to such inhabitants as remained 
 on Port Royal Island and the neighboring 
 islands : — 
 
 “To THE PEOPLE oF SoutH CAROLINA: — 
 
 “Jn obedience to the orders of the President 
 of these United States of America, I have land- 
 ed on your shores with a small force of national 
 troops. The dictates of a duty, which, under 
 the constitution, I owe to a great sovereign 
 state and to a proud and hospitable people, 
 among whom I have passed some of the pleas- 
 antest days of my life, prompt me to proclaim 
 that we have come among you with no feelings 
 of personal animosity; no desire to harm your 
 citizens, destroy your property, or interfere 
 with any of your lawful laws, rights, or your 
 social and local institutions, beyond what the 
 causes herein briefly alluded to may render 
 unavoidable. 
 
 “Citizens of South Carolina, the civilized 
 world stands appalled at the course you are 
 pursuing —appalled at the crime you are com- 
 
 ye 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 mitting against your own mother — the best, | power. 
 
 397 
 
 But be not deceived. The obligation 
 
 the most enlightened, and heretofore the most || of suppressing armed combinations against the 
 
 prosperous of nations. 
 active rebellion against the laws of your coun- 
 try. You have lawlessly seized upon the forts, 
 arsenals, and other property belonging to our 
 common country, and within your borders with 
 this property you are in arms and waging a 
 ruthless war against your constitutional gov- 
 ernment, and thus threatening the existence 
 of a government which you are bound by the 
 terms of the solemn compact to live under and 
 faithfully support. 
 
 “Tn doing this you are not only undermining | 
 and preparing the way for totally ignoring your’ 
 
 own political and social existence, but you are 
 threatening the civilized world with the odious 
 sentiment that self-government is impossible 
 with civilized man. 
 
 “ Fellow-citizens, I implore you to pause and 
 reflect upon the tenor and consequences of 
 your acts; of the awful sacrifices made by the 
 devastation of your property ; the shedding of 
 fraternal blood in battle. The mourning and 
 wailing of widows and orphans throughout our 
 land are sufficient to deter you from further 
 pursuing this unholy war. Then ponder, I 
 beseech you, upon the ultimate but not less 
 certain result which its farther progress must 
 necessarily and naturally entail upon your once 
 happy and prosperous state. Indeed, can you 
 pursue this fratricidal war, and continue to im- 
 brue your hands in the loyal blood of your 
 countrymen, your friends, your kinsmen, for 
 no other object than to unlawfully disrupt the 
 confederacy of a great people — a confederacy 
 established by your own hands— in order to 
 set up, were it possible, an independent gov- 
 ernment, under which you can never live in 
 peace, prosperity, or quietness ? 
 
 “Carolinians, we have come among you as loy- 
 al men, fully impressed with our constitutional 
 obligations to the citizens of your state. These 
 obligations shall be performed as far as in our 
 
 You are in a state of || constitutional authorities is paramount to all 
 
 others. 
 
 “Tf, in the performance of this duty, other 
 minor but important obligations should be in 
 any way neglected, it must be attributed to the 
 necessities of the case, because rights dependent 
 on the laws of the state must be necessarily 
 subordinate to military exigencies created by 
 insurrection and rebellion. 
 
 “'T’. W. SHERMAN, 
 “ Brigader-General commanding. 
 
 ‘+s HrapquarteRs, G. C., Port Royrat, 8. C., Nov. 8.” 
 
 General Sherman, the commander of the 
 land forces, which had acted the part of spee- 
 tators rather than participants in the battle and 
 the victory, sent the following despatch : — 
 
 “Port Rovyat, S. C., Nov. 8, 1861. 
 ‘¢ ADJUTANT-GENERAL UnitTep Stares Army, WASHINGTON. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor’ to report that the 
 force under my command embarked at Annapo- 
 lis, Maryland, at Hampton Roads, Virginia, on 
 the 22d ult. In consequence of the delay in 
 the arrival of some of our transports and the 
 unfavorable state of the weather, the fleet was 
 unable to set out for the southern coast until 
 the 29th, when, under the convoy of a naval 
 squadron in command of Commodore Dupont, 
 and after the most mature consideration of the 
 objects of the expedition by that flag-officer and 
 myself, it was agreed to reduce any works that 
 might be found at Port Royal, South Carolina, 
 and thus open the finest harbor on the coast 
 that exists south of Hatteras. It was calcu- 
 lated to reach Port Royal in five days at most ; 
 but in consequence of adverse winds and a 
 perilous storm on the day and night of the first 
 of November, the fleet arrived at Port Royal 
 bar not until the 4th, and then but in part, for 
 it had been almost entirely dispersed by the 
 gale, and the vessels have been straggling in up 
 to this date. The transport steamers Union, 
 
 ‘«Heapauarters Exprpition Corps, , 
 
398 
 
 Belvidere, Osceola, and Peerless have not ar- 
 rived. Two of them are known to be lost, and 
 it is probable all are. It is gratifying, however, 
 to say that none of the troop transports con- 
 nected with the land forces were lost, though 
 the Winfield Scott had to sacrifice her whole 
 cargo, and the Roanoke a portion of her cargo, 
 to save the lives of the regiments on board. 
 The former will again be put to sea. The ves- 
 sels connected with the naval portion of the 
 fleet have also suffered much, and some have 
 been lost. After a careful reconnoissance of 
 Port Royal Bay, it was ascertained that the 
 rebels had three field works of remarkable 
 strength, strongly garrisoned, and covered by 
 a fleet of three gunboats, under Captain Tat- 
 nall, late of the United States navy, besides 
 strong land forces, which the rebels were con- 
 centrating from Charleston and Savannah. The 
 troops of the rebels were afterwards ascertained 
 to have been commanded by General Drayton. 
 
 “ One of the first,and probably the strongest 
 fort, was situated on Hilton Head, and the other 
 two on Phillips’ Island. It was deemed proper 
 to first reduce the fort on Hilton Head, though 
 to do this a greater or less fire might have to 
 be met from the batteries on Bay Point. At 
 the same time our original plan of codperation 
 of the land forces in this attack had to be set 
 aside, in consequence of the loss during the 
 voyage of a greater portion of our means of 
 disembarkment, together with the fact that the 
 only point where our troops should have landed 
 was from five to six miles, measuring around 
 the intervening shoal, from the anchoring place 
 of our transports — altogether too great a dis- 
 tance for a successful debarkation, with our 
 limited means. It was, therefore, agreed that 
 the place should be reduced by the naval force 
 alone. In consequence of the shattered con- 
 dition of the fleet, and the delay in the arrival 
 of vessels that were indispensable for the attack, 
 it had to be postponed until the 7th instant. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 . “IT was a mere spectator of the combat, and 
 it is not my intention to render any report of 
 this action. I deem it an imperative duty to 
 say that the firmg and manoeuvring of our 
 fleet against that of the rebels and their formi- 
 dable land batteries, was a masterpiece of ac- 
 tivity and professional skill that must have 
 elicited the applause of the rebels themselves, 
 as a tactical operation. I think that too much 
 praise cannot be awarded to the science and 
 skill exhibited by the flag-officer of the naval 
 squadron and the officers connected with his 
 ship. I deem the performance a masterly one, 
 which ought to have been seen to be fully 
 appreciated. 
 
 “ After the works were reduced, I took pos- 
 session of them with the land forces. The 
 beautifully constructed work on Hilton Head 
 was severely crippled, and many of the guns 
 dismounted. Much slaughter had evidently 
 been made there, many bodies having been 
 buried in the fort, and some twenty or thirty 
 were found some half a mile distant. The 
 island, for many miles, was found strewed with 
 army accoutrements and baggage of the rebels, 
 which they threw away in their hasty retreat. 
 We have also come into possession of about 
 forty pieces of ordnance, most of which is of 
 the heaviest calibre and the most approved 
 models, and a large quantity of ammunition 
 and camp equipage. 
 
 “It is my duty to report the valuable ser- 
 vices of Mr. Boutelle, assistant in the coast 
 survey, assisting with his accurate and exten- 
 sive knowledge of this country. His services 
 are invaluable to the army as well as to the 
 navy, and I earnestly recommend that notice 
 be taken of this very able and scientific officer 
 by the war department. 
 
 “JT am, very respectfully, 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 “'T. W. SHERMAN, 
 “ Brigadier-General commanding.” 
 
« 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The day after the capture of the forts, Com- 
 modore Dupont despatched two or three gun- 
 boats up the river to Beaufort, for the purpose 
 of taking the light-boats, which had been re- 
 moved by the rebels from the entrance to Port 
 Royal Sound. These light-boats, however, were 
 destroyed immediately after the evacuation of 
 the forts. The islands on either side of the 
 river, and the town of Beaufort, appeared to 
 be abandoned by all except the negroes who 
 had evaded the orders of their masters to leave 
 when the forts were captured. Only one white 
 person was found in Beaufort, and he seemed 
 overcome with fear either of the federal forces 
 or of the negroes. The negroes were wild with 
 delight at the federal success, and were free- 
 ly appropriating the property of the fugitive 
 masters, and destroying much valuable furni- 
 ture which was of no use to them. They seemed 
 to feel that the day of their servitude was past, 
 and that the victory of the Union fleet had at 
 once driven off the rebel masters, and given 
 them freedom and ownership in the abandoned 
 property. Measures were taken, however, to 
 prevent excesses; and in a short time the blacks 
 settled down into quiet idleness, their wants 
 
 ' for the present being amply supplied by what 
 
 was left on the plantations and in the town. 
 What was to be done with the large number 
 of blacks who remained on Port Royal and the 
 neighboring islands, and who came within the 
 military lines of the army, soon became a ques- 
 tion of much importance. 
 
 The possession of Port Royal harbor was a 
 very great advantage gained, on account of the 
 safe haven it afforded to vessels engaged in 
 blockading the coast, and of its convenience 
 for a depot of supplies. At the same time it 
 gave to the government one of the ports the 
 blockade of which had been evaded. It also 
 afforded a base of future military operations, 
 from which movements could be made towards 
 the more important cities of Charleston and 
 Savannah. Hilton Head soon became a great 
 military post and naval station, full of activity 
 
 399 
 
 and business; and without doubt the military 
 
 occupation of this point was the foundation of 
 
 a port which should soon completely over- 
 shadow the more ancient town of Beaufort. 
 The islands upon which the troops were 
 landed, and the others of which they afterwards 
 took possession, were mostly devoted to the 
 culture of cotton, of which the finest quality, 
 the “sea island,” taking its name from these 
 islands, has long been raised in large quantities. 
 Considerable quantities of this cotton were found 
 upon the plantations, though a great deal was 
 destroyed upon the arrival of the federal force. 
 The plantations were all deserted by their 
 owners, who were, generally, among the most 
 aristocratic of slaveholders and bitterest of se- 
 cessionists. To make this valuable property 
 useful to the government, and to give employ- 
 ment to the negroes abandoned by their mas- 
 ters, and now becoming dependent upon the 
 military authorities, was a matter of much con- 
 sequence; and measures, somewhat tardy and 
 ill managed, were taken to secure a continu- 
 ance of the culture of cotton, and at the same 
 time to make the negroes support themselves. 
 
 CHAPTER LIIL 
 
 Important Naval Exploit. — Rebel Agents in Europe. — Mission 
 of Messrs. Mason and Slidell. — They evade the Blockade, 
 and arrive at Havana. — Their Reception. — They take Pas- 
 sage in the Trent for Europe. — Movements of Captain 
 Wilkes in the San Jacinto. — Determination to capture the 
 Rebel Envoys. — The Trent stopped and boarded. — Capture 
 of Mason and Slidell, and their Secretaries. — Official Reports 
 of Captain Wilkes and his Officers. — Prisoners carried to 
 Fort Warren. — Excitement caused by the Act of Captain 
 Wilkes. — Discussion, and Variety of Opinions. — Resent- 
 ment towards England. — Excitement in England. — War 
 threatened. — More moderate Action of the Government. — 
 The Result. — Mr. Seward’s Letter. — The Prisoners released. 
 — Despatch of the French Government. — Mr. Seward’s Re- 
 ply. — The Question in Congress. —The Effects of the Set- 
 tlement of the Question. — Delivery of the Prisoners on 
 board an- English Ship. 
 
 A naval exploit, of a different character, fol- 
 lowed not long after the capture of Port Royal, 
 and created an intense excitement, not only 
 
400 
 
 among the people of the loyal states and the 
 rebels, but in England, whose neutral rights 
 were affected, and in a less degree among the 
 other nations of Europe. The rebels had early 
 sent commissioners, or agents, to Europe, to 
 procure arms, awaken sympathy, and secure 
 recognition and encouragement from the lead- 
 ing governments. These commissioners were 
 not, however, clothed with full powers as from 
 an established government, and were not in any 
 way Officially recognized, though they may have 
 received, unofficially, the notice and good wishes 
 of those high in authority. The rebel govern- 
 ment, soon after the meeting of the Congress 
 of the seceded states, determined to send to 
 France and England, as agents, men of more 
 consideration, and clothed with greater powers, 
 who, if they could secure a reception as such, 
 should act as ministers plenipotentiary at the 
 courts of those countries. Accordingly, John 
 Slidell, of Louisiana, formerly United States 
 senator fiom that state, was appointed envoy 
 to France, and James M. Mason, of Virginia, 
 who had also been United States senator, was 
 appointed envoy to England. These men were 
 well selected for their errands, being among 
 the ablest and most earnest of the secessionists, 
 while each was peculiarly adapted for his par- 
 ticular mission. The character and bearing, 
 as well as the ability, of Mr. Mason, were gen- 
 erally considered such as would recommend 
 him to the governing class in England, while 
 great results were expected from the diplo- 
 macy of the wily and scheming Mr. Slidell at 
 the French court. 
 
 It was known to the United States govern- 
 ment that these agents were appointed, and 
 awaited an opportunity of getting out of the 
 blockaded states on their missions ; and perhaps 
 renewed vigilance was urged upon officers of 
 the blockading fleet to prevent.their escape. 
 But after many rumors respecting them, the 
 envoys, with their suites, succeeded in evading 
 ' the blockade, and, escaping from Charleston in 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the small steamer Theodora, sailed to Havana, 
 where they arrived in the latter part of Octo- 
 ber. There they were received with marked 
 attention by those who sympathized with the 
 rebel cause, not the least prominent of whom 
 was the British consul, who was officious in his 
 attentions, though he undoubtedly represented 
 his own feelings rather than the government 
 whose agent he was. At Havana Messrs. Mason 
 and Slidell took passage in the British mail 
 steamer Trent for England, on the 7th of 
 November. 
 
 Just after the arrival of the rebel envoys at 
 Havana, the United States steamer San Jacinto, 
 Captain Charles Wilkes, which had recently 
 arrived in West India waters from the coast 
 of Africa, and was in pursuit of the privateer 
 Sumter, put into Cienfuegos, on the southern 
 coast of Cuba, for coal. Learning that they 
 had arrived at Havana in the Theodora, Captain 
 Wilkes sailed as soon as possible for Havana, 
 with the purpose of intercepting the Theodora 
 on her return. For this, however, he was too 
 late, the rebel steamer having already sailed. 
 While at Havana Captain Wilkes learned that 
 Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their suites, had 
 engaged passage on board the Trent,and he then 
 determined that he would at least attempt the 
 capture of these parties, who were going abroad 
 on an errand so mischievous and traitorous to 
 his country. In so doing, he believed that this 
 act would be justified by international law, 
 while he would be rendering an important ser- 
 vice to his government. He accordingly left 
 Havana on the 2d of November, and after run- 
 ning to Key West, proceeded to the “old Ba- 
 hama Channel,” and, at a point where it narrows 
 to the width of about fifteen miles, he awaited 
 the passage of the Trent on her way to St. 
 Thomas. 
 
 On the 8th the Trent came in sight, and as 
 she approached Captain Wilkes made the ne- 
 cessary preparations to carry out his purpose. 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the San Jacinto across hegbows; but the com- 
 mander of the Trent, seeming to think that the 
 display of the British flag was a sufficient an- 
 swer to any demands of an American cruiser, 
 kept his vessel on her course. A shell was then 
 fired from the San Jacinto, which exploded at 
 some distance ahead of the Trent. This had 
 the effect of stopping the steamer in her course, 
 and, hailing the commander, Captain Wilkes 
 informed him that he would send an officer on 
 board. Lieutenant Fairfax was accordingly 
 sent with a boat’s crew, armed, to ascertain if 
 Messrs. Mason and Slidell were passengers on 
 board the Trent, and, if so, to take them pris- 
 oners, and carry them to the San Jacinto. 
 Lieutenant Fairfax went on board the Trent, 
 and demanded the papers and list of passen- 
 gers. The captain refused to show them, when 
 Lieutenant Fairfax said that he had informa- 
 tion that Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell, and Mr. 
 McFarland and Mr. Eustis, their secretaries, 
 were on board the Trent, and he must be satis- 
 fied on that point before he suffered the steamer 
 to proceed. ‘The parties named soon made 
 their appearance ; but they protested against 
 going on board the San Jacinto, and the cap- 
 tain of the vessel interposed every possible 
 obstacle to the execution of his orders by Lieu- 
 tenant Fairfax. There were noisy demonstra- 
 tions on the part of the officers of the Trent 
 and many of the passengers. Not the least 
 obnoxious of the persons who loudly opposed 
 the United States officer, was the British mail 
 officer, a retired officer of the English navy. 
 Lieutenant Fairfax, finding that there was likely 
 to be resistance, sent his boat back to the San 
 Jacinto, to announce to Captain Wilkes that the 
 rebel envoys were on board the steamer, but 
 would not leave except by force. Another 
 boat, with a small guard of marines and an 
 armed crew, was accordingly sent to the sup- 
 port of Lieutenant Fairfax. The marines and 
 armed sailors being brought on board the 
 Trent, after some parley and violent protesta- 
 ol 
 
 *. 
 
 401 
 
 tions on the part of the principal parties sought, 
 and of those who sympathized with them, the 
 show of force by the United States offices 
 induced a reluctant compliance with their de- 
 mands. By applying nominal force to Mr. 
 Mason, that gentleman was made a prisoner, 
 and placed in one of the San Jacinto’s boats. 
 Mr. Slidell would not yield to so moderate a 
 force ; but after some further protests, in which 
 Mr. Slidell’s family —who were with him — 
 joined, he was arrested, and conducted by two 
 or three officers to the boat. The secretaries 
 of the rebel emissaries followed their principals 
 without resistance, and, the luggage of the 
 whole party being also placed in one of the 
 boats, they were taken on board the San Ja- 
 cinto, and the Trent was permitted to resume 
 her voyage. 
 
 While the American officers were performing 
 their duty, — which, under the circumstances, 
 was not a very agreeable one in the execution, 
 however gratifying it might be in the result, — 
 they were subjected to the insolence of a great 
 part of the passengers and crew of the Trent. 
 They were threatened with vengeance upon 
 themselves and their country, and assailed with 
 sneers and taunts. But they paid no attention 
 to these attacks, and conducted with a for- 
 bearance and self-respect that could but elicit 
 the respect of the petty assailants themselves. 
 They entered into no altercations or angry dis- 
 putes, to which they were tempted by the lan- 
 guage and conduct of those on board the Trent ; 
 but, acting in a firm but dignified manner, they 
 performed their duty successfully, and captured 
 two of the most mischievous enemies of their 
 country. 
 
 The following despatches of Captain Wilkes, 
 with the reports of Lieutenant Fairfax and 
 assistant-engineer Houston, describe more in 
 detail this important capture, and the grounds 
 upon which Captain Wilkes acted, in assuming 
 the responsibility of so bold and important a 
 transaction : — 
 
HISTORY OF 
 
 «UniTED STATES STEAMER SAN JACINTO, 
 November 15, 1861. 
 
 “Sm: I have written to you, relative to the 
 movements of this ship, from Cienfuegos, on 
 the south coast of Cuba. There I learned that 
 Messrs. Slidell and Mason had landed on Cuba, 
 and had reached the Havana from Charleston. 
 J took in some sixty tons of coal, and left with 
 all despatch, on the 26th of October, to inter- 
 cept the return of the Theodora; but on my 
 arrival at the Havana, on the 31st, I found she 
 had departed on her return, and that Messrs. 
 Slidell and Mason, with their secretaries and 
 families, were there, and would depart on the 
 7th of the month, in the English steamer Trent, 
 for St. Thomas, on their way to England. 
 
 “JT made up my mind to fill up with coal and 
 leave the port as soon as possible, to await at a 
 suitable position on the route of the steamer 
 to St. Thomas, to intercept her and take them 
 out. 
 
 “On the afternoon of the 2d I left the Ha- 
 vana, in continuation of my cruise after the 
 Sumter on the north side of Cuba. The next 
 day, when about to board a French brig, she 
 ran into us on the starboard side at the main- 
 chains, and carried away her bowsprit and fore- 
 topmast, and suffered other damages. I enclose 
 you herewith the reports of the officers who 
 witnessed the accident. I do not feel that any 
 
 blame is due to the officer in charge of this/. 
 
 ship at the time the ship was run into; and 
 the brig was so close when it was seen she 
 would probably do so, that even with the power 
 of steam, lying motionless as we were, we could 
 not avoid it — it seemed as if designed. 
 
 “J at once took her in tow, and put an officer 
 on board, with a party to repair her damages: 
 this was effected before night; but I kept her 
 in tow until we were up with the Havana, and 
 ran within about eight miles of the light, the 
 wind blowing directly fair for her to reach port. 
 
 “] then went over to Key West, in hopes of 
 finding the Powhatan or some other steamer to 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 accompany me to the Bahama Channel, to make 
 it impossible for the steamer in which Messrs. 
 Slidell and Mason were to embark to escape 
 either in the night or day. The Powhatan had 
 left but the day before, and I was therefore dis- 
 appointed, and obliged to rely upon the vigi- 
 lance of the officers and crew of this ship, and 
 proceeded the next morning to the north side 
 of the Island of Cuba, communicated with the 
 Sagua la Grande on the 4th, hoping to receive 
 a telegraphic communication from Mr. Shufelt, 
 our consul general, giving me the time of the 
 departure of the steamer. 
 
 “Tn this also I was disappointed, and ran to 
 the eastward some ninety miles, where the old 
 Bahama Channel contracts to the width of fif 
 teen miles, some two hundred and forty miles 
 from the Havana, and in sight of the Paredon 
 del Grande lighthouse. There we cruised until 
 the morning of the 8th, awaiting the steamer, 
 believing that, if she left at the usual time, she 
 must pass us about noon of the 8th, and we 
 could not possibly miss her. At forty minutes 
 past eleven A. M. on the 8th, her smoke was 
 first seen; at twelve M. our position was to the 
 westward of the entrance into the narrowest 
 part of the channel, and about nine miles 
 north-east from the lighthouse of Paredon del 
 Grande, the nearest point of Cuba to us. We 
 were all prepared for her, beat to quarters, and 
 orders were given to Lieutenant D. M. Fairfax 
 to have two boats manned and armed to board 
 her and make Messrs. Slidell, Mason, Eustis, and 
 McFarland prisoners, and send them imme- 
 diately on board. The steamer approached 
 and hoisted English colors; our ensign was 
 hoisted, and a shot was fired across her bow; 
 she maintained her speed, and.showed no dis- 
 position to heave to; then a shell was fired 
 across her bow, which brought her to. I hailed 
 that [intended to send a boat on board, and 
 Lieutenant Fairfax, with the second cutter of 
 this ship, was despatched. He met with some 
 difficulty, and remaining on board the steamer 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 403 
 
 with a part of the boat’s crew, sent her back||Cuba and those on board the Trent, in doing 
 
 to request more assistance; the captain of the 
 steamer having declined to show his papers and 
 passenger list, a force became necessary to 
 search her. Lieutenant James A. Greer was at 
 once despatched in the third cutter, also tiesmaed 
 and armed. 
 
 “Messrs. Slidell, Mason, Eustis, and McFar- 
 land were recognized and told they were re- 
 quired to go on board this ship. This they 
 objected to until an overpowerimg force com- 
 pelled them ; much persuasion was used, and a 
 little force, and at about two o’clock they were 
 brought on board this ship and received by 
 me. ‘Two other boats were then sent to expe- 
 dite the removal of their baggage and some 
 stores, when the-steamer, which proved to be 
 the Trent, was suffered to proceed on her route 
 to the eastward, and at half past three P. M. 
 we bore away to the northward and westward. 
 The whole time employed was two hours and 
 thirteen minutes. 
 
 “T enclose you the statements of such off- 
 cers who boarded the Trent, relative to the 
 facts, and also an extract from the log-book of 
 this ship. 
 
 “It was my determination to have taken 
 possession of the Trent, and sent her to Key 
 West as a prize, for resisting the search and 
 carrying these passengers, whose character and 
 objects were well known to the captain; but 
 the reduced number of my officers and crew, 
 and the large number of passengers on board, 
 bound to Europe, who would be put to great 
 inconvenience, decided me to allow them to 
 proceed. ‘ 
 
 “ Winding the families of Messrs. Slidell and 
 Eustis on board, I tendered them the offer of 
 my cabin for their accommodation to accom- 
 pany their husbands; this they declined, how- 
 ever, and proceeded in the Trent. 
 
 “ Before closing this despatch I would bring 
 to your notice the notorious action of her Brit- 
 ish Majesty’s subjects, the consul general of 
 
 every thing to aid and abet the escape of these 
 four persons, and endeavoring to conceal their 
 persons on board. No passports or papers of 
 any description were in possession of them 
 from the federal government; and for this and 
 other reasons which will readily occur to you, 
 I made them my prisoners, and shall retain 
 them on board here until I hear from you what 
 disposition is to be made of them. 
 
 “JT cannot close this report without bearing 
 testimony to the admirable manner in which 
 all the officers and men of this ship performed 
 their duties, and the cordial manner in which 
 they carried out my orders. 
 
 “To Lieutenant Fairfax I beg leave to call 
 your particular attention for the praiseworthy 
 manner in which he executed the delicate 
 duties with which he was intrusted: it met 
 and has received my warmest thanks. 
 
 “ After leaving the north side of Cuba, I ran 
 through the Santaren passage, and up the coast 
 from off St. Augustine to Charleston, and re- 
 gretted being too late to take a part in the 
 expedition to Port Royal. 
 
 “T have the honor to be, very relspesttully, 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 “CHaRLes WILKES, Captain. 
 ‘‘Hon. Gipron WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 ‘s UNITED STATES STEAMER SAN JACINTO, | 
 At Sra, November 12, 1861. 
 
 “Sir: At twenty minutes past one P. M,, on 
 the 8th instant, I repaired alongside of the 
 British mail packet in an armed cutter, accom- 
 panied by Mr. Houston, second assistant engi- 
 neer, and Mr. Grace, the boatswain. 
 
 “T went on board the Trent alone, leaving 
 the two officers in the boat with orders to 
 await until it became necessary to show some 
 force. 
 
 “JT was shown up by the first officer to the 
 quarter deck, where I met the captain, and 
 informed him who I was, asking to see the pas- 
 senger list. He declined letting me see it. I 
 
404 HISTORY OF 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 then told him that I had information of Mr. || cabin, where these four gentlemen had gone to 
 
 Mason, Mr. Slidell, Mr. Eustis, and Mr. McFar- 
 land having taken their passage at Havana in 
 the packet to St. Thomas, and would satisfy 
 myself whether they were on board before al- 
 lowing the steamer to proceed. Mr. Slidell, 
 evidently hearing his name mentioned, came 
 up to me, and asked if I wanted to see him. 
 Mr. Mason soon joined us, and then Mr. Eustis 
 and Mr. McFarland, when I made known the 
 object of my visit. The captain of the Trent 
 opposed any thing like the search of his vessel, 
 nor would he consent to show papers or pas- 
 senger list. The four gentlemen above men- 
 tioned protested also against my arresting and 
 sending them to the United States steamer 
 near by. ‘There was considerable noise among 
 the passengers just about this time, and that 
 led Mr. Houston and Mr. Grace to repair on 
 board with some six or eight ‘men, all armed. 
 After several unsuccessful efforts to persuade 
 Mr. Mason and Mr. Slidell to go with me peace- 
 ably, I called to Mr. Houston, and ordered him 
 to return to the ship with the information that 
 the four gentlemen named in your order of 
 the 8th instant were on board, and force must 
 be applied to take them out of the packet. 
 “About three minutes after there was still 
 
 greater excitement on the quarter deck, which. 
 
 brought Mr. Grace with his armed party. I, 
 however, deemed the presence of any armed 
 men unnecessary, and only calculated to alarm 
 the ladies present, and directed Mr. Grace to 
 return to the lower deck, where he had been 
 since first coming on board. It must have 
 been less than half an hour after I boarded the 
 Trent when the second armed cutter, under 
 Lieutenant Green, came alongside, (only two 
 armed boats being used.) He brought in the 
 third cutter eight marines and four machinists, 
 in addition to a crew of some twelve men. 
 When the marines and some armed men had 
 been formed just outside of the main deck 
 
 pack up their baggage, I renewed my efforts 
 to induce them to accompany me on board — 
 still refusing to accompany me unless force was 
 applied. I called in to my assistance four or 
 five officers, and first taking hold of Mr. Mason’s 
 shoulder, with another officer on the opposite 
 side, I went as far as the gangway of the steam- 
 er, and delivered him over to Lieutenant Greer, 
 to be placed in the boat. I then returned for 
 Mr. Slidell, who insisted that I must apply con- 
 siderable force to get him to go with me; call- 
 ing in at last three officers, he also was taken 
 in charge, and handed over to Mr. Greer. Mr. 
 McFarland and Mr. Eustis, after protesting, 
 went quietly into the boat. They had been 
 permitted to collect their baggage, but were 
 sent in advance of it under charge of Lieu- 
 tenant Greer. I gave my personal attention 
 to the luggage, saw it put in a boat and sent 
 in charge of an officer to the San Jacinto. 
 “When Mr. Slidell was taken prisoner, a great 
 deal of noise was made by some of the passen- 
 gers, Which caused Lieutenant Greer to send 
 the marines into the cabin. They were imme- 
 diately ordered to return to their former posi- 
 tion outside. I carried out my purpose with- 
 out using any force beyond what appears in 
 this report. The mail agent, who is a retired 
 commander in the British navy, seemed to 
 have a great deal to say as to the propriety 
 of my course; but I purposely avoided all offi- — 
 cial intercourse with him. When I finally was 
 leaving the steamer, he made some apology for 
 his rude conduct, and expressed personally his 
 approval of the manner in which I had carried 
 out my orders. We parted company from the 
 Trent at twenty minutes past three P. M. 
 “Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 “DPD. M. Famrax, 
 
 “ Lieutenant and Executive Officer. 
 
 ‘‘Captain Cuartes Wiixgs, U.S. N., 
 “‘ Commanding San Jacinto.” 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ‘«‘Unirep States STEAMER SAN JACINTO, 
 “Ar Sua, November 13, 1861. 
 
 “Sim: In obedience to your order of the 11th 
 instant, I respectfully report, — 
 
 “That upon going alongside of the English 
 steamer Trent, on the 7th of this month, Lieu- 
 tenant Fairfax went on board, ordering the 
 boatswain and myself to remain in the boat. 
 A few minutes after this my attention was 
 attracted by persons speaking in a loud and 
 excited manner upon the steamer’s upper deck. 
 While considering its meaning the noise was 
 repeated, which decided me to join Lieutenant 
 Fairfax immediately on board, and I found him 
 surrounded by the officers of the ship and pas- 
 sengers, among whom I recognized Messrs. 
 Mason, Slidell, and Eustis. The confusion at 
 this time passes description. So soon, however, 
 as he could be heard, the mail agent (who was 
 a retired lieutenant or commander in the Brit- 
 ish navy) protested against the act of removing 
 passengers from an English steamer. Lieuten- 
 ant Fairfax requested Mr. Mason to go quietly 
 to the San Jacinto; but that gentleman replied 
 that he would “yield only to force ;” where- 
 upon I was ordered to our ship to report the 
 presence of the above-named gentlemen, to- 
 gether with Mr. McFarland, and ask that the 
 remainder of our force be sent to the Trent; 
 after which I returned to her, and, entering the 
 cabin, saw Mr. Fairfax endeavoring to enter Mr. 
 Slidell’s room, which was then prevented ina 
 measure by the excitement which prevailed in 
 and around that gentleman’s quarters. The 
 passengers (not including Mr. Mason, Slidell, 
 Eustis, or McFarland) were disposed to give 
 trouble: some of them went so far as to 
 
 threaten, and, upon Lieutenant Greer being 
 
 informed by me of this fact, he ordered the 
 marines to clear the passage-way of the cabin: 
 but as Mr. Slidell had now come out of his state 
 room through the window, where we could get 
 to him, the order to the marines was counter- 
 -manded by Lieutenant Fairfax. Mr. Slidell 
 
 —+ 
 
 405 
 
 was removed to the boat by Mr. Grace and 
 myself, and no more force was used than would 
 show what would be done in case of necessity. 
 Mr. Mason was taken in charge by Lieuten- 
 ant Fairfax and Third Assistant Engineer Hall. 
 The two secretaries walked into the boat by 
 themselves. 
 
 “ While we were on board the Trent many 
 remarks were made reflecting discreditably 
 upon us and the government of the United 
 States. No one was more abusive than the 
 mail agent, who took pains at the same time 
 to inform us that he was the only person on 
 ‘board officially connected with her Britannic 
 Majesty’s government, who, he said, would, in 
 consequence of this act, break the blockade of 
 the Southern United States ports. Another 
 person, supposed to be a passenger, was so vio- 
 
 lent that the captain ordered him to be locked 
 
 up. A short time before leaving the steamer 
 I was informed by one of her crew that the 
 mail agent was advising the captain to arm the 
 crew and passengers of his ship, which I imme- 
 diately communicated to Lieutenant Greer. 
 About half past three P. M. we returned to the 
 San Jacinto. 
 “Tam, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 “ J. B. Houston, 
 “ Second Assistant Engineer 
 “ U. 8. Steamer San Jacinto, 
 
 ‘‘Captain Cuartes WitKkEs, Commanding.” 
 
 “Sir: In my despatch by Commander Taylor 
 I confined myself to the reports of the move- 
 ments of this ship, and the facts connected with 
 the capture of Messrs. Mason, Slidell, Eustis, 
 and McFarland, as I intended to write you par- 
 ticularly relative to the reasons which induced 
 my action in making these prisoners. 
 
 “When I heard at Cienfuegos, on the south 
 side of Cuba, of these commissioners having 
 landed on the island of Cuba, and that they 
 were at the Havana, and would depart in the 
 
 ‘‘UNITED STATES STEAMER SAN JACINTO, 
 «© At Sra, November 16, 1861. 
 
406 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 English steamer of the 7th November, I deter- 
 mined to intercept them, and carefully exam- 
 ined all the authorities on international law to 
 which I had access, viz.: Kent, Wheaton, and 
 Vattel, besides various decisions of Sir William 
 Scott, and other judges of the Admiralty Court 
 of Great Britain, which bore upon the rights 
 of neutrals, and their responsibilities. 
 
 “The governments of Great Britain, France, 
 and Spain, having issued proclamations that 
 the Confederate States were viewed, considered, 
 and treated as belligerents, and knowing that 
 the ports of Great Britain, France, Spain, and 
 Holland, in the West Indies, were open to their 
 vessels, and that they were admitted to all the 
 courtesies and protection vessels of the United 
 
 States received, every aid and attention being” 
 
 given them, proved clearly that they acted 
 upon this view and decision, and brought them 
 within the international law of search, and 
 under the responsibilities. I therefore felt no 
 hesitation in boarding and seayching all vessels 
 of whatever nation I fell in with, and have 
 done so. 
 . “The question arose in my mind whether I 
 had the right to capture the persons of these 
 commissioners— whether ¢hey were amenable to 
 capture. ‘There was no doubt I had the right 
 to capture vessels with writen despatches ; they 
 are expressly referred to in all authorities, sub- 
 jecting the vessel to seizure and condemnation 
 if the captain of the vessel had the knowledge 
 of their being on board; but these gentlemen 
 were not despatches in the literal sense, and 
 did not seem to come under that designation ; 
 and nowhere could I find a case in point, 
 “That they were commissioners I had ample 
 proof from their own avowal, and bent on mis- 
 chievous and traitorous errands against our 
 country, to overthrow its institutions, and enter 
 into treaties and alliances’ with foreign states, 
 expressly forbidden by the constitution. 
 “They had been presented to the captain 
 general of Cuba by her Britannic Majesty’s 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 consul general; but the captain general told me 
 that he had not received them in that capacity, 
 but as distinguished gentlemen and strangers. 
 
 “J then considered them as the embodiment 
 of despatches ; and as they had openly declared 
 themselves as charged with all authority from 
 the Confederate government to form treaties 
 and alliances tending to the establishment of 
 their independence, I became satisfied that their 
 mission was adverse and criminal to the Union, 
 and it therefore became my duty to arrest their 
 progress and capture them if they had no pass- 
 ports or papers from the federal government, 
 as provided for under the law of nations, viz.: 
 ‘That foreign ministers of a belligerent on 
 board of neutral ships are required to possess 
 papers from the other belligerent to permit 
 them to pass free.’ 
 
 “Report and assumption gave them the title 
 of ministers to France and England; but inas- 
 much as they had not been received by either 
 of these powers, I did not conceive they had 
 fimmunity attached to their persons, and were 
 but escaped conspirators, plotting and contriv- 
 ing to overthrow the government of the United 
 States, and they were therefore not to be con- 
 sidered as having any claim to the immunities 
 attached to the character they thought fit to 
 assume. 
 
 “ As respects the steamer in which they em- 
 barked, I ascertained in the Havana that she 
 was a merchant vessel plying between Vera 
 Cruz, the Havana, and St. Thomas, carrying the 
 mail by contract. 
 
 “The agent of the vessel, the son of the 
 British consul at Havana, was well aware of 
 the character of these persons; that they en- 
 gaged their passage and did embark in the 
 vessel; his father had visited them, and intro- 
 duced them as ministers of the’ Confederate 
 States on their way to England and France. 
 
 “They went in the steamer with the knowl- 
 edge and by the consent of the captain, who 
 endeavored afterwards to conceal them by 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 refusing to exhibit the passenger list and the 
 papers of the vessel. There can be no doubt 
 he knew they were carrying highly important 
 despatches, and were endowed with instruc- 
 tions inimical to the United States. This ren- 
 dered his vessel (a neutral) a good prize, and I 
 determined to take possession of her, and, as I 
 mentioned in my report, send her to Key ‘West 
 for adjudication, where, I am well satisfied, she 
 would have been condemned for carrying these 
 persons, and for resisting to be searched. The 
 cargo was also liable, as all the shippers were 
 knowing to the embarkation of these dive de- 
 spatches, and their traitorous motives and ac- 
 tions to the Union of the United States. 
 
 “TI forbore to seize her, however, in conse- 
 quence of my being so reduced in officers and 
 crew, and the derangement it would cause inno- 
 cent persons, there being a large number of 
 passengers who would have been put to great 
 loss and -inconvenience, as well as disappoint- 
 ment, from the interruption it would have 
 caused them in not being able to join the 
 steamer from St. Thomas to Europe. I there- 
 fore concluded to sacrifice the interests of my 
 officers and crew in the prize, and suffered the 
 steamer to proceed, after the necessary deten- 
 tion to effect the transfer of these commission- 
 ers, considering I had obtained the important 
 end I had in view, and which affected the in- 
 terests of our country and interrupted the 
 action of that of the confederates. 
 
 “J would add, that the conduct of her Bri- 
 tannic Majesty’s subjects, both official and 
 others, showed but little regard or obedience 
 to her proclamation, by aiding and abetting the 
 views, and endeavoring to conceal the persons, 
 of these commissioners. 
 
 “T have pointed out sufficient reasons to 
 show you that my action in this case was de- 
 rived from a firm conviction that it became my 
 duty to make these parties prisoners, and to 
 bring them to the United States. 
 
 “Although, in my giving up this valuable 
 
 407 
 
 prize, I have deprived the officers and crew of 
 a well-earned reward, I am assured they are 
 quite content to forego any advantages which 
 might have accrued to them under the cir- 
 cumstances. 
 “T may add that, having assumed the re- 
 sponsibility, I am willing to abide the result. 
 “T am, very respectfully, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “CHARLES Witkes, Captain. 
 
 ‘‘Hon. GipEon WELLES, SECRETARY OF THE Navy.” 
 
 Captain Wilkes proceeded at once to Hamp- 
 ton Roads with his prisoners, whom he treated 
 with a courtesy which they freely acknowl- 
 edged, and reported his action to the gov- 
 ernment. After a very brief delay, the San 
 Jacinto was ordered to the Charlestown navy 
 yard, and the rebel envoys were placed in Fort 
 Warren, in Boston harbor, to await the action 
 of the government. 
 
 The announcement of the capture of Messrs. 
 Mason and Slidell, with their secretaries, pro- 
 duced an intense excitement through the loyal 
 states; and although there were some misgivings 
 as to the right of Captain Wilkes to make the 
 capture as he did on board a neutral vessel, 
 there was a general feeling of satisfaction at 
 the result. In the popular mind this satisfac- 
 tion was by no means diminished by the fact 
 that the capture was made on board an English 
 vessel and under the flag of England, whose 
 professed neutrality had been constantly dis- 
 regarded by English subjects. And when pro- 
 vincial threats were uttered, the people were 
 ready to sustain Captain Wilkes and the gov- 
 ernment. The government, however, refrained 
 from committing itself at once to an approval 
 of the act, except that the secretary of the navy 
 commended the prompt and decisive action of 
 Captain Wilkes, which was a matter between 
 the head of the department and a subordinate 
 officer, for the encouragement of promptness 
 and efficiency, rather than the assumption and 
 
408 
 
 ratification of the act. In the mean time in- 
 ternational law applicable to such cases was 
 thoroughly examined, and the question was 
 fully discussed in the papers, until the public 
 seemed perfectly content that the question 
 which must arise between the British govern- 
 ment and that of the United States should be 
 settled upon the established principles of inter- 
 national law, whatever might be the result. 
 There were, of course, many hasty and indis- 
 ereet opinions expressed, and in some instances 
 the public press was not inclined to let the 
 people forget England’s shortcomings in her 
 proclaimed neutrality, and the aid and comfort 
 notoriously afforded to the rebels under the 
 English flag. These did not allay the animosi- 
 ty excited by the taunts of the press and the 
 public, which were freely hurled at the United 
 States from England and all her provinces; and 
 had not the people felt that the rebellion was 
 taxing all the energies and resources of the 
 north, a very decided war feeling would have 
 been shown towards England. 
 
 But the feeling shown in the United States 
 was by no means so great as that manifested 
 in England and in some of the North American 
 provinces, when the news of the seizure of the 
 rebel envoys arrived there. Indignation meet- 
 ings were held, belligerent resolutions were 
 adopted, the public press— always too ready to 
 complain of the north—denounced the act of 
 Captain Wilkes as an insult to the British flag 
 that must receive a summary punishment. The 
 government was urged to send at once an over- 
 
 whelming naval force to New York or Wash- 
 
 ington, to demand immediate reparation, and to 
 summarily destroy those cities if refused. .'The 
 friends and agents of rebellion fanned the flame 
 which seemed to sweep through the people of 
 England so suddenly, and for a time they had 
 reason to hope, from the language of the people 
 and the press, and the reported action of the 
 British governinent, that they would soon have 
 the powerful alliance which they most desired. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 But in England, as in the United States, a calm- 
 er discussion followed, in some quarters, the first 
 outbreak, and the blind rage of many English- 
 men at the mere fact of the stopping a British 
 vessel on the seas was soon seen to be quarrel- 
 ling with one of the rights of a belligerent 
 which Great Britain had asserted more fre- 
 quently and strenuously than any other power. 
 There was, however, but too much evidence 
 that a large proportion of the ruling classes in 
 England desired to humiliate the United States, 
 and for that end were ready to take advantage 
 of the unfortunate condition of the government 
 of this country, which was using its whole power 
 to suppress rebellion. 
 
 The British government did not accede to 
 the demands of those most hostile to the United 
 States; but, taking decided grounds that the 
 act of Captain Wilkes was unwarranted by 
 international law, it demanded, in moderate 
 terms, the release of the captives, and their 
 restoration to British protection. The charac- 
 ter of this demand, the views of the United 
 States government upon the question, and the 
 grounds upon which the demand was acceded 
 to, are fully set forth in the following reply 
 from Mr. Seward to Lord Lyons. The previous 
 policy of the United States, which England had 
 
 | hitherto in some measure combated, is also 
 
 shown in Mr. Seward’s able letter; and it will 
 be seen that this demand on the part of Great 
 Britain, and the release on the part of the United 
 States, really committed the former to the prin- 
 ciples for which the latter had long contended, 
 and established a precedent in opposition to 
 what had often been the practice of the British 
 authorities. 
 
 Mr. Seward to Lord Lyons. 
 
 ‘¢ DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
 «“WasHiIneton, December 26, 1861. 
 
 “My Lorp: Earl Russell’s despatch of Novem- 
 ber the 30th, a copy of which you have left with 
 me at my request, iss of the following effect, 
 namely : | 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “That a letter of Commander Williams, dated 
 Royal Mail Contract Packet-boat Trent, at sea, 
 November 9th, states that that vessel left Ha- 
 vana on the 7th of November, with her Majesty’s 
 mails for England, having on board numerous 
 passengers. Shortly after noon, on the 8th of 
 November, the United States war steamer San 
 Jacinto, Captain Wilkes, not showing colors, was 
 observed ahead. That steamer, on being neared 
 by the Trent, at a quarter past one o’clock in 
 the afternoon, fired a round shot from a pivot 
 gun across her bows, and showed American 
 colors. While the Trent was approaching 
 slowly towards the San Jacinto, she discharged 
 a shell across the Trent’s bows, which exploded 
 at half a cable’s length before her. The Trent 
 then stopped, and an officer, with a large armed 
 guard of marines, boarded her. ‘The officer said 
 he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, 
 McFarland, and Eustis, and had sure information 
 that they were passengers in the Trent. While 
 some parley was going on upon this matter, 
 Mr. Slidell stepped forward, and said to the 
 American officer that the four persons he had 
 named were standing before him. The com- 
 mander of the Trent and Commander Williams 
 protested against the act of taking those four 
 passengers out of the Trent, they then being 
 under the protection of the British flag. But 
 the San Jacinto was at this time only two hun- 
 dred yards distant, her ship’s company at quar- 
 ters, her ports open and tompions out, and so 
 resistance was out of the question. The four 
 persons before named were then forcibly taken 
 out of the ship. A further demand was made 
 that the commander of the Trent should pro- 
 ceed on board the San Jacinto; but he said he 
 would not go unless forcibly compelled like- 
 wise, and this demand was not insisted upon. 
 
 “Upon this statement Earl Russell remarks, 
 that it thus appears that certain individuals have 
 been forcibly taken from on board a British 
 vessel, the ship of a neutral power, while that 
 vessel was pursuing a lawful and innocent voy- 
 
 o2 
 
 409 
 
 age —an act of violence which was an affront 
 to the British flag, and a violation of inter- 
 national law. | 
 
 “Karl Russell next says, that her Majesty’s 
 government, bearing in mind the friendly rela- 
 tions which have long subsisted between Great 
 Britain and the United States, are willing to 
 believe that the naval officer who committed 
 this aggression was not acting in compliance 
 with any authority from his government; or 
 that, if he conceived himself to be so authorized, 
 he greatly misunderstood the instructions which 
 he had received. 
 
 “Karl Russell argues that the United States 
 must be fully aware that the British govern- 
 ment could not-allow such an affront to the 
 national honor to pass without full reparation ; 
 and they are willing to believe that it could not 
 be the deliberate intention of the government 
 of the United States unnecessarily to force into 
 discussion between the two governments a ques- 
 tion of so grave a character, and with regard ta 
 which the whole British nation would be sure 
 to entertain such unanimity of feeling. 
 
 “Harl Russell, resting upon the statement 
 and the argument which I have thus recited, 
 closes with saying that her Majesty’s govern- 
 ment trust that when this matter shall have 
 been brought under the consideration of the 
 government of the United States, it will, of its 
 own accord, offer to the British government 
 such redress as alone could satisfy the British 
 nation, namely, the liberation of the four pris- 
 oners taken from the Trent, and their delivery 
 to your lordship, in order that they may again 
 be placed under British protection, and a suit- 
 able apology for the aggression which has been 
 committed. Karl Russell finally instructs you 
 to propose those terms to me, if I should not 
 first offer them on the part of the government. 
 
 “This despatch has been submitted to the 
 President. 
 
 “The British government has rightly con- 
 jectured, what it is now my duty to state, that 
 
410 
 
 Captain Wilkes, in conceiving and executing 
 the proceeding in question, acted upon his own 
 suggestions of duty, without any direction or 
 
 instruction, or even foreknowledge of it, on the. 
 
 part of this government. No directions had 
 been given to him, or any other naval officer, to 
 arrest the four persons named, or any of them, 
 on the Trent or on any other British vessel, or 
 on any other neutral vessel, at the place where 
 it occurred or elsewhere. The British govern- 
 ment will justly infer from these facts, that the 
 United States not only have had no purpose, 
 but even no thought, of forcing into discussion 
 the question which has arisen, or any other 
 which could affect in any way the sensibilities 
 of the British nation. 
 
 “Tt is true that a round shot was fired by the 
 San Jacinto from her pivot gun when the Trent 
 was distantly approaching. But, as the facts 
 have been reported to this government, the shot 
 was, nevertheless, intentionally fired in a direc- 
 tion so obviously divergent from the course of 
 the Trent, as to be quite as harmless as a blank 
 shot, while it should be regarded as a signal. 
 
 “So, also, we learn that the Trent was not 
 approaching the San Jacinto slowly when the 
 shell was fired across her bows; but, on the 
 contrary, the Trent was, or seemed to be, mov- 
 ing under a full head of steam, as if with a pur- 
 pose to pass the San Jacinto. 
 
 “We are informed also that the boarding 
 officer (Lieutenant Fairfax) did not board the 
 Trent with a large armed guard, but he left his 
 marines in his boat when he entered the Trent. 
 He stated his instructions from Captain Wilkes 
 to search for the four persons named, in a re- 
 spectful and courteous, though decided manner, 
 and he asked the captain of the Trent to show 
 his passenger list, which was refused. The lieu- 
 tenant, as we are informed, did not employ ab- 
 solute force in transferring the passengers ; but 
 he used just so much as was necessary to satisfy 
 the parties concerned that refusal or resistance 
 would be unavailing. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “So, also, we are informed that the captain 
 of the Trent was not at any time, or in any 
 way, required to go on board the San Jacinto. 
 
 “These modifications of the case, as pre- 
 sented by Commander Williams, are based upon 
 our official reports. 
 
 “] have now toremind your lordship of some 
 facts, which doubtlessly were omitted by Karl 
 Russell, with the very proper and becoming 
 motive of allowing them to be brought into the 
 case, on the part of the United States, in the way 
 most satisfactory to this government. ‘These 
 facts are, that at the time the transaction oc- 
 curred an insurrection was existing in the United 
 States, which this government was engaged in 
 suppressing, by the employment of land and 
 naval forces; that in regard to this domestic 
 strife the United States considered Great Britain 
 as a friendly power, while she had assumed for 
 herself the attitude of a neutral; and that Spain 
 was considered in the same light, and had as- 
 sumed the same attitude as Great Britain. 
 
 “Tt had been settled by correspondence that 
 the United States and Great Britain mutually 
 recognized as applicable to this local strife these 
 two articles of the declaration made by the 
 congress of Paris in 1856, namely, that the 
 neutral or friendly flag should cover enemy’s 
 goods not contraband of war, and that neutral 
 goods not contraband of war are not liable to 
 capture under an enemy’s flag. These excep- 
 tions of contraband from favor were a negative 
 acceptance by the parties of the rule hitherto 
 every where recognized as a part of the law of 
 nations, that whatever is contraband is liable to 
 capture and confiscation in all cases. 
 
 “James M. Mason and E. J. McFarland are 
 citizens of the United States, and residents of 
 Virginia. John Slidell and George Eustis are 
 citizens of the United States, and residents of 
 Louisiana. It was well known at Havana, when 
 these parties embarked in the Trent, that James 
 M. Mason was proceeding to England in the 
 affected character of a minister plenipotentiary 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to the court of St. James, under a pretended 
 commission from Jefferson Davis, who had as- 
 sumed to. be president of the insurrectionary 
 party in the United States, and KE. J. McFarland 
 was going with him ina like unreal character of 
 secretary of legation to the pretended mission. 
 John Slidell, in similar circumstances, was going 
 to Paris as a pretended minister to the Em- 
 peror of the French, and George Eustis was the 
 chosen secretary of legation for that simulated 
 mission. The fact that these persons had as- 
 sumed such characters has been since avowed 
 by the same Jefferson Davis, in a pretended 
 message to an unlawful and insurrectionary 
 congress. It was, as we think, rightly pre- 
 sumed that these ministers bore pretended 
 credentials and instructions, and such papers 
 ‘are in the law known as despatches. We are 
 informed by our consul at Paris that these 
 despatches, having escaped the search of the 
 Trent, were actually conveyed and delivered 
 ' to emissaries of the insurrection in England. 
 Although it is not essential, yet it is proper to 
 state, as I do also upon information and belief, 
 that the owner and agent, and all the officers 
 of the Trent, including Commander Williams, 
 had knowledge of the assumed characters and 
 purposes of the persons before named when 
 they embarked on that vessel. 
 
 “Your lordship will now perceive that the 
 case before us, instead of presenting a merely 
 flagrant act of violence on the part of Captain 
 Wilkes, as might well be inferred from the in- 
 complete statement of it that went up to the 
 British government, was undertaken as a simple 
 legal and customary belligerent proceeding by 
 
 - Captain Wilkes to arrest and capture a neutral 
 vessel engaged in carrying contraband of war 
 for the use and benefit of the insurgents. 
 
 “The question before us is, whether this pro- 
 ceeding was authorized by, and conducted ac- 
 cording to, the law of nations. It involves the 
 following inquiries :— 
 
 411 
 
 “1. Were the persons named, and their sup- 
 posed despatches, contraband of war? 
 
 “2. Might Captain Wilkes lawfully stop and 
 search the Trent for these contraband persons 
 and despatches ? 
 
 “3. Did he exercise that right in a lawful 
 and proper manner? 
 
 “4. Having found the contraband persons 
 
 on board and in presumed possession of the 
 
 contraband despatches, had he a right to cap- 
 ture the persons ? 
 
 “5, Did he exercise that right of capture 
 in the manner allowed and recognized by the 
 law of nations ? 
 
 “Tf all these inquiries shall be resolved in 
 
 | the affirmative, the British govenment will have 
 
 no claim for reparation. 
 
 “TY address myself to the first inquiry, name- 
 ly: Were the four persons mentioned, and their 
 supposed despatches, contraband ? 
 
 “Maritime law so generally deals, as its pro- 
 fessors say, a rem, that is, with property, and so 
 seldom with persons, that it seems a straining 
 of the term ‘contraband’ to apply it to them. 
 But persons, as well as property, may become 
 contraband, sinee the word means broadly, 
 ‘contrary to proclamation, prohibited, illegal, 
 unlawful.’ 
 
 “ All writers and judges pronounce naval or 
 military persons in the service of the enemy 
 contraband. Vattel says, war allows us to cut 
 off from an enemy all his resources, and to 
 hinder him from sending ministers to solicit as- 
 sistance. And Sir William Scott says, you may 
 stop the ambassador of your enemy on his 
 passage. Despatches are not less clearly con- 
 traband, and the bearers, or couriers, who un- 
 dertake to carry them, fall under the .same 
 condemnation. . 
 
 “A subtlety might be raised whether pre- 
 tended ministers of a usurping power, not rec- 
 ognized as legal’ by either the belligerent or 
 the neutral, could be held to be contraband. 
 
412 
 
 But it would disappear on being subjected to 
 what is the true test in all cases, namely, the 
 spirit of the law. Sir William Scott, speaking 
 of civil magistrates who are arrested andgde- 
 tained as contraband, says, — 
 
 “<Tt appears to me on principle to be but rea- 
 sonable that when it is of sufficient importance 
 to the enemy that such persons shall be sent out 
 on the public service at the public expense, it 
 should afford equal ground of forfeiture against 
 the vessel that may be let out for a purpose 
 so intimately connected with the hostile oper- 
 ations.’ 
 
 “JT trust that I have shown that the four per- 
 sons who were taken from the Trent by Captain 
 Wilkes, and their despatches, were contraband 
 of war. 
 
 “The second inquiry is, whether Captain 
 Wilkes had a right, by the law of nations, to 
 detain and search the Trent. J 
 
 “The Trent, though she carried mails, was a 
 contract or merchant vessel—a common carrier 
 for hire. Maritime law knows only three classes 
 of vessels — vessels of war, revenue vessels, and 
 merchant vessels. The Trent falls within the 
 latter class. Whatever disputes have existed 
 concerning a right of visitation or search in 
 time of peace, none, it 1s supposed, has existed 
 in modern times about the right of a belligerent 
 in time of war to capture contraband in neutral 
 and even friendly merchant vessels, and of the 
 right of visitation and search, in order to de- 
 termine whether they are neutral, and are 
 documented as such according to the law of 
 nations. | 
 
 “T assume in the present case what, as I read 
 British authorities, is regarded by Great Britain 
 herself as true maritime law: That the circum- 
 stance that the Trent was proceeding from a 
 neutral port to another neutral port does not 
 modify the right of the belligerent captor. 
 
 “The third question is, whether Captain 
 Wilkes exercised the right of search in a law- 
 ful and proper manner. © 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “Tf any doubt hung over this point, as the 
 case was presented in the statement of it 
 adopted by the British government, I think it 
 must have already passed away before the 
 modifications of that statement which I have 
 already submitted. 
 
 “T proceed to the fourth inquiry, namely : 
 Having found the suspected contraband of war 
 on board the Trent, had Captain Wilkes a right 
 to capture the same ? 
 
 “Such a capture is the chief, if not the only 
 recognized, object of the permitted visitation 
 and search. The principle of the law is, that 
 the belligerent exposed to danger may prevent 
 the contraband persons or things from apply- 
 ing themselves, or being applied, to the hostile 
 uses or purposes designed. The law is so very 
 liberal in this respect, that when contraband 
 found on board a neutral vessel, not only is the 
 contraband forfeited, but the vessel which is 
 the vehicle of its passage or transportation, 
 being tainted, also becomes contraband, and is 
 subjected to capture and confiscation. 
 
 “Only the fifth question remains, namely: 
 Did Captain Wilkes exercise the right of cap- 
 turing the contraband in conformity with the 
 law of nations ? 
 
 “It is just here that the difficulties of the 
 case begin. What is the manner which the law 
 of nations prescribes for disposing of the con- 
 traband when you have found and seized it on 
 board of the neutral vessel? The answer would - 
 be easily found if the question were what you 
 shall do with the contraband vessel. You 
 must take or send her into a convenient port, 
 and subject her to a judicial prosecution there 
 in admiralty, which will try and decide the ques- 
 tions of belligerency, neutrality, contraband, 
 and capture. So, again, you would promptly 
 find the same answer if the question were, 
 What is the manner of proceeding prescribed 
 by the law of nations in regard to the contra- 
 band, if it be property, or things of material or 
 pecuniary value? | 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “ But the question here concerns the mode of 
 procedure in regard, not to the vessel that was 
 carrying the contraband, nor yet to contraband 
 things which worked the forfeiture of the ves- 
 sel, but to contraband persons. 
 
 “The books of law aredumb. Yet the ques- 
 tion is as important as it is difficult. First, the 
 belligerent captor has a right to prevent the 
 contraband officer, soldier, sailor, minister, mes- 
 senger, or courier from proceeding in his un- 
 lawful voyage and reaching the destined scene 
 of his injurious service. But, on the other 
 hand, the person captured may be innocent — 
 that is, he may not be contraband. He, there- 
 fore, has a right to a fair trial of the accusation 
 against him. The neutral state that has taken 
 him under its flag is bound to protect him if he 
 is not contraband, and is, therefore, entitled to 
 be satisfied upon that important question. The 
 faith of that state is pledged to his safety, if 
 
 innocent, as its justice is pledged to his sur- 
 render if he is really contraband. Here are 
 conflicting claims, involving personal liberty, 
 life, honor, and duty. Here are conflicting na- 
 tional claims, involving welfare, safety, honor, 
 and empire. They require a tribunal and a 
 trial. The captors and the captured are equals ; 
 the neutral and the belligerent state are equals. 
 
 “ While the law authorities were found silent, 
 it was suggested at an early day by this gov- 
 ernment that you should take the captured 
 persons into a convenient port, and institute 
 judicial proceedings there to try the contro- 
 versy. But onty courts of admiralty have juris- 
 diction in maritime cases, and these courts have 
 formulas to try only claims to contraband chat- 
 
 _tels, but none to try claims concerning contra- 
 band persons. The courts can entertain no 
 proceedings and render no judgment in favor 
 of or against the alleged contraband men. 
 
 “Jt was replied, all this was true; but you 
 can reach in those courts a decision which will 
 have the moral weight of a judicial one by a 
 circuitous proceeding. Convey the suspected 
 
 415 
 
 men, together with the suspected vessel, into 
 port, and try there the question whether the 
 vessel is contraband. You can prove it to be 
 so by proving the suspected men to be contra- 
 band, and the court must then determine the 
 vessel to be contraband. If the men are not 
 contraband the vessel will escape condemnation. 
 Still, there is no judgment for or against the 
 captured persons. But it was assumed that 
 there would result from the determination of 
 the court concerning the vessel a legal certain- 
 ty concerning the character of the men. 
 
 “This course of proceeding seemed open to 
 many objections. It elevates the incidental in- 
 ferior private interest into the proper place of 
 the main paramount public one, and possibly it 
 may make the fortunes, the safety, or the ex- 
 istence of a nation depend on the accidents 
 of a merely personal and pecuniary litigation. 
 Moreover, when the judgment of the prize court 
 upon the lawfulness of the capture of the ves- 
 sel is rendered, it really concludes nothing, and 
 binds neither the belligerent state nor the neu- 
 tral upon the great question of the disposition 
 to be made of the captured contraband persons. 
 That question is still to be really determined, 
 if at all, by diplomatic arrangement or by war. 
 
 “One may well express his surprise when 
 told that the law of nations has furnished no 
 more reasonable, practical, and perfect mode 
 than this of determining questions of such grave 
 import between sovereign powers. The regret 
 we may feel on the occasion is, nevertheless, 
 modified by the reflection that the difficulty is 
 not altogether anomalous. Similar and equal 
 deficiencies are found in every system of muni- 
 cipal law, especially in the system which exists 
 in the greater portions of Great Britain and the 
 United States. The title to personal property 
 can hardly ever be resolved by a court, with- 
 out resorting to the fiction that the claimant 
 has lost and the possessor has found it, and the 
 title to real estate is disputed by real litigants 
 under the names of imaginary persons. It must 
 
414 
 
 be confessed, however, that while all aggrieved 
 nations demand, and all impartial ones concede, 
 the need of some form of judicial process in 
 determining the characters of contraband per- 
 sons, no other form than the illogical and cir- 
 cuitous one thus described exists, nor has any 
 other yet been suggested. Practically, there- 
 fore, the choice is between that judicial remedy 
 or no judicial remedy whatever. 
 
 “If there be no judicial remedy, the result is, 
 that the question must be determined by the 
 captor himself, on the deck of the prize vessel. 
 Very grave objections arise against such a 
 course. The captor is armed, the neutral is 
 unarmed. The captor is interested, prejudiced, 
 and perhaps violent; the neutral, if truly neu- 
 tral, is disinterested, subdued, and helpless. The 
 tribunal is irresponsible, while its judgment is 
 carried into instant execution. The captured 
 party is compelled to submit, though bound by 
 no legal, moral, or treaty obligation to acquiesce. 
 Reparation is distant and problematical, and 
 depends at last on the justice, magnanimity, or 
 weakness of the state in whose behalf and by 
 whose authority the capture was made. Out 
 of these disputes reprisals and wars necessarily 
 arise, and these are so frequent and destructive 
 that it may well be doubted whether this form 
 of remedy is not a greater social evil than all 
 that could follow if the belligerent right of 
 search were universally renounced and abolished 
 forever. But carry the case one step: farther. 
 What if the state that has made the capture 
 unreasonably refuse to hear the complaint of 
 the neutral, or to redress it? In that case, the 
 very act of capture would be an act of war — 
 of war begun without notice, and possibly en- 
 tirely without provocation. 
 
 “} think all unprejudiced minds will agree 
 that, imperfect as the existing judicial remedy 
 may be supposed to be, it would be, as a general 
 practice, better to follow it than to adopt the 
 summary one of leaving the decision with the 
 captor, and relying upon diplomatic debates to 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 review his decision. Practically, it is a question 
 of choice between law, with its imperfections 
 and delays, and war, with its evils and desola- 
 tions. Nor is it ever to be forgotten that neu- 
 trality, honestly and justly preserved, is always 
 the harbinger of peace, and therefore is the 
 common interest of nations, which is only say- 
 ing that it is the interest of humanity itself. 
 
 “ At the same time it is not to be denied that 
 it may sometimes happen that the judicial 
 remedy will become impossible, as by the ship- 
 wreck of the prize vessel, or other circumstances 
 which excuse the captor from sending or taking 
 her into port for confiscation. In such a case, 
 the right of the captor to the custody of the 
 captured persons, and to dispose of them, if they 
 are really contraband, so as to defeat their un- 
 lawful purposes, cannot reasonably be denied. 
 What rule shall be applied in such a case? 
 Clearly, the captor ought to be required to show 
 that the failure of the judicial remedy results 
 from circumstances beyond his control, and 
 without his fault. Otherwise, he would be al- 
 lowed to derive advantage from a wrongful act 
 of his own. 
 
 “In the present case, Captain Wilkes, aftér 
 capturing the contraband persons and making 
 prize of the Trent in what seems to be a per- 
 fectly lawful manner, instead of sending her 
 into port, released her from the capture, and 
 permitted her to proceed with her whole cargo 
 upon her voyage. He thus effectually pre- 
 vented the judicial examination which might 
 otherwise have occurred. 
 
 “Tf, now, the capture of the contraband per- 
 sons and the capture of the contraband vessel 
 are to be regarded, not as two separate or dis- 
 tinct transactions under the law of nations, but 
 as one transaction, one capture only, then it 
 follows that the capture in this case was left 
 unfinished, or was abandoned. Whether the 
 United States have a right to retain the chief 
 public benefits of it, namely, the custody of the 
 captured persons on proving them to be con- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 traband, will depend upon the preliminary 
 question whether the leaving of the transaction 
 unfinished was necessary, or whether it was 
 unnecessary, and therefore voluntary. If it 
 was necessary, Great Britain, as we suppose, 
 must, of course, waive the defect, and the con- 
 sequent failure of the judicial remedy. On the 
 other hand, it is not seen how the United States 
 can insist upon her waiver of that judicial rem- 
 edy, if the defect of the capture resulted from 
 an act of Captain Wilkes, which would be a 
 fault on their own side. 
 “Captain Wilkes has presented to this goy- 
 ernment his reasons for releasing the Trent. 
 I forbore to seize her, he says, ‘in consequence 
 of my being so reduced in officers and crew, 
 and the derangement it would cause innocent 
 persons, there being a large number of passen- 
 gers who would have been put to great loss 
 and inconvenience, as well as disappointment, 
 from the interruption it would have caused 
 them in not being able to join the steamer 
 from St. Thomas to Europe. I therefore con- 
 cluded to sacrifice the interest of my officers 
 and crew in the prize, and suffered her to pro- 
 ceed after the detention necessary to effect the 
 transfer of those commissioners, considering I 
 had obtained the important end I had in view, 
 and which affected the interest of our country 
 
 and interrupted the action of that of the Con- 
 
 federates,’ 
 
 “JT shall consider, first, how these reasons 
 ought to affect the action of this government ; 
 and, secondly, how they ought to be expected 
 to affect the action of Great Britain. 
 
 - “The reasons are satisfactory to this govern- 
 ment, so far as Captain Wilkes is concerned. 
 It could not desire that the San Jacinto, her 
 officers and crew, should be exposed to danger 
 and loss by weakening their number to detach 
 a prize crew to go on board the Trent. Still 
 less could it disavow the humane motive of 
 preventing inconveniences, losses, and perhaps 
 
 disasters, to the several hundred innocent pas- 
 
 415 
 
 sengers found on board the prize vessel. Nor 
 could this government perceive any ground for 
 questioning the fact that these reasons, though 
 apparently incongruous, did operate in the 
 mind of Captain Wilkes, and determine him to 
 release the Trent. Human actions generally 
 proceed upon mingled, and sometimes conflict- 
 ing motives. He measured the sacrifices which 
 this decision would cost. It manifestly, how- 
 ever, did not occur to him that beyond the sac- 
 rifice of the private interests (as he calls them) 
 of his officers and crew, there might also pos- 
 sibly be a sacrifice even of the chief and public 
 object of his capture, namely, the right of his 
 government to the custody and disposition of 
 the captured persons. This government can- 
 not censure him for this oversight. It confesses 
 
 that the whole subject came unforeseen upon 
 
 the government, as doubtless it did upon him. 
 Its present convictions on the point in question 
 are the result of deliberate examination and 
 deduction now made, and not of any impres- 
 sions previously formed. 
 
 “Nevertheless, the question now is, not 
 whether Captain Wilkes is justified to his gov- 
 ernment in what he did, but what is the pres- 
 ent view of the government as to the effect of 
 what he has done. Assuming now, for argu- 
 ment’s sake only, that the release of the Trent, 
 if voluntary, involved a waiver of the claim of 
 the government to hold the captured persons, 
 the United States could in that case have no 
 hesitation in saying that the act which has 
 thus already been approved by the government 
 must be allowed to draw its legal consequence 
 after it. It is of the very nature of a gift or a 
 charity that the giver cannot, after the exer- 
 cise of his benevolence is. past, recall or modify 
 its benefits. 
 
 “We are thus brought directly to the ques- 
 tion whether we are entitled to regard the re- 
 lease of the Trent as involuntary, or whether 
 we are obliged to consider that it was volun- 
 tary. Clearly the release would have been 
 
416 
 
 involuntary had it been made solely upon the 
 first ground assigned for it by Captain Wilkes, 
 namely, a want of a sufficient force to send the 
 prize vessel into port for adjudication. It is 
 not the duty of a captor to hazard his own 
 vessel in order to secure a judicial examination 
 to the captured party. No large prize crew, 
 however, is legally necessary, for it is the duty 
 of the captured party to acquiesce, and go 
 willingly before the tribunal to whose jurisdic- 
 tion it appeals. If the captured party indicate 
 purposes to employ means of resistance which 
 the captor cannot with probable safety to him- 
 self overcome, he may properly leave the ves- 
 sel to go forward; and neither she nor the 
 state she represents can ever afterwards justly 
 object that the captor deprived her of the judi- 
 cial remedy to which she was entitled. 
 
 “But the second reason assigned by Captain 
 Wilkes for releasing the Trent differs from the 
 first. At best, therefore, it must be held that 
 Captain Wilkes, as he explains himself, acted 
 from combined sentiments of prudence and 
 generosity, and so that the release of the prize 
 vessel was not strictly necessary or involuntary. 
 
 “Secondly. How ought we to expect these 
 explanations by Captain Wilkes of his reasons 
 for leaving the capture incomplete to affect the 
 action of the British government ? 
 
 “The observation upon this point which first 
 occurs is, that Captain Wilkes’s explanations were 
 not made to the authorities of the captured 
 vessel. If made known to them, they might 
 have approved and taken the release upon the 
 condition of waiving a judicial investigation 
 of the whole transaction, or they might have 
 refused to accept the release upon that con- 
 dition. 
 
 “ But the case is one not with them, but with 
 the British government. If we claim that 
 Great Britain ought not to insist that a judicial 
 trial has been lost because we voluntarily re- 
 leased the offending vessel out of consideration 
 for her innocent passengers, I do not see how 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 she is to be bound to acquiesce in the decision 
 which was thus made by us without necessity 
 on our part, and without knowledge of condi- 
 tions or consent on her own. The question 
 between Great Britain and ourselves thus stated 
 would be a question not of right and of law, 
 
 but of favor to be conceded by her to us in 
 
 return for favors shown by us to her, of the 
 value of which favors on both sides we our- 
 selves shall be the judge. Of course the United 
 States could have no thought of raising such a 
 question in any case. 
 
 “J trust that I have shown to the satisfaction 
 of the British government, by a very simple 
 and natural statement of the facts, and analysis 
 of the law applicable to them, that this goy- 
 ernment has neither meditated, nor practised, 
 nor approved any deliberate wrong in the 
 transaction to which they have called its atten- 
 tion; and, on the contrary, that what has hap- 
 pened has been simply an inadvertency, con- 
 sisting in a departure, by the naval officer, free 
 from any wrongful motive, from a rule uncer- 
 tainly established, and probably by the several 
 parties concerned either imperfectly understood 
 or entirely unknown. For this error the Brit- 
 ish government has a right to expect the same 
 reparation that we, as an independent state, 
 should expect from Great Britain or from any 
 other friendly nation in a similar case. 
 
 “T have not been unaware that, in examining 
 this question, | have fallen into an argument 
 for what seems to be the British side of it 
 against my own country. But I am relieved 
 from all embarrassment on that subject. I had 
 hardly fallen into that line of argument when 
 I discovered that I was really defending and 
 
 maintaining, not an exclusively British interest, 
 
 but an old, honored, and cherished American 
 cause, not upon British authorities, but upon 
 principles that constitute a large portion of the 
 distinctive policy by which the United States 
 have developed the resources of a continent, 
 and thus becoming a considerable maritime 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 power, have won the respect and confidence 
 of many nations. - These principles were laid 
 down for us in 1804, by James Madison, when 
 secretary of state in the administration of 
 Thomas Jefferson, in instructions given to James 
 Monroe, our minister to England. Although 
 the case before him concerned a description of 
 persons different from those who are inciden- 
 tally the subjects of the present discussion, the 
 ground, he assumed then was the same I now 
 occupy, and the arguments by which he sus- 
 tained himself upon it, have been an inspira- 
 tion to me in preparing this reply. 
 
 “¢Whenever, he says, ‘ property found in a 
 
 neutral vessel is supposed to be liable, on any 
 ground, to capture and condemnation, the rule 
 in all cases is, that the question shall not be 
 decided by the captor, but be carried before a 
 legal tribunal, where a regular trial may be 
 had, and where the captor himself is liable to 
 damages for an abuse of his power. Can it be 
 ‘reasonable, then, or just, that a belligerent com- 
 mander who is thus restricted, and thus respon- 
 sible in a case of mere property of trivial 
 amount, should be permitted, without recurring 
 to any tribunal whatever, to examine the crew 
 of a neutral vessel, to decide the important 
 question of their respective allegiances, and to 
 carry that decision into execution by forcing 
 every individual he may choose into a service 
 abhorrent to his feelings, cutting him off from 
 his most tender connections, exposing his mind 
 and his person to the most humiliating disci- 
 pline, and his life itself to the greatest danger? 
 Reason, justice, and humanity unite in protest- 
 ing against so extravagant a proceeding. 
 
 “If I decide this case in favor of my own 
 government, I must disavow its most cherished 
 principles, and reverse and forever abandon its 
 essential policy. The country cannot afford the 
 sacrifice. If ] maintain those principles, and 
 adhere to that policy, I must surrender the case 
 itself. It will be seen, therefore, that this gov- 
 ernment could not deny the justice of the claim 
 
 53 
 
 417 
 
 presented to us in this respect upon its merits. 
 We are asked to do to the British nation just 
 what we have always insisted all nations ought 
 to do to us. 
 
 “The claim of the British government is not 
 made in a discourteous manner. This govern- 
 ment, since its first organization, has never used 
 more guarded language in a similar case. 
 
 “In coming to my conclusion I have not 
 forgotten that, if the safety of this Union re- 
 quired the detention of the captured persons, 
 it would be the right and duty of this govern- 
 ment to detain them. But the effectual check 
 and waning proportions of the existing insur- 
 rection, as well as the comparative unimpor- 
 tance of the captured persons themselves, when 
 dispassionately weighed, happily forbid me from 
 resorting to that defence. 
 
 “Nor am I unaware that American citizens 
 are not in any case to be unnecessarily surren- 
 dered for any purpose into the keeping of a 
 foreign state. Only the captured persons, how- 
 ever, or others who are interested in them, 
 could justly raise a question on that ground. 
 
 “Nor have I been tempted at all by sugges- 
 tions that cases might be found in history 
 where Great Britain refused to yield to other 
 nations, and even to ourselves, claims like that 
 which is now before us. Those cases occurred 
 when Great Britain, as well as the United 
 States, was the home of generations, which, 
 with all their peculiar interests and passions, 
 have passed away. She could in no other way 
 so effectually disavow any such injury as we 
 think she does by assuming now as her own 
 the ground upon which we then stood. It 
 would tell little for our own claims to the char- 
 acter of a just and magnanimous people if we 
 should so far consent to be guided by the law 
 of retaliation as to lift up buried injuries from 
 their graves to oppose against what national 
 consistency and the national conscience compel 
 us to regard as a claim intrinsically right. 
 
 “Putting behind me all suggestions of this 
 
418 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 kind, I prefer to express my satisfaction that, by 
 the adjustment of the present case upon prin- 
 ciples confessedly American, and yet, as | trust, 
 mutually satisfactory to both of the nations 
 concerned, a question is finally and rightly 
 settled between them, which, heretofore ex- 
 hausting not only all forms of peaceful discus- 
 sion, but also the arbitrament of war itself, for 
 more than half a century alienated the two 
 countries from each other, and perplexed with 
 fears and apprehensions all other nations. 
 
 “The four persons in question are now held 
 in military custody at Fort Warren, in the 
 state of Massachusetts. They will be cheer- 
 fully liberated. Your lordship will please indi- 
 cate a time and place for receiving them. 
 
 “JT avail myself of this occasion to offer to 
 your lordship a renewed assurance of my very 
 high consideration. ) 
 «Wiiam H. Sewarp. 
 ‘‘The Right Hon. Lorp Lyons, &c., &c., &c.” 
 
 The French government also interposed its 
 advice in the question by a despatch from M. 
 Thouvenel, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to 
 M. Mercier, the French, Minister at Washing- 
 ton, which was communicated to the federal 
 government. In that despatch M. Thouvenel 
 wrote :— 
 
 “The Trent was not destined to a point be- 
 longing to one of the belligerents. She was 
 carrying to a neutral country her cargo and 
 ‘her passengers; and, moreover, it was in a 
 neutral port that they were taken. If it were 
 admissible that, under such conditions, the neu- 
 tral flag does not completely cover the persons 
 and merchandise it carries, its immunity would 
 be nothing more than an idle word; at any 
 moment the commerce and the navigation of 
 third powers would have to suffer from their 
 innocent and even their indirect relations with 
 the one or the other of the belligerents. These 
 last would no longer find themselves as having 
 only the right to exact from the neutral entire 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 impartiality, and to interdict all mtermeddling 
 on his part in acts of hostility. They would 
 impose on his freedom of commerce and navi- 
 gation restrictions which modern international 
 law has refused to admit as legitimate ; and we 
 should, in a word, fall back upon vexatious 
 practices, against which, in other epochs, no 
 power has more earnestly protested than the 
 United States. 
 
 “If the cabinet of Washington would only 
 look on the two persons arrested as rebels, 
 whom it is always lawful to seize, the question, 
 to place it on other ground, could not be solved, 
 however, in a sense in favor of the commander 
 of the San Jacinto. There would be, in such 
 case, misapprehension of the principle which 
 makes a vessel a portion of the territory of 
 the nation whose flag it bears, and violation of 
 that immunity which prohibits a foreign sover- 
 eign, by consequence, from the exercise of his 
 jurisdiction. It certainly is not necessary to 
 recall to mind with what energy, under every 
 circumstance, the government of the United 
 States has maintained this immunity, and the 
 right of asylum which is the consequence of it.” 
 
 To this Mr. Seward replied, that “M. Thou 
 venel has not been in error in supposing, first, 
 that the government of the United States has 
 not acted in any spirit of disregard of the 
 rights or of the sensibilities of the British na- 
 tion, and that he is equally just in assuming 
 that the United States would consistently vin- 
 dicate, by their practice on this occasion, the 
 character they have so long maintained as an 
 advocate of the most liberal principles con- 
 cerning the rights of neutral states in maritime 
 war.” 
 
 The capture of the rebel envoys, and the 
 questions which arose in consequence, gave rise 
 to much debate in Congress. Some very bel- 
 ligerent speeches were made, and a determina- 
 tion was generally expressed not to submit to 
 any arrogant demands on the part of England, 
 nor yet to precipitate a war with that power. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 As usual in such assemblies, some opinions were 
 expressed hastily, evincing patriotism rather 
 than a thorough understanding of the case and 
 of international law. Among those, however, 
 who spoke with a full appreciation of the facts, 
 and a thorough knowledge of international law 
 and the principles upon which the American 
 government had hitherto insisted, was Senator 
 Sumner, of Massachusetts, who was chairman of 
 the committee on foreign affairs in the Senate. 
 Mr. Sumner made anable and exhaustive speech, 
 taking the ground which Mr. Seward maintained 
 in his reply to Lord Lyons, but supporting it 
 with convincing argument and precedents drawn 
 from the history of the government, and show- 
 ing conclusively that the release of the prison- 
 ers was but maintaining the principles for which 
 the United States had always contended. 
 
 The settlement of this question was a great 
 relief to those who believed the relations be- 
 tween England and the United States.to be in 
 a very critical condition, and to many, also, who, 
 perhaps inconsiderately, were disposed to resist, 
 at any cost, an arrogant demand on the part 
 of England. The English government had 
 presented the demand in as moderate and in- 
 offensive a way as it could well be made and 
 be ademand. By this course American pride 
 was not touched, nor the bitter resentment and 
 hostility kindled which would have followed 
 any arrogant or threatening course. That a 
 more imperious demand would have followed, 
 if the question had not been settled as it was, 
 is altogether probable, and hostile feelings in 
 both countries would then have become so in- 
 flamed that war might but too easily have been 
 the result. But, fortunately, the governments 
 acted with more moderation and wisdom than 
 were shown by portions of the people of either 
 country. 
 
 It was, indeed, distasteful to the people of 
 the United States, and in some degree humil- 
 lating, ta give up these rebel emissaries, who 
 had been so opportunely captured at the com; 
 
 — 
 
 419 
 
 mencement of their voyage ; but it was a source 
 of satisfaction to know that the question was 
 settled upon principles of public law for which 
 the United States had always contended, and 
 that, throwing out of the case the particular 
 individuals concerned, the conclusion was a tri- 
 umph for the government of the United States. 
 To the rebels, and to those of the English who 
 were really unfriendly to the United States, 
 the settlement of the question was a disap- 
 pointment, as it destroyed their hopes of a war 
 between the United States and England, in 
 which they were confident that against such 
 odds the former would be overwhelmed. 
 
 Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their secre- 
 taries, were released ; but their disappointment 
 and detention from their missions, in which 
 they would by this time have been indus- 
 triously aiding the rebellion, received no other 
 compensation. For more than a month they 
 were confined in Fort Warren, not deprived of 
 comforts, but under military guard, and expe- 
 riencing the inclemency of a New England 
 winter rather than the pleasures of London 
 and Paris. The arrangements for their release 
 were made by Mr. Seward and Lord Lyons, 
 and it was agreed that the released prisoners 
 should be put on board her Majesty’s ship 
 Rinaldo, in Provincetown harbor, at the ex- 
 tremity of Cape Cod. They were accordingly 
 transported to that point in a small steamer, 
 and were duly placed, without ceremony, or, 
 as far as appeared, any special mark of respect, 
 once more under “the protection of the Brit- 
 ish flag.” 
 
 It was feared that the capture and imprison- 
 ment of the rebel emissaries might add to their 
 influence when they at last arrived at their 
 destination; but while there were parties in 
 England and France who perhaps extended to 
 them a more cordial sympathy on account of 
 their alleged misfortunes, the question be- 
 tween the governments had been so promptly 
 and gracefully settled, that there was all the 
 
420 
 
 more reason on the part of the English or 
 French governments for not recognizing or 
 receiving them in any official capacity. 
 
 CHAPTER LIV. 
 
 Fort Pickens. — Rebel Preparations to reduce it.— Long Delay 
 of the Attack. — Reénforcement and Strengthening of the 
 Fort. — Wilson’s Zouaves. — Federal Operations. — Destruc- 
 tion of the Dry Dock. — Night Attack upon the Island of 
 Santa Rosa. — Sudden Assault upon the Zouaves. — Burning 
 of their Tents. — Resistance to the Rebels. — Disorder among 
 the Assailants.—Their Retreat and Loss. — Official Report 
 of Colonel Brown. — Results of the Attack.— Bombardment 
 of the Rebel Fortifications by Fort Pickens and Ships of war. 
 — Response of the Rebels. — Effects of their Fire. — Action 
 by the Ships of War. — The Rebel Batteries silenced. — Cessa- 
 tion of the Cannonade for the Night. — The Conflict renewed. 
 — The Town of Warrington destroyed by Fire. — Results of 
 the Bombardment. — Casualties. — Official Report of Colonel 
 Brown. 
 
 In the early stages of the rebellion, Fort 
 Pickens, which was the only southern fort com- 
 manding the entrance to a port, except Sumter, 
 that had not been taken possession of by the 
 secessionists without opposition, was an object 
 of solicitude on the part of the government, 
 and its possession was considered a matter of 
 paramount importance by the rebels. The 
 unsuccessful measures taken to secure it, and 
 which were foiled by the prompt action of 
 Lieutenant Slemmer, have been narrated in a 
 former chapter. As soon as Sumter had fallen, 
 and the war had thus been commenced, a de- 
 termination was avowed by the rebels to take! 
 Fort Pickens in like manner. Large numbers of 
 troops were collected at Pensacola and vicinity. 
 Forts Barrancas and McRae, old fortifications 
 
 belonging to the United States, were strength-| 
 ened and furnished with heavy armaments, and | 
 new batteries were constricted at different. 
 points along the shore of the main land, to. 
 
 command the harbor and bear upon Fort Pick- 
 ens.* These operations were under the com- 
 
 * Fort Pickens is on the western end of Santa Rosa Island, a 
 
 long and narrow sandy island, that extends along the front of 
 Pensacola Bay. It commands the entrance to the bay, and on 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 mand of General Bragg, formerly an officer of 
 the United States, and great confidence was 
 expressed by the rebels that they would be 
 able to reduce Fort Pickens and compel its 
 surrender. For months the preparations con- 
 tinued, and the rebel troops began to grow dis- 
 contented at the long delay of the promised 
 attack. But, unlike Sumter, Fort Pickens 
 could not be almost surrounded by batteries, 
 and none were sufficiently near to insure a 
 breach. 
 
 Meanwhile Fort Pickens was also strength- 
 ened. The garrison had been largely reén- 
 forced by regular troops, under the command 
 of Colonel Harvey Brown. The guns were all 
 mounted, and large quantities of ammunition 
 supplied. ‘The interior of the fort was so pre- 
 pared as to afford protection from shells that 
 might be thrown into it, and the barbette guns 
 were protected by sand bags. Outside of the 
 fort some new batteries were constructed, and 
 all the works were put into a complete state 
 for defence. In addition to the garrison of the 
 fort, the sixth regiment of New York volunteers, 
 —a regiment raised in the city of New York 
 under peculiar auspices,* and containing many 
 lawless and desperate men — was sent to the 
 Island of Santa Rosa, on which Fort Pickens is 
 constructed, and encamped about a mile from 
 the fort, where they held a position protected, 
 in part, by intrenchments. A naval force of 
 several vessels was, most of the time, at hand, 
 
 || the opposite side of the entrance, on a point connected with the 
 
 main land, is Fort McRae. Above the entrance the main shore 
 curves, and extends towards the east for several miles. On this 
 shore, facing the channel, is the old Spanish fort Barrancas. 
 Farther east, near the point where the shore runs again to the 
 north, is the navy yard. From the navy yard to Fort McRae, — 
 a distance of about four miles, —the rebels constructed numerous 
 batteries, distant from Fort Pickens from about a mile and a 
 quarter to a mile and three quarters, and embracing about one 
 third of a circle. 
 
 * This regiment was enlisted immediately after the attack on 
 the Massachusetts troops in Baltimore, April 19, 1861, and with 
 the avowed purpose of marching through Baltimore. It was re- 
 cruited among the “roughs” and men of desperate habits and 
 character, and probably on account of its composition was sent 
 to this distant post. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 to aid in the defence of the fort or in an attack 
 upon the rebel works. 
 
 The attack on Fort Pickens, so long expected, 
 
 by its garrison, and so earnestly desired by the 
 over-confident rebels, was still delayed, General 
 Bragg evidently not sharing in the confidence 
 of success which was expressed by the rebel 
 journals. In the mean time two or three enter- 
 prises were successfully carried out by the fed- 
 eral forces, which, though of no great impor- 
 tance in themselves, annoyed the enemy, and 
 encouraged the garrison and naval forces.. One 
 of these — the destruction of the privateer Ju- 
 
 dah, at the navy yard wharf, by an expedition 
 
 from the Colorado —has been mentioned in a 
 previous chapter. Another, which was accom- 
 plished by a few men from the garrison of Fort 
 Pickens, was the destruction of the floating dry 
 dock belonging to the navy yard. 
 
 This dock, which was a large and costly work, | 
 
 had, early in the summer, been removed from 
 the navy yard and sunk in the channel oppo- 
 site. Subsequently,a plan was formed to raise it, 
 and, floating it down to a position opposite Fort 
 McRae, to sink it in the channel, where it would 
 completely obstruct the entrance of large ves- 
 sels into the bay. Colonel Brown, having re- 
 ceived information of the intentions of the reb- 
 els, and observing the preparations, determined 
 to prevent the movement. Accordingly, on the 
 night of the 2d of September, he sent Lieuten- 
 ant Shipley, with a few picked men, in a boat, 
 to destroy the dock, which was now afloat. 
 Reaching the dock without being discovered, 
 they at once boarded it, finding, to their sur- 
 prise, no sentinels upon it. They soon disposed 
 of the combustible materials which they had 
 brought, and placed shells in the boilers, and 
 then, applying the torch, rowed safely back to 
 the fort. The flames soon spread over the 
 structure; the shells exploded, destroying the 
 boilers and the adjacent parts of the work ; and 
 to save the dock from entire destruction was 
 
 beyond the ability of the rebels. It burned 
 
 421 
 
 through the night, and was so far destroyed as 
 to be utterly useless even for obstructing the 
 channel. It was supposed that the burning of 
 the dry dock would be the signal for a general 
 attack from the rebel batteries upon the fort, 
 and preparations were made to respond to 
 the bombardment. But, though there was an 
 alarm in the rebel forts and camps, not a gun 
 was discharged, and the expected and even 
 much desired attack was not made. 
 
 The monotonous quiet which prevailed about 
 the fort was not again disturbed, except by the 
 destruction of the privateer Judah by the naval 
 expedition, until the 9th of October, when the 
 rebels made a night attack upon the forces on 
 the island outside of the fort. A force of twelve 
 or fifteen hundred* rebels, under the command 
 of General Anderson, landed on the island of 
 Santa Rosa, about four miles from Fort Pick- 
 ens, and three miles from the camp of the New 
 York sixth regiment, or “ Wilson’s Zouaves,” as 
 they were more familiarly called. Approach- 
 ing the federal position cautiously, the rebel 
 force killed several of the picket guards, and 
 drove in the others. They.then made a sudden 
 attack upon the Zouaves, who were hastily 
 drawn up to meet them, and threw them into 
 confusion, in the midst of which the assailants 
 succeeded in setting fire to a part of the tents. 
 The Zouaves were soon rallied, and, with a small 
 force of regulars who were stationed nearer 
 the fort, successfully resisted the attack of what 
 was evidently a superior force. The rebels soon 
 fell into disorder, and failed to carry out the 
 plan which they had apparently contemplated. 
 Their disorder soon led to a retreat, which was 
 hastened by the more determined attack of the 
 federal troops, who soon began to press after 
 them. They reached their boats, in which they 
 embarked, under a brisk fire of the Zouaves 
 and regulars, leaving fourteen killed and seven 
 wounded upon the island, and twenty-seven 
 
 * Variously stated in their own accounts from twelve hundred 
 to eighteen hundred men. 
 
422 
 
 others prisoners. Many others were supposed 
 to be killed or wounded while in the boats, 
 exposed to the fire of the federal troops, and a 
 number of the wounded were safely taken from 
 the island. The federal loss was fourteen killed, 
 twenty-nine wounded, and twenty-four taken 
 prisoners. The rebel accounts of the affair, while 
 claiming that the expedition was completely 
 successful, admitted that their retreat was hasty, 
 and that their loss was severe. 
 
 The following official report of Colonel Brown 
 describes more particularly the attack and its 
 results : — 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF FLORIDA, 
 ‘«‘Fort Pickens, October 11, 1861. 
 
 “CotoneL: I briefly reported to you on the 
 9th instant that the rebels had landed on this 
 island, partially destroyed the camp of the 
 sixth regiment New York volunteers, and had 
 been driven off by our troops. I now report 
 in more detail the results of the attack. For 
 the better understanding of the several move- 
 ments, it may be well to state that the enemy 
 landed about four miles from this fort. The 
 place may be recognized on the map by three 
 ponds and a mound — that the island there is 
 about three fourths of a mile wide; that a 
 short distance below it narrows to some two 
 hundred yards, then widens again, and at the 
 camp the distance across is about five eighths 
 of a mile; that a succession of three or four 
 sand ridges run on the sea: side, parallel to 
 the coast, along the island; and low, swampy 
 ground, interspersed with sand hillocks, some 
 bushes, and a few trees, extend along the har- 
 bor side, both shores being sandy beach. Wil- 
 son’s camp is near the sea-coast, and a short 
 mile from the fort. The two batteries spoken 
 of in this report, and to which he retreated, — 
 batteries Lincoln and Totten,—are, the first on 
 the harbor, and the other on the Gulf side, about 
 four hundred yards from Fort Pickens. 
 
 “ About two o’clock on the morning of the 
 9th instant I was awakened by the officer of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 the day, who reported that a picket, driven in, 
 had reported the landing of sixty men on the 
 point. Having little confidence in the cor- 
 rectness of the report, I directed that no alarm 
 should be made; and shortly after he reported 
 that the alarm was false. 
 
 “About half past three o’clock he again re- 
 ported that volleys of musketry were heard at 
 the camp of the sixth New York volunteers. I 
 immediately ordered the roll to be beaten, Ma- 
 jor Vogdes to take two companies and proceed 
 to the spot, and Major Arnold to man the guns 
 on the ramparts on the space. About half an 
 hour after this time the firing was heavy, and 
 the light of the burning camp was seen; and I 
 sent a staffofficer to communicate with Major 
 Vogdes, who returned very soon, and said that 
 he had fallen in with a large body of the ene- 
 my on the inside shore, and could not find the 
 major. 
 
 “JT immediately ordered Major Arnold to pro- 
 ceed to support Major Vogdes with two com- 
 panies, and at the same time sent an order to 
 Colonel Wilson to advance and attack the ene- 
 my. I also despatched a staff officer on board 
 the steamer McClellan, with orders for him to 
 take position opposite the landing place and 
 open on the enemy; unfortunately at the same 
 tinre directing him to go to the Potomac, lying 
 near, and ask for some men to assist him, in 
 case landing was necessary. Captain Powell © 
 directed him to tow his ship to the scene of ac- 
 tion, which so delayed him that he did not ar- 
 rive until after the enemy had vacated. Cap- 
 tain Powell acted from the best motives, and, 
 under ordinary circumstances, from correct 
 principles. But the result was unfortunate ; 
 as the McClellan could have driven the rebel 
 steamers away, and we must have made prison- 
 ers of most of the invaders. 
 
 “ At the request of Major Arnold, late in the 
 morning, I sent forward a light field gun, which, 
 however, did not reach him until the affair was 
 over. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “As I propose only briefly to allude to the 
 volunteers, I respectfully refer you to the off- 
 cial report of the colonel of the regiment. The 
 picket of this regiment and the guards sustained 
 its principal, if not entire loss, and behaved 
 well. Captain Daly’s company, on duty with 
 the regulars, did good service, and the captain 
 is spoken of by Major Arnold in terms of high 
 approbation. He had twomen killed. Captain 
 Bailey’s company was at a battery, and not 
 called out. He was performing his appropriate 
 duty during the fight. 
 
 “Major Vogdes, with companies A, first ar- 
 tillery, and E, third infantry, proceeded beyond 
 the Spanish fort, about a mile from this fort, 
 when, from the obscurity of the night, he found 
 himself and command completely intermingled 
 with the enemy. He was immediately recog- 
 nized, and made prisoner; the command de- 
 volving on Captain Hildt, of the third infantry, 
 who disengaged his command from their peril- 
 ous position, and opened a heavy fire on the 
 enemy, and finally, with great gallantry, forced 
 them to retreat, (he being ably supported by 
 Lieutenant Seely, my assistant adjutant-gen- 
 eral, who volunteered for the occasion,) with a 
 loss of eleven killed. 
 
 “ Major Arnold at this moment came up, and, 
 the enemy retreating, followed on. During 
 this time Major Tower and Lieutenant Jackson, 
 whom I had successively sent on to push for- 
 ward the Zouaves, succeeded in. getting some 
 collected ; and Colonel Wilson also advanced, 
 the enemy precipitately retreating. Major Ar- 
 nold, with Captain Robertson and Lieutenant 
 Shipley’s companies, promptly followed, and 
 attacked, as they were embarking, the other 
 companies arriving up successively. Captain 
 Robertson opened a heavy fire, at short musket 
 range, on the crowded masses, and Lieutenant 
 Shipley, some fifteen minutes later, joined him, 
 and their fire must have been very effective. 
 
 “This was continued so long as they were 
 within range. When they had got beyond it, 
 
 423 
 
 the gallant major ordered them to cease firing, 
 and to give them three cheers, to which no re- 
 sponse was made. During the time of this oc- 
 currence, Major Tower came up with two small 
 companies of Zouaves, and subsequently Colo- 
 nel Wilson with a portion of his regiment. 
 
 “When it is considered that less than two 
 hundred regulars, with some fifty volunteers, 
 pursued five times their number four miles, 
 and expelled them, under a heavy fire, from the 
 island they had desecrated, it will, I trust, be 
 considered an evidence of their having gal- 
 lantly performed their duty. 
 
 “The plan of attack of the enemy was judi 
 cious, and, if executed with ordinary ability, 
 might have been attended with serious loss. 
 But he failed in all save the burning of one half 
 of the tents-of the sixth regiment, which, being 
 covered with bushes, were very combustible, 
 and in rifling the trunks of the officers. He 
 did not reach within five hundred yards of 
 either of the batteries, the guns of which he 
 was to spike; nor within a mile of the fort he 
 was to enter pell-mell with the fugitives re- 
 treating before his victorious arms. I have 
 now in my possession nine spikes taken from 
 the bodies of the dead, designed for our guns. 
 
 “ Our loss is — of regulars, four killed, twenty 
 wounded, most very slightly, and eight missing, 
 among whom is Major Vogdes; of the sixth 
 regiment New York volunteers, ten killed, nine 
 wounded, and sixteen missing. The enemy 
 lost, as known to us, fourteen killed; includ- 
 ing one captain ; seven wounded, including one 
 lieutenant, (two since dead ;) and five officers 
 and twenty-two enlisted men prisoners; and 
 as he was known to have carried off some of 
 his dead, and probably most of his wounded, 
 those in our hands being all severely so, and 
 unable to be removed, and as the heaviest loss 
 is supposed to have been in the boats, at the 
 reémbarkation, it was probably three times 
 as great, in killed and wounded, as I have 
 named. ) 
 
424 
 
 “T estimated the force of the enemy at. twelve 
 or fifteen hundred, having closely observed 
 them through a fine telescope as they retreat- 
 ed. Their two large steamers, and a large 
 barge of equal size, and five or six launches, 
 were all crowded with troops; and the almost 
 unanimous estimate of the officers is fifteen 
 hundred, from personal observation. 
 
 “T am, colonel, very respectfully, yours, 
 “ Harvey Brown, 
 “ Colonel commanding. 
 s¢Colonel E. D. TownsEenp, A. A. G. 
 
 «“P.S. I have seen a Pensacola paper, which 
 gives their loss as follows: killed, twenty-one ; 
 wounded, thirty-eight; prisoners, twenty-one ; 
 which, probably, is not one fourth their actual 
 loss. General Anderson is severely wounded.” 
 
 The report of Colonel Wilson, alluded to in 
 Colonel Brown’s report, gave a detailed, and, 
 probably, a somewhat exaggerated account of 
 the part taken by the regiment of Zouaves in 
 the affair, which, according to this report, was 
 a very sanguinary conflict. After they recov- 
 ered from their surprise, the Zouaves appear to 
 have behaved with bravery, though some of 
 them fought without much regard to order and 
 discipline. The combined force of regulars 
 and Zouaves was very much inferior to the 
 enemy in numbers, and in the end succeeded 
 in driving off the rebels, who failed to accom- 
 plish much, except the destruction of a part of 
 the camp of the volunteers. Had the steamer 
 McClellan proceeded to a position opposite the 
 landing place of the rebels, as ordered, instead 
 of stopping to tow the Potomac, the rout of 
 the enemy would have been complete, and 
 probably a large number of prisoners would 
 have been taken. But the delay prevented 
 the accomplishment of Colonel Brown’s pur- 
 pose, and the rebels succeeded in escaping with- 
 out a very serious loss. 
 
 After the night attack on Santa Rosa Island, 
 affairs at Fort Pickens again resumed the quiet 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 that had previously prevailed. The rebels still 
 delayed the attack so long threatened, and no 
 event of importance occurred until the 22d of 
 November, when Colonel Brown, who was now 
 fully prepared for such an attack, opened fire, 
 with the codperation of the naval force, upon 
 the rebel forts and the navy yard, and initiated 
 a general bombardment. 
 
 Having made the necessary arrangements 
 with Flag-officer McKean, Colonel Brown com- 
 menced the attack at about ten o’clock on the 
 morning of the 22d. Two or three steamers, 
 which had run daily between Pensacola and 
 the navy yard, had already run down, to the 
 latter place, and were there exposed to the 
 guns of Fort Pickens at long range. The first 
 fire was directed at these and the batteries at 
 the navy yard, and one of the boats was soon 
 seriously damaged ; but another succeeded in 
 steaming away with but slight injury. Imme- 
 diately after the first gun from Fort Pickens, 
 the other batteries on the island also opened 
 fire, and all the guns of the fort that bore upon 
 the rebel fortifications and the navy yard soon 
 joined in the roar, and sent their shot and shell 
 in quick succession against those positions of 
 the enemy. 
 
 In half an hour the rebel batteries began to 
 reply, and very soon they were nearly all in 
 play, from the navy yard to the extreme point 
 south of Fort McRae; several batteries, which 
 had previously been masked, joining in the 
 bombardment, and the whole numbering four- 
 teen, besides Forts McRae and Barrancas. But 
 though the rebels had some very heavy guns, 
 a portion of which were rifled, their mability 
 speedily to reduce the fort by means of their 
 batteries, so deliberately erected, was soon man- 
 ifest. Their shot and shell had but little 
 damaging effect upon the solid walls, though 
 battering them in many places; and such pre- 
 cautions had been taken to protect the interior 
 of the fort and the men from injury by the 
 explosion of shells, that but one man was killed 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and four others were wounded during the whole 
 bombardment. The barbette guns were also 
 well protected; only one gun—and that a 
 casemate gun — was partially dismounted dur- 
 ing the whole bombardment, and the same shot 
 which effected this occasioned the casualties just 
 mentioned. 
 
 The first gun from the fort was a signal for 
 the ships of war to sail in towards the entrance 
 of the bay, and join inthe bombardment. The 
 only vessels that were available for the purpose 
 were the Niagara and the Richmond. These 
 vessels steamed in as near to Fort McRae as 
 the depth of water would apparently admit, 
 and opened their guns upon that fort and the 
 neighboring batteries. The distance was too 
 great for the guns of the ships to have their 
 full effect, and only the shots from their heav- 
 iest and rifled guns caused certain damage. 
 But, sending out a boat to sound, Captain 
 McKean found that he could lay his ships 
 somewhat nearer, and he accordingly advanced 
 to a position where the depth of water under 
 the keel of the Niagara was but little more 
 than a foot. The Richmond, which was of less 
 draught and lighter armament, went farther in 
 towards Fort McRae. Here the vessels con- 
 tinued the bombardment with more effect, and 
 received a full share of attention from the 
 enemy. The latter, however, did not succeed 
 in striking either of the ships until the bom- 
 bardment had continued several hours, when 
 the Richmond was struck by a solid shot, which 
 killed one man and wounded several, and dam- 
 aged the vessel considerably. The Niagara 
 was afterwards struck several times, but sus- 
 tained no damage to impair the efficiency of 
 the vessel, and lost none of the crew. 
 
 The continued fire from the ships of war and 
 Fort Pickens, with its auxiliary batteries, appar- 
 ently had more effect upon the rebel works, 
 and, long before it was suspended by the ap- 
 proach of night, the guns of Fort McRae and 
 adjacent batteries had ceased to reply. This 
 
 54 
 
 425 
 
 result might not have been altogether the effect 
 of the bombardment, though the fort and gar- 
 rison, without doubt, suffered from it; but the 
 caving in of a magazine at Fort McRae occa- 
 sioned a loss of life and limb, and probably 
 temporarily limited the supply of ammunition. 
 Whatever may have been the cause, the fire 
 of all the rebel fortifications, long before the fed- 
 eral batteries were silent, had begun to slacken, 
 and at last almost entirely ceased. At night- 
 fall the ships of war steamed out to a safe 
 anchorage, and the thunders of the bombard- 
 ment were succeeded by the stillness of an 
 undisturbed night at Fort Pickens, and on the 
 main land by the steady labor of the rebels to 
 repair and extend their works. 
 
 The next morning Colonel Brown resumed 
 the bombardment, firing with more deliberation, 
 and probably more effect, than the first day. 
 During the night the wind had changed to the 
 north, and, blowing freshly down the bay and 
 off shore, reduced the depth of the water, and 
 made it so rough that it was impossible for the 
 ships of war to approach as near the rebel 
 works as on the previous day. The Richmond, 
 the guns of which were of too short range, did 
 not attempt to join in the attack. The Niagara 
 steamed in as far as possible, and for some time 
 continued to fire at Fort McRae and the nearer 
 batteries; but it was found that most of her 
 shots fell short, while the rebels returned the 
 fire from a heavy rifled gun of long range, 
 which threatened serious damage without any 
 prospect of silencing it. The Niagara was ac- 
 cordingly withdrawn, and the bombardment 
 was continued by Fort Pickens and the bat- 
 teries on Santa Rosa. Fort McRae did not 
 respond to the fire this day, and the rebel guns 
 were distributed along the shore in small bat- 
 teries, some of which were protected by woods, 
 rendering it more difficult to disable’or silence 
 them. ‘The steady fire of the federal force was 
 not without effect upon these rebel batteries, 
 and the hot shot and shell, thrown at the navy 
 
426 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 yard and adjacent buildings occupied by the fered. Colonel Brown had ordered all the shot 
 rebels, at last set fire to some of the houses in || and shell which had been thrown into the fort 
 
 the town of Warrington. 
 
 The flames spread || to be collected, in order that the men might not 
 
 from building to building until the greater part | tamper with the shells that had not exploded. 
 of the town was destroyed, and some of the |) This work was being performed, when one of 
 
 structures in the navy yard were materially 
 injured. The cannonading continued occasion- 
 ally until midnight, when Colonel Brown ceased 
 firing, and the rebel batteries also became silent. 
 The following day was Sunday, and its quiet 
 was not disturbed, Colonel Brown having de- 
 termined not to renew the conflict unless com- 
 pelled to do so by a rebel attack. He had 
 damaged the enemy’s works and destroyed a 
 large amount of property, while he had at the 
 same time drawn the fire of the rebel batteries, 
 and tested the strength of his own position. 
 While he felt assured that the enemy could not 
 easily take or damage Fort Pickens, he had no 
 inducement to continue the bombardment; for, 
 however successful he might be, with the codp- 
 eration of the navy, in silencing the guns, or 
 destroying the works of the rebels, he had no 
 force with which to maintain the advantage 
 thus gained. Nor were the rebels disposed to 
 renew a contest which was more damaging to 
 them than to the beleaguered fort, and, what- 
 ever further preparations they projected with 
 reference to a future attack, they did not pros- 
 ecute the work with much vigor. 
 
 The rebels claimed that their works suffered 
 but little. It was evident, however, that the 
 damage was greater than they admitted. The 
 loss of life was, probably, small; being but seven 
 or eight killed, and ten or twelve wounded, the 
 greater part of whom were killed or wounded 
 by the falling in of a magazine at Fort McRae. 
 The federal loss in the fort was one killed and 
 four wounded; on board the ships of war, one 
 
 man was killed and seven slightly wounded. || 
 
 After the bombardment, during which the gar- 
 rison had so wonderfully ope greater injury 
 from the missiles of the enemy, an accident oc- 
 curred by which a much greater loss was suf. 
 
 | the men attempted to empty a shell by knock- 
 
 ing it against another, while a number of his 
 comrades were standing about him. This care- 
 less act caused an explosion of the shell, which 
 was followed by another, instantly killing five 
 men and wounding seven others. In the bat- 
 teries outside the fort the enemy’s shot caused 
 little damage, and no loss of life. 
 
 Colonel Brown’s official report of the bom- 
 bardment is as follows : — 
 
 ‘HeapquaRters DEPARTMENT OF FLORIDA, 
 ‘‘Fort Pickens, November 25, 1861. : 
 
 “GeneRAL: That Fort Pickens has been be- 
 leaguered by the rebels for the last nine months, 
 and that it was daily threatened with the fate 
 of Sumter, is a fact notorious to the whole 
 world. Since its occupancy by Lieutenant 
 Slemmer, the rebels have been surrounding it 
 with batteries, and daily arming them with the 
 heaviest and most efficient guns known to our 
 service,—guns stolen from the United States, — 
 until they considered this fort as virtually their 
 own, its occupancy being only a beets of 
 time. 
 
 “JT have been in command since the 16th of 
 April, and during the whole of that time their 
 force has averaged, so far as I can learn, from 
 eight to ten times the number of mine. The 
 position in which I have thus been placed has 
 
 ‘been sufficiently trying, and I have, at three 
 
 separate times, intended to free myself from it, 
 by opening my batteries on them; but imperi- 
 
 ous circumstances, over which I had no control, 
 
 has, unexpectedly, in each instance, prevented. 
 “ Affairs were in this state on the morning 
 of the 9th of October, when the enemy, fifteen 
 hundred strong, attacked by surprise a portion 
 of my command, on an intensely dark night. 
 They were defeated, and driven from the island 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 with great loss, by less than two hundred regu- 
 lars and fifty volunteers — all the efficient force 
 I had disposable for the purpose. An insult so 
 gross to the flag of my country could not by 
 me be passed unnoticed, and I designed im- 
 mediately to take appropriate notice of it; 
 but, as I said before, circumstances over which 
 I had no control prevented. I make these 
 prefatory remarks to explain why I have now 
 opened my batteries on the enemy, when, from 
 the smallness of my forces,—about one sixth 
 of his, thirteen hundred to eight thousand, — I 
 have not the means of producing any decisive 
 results, and as evidence of my having accom- 
 plished what I designed—the punishing the 
 perpetrators of an insult on my country’s flag. 
 
 “Having invited Flag-officer McKean to co- 
 operate with me in attacking the rebels, and to 
 which he gave a ready and cordial assent, I, 
 on the morning of the 22d, opened my batteries 
 on the enemy; to which, in the course of half 
 an hour, he responded from his numerous forts 
 and batteries, extending from the navy yard 
 to Fort McRae, a distance of about four miles, 
 the whole nearly equidistant from this fort, and 
 on which line he has two forts, — McRae and 
 Barrancas, — and fourteen separate batteries, 
 containing from one to four guns, many of them 
 being ten inch columbiads, and some twelve and 
 thirteen inch sea-coast mortars, the distance 
 varying from two thousand one hundred to 
 two thousand nine hundred yards from this 
 fort. At the same time of my opening, Flag- 
 officer McKean, in the Niagara, and Captain 
 Ellison, in the Richmond, took position as near 
 to Fort McRae as the depth of water would 
 permit; but which, unfortunately, was not suf- 
 ficiently deep to give full effect to their power- 
 ful batteries. They, however, kept up a spirited 
 fire on the fort and adjacent batteries during 
 the whole day. My fire was incessant from the 
 time of opening until it was too dark to see, at 
 the rate of a shot for each gun every fifteen or 
 twenty minutes, the fire of the enemy being 
 
 . 
 
 427 
 
 somewhat slower. By noon, the guns of Fort 
 McRae were all silenced but one, and three 
 hours before sunset this fort and the adjoining 
 battery ceased fire. I directed the guns of bat- 
 teries Lincoln, Cameron, and Totten principally 
 on the batteries adjacent to the navy yard, 
 those of battery Scott to Fort McRae and the 
 lighthouse batteries, and those of the fort to all. 
 We reduced very perceptibly the fire of Bar- 
 rancas, entirely silenced that in the navy yard, 
 and in one or two of the other batteries, the 
 efficiency of our fire, at the close of the day, 
 not being the least impaired. 
 
 “The next morning I again opened about the 
 same hour, the navy, unfortunately, owing to 
 a reduction in the depth of water, caused by a 
 change of wind, not being able to get so near 
 as yesterday; consequently the distance was too 
 great to be effectual. My fire this day was 
 less rapid, and I think more efficient, than 
 that of yesterday. Fort McRae, so effectually 
 silenced yesterday, did not fire again to-day. 
 We silenced entirely one or two guns, and had 
 one of ours disabled by a shot coming through 
 the embrasure. 
 
 “ About three o’clock fire was communicated 
 to one of the houses in Warrington, and shortly 
 afterwards to the church steeple, the church 
 and the whole village being immediately in 
 rear of some of the rebel batteries, they appar- 
 ently having placed them purposely directly 
 in front of the largest and most valuable build- 
 ings. The fire rapidly communicated to other 
 buildings along the street, until probably two 
 thirds of it was consumed; and about the same 
 time fire was discovered issuing from the back 
 part of the navy yard, probably in Wolcott, a 
 village to the north and immediately adjoin- 
 ing the yard, as Warrington does on the west. 
 Finally, it penetrated to the yard, and as it con- 
 tinued to burn brightly all night, I concluded 
 that either in it or in Wolcott many buildings 
 were destroyed. Very heavy damage was also 
 
 done to the buildings of the yard by the ava- 
 
428 
 
 lanche of shot, shell, and splinters showered un- 
 ceasingly on them for two days; and being nearly 
 fire-proof, being built of brick and covered with 
 slate, I could not succeed in firing them, my 
 hot shot nor shells not having any power of 
 igniting them. 
 
 “The steamer Time, which was at the wharf 
 at the time, was abandoned on the first day, 
 and exposed to our fire, which probably entirely 
 disabled her. The fire was again continued till 
 dark, and with mortars occasionally, until two 
 o'clock the next morning, when the combat 
 ceased. 
 
 “This fort, at its conclusion, though it has 
 received a great many shot and shell, is in every 
 respect, save the disabling of one gun-carriage 
 and the loss of service of six men, as efficient 
 as it was at the commencement of the combat; 
 but the ends I proposed in commencing having 
 been attained, except one, which I find to be 
 impracticable with my present means, I do not 
 deem it advisable further to continue it, unless 
 the enemy think it proper to do so, when I 
 shall meet him with alacrity. 
 
 “The attack on ‘Billy Wilson’s’ camp, the 
 attempted attack on my batteries, and the in- 
 sult to our glorious flag, have been fully and 
 fearfully avenged. I have no means of know- 
 ing the loss of the enemy, and have no dispo- 
 sition to guess atit. ‘The firing on his batteries 
 was very heavy, well directed, and continuous 
 for two days, and could hardly fail of having 
 important results. 
 
 “ Our loss would have been heavy, but for the 
 foresight which, with great labor, caused us to 
 erect elaborate means of protection, and which 
 saved many lives. I lost one private killed, one 
 sergeant, one corporal, and four men (privates) 
 wounded, only one severely. . . . 
 
 “In closing, I tender to Flag-officer McKean 
 and Captain Ellison, of the navy, and to their 
 officers and crews, my best. thanks for their able 
 codperation, which would have had the happiest 
 results but for the unfortunate fact that great 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 draught of water prevented their sufficiently 
 near approach to the works of the rebels. 
 
 “Tam, general, very respectfully, your obedi- 
 ent servant, Harvey Brown, 
 
 “ Colonel commanding. 
 “ Brigadier-General L. Tuomas, 
 ‘‘ Adjutant-General U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.” 
 
 CHAPTER LYV. 
 
 Retirement of General Scott. — Confidence of the People in his 
 Military Knowledge and Experience. — Letter to the Secre- 
 tary of War. — Action of the Cabinet.— Order of the Presi- 
 dent. — Reply of the Secretary of War. — Effect of the Retire- 
 ment upon the People. — Visit to Europe. 
 
 In closing our record of the campaigns of 
 1861, we should not pass unnoticed the retire- 
 ment of Lieutenent-General Scott from his 
 position as general-in-chief of the army of the 
 United States. Long the most distinguished 
 soldier of the country, the loyal people had 
 naturally regarded him with great respect and 
 admiration, and they reposed the highest con- 
 fidence in his military knowledge and skill to 
 conduct the war into which the country was 
 plunged by secession. The safety of the cap- 
 ital and the peaceful inauguration of President 
 Lincoln were generally attributed, in a great 
 measure, to his prudence and foresight, and his 
 loyal determination to maintain the constitu- 
 tional government. Upon his experience both 
 the government and the country had relied for 
 the organization into armies of the immense 
 numbers of troops which had. been called from 
 among the people, and for the planning and 
 conduct of campaigns against the rebels. 
 
 But General Scott was now advanced in 
 years, and had become too infirm for active 
 military duties; and though his mind was un- 
 dimmed, and he gave all its energies to his 
 duties, so far as they could be performed in his 
 office, when the army increased and the duties 
 became more arduous, it was evident that a 
 younger and more active man was necessary to 
 
 * 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 have the immediate command. For this rea- 
 son, General McClellan had been called to the 
 command of the army of the Potomac, after 
 the disaster at Bull Run. General Scott, how- 
 ever, still remained general-in-chief of the en- 
 tire army, and, while relieved ofa part of his 
 burdens, continued to supervise the general 
 organization of the army and the plans of the 
 several campaigns. In this position he con- 
 tinued to serve the country until the last of 
 October, when he asked to be placed upon the 
 retired list, in the following letter: — 
 ‘¢s HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY, 
 «¢Wasuineton, D.C., October 31, 1861. ‘ 
 
 “Sime: For more than three years I have been 
 unable, from a hurt, to-mount a horse or walk 
 more than a few paces at a time, and that with 
 much pain. Other and new infirmities, dropsy 
 and vertigo, admonish me that a repose of mind 
 and body, with the appliances of surgery and 
 medicine, are necessary to add a little more to 
 a life already protracted much beyond the usual 
 span of man. 
 
 “Tt is under such circumstances, made doubly 
 painful by the unnatural and unjust rebellion 
 now raging in the southern states of our so 
 late prosperous and happy Union, that I am 
 compelled to request that my name be placed 
 on the list of army officers retired from active 
 service. 
 
 “As this request is founded on an absolute 
 right granted by a recent act of Congress, I am 
 entirely at liberty to say that it is with deep 
 regret that I withdraw myself, in these mo- 
 mentous times, from the orders of a President 
 who has treated me with distinguished kind- 
 ness and courtesy — whom I know, upon much 
 personal intercourse, to be patriotic without 
 sectional partialities or prejudices, to be highly 
 conscientious in the performance of every duty, 
 and of unrivalled activity and perseverance. 
 
 “And to you, Mr. Secretary, whom I now 
 officially address for the last time, I beg to 
 acknowledge my many obligations for the uni- 
 
 429 
 
 form high consideration I have received at your 
 hands, and have the honor to remain, sir, 
 “With high respect, your obedient servant, 
 
 “ WINFIELD Scott. 
 ‘‘Hon. S. Camron, Secretary of War.” 
 
 A special cabinet council was held to con- 
 sider this resignation of General Scott, and it 
 was determined, in consideration of his reasons 
 for tendering it, that it should be accepted. 
 The President, with his cabinet, waited upon 
 the old soldier, and announced to him that his 
 request to be placed upon the retired list was 
 acceded to, in the following order, which was 
 also promulgated to the army and to the coun- 
 try se— 
 
 “On the Ist day of November, A. D. 1861, 
 upon his own application to the President of 
 the United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General 
 Winfield Scott is ordered to be placed, and 
 hereby is placed, upon the list of retired officers 
 of the army of the United States, without 
 reduction in his current pay, subsistence, or 
 allowances. 
 
 “The American people will hear with sad- 
 ness and deep emotion, that General Scott has 
 withdrawn from the active control of the army, 
 while the President and the unanimous cabinet 
 express their own and the nation’s sympathy 
 in his personal affliction, and their profound 
 sense of the important public services rendered 
 by him to his country during his long and bril- 
 liant career, among which will ever be grate- 
 fully distinguished his faithful devotion to the 
 constitution, the Union, and the flag, when 
 assailed by a parricidal rebellion: 
 
 “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN.” 
 
 The reply of the Secretary of War to Gen- 
 eral Scott’s letter was as follows : — 
 ‘War Department, WasHINGTON, Nov. 1, 1861. 
 “GeNERAL: It was my duty to lay before the 
 President your letter of yesterday, asking to be 
 relieved, under the recent act of Congress. 
 
430 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 “In separating from you,I cannot refrain from 
 expressing my deep regret that your health, 
 shattered by long service and repeated wounds, 
 received in your country’s defence, should ren- 
 der it necessary for you to retire from your 
 high position at this momentous period of our 
 history. 
 
 “ Although you are not to remain in active 
 service, I yet hope that while I continue in 
 charge of the department over which I now 
 preside, I shall at times be permitted to avail 
 myself of the benefits of your counsels and sage 
 experience. It has been my good fortune to 
 enjoy a personal acquaintance with you for over 
 thirty years, and the pleasant relations of that 
 long time have been greatly strengthened by 
 your cordial and entire codperation in all the 
 great questions which have occupied the de- 
 partment and convulsed the country for the 
 last six months. 
 
 “Tn parting from you I can only express the 
 hope that a merciful Providence, which has 
 protected you amidst so many trials, will im- 
 
 ‘prove your health and continue your life long 
 
 after the people of the country shall have been 
 restored to their former happiness and _ pros- 
 perity. 
 “T am, general, very sincerely, your friend 
 and servant, Smmon Cameron, 
 “ Secretary of War. 
 
 “To Lieutenant-General WINFIELD ScorTt, present.” 
 
 The retirement of General Scott was re- 
 garded as an event of no small consequence 
 by the loyal people. His military experi- 
 ence and fame had secured the utmost con- 
 fidence of the people, and many believed that 
 the success of the Union cause must depend 
 very much upon him. Some things had, per- 
 haps, occurred to diminish this confidence and 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 belief, and the want of more youthful vigor was 
 generally acknowledged. General McClellan, 
 who was immediately appointed to succeed 
 General Scott as general-in-chief, had already 
 been hailed by the people as the future hero 
 and organizer of victories, and they felt that he 
 would be a worthy successor of the veteran 
 chief. Nevertheless, there was a general re- 
 gret that the experienced soldier and hero 
 of many victories already won, could not con- 
 tinue to serve the country in its extreme 
 peril.* 
 
 Soon after his retirement, General Scott vis- 
 ited Europe, his wife being ill in Paris. It was 
 believed that his presence there contributed to 
 the preservation of amicable relations between 
 France and England and the United States. 
 His early and unexpected return was supposed 
 to have some diplomatic import in connection 
 with the Trent affair; but it did not transpire 
 that he came upon such an errand, a natural 
 desire to be at home at so momentous a period 
 being a sufficient reason for his return. 
 
 * It was generally supposed that there were reasons besides 
 his age and infirmities which induced General Scott to retire at 
 this time. It is quite probable that he was not satisfied with his 
 position. Surrounded by much younger and more active men, 
 he could not but feel his age and infirmities the more keenly, 
 while he may also have felt that he was a relic of the past, glori- 
 ous though it might be, and that the younger men of the present 
 were jostling him in their haste. A letter which has but recently 
 (February, 1863) been made public, shows what may have been, 
 in part, the reasons which prompted his resignation. This letter 
 was addressed to the Secretary of War, early in October, 1861, 
 and complained that subordinate officers, referring especially to 
 General McClellan, treated him with disrespect, by communi- 
 cating directly with the government, instead of through him as 
 general-in-chief, in violation of military etiquette and positive 
 orders. It also complained of direct disobedience of orders on 
 the part of General McClellan. Such conduct naturally wounded 
 the feelings of one who had been so long the commander of the 
 armies, and offended his sense of military propriety and subordi- 
 nation, and its continuance, in spite of his remonstrance, probably 
 led to his retirement. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 CHAPTER LVI. 
 
 Review of the Progress of the Rebellion and the Efforts to 
 suppress it.—Position of Affairs at the Time of Meeting 
 of Congress. — President Lincoln’s Message. — Report of 
 the Secretary of War.—The Nayy.—The Character of 
 Congress. 
 
 We have narrated the principal events of 
 the rebellion, and the military and naval oper- 
 ations, down to the time for the annual session 
 of Congress. During the seven and a half 
 months since the commencement of actual hos- 
 tilities, the people of all sections of the country 
 had been called from the pursuits of profound 
 peace to the realization of war on a gigantic 
 scale. 
 rebellion were made manifest in the large armies 
 organized by the rebel government, and the 
 determination of a large part of the people in 
 the seceded states, under the influence of their 
 leaders, to achieve what they were pleased to 
 call their independence, and to establish a 
 southern Confederacy for the perpetuation and 
 intrenchment of slavery. The national gov- 
 ernment, ill prepared for such an insurrection, 
 or for warlike operations, had met the emer- 
 gency with, vigor, and the loyal people had 
 responded to its call with a spirit that could 
 hardly be expected in a nation so wholly un- 
 accustomed to war, and so confirmed in the 
 habits and pursuits of peace. 
 
 Although the government had accomplished 
 little, as yet, towards the actual suppression of 
 the rebellion, and had met with some sad re- 
 verses, much had been done to consolidate the 
 loyal states, and call out their military resources, 
 and to place limits to the rebellion much with- 
 in the extent contemplated by its leaders. 
 Maryland, by the efforts of the loyal part of 
 her people, supported by the government, had 
 disappointed the hopes of the rebels, and was 
 secured to the Union. The people of Western 
 Virginia had risen against the fraudulent at- 
 tempt to transfer them to the rebel Confeder- 
 
 The magnitude and strength of the’! 
 
 431 
 
 acy, and the federal troops had mainly driven 
 the rebel forces from a large part of the Old 
 Dominion west of the Alleghanies. Kentucky 
 had somewhat tardily taken position on the 
 side of loyalty and the Union, and the rebel 
 forces, which were being organized among her 
 recreant sons, had been scattered and driven 
 beyond her borders; and though rebel armies 
 still held some strong positions within her ter- 
 ritory, large forces of her own loyal sons, sup- 
 ported by the hardy soldiers of the north-west, 
 were preparing to drive out the invaders. The 
 | government of Missouri had been rescued from 
 the hands of traitors, and the state saved from 
 secession; and though the scene of many un- 
 happy conflicts, the tide of success had, in the 
 main, been with the Union forces, which held 
 the more important points in the greater part 
 of the state, and no considerable army of the 
 rebels maintained a threatening position within 
 its borders. Besides this, the Union forces had 
 taken possession of important points on the 
 coast of North and South Carolina, which should 
 be the bases of future operations, while the 
 rebel ports were more or less closely sealed by 
 the blockade, which shut out the supplies upon 
 which the people and the armies so much 
 depended. 
 
 Such was the general condition of the war 
 when Congress assembled for the regular ses- 
 sion in December. At that session President 
 Lincoln transmitted a message, of which the 
 following are the material portions relating to 
 the rebellion : — 
 
 ‘© Fpiitow-CritizENs oF THE SENATE AND 
 Hovsz oF REPRESENTATIVES : 
 
 “In the midst of unprecedented political 
 troubles, we have cause of great gratitude to 
 God for unusual good health and most abun- 
 dant harvests. 
 
 “You will not be surprised to learn that, in 
 the peculiar exigencies of the times, our inter- 
 course with foreign nations has been attended 
 
432 
 
 with profound solicitude, chiefly turning upon 
 our own domestic affairs. 
 
 “ A disloyal portion of the American people 
 have, during the whole year, been engaged in 
 an attempt to divide and destroy the Union. 
 A nation which endures factious domestic di- 
 vision is exposed to disrespect abroad; and 
 one party, if not both, is sure, sooner or later, 
 to invoke foreign intervention. 
 
 “Nations thus tempted to interfere are not 
 always able to resist the counsels of seeming 
 expediency and ungenerous ambition, although 
 measures adopted under such influences seldom 
 fail to be unfortunate and injurious to those 
 adopting them. . 
 
 “The disloyal citizens of the United States 
 who have offered the ruin of our country, in 
 return for the aid and comfort which they have 
 invoked abroad, have received less patronage 
 and encouragement than they probably ex- 
 pected. If it were just to suppose, as the in- 
 surgents have seemed to assume, that foreign 
 nations, in this case, discarding all moral, social, 
 and treaty obligations, would act solely, and 
 selfishly, for the most speedy restoration of 
 commerce, including, especially, the acquisition 
 of cotton, those nations appear, as yet, not to 
 have seen their way to their object more di- 
 rectly or clearly, through the destruction, than 
 through the preservation, of the Union. If we 
 could dare to believe that foreign nations are 
 actuated by no higher principle than this, ] am 
 quite sure a sound argument could be made to 
 show them that they can reach their aim more 
 readily, and easily, by aiding to crush this re- 
 bellion, than by giving encouragement to it. 
 
 “The principal lever relied on by the insur- 
 gents for exciting foreign nations to hostility 
 against us, as already intimated, is the embar- 
 rassment of commerce. ‘Those nations, how- 
 ever, not improbably, saw, from the first, that 
 it was the Union which made as well our for- 
 eign as our domestic commerce. They can 
 scarcely have failed to perceive that the effort 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 for disunion produces the existing difficulty, 
 and that one strong nation promises more du- 
 rable peace, and a more extensive, valuable, and 
 reliable commerce, than can the same nation 
 broken into hostile fragments. 
 
 “Tt is not my purpose to review our discus- 
 sions with foreign states; because, whatever 
 might be their wishes or dispositions, the in- 
 tegrity of our country and the stability of our 
 government mainly depend, not upon them, 
 but on the loyalty, virtue, patriotism, and in- 
 telligence of the American people. The cor- 
 respondence itself, with the usual reservations, 
 is herewith submitted. 
 
 “TI venture to hope it will appear that we 
 have practised prudence and liberality towards 
 foreign powers, averting causes of irritation, 
 and with firmness maintaining our own rights 
 and honor. 
 
 “Since, however, it is apparent that here, as 
 in every other state, foreign dangers necessa- 
 rily attend domestic difficulties, 1 recommend 
 that adequate and ample measures be adopted 
 for maintaining the public defences on every 
 side. While, under this general recommenda- 
 tion, provision for defending our sea coast line 
 readily occurs to the mind, I also, in the same 
 connection, ask the attention of Congress to 
 our great lakes and rivers. It is believed that 
 some fortifications and depots of arms and mu- 
 nitions, with harbor and navigation improve- 
 ments, all at well selected points upon these, 
 would be of great importance to the national 
 defence and preservation. I ask attention to the 
 views of the secretary of war, expressed in his 
 report, upon the same general subject. 
 
 “The operations of the treasury during the 
 period which has .elapsed since your adjourn- 
 ment have been conducted with signal success. 
 The patriotism of the people has placed at the 
 disposal of the government the large means 
 demanded by the public exigencies. Much of 
 the national loan has been taken by citizens 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 their country’s faith, and zeal for their country’s 
 deliverance from present peril, have induced 
 them to contribute to the support of the govy- 
 ernment the whole of their limited acquisi- 
 tions. This fact imposes peculiar obligations 
 to economy in disbursement and energy in 
 action. 
 
 “The revenue from all sources, including 
 loans, for the financial year ending on the 30th 
 June, 1861, was eighty-six million eight hun- 
 dred and thirty-five thousand nine hundred 
 dollars and twenty-seven cents, and the expen- 
 ditures for the same period, including payments 
 on account of the public debt, were eighty-four 
 million five hundred and seventy-eight thou- 
 sand eight hundred and thirty-four dollars and 
 forty-seven cents; 
 treasury, on the Ist July, of two million two 
 hundred and fifty-seven thousand sixty-five 
 dollars and eighty cents. For the first quarter 
 
 of the financial year, ending ‘on the 30th Sep- | 
 
 tember, 1861, the receipts from all sources, in- 
 cluding the balance of Ist-of July, were one 
 hundred and two million five hundred and 
 thirty-two thousand five hundred and nine dol- 
 lars and twenty-seven cents, and the expenses 
 ninety-eight million two hundred and thirty- 
 
 nine thousand seven hundred and ‘thirty-three. 
 
 dollars and nine cents; ; leaying a balance, on 
 the Ist of October, 1861, of four million two 
 hundred and ninety-two thousand seven hun- 
 dred and seventy-six dollars and eighteen cents. 
 
 “ Kstimates for the remaining three quarters 
 of the year, and for the financial year 1863, 
 together with his views of ways and means for 
 meeting the demands contemplated by them, 
 will be submitted to Congress by the secretary 
 of the treasury. It is gratifying to know that 
 the expenditures made necessary by the rebel- 
 lion are not beyond the resources of the loyal 
 people, and to believe that the same patriotism 
 which has thus far sustained the government 
 Will continue to sustain it till peace and union 
 shall again bless the land. 
 
 55 
 
 leaving a balance in the |} 
 
 433 
 
 “T respectfully refer to the report of the 
 secretary of war for information respecting 
 the numerical strength of the army, and for 
 recommendations having in view an increase 
 of its efficiency and the well being of the va- 
 rious branches of the service intrusted to his 
 care. It is gratifying to know that the patriot- 
 ism of the people has proved equal to the occa- 
 sion, and that the number of troops tendered 
 greatly exceeds the force which Congress au- 
 thorized me to callinto the field. 
 
 ““T refer with pleasure to those portions of 
 his report which make allusion to the creditable 
 degree of discipline already* attained by our 
 troops, and to the excellent sanitary condition 
 of the entire army. 
 
 “The recommendation of the secretary for 
 an organization of the militia upon a uniform 
 basis is a subject of vital importance to the 
 future safety of the country, and is commended 
 
 || to” the Serious attention of Congress. 
 
 “The large addition to the regular army, in 
 connection with the defection that has so con- 
 siderably diminished the number of its officers, 
 gives peculiar importance to his recommenda- 
 tion for increasing the corps of cadets to the 
 greatest capacity of the Military Academy. 
 
 “ By mere omission, I presume, Congress has 
 failed to provide chaplains for hai occu- 
 pied by volunteers. This subject was brought 
 to my notice, and I was induced to draw up the 
 form of a letter, one copy of which, properly 
 addressed, has been delivered to each of the 
 persons, and at the dates respectively named 
 and stated, in a schedule, containing also the 
 the form of the letter, marked A, and herewith 
 transmitted. 
 
 “These gentlemen, I understand, entered 
 upon the duties designated at the times re- 
 spectively stated in the schedule, and have 
 labored faithfully therein ever since. I there- 
 fore recommend that they be compensated at 
 the same rate as chaplains in the army. I fur- 
 ther suggest that general provision be made 
 
 4 > 
 
434 
 
 for chaplains to serve at hospitals, as well as 
 with regiments. 4 
 
 “The report of the secretary of the navy 
 presents in detail the operations of that branch 
 of the service, the activity and energy which 
 have characterized its administration, and the 
 results of measures to increase its efficiency 
 and power. Such have been the additions, by 
 construction and purchase, that it may almost 
 be said a navy has been created and brought 
 into service since our difficulties commenced. 
 
 “Besides blockading our extensive coast, 
 squadrons larger than ever before assembled 
 under our flag Have been put afloat, and per- 
 formed deeds which have increased our naval 
 renown. 
 
 “One of the unavoidable consequences of 
 the present insurrection is the entire suppres- 
 sion, in many places, of all the ordinary means 
 of administering civil justice by the officers, 
 and in the forms of existing law. This is the 
 case, in whole or in part, in all the insurgent 
 states; and as our armies advance upon and 
 take possession of parts of those states, the 
 practical evil becomes more apparent. There 
 are no courts nor officers to whom the citizens 
 of other states may apply for the enforcement 
 of their lawful claims against citizens of the 
 insurgent states; and there is a vast amount 
 of debt constituting such claims. Some have 
 estimated it as high as two hundred million 
 dollars, due, in large part, from insurgents in 
 open rebellion, to loyal citizens, who are, even 
 now, making great sacrifices in the discharge 
 of their patriotic duty to support the gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 “Under these circumstances, I have been 
 urgently solicited to establish, by military 
 power, courts to administer summary justice 
 in such cases. I have thus far declined to do 
 it, not because I had any doubt that the end 
 proposed — the collection of the debts— was 
 just and right in itself, but because I have been 
 unwilling to go beyond the pressure of neces- 
 
 -* 7 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 sity in the usual exercise of power. But the 
 powers of Congress, I suppose, are equal to the 
 anomalous occasion, and therefore I refer the 
 whole matter to Congress, with the hope that 
 a plan may be devised for the administration 
 of justice in all such parts of the insurgent 
 states and territories as may be under the con- 
 trol of this government, whether by a volun- 
 tary return to allegiance and order, or by the 
 power of our arms. This, however, not to be 
 a permanent institution, but a temporary sub- 
 stitute, and to cease as soon as the ordinary 
 courts can be reéstablished in peace. 
 
 “Tt is important that some more convenient 
 means should be provided, if possible, for the 
 adjustment of claims against the government, 
 especially in view of their increased number 
 by reason of the war. It is as much the duty 
 of government to render prompt justice against 
 itself, in favor of citizens, as it is to administer 
 the same, between private individuals. The 
 investigation and adjudication of claims, in their 
 nature belong to the judicial department; be- 
 sides, it is apparent that the attention of Con- 
 gress will be more than usually engaged, for 
 some time to come, with great national ques- 
 tions. It was intended, by the organization of 
 the Court of Claims, mainly to remove this 
 branch of business from the halls of Congress ; 
 but while the court has proved to be an effective 
 and valuable means of investigation, it in great 
 degree fails to effect the object of its creation, 
 for want of power to make its judgments final. 
 
 “Fully aware of the delicacy, not to say the 
 danger, of the subject, 1 commend to your 
 
 careful consideration whether this power of 
 
 making judgments final may not properly be 
 given to the court, reserving the right of ap- 
 peal on questions of law to the Supreme Court, 
 with such other provisions as experience may 
 have shown to be necessary. 
 
 “The present insurrection shone 1 think, 
 that the extension of this district ‘crodlte 
 Potomac River, at the time of establishing the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 capital here, was eminently wise, and conse- 
 quently that the relinquishment of that portion 
 of it which lies within the State of Virginia 
 was unwise and dangerous. I submit for your 
 consideration the expediency of regaining that 
 part of the district, and the restoration of the 
 original boundaries thereof, through negotia- 
 tions with the State of Virginia. 
 
 “The relations of the government eh the 
 Indian tribes have been greatly disturbed by 
 the insurrection, especially in the southern su- 
 perintendency and in that of New Mexico. 
 The Indian country south of Kansas is in the 
 possession of insurgents from Texas and Ar- 
 kansas. The agents of the United States 
 appointed since the 4th of March for this 
 ‘superintendency have been unable to reach 
 their posts, while the most of those who were 
 - in office before that time have espoused the 
 
 insurrectionary cause, and assume to exercise | 
 
 the powers of agents by virtue of commis- 
 sions from the insurrectionists. It has been 
 stated in the public press that a portion of 
 those Indians have been organized as a military 
 force, and are attached to the army of the in- 
 surgents. Although the government has no 
 _ official information upon this subject, letters 
 have been written to the commissioner of In- 
 dian affairs by several prominent chiefs, giving 
 assurance of their loyalty to the United States, 
 and expressing a wish for the presence of fed- 
 eral troops to protect them. It is believed that 
 upon the repossession of the country by the 
 federal forces the Indians will readily cease all 
 hostile demonstrations, and resume their former 
 relations to the government. 
 «Under and by. virtue of the act of Congress 
 entitled ‘An act to confiscate property used for 
 insurrection4ry purposes, approved August 6, 
 1861, the legal claims of certain persons to the 
 labor and service of certain other persons have 
 become forfeited ; and numbers of the latter, thus 
 liberated, are already dependent on the United 
 
 States, and must be provided for in some way: 
 
 435 
 
 Besides this, it is not impossible that some of 
 the states will pass similar enactments for their 
 own benefit respectively, and by operation of 
 which persons of the same class will be thrown 
 upon them for disposal. In such case I recom- 
 mend that Congress provide for accepting such 
 persons from such states, according to some 
 mode of valuation, in lieu, pro tanto, of direct 
 taxes, or upon some other plan to be agreed 
 on with such states respectively; that such 
 persons, on such acceptance by the general 
 government, be at once deemed free; and that, 
 in any eveut, steps be taken for colonizing both 
 classes (or the one first mentioned if the other 
 shall not be brought into existence) at some 
 place, or places, in a climate congenial to them. 
 It might be well to consider, too, whether the 
 free colored people already in the United States 
 could not, so far as individuals may desire, be 
 included in such colonization. / 
 
 “To carry out the plan of colonization may 
 involve the acquiring of territory, and also the 
 appropriation of money beyond that to be ex- 
 pended in the territorial acquisition. Having 
 practised the acquisition of territory for nearly 
 sixty years, the question of constitutional power 
 to do so isno longer an open one with us. The 
 power was questioned at first by Mr. Jefferson, 
 who, however, in the purchase of Louisiana, 
 yielded his scruples on the plea of great expe- 
 diéncy. If it be said that the only legitimate 
 object of acquiring territory is to furnish homes 
 for white men, this measure effects that object; 
 for the emigration of colored men leaves addi- 
 tional room for white men remaining or coming 
 here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed the impor- 
 tance of procuring Louisiana more on political 
 and commercial grounds than on providing 
 room for population. 
 
 “On this whole proposition, including the 
 appropriation of money with the acquisition 
 of territory, does not the expediency amount 
 to absolute necessity — that without which the 
 government itself cannot be perpetuated ? 
 
436 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 “The war continues. In considering the pol- 
 icy to be adopted for suppressing the insurrec- 
 tion, I have been anxious and careful that the 
 inevitable conflict for this purpose shall not 
 degenerate into a violent and remorseless revo- 
 lutionary struggle. I have, therefore, in every 
 case, thought it proper to keep the integrity 
 of the Union prominent as the primary object 
 ofthe contest on our part, leaving all questions 
 which are not of vital military importance to 
 the more deliberate action of the legislature. 
 
 “Tn the exercise of my best discretion I have 
 adhered to the blockade of the ports held by 
 the insurgents, instead of putting in force, by 
 proclamation, the law of Congress enacted at 
 the late session for closing those ports. 
 
 “So, also, obeying the dictates of prudence, 
 as well as the obligations of law, instead of 
 transcending, I have adhered to the act of Con- 
 gress to confiscate property used for insurrec- 
 tionary purposes. Ifa new law upon the same 
 subject should be proposed, its propriety will 
 be duly considered. The Union must be pre- 
 served; and hence, all indispensable means must 
 be employed. We should not be in haste to 
 determine that radical and extreme measures, 
 which may reach the loyal as well as the dis- 
 loyal, are indispensable. 
 
 “The inaugural address at the beginning of 
 the administration, and the message to Con- 
 gress at the late special session, were both 
 mainly devoted to the domestic controversy 
 out of which the insurrection and consequent 
 war have sprung. Nothing now occurs to add 
 or subtract, to or from, the principles or gen- 
 eral purposes stated and expressed in those | 
 documents. 
 
 “The last ray of hope for preserving the 
 Union peaceably expired at the assault upon 
 Fort Sumter; and a general review of what has 
 
 occurred since may not be unprofitable. What ; 
 
 was painfully uncertain then is much better 
 defined and more distinct now; and the prog- 
 ress of evénts is plainly in the right direction. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 The insurgents confidently claimed a strong 
 support from the-north of Mason and Dixon’s 
 line; and the friends of the Union were not free 
 from apprehension on the point. This, how- 
 ever, was soon settled definitely, and on the 
 right side. South of the line, noble little Dela- 
 ware led off right from the first. Maryland was 
 made to seem against the Union. Our soldiers 
 were assaulted, bridges were burned, and rail- 
 roads torn up, within her limits; and we were 
 many days, at one time, without the ability to 
 bring a single regiment over her soil to the 
 capital. Now, her bridges and railroads are 
 repaired and open to the government; she 
 already gives seven regiments to the cause of 
 the Union, and none to the enemy; and her. 
 people, at a regular election, have sustained 
 the Union by a larger majority and a larger 
 aggregate vote than they ever before gave to 
 any candidate, or any question. Kentucky, too, 
 for some time in doubt, is now decidedly, and, 
 I think, uncharigeably, ranged on the side of 
 the Union. Missouri is comparatively quiet; 
 and, I believe, cannot again be overrun by the 
 insurrectionists. These three states of Mary- 
 
 | land, Kentucky, and Missouri, neither of which 
 
 would promise a single soldier at first, have now 
 an aggregate of not less than forty thousand in 
 the field for the Union; while, of their citizens, 
 certainly not more than a third of that number, 
 and they of doubtful whereabouts, and doubt- 
 ful existence, are in arms against it. After a 
 somewhat bloody struggle of months, winter 
 closes on the Union people of Western Virginia, 
 leaving them masters of their own country. 
 
 “ An insurgent force of about fifteen hundred, 
 
 for months dominating the narrow peninsular 
 
 region constituting the counties of Accomac 
 and Northampton, and known as eastern shore 
 of Virginia, together with some contiguous 
 parts of Maryland, have laid down their arms ; 
 and the people there have renewed their alle- 
 giance to, and accepted the protection of, the 
 
 old flag. This leaves no armed insurrectionist 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 north of the Potomac, or east of the Chesa- 
 peake. 
 
 “ Also, we have obtained a footing at each 
 of the isolated points, on the southern coast, of 
 Hatteras, Port Royal, Tybee Island, near Sa- 
 vannah, and Ship Island; and we likewise have 
 some general accounts of popular movements, 
 in behalf of the Union, in North Carolina and 
 Tennessee. 
 
 “These things demonstrate that the cause 
 of the Union is advancing steadily and certainly 
 southward. 
 
 “Since your last adjournment, Lieutenant- 
 General Scott has retired from the head of the 
 army. During his long life, the nation has not 
 been unmindful of his merit; yet, on calling to 
 mind how faithfully, ably, and brilliantly he has 
 served the country, from atime far back in our 
 history, when few of the now living had been 
 born, and thenceforward continually, I cannot 
 but think we are still his debtors. I submit, 
 therefore, for your consideration, what further 
 mark of recognition is due to him, and to our- 
 selves, as a grateful people. 
 
 “With the retirement of General Scott came 
 the executive duty of appointing, in his stead, 
 a general-in-chief of the army. It is a fortu- 
 _ nate circumstance that neither in counsel nor 
 country was there, so far as 1 know, any differ- 
 ence of opinion as to the proper person to 
 be selected. The retiringchief repeatedly ex- 
 pressed his judgment in favor of General 
 McClellan for the position; and in this the 
 nation seemed to give a unanimous concur- 
 rence. The designation of General McClellan 
 is, therefore, in considerable degree, the selec- 
 tion of the country, as well as of the Executive; 
 and hence there is better reason to hope there 
 will be given him the confidence and cordial 
 support thus, by fair implication, promised, and 
 without which he cannot, with so full efficiency, 
 serve the. country. 
 
 “It has been said that one bad general is 
 better than two good ones; and the saying is 
 
 ‘the choice of means. 
 ‘on board can wish the ship to sink; and yet, 
 
 437 
 
 true, if taken to mean no more than that an 
 
 army is better directed by a single mind, 
 though inferior, than by two superior ones at 
 
 variance and cross-purposes with each other. 
 
 “And the same is true in all joint operations 
 wherein those engaged can have none but a 
 common end in view, and can differ only as to 
 In a storm at sea,no one 
 
 not unfrequently, all go down together, be- 
 cause too many will direct, and no single mind 
 
 ‘can be allowed to control. 
 
 “It continues to develop that the insurrection 
 
 ‘is largely, if not exclusively, a war upon the 
 
 first principle of popular government — the 
 rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of 
 
 'this is found in the most grave and maturely 
 
 considered public documents, as well as in the 
 general tone of the insurgents. In those docu- 
 ments we find the abridgment of the existing 
 right of suffrage, and the denial to the people 
 of all right to participate in the selection of 
 public officers, except the legislative, boldly ad- 
 
 _vocated, with labored arguments to prove that 
 
 large control of the people in government is 
 the source of all political evil. Monarchy itself 
 is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from 
 the power of the people. 
 
 “In my present position, I could scarcely be 
 justified were I to omit raising a warning voice 
 against this approach of returning despotism. 
 
 “It is not needed, nor fitting here,.that a 
 general argument should be made in favor of 
 popular institutions; but there is one point, 
 with its connections, not so hackneyed as most 
 others, to which I ask a brief attention. It is 
 the effort to place capital on an equal footing 
 with, if not above /abor, in the structure of gov- 
 ernment. It is assumed that labor is available 
 only in connection with capital; that nobody 
 labors unless somebody else, owning capital, 
 somehow, by the use of it, induces him to labor. 
 This assumed, it is next considered whether it 
 is best that capital shall Acre laborers, and thus 
 
438 HISTORY OF THE 
 induce them to work by their own consent, or | 
 buy them, and drive them to it without their 
 consent. Having proceeded so far, it is natu-' 
 rally concluded that all laborers are either hired, 
 laborers, or what we call slaves. ‘ And further, 
 it is assumed that whoever is once a hired 
 laborer is fixed in that condition for life. 
 
 “Now, there is no such relation between 
 capital and labor as assumed; nor is there any 
 such thing as a free man being fixed for life in 
 the condition of a hired laborer. Both these 
 assumptions are false, and all inferences from 
 them are groundless. 
 
 “Tabor is prior to, and independent of, cap- 
 ital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and 
 could never have existed if labor had not first 
 existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and 
 deserves much the higher consideration. Cap- 
 ital has its rights, which are as worthy of pro- 
 tection as any other rights. Nor is it denied 
 that there is, and probably always will be, a 
 relation between labor and capital, producing 
 
 mutual benefits’ The error is in assuming that 
 the whole labor of community exists within 
 that relation. A few men own capital, and that 
 few avoid labor themselves, and, with their cap- 
 ital, hire or buy another few to labor for them. 
 A large majority belong to neither class — 
 neither work for others, nor have others work- 
 ing for them. In most of the southern states, 
 a majority of the whole people, of all colors, are 
 neither slaves nor masters; while in the north- 
 ern, a large majority are neither hirers nor 
 hired. Men with their families — wives, sons, 
 and daughters — work for themselves, on their |! 
 farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking 
 the whole product to themselves, and asking no 
 favors of capital on the one hand, nor of hired 
 laborers or slaves on the other. It is not for- 
 gotten that a considerable number of persons 
 mingle their own labor with capital; that. is, 
 they labor with their own hands, and also buy 
 
 or hire others to labor for them; but this. is 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 only a mixed, and not a distinct class. No 
 principle stated is disturbed by the existence 
 of this mixed class. 
 
 “Again: as has already been said, there is 
 not, of necessity, any such thing as the free 
 hired laborer being fixed to that condition for 
 life. Many independent men every where in 
 these states, a few years back in their lives, 
 were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless 
 beginner in the world labors for wages a while, 
 saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land 
 for himself; then labors on his own account 
 another while, and at length hires another new 
 beginner to help him. This is the just, and 
 generous, and prosperous system, which opens 
 the way to all—gives hope to all, and conse- 
 quently energy, and progress, and improvement 
 of condition to all. No men living are more 
 worthy to be trusted than those who toil up 
 from poverty—none less inclined to take, or 
 touch, aught which they have not honestly 
 earned. Let them beware of surrendering a 
 political power which they already possess, and 
 which, if surrendered, will surely be used to 
 close the door of advancement against such as 
 they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens 
 upon them, till all of liberty shall be lost: 
 
 “From the first taking of our national cen- 
 sus to the last are seventy years; and we find 
 our population, at the end of the period, eight 
 times as great as it was at the beginning. The 
 increase of those other things which men deem 
 desirable, has been even greater. We thus 
 have, at one view, what the popular principle, 
 applied to government, through the machinery 
 of the states and the Union, has produced in a 
 given time; and also what, if firmly maintained, 
 it promises for the future. ‘There are already 
 among us those who, if the Union be preserved, 
 will live to see it contain two hundred and fifty 
 millions. The struggle of to-day is not alto- 
 gether for to-day —it is for a vast future also. 
 With a reliance on Providence all the more 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. | 
 
 firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great} 
 task which events have devolved upon us. 
 “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ‘¢WASHINGTON, December 3, 1861.” ~ 
 
 By the report of the secretary of war it 
 appeared that the estimated number of troops 
 in the service of the United States was, of vol- 
 unteers six hundred and forty thousand six 
 hundred and thirty-seven, and of regulars twen- 
 ty thousand three hundred and _ thirty-four, 
 making an aggregate of six hundred and sixty 
 thousand nine hundred and seventy-one men, 
 In relation to the organization of this immense 
 army, the secretary said, — 
 
 “Congress, during its extra session, author- 
 ized the army to be increased by the acceptance 
 of a volunteer force of five hundred thousand 
 men, and made an appropriation of five hundred 
 millions of dollars for itssupport. A call for the 
 troops was immediately made; but so numer- 
 ous were the offers that it was found difficult 
 to discriminate in the choice, where the patriot- 
 ism of the people demanded that there should 
 be no restriction upon enlistments. Every por- 
 tion of the loyal states desired to swell the 
 army, and every community was anxious that 
 it should be represented in a cause that ap- 
 pealed to the noblest impulses of our people. 
 
 “So- thoroughly aroused was the national 
 heart, that I have no doubt this force would 
 ’ have been swollen to a million, had not the 
 department felt compelled to restrict it, in the 
 absence of authority from the representatives 
 of the people to increase the limited number. 
 It will be for Congress to decide whether the 
 army shall be further augmented, with a view 
 _ to a more speedy termination of the war, or 
 whether it shall be confined to the Strength 
 already fixed by law. In the latter case, with 
 the object of reducing the volunteer force to 
 five hundred thousand, I propose, with the con- 
 * sent of Congress, to consolidate such of the 
 regiments as may from time to time fall below 
 
 439 
 
 the regulation standard. The adoption of this 
 measure will decrease the number of officers, 
 and proportionably diminish the expenses of 
 the army. | 
 
 “Tt is said of Napoleon, by Jomini, that, in the 
 campaign of 1815, that great general, on the 
 Ist of April, had a regular army of two hundred 
 thousand men. On the 1st of June he had in- 
 creased this force to four hundred and fourteen 
 thousand. ‘The like proportion, adds Jomini, 
 ‘had he thought proper to inaugurate a vast 
 system of defence, would have raised it to seven 
 hundred thousand men by the Ist of Septem- 
 ber’ At the commencement of this rebellion, 
 inaugurated by the attack upon Fort Sumter, 
 the entire military force at the disposal of this 
 government was sixteen thousand and six reg- 
 ulars, principally employed in the west to hold 
 in check marauding Indians. In-April, seventy- 
 five thousand volunteers were called upon to 
 enlist for three months’ service, and responded 
 with such alacrity that seventy-seven thousand 
 eight hundred and seventy-five were immedi- 
 ately obtained. Under the authority of the act 
 of Congress of July 22, 1861, the states were 
 asked to furnish five hundred thousand volun- 
 teers, to serve for three years, or during the 
 war; and by the act approved the 29th of the 
 same month, the addition of twenty-five thou- 
 sand men to the regular army of the United 
 States was authorized. The result is, that we 
 have now an army of upwards of six hundred 
 thousand men. If we add to this the number 
 of the discharged three months’ volunteers, the 
 aggregate force furnished to the government 
 since April last exceeds seven hundred thou- 
 sand men. 
 
 “We have here an evidence of the wonder- 
 ful strength of our institutions. Without con- 
 scriptions, levies, drafts, or other extraordinary 
 expedients, we have raised a greater force than 
 that which, gathered by Napoleon with the aid 
 of all these appliances, was considered an evi- 
 dence of his wonderful genius and energy, and 
 
440 
 
 of the military spirit of the French nation. Here 
 every man has an interest in the government, 
 and rushes to its defence when dangers beset it.” 
 
 In another part of his report the secretary 
 advised the thorough organization of the militia 
 of the country, as a means of raising speedily, 
 in case of necessity, large armies for defence, 
 and even for aggression. Upon this point the 
 secretary said, — 
 
 “In my last report I called attention to the 
 fact that legislation was necessary for the re- 
 organization, upon a uniform basis, of the militia 
 -of the country. Some general plan should be 
 provided by Congress in aid of the states, by 
 which our militia can be organized, armed, and 
 disciplined, and made effective at any moment 
 for immediate service. If thoroughly trained 
 in time of peace, when occasion demands, it 
 
 may be converted into a vast army, confident | 
 in its discipline and unconquerable in its patri- | 
 
 otism. In the absence of any general system 
 of organization, upwards of seven hundred thou- 
 sand men have already been brought into the 
 field; and, in view of the alacrity and enthusi- 
 asm that have been displayed, I do not hesitate 
 to express the belief that no combination of 
 events can arise in which this country will not 
 be able not only to protect itself, but, contrary 
 to its policy, which is peace with all the world, 
 to enter upon aggressive operations against any 
 power that may intermeddle with our domestic 
 affairs.” 
 
 Of the extent of the territory embraced by 
 the rebellion, and in relation to the disaster at 
 Bull Run, the report spoke as follows :— 
 
 “The conspiracy against the government 
 extended over an area of seven hundred and 
 thirty-three thousand one hundred and forty- 
 four square miles, possessing a coast line of 
 three thousand five hundred and twenty-three 
 miles, and a shore line of twenty-five thousand 
 four hundred and fourteen miles, with an in- 
 terior boundary line of seven thousand and 
 thirty-one miles in length. This conspiracy 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 stripped us of arms and ammunitions, and scat- 
 tered our navy. to the most distant quarters of 
 the globe. The effort to restore the Union, 
 which the government entered on in April last, 
 was the most gigantic endeavor in the history 
 of civil war. The interval of seven months has 
 been spent in preparation. 
 
 “The history of this rebellion, in common 
 with all others, for obvious causes, records the 
 first successes in favor of the insurgents. The 
 disaster of Bull Run was but the natural con- 
 sequence of the premature advance of our brave 
 but undisciplined troops, which the impatience 
 of the country demanded. The betrayal also 
 of our movements by traitors in our midst, en- 
 abled the rebels to choose and intrench their 
 position, and by a reénforcement in great 
 strength, at the moment of victory, to snatch 
 it from our grasp. ‘This reverse, however, gave — 
 no discouragement to our gallant people; they 
 have crowded into our ranks, and although 
 large numbers have been necessarily rejected, 
 a mighty army in invincible array stands eager 
 to precipitate itself upon the foe. The check 
 that we have received upon the Potomac has, 
 therefore, but postponed the campaign for a 
 few months. The other successes of the rebels, 
 though dearly won, were mere affairs with no 
 important or permanent advantages. The pos- 
 session of Western Virginia and the occupation 
 of Hatteras and Beaufort have nobly redeemed 
 our transient reverses.” ‘ 
 
 The report of the secretary of the navy gave 
 a detailed account of the increase of that branch 
 of the service, from the feeble and scattered 
 naval force which he found at his control when 
 the rebellion commenced, to the large fleet 
 which was brought so rapidly into the service. 
 The number of vessels in actual service, or 
 nearly completed and equipped, was two hun- 
 dred and sixty-four, a large proportion of which 
 were steamers; the whole carrying twenty- 
 five hundred and fifty-seven guns, and not less» 
 than twenty-two thousand seamen. 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 441 
 
 The rebellion imposed upon Congress the|jin command of the western department, and 
 
 necessity of legislating on a great variety of 
 important subjects. A large majority of both 
 houses were political supporters of the adminis- 
 tration, and at this time the greater part of its 
 political opponents gave a cordial support to 
 most of its measures for the suppression of 
 the rebellion. There were a few, indeed, who 
 were opposed to the war, or to “coercive meas- 
 ures,” as they were called, towards the seceded 
 states. But in the general hearty loyalty of 
 all parties these men could do but little besides 
 making themselves conspicuous as opponents 
 of the war in which the patriotic sympathies 
 of the whole people were enlisted, The busi- 
 ness of Congress, therefore, proceeded with more 
 order and diligence than had been the custom 
 for many years while the men who were now 
 in rebellion occupied seats in the Capitol. 
 
 CHAPTER LVII. 
 
 Approach of Winter.— Military Preparations. — General Hal- 
 leck in the Western Department. — His Orders. — Skir- 
 mishes. — General Pope’s Movements. — Attack on a Rebel 
 Camp at Milford.— Capture of the Rebel Force. — General 
 Pope’s Report. — South-eastern Missouri and Kentucky. — 
 Partisan Conflicts. —Bitter Enmity and Warfare, — Army of 
 the Potomac. — Skirmishes. — Affair at Drainesville. — Suc- 
 cess of the Federal Troops. — Defeat of the Rebels. — Gen- 
 eral Ord’s Report.— Winter on the Potomac. — Bad Roads. 
 — Delay in Army Movements. — Winter Quarters. — Position 
 of the Rebel Army. — Blockade of the Potomac, 
 
 As winter came on, active military operations 
 were materially interfered with by the inclem- 
 ency of the weather, and the difficulty of mov- 
 ing troops on account of the condition of the 
 roads. The federal forces, however, were not 
 altogether idle, and while preparations were 
 made for more active campaigns in the spring, 
 there were numerous skirmishes and move- 
 
 ments, both at the west and in Virginia, most |. 
 
 of which resulted favorably to the cause of the 
 
 Union. General Halleck, a man of great intel- 
 
 lectual power and military knowledge, was now 
 54 
 
 pushed forward the preparations for a grand 
 movement towards the south when the season 
 should permit, while he at the same time did 
 not neglect to advance the federal forces to 
 such positions as should hold the rebels in 
 check. He also issued some important orders 
 in relation to disloyal inhabitants in Missouri. 
 One of these compelled such disloyal parties to 
 contribute to the support of loyal refugees, who 
 had been deprived of their property and driven 
 from their homes by the rebel forces in the 
 south-western part of the state. Another or- 
 dered the severest penalties to be inflicted upon 
 rebel marauders and guerrillas, who preyed 
 upon the property of loyal citizens, destroyed 
 bridges, and committed other offences, without 
 belonging to the organized forces of the rebels. 
 Other orders issued by General Halleck, looking 
 to a restoration of slaves to their owners, and 
 prohibiting the harboring of them within the 
 federal lines, gave less satisfaction; but his 
 general administration strengthened the Union 
 cause, and vigorously advanced the prepara- 
 tions for future campaigns. 
 
 Numerous skirmishes occurred in various 
 parts of his department, but most of them were 
 of little importance in themselves, or in their 
 consequences upon the campaign. One of the 
 most successful movements was a surprise of a 
 rebel camp at Milford, in western Missouri, by 
 a part of General Pope’s forces. A slight skir- 
 mish ensued when the federal troops first ad- 
 
 vanced upon the rebel position, but the approach 
 
 was so well managed that the rebels found 
 themselves almost surrounded before they could 
 make any effectual resistance, and they were 
 compelled to surrender. The number of pris- 
 oners taken by this movement was thirteen 
 hundred, with a large number of small arms, 
 and ammunition and supplies. Similar suc- 
 cesses, of less importance, by General Pope’s 
 forces, materially weakened the rebels, by dis- 
 couraging those who sympathized with their 
 
442 
 
 cause. General Pope’s official report gives the 
 following account of his advance and _ success- 
 ful operations : — 
 
 «Hrapquarters District Cenrrat Missouri, 
 ‘© OrrERVILLE, Dec. 23, 1861. 
 
 “Caprain: I have the honor to state that, 
 having replaced by troops from Lamine the 
 
 garrison of Sedalia, I marched from that place’ 
 
 on Sunday the 15th instant, with a column of 
 infantry, cavalry, and artillery, numbering about 
 
 four thousand men. The first brigade was com- | 
 
 manded by Colonel J. C. Davis, Indiana volun- 
 
 teers; the second by Colonel F. Steele, Highth | 
 
 Towa regiment. The object of the movement 
 was to interpose between Price’s army on the 
 
 Osage and the recruits, escort, and supplies on | 
 
 their way south from the Mississippi River. 
 This body of the enemy was represented to be 
 between four and six thousand strong, with .a 
 large train of supplies. 
 
 “JT encamped on the 15th, eleven miles south- 
 west of Sedalia. That the enemy might be 
 thoroughly misled as to the destination of the 
 
 expedition, it was given out that the movement. 
 was upon Warsaw, and the troops pursued the 
 road to that place several miles beyond Sedalia. 
 
 I threw forward on Clinton four companies of 
 the first Missouri cavalry, under Major Hub- 
 bard, with orders to watch any movement from 
 Osceola, to prevent any reconnoissance of our 
 main column, and to intercept any messengers 
 to the enemy at Osceola. On the 16th I pushed 
 forward by forced march twenty-seven miles, 
 and, with my whole force, occupied at sunset 
 a position between the direct road from War- 
 rensburg to Clinton, and the road by Chilhowee, 
 which latter is the road heretofore pursued by 
 returning soldiers and by recruits. Shortly 
 after sunset, the advance, consisting of four 
 companies of Iowa cavalry, under Major Tor- 
 rence, captured the enemy’s pickets at Chil- 
 howee, and learned that he was encamped in 
 force (about twenty-two hundred) six miles 
 north of that town. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE. UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 « After resting the horses and men fora couple 
 of hours, I threw forward ten companies of 
 cavalry, and a section of artillery, under Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Brown, seventh Missouri regi- 
 ment, in pursuit, and followed with my whole 
 force, posting the main body between Warrens- 
 burg and Rose Hill, to support the pursuing 
 column. JI, at the same time, reénforced Major 
 Hubbard with two companies of Merritl’s Horse, 
 and directed him, in order to secure our flank 
 in the pursuit, to push forward, as far as pos- 
 sible, towards Osceola. This officer executed 
 his duty with distinguished ability and vigor, 
 driving back and capturing the pickets, and 
 one entire company of the enemy’s cavalry, 
 with tents, baggage, and wagons. One of the 
 pickets and two wagons were captured within 
 the lines of Rains’s division, encamped north 
 of the Osage River. 
 
 “Thecolumn under Lieutenant-Colonel Brown 
 continued the pursuit vigorously all night of the 
 16th, all day of the 17th, and part of the night 
 of the same day, his advance guard consisting 
 of Foster’s company of Ohio cavalry, and a de- 
 tachment of thirty men of the fourth regular 
 cavalry, occupying Johnstown in the course of 
 the night. The enemy began to scatter as soon 
 as the pursuit grew close, disappearing in every 
 direction in the bushes, and by every by-path, 
 driving their wagons into farm-yards remote 
 from the road, and throwing out their loads. 
 As these wagons were all two-horse wagons of 
 the country, and had-been in fact taken by force 
 from the farm-houses, it was impossible to iden- 
 tify them. When our pursuit reached Johns- 
 town, about midnight on the 17th, the enemy, 
 reduced to about five hundred, scattered com- 
 pletely, one portion fleeing precipitately toward 
 Butler, and the other toward Papinsville. 
 
 “The main body of my command moved 
 slowly towards Warrensburg, awaiting the re- 
 turn of the force under Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Brown, which ‘proceeded from Johnstown to 
 
 |scour the country south of Grand River to the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 neighborhood of Clinton. In these operations 
 sixteen wagons, loaded with tents and supplies, 
 and one hundred and fifty prisoners, were cap- 
 tured. The enemy's force was thoroughly dis- 
 persed. 
 
 “On the morning of the 18th, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Brown’s force rejoined the command. 
 Knowing that there must still be @ large force 
 of the enemy north of us, I moved forward 
 slowly, on the 18th, towards Warrensburg, and, 
 when near that town, the spies and scouts I 
 had sent out before marching from Sedalia, in 
 the direction of Lexington, Waverly, and Arrow 
 Rock, reported to me that a large force was 
 moving from the two latter places, and would 
 encamp that night at the mouth of Clear Creek, 
 just south of Milford. 
 
 “I posted the main body of my command 
 between Warrensburg and Knob Noster, to 
 close all outlet to the south between those two 
 points, and despatched seven companies of cav- 
 alry, (five of the Ohio first and two of the 
 fourth regular cavalry,) afterward reénforced 
 by another company of regular cavalry, and a 
 section of artillery, all under command of Col- 
 onel J. C. Davis, Indiana volunteers, to march 
 on the town of Milford, so as to turn the ene- 
 * my’s left and rear, and intercept his retreat to 
 the north-east, at the same time directing Major 
 Marshall, with Merrill’s regiment of horse, to 
 
 march from Warrensburg on the same point, 
 turning the enemy’s right and rear, and PETE 
 junction with Colonel Aves 
 
 “The main body of my command occupied 
 a point four miles south, and ready to advance 
 at a moment’s notice, or to intercept the enemy’s 
 retreat south. Colonel Davis marched prompt- 
 ly and vigorously with the forces under his 
 command, and at a late hour in the afternoon 
 came upon the enemy encamped in the wooded 
 bottom-land on the west side of Blackwater, 
 opposite the mouth of Clear Creek. His pick- 
 ets were immediately driven in across the 
 stream, which was deep, miry, and impassable, 
 
 443 
 
 except by a long, narrow bridge, which the 
 
 enemy occupied in force, as is eee under 
 
 Colonel Magoffin. 
 
 “Colonel Davis brought forward his force, 
 and directed that the bridge be carried by 
 assault. The two companies of the fourth 
 regular cavalry being in advance, under the 
 command, respectively, of Lieutenant Gordon 
 and Lieutenant Amory, were designated for 
 that service, and were supported by the five 
 companies of the first Iowa cavalry. Lieuten- 
 
 ‘ant Gordon, of the, fourth cavalry, led the 
 
 charge in person, with the utmost gallantry 
 and vigor, carried the bridge in fine style, and 
 
 immediately formed his company on the oppo- 
 
 site side. He was promptly followed by the 
 other companies. The force of the enemy 
 posted at the bridge retreated precipitately 
 over a narrow open space, into the woods, 
 where his whole force was posted. The two 
 companies of the fourth cavalry formed in line 
 at once, advanced upon the enemy, and were 
 received with a volley of small arms, muskets, 
 rifles, and shot guns. One man was killed and 
 eight wounded by this discharge. With one 
 exception, all belonged to company D, fourth 
 cavalry, Lieutenant Gordon. 
 
 “ Lieutenant Gordon himself received several 
 balls through the cap. Our forces still contin- 
 uing to press forward, and the enemy finding 
 his retreat south and west cut off, and that he 
 was in presence of a large force, and at best 
 could only prolong the contest a short time, 
 surrendered at discretion. His force, reported 
 by colonel commanding, consisted of parts of 
 two regiments of infantry and three companies 
 of cavalry, numbering in all thirteen hundred 
 men, among whom there were three colonels, 
 (Robinson, Alexander, and Magoffin,) one lieu- 
 tenant-colonel, (Robinson,) one major, ( Harris,) 
 and fifty-one commissioned company officers. 
 About five hundred horses and mules, seventy- 
 three wagons heavily loaded with powder, lead, 
 tents, subsistence stores, and supplies of various , 
 
444 
 
 kinds, fell into our hands, as also a thousand 
 stand of arms. 
 
 “'The whole force captured, with their train, 
 were marched into the camp of the main body, 
 reaching there about midnight. 
 were thrown away by the enemy, in the bushes 
 and creek, when he surrendered, and have not 
 yet been found. 
 
 “Tam, captain, your obedient servant, 
 
 “ Jonn Pops, 
 
 “ Brigacer-General commanding. 
 “To Captain J. C. Ketton, A. A. G., 
 ‘¢ Department of the Missourt.” 
 
 Skirmishes and small engagements occurred, 
 also, in south-eastern Missouri and in Kentucky, 
 besides the affairs recorded in previous pages. 
 The success was various, but for the most part 
 the advantage was on the side of the federal 
 troops. None of these engagements, however, 
 
 were of much importance, except so far as they |) 
 
 kept in check movements by which the rebels 
 might have gained considerable advantages. 
 Through the greater part of both Missouri and 
 Kentucky there were partisan conflicts. 
 people were divided in their allegiance, and in 
 some places a bitter and relentless warfare was 
 waged by those who enlisted in the rebel cause 
 upon their loyal neighbors, when the latter 
 were in aminority. It would be but natural 
 if such a warfare, which was originated by the 
 disloyal, should sometimes be waged in retalia- 
 tion by Union men, as in some places it un- 
 doubtedly was. But the persecution, robbery, 
 and slaughter by the rebel partisans and guer- 
 rilla parties infinitely exceeded all the acts of 
 this kind which could justly be charged upon 
 loyal men. The orders of General Halleck were 
 directed to the suppression of such internecine 
 warfare, and strmgent measures succeeded in 
 some measure in restoring peace to a large 
 part of these states, by overawing or compelling 
 the departure of those who were disposed to aid 
 the rebel cause. In the mean time the prepa- 
 * rations for a grand advance at the west into 
 
 Many arms}, 
 
 The || 
 
 ing expedition. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the rebellious states were prosecuted with vigor, 
 and on a scale that promised good results. 
 Along the line of the army of the Potomac, 
 though there were occasional slight skirmishes 
 between small advanced parties and _ pickets, 
 no affair of importance occurred during the 
 month of December, except an engagement at 
 Drainesvillé, between a large foraging party of 
 the federal army and about an equal force of 
 the rebels, which took place on the 20th of that 
 month. The federal troops were under the 
 command of Brigadier-General Ord, and con- 
 sisted of that officer’s brigade, a regiment of 
 rifles, a battery of light artillery, and two 
 squadrons of cavalry, all of the “ Pennsylvania 
 Reserves,” under Major-General McCall. This 
 force was sent forward for the purpose of driy- 
 ing back the enemy’s pickets to a greater dis- 
 ‘tance from, the federal lines and to procure 
 forage. Near Drainesville, a small village on 
 the road leading from Washington to Leesburg, 
 a rebel force of four or five regiments, with 
 artillery and cavalry, under command of Gen- 
 eral Stuart, was also moving out upon a forag- 
 General Ord entered Draines- 
 | ville with a part of his force, driving out and 
 scattering the rebel cavalry picket which was 
 stationed there. He then awaited the collec- 
 | tion of forage, disposing of his forces as they 
 came up so as to protect the foraging party. 
 While thus engaged, the rebel forces of Gen- 
 eral Stuart advanced to make an attack. After 
 some skirmishing between the flanking com- 
 panies and rebels concealed in the woods, the 
 attack was commenced more in earnest by the 
 rebel artillery, which was served with little 
 effect, and was responded to by General Ord’s 
 artillery from a position in which it could enfi- 
 lade the road where the enemy’s guns and a 
 part of his infantry were posted. Soon the in- 
 fantry on both sides were advanced, and a consid- 
 erable part of them became engaged. The rebels 
 made a determined attack upon one flank of 
 the federal troops, but they were met with 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 spirit, and were driven back with loss. One of 
 General Ord’s regiments was ordered to charge 
 upon and take the rebel battery ; but to do this 
 they were obliged to advance through a thick 
 wood, and when they emerged in the vicinity 
 of the position which had been occupied by 
 the rebel artillery, the latter had retreated, and 
 the entire force of the enemy were soon rap- 
 idly retiring, a portion of it in great confusion. 
 The retreating forces were followed but a short 
 distance ; sufficient, however, to make certain a 
 very decided success on the part of the Union 
 troops. The loss of the enemy greatly ex- 
 ceeded that of the federal force, and the arms 
 and equipments which they left upon the field, 
 as well as the considerable number of wounded, 
 whom they did not even attempt to carry with 
 them, showed the haste in which they had re- 
 tired. General McCall arrived upon the field 
 near the close of the engagement, and when 
 the-success was secured he ordered the federal 
 force to retire, deeming it imprudent to remain 
 with such a force in a place to which the rebels 
 could in a short time bring up heavy reénforce- 
 ments to their discomfited comrades. Accord- 
 ingly General Ord’s command retired to their 
 camp, taking with them the forage they had 
 collected, the wounded prisoners, and their own 
 dead and wounded. The following is the prin- 
 cipal part of General Ord’s official report : — 
 
 ‘*Camp PreRPoNT, VA., Dec. 21, 1861. 
 
 “Sir: I have to report that, in obedience to 
 the enclosed order, I, at six A. M. yesterday, 
 started towards Dickey’s and Henderson’s, about 
 three miles this side of Drainesville, on the 
 Leesburg pike, with my brigade, the first rifles, 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Kane, Easton’s battery, and 
 two squadrons of cavalry. I likewise heard 
 that it was probable there was a respectable 
 picket of cavalry in Drainesville, and that the 
 pickets supposed by you to be near the river, 
 behind Dickey’s, had left. 
 to send three companies of the tenth, and twen- 
 
 I then determined: 
 
 445 
 
 | ty cavalry, with the foraging party to Gunnell’s, 
 
 between the pike and the river, and with the 
 remainder of the force proceed to Drainesville, 
 satisfied that, though I might be exceeding the 
 letter of my instructions, should I find the 
 enemy and pick up a few, you would not object. 
 This I did, though Colonel McCalmont, hearing 
 that there was a large force on our left, remained 
 with his part of a regiment, and that detained 
 the two regiments behind him, (I had sent for 
 them ;) but was obliged to enter Drainesville 
 with my artillery and cavalry, and a small ad- 
 vanced guard only on the road, the first rifles 
 and Colonel Jackson’s regiment flanking this 
 column in the woods on the right and left. 
 The cavalry picket in town fled, scattered, and 
 remained in small squads, watching. 
 
 “ While waiting in Drainesville for the regi- 
 ments in the rear to come up, I posted my ar- 
 tillery and cavalry, and Jackson’s regiment of 
 infantry, and a couple of companies of the first 
 rifles, so as to cover the approaches, and sent 
 for Colonel Kane’s regiment to occupy the road 
 in our then rear, my front being towards Cen- 
 treville. This I did, because, from the occasional 
 appearance of a few mounted men on a slope 
 behind some woods in a hollow to my left and 
 front, and a broad mass of smoke in that neigh- 
 borhood, I felt pretty sure that there was a 
 force there preparing some mischief. As soon 
 as Colonel McCalmont came up with his regi- 
 ment, the tenth, followed by Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Penrose, the sixth, and Colonel Taggart with 
 the twelfth, and while preparing to resist any 
 attack and to cover my foraging party, I learned 
 that the enemy, in force, had approached on 
 the south side of the Leesburg pike, with field 
 pieces and infantry, and had driven in my 
 pickets, wounding two men. Thinking they 
 would attack on doth sides of the turnpike as I 
 returned eastward, I ordered (to meet this ex- 
 pected attack) Colonel McCalmont’s regiment 
 on the left or river side of the road in the 
 
 woods, left in front, and if the enemy showed 
 
446 
 
 himself on that side, to bring his regiment for- 
 ward into line. Colonel Jackson’s regiment, 
 of which and its gallant colonel I cannot speak 
 in too high terms, I ordered to flank the road 
 in the same way on the right of the road in the 
 woods, and do the same if the enemy showed 
 on that side. Between these flanking regi- 
 ments I ordered the Kane rifles to meet the 
 enemy (behind us) in the road, the cavalry to 
 follow, and the artillery I took with me to post 
 them and answer the enemy’s artillery, which 
 had opened fire on our (their) right, (the south,) 
 directing the rear guard to cover the column 
 of the sixth and twelfth regiments infantry in 
 the road from cavalry. The artillery went at 
 a run past the station I selected for them, cap- 
 sizing one of their pieces. I brought them 
 back, told the captain where to post his guns, 
 and then went to remove the cavalry, then ex- 
 posed in the road swept by the enemy, (whose 
 attack was from a thickly wooded hill on our 
 right flank, the south.) Their force, I saw, was 
 a very bold one, very well posted, and the ar- 
 tillery was only about five hundred yards off, 
 with a large force of infantry on both its flanks 
 and in front, covered and surrounded by woods 
 and-thickets. Moving east with the cavalry, 
 which was of no use here, I came to a place in 
 the road, covered toward the enemy by a high 
 bluff and dense thickets, which thickets I in- 
 tended to occupy with infantry. Here I left 
 the cavalry, surrounded by dense forests, where- 
 in they could neither fight nor be hurt. 
 
 “As I had at first thought the enemy would 
 
 attack on both sides of the road, and moved my’ 
 
 infantry to meet such an attack, and as their 
 attack was confined to the right, it became 
 necessary to change my front. As neither 
 McCalmont nor Jackson had had time to come 
 into line under first orders, when I discovered 
 this, and was moving by the flank, and as, be- 
 fore I placed the artillery and cavalry, 1 had 
 seen the rifles closely engaging the enemy by 
 a flank movement, covering themselves by some 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 houses and fences, my right, in meeting the at- 
 tack, thus became the village of Drainesville, 
 my left the gorge and woods occupied by my 
 cavalry on the Leesburg pike. After securing 
 the cavalry, I found, by carefully observing the 
 enemy’s fire and battery, that their guns were 
 in a road which could be enfiladed. I ordered 
 Captain Easton to right the capsized gun, and 
 bring it to the spot from which this road could 
 be raked ; removed two other guns to this spot, 
 gave the gunners the distance and elevation, 
 observed the result, and finding, after a round 
 or two, that the enemy’s fire slackened, and the 
 gunners were raking the road beautifully, with- 
 out being discomposed by the enemy’s fire, I 
 told them “to keep at that,” and determined 
 to push the infantry forward. I found them 
 (except the Kane rifles, the ninth, Jackson’s, 
 and the tenth, the McCalmont regiment, which 
 were as above stated) in the ditches, under 
 fences, and covering themselves as best they 
 might. I started them forward, Kane at the 
 head of his regiment leading. His and Jack- 
 son’s regiments required no urging. McCal- 
 mont’s regiment was kept in excellent order 
 by its colonel, (than whom a better officer is 
 not found in my brigade,) and acted as a re- 
 serve. I put them in the woods — pushed and 
 exhorted them up the hill, having directed the 
 battery to cease firing, and proceeding with my 
 infantry with the bayonet. About this time, 
 between three and four o’clock, (the action be- 
 gan at half-past two,) General McCall, I was in- 
 formed, arrived on the field. As Iwas very busy 
 urging the men forward, and they required 
 all my attention to keep them to their work, 
 I did not at once report; but when we reached 
 the ground occupied by the enemy’s battery, 
 I reported to him. He was so kind as to direct 
 me to continue the pursuit in the same order, 
 and to continue my dispositions, which I did. 
 The enemy were pursued fully half a mile fur- 
 
 ther, but they had left the neighborhood in 
 
 great haste, leaving their arms, a portion of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 their dead and wounded, clothing, ten horses, | 
 
 and a quantity of artillery equipments, with 
 two caissons and a limber, scattered along the 
 road towards Centreville, and in the woods on 
 both sides. 
 
 “ «The enemy left twenty-one of their most 
 desperately wounded on the field, who were 
 taken up, carried to houses, and their wounds 
 dressed by our surgeons, but they will nearly 
 all die. Their dead left on the field is variously 
 estimated from fifty to seventy-five. Our ar- 
 tillery did terrible havoc, exploding one ammu- 
 nition wagon, and some of their men whom 
 we brought in say the slaughter was terrible. 
 
 Several dead lay around the exploded caisson, | 
 three of whose blackened corpses were head-' 
 a movement would be made. 
 
 less. The prisoners further state that Colonel 
 
 Taylor was doubtless killed; two of their offi-. 
 cers were left on the ground, and how many 
 
 were carried off it is difficult to say. After the 
 
 affair, we built our bivouac fires in Drainesville. 
 
 Thus, sir, we, on returning to camp, had marched | 
 twenty-four miles, beaten the enemy, loaded 
 our wagons with forage, bringing in twelve | 
 mules, our killed, (seven,) and wounded, (sixty,) | 
 
 among whom are four captains. 
 “The prisoners report that the ee en- 
 
 gaged against us was composed of the hs. | 
 an Alabama, a South Carolina, and a 
 
 rifles, 
 Virginia regiment, with a six-gun battery, all 
 under the command of General Stuart. 
 
 “IT must not forget the prompt manner in 
 which General Reynolds came up from Difh- 
 cult Creek, some four miles off, as soon as he 
 heard the cannonading. He arrived too late, 
 it is true, to take part in the affair, but the 
 certainty that he would come with his brigade, 
 insured a victory, and stimulated our men.to 
 earn it. 
 
 “With respect, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 «H. O. C. Oro, 
 “ Brigadier-General Volunteers. 
 
 “Col. H. J. Bropts, 
 ‘+ Assistant Adjutant General, McCall’s Division.” 
 
 447 
 
 As the winter season advanced, the roads 
 became in many places impracticable for artil- 
 lery and heavy trains, and though a movement 
 of the great army which had been collected 
 and organized on the Potomac was for a long 
 time confidently expected by the people, it be- 
 came evident at last that the season for an 
 effective campaign was passed. This was a 
 great disappointment to the loyal people, who 
 desired that a crushing blow should be struck 
 at once, and not a little discontent was mani- 
 fested on account of the delay, which was va- 
 riously attributed to the government and to 
 the commanding general. The army did not 
 nominally go into winter quarters, and this 
 kept alive for a long time the expectation that 
 The soldiers, 
 however, suffered from the exposure in their 
 tents, until they were permitted by various 
 
 expedients to render them more comfortable. 
 
 Some of the troops had huts which proved a 
 better shelter than the tents. Others contrived, 
 by walls of turf over which the tents were 
 raised, to make more comfortable quarters. 
 Various expedients and inventions were also 
 resorted to by which the huts and tents could 
 be warmed by fire. - With abundant supplies 
 the health of the army continued good, not- 
 withstanding what was considered its great 
 exposure to the cold and storms; and the sol- 
 diers were moreover contented and confident 
 of victory whenever they should be led to 
 battle by their commander. | 
 
 Meanwhile the rebel army, the main body 
 of which was posted near Manassas, prepared 
 their winter quarters in a similar manner, 
 though with a more evident purpose of a con- 
 tinuance in their position through the inclem- 
 ent season. They were not so well provided 
 with tents as the Union troops, and constructed 
 a large number of huts, in which they were 
 quartered. Their advance posts and pickets 
 continued to be thrown forward towards the 
 federal lines, and they boasted that the position 
 
448 
 
 of their army was such that it could be con- 
 centrated in a short time to resist successfully 
 any attack that might be made by the federal 
 forces. The rebels, however, did not appear 
 disposed at this time to assume the offensive, 
 and there «is reason to believe that had the 
 army of the Potomac, strong in numbers and 
 enthusiasm, been led against the enemy before 
 the winter rendered an advance impossible, it 
 would have found the rebels unprepared to re- 
 sist the attack and would have achieved a great 
 victory. But the policy of the federal govern- 
 ment, or of the commanding general, appeared 
 to be delay for the preparation of other armies 
 and expeditions, and the perfection of the sol- 
 diers in discipline and drill. 
 
 Since the 22d of October, the Potomac had 
 been effectually blockaded by the rebel batte- 
 ries, erected upon all the commanding points 
 on the Virginia side below Alexandria. No 
 vessels, except occasionally by stealth, could 
 pass up or down the river, and the immense 
 supplies required for the federal army were 
 necessarily transported by railroad. The horses 
 consequently suffered frequently for the want 
 of forage. The naval forces on the Potomac 
 were ready and anxious to attack and silence 
 the various rebel batteries, if a sufficient land 
 force should codperate and hold the positions 
 thus gained. But the proposition was not re- 
 ceived with favor by those who controlled the 
 movements of the army, the position of the 
 enemy along the banks of the river being con- 
 sidered of little value, in a military view, 
 though for the time being a serious inconve- 
 nience in the transportation of supplies. Ac- 
 cordingly no attempt was made to dislodge the 
 enemy from these positions, and Washington 
 was effectually blockaded from direct commu- 
 nication with the sea. Such was the general 
 position of affairs at the end of the year 1861. 
 
 The year closed with disappointment, both 
 to the people of the loyal states and to the 
 insurgents. Though much had really been 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 gained by the federal government since the 
 commencement of hostilities, the loyal people 
 had expected that some early decisive blow 
 would be struck, which should show the power 
 of the government and lead to submission and 
 peace. The course of events had dispelled 
 that idea, so generally entertained at first, and 
 the loyal people, convinced that they must 
 show an overwhelming force, and a determina- 
 
 ; tion to use it to crush rebellion, furnished with 
 
 patriotism and spirit the men and means re- 
 quired. They asked only that the forces thus 
 supplied should be used promptly and effectu- 
 ally. When the year closed with immense 
 armies in the field, and large fleets upon the 
 sea, and all apparently idle, it was quite natural 
 that there should be some feeling of disappoint- 
 ment and dissatisfaction. Such a feeling was 
 manifested, however, only by an earnest call 
 for activity and efficiency on the part of the 
 government and its officers. 
 
 On the other hand the rebels, more impul- 
 sive than the people of the north, and more in 
 earnest, had also expected, by some sudden 
 blows, to sever the Union and achieve their 
 independence. Their success at Bull Run en- 
 couraged this idea, and among the people of 
 the south there was great disappointment that 
 the army, which they then believed invincible, 
 did not move at once on Washington, and end 
 the war by a decisive victory. The leaders of 
 the rebellion saw the necessity of a different 
 policy. With delay, intervention on the part 
 of foreign powers, the hope of which had been 
 entertained from the outset, became an ele- 
 ment of eventual success, which was invariably 
 counted upon. The capture of Mason and 
 Slidell, and their forcible removal from a Brit- 
 ish vessel, it was confidently expected would 
 not only secure the intervention of the British 
 government, but in the form of active hostili- 
 ties, which would certainly ruin the United 
 States. When the difficulties which arose out 
 of that capture were amicably settled, and the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S, ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 expectation of an immediate alliance with 
 Great Britain was disappointed, a general feel- 
 ing of depression and discontent seemed to 
 pervade the rebel states. The success of the 
 federal arms in the latter part of the year, in 
 most places where they had been advanced, 
 served to increase the discontent and disap- 
 pointment, which was freely expressed in some 
 of the leading rebel papers. But a determi- 
 nation to resist the federal authority, and a 
 continuance of the Union, was every where 
 avowed, and all possible preparations were 
 made to meet the forces which they saw the 
 
 north was organizing for the maintenance of 
 
 the national government and the Union. 
 
 CHAPTER LVIII. 
 
 Opening of the Year 1862.— Continued Inactivity. — Alleged 
 Causes of Delay. — Resignation of Mr. Cameron. — Appoint- 
 ment of Hon. Edwin M. Stanton Secretary of War. — Popu- 
 lar Opinion of the Appointment. — Continuance of Skirmishes 
 in Missouri and Kentucky. — Battle of Mill Springs. — Fed- 
 eral and Rebel Forces. — Attack by the Rebels, and Repulse. 
 — Death of General Zollicoffer.— Retreat of the Rebels. — 
 Pursuit by Federal Forces, and Preparations to attack the 
 Rebel Intrenchments.— Flight of the Rebels at Night. — 
 Capture of Arms, etc.— General Thomas’s Report. — Effect 
 of the Victory. 
 
 THe year 1862 opened with almost entire 
 inactivity in the army of the Potomac, and no 
 prospect of any immediate movement of impor- 
 tance. Though the armies were being strength- 
 ened, and several expeditions were in prepara- 
 tion, the delay of an advance in some direction 
 with strong forces had greatly disappointed the 
 people of the north, and with the opening of a 
 new year there was a renewed demand for a 
 more vigorous prosecution of the war. The 
 . delay was not attributed altogether to the ele- 
 ments, and tlae difficulties of moving troops and 
 supplies over almost impassable roads, but was 
 ascribed also to the inefficiency of the war de- 
 partment, and by some to the excessive caution, 
 
 57 
 
 449 
 
 or unwillingness to move, of the commanding 
 general. Concerning the head of the war de- 
 partment, there had been various indefinite 
 complaints, which had created a distrust of that 
 official, and a change was demanded. Before 
 the middle of January the change was made. 
 Mr. Cameron, secretary of war, resigned, and 
 Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, of Pennsylvania, was 
 appointed his successor. Mr. Stanton was a 
 democrat in politics, and had been attorney- 
 general under Mr. Buchanan, during a short 
 period before the close of his administration. 
 He was known to be thoroughly in favor of 
 putting down the rebellion, and as a vigorous, 
 energetic man. Mr. Holt, who had been sec- 
 retary of war under Mr. Buchanan after the 
 traitors left his cabinet, would have been pre- 
 ferred by a majority of the people; but the 
 appointment of Mr. Stanton gave general satis- 
 faction, and especially to that part of the people 
 who had sympathized with him politically ; and 
 it was hailed as a token of the more perfect 
 union of all parties at the north, for the main- 
 tenance of the Union, and the suppression of 
 the rebellion. More activity and vigor were 
 soon infused into the war department, and, 
 by degrees, into military operations, inspiring 
 a general confidence that the immense prep- 
 arations which were being made would, as soon 
 as the season permitted, result in success. 
 During the month of January there were 
 few movements, except the departure of an 
 expedition to North Carolina, and a portion of 
 another for the Gulf, which will be noticed in 
 subsequent pages. In Missouri and Kentucky, 
 however, skirmishes continued between some 
 of the advance forces which were sent forward 
 to scatter the gathering bands of rebels, and 
 something was in this way accomplished to 
 prevent these states being overrun by rebel 
 forces. Kentucky was now seriously threat- 
 ened by the forces of the seceded states and 
 her own recreant sons. But the Union army 
 there and at Cairo was constantly augmenting 
 
450. 
 
 and preparing for a campaign that should re- 
 lieve the state from serious invasion. In the 
 mean time some of the federal troops were 
 advanced to positions in which they could hold 
 the rebel forces in check. This led to some 
 encounters between the opposing forces, the 
 most important of which was the battle of 
 Mill Springs, or Logan’s Cross Roads.* 
 
 Brigadier-General* George H. Thomas had 
 been ordered to advance with his brigade, sup- 
 ported by some other forces, to Logan’s Cross 
 Roads, for the purpose of holding in check the 
 rebel forces under Generals Crittenden and 
 Zollicoffer, who were about ten miles south of 
 that point, in an intrenched camp on the banks 
 of the Cumberland River. The roads were in 
 a very bad condition, but General Thomas 
 reached the Cross Roads on the 17th of Janu- 
 ary with a part of his command, others of his 
 troops coming up the next day. His whole 
 force at this time consisted of four regiments 
 of infantry, sections of three batteries of artil- 
 lery, and a small force of cavalry. Another 
 brigade of three regiments of Tennesseans from 
 “General Schoepf’s command was ordered to 
 join him, to remain till his whole command 
 arrived. These, however, did not, for some 
 reason, take a very active part in the battle, 
 the tide being already turned in favor of the 
 federal forces when they came upon the field. 
 
 On the 19th of January, before General 
 Thomas’s whole force had arrived, and he had 
 time to intrench his position, the enemy ad- 
 vanced from their camp to make an attack. 
 Generals Crittenden and Zollicoffer had, in their 
 intrenched camp and vicinity, nine or ten regi- 
 ments of infantry, several batteries of artillery, 
 and a considerable force of cavalry. They 
 marched to the attack with eight regiments of 
 infantry, six pieces of artillery, and two bat- 
 talions of cavalry. 
 
 The federal pickets were driven in quite 
 
 * Called also the battle of Fishing Creek. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 early in the morniag, and the long roll soon 
 called the regiments into line, though a serious 
 attack on the part of the enemy was not an- 
 ticipated. The tenth Indiana regiment first 
 met the advancing forces, and held them in 
 check till supported by other troops with artil- 
 lery, but the rebels nearly flanked this small 
 federal force which was first brought into ac- 
 tion, and but for the opportune arrival of other 
 regiments would have achieved a decided ad- 
 vantage. The rebels brought up their forces 
 with great spirit and a determination to drive 
 the federal troops from their position, but they 
 were received with a hot fire, which compelled 
 them to fall back, and after repeated unsuccess- 
 ful attempts, charges by some of the federal 
 regiments caused them at last to give way in 
 confusion, and soon to retreat. In the midst 
 of the most determined advance on the part 
 of the rebels, General Zollicoffer was killed by 
 Colonel Fry, of the fourth Kentucky regiment, 
 while in advance of his forces. The fall of the 
 general, in whom they appeared to have most 
 confidence, probably had a dispiriting effect 
 upon some of the rebel soldiers, and they soon 
 after gave way before the severe fire, which was 
 succeeded by an impetuous charge of the fed- 
 eral troops. - 
 
 The retreat of the rebels, when they had 
 given way, was hurried and disorderly. The 
 federal troops, as soon as they received a new 
 supply of ammunition, marched in pursuit, and 
 late in the afternoon reached a position in front 
 of the rebel intrenchments.’ They were imme- 
 diately formed in line of battle, and the in- 
 trenchments were vigorously cannonaded with 
 the field artillery. Several guns were placed 
 so as to command the ferry across the Cumber- 
 land River, and shots were fired to deter the 
 enemy from attempting to cross, and in the - 
 mean time preparations were male for an as- 
 sault upon the fortifications the next morn- 
 ing. Three or four regiments arrived to reén- 
 force General Thomas in the afternoon and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 evening, and there was no doubt of a success- 
 ful assault and complete victory. But the rebel 
 commander succeeded in escaping with his 
 forces by crossing the ferry in the night, to 
 the south side of the river, abandoning his artil- 
 lery, a quantity of small arms, ammunition, and 
 camp equipage, and a large number of horses, 
 mules, and wagons. Having crossed the river 
 he destroyed the ferry boats so as to prevent 
 pursuit, and the federal forces were obliged to 
 be content with the decided victory they had 
 achieved, though disappointed in the expecta- 
 tion of capturing a large number of prisoners. 
 
 The following is General Thomas’s official 
 report of the battle: — 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO, 
 Somerset, Ky., January 31, 1862. 
 
 “Caprain: I have the honor to report that 
 in carrying out the instructions of the General 
 commanding the department, contained in his 
 communications of the 29th of December, I 
 reached Logan’s Cross Roads, about ten miles 
 north of the intrenched camp of the enemy, 
 on the Cumberland River,on the 17th inst., 
 with a portion of the second and third brig- 
 -ades, Kinney’s battery of artillery, e a bat- 
 talion of Wolford’s cavalry. The fourth and 
 tenth Kentucky, fourteenth Ohio, and the 
 eighteenth United States infantry, being still 
 in the rear, detained by the almost impassible 
 condition of the roads, I determined to halt at 
 this point to await their arrival, and to com- 
 municate with General Schoepf. 
 
 “The tenth Indiana, Wolford’s cavalry, and 
 Kinney’s battery took position on the road 
 leading to the enemy’s camp. The ninth 
 Ohio and second Minnesota (part of Colonel 
 ‘McCook’s brigade) encamped three fourths of 
 a mile to the right, on the Robertsport road. 
 
 “Strong pickets were thrown out in the di- 
 rection of the enemy, beyond where the Som- 
 erset and Mill Springs road comes into the 
 main road from my camp to Mill Springs, and 
 
 ‘s HEADQUARTERS First nei: 
 
 451 
 
 a picket of cavalry some distance in advance 
 of the infantry. 
 
 “General Schoepf visited me on the day of 
 my arrival, and, after consultation, I directed 
 him to send to my camp Standart’s battery, the 
 twelfth Kentucky, and the first and second 
 Tennessee regiments, to remain until the arri- 
 val of the regiments in the rear. 
 
 “ Having received information, on the even- 
 ing of the 17th, that a large train of wagons, 
 with its escort, was encamped on the Roberts- 
 port and Danville road, about six miles from 
 Colonel Stedman’s camp, I sent an order to 
 him to send his wagons forward, under a 
 strong guard, and to mareh with his regiment, 
 (the fourteenth Ohio,) and the tenth Ken- 
 tucky, (Colonel Harlan,) with one day’s rations 
 in their haversacks, to the point where the 
 enemy were said to be encamped, and either 
 capture or disperse them. 
 
 “Nothing of importance occurred, from the 
 time of my arrival until the morning of the 
 19th, except a picket skirmish on the 17th. 
 The fourth Kentucky, the battalion of Michi- 
 gan engineers, and Wetmore’s battery, joined 
 on the 18th. About five and a half o’clock, on 
 the morning of the 19th, the pickets from Wol- 
 ford’s cavalry, encountered the enemy advan- 
 cing on our camp; retired slowly, and reported 
 their advance to Colonel M. D. Manson, com- 
 manding the second brigade. He immediately 
 formed his regiment, (the tenth Indiana,) and 
 took a position on the road, to await the attack, 
 ordering the fourth Kentucky, (Colonel S. S. 
 Fry,) to support him, and then informed me in 
 person that the enemy were advancing in force, 
 and what disposition he had made to resist 
 them. I directed him to join his brigade imme- 
 diately, and hold the enemy'in check until I 
 could order up the other troops, which were 
 ordered to form immediately, and were march- 
 ing to the field in ten minutes afterward. 
 
 “The battalion of Michigan engineers, and 
 Company A, of the thirty-eighth Ohio, Captain 
 
452 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Greenwood, were ordered to remain as guard ||half an hour, the contest was maintained, on 
 
 to the camp. 
 
 “Upon my arrival on the field soon after- 
 ward, I found the tenth Indiana formed in front 
 of their encampment, apparently awaiting or- 
 ders, and ordered them forward to the support 
 of the fourth Kentucky, which was the only 
 whole regiment then engaged. 
 
 “J then rode forward myself to see the 
 enemy’s position, so that I could determine 
 what disposition to make of my troops as they 
 arrived. On reaching the position held by the 
 fourth Kentucky, tenth Indiana, and Wolford’s 
 cavalry, at a point where the roads fork, lead- 
 ing to Somerset, I found the enemy advancing 
 through a cornfield, and evidently endeavoring 
 to gain the left of the fourth Kentucky regi- 
 ment, which was maintaining its position in a 
 most determined manner. I directed one of 
 my aids to ride back, and order up a section of 
 artillery, and the Tennessee brigade to advance 
 on the enemy’s right, and sent orders for 
 Colonel McCook to advance, with his two regi- 
 ments, (the ninth Ohio and second Minnesota,) 
 to the support of the fourth Kentucky and 
 tenth Indiana. 
 
 “A section of Kinney’s battery took a posi- 
 tion on the edge of the field, to the left of the 
 fourth Kentucky, and opened an efficient fire 
 on a regiment of Alabamians, which was ad- 
 vancing on the fourth Kentucky. 
 
 “Soon afterwards, the second Minnesota, aee 
 P. Van Cleve,) the colonel reporting to me for 
 instructions, I directed him to take the position 
 of the fourth Kentucky and tenth Indiana, 
 which regiments were nearly out of ammuni- 
 tion. The ninth Ohio, under the immediate 
 command of Major Kaemmerling, came into 
 position, on the right of the road, at the same 
 time. 
 
 “Immediately after the regiments had gained 
 their position, the enemy opened a most deter- 
 mined and galling fire, which was returned by 
 our troops, in the same spirit, and, for nearly 
 
 _|| both sides, in the most obstinate manner. 
 
 At 
 this time, the twelfth Kentucky (Colonel W. 
 A. Hoskins) and the Tennessee brigade reached 
 the field, to the left of the Minnesota regiment, 
 and opened fire on the right flank of the enemy, 
 who then began to fall back.. The second ._Min- 
 nesota kept up a most galling fire in front, and 
 the ninth Ohio charged the enemy on the right, 
 with bayonets fixed, turned their flank, and 
 drove them from the field, the whole line giv- 
 ing way, and retreating in the utmost disorder 
 and confusion. c 
 
 . “As soon as the regiments could be formed, 
 and refill their cartridge-boxes, I ordered the 
 whole force to advance. A few miles in the 
 rear of the battle-field, a small force of cavalry 
 was, drawn up near the road, but a few shots 
 from our artillery, (a section of Standart’s bat- 
 tery,) dispersed them, and none of the enemy 
 were seen again until we arrived in front of 
 their intrenchments; as we approached their 
 intrenchments the division was deployed in 
 line of battle, and steadily advanced to the 
 summit of the hill at Moulden’s. 
 
 “From this point I directed their intrench- 
 ments to be cannonaded, which was done, until 
 dark, by"Standart’s and Wetmore’s batteries. 
 Kinney’s battery was placed in position on the 
 extreme left, at Russell’s house, from which 
 point he was directed to fire on their ferry, to 
 deter them from attempting to cross. On the 
 following morning, Captain Wetmore’s battery 
 was ordered to Russell’s house, and assisted, 
 with his Parrott guns, in firing upon the 
 ferry. j 
 
 “ Colonel Manson’s brigade took position on 
 the left, near Kinney’s battery, and every prep- 
 aration was made to assault their intrench- 
 ments on the following morning. 
 
 “The fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Stedman, and 
 the tenth Kentucky, Colonel. Harlan, having 
 joined from detached service, soon after the 
 repulse of the evening, continued with their 
 
 * 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 brigade in the pursuit, although they could not 
 get up in time to join in the fight. General 
 Schoepf also joined me, on the evening of the 
 19th, with the seventeenth, thirty-first, and 
 thirty-eighth Ohio. His entire brigade owe 
 with the other troops. 
 
 “On reaching the intrenchments, we found 
 the enemy had abandoned every thing, and re- 
 tired during the night. Twelve pieces of ar- 
 tillery, with their caissons packed with ammu- 
 nition, one battery wagon and two forges, a 
 large amount of ammunition, a large number 
 of small arms, (mostly the old flint-lock mus- 
 . kets,) one hundred and fifty or sixty wagons, 
 and upwards of one thousand horses and mules ; 
 a large amount of commissary stores, eee 
 ing tools, and camp and garrison equipage, fell 
 into our hands. A correct list of all the cap- 
 tured property will be forwarded as soon as it 
 can be made up and the property secured. 
 
 “The steam and ferry-boats having been 
 burned by the#enemy, in their retreat, it was 
 found impossible to cross the river and pursue 
 them ; besides, their command was completely 
 demoralized, and retreated with great haste, 
 and in all directions, making their capture, in 
 any numbers, quite doubtful, if pursued. There 
 is no doubt but what the moral effect pro- 
 duced by their complete dispersion, will have 
 amore desired effect, in reéstablishmg Union 
 sentiment, than though they had been cap- 
 tured. 
 
 “Tt affords me much pleasure, to be able to 
 testify to the uniform steadiness and good con- 
 duct of both officers and men, during the battle, 
 and I respectfully refer to the accompanying 
 reports of the different commanders, for the 
 names of those officers and men whose good 
 conduct was particularly noticed by them. 
 
 « A number of flags were taken on the field 
 of. battley and in the intrenchments. They will 
 be forwarded to headquarters as soon as col- 
 lected together. 
 
 453 
 
 “The enemy’s loss, as far as known, is as fol- 
 lows: Brigadier-General Zollicoffer, Lieutenant 
 Baillie Peyton, and one hundred and ninety 
 officers and non-commissioned officers and pri- 
 vates killed. 
 
 “ Lieutenant-Colonel W. B. Carter, twentieth 
 Tennessee, Lieutenant J. W. Allen, fifteenth 
 Mississippi, Lieutenant Allan Morse, sixteenth 
 Alabama, and five officers of the medical staff, 
 and eighty-one non-commissioned officers and 
 privates taken prisoners. 
 
 “Lieutenant J. HE. Patterson, twentieth. Ten- 
 nessee, and A. J. Knapp, fifteenth Mississippi, 
 and sixty-six non-commissioned officers and 
 privates wounded. Making one hundred and 
 ninety-two killed, eighty-nine prisoners not 
 wounded and sixty-two wounded. A total of 
 killed, wounded, and _ prisoners, of three hun- 
 dred and forty-nine. 
 
 “Our loss is as follows: One commissioned 
 officer and thirty-eight men were killed, and 
 fourteen officers, including Lieutenant Burt, 
 United States infantry, A. D. C., and one hun- 
 dred and ninety-four men, commissioned offi- 
 cers and privates, wounded. 
 
 “ A complete list of our killed and wounded, 
 and of the prisoners, is herewith attached. 
 
 “T am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient 
 
 servant. 
 “General Grorae H. Tuomas, 
 
 “ Brigadier-General U. S. V., commanding. 
 ‘‘ Captain James B. Fry, A. A. G., Chief of Staff, 
 Headquarters Department of the Ohio, Louisville, Ky 
 
 The rebel forces were greatly demoralized 
 by their defeat, and there were charges of 
 treachery against General Crittenden, though 
 there was TrobaDiy: little foundation for them. 
 It was an unexpected check to the rebel ad- 
 vance into the richer counties of Kentucky, 
 and it was an equally great encouragement to 
 the loyal troops and people after a long pe- 
 riod of apparent inactivity and want of success. 
 
454 
 
 CHAPTER LIX. 
 
 New Military and Naval Expeditions. — Expedition to the Coast 
 of North Carolina. — Preparations and Departure, and Arrival 
 at Hatteras Inlet.— Marine Disasters. — Delay at Hatteras 
 Inlet.— Departure of the Expedition to Roanoke Island. — 
 Entrance into Croatan Sound. — Rebel Gunboats. —Naval 
 Engagement and Bombardment of Rebel Forts. — Landing 
 of Troops.— Advance against the Rebel Positions. — Move- 
 ment through Swamps and “Impenetrable” Thickets. — The 
 Battle. —The Rebel Position flanked. —Charge upon the 
 Battery. — Flight of the Rebels. —The advance of the Fed- 
 eral Troops. — Flag of Truce and Surrender. — Complete Suc- 
 eess of the Expedition. — Official Despatches. — Expedition 
 of Gunboats to Elizabeth City.— Engagement with Rebel 
 Gunboats and Battery. — Defeat of thé Rebels and Destruc- 
 tion of their Gunboats. — Official Despatches. _ 
 
 Tue government, having determined not to 
 confine military operations to an advance from 
 the north against the rebels, but to make at- 
 tacks upon some of the most vulnerable and 
 important points on the southern coast, after 
 the capture of the islands at Port Royal en- 
 trance, made preparations for two more impor- 
 tant expeditions. One of these was organized 
 under Brigadier-General A. E. Burnside of 
 Rhode Island, to effect a landing and gain pos- 
 session of important positions on the coast of 
 North Carolina, and the other, under Major- 
 General Butler, was designed for Crake on 
 the Gulf coast. 
 
 General Burnside’s forces were collected at 
 Annapolis, Maryland, and were composed chiefly 
 of new regiments just recruited, a large pro- 
 portion of them being from New England, and 
 they numbered about twenty thousand men. 
 A naval force of twenty-four steam gunboats, 
 of small size, which were under the command 
 of Flag-Officer L. M. Goldsborough, of the 
 North Atlantic blockading fleet, was prepared 
 to codperate with the land forces. Most of the 
 gunboats had sailed separately from Hampton 
 Roads during the week previous to the sailing 
 of the transports carrying the military forces, 
 to rendezvous at Hatteras Inlet. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 forces embarked at Annapolis, and after lying 
 a short time in Hampton Roads, the large fleet 
 of transports sailed thence on the 13th of Jan- 
 uary, also for Hatteras Inlet. The expedition, 
 like that for Port Royal, experienced the stormy 
 weather for which the dangerous coast of North 
 Carolina is noted in the winter season, and 
 when the transports arrived off Hatteras Inlet, 
 the heavy swell of the sea and the high wind 
 rendered it exceedingly dangerous for the larger 
 vessels to attempt an entrance through the nar- 
 row and shallow cut in the great sand barrier 
 into the sound beyond. Several of the trans- 
 ports, though chartered under an order that. 
 they should not exceed a certain draught, were 
 found to be of too deep draught to admit a safe 
 passage over the bar and through the inlet; 
 and in the storm a large number of soldiers 
 were exposed for a time to imminent danger, 
 and the success of the expedition was in some 
 degree imperilled, or at least greatly delayed. 
 One transport, the steamer “ @ity of New York,” 
 grounded among the breakers, and though 
 the crew and passengers, after long exposure 
 within sight of the fleet inside the bar, were 
 saved, the vessel and most of her cargo were 
 lost. Several other vessels grounded upon 
 the shoals, and were seriously damaged, but 
 were more fortunate than the City of New 
 York. 
 
 After arriving inside of Hatteras Inlet the 
 expedition was delayed three weeks, waiting 
 for ordnance stores and other preparations for 
 active operations in the sound. In the mean 
 time measures were taken to ascertain the po- 
 sition of the rebels, through spies and the 
 slaves, who here, as elsewhere, came off in con- 
 siderable numbers to the federal fleet. It was 
 ascertained that the rebels were fortified on 
 Roanoke Island, lying between Roanoke Sound 
 on the east, and Croatan Sound on the west, 
 and north of Pamlico Sound, in which the fleet 
 
 The land||lay. Several armed steamers, and other vessels 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S’ ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 of small size,-were seen in the distance, and it 
 was understood that the rebels had a naval 
 force in these waters under Commander Lynch, 
 formerly of the United States navy, which 
 might prove quite formidable in conjunction 
 with the land batteries. The squadron under 
 Commodore Goldsborough, however, though 
 composed of small vessels adapted for the shal- 
 low waters of the sound, was sufficient to meet 
 any naval force.which the rebels could possibly 
 bring against him, and to contribute also to the 
 reduction of the fortifications. 
 
 All things being at last prepared, the fleet 
 sailed from Hatteras Inlet on the 5th of Febru- 
 ary, the gunboats in advance, followed by the 
 transports, the whole numbering sixty-five ves- 
 sels, and presenting a spectacle such as never 
 before had been seen in the waters of North 
 Carolina. A fleet of nearly fifty vessels was 
 still left at Hatteras Inlet, and a considerable 
 force was added to the garrison of the forts at 
 ‘the inlet, or remained on board some of the 
 vessels. The expedition proceeded slowly up 
 the sound, anchoring the first night about ten 
 miles from Roanoke Island. A storm the next 
 day prevented a further advance, navigation at 
 the entrance to Croatan Sound being difficult, 
 and the weather very thick. 
 
 On the 7th, however, the gunboats being pre- 
 pared for action, moved towards the narrow en- 
 trance, scarcely more than two hundred feet in 
 width, which is called Roanoke Inlet. It was 
 expected that the rebels had erected batteries 
 to command this narrow and difficult channel, 
 but the fleet passed through without opposi- 
 tion or obstruction. As they sailed up Croatan 
 Sound, six or seven of the rebel gunboats were 
 
 seen near the shore, as if under cover of the} 
 
 shore batteries. As soon as the federal gun- 
 boats came within long range, fire was opened 
 upon the rebel boats, and continued as the fleet 
 moved slowly up the sound, the enemy’s ves- 
 sels soon retiring to the north, as if to draw the 
 
 attacking boats under the fire of the batteries: 
 
 } 
 
 455 
 
 erected near the northern end of Roanoke 
 Island. A line of piles and sunken vessels ob- 
 structed the main channel opposite the point 
 where the batteries were erected, with a view to 
 prevent the passage of the fleet, and to detain 
 them under the fire of the forts. The rebel 
 boats, by another channel, passed these obstruc- 
 tions, but the federal boats, instead of attempt- 
 ing to pursue them, directed their fire at the 
 batteries, the principal of which was called Fort 
 Barton, and was a strong and well constructed 
 work, and armed with heavy guns. After bom- 
 barding the forts for some time, the fire of the 
 latter, which had been ineffective, began to 
 slacken, and it.was supposed that the enemy’s 
 guns would soon be silenced. But after a short 
 interval the fire from the batteries was renewed 
 with vigor,and with more precision than pre- 
 viously, and the rebel gunboats again ap- 
 proached to join in the engagement, or possibly 
 to flank the federal gunboats, and attack the 
 transports below. Flag-Officer Goldsborough 
 prevented such a movement, if contemplated, 
 by detaching some of his boats to intercept it. 
 At this time the.engagement was quite gen- 
 eral and spirited. Fire had already been com- 
 municated to the rebel barracks, and the fort 
 was enveloped in flames and smoke, but its 
 guns were served with none the less spirit. 
 The largest and best of the enemy’s gunboats 
 was also disabled, and being run ashore, was set 
 on fire by the crew and destroyed. 
 
 Shortly after, the fire of the rebel batteries 
 nearly ceased, and the transports having all 
 passed through Roanoke Inlet into the sound, 
 measures were taken for landing the troops for 
 an assault. But when several of the federal 
 gunboats were withdrawn from their advanced 
 position in order to cover the debarkation, the 
 rebel boats and batteries renewed the contest. 
 The landing of the troops, however, was not 
 delayed, and was very successfully made at a 
 cove called Ashby’s Harbor, a point about two 
 miles south of Fort Barton. The landmg 
 
456 
 
 commenced just at nightfall on the 7th, and 
 before the next morning nearly the whole 
 division had been put on shore. 
 
 On the morning of the 8th, a few shots were 
 exchanged between the federal gunboats and 
 the rebel batteries, but the rebel gunboats had 
 all disappeared in the night, and did not again 
 make their appearance. The land forces were 
 early prepared for an advance upon the rebel 
 positions, which General Burnside had pretty 
 definitely ascertained. The force was divided 
 into three columns; the centre, composed of 
 the twenty-fifth, twenty-third, and twenty-sev- 
 enth Massachusetts, and tenth Connecticut reg- 
 iments, was commanded by Brigadier-General 
 Foster; the left flanking column, consisting of 
 the twenty-first Massachusetts, fifty-first New 
 York, ninth New Jersey, and fifty-first Pennsyl- 
 vania regiments, was commanded by Brigadier- 
 General Reno; and the right flanking column, 
 formed by the fourth and part of the fifth Rhode 
 Island, and ninth New York regiments, was com- 
 manded by Brigadier-General Parke. With the 
 centre was a battery of six twélve-pounder boat 
 howitzers from the navy. ‘The approach to 
 the rebel position was through a swamp, coy- 
 ered with a thick growth of wood, and rendered 
 almost impassable by the dense underwood. 
 Upon a narrow cart road through this swamp 
 the rebels had constructed a field work, which 
 completely commanded that road, and for the 
 protection of their flanks they relied upon the 
 swamps and thickets which they considered 
 impenetrable. The federal troops, however, did 
 not find the swamps and bushes an insurmount- 
 able obstacle; but while the centre column 
 moved along the road, the flanking columns 
 struck boldly into the swamp, and by persever- 
 ance and determination, advanced so as to sup- 
 port the central column, and eventually to flank 
 and surprise the enemy. For some distance 
 in front of the rebel battery, the woods had 
 been cut'down, so that their guns could have 
 fair play upon an attacking force, and imme- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 diately in front was a pond, or natural moat, 
 which added to the strength of the work against 
 a direct assault. 
 
 Early in the march the central: column met 
 with the rebel pickets, and skirmishers annoyed 
 the troops, but fell back before their steady 
 advance. The battery of howitzers, which 
 headed General Foster’s column, having reached 
 a curve in the road, from which the rebel works 
 were seen directly across the clearing, opened 
 fire upon them, and continued a vigorous can- 
 nonade until the ammunition was exhausted. 
 In the mean time the infantry of the several 
 columns was brought up, the flanking columns 
 had penetrated the swampy thickets, and the. 
 centre was soon engaged in a musketry conflict 
 with a body of the enemy thrown out to flank 
 them. These rebel troops were soon compelled 
 to retreat befofe the federal forces, whose 
 steady advance neither the musketry nor artil- 
 lery of the enemy appeared to prevent. for 
 a time there was quite a fierce contest, the 
 advantage of protection and position being 
 greatly in favor of the rebels. But as the 
 centre advanced, and forced back the rebel 
 force sent to flank them, the flanking columns 
 of Generals Reno and Parke succeeded in over 
 coming all obstacles to their advance, and the 
 forces of the former surprised the rebels by a 
 sudden charge from the swamp on which they 
 had relied for protection. An assault from a 
 portion of General Parke’s force was made 
 about the same time, and before the advance 
 of the three columns, where they had looked 
 for but one, the rebels fled from their works 
 precipitately. 
 
 The federal troops soon followed the retreat- 
 
 ‘ing rebels, supposing that they had retired to 
 
 a stronger position behind more formidable 
 batteries. But the battle was over, and the 
 victory was won. A very slight resistance was 
 made by the pickets of one of the rebel camps, 
 and then the force, a North Carolina regiment, 
 surrendered unconditionally to General Reno. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Soon after, General Foster’s force approached 
 another camp of the rebel forces, and was met 
 by a flag of truce, the officer who accompanied 
 it asking what terms would be granted. An 
 unconditional surrender was demanded ; and 
 while the rebels yet delayed to reply to this 
 demand, General Foster advanced his troops to 
 enforce it. He was.met by Colonel Shaw, the 
 commander of the rebel forces, who surren- 
 dered his whole command, and the forts of 
 Roanoke Island. The number of rebel troops 
 thus surrendered was about twenty-five hun- 
 dred; the batteries captured numbered more 
 than thirty guns, many of large calibre, and 
 rifled; their. camps were composed of comfort- 
 able wooden barracks, and the camp equipage 
 and stores were very considerable. This suc- 
 cess was accomplished not without severe labor 
 and indomitable energy on the part of the fed- 
 eral troops, as well as an unequal exposure to 
 the fire of the enemy, by which their loss 
 greatly exceeded that of the rebels. The en- 
 tire loss of the latter was but about forty in 
 killed and wounded, while the federal loss was 
 about thirty-five killed and nearly two hundred 
 wounded and missing. On board the fleet dur- 
 ing the bombardment and the fight with the 
 rebel gunboats, the loss in killed and wounded 
 was about thirty. The following are the brief 
 despatches of General Burnside and Flag-Officer 
 Goldsborough, announcing the victory which 
 they had achieved : — 
 
 “ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT oF NortH CAROLINA, 
 ~ > Roanoke Isnany, Feb. 10, 1862. 
 
 “ Masor-GeneraL Gorge B. McCietian, Com- 
 manpinc U. 8S. Army, Wasuineton: I have the 
 honor to report that a combined attack upon 
 this island was commenced on the morning of 
 the 7th by the naval and military forces of this 
 expedition, which has resulted in the capture 
 of six forts, forty guns, over two thousand pris- 
 
 oners, and upwards of three thousand small 
 is 
 58 
 
 457 
 
 jarms. Among the prisoners are Colonel Shaw, 
 commander of the island, and O. Jennings Wise, 
 commander of the Wise Legion. The latter 
 was mortally wounded, and has since died. 
 The whole work was finished on the afternoon 
 of the 8th, after a hard day’s fighting, by a bril- 
 liant charge in the centre of the island, and a 
 rapid pursuit of the enemy to the north end 
 of the island, resulting in the capture of the 
 prisoners mentioned above. We have had no 
 time to count them, but the number is estimated 
 at nearly three thousand. 
 
 - “Our men fought bravely, and have endured 
 most manfully the hardships incident to fight- 
 ing through swamps and dense thickets. It is 
 impossible to give the details of the engage- 
 ment, or to mention meritorious officers and 
 men in the short time allowed for writing this 
 report, the naval vessel carrying it starting 
 immediately for Hampton Roads, and the report 
 of the brigadier-generals not yet having been 
 handed in. It is enough to say that the off- 
 cers and men of both arms of the service have 
 fought gallantly, and the plans agreed upon 
 before leaving Hatteras were carried out. 
 
 “T will be excused for saying in reference to 
 the action, that I owe every thing to Generals 
 Foster, Reno, and Parke, as more full details 
 will show. I am sorry to report the loss of 
 about thirty-five killed and about two hundred 
 wounded, ten of them probably mortally. 
 Among the killed are Colonel Russell of the 
 tenth Connecticut, and Lieutenant-Colonel Vic- 
 tor De Monteuil of the D’Epineuil Zouaves. 
 Both of them fought most gallantly. I regret 
 exceedingly not being able to send a full 
 report of the killed and wounded, but will 
 send a despatch in a day or two with full re- 
 turns. 
 
 “JT beg leave to enclose a copy of a general 
 order issued by me on the 9th. 
 
 “T am most happy to say that I have just 
 received a message from Commodore Golds- 
 
458 
 
 borough, stating that the expedition of his gun- 
 boats against Elizabeth City and the rebel fleet 
 has been entirely successful. He will, of course, 
 send his returns to his department. 
 
 «I have the honor to be, General, 
 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “ A. E. Burnsipg, Brigadier-General, 
 “ Commanding Departmant of North Carolina.” 
 
 ‘¢Unitep States Fiac Sure PHILADELPHIA, 
 ‘¢ Orr Roanoke Istanp, Feb. 9. 
 
 “Roanoke Island .is ours. Its military au- 
 thorities struck to us yesterday. Their means 
 of defence were truly formidable, and were used 
 with a determination worthy of a better cause. 
 They consisted of two elaborately constructed 
 works, mounting twenty-two heavy guns, three 
 being one hundred pounders, rifled, and other 
 batteries mounting twenty guns, a large pro- 
 portion of these, also, being of heavy calibre, 
 and some rifled, eight steamers of two guns 
 each, and each with a rifled gun with a diam- 
 eter of a thirty-two pounder. 
 
 “We encountered prolonged obstructions of 
 sunken vessels and piles to thwart our advance. 
 
 «A body of men numbering scarcely less 
 than five thousand are now our prisoners. 
 
 “Fighting commenced on the morning of 
 the 7th, at seven o’clock, and continued until 
 dark. It was resumed next morning early, 
 lasting until well into the afternoon, when by 
 a bold charge of our army the rebel flag was 
 made to succumb, and our own was hoisted 
 every where on the island. No attack could 
 have been more completely executed, and it 
 was carried out precisely in accordance with 
 the arrangements made before the expedition 
 left Hatteras. Detailed accounts of the naval 
 operations will be forwarded hereafter. 
 
 “T submit herewith a general order to be 
 read on the quarter-deck of each vessel. 
 
 “ Respectfully, J. M. GoxpsBoroveu. 
 
 «*To Hon, Gipron WELLES.” 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 The day after the victory at Roanoke Island 
 a naval expedition, consisting of fourteen small 
 steamers, was despatched by Flag-officer Golds- 
 borough in pursuit of the rebel gunboats, which 
 it was supposed had gone to Elizabeth City, 
 a town at the head of one of the. arms of 
 Albemarle Sound, and connected with Norfolk 
 by the canal through the Dismal Swamp. On 
 the morning of the 10th of February, this flo- 
 tilla, which was under Commander S. C. Rowan, 
 sailed up the arm or river towards Elizabeth 
 City, and soon discovered several rebel gun- 
 boats, to which chase was immediately given. 
 As the pursuers approached the city, where the 
 river narrows, a battery of four guns was dis- 
 covered, while another gun in the city com- 
 pletely commanded the channel. The federal 
 commander did not hesitate, but engaged at 
 once the rebel gunboats and batteries, closing 
 in upon them gradually, and sending a storm 
 of shot and shell from his little squadron. In 
 twenty minutes from the time of opening fire 
 a rebel schooner struck her colors, and a signal 
 was made from the battery for the crews of 
 the rebel steamers to abandon their vessels. 
 They were immediately run close to the shore 
 and set on fire,and though the federal gun- 
 boats were soon near them, only one was saved 
 from destruction, and captured. The battery 
 was abandoned at the same time as the boats, 
 and the fugitive rebels then set fire to many 
 buildings in the town, wantonly destroying 
 much valuable private property. The success 
 of the expedition was complete, the greater 
 part of the rebel naval force in the waters of 
 North Carolina having been destroyed or cap- 
 tured. This was accomplished with the loss of 
 but two killed and twelve wounded, and with 
 but little damage to the federal vessels. Flag- 
 officer Goldsborough announced this success in 
 the following despatch, enclosing the brief re- 
 port of Commander Rowan : — 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 459 
 
 “Sir: Just as I closed my despatch to you 
 yesterday, I received reliable information that 
 the rebel steamers which escaped had gone to 
 Elizabeth City. I immediately ordered Com- 
 mander Rowan to take thirteen of our steamers 
 and go in pursuit; also to deploy up the North 
 River, a link of the Albemarle and Chesapeake 
 Canal. He dashed off with a whole heart at 
 _ his work, and the way he has already accom- 
 plished the first part of it his preliminary 
 report will inform you. I have decided to send 
 the Stars and Stripes to Hampton Roads to- 
 morrow for ammunition. Mr. Van Brunt, my 
 secretary, will deliver the despatches and two 
 rebel flags to you. 
 
 “ J. M. GoupsBorovaeu.” 
 «To Hon. Gipzon WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 ‘6 STEAMER DELAWARE, 
 ‘¢ Orr EvizABetu Crry, Fed. 10. 
 
 -“T have the happiness to report that I met 
 the enemy off this place at nine o’clock this 
 morning. After a very sharp engagement we 
 succeeded in destroying and capturing his entire 
 naval force, and silencing and destroying his 
 battery on Cobb’s Point. The only vessel 
 saved from destruction is the steamer Ellis, 
 Captain Cook, who is wounded, and with the 
 other prisoners. 
 
 “T am happy to say that our casualties are 
 few.. Two or three were killed and about the 
 same number wounded. I send the steamer 
 Ellis to you under command of Acting Master 
 Chase, whom I hope you will confirm in the 
 command. 
 
 “The conduct of the gallant men I have the 
 honor to command is worthy of all praise. 
 
 “Tam happy to say that none of our vessels 
 were severely injured. 
 
 “I shall leave a small force here and visit 
 the canals, to take a look into other places, 
 before I return. 
 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “J.C. Rowan.” 
 
 CHAPTER LX. 
 
 Active Military Operations. — Policy of the Administration. — 
 Order of the President. — Movements at the West. — Rebel 
 Position at Columbus and Bowling Green. — Movement 
 against Fort Henry.— Military Dispositions. — Advance of the 
 Gunboats. — The attack and the Battle. —The Fort surren- 
 dered. — Report of Flag-Officer Foote. — Expedition up the 
 Tennessee. — Destruction of Rebel Boats and Property. — 
 Federal Gunboats at Florence, Alabama. — Union Sentiment 
 among the People. — Lieutenant Phelps’s official Report of 
 the Expedition. 
 
 Soon after the departure of General Burn- 
 side’s expedition to North Carolina there were 
 indications that active movements were to be 
 made in other quarters, and that in the spring 
 there would be an advance against the rebels 
 from all directions. The people, hardly yet 
 realizing the magnitude of the work before 
 them, had become more and more impatient of 
 the long comparative inactivity, and demanded 
 every where an aggressive policy. The sailing 
 of General Burnside’s expedition encouraged.the 
 belief that the long delay and the extensive 
 preparations were ended, and even before the 
 first success of this expedition had cheered the 
 hearts of the loyal people, a campaign more 
 stirring, if not more important, had opened at 
 the west. 
 
 The administration had determined to re- 
 spond to the call of the people for a vigorous 
 prosecution of the war, and the accession of 
 Mr. Stanton to the war department was fol- 
 lowed by a more active and energetic conduct 
 of military affairs. A general plan of opera- 
 tions was adopted, and in the latter part of 
 January the President, for the purpose of car- 
 rying it into effect, issued the following order: 
 
 ‘s EXECUTIVE MANSION, 
 ‘©WASHINGTON, January 22, 1862. 
 
 “Ordered, that the 22d day of February, 
 1862, be the day for the general movement of 
 the land and naval forces of the United States 
 against the insurgent forces; that especially 
 
 sx 
 
460 
 
 the army at and about Fortress Monroe, the 
 army of the Potomac, the army of Western 
 Virginia, the army near Munfordsville, Ken- 
 tucky, the army and flotilla at Cairo, and a 
 naval force in the Gulf of Mexico, be ready for 
 a movement on that day; and that all the 
 other forces, both land and naval, with their 
 respective commanders, obey existing orders 
 for the time, and be ready to obey additional 
 orders when duly given; that thé heads of 
 departments, and especially the Secretaries of 
 War and the Navy, with all their subordinates, 
 and the General-in-Chief, with all other subordi- 
 nates of the land and naval forces, will sever- 
 ally be held to their strict and full responsibil- 
 ities for the prompt execution of this order. 
 
 “ ABRAHAM LINCOLN.” 
 
 At the West, at least, the preparations for 
 active operations were already in an advanced 
 state, and before the time named in the Presi- 
 dent’s order the army and flotilla at Cairo, the 
 army at Munfordsville, and the army in Mis- 
 souri, were ready for the campaign. 
 
 whom these armies were to act, made it neces- 
 sary to open the campaign at an early day. 
 
 The army in the vicinity of Cairo belonged to. 
 
 the department of General Halleck, but was 
 under the immediate command of Major-Gen- 
 eral U. S. Grant, and the flotilla was com- 
 manded by Flag-Officer A. H. Foote, under 
 whose direction and vigorous management this 
 formidable branch of the service had been 
 prepared. The army near’ Munfordsville was 
 under the command of Major-General D- C. 
 Buell. The strong positions of the rebels in 
 Kentucky were at Bowling Green, where they 
 posted in formidable works, at Columbus on 
 the Mississippi River, a position of great 
 strength by nature and elaborately fortified, at 
 Fort Donelson on the Cumberland River, and 
 at Fort Henry on the Tennessee River. The 
 army of General Buell was to operate against 
 
 The posi- | 
 tion and movements of the rebel forces, against | 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the enemy near Bowling Green, and the forces 
 of General Grant, with the gunboats under 
 Flag-Officer Foote, were to move against the 
 rebel positions in Western Kentucky. 
 
 The rebel position at Columbus, which com- 
 manded the Mississippi, and until reduced 
 would prevent any movement down that river, 
 was a very strong one, and presented obstacles 
 which it would be difficult to overcome in a 
 direct attack upon the place. The gunboats 
 had several times approached Columbus and 
 exchanged shots with the forts at long range, 
 and with several rebel gunboats which were 
 stationed in the vicinity. A reconnoisance in 
 force had also been made by the army, but if a 
 direct attack upon the stronghold was contem- 
 plated, a strategical movement which should. 
 more easily accomplish the object, the opening 
 of the Mississippi at this point, was finally 
 determined upon. This was an advance against 
 
 | Forts Henry and Donelson, by which the fed- 
 
 eral army could reach the rear of the rebel 
 forces at Columbus, so that they would be 
 compelled to evacuate that position or be ex- 
 posed to a more disadvantageous attack, their 
 communication with the heavier forces at Bow- 
 ling Green being cut off 
 
 The first movement was up the Tennessee 
 River against Fort Henry, which was con- 
 structed on the right bank of that river, about 
 seventy miles from the Ohio and near the north- 
 ern boundary of Tennessee. It was erected to 
 protect the railroad which crosses the river a 
 few miles above, by which the rebels kept open 
 their communications between their forces in 
 Western Kentucky and their base in Tennessee. 
 The fort was a well constructed earthwork, 
 mounted with twenty guns and several mortars, 
 and though not protected by bomb proofs, was 
 considered by the rebel officers as sufficiently 
 strong for its purpose. It was not, however, 
 calculated to withstand a bombardment from 
 the, heavily armed gunboats of the federal 
 flotilla, and it would seem that the rebel officers 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 had hardly contemplated such an attack. Two 
 or three light-armed steamers, which they had 
 upon the river, they evidently supposed would 
 be sufficient, in conjunction with the fort, to 
 repel any federal force which should be sent in 
 this direction. They were not then aware of 
 the efficiency of the flotilla which had been 
 prepared by the federal government, several 
 of the boats of which were partially iron clad, 
 and all of them well armed. 
 
 The movement was kept a secret more suc- 
 eessfully than some previous federal expedi- 
 tions, and the real point of attack for which 
 the preparations were being made did not ap- 
 pear to the enemy until the attacking force 
 was well on its way. On the 3d of February 
 a force of ten thousand men was embarked 
 on board of transports at Cairo and Paducah, 
 and under convoy of four iron clad gunboats 
 and three others, proceeded up the Tennessee 
 River. On the 5th the transports remained at 
 a point about ten miles below Fort Henry, 
 while a portion of the gunboats proceeded up 
 the river slowly, shelling the woods as they 
 went, in order to discover any concealed battery 
 or camp of the rebels. The fire of the fort 
 was at length drawn upon the boats, and the 
 rebel position and the range of their guns were 
 ascertained. The transports then proceeded to 
 a point about four miles from the fort, where 
 the troops disembarked and encamped for the 
 night. On the morning of the 6th the land 
 forces were divided into three columns, one 
 being sent to take possession of the roads lead- 
 ing east to Fort Donelson and Dover, in order 
 to intercept reénforcements and to cut off the 
 retreat of the garrison of Fort Henry and the 
 forces in the camp near by; another to the 
 west side of the river to take possession of the 
 heights commanding the fort on that side; while 
 the third was to be prepared for an assault on 
 the enemy’s works, or to join the column first 
 named, as occasion might require. The time 
 assigned for the movement of the several 
 
 461 
 
 divisions was a comparatively late hour, all the 
 troops not having arrived at the point of land- 
 ing when the orders of General Grant were 
 issued. The land forces, in consequence of this, 
 did not take any part in the conflict of the day 
 or share in the honor of the victory. 
 
 The gunboats moved up the river at the ap- _ 
 pointed time, and soon opened fire upon the 
 fort, gradually approaching until they reached 
 within six hundred yards of the rebel works. 
 The guns of the fort were well manned, and 
 replied to the fire from the gunboats rapidly 
 and with some effect. A ball struck the boilers 
 of the gunboat Essex, disabling the engine, and 
 severely scalding the commander and a large 
 number of the crew. The Essex was conse- 
 quently obliged to drop down the river, while 
 the other three armored boats continued the 
 attack, supported at some distance by the 
 wooden gunboats. The boats were repeatedly 
 struck by thé shots from the fort, but sustained 
 no material damage or loss of men, the shots 
 falling almost harmless from the iron clad 
 casemates. On the other hand the shot and 
 shell from the boats, which were discharged 
 with great rapidity and precision, evidently 
 had a very damaging effect upon the fort. Its 
 embankment was ploughed up, the sand bags 
 and gabions with which its guns were protected 
 were knocked in pieces, several of its guns were 
 dismounted or damaged, and the shells bursting 
 over the garrison, who were unprotected by case- 
 mates, spread wounds and consternation among 
 them. In anintrenched camp outside the fort a 
 considerable part of the rebel force was posted. 
 Some of the shot and shells from the boats falling 
 in the midst of these troops, they scattered and 
 fled, leaving their arms and equipments. The 
 troops in the fort, however, were held to their 
 work by the determination of their officers and 
 by the guard stationed to prevent their escape. 
 The defence of the fort was continued till there 
 were but four guns which could be brought to 
 bear upon the flotilla, and as the fire of the 
 
462 
 latter became more and more damaging as the 
 boats came within three or four hundred yards, 
 the rebel commander, General Tilghman, con- 
 sidered a further contest useless, and the flag 
 was. lowered. The firing immediately ceased, 
 and in one hour and a quarter from the com- 
 mencement of the bombardment the victory 
 was won by the flotilla, the federal land forces 
 not yet having reached the poe to which 
 they were ordered, on account of the bad con- 
 dition of the roads and the high water of the 
 streams. A boat was sent ashore, and the 
 national flag was soon raised over the captured 
 fort, amid the most enthusiastic cheers of the 
 crews of the gunboats. After a brief parley 
 General Tilghman surrendered, with the garri- 
 son, to Flag-Officer Foote, all his other troops, 
 except a few stragglers afterwards picked up, 
 having escaped. When the troops of General 
 Grant at last arrived at the fort, the works and 
 the prisoners were transferred to him, and dis- 
 positions were at once made to hold the post, 
 the loss of which was a serious damage to the 
 rebels, and opened a passage through their 
 line of fortifications to the rear of some of 
 their important positions. 
 
 The following is the official report of Flag- 
 Officer Foote in relation to this engagement 
 and victory : — 
 
 Sa «Carro, Inu., Feb. 7, 1862. 
 
 “Str: I have the honor to report that on the 
 6th inst., at 124 o’clock, P. M., I made an attack 
 on Fort Henry, on the Tennessee River, with 
 the iron clad gunboats Cincinnati, Commander 
 Stembel, the flag-ship, the Essex, Commander 
 Porter, the Carondolet, Commander Walker, 
 and the St. Louis, Lieutenant Spaulding ; also 
 taking with me the three old gunboats Con- 
 estoga, Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps, the 
 Tyler, Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin, and the 
 Lexington, Lieutenant-Commanding Shirk, as 
 a second division, in command of ‘Lieutenant- 
 Commanding Phelps, which took a position 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 astern and in shore of the armed boats, doing 
 good execution there in the action, while the 
 armed boats were placed in the first order of 
 steaming, approaching the fort in a parallel 
 line. 
 
 “The fire was opened at seventeen hundred 
 yards distance from the flag-ship, which was 
 followed by the other gunboats, and responded 
 to by the fort. As we approached the fort, 
 slow steaming till we reached within six hun- 
 dred yards of the rebel batteries, the fire from 
 both gunboats and fort increased in rapidity 
 and aceuracy of range. At twenty minutes 
 before the flag was struck, the Essex unfortu- 
 nately received a shot in her boilers, which 
 resulted in the wounding and scalding of 
 twenty-nine officers and men, including Com- 
 mander Porter, as will be seen in the enclosed 
 list of casualties. The Essex then necessarily 
 dropped out of the line astern, entirely disa- 
 bled, and unable to continue the fight in which 
 she had so gallantly participated until the sad 
 catastrophe. | 
 
 “The firing continued with unabated rapidity 
 and effect upon the three gunboats as they 
 continued still to approach the fort with their 
 destructive fire, until the rebel flag was hauled 
 down, after a very severe and closely contested 
 action of one hour and fifteen minutes. 
 
 “ A boat containing the adjutant-general and ~ 
 the captain of engineers came alongside after 
 the flag was lowered, and reported that General 
 Lloyd Tilghman, the commander of the fort, 
 wished to communicate with the flag-officer, 
 when I despatched Commander Stembel and 
 Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps, with orders to 
 hoist the American flag where the secession 
 ensign had been flying, and to inform General 
 Tilghman that I would see him on board the 
 flag-ship. He came on board soon after the 
 Union had been substituted for the rebel flag 
 on the fort, and possession taken of it. I re- 
 ceived the general and his staff and some sixty 
 or seventy men as prisoners, and a hospital 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ship containing sixty invalids, together with 
 the fort and its effects, mounting twenty guns, 
 mostly of heavy calibre, with barracks and 
 tents capable of accommodating fifteen thou- 
 sand men, and sundry articles which, as I turned 
 the fort and its effects over to General Grant, 
 commanding the army, on his arrival in an hour 
 after we had made the capture, he will be enabled 
 to give the government a more correct state- 
 ment of them than I am enabled to communicate 
 from the short time I had possession of the 
 fort. 
 
 “The plan of attack, so far as the army reach- 
 ing the rear of the fort to make a demonstra- 
 tion simultaneously with the navy, was frus- 
 trated by the excessively muddy roads and the 
 high. stage of water, preventing the arrival of 
 our troops until sometime after I had taken 
 possession of the fort. 
 
 “On securing the prisoners and making the 
 necessary preliminary arrangements, I de- 
 spatched Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps with 
 his division up the Tennessee River, as I had 
 previously directed, and as will be seen in the 
 enclosed orders to him, to remove the rails and 
 so far render the bridge of the railroad for 
 transportation and communication between 
 Bowling Green and Columbus useless, and 
 afterwards to pursue the rebel gunboats and 
 secure their capture if possible. This being 
 accomplished, and the army in possession of 
 the fort, and my services being indispensable 
 at Cairo, I left Fort Henry in the evening of 
 the same day, with the Cincinnati, Essex, and 
 St. Louis, and arrived here this morning. 
 
 “The armed gunboats resisted effectually the 
 shot of the enemy when striking the casemate. 
 The Cincinnati, flag-ship, received thirty-one 
 shots, the Essex fifteen, and the Carondolet six, 
 killing one and wounding nine in the Cincin- 
 nati, and one in the Essex, while the casualties 
 in the latter from steam amounted to twenty- 
 eight in number. The Carondolet and St. 
 
 463 
 
 were admirably handled by the officers, pre- 
 senting only their bow guns to the enemy, to 
 avoid the exposure of the vulnerable parts of 
 their vessels. 
 
 “Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps, with his 
 division, also executed my orders very effect- 
 ually, and promptly proceeded up the river in 
 their further execution after the capture of 
 the fort. In fact, all the officers and men gal- 
 lantly performed their duty, and considering 
 the little experience they Wave had under fire, 
 far more than realized my expectations. 
 
 “Fort Henry was defended with the most 
 determined gallantry by General Tilghman, 
 worthy of a better cause, who, from his own 
 account, went into action with eleven guns of 
 heavy calibre bearing upon our boats, which 
 fought until seven of the number were disman- 
 tled or otherwise rendered useless. 
 
 “T have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 “A, H. Foors, Flag- Officer. 
 
 ‘‘To Hon. GipEon WELLS, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.”’ 
 
 General Grant in his official report to Gen- 
 eral Halleck, stated that he believed the rebel 
 forces must have commenced a retreat from 
 their camp the night previous to the attack on 
 Fort Henry, or early in the morning of that 
 day. The probability, however, is, that they 
 hastily fled when they found that the attack 
 was too powerful for the fort to withstand. 
 General Grant’s purpose was, had he not felt it 
 an imperative necessity to attack the fort that 
 day, to have invested the fort completely be- 
 fore opening the attack, so as to secure the 
 capture of the whole rebel force. But it was 
 not probable that the result would have been 
 different, or the victory more decisive or advan- 
 tageous to the federal cause. 
 
 Fort Henry having been taken, Flag-Officer 
 Foote sent three of his gunboats up the river 
 for the purpose of destroying the railroad 
 
 Louis met with no casualties. The steamers|| bridge on the line of rebel communication, and® 
 
464 
 
 the rebel steamers, and to make a reconnois- 
 sance into the state of Tennessee. These boats, 
 under command of Lieutenant Phelps, accom- 
 plished the object for which they were de- 
 spatched very successfully. Having passed and 
 destroyed the railroad bridge, with some camp 
 equipage in the vicinity, Lieutenant Phelps 
 gaye chase to several steamers loaded with 
 military stores, and after a pursuit of some 
 hours compelled the crews to abandon and 
 burn them. One Of the boats had on board 
 several submarine batteries or “ torpedoes,” 
 intended to be sunk in the river for the de- 
 struction of the federal boats, and another was 
 loaded with a large quantity of powder and 
 other ordnance stores. These caused a fearful 
 explosion, which completely destroyed the 
 
 boats and a dwelling house near by, while the 
 
 woods upon the banks of the river for a long 
 distance were cut and torn as if by a heavy 
 cannonade. Proceeding up the river the ex- 
 pedition destroyed other boats, one of which 
 was being prepared for a gunboat, and con- 
 tinued its course as far as Florence, Alabama, 
 the head of navigation, where the rebels de- 
 stroyed other of their boats upon the approach 
 of the federal gunboats. Every where along 
 the banks of the river they found loyal Union 
 men, who hailed with joy the flag of their 
 country, and numbers expressed a desire to 
 join the federal forces. The most gratifying 
 result of the expedition was the discovery of 
 so strong and so general a sentiment of loyalty 
 among the people in this portion of the re- 
 volted states. The following report of Lieuten- 
 ant Phelps gives an interesting account of the 
 expedition, and of the development of this 
 loyal sentiment : 
 
 ‘““Unrrtep States GuNBOAT CoNESTOGA, 
 ‘‘ TENNESSEE River, Feb. 10, 1862. 
 
 “Sir: Soon after the surrender of Fort Henry 
 on the 6th instant, I proceeded, in obedience 
 to your order, up the Tennessee River with 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the Tyler, Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin, Lex- 
 ington, Lieutenant-Commanding Shirk, and this 
 vessel, forming a division of the flotilla, and 
 arrived after dark at the railroad crossing, 
 twenty-five miles above the fort, having on the 
 way destroyed a small amount of camp equi- 
 page abandoned by the flying rebels. The draw 
 of the bridge was found closed and the ma- 
 chinery for turning it disabled. About half a 
 mile above were several rebel transport steam- 
 ers escaping up stream. 
 
 “A party was landed, and in one hour I had 
 the satisfaction to see the draw open. The 
 Tyler, being the slowest of the gunboats, 
 Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin landed a force 
 to destroy a portion of the railroad track, and 
 to secure such military stores as might be 
 found, while I directed Lieutenant-Command- 
 ing Shirk to follow me with all speed in chase 
 of the fleeing boats. In five hours this boat 
 succeeded in forcing the rebels to abandon and 
 burn those of their boats loaded with military 
 stores. The first one fired (Samuel Orr) had 
 on board a quantity of submarine batteries, 
 which very soon exploded. The second one 
 was freighted with powder, cannon, shot, grape, 
 balls, &. Fearing an explosion from the fired 
 boats — there were two together—I had 
 stopped at a distance of one thousand yards; 
 but even there our skylights were broken by 
 the concugsion, the light upper deck was raised 
 bodily, doors were forced open, and locks and 
 fastenings every where broken. 
 
 “The whole river for half a mile round about 
 was completely “beaten up” by the falling 
 fragments, and the shower of shot, grape, balls, 
 &c. The house of a reported Union man was 
 blown to pieces, and it is suspected there was 
 design in landing the boats in front of the 
 doomed house. The Lexington having fallen 
 behind, and being without a pilot on board, I 
 concluded to wait for both of the boats to come 
 up., Joined by them we proceeded up the 
 river. Lieutenant-Commanding Gwin had de- 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 stroyed somé of the trestle work of the end 
 of the bridge, burning with them lots of camp 
 equipage. J.N. Brown, formerly a lieutenant 
 in the navy, now signing himself C. 8. N., had 
 fled with such precipitation as to leave his 
 papers behind. These Lieutenant-Commanding 
 Gwin brought away, and I send them to you, 
 as they give an Official history of the rebel 
 floating preparations on the Mississippi, Cum- 
 berland, and Tennessee. Lieutenant Brown 
 had charge of the construction of gunboats. 
 
 “At night on the 7th we arrived at a landing 
 in Hardin county, Tennessee, known as Cerro 
 Gordo, where we found the steamer Eastport 
 ' being converted into a gunboat. Armed boat 
 crews were immediately sent on board, and 
 search made for means of destruction that 
 might have been devised. She had been scut- 
 tled, and the suction pipes broken. These 
 leaks were soon stopped, A number of rifle 
 shots were fired: at our vessels, but a couple of 
 shells dispersed the rebels. On examination I 
 found that there were large quantities of timber 
 and lumber prepared for fitting up the Kast- 
 port; that the vessel itself—some two hun- 
 dred and eighty feet long — was in excellent 
 condition and already half finished ; considera- 
 ble of the plating designed for her was lying 
 on the bank, and every thing at hand to com- 
 plete her. I therefore directed Lieutenant- 
 Commanding Gwin to remain with the Tyler 
 to guard the prize and to load the lumber, &e., 
 while the Lexington and Conestoga should pro- 
 ceed still higher up. 
 
 “Soon after daylight on the 8th we passed 
 Eastport, Mississippi, and at Chickasaw, further 
 up near the state line, seized two steamers, the 
 Sallie Wood and Muscle — the former laid up 
 and the latter freighted with iron — destined 
 for Richmond and for rebel use. We then pro- 
 ceeded on up the river, entering the state of 
 Alabama, and ascending to Florence at the foot 
 of the Muscle Shoals. On coming in sight of 
 the town three steamers were discovered, which 
 
 59 
 
 465 
 
 were immediately set on fire by the rebels. 
 Some shots were fired from the opposite side 
 of the river below. A force was landed, and 
 considerable quantities of supplies marked 
 ‘Fort Henry, were secured from the burning 
 wrecks. Some had been landed and stored. 
 These I seized, putting such as we could bring 
 away on our vessels, and destroying the remain- 
 der. No flats or other craft could be found. I 
 found, also, more of the iron and plating in- 
 tended for thé Eastport. 
 
 “ A deputation of citizens of Florence waited 
 upon me, first desiring that they might be 
 made able to quiet the fears of their wives and 
 daughters with assurances from me that they 
 would not be molested ; and secondly, praying 
 that I would not destroy their railroad bridge. 
 As for the first, I told them we were neither 
 ruffians nor savages, and that we were there to 
 protect from violence and to enforce the law; 
 and with reference to the second, that if the 
 bridge were away we could ascend no higher, 
 and that it could possess no military impor- 
 tance, so far as I saw, as it simply connected 
 Florence itself with the railroad on the south 
 bank of the river. » | 
 
 “We had seized three of their steamers, one 
 the half-finished gunboat, and had forced the 
 rebels to burn six others loaded with supplies, 
 and their loss, with that of the freight, is a 
 heavy blow to the enemy. Two boats are still’ 
 known to be on the Tennessee, and are doubt- 
 less hidden in some of the creeks, where we 
 shall be able to find them when there is time 
 for the search. We returned on the night of 
 the 8th to where the Eastport lay. The crew 
 of the Tyler had already gotten on board of 
 the prize an immense amount of lumber, &e. 
 The crews of the three boats set to work to 
 finish the undertaking, and we have brought 
 away probably two hundred and fifty thousand 
 feet of the best quality of ship and. building 
 lumber, all the iron, machinery, spikes, plating, 
 nails, &c., belonging to the rebel gunboats, and 
 
466 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 I caused the mill: to be destroyed where the 
 lumber had been sawed. 
 
 “TLieutenant-Commanding Gwin had in our 
 absence enlisted some twenty-five T’ennesseeans, 
 who gave information of the encampment of 
 Colonel Drew’s rebel regiment at Savannah, 
 Tennessee. A portion of the six or seven 
 hundred men were known to be * pressed” 
 men, and all were badly armed. After consulta- 
 tion with Lieutenants-Commanding Gwin and 
 Shirk, I determined to make a land attack upon 
 the encampment. Lieutenant-Commanding 
 Shirk, with thirty riflemen, came on board the 
 Conestoga, leaving his vessel to guard the 
 Eastport, and accompanied by the Tyler we 
 preceeded up to that place, prepared to land 
 one hundred and thirty riflemen and a twelve- 
 pounder rifle howitzer. Lieutenant-Commander 
 Gwin took command of this force when landed, 
 but had the mortification to find the camp de- 
 serted. 
 
 “The rebels had fled at one o’clock in the 
 night, leaving considerable quantities of arms, 
 clothing, shoes, camp utensils, provisions, im- 
 plements, &c., all of which were secured or 
 destroyed, and their winter quarters of log 
 huts were burned. I seized also a large mail 
 bag, and send you the letters giving military 
 information. The gunboats were then dropped 
 down to a point where arms, gathered under 
 the rebel “press law,” had been stored, and an 
 armed party under Second-Master Goudy, of 
 the Tyler, succeeded in seizing about seventy 
 rifles and fowling pieces. Returning to Cerro 
 Gordo we took the Eastport, Sallie Wood, and 
 Muscle in tow, and came down the river to the 
 railroad crossing. The Muscle sprang a leak, 
 and all efforts failing to prevent her sinking, 
 we were forced to abandon her, and with her a 
 considerable quantity of fine lumber. We are 
 having trouble in getting through the draw of 
 the bridge here. 
 
 “T now come to the, to me, most interesting 
 portion of this report — one which has already 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 become lengthy; but I must trust you -will 
 find some excuse for this in the fact that it 
 embraces a history of labors and movements, 
 day and night, from the 6th to the 10th of the 
 month, all of which details I deem it proper to 
 give you. We have met with the most grati- 
 fying proofs of loyalty every where across Ten- 
 nessee and in the portions ‘of Mississippi and 
 Alabama we visited. Most affecting instances 
 greeted us almost hourly. Men, women, and 
 children several times gathered in crowds of 
 hundreds, shouted their welcome, and _ hailed 
 their national flag with an enthusiasm~there 
 was no mistaking ; it was genuine and heart- 
 felt. ‘Those people braved every thingy to go * 
 to the river bank, where a sight of their flag 
 might once more be enjoyed, and they have 
 experienced, as they related, every possible 
 form of persecution. Tears flowed freely down 
 the cheeks of men ag well as of women, and 
 there were those who had fought under the 
 stars and stripes at Moultrie who in this man- 
 ner testified to their joy. 
 
 “This display of feeling and sense of glad- 
 ness at our success, and the hopes it created in 
 the breasts of so many people in the heart of 
 the confederacy, astonished us not a little, and 
 I assure you, sir, I would not have failed to 
 witness it for any consideration. I trust it 
 has given us all a higher sense of the sacred 
 character of our present duties. I was assured 
 ab Savannah that of the several hundred troops 
 there, more than one half, had we gone to the 
 attack in time, would have hailed us as deliv- 
 erers, and gladly enlisted with the national 
 force. : 
 “In Tennessee the people generally, in their 
 enthusiasm, braved secessionists, and spoke 
 
 |their views freely, but in Mississippi and Ala- 
 
 bama what was said was guarded. ‘If we 
 dared express ourselves freely, you would hear 
 such a shout greeting your coming as you 
 never heard’ ‘We know there are many 
 Unionists among us, but a reign of terror makes 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 us afraid of our shadows. We were told, too, 
 ‘Bring usa small, organized force, with arms 
 and ammunition for us, and we can maintain 
 our position, and put down rebellion in our 
 midst’ There were, it is true, whole commu- 
 nities who, on our approach, fled to the woods, 
 but these were where there was less of the 
 loyal element, and where the fleeing steamers 
 in advance had spread#tales of our coming 
 with firebrands, burning, destroying, ravishing, 
 and plundering. 
 “The crews of these vessels have had avery 
 laborious time, but have evinced a spirit in the 
 work highly creditable to them. Lieutenants- 
 Commanding Gwin and Shirk have been un- 
 tiring, and I owe to them and to their officers 
 many obligations for our entire success. 
 “Tam, respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 “S. L. PHEtrs, 
 
 “ Tieutenant-commanding, U. S. NN. 
 «“ Flag-Officer A. H. Footn, U.S. N., 
 “Commanding Naval Forces Western Waters.” 
 
 CHAPTER: LXI. 
 
 Movement against Fort Donelson. — Position of the Fort, and 
 Strength of the Work.— Rebel Garrison.— Advance of 
 General Grant’s Forces. — Preparations to invest the Fort. — 
 Skirmishes. — Unsuccessful Assault.— Rebel Sortie. — Gun- 
 boat Reconnoissance and Engagement. — Storm. — Exposure 
 of Federal Troops. — Arrival of Reénforcements. — Attack 
 by the Gunboats. —Heavy Bombardment. —The Louisville 
 disabled. — Withdrawal of the Gunboats. — Extreme Cold. — 
 Preparations for Battle. — Rebel Movement. — Desperate 
 Assault on the Federal Right. — The Federal Troops driven 
 back. —Loss of a Battery and Prisoners. — Rebel Advance 
 checked. —The Federal Positions held by the Rebels on the 
 Right.— Action of General Grant.— A general Assault. — 
 Assault and gallant Charge by General Smith’s Troops. —"The 
 Rebels driven from their Intrenchments. — Assault on the 
 Right by, General Lew. Wallace.— Brilliant Success. — The 
 lost Ground regained.— Discouragement of the Rebels. — 
 Transfer of Commands and Escape of Floyd and Pillow. — 
 The Surrender. — Fruits of the Victory. 
 
 Arter the capture of Fort Henry, additional 
 federal forces were sent to that point, and Gen- 
 eral Grant made preparations to move against 
 the stronger and more important rebel position | 
 
 46 
 
 at Fort Donelson, near the small town of Dover, 
 on the Cumberland River, and about twelve 
 miles east of Fort Henry. Before his entire 
 command had arrived at the latter place, Gen- 
 eral Grant ordered a part of it, about eight 
 thousand men, who were on the way up the 
 Tennessee River in transports, to return down 
 the river, and then proceed up the Cumberland, 
 convoyed by the gunboats, to a point a few 
 miles below Fort Donelson. With about fifteen 
 thousand men and some sixteen batteries of 
 artillery, he then marched from Fort Henry, on 
 the 12th of February, across the country, to 
 attack the rebel stronghold, arranging his plans 
 so that the troops sent by the boats should 
 land at about the same time that he brought 
 the others into position for the intended attack. 
 The weather was mild and pleasant, and the 
 roads were in excellent condition for the season, 
 so that the several columns in which the army 
 moved made good progress, and met with no 
 obstacles or inconveniences to dampen the 
 ardor and confidence of victory with which 
 they entered upon the campaign. 
 
 Fort Donelson was a position of great 
 strength. As the key to the Cumberland 
 River, by which, during the high stages of the 
 water, the federal forces and the gunboats, 
 which had already created a salutary fear among 
 the rebels of the west, could advance into the 
 heart of Tennessee, the rebel generals had 
 expended much labor and skill in attempting 
 to make it impregnable. At a slight bend in 
 the river, a short distance below Dover, they 
 had constructed two water batteries nearly 
 down to the water’s edge, one of which was 
 mounted with nine heavy guns and the other 
 with three, all of which commanded the river 
 for a long distance. These guns were pro- 
 tected by breastworks of great thickness, and 
 were in such a favorable position that they 
 were considered by the rebel officers as capable 
 of preventing the advance of any gunboats or 
 transports that might attempt to ascend the 
 
468 
 
 river. 
 the river rise rather abruptly, and, a mile below 
 the village of Dover, form a bluff or hill about 
 one hundred feet above the water, on which 
 Fort Donelson itself was constructed. It was 
 an irregular earthwork, which enclosed nearly 
 a hundred acres. It contained only a very few 
 heavy guns, but as the work was designed to 
 protect a land force which should occupy this 
 position, it could be defended by field artillery, 
 both within the intrenchments, in the outworks, 
 and upon the natural ridges, by which the sur- 
 face west of the fort is broken. Immediately 
 around the fort the timber was cleared so as to 
 expose any storming party to the unobstructed 
 fire of the rebel guns. Beyond this clearing 
 were woods, which at the west of the fort had 
 been cut down in some places and formed into 
 formidable abatis. These abatis rendered an 
 advance upon that side exceedingly difficult 
 and dangerous, but were also found an obstruc- 
 tion to the movement of the rebels themselves. 
 Still beyond the abatis, and nearly a mile from 
 the fort, rifle pits, with occasional breastworks, 
 extended along the top of high ridges almost 
 entirely around the position, from the river 
 bank above the village nearly to the river again 
 a mile below the fort. 
 
 Within these works there were about eigh- 
 teen thousand rebel troops, under command of 
 Generals Floyd, Pillow, Buckner, and Bushrod 
 Johnson, well supplied with field artillery in 
 addition to the heavy guns of the fort and bat- 
 teries. Upon the surrender of Fort Henry 
 reénforcements had been hurried from Bowling 
 Green to assist in defending and holding this 
 point of vital importance for the safety of re- 
 bellion in Tennessee, and, if occasion offered, 
 to recapture Fort Henry. With this force it 
 was confidently expected that any federal force 
 which could be brought against the position 
 would be repulsed and defeated. The event, 
 however, proved that the plans of the federal 
 commander, and the numbers and bravery of 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 Back of these batteries the banks of | 
 
 STATES. 
 
 his troops, were too formidable for the strength 
 of the rebel position, the skill of their officers, 
 or the courage and dash of their soldiers. 
 
 The country west of the fort, through which 
 the army of General Grant advanced, is undu- 
 lating and thickly wooded, the hills varying in 
 height from one hundred to three hundred feet, 
 and separated by narrow valleys and ravines. 
 Through this countryy which was carefully ex- 
 amined by the advance, General Grant’s forces 
 approached the fort to a point where it was 
 necessary to form for the attack, about two 
 miles from the fort. The enemy’s pickets had 
 already been met as the columns advanced, and 
 compelled to retire, but the nature of the 
 ground afforded opportunities for them to an- 
 noy seriously the federal troops as they moved 
 forward from, one ridge to another. As the 
 several brigades arrived at the front, they were 
 moved to the right and left, until the whole 
 army was disposed in a line, the extremities of 
 which were to be gradually advanced towards 
 the river, thus investing the rebel position. 
 
 ‘The right wing, which extended towards the 
 
 river on the south of the fort, was commanded 
 by General McClernand, and the left, which was 
 towards the western and north-western sides 
 of the fortifications, was under the command 
 of General Smith. The evening of the day 
 on which the troops had moved from Fort 
 Henry saw this general disposition of them made, 
 te officers in command of the two wings being 
 instructed to place the artillery in position, and 
 to advance their forces the next morning 
 towards the river, on the south and north of 
 the fort. In this position the federal troops 
 lay upon their arms during the night. They 
 had brought no tents and camp equipage, and 
 were obliged to content themselves with cold 
 rations and the cover of a blanket only. This 
 night was mild and pleasant, and in the antici- 
 pation of a sharp battle on the morrow, and 
 the, hopes of victory, discomforts like these 
 were of little account. Subsequent nights, 
 
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_ their batteries and the exte 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN'’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 however, when warm weather was succeeded 
 by a snow storm and piercing cold, the brave 
 troops suffered intensely. 
 
 The morning of the 13th was clear and 
 pleasant, and with the dawn the skirmishers 
 were sent forward into the valley and ravines | 
 before the rebel intrenchments, and the artil- 
 lery, which had been posted on the hills, opened 
 a slow fire upon the distant camp of the enemy, 
 and upon such points as appeared to be held 
 by rebel troops. The response of the rebel 
 artillery gradually revealed the position of 
 of their works, 
 which were found to be more formidable than 
 the federal officers had anticipated. But the 
 plan determined upon was carried out. On the 
 right the brigades of General McClernand were 
 moved forward in a series of reconnoissances, 
 in which, with only slight skirmishes, the enemy 
 retired from some of his advanced positions, 
 and this wing was extended well towards the 
 river above Dover. In the mean time a body 
 of sharpshooters, who had been sent forward 
 as skirmishers, had greatly annoyed the rebels 
 whenever they showed themselves above their 
 rifle pits and breastworks, and had _ effectually 
 silenced a battery which had commanded a 
 road by which the federal troops advanced. 
 General Smith, on the left, had advanced his 
 brigades in a similar manner, and by noon the 
 line of his.forces was so far extended as nearly 
 to complete the investment of the rebel position, 
 and to be within easy .reach of the division 
 which was to come up the Cumberland and land 
 below the fort. 
 
 In the afternoon of this day General McCler- 
 nand ordered an assault upon a redoubt erected 
 upon a high hill, which formed a part of the 
 ridge along which the rebel outworks were 
 constructed. Krom its commanding position, 
 and the more open country in front of it, the 
 battery in this redoubt had annoyed the federal 
 troops as they advanced over the brow of a 
 hill, unprotected by woods, and to carry this 
 
 SEE 
 
 469 
 
 position would not only save further loss or 
 interruption of that kind, but would give the 
 federal forces one of the most advantageous 
 positions for further movements against the 
 enemy. Three regiments of Illinois troops, 
 under command of Colonel Morrison, were 
 detailed for this assault, and they advanced 
 gallantly to the work in spite of a galling fire 
 of musketry and artillery from the enemy. 
 They had nearly reached the breastworks when 
 Colonel Morrison fell, and his own regiment fell 
 into some confusion. The others advanced, 
 however, but found it impossible to pass through 
 the abatis immediately in front of the works, 
 and after a few discharges of musketry they 
 were forced to retire, with considerable loss. 
 The federal artillery prevented any pursuit by 
 the rebel force, which had been concentrated 
 at this point upon the indications of an assault. 
 On the left wing the rebels were more bold, 
 and made a sortie upon an Indiana regiment, 
 which had got into an exposed position. This 
 regiment resisted bravely until reénforced, when 
 the enemy was in turn driven back. 
 
 In the mean time the division of federal 
 troops, which proceeded up the Cumberland 
 River, and was expected to arrive at the land- 
 ing place below Fort Donelson on the night of 
 the 12th, had not. made its appearance. This 
 delay caused some uneasiness, as the extensive 
 circuit necessary to invest the fort required a, 
 larger number of troops, and the codperation 
 of the gunboats was desired to divide the at- 
 tention of the enemy, and to weaken his bat- 
 teries if they could not even destroy his works. 
 But in the afternoon of the 13th the Caron- 
 dolet, an iron-clad gunboat, which had sailed in 
 advance of the other vessels, arrived below the 
 fort, and her commander immediately proceeded 
 to make a reconnoissance. Taking a position 
 somewhat protected by a slight promontory 
 jutting out from the bank of the river, the 
 Carondolet opened fire upon the water batteries 
 of the fort. ‘Mhese batteries replied with all 
 
"470 
 
 their guns, making a very unequal contest for 
 the gunboat, but the latter was damaged by 
 only one shot, which wounded several men, 
 and after discharging a hundred shots, some 
 of which seriously damaged the batteries, with- 
 drew to await the arrival of the other gunboats. 
 
 This closed the operations of Thursday, the 
 13th. The federal forces had gradually .ad- 
 vanced and extended their lines, and though 
 they had gained no decided advantage in a 
 contest with the enemy, they had obtained po- 
 sitions from which future movements could be 
 advantageously made. The night of the.13th 
 was cold and stormy. The weather had thus 
 far been very mild and pleasant, but towards 
 evening on this day the air grew cold and rain 
 commenced falling, which was succeeded by a 
 severe snow storm. The federal troops lay 
 upon their arms in the positions to which they 
 had been brought during the day, without tents 
 or shelter save such as the leafless trees afforded. 
 Many of them during the warm weather of the 
 morning had laid aside their overcoats and 
 blankets, which were now left in the rear, and 
 suffered intensely from exposure to the cold 
 and storm. During the night the rebels made 
 a sortie against one of the positions of the 
 right wing, attempting to capture a battery 
 which had during the afternoon seriously 
 troubled them. The federal troops, however, 
 notwithstanding their fatigue and suffering 
 from cold, met the assailants and drove them 
 back. 
 
 On the morning of the 14th the earth was 
 covered with snow and ice, and the air was un- 
 usually cold for that part of the country. The 
 unfavorable condition of the ground, and the 
 discomfort of the troops, were sufficient to 
 delay immediate operations, while the landing 
 of the reénforcements from the transports, 
 which had-arrived during the night, rendered 
 it expedient to wait till they had joined the 
 main army, and the attack could thus be made 
 more formidable. There wa therefore no 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 demonstration of hostilities by the land forces, 
 beyond some slight skirmishing of the sharp- 
 shooters in the advance, and an occasional dis- 
 charge of artillery. On the river, however, 
 the gunboats, which had come up with the 
 transports, made a combined attack upon the 
 fortifications. The attack was made, as at Fort 
 Henry, by four iron-clad gunboats in advance, 
 and three wooden gunboats at a safer distance, 
 the flotilla being under the command of Flag- 
 Officer Foote. A heavy bombardment ensued, 
 in which the guns of the fort and of the water 
 batteries repliedto the rapid fire of the boats. 
 The cannonade for a time was terrific, as it 
 echoed among the hills along the banks of the 
 river, and in apparent. fierceness greatly ex- 
 ceeded that at Fort Henry, but with less effect 
 against the fortifications than in the attack on 
 that work. Fort Donelson was too high for the 
 
 guns of the boats to be used against it very 
 
 successfully while in motion, but the shots were 
 thrown at it with great perseverance and with 
 some apparent effect, as some of its guns ceased 
 to respond. ‘Against the water batteries a 
 heavier fire was directed, with the prospect of 
 soon silencing them. As the boats continued 
 the engagement they slowly approached the 
 fortifications, and they had already got within 
 about four hundred yards, and could soon have 
 used grape shot to drive the rebel gunners 
 from their works, when a shot disabled the 
 steering apparatus of the Louisville, and a 
 chance shot from one of the wooden boats in 
 the rear destroyed her rudder, so that she be- 
 came unmanageable, and as she swune round 
 in the current received further damage from 
 the rebel guns. This mischance deranged the 
 plans for the attack, and the gunboats soon 
 withdrew in order to repair damages, after an 
 engagement of two hours, during which the 
 Louisville lost six killed and eight or ten 
 wounded, and a few were wounded on the other 
 boats..' The damage to the vessels, except the 
 Louisville, was inconsiderable, and the officers 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and men were anxious to renew the attack, 
 confident that they would be successful. 
 
 The night following was exceedingly cold, 
 and the troops again suffered intensely. But 
 the dispositions were made for the battle on the 
 morrow, which it was hoped would be decisive, 
 and, notwithstanding their sufferings, the sol- 
 diers were ready and eager to enter the con- 
 flict. The morning was cold and cheerless, 
 and gave promise of a stormy day. The 
 chilled troops had hardly partaken of their 
 cold rations when the gray dawn revealed the 
 fact that the rebels also had been making a 
 new disposition of their forces, and had con- 
 centrated a number of their batteries, and 
 massed a large number of troops upon the 
 extreme right of the federal lines. This move- 
 ment was made with a view to drive back the 
 right wing of the federal army,so as to open a 
 passage by which the rebel forces could be 
 withdrawn in case the attack should be suc- 
 cessful at other points. As soon as it was 
 sufficiently light these batteries opened a heavy 
 fire upon Ogleby’s brigade of five regiments, 
 which held the advance at this point, and im- 
 mediately afterwards a force of eight or ten 
 thousand infantry, as estimated by the federal 
 officers, with a considerable cavalry force, ad- 
 vanced from the rebel works against the brig- 
 ade. The sally was unexpected, and the rebel 
 troops advanced with great impetuosity and 
 determination. Their numbers seemed over- 
 whelming, but the brave soldiers of Illinois, 
 who composed the brigade, notwithstanding 
 they were not adequately supported by artil- 
 lery, stood their ground, and for a time held 
 in check the greatly : ve numbers of the 
 enemy, driving a portion of them back to their 
 intrenchments. The rebel general, however, 
 determined to make a desperate attempt here, 
 and rapidly bringing up his troops, he forced 
 back the gallant federal brigade, whose ammu- 
 nition had been exhausted. Another brigade, 
 under the command of Colonel W. H. L. Wal- 
 
 471 
 
 lace, then met the advancing enemy, and the 
 fierce contest continued till this brigade, and 
 still other troops, were dfiven back by the 
 rebels in their powerful and determined attack. 
 There was, however, no rout, and in most of. 
 the regiments but little confusion. The federal 
 troops fell back slowly, contesting every inch 
 of ground, as the rebel General Pillow in his 
 official report acknowledged, and it was only 
 when the rebels swept on with continued suc- 
 cess, and their ammunition was exhausted, that 
 their retreat became at all hasty. The loss on 
 both sides was large, and the rebels succeeded 
 in capturing a battery of six guns and several 
 hundred prisoners. The commander of the 
 battery was unable, through loss of horses and 
 the condition of the ground, to drag his guns 
 away, and the prisoners who were captured 
 were the wounded, and such as persistently stood 
 their ground till they were actually surrounded 
 by the enemy. 
 
 But the rebel battalions which were advan- 
 cing with so much success, elated with what they 
 fancied was a victory, were at last stopped in 
 their progress by some strongly posted and 
 very skilfully managed batteries, supported by 
 fresher troops. The fire from this artillery was 
 rapid and effective, and with the musketry of 
 its supporting force compelled the rebels, in 
 their turn, to retire. They held, however, the 
 position which had been occupied in the morn- 
 ing by the federal troops on the right, and the 
 battle for a time subsided, having continued 
 from dawn till nearly noon. 
 - General Grant had gone in the morning to 
 the extreme left of his forces, on the river 
 below the fort, to confer with Flag-Officer 
 Foote, and this conflict had taken place during 
 his absence. He had ascertained that a com- 
 bined naval and military attack could not be 
 made for two or three days, but he found upon 
 his return that such delay, under existing ‘cir- 
 cumstances, would either strengthen the rebels 
 and demoralize his own forces, or would enable 
 
472 
 
 the rebel force to escape by the ground where 
 they had relieved themselves from investment. 
 He must at least refrieve the lost ground, and 
 again complete the investment of the rebel 
 works. Accordingly preparations were at once 
 made to regain, before night, all that had been 
 lost since the morning. 
 
 On the left General Smith had successfully 
 disposed of his forces, and awaited the order 
 for an attack upon his side. His troops had 
 not yet been seriously engaged, with the ex- 
 ception of a small portion of them, and they 
 were eager to take part in the battle which 
 had raged on their right. An attack on his 
 side would create a diversion in favor of the 
 right wing, and render it more easy to regain 
 the lost positions. The attack was accordingly 
 ordered, and with two brigades of troops from 
 Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, and Missouri, he ad- 
 vanced against the enemy’s position. The 
 ridges upon which the rebels were posted in 
 front of General Smith’s division were steep, 
 and in some places precipitous, and’ to storm 
 them was a difficult task in the face of a de- 
 termined foe. But selecting three regiments 
 for a storming party, the main body of his 
 division was moved to occupy the attention of 
 the enemy on the right, and when the latter 
 had commenced a demonstration against the 
 works in their front General Smith himself 
 led the storming party up the steep ascent. 
 They were met bya fierce fire of musketry 
 and artillery, which opened gaps in their ranks ; 
 but closing up as fast as their comrades fell, the 
 soldiers followed their commander with enthu- 
 siasm and daring. In excellent order they 
 reached the top of the ridge, and opening with 
 a volley, they then charged upon the rebel 
 force with a shout of victory, and drove them 
 back from their rifle pits and intrenchments in 
 dismay. The position being thus gained, the 
 storming party was at once supported by 
 the other troops with artillery, and the line 
 was held in such force that the rebels could 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 scarcely hope to dislodge them. The afternoon 
 was now far advanced, and though the troops 
 were eager to press forward, it was not deemed 
 expedient to continue the attack until the 
 right wing should also advance. The outer line 
 of the enemy’s intrenchments had been carried, 
 and the federal troops were in a position from 
 which, with increased numbers, they could 
 successfully storm the interior works on the 
 morrow. 
 
 While these movements were taking place 
 on the left, preparations were made for an at- 
 tack from the federal right, in order to regain 
 the ground lost in the morning, and to again 
 complete the investment of the rebel works. 
 To General Lew. Wallace this work was in- 
 trusted, and, with a part of his own brigade 
 and several other regiments which had not 
 been seriously engaged in the battle of the 
 morning, he advanced towards the positions 
 still held by astrong force of the enemy, though 
 a part of the numbers which had driven back 
 the federal line in the morning had been with- 
 drawn. Just as General Wallace’s troops were 
 about to commence the attack, the success of 
 General Smith on the left was announced, and 
 with an enthusiastic shout they dashed for- 
 ward. . Commencing the engagement with 
 volleys at long range, they moved rapidly for- 
 ward in spite of the storm of shells and grape 
 hurled at them by the rebel artillery. As soon 
 as the regiments which were in advance had 
 approached sufficiently near the rebel lines, 
 they ceased firing and made a gallant charge, 
 before which the enemy gave way and retired 
 in confusion. Followed close by a strong sup- 
 port, the advance ee pressed forward, 
 driving the rebel regiments before them into 
 their inner line of intrenchments, recapturing 
 the battery abandoned in the morning, regain- 
 ing the lost ground, and even a more advanced 
 position. Here, too, as on the left, the officers 
 and men elated with their success, were eager 
 to continue the fight, and to storm the enemy’s 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 stronghold. But night was at hand, and con- 
 fident that his troops were now in positions 
 where they could keep the rebel forces in their 
 fortifications, General Grant determined to give 
 them rest, and to delay an assault until the 
 next morning. Another night the troops lay 
 upon their arms without shelter; but they were 
 now confident of victory, and determined to 
 avenge their fallen comrades whose bodies 
 were found where they had fallen in the battle 
 of the morning, and they were only anxious 
 for the morrow, which should see their triumph, 
 and end their privations. 
 
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 4, General McClernand’s Division. 
 5. General Smith’s Division. 
 D. Village of Dover. 
 
 1, Water Batteries. 
 2. Breastworks. 
 3. Abatis. 
 
 In the rebel intrenchments discouragement 
 had succeeded the triumph of the morning. 
 They had made a desperate and successful 
 
 effort to relieve their position of investment, | 
 
 60 
 
 473 
 
 and open a passage for retreat. But before 
 they could avail themselves of their . hard- 
 earned success, they were again driven back, 
 and again encompassed, as they supposed by a 
 greatly increased federal force, which was in a 
 position, and ready, to make a final assault with 
 overwhelming numbers. Their condition is 
 thus described by General Pillow: “ We had 
 fought this battle to open the way for our 
 ‘army and relieve us from investment, which 
 would necessarily reduce us and the position 
 by famine. We had occupied the whole day 
 to accomplish our object, and before we could 
 prepare to leave, after taking in the wounded 
 and the dead, the enemy had thrown around 
 us again in the night an immense force of fresh- 
 troops, and re-occupied his original position in 
 the line of investmegt, thus cutting off our 
 retreat.” 
 
 Under these circumstances the rebel gen- 
 erals héld a council to determine what should 
 be done. The impossibility of holding the 
 works appears to have been admitted by all 
 these officers, but they did not agree upon 
 the course which should be pursued. General 
 Buckner, who was in command of the position 
 opposite General Smith’s forces, confessed that 
 he could not hold it against the assault which 
 would be made at dawn, and as there were not 
 boats by which they could transport their 
 troops up the river, he saw no other course 
 than to surrender on such terms as could be 
 obtained. Generals Floyd and Pillow were 
 both the superiors of General Buckner in com- 
 mand; but though they professed to be op- 
 posed to a surrender, they did not exercise 
 their right to order any different course. They 
 could not but feel that a surrender was neces- 
 sary either at once, or after a vain, and perhaps 
 bloody struggle, but they were not willing to 
 share in the disgrace, nor the direct responsi- 
 bility of such an act. Accordingly, they went 
 through the forms of transferring the command 
 
 from Floyd to Pillow, and from Pillow to Buck- 
 
474 
 
 ner, who was willing to act according to the |{ 
 
 necessity of the case, and who, at least, exhib- 
 ited more honor and humanity than his supe- 
 riors, by standing with his subordinate officers 
 and men, saving them from further sacrifice, 
 and sharing with them the disgrace of a sur- 
 render. General Floyd, with a part of his own 
 troops, succeeded in retreating, by means of a 
 transport, up the Cumberland in the night, 
 taking with him two hundred federal pris- 
 oners who had been captured the morning 
 previous. General Pillow with his staff also 
 escaped, and General Buckner was left in com- 
 mand, to perform the unpleasant duty of capit- 
 ulating. In relation to this unusual course of 
 action on the part of the superior officers, 
 General Pillow, in his official report to the rebel 
 government, wrote as fqllows:— 
 
 “In this condition the general officers held a 
 consultation to determine what we should do. 
 General Buckner gave it as his decided’ opinion 
 that he could not hold his position .one half 
 hour against an assault of the enemy, and said 
 the enemy would attack him next morning at 
 daylight. The proposition was then made by 
 the undersigned to again fight our way through 
 the enemy’s line, and cut our way out. Gen- 
 eral Buckner said his command was so worn 
 out, and cut to pieces, and demoralized, that he 
 could not make another fight; that it would 
 cost the command three quarters of its present 
 number to cut its way through, and it was 
 wrong to sacrifice three quarters of a command 
 to save a quarter; that no officer had a right 
 to cause such a sacrifice. General Floyd and 
 Major Gilman I understood to concur in this 
 opinion. 
 
 “1 then expressed the opinion that we could 
 hold out another day, and in that time we could 
 get steamboats and set the command over the 
 river, and probably save a large portion of it. 
 
 To this General Buckner replied that the enemy | 
 would certainly attack him at daylight, and that | 
 
 he could not hold his position half an hour. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. | 
 
 “The alternative of these propositions was a 
 surrender of their position and command. Gen- 
 eral Floyd said that he would neither surrender 
 the command, nor would he surrender himself 
 a prisoner. I had taken the same _ position. 
 General Buckner said he was satisfied nothing 
 else could be done, and that, therefore, he 
 would surrender if placed in command. Gen- 
 eral Floyd said he would turn over the com- 
 mand to him if he could be allowed to with- ~ 
 draw his command. To this General Buckner 
 consented. Thereupon General Floyd turned 
 the command over to me. I passed it instantly 
 to General Buckner, saying I would neither 
 surrender the command nor myself a prisoner. 
 I directed Colonel Forrest to cut his way out. 
 Under these circumstances General Buckner 
 accepted the command, and sent a flag of truce 
 to the enemy for an armistice of six hours, to 
 negotiate for terms of capitulation. Before this 
 flag and communication were delivered, I re- 
 tired from the garrison.” 
 
 It may be observed, in this connection, that 
 the reports of Generals Pillow and Floyd were 
 considered very unsatisfactory by the rebel 
 government, and their conduct of affairs gen- 
 erally for the defence of Fort Donelson, as well 
 as their extraordinary action in transferring 
 the command for the purposes of capitulating, 
 were severely condemned by Mr. Davis, in his 
 message transmitting the reports to the rebel 
 congress. 
 
 When the morning of Sunday, the 16th of 
 February, dawned, the federal troops who were 
 ready for, and were eagerly expecting the 
 order for an assault upon the enemy’s works, 
 but to their surprise a white flag was raised 
 over the fort, and already a messenger had 
 come from General Buckner, with a communi- 
 cation for General Grant, proposing an armis- 
 tice for the purpose of arranging the terms of 
 capitulation. General Grant replied that no 
 terms other than an unconditional and immedi- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ate surrender. could be accepted, and that he 
 proposed to move immediately upon the rebel 
 works. General Buckner accepted these terms, 
 which he considered “ ungenerous and unchival- 
 rous,” and the federal troops were soon moved 
 forward to take possession of the fort, over 
 which the national flag was raised, amid the 
 shouts of victory from the federal troops. The 
 rebel forces laid down their arms and surren- 
 - dered as prisoners of war, and the most impor- 
 tant and decisive victory of the war, thus far, 
 
 was consummated by the capture of nearly} 
 
 thirteen thousand prisoners, and the possession 
 of a most important stronghold of the rebels. 
 About fourteen thousand stand of small arms 
 were taken, and upwards of forty pieces of 
 artillery, the greater part of which consisted 
 of field batteries. 
 not won without a heavy loss on both sides. 
 The federal loss was about two hundred and 
 forty killed, one thousand and seventy-five 
 - wounded, and two hundred missing. The rebel 
 loss was two hundred and thirty killed, and 
 upwards of one thousand wounded. According 
 to some rebel reports the forces in the fort 
 numbered about fourteen thousand, though by 
 other authority they were placed as high as 
 eighteen thousand. The position and strength 
 ‘of the works were such that this force could 
 maintain themselves against a much larger 
 number of assailants. It was both the supe- 
 rior numbers, essential in such an engagement, 
 and the valor of the federal troops, that 
 achieved the victory. 
 
 CHAPTER LXII. 
 
 Official Reports of the Capture of Fort Donelson. — Report of 
 General Grant.— Report of Colonel W. H. L. Wallace. — 
 Report of General Lew. Wallace. — Report of Colonel 
 Lauman.—General Grant’s Order. —General Lew. Wal- 
 lace’s Order. —General McClernand’s Order. —Flag-Officer 
 Foote’s Report. 
 
 Tus following official, reports of the engage- 
 
 This important victory was 
 
 475 
 
 ments before Fort Donelson, and its capture, 
 embrace the operations in the different parts 
 of the field : — 
 
 GENERAL GRANT’S REPORT. 
 ‘¢ HeapQuaRTERS ARMY IN THE Fretp, 
 Fort Donetson, February 16, ron 
 
 “GENERAL: Iam pleased to announce to you 
 the unconditional surrender, this morning, of 
 Fort Donelson, with twelve to fifteen thousand 
 prisoners, at least forty pieces of artillery, and 
 a large amount of stores, horses, mules, and 
 other public property. 
 
 “T left Fort Henry on the twelfth instant, 
 with a force of about fifteen thousand men, 
 divided into two divisions, under the command 
 of Generals McClernand and Smith. Six regi- 
 ments were sent around by water the day 
 before, convoyed by a gunboat, or rather started 
 one day later than one of the gunboats, with 
 instructions not to pass it. 
 
 “The troops made the march in good order, 
 the head of the column arriving within two miles 
 of the fort at twelve o’clock, M.. At this point 
 the enemy’s pickets were met and driven in. 
 
 “The fortifications of the enemy were from 
 this point gradually approached and_ sur- 
 rounded, with occasional skirmishing on the 
 line. The following day, owing to the non- 
 arrival of the gunboats and reénforcements 
 sent by water, no attack was made; but the 
 investment was extended on the flanks of the 
 enemy, and drawn closer to his works, with 
 skirmishing all day. The evening of the 
 13th, the gunhoats and reénforcements arrived. 
 On the 14th a gallant attack was made by 
 Flag-Officer Foote upon the enemy’s works, 
 with his fleet. The engagement lasted, proba- 
 bly, one hour and a half, and bade fair to result 
 favorably to the cause of the Union, when two 
 unlucky shots disabled two of the armored 
 gunboats, so that they were carried back by 
 the current. The remaining two were very 
 much disabled also, having received a number 
 of heavy shots about the pilot-house and other 
 
476 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 parts of the vessels. After these mishaps, I 
 concluded to make the investment of Fort 
 Donelson as perfect as possible, and partially 
 fortify, and await repairs to the gunboats. This 
 plan was frustrated, however, by the enemy 
 making a most vigorous attack upon our right 
 wing, commanded by General J. A. McCler- 
 nand, with a portion of the force under Gen- 
 eral Lew. Wallace. The enemy were repulsed 
 after a closely contested battle of several 
 hours, in which our loss was heavy. ‘The offi- 
 cers, and particularly field officers, suffered out 
 of proportion. I have not the means yet of 
 determining our loss even approximately, but it 
 cannot fall far short of one thousand two hun- 
 dred killed, wounded, and missing. Of the 
 latter, I understand through General Buckner, 
 about two hundred and fifty were taken pris- 
 oners. I shall retain enough of the enemy to 
 exchange for them, as they were immediately 
 shipped off, and not left for recapture. 
 
 “ About the close of this action the ammuni- 
 tion in the cartridge-boxes gave out, which, 
 with the loss of many of the field officers, pro- 
 duced great confusion in the ranks. Seeing 
 that the enemy did not take advantage of this 
 fact, I ordered a charge upon the left — ene- 
 my’s right — with the division under General 
 C. F. Smith, which was most brilliantly exe- 
 cuted, and gave to our arms full assurance of 
 victory. The battle lasted until dark, giving 
 us possession of part of their intrenchments. 
 An attack was ordered upon their other flank, 
 after the charge by General Smith was com- 
 menced, by the divisions under Generals Mc- 
 Clernand and Wallace, which, notwithstanding 
 the hours of exposure to a heavy fire in the 
 fore part of the day, was gallantly made, and 
 the enemy further repulsed. At the points 
 thus gained, night having come on, all the 
 troops encamped for the night, feeling that a 
 complete victory would crown their labors at 
 an early hourin the morning. This morning 
 
 oO? 
 at a very early hour, General 8. B. Buckner 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 sent a message to our camp, under a flag of 
 truce, proposing an armistice, &e. A copy of 
 the correspondence which ensued is herewith 
 accompanied. 
 
 “T cannot mention individuals who spe- 
 cially distinguished themselves, but leave that 
 to division and brigade officers, whose reports 
 will be forwarded as soon as received. To di- 
 vision commanders, however, Generals McCler- 
 nand, Smith, and Wallace, I must do the justice 
 to say, that each of them were with their com- 
 mands in the midst of danger, and were always 
 ready to execute all orders, no matter what the 
 exposure to themselves. 
 
 “ At the hour the attack was made on Gen- 
 eral McClernand’s command I was absent, hav- 
 ing received a note from Flag-Officer Foote, 
 requesting me to come and see him, he being 
 unable to call. 
 
 “My personal staff— Colonel J. D. Webster, 
 Chief of Staff; Colonel J. Riggin, Jr., volun- 
 teer Aid; Captain J. A. Rawlins, A. A. General ; 
 Captains C. B. Lagow and W. 5S. Hillyer, Aids, 
 and Lieutenant-Colonel V. B. McPherson, Chief 
 Engineer — all are deserving of personal men- 
 tion for their gallantry and services, 
 
 “For full details, and reports and particulars, 
 reference is made to the reports of the engi- 
 neer, medical director, and commanders of 
 brigades and divisions, to follow. 
 
 “J am, General, very respectfully, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “U.S. Grant, Brigadier- General. 
 
 ‘¢General G. W. Cuntum, 
 “ Chief of Staff Department of Missouri.” 
 
 REPORT OF GENERAL W. H. L. WALLACE. 
 
 Unitep Stares ADVANCE FoRCEs, 
 
 «* Heapquarters, Suconp Brieapn, First Drvision, 
 Forr Donetson, Trenn., February 17, 1862. 
 
 “Str: I have the honor to submit the fol- 
 lowing report of the operations of my brigade, 
 from the time of leaving Fort Henry, on the 
 11th instant, up to the 16th instant, when the 
 federal forces entered this fortification. ~. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “About noon of the 11th instant, while in 
 camp at Fort Henry, I received orders from Gen- 
 eral McClernand to put the infantry and artillery 
 of my brigade on the march, and move out 
 three or four miles on the telegraph road 
 towards this place. At four o’clock P.M, the 
 forces designated marched out, and encamped 
 on the road, four miles from Fort Henry. At 
 sunrise on the next day, (the 12th instant.) I 
 was joined by Colonel Dickey’s cavalry, and 
 marched with my whole command, by the tel- 
 egraph road, towards Fort Donelson, keeping up 
 frequent communication with Colonel Oglesby’s 
 first brigade, which was moving at the same 
 time by the right road, Colonel Dickey’s cav- 
 alry reconnoitring the country as the column 
 marched. Soon after noon I came within sight 
 of the enemy’s encampments on the opposite 
 side of the creek, about a mile in advance. 
 Having caused the road to be reconnoitred, and 
 finding the creek impassable on account of 
 back water from the Cumberland, I moved to 
 the right, up the creek, and effected a junction 
 with Colonel Oglesby’s brigade in the low 
 grounds west of Fort Donelson, when heavy 
 wooded hills intervened between us and the 
 enemy’s position. Colonel Dickey’s cavalry 
 was again thrown forward, and occupied the 
 heights, and thoroughly scouted and reconnoi- 
 tred the grounds in front. Colonel Oglesby’s 
 brigade moved up the railroad to the south of 
 Fort Donelson, while I threw my brigade, by 
 its front, into the heights, dragging the artillery 
 up the steep, wooded hills. After further re- 
 connoitring, the brigade advanced and occupied 
 a ridge south of the centre of the enemy’s for- 
 tifications, with its right resting on the left of 
 Colonel Oglesby’s brigade. ‘Some slight skir- 
 mishing occurred here, and after resting in this 
 position for an hour or more, and further re- 
 conngitring, in accordance with the orders of 
 General McClernand, I moved the brigade by 
 the right flank, following Colonel Oglesby’s bri- 
 
 gade across the valley towards the left of the 
 
 477 
 
 enemy’s position. By this time it was dark, 
 and Colonel Oglesby’s brigade being involved 
 in ground which had not been reconnoitred, 
 and which was very hilly, and covered with a 
 dense growth of underbrush, I was ordered by 
 the general commanding the division to return 
 to the position on the west of the valley, which 
 I did, moving by the left flank, when my bri- 
 gade rested for the night. At daylight, on the 
 morning of the 13th, the enemy opened fire 
 with his artillery from the inside redoubt. 
 Soon afterwards, by order of General McCler- 
 nand, I marched the eleventh, twentieth, forty- 
 fifth regiments, and Taylor’s battery, to the 
 right across the valley, leaving McAllister’s 
 battery, supported by the forty-eighth Ilinois 
 infantry, on the ridge west of the valley, and 
 ordered Colonel Dickey’s cavalry to move in 
 rear, with detachments thrown towards the 
 right, to reconnoitre the Cumberland. and Do- 
 ver. Reaching the high grounds east of the 
 valley, Taylor’s battery was put in position on 
 the road leading up to Dover, where the left 
 of the enemy’s lines rested behind earthworks 
 — intrenchments strengthened by strong abatis 
 in front. The whole force continued to move 
 steadily to the right, Colonel Oglesby’s brigade 
 heading the artillery of his brigade and Tay- 
 lor’s battery on the road, while the infantry 
 was in rear of and near to the road. Along 
 this road the artillery advanced, taking succes- 
 sive positions to the right, and keeping up a 
 constant cannonade on the enemy’s works on 
 the right and in the middle redoubt across the 
 valley. The open space afforded a fine oppor- 
 tunity for artillery practice at a long range, 
 and the fire of Taylor’s, Schwartz’s, and Dress- 
 er’s guns, warmly returned by those of the 
 enemy in the middle redoubt and the works on 
 the left, presented a rare example of the use 
 of that arm of the service. 
 
 “ About noon I was ordered by General Mc- 
 Clernand to detach the forty-eighth regiment, 
 (Colonel Hayne,) to operate with the seven- 
 
478 - 
 
 teenth Illinois, (Major Smith commanding,) and 
 the forty-ninth Illinois, (Colonel Morrison,) of 
 the third brigade, in making an assault on the 
 enemy’s middle redoubt, on the hill west of 
 
 the valley, supported by the fire of McAllister’s 
 
 guns. 
 
 “This force was under the command of Colo- 
 nel Hayne, as senior colonel. ‘They formed in 
 line and advanced in fine order across the in- 
 tervening ravines, and mounted the steep 
 heights upon which these works are situated 
 in the most gallant manner, and under a heavy 
 fire of musketry from the enemy, posted in the 
 lines of the earthwork. They advanced up 
 the hill, delivering their fire with coolness and 
 
 precision. The line not being long enough to 
 
 envelop the works, by order of General Mc-| 
 
 Clernand, I detached the forty-fifth Illinois 
 (Colonel Smith) to their support on the right. 
 This regiment advanced in beautiful order 
 down the slope, across the valley, and up the 
 Opposite steep, with skirmishers deployed in 
 front, and were soon warmly engaged. These 
 operations had given the enemy time to reén- 
 force their position with strong bodies of in- 
 fantry from his reserves in the rear, and field 
 artillery, which opened a destructive fire on 
 line. The roll of musketry 
 showed the enemy in powerful force behind 
 his earthwork; notwithstanding, our forces 
 charged gallantly up the heights to the very 
 foot of the works, which were rendered impass- 
 able by the sharp, strong points of brushwood 
 in which it was built. All the regiments en- 
 gaged in this daring attempt suffered more or 
 less from the enemy’s fire. In the mean time 
 the enemy began to show in strength in his 
 intrenchments in front of Colonel Oglesby’s 
 brigade. Schwartz’s battery was advanced 
 along the road to within three hundred yards 
 of the works, but being without canister range, 
 they were withdrawn by General McClernand’s 
 order, and directed Captain Taylor to throw 
 forward two sections of his battery to that 
 
 the advancing 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 position. The position being beyond the reach 
 of my lines, the infantry support was to be 
 furnished from Colonel Oglesby’s brigade, 
 which was immediately in the rear. These 
 sections took their positions under the most 
 galling fire of rifles and musketry from the 
 enemy’s lines. The ground was covered with 
 brush, and some time was required to put the 
 army in position, and during this time the 
 enemy’s fire was very galling, and Taylor’s 
 men suffered somewhat from its effects. As 
 soon as his position was gained, however, the 
 rapid and well directed fire of the sections soon 
 silenced the enemy. The coolness and daring 
 of the officers and men of these sections, di- 
 rected by Captain Taylor in person, are worthy 
 of high praise. 
 
 “The forty-eighth, forty-fifth, forty-ninth and 
 seventeenth regiments having been ordered to 
 retire from the hill where they had so gallantly 
 assaulted the enemy’s works, the forty-fifth and 
 forty-eighth resumed their position in my line, 
 and Colonel Morrison, commanding the seven- 
 teenth and forty-ninth, having been wounded 
 in this assault, these regiments were tempora- 
 rily attached to my brigade, and acted under 
 my orders during the subsequent operations, 
 until noon of the 15th, 
 
 “The night of the 13th was one of great 
 suffering and hardships to the whole command. 
 We lay within point-blank musket and rifle 
 range of the enemy’s breastworks; and at 
 dark a storm of rain, soon turning to snow, and 
 accompanied by severe blasts, beat upon the 
 unprotected ranks. The pickets of the enemy 
 were out in strong force, and a constant firing 
 between his pickets and our own was kept up 
 during the night. The spirits of the men, 
 animated and encouraged by the conduct of 
 their officers, never flagged, notwithstanding 
 they were without tents or fire, and were ex- 
 posed to the storm and assailed by the enemy’s 
 shot. ‘ 
 
 “During the night it was evident that the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 enemy were receiving large reénforcements, 
 and when morning broke on the 14th, it 
 showed that they had been busy during the 
 night in erecting new works in commanding 
 positions, and mounting them with guns. Mc- 
 
 Allister’s battery was ordered from the other | 
 
 side of the valley, and put into position on the 
 road. During this day my brigade occupied a 
 position a little in the rear of the road, and 
 under cover of the hill; the right resting on 
 the left of Colonel Oglesby’s line, and being 
 within three or four hundred yards of the sa- 
 lient angle of the enemy’s works on his left. 
 We lay in this position most of the day, the 
 order of the regiments from right to left being 
 as follows: Eleventh, twentieth, forty-eighth, 
 forty-fifth, forty-ninth, and seventeenth. Tay- 
 lor’s battery was posted at the intervals between 
 the seventeenth and forty-ninth. McAllister’s 
 guns were distributed along the point; Dick- 
 ey’s cavalry were in the rear and on the right, 
 
 to observe the enemy and guard the flank.| 
 
 Under instructions from General McClernand, 
 to commence the construction of a small earth- 
 work on the road to cover three or four guns, 
 Mr. Frecellion, of the forty-ninth, had charge 
 of the work, which was completed during the 
 night, and two of McAljister’s guns and a ten- 
 pound rifle gun of the first Mississippi artillery, 
 were placed on it the next morning. During 
 the whole of the 14th a rambling and irregular 
 fire of sharpshooters was kept up, varied by 
 occasional discharges of artillery. The enemy’s 
 shells and round shot fell at times thickly within 
 the lines, but the casualties were few. 
 _ “At daybreak on the morning of the 15th, 
 the enemy threwa heavy force of infantry 
 and cavalry, supported by field artillery and 
 his batteries within the work, out of his in- 
 trenchments, and commenced a vigorous assault 
 upon the right of the whole line. 
 
 “The attack was commenced and continued 
 
 with great spirit, and gradually drove back our 
 
 extreme right. About seven o’clock A. M., the 
 
 479 
 
 eleventh and twentieth Ilinois, on my right, 
 became engaged with a heavy force of the 
 enemy’s infantry. They charged up the hill 
 and gained the road in front of my position, 
 but the moment the rebel flag appeared above 
 the hill, a storm of shot from the eleventh and 
 twentieth drove them back in confusion. Again 
 a new and fresh line of infantry appeared, and 
 I ordered the whole line, except the seven- 
 teenth and the left wing of the forty-ninth, to 
 advance and occupy the hill. The forty-ninth 
 advanced boldly and in order to the brow of 
 the hill, where they were exposed, uncovered, 
 not only to the fire of the enemy’s infantry, 
 but to a raking of the enemy’s batteries of 
 artillery across the valley. They opened their 
 fire, supported by Taylor’s battery and two of 
 MeAllister’s guns, (one having been disabled 
 by a shot from the enemy’s cannon,) and for — 
 some time the conflict was strong and fierce. 
 But at length the strong masses of the enemy’s 
 infantry gave way before the steady, well-di- 
 rected, and continued fire of the right of my 
 line. They fell back, however, only to give 
 place to another line of fresh troops, who ad- 
 vanced to the support, and who were also com- 
 pelled by the steady, unflinching valor of our 
 men, to give way. 
 
 “In the mean time there were indications 
 that the enemy were gaining some advantage 
 on the right of the whole line. Reénforce- 
 ments, consisting of Kentucky and Indiana 
 troops, had been sent forward past my position 
 to support the right, but notwithstanding this, 
 it became evident to me from the sounds com- 
 ing from the direction of the enemy’s shot, 
 which began to rake my line from the rear of 
 my right, that the right of the lme was giving 
 way. My orders being peremptory to hold 
 that position of the line occupied by my bri- 
 gade to the last extremity, I sent one of my aids 
 to General McClernand with information of the 
 state of affairs, and to express my fears that 
 
 my right flank would be completely turned, 
 
480 
 
 unless reénforcements should be speedily sent 
 to that quarter. Finding that no reénforce- 
 ments were within reach, and General McCler- 
 nand having left me to my discretion if I found 
 my position untenable, and seeing that the 
 enemy steadily advanced on my right flank, 
 and was speedily gaining my rear, many of the 
 corps having exhausted their ammunition, I 
 gave orders to move the whole brigade to the 
 rear up the road, with a view of forming a new 
 line of battle. Before this order was given, 
 all our troops on the right of my brigade had 
 fallen back, except the thirty-first Illinois, 
 Colonel John A. Logan, who occupied the left 
 of Colonel Oglesby’s brigade. Immediately 
 adjoining the thirty-first, and on the right of 
 my line, was the eleventh Illinois, Lieutenant- 
 Colonel T. E. G. Ransom, commanding. When 
 the order to retire was given, it failed to reach 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Ransom, who, with the elev- 
 enth regiment, was gallantly supporting the 
 thirty-first against a fierce onslaught on their 
 right. Rapidly as the gaps were opened in 
 the ranks of the enemy, they were as promptly 
 closed to the right, and the shortway point 
 alone showed the destructiveness of that fire. 
 Soon the thirty-first, their ammunition having 
 failed, retired, and the eleventh took their 
 place, changing front to the rear under a most 
 galling fire, with all the coolness and precision 
 of veterans. 
 
 “In the mean time the order to retire was 
 being executed in good order by the other 
 regiments in the brigade. The character of 
 
 the ground rendered it impossible for me to 
 
 see the whole line at once. When the elev- 
 enth changed their front, they were exposed 
 to a fire in front and on both flanks, and the 
 enemy’s cavalry charging upon their flank,they 
 were thrown into some confusion and retired, but 
 steadily and in comparatively good order. Af 
 ter falling back some half a mile, I halted the 
 brigade, and as rapidly as possible procured a 
 supply of ammunition, and formed a second 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 line of battle. At this point Colonel Ross, of 
 the nineteenth I]linois, arrived on the field and 
 took command of the seventeenth and forty- 
 ninth regiments, and we were reénforced by 
 some troops of General Lew. Wallace’s divis- 
 ion, and with their aid, and with the assistance 
 of Taylor’s battery and some-pieces of Dress- 
 ers and Willard’s batteries, the advance of 
 the enemy was checked, and he was driven 
 within his intrenchments, leaving a large num- 
 ber of his dead and wounded on the field. 
 
 “Tn order to a due appreciation of the cour- 
 age, endurance, and fortitude of the men by 
 whom this victory has been won, it must be 
 borne in mind that they marched from Fort 
 Henry without transportation, or tents, or ra- 
 tions, except what they carried, and that they 
 were exposed for three days and nights without 
 tents, and almost without fires, being so near 
 the enemy’s lines as to render fires imprudent ; 
 that the weather was extremely severe — two 
 nights they were thus exposed, accompanied 
 with driving snow-storms and severe cold; that 
 during the whole three days, they were under 
 fire, and compelled to bivouac in line of battle, 
 with their arms in their hands. Added to this, 
 most of them had never seen a battle, and but 
 few had ever heard a hostile shot. Under all 
 the circumstances, it is certainly a great matter 
 of congratulation that so long and fierce a con- 
 flict, against an intrenched enemy, fighting on 
 a position well known to him and unknown to 
 us, and so greatly superior in artillery, has re- 
 sulted so gloriously for our arms. 
 
 “Very respectfully, Your obedient servant, 
 
 “W. H. L. Wattace, 
 “ Oplonel commanding Second Brigade, First Div.” 
 
 | «Major M, BrayMan, Assistant Adjutant-General First Division.” 
 
 REPORT OF GENERAL LEW. WALLACE. 
 
 ‘«¢Hrapquarters Tutrp Drviston U. 8. Forczs, 
 District or Wrst TENNESSEE, 
 Fort Henry, February 20, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: A report of the action of my division 
 
“ 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 before Fort Donelson has been delayed from 
 various causes. I submit it to the general as 
 speedily as possible. 
 
 “The position of the third division was in 
 the centre of the line of attack, General Mc- 
 Clernand being on the right, and General Smith 
 on the left. My orders, received from General 
 Grant, were to hold my position and prevent 
 the enemy from escaping in that direction — 
 in other words, to remain there and repel any 
 sally from the fort. Under the orders, I had 
 no authority to take the offensive. 
 
 “The line established for my command was 
 on the cone of a high ridge, thickly wooded 
 to the front and rear, and traversed by a road 
 which made the way of communication from 
 the right to the left of our army. The right 
 of my division, when posted, was within good 
 
 supporting distance from General McClernand, | 
 
 and not more than five hundred yards from the 
 enemy’s outworks; indeed, my whole line was 
 within easy cannon shot from them. 
 
 “The evening of the 14th (Friday) was 
 quiet, broken at intervals by guns from the 
 rebels. At night, pickets were sent to the 
 front along the line, which was retired some- 
 what behind the ridge, to enable the men in 
 safety to build fires for their bivouacs. They 
 lay down, as best they could, on beds of ice and 
 snow, a strong cold wind making their condi- 
 tion still more disagreeable. 
 
 “The morning of the 15th my division 
 
 formed line early, called up by the sound of) 
 battle raging on the extreme right, supposed || 
 ducted by their brigade commanders, Colonels 
 
 at first to be General McClernand attacking. 
 The firing was very heavy and continuous, 
 being musketry and artillery mixed. About 
 eight o’clock came a message from General 
 McClernand, asking assistance. It was hurried 
 to headquarters, but General Grant was, at that 
 time, on board one of the gunboats, arranging, 
 as was understood, an attack from the river side. 
 Before it was heard from, a second message 
 reached me from General McClernand, stating, 
 61 
 
 |effect was- very perceptible. 
 
 48] 
 
 substantially, that the enemy had turned his 
 flank,and were endangering his whole command. 
 Upon this, Colonel Cruft was instantly ordered 
 to move his brigade on to the right, and report 
 to General McClernand. Imperfectly directed 
 by a guide, the colonel’s command was carried 
 to the extreme right of the engaged lines, 
 where it was attacked by a largely superior 
 force, and, after the retreat or retirement of 
 the division he was sent to support, for a time 
 bore the brunt of the battle. After a varied 
 struggle, charging and receiving charges, the 
 enemy quit him, when he fell back in position 
 
 nearer to support, his ranks in good order and 
 }unbroken, except where soldiers of other regi- 
 
 ments plunged through them in hurried retreat. 
 In this way, a portion of Colonel Shackelford’s 
 regiment, (twenty-fifth Kentucky,) and about 
 twenty of the thirty-first Indiana, with their 
 
 ‘commanding officers, became separated from 
 
 their colors. 
 “Soon fugitives from the battle came crowd- 
 
 ing up the hill, in rear of my own line, bring- 
 
 ing unmistakable signs of disaster. Captain 
 Rawlins was conversing with me at the time, 
 when a mounted officer galloped down the 
 road, shouting, “We are cut to pieces!” The 
 To prevent a 
 panic among the regiments of my third bri- 
 gade, I ordered Colonel Thayer to move on by 
 the right flank. He promptly obeyed. Going 
 in advance of the movements myself, I met 
 portions of regiments of General McClernand’s 
 division coming back in excellent order, con- 
 
 Wallace, Oglesby and McArthur, and all calling 
 for more ammunition, want of which was the 
 cause of their misfortune. Colonel Wallace, 
 whose coolness under the circumstances was 
 astonishing, informed me that the enemy were 
 following, and would shortly attack. The 
 crisis was come; there was no time to await 
 orders; my third brigade had to be thrust 
 between our retiring forces and the advancing 
 
482 
 
 foe. Accordingly I conducted Colonel Thayer’s 
 command up the road, where the ridge dips 
 towards the rebel works; directed the colonel 
 to form a new line of battle at a right angle 
 with the old one; sent for company A, Chicago 
 light artillery, and despatched a messenger to 
 inform General Smith of the state of affairs, 
 and ask him for assistance. The head of 
 Colonel Thayer’s column filed right, double- 
 quick. Lieutenant Wood, commanding the 
 artillery company sent for, galloped up with a 
 portion of his battery, and posted his pieces so 
 as to sweep approach by the road in front; a 
 line of reserve was also formed at convenient 
 distance in the rear of the first lime, consisting 
 of the seventy-sixth Ohio, and forty-sixth and 
 fifty-seventh Illinois. 
 
 “The new front thus formed covered the 
 retiring regiments, helpless from lack of am- 
 munition, but which coolly halted not far off, 
 some of them actually within reach of the en- 
 emy’s musketry, to refill their cartridge-boxes. 
 And, as formed, my new front consisted of 
 Wood’s battery across the road; on the right 
 of the battery, the first Nebraska and fifty- 
 eighth Illinois; left of the battery, a detached 
 company of the thirty-second Illinois, Captain 
 Davison, and the fifty-eighth Ohio, its left ob- 
 liquely retired. 
 
 Scarcely had this formation been made when 
 the enemy attacked, coming up the road, and 
 through the shrubs and trees on both sides of 
 it, and making the battery and the first Ne- 
 
 braska the principal points of attack. They 
 met this storm, no man flinching, and their fire 
 was terrible. ‘To say they did well is not 
 enough — their conduct was splendid. They 
 alone repelled the charge. Colonel Cruft, as 
 was afterwards ascertained, from his position 
 saw the enemy retire to their works pell-mell, 
 and in confusion. Too much praise cannot be 
 given Lieutenant Wood and his company, and 
 Lieutenant-Colonel McCord and his sturdy regi- 
 ment. That was the last sally from Fort Donelson. | 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “This assault on my position was unquestion- 
 ably a bold attempt to follow up the success 
 gained by the enemy in their attack on our 
 right. Fortunately, it was repelled. Time was 
 thus obtained to look up Colonel Cruft’s bri- 
 gade, which, after considerable trouble, was 
 found in position to the right of my new line, 
 whither it had fallen back. Riding down its 
 front, I found the regiment in perfect order, 
 having done their duty nobly, but with severe 
 loss, and eager for another engagement. The 
 deployment of a line of skirmishers, readily 
 united them with Colonel Thayer’s brigade, and 
 once more placed my command in readiness 
 for orders. 
 
 “ About three o’clock, General Grant rode up 
 the hill, and ordered an advance and attack on 
 the enemy’s left, while General Smith attacked 
 their right. At General McClernand’s request 
 I undertook the proposed assault. Examining 
 the ground forming the position to be assailed, 
 (which was almost exactly the ground lost in 
 the morning,) I quickly arranged my column 
 
 of attack. At the head were placed the eighth 
 
 Missouri, Colonel M. L. Smith, and the eleventh 
 Indiana, Colonel George McGinniss, the two 
 regiments ‘making a brigade, under Colonel 
 Smith. Colonel Cruft’s brigade completed the 
 column. As a support, two Ohio regiments, 
 under Colonel Ross, were moved up and well 
 advanced on the left flank of the assailing 
 force, but held in reserve. 
 
 «Well aware of the desperate character of 
 the enterprise, I informed the regiments of it 
 as they moved on, and they answered with 
 cheers, and cries of “ Forward! forward!” and 
 I gave the word. 
 
 “My directions as to the mode of attack were 
 general: merely to form columns of regiments, 
 march up the hill which was the point of as- 
 sault, and deploy as occasion should require. 
 Colonel Smith observed that form, attacking 
 with the eighth Missouri in front. Colonel 
 Cruft, however, formed his line of battle at the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 foot of the hill, extending his regiment around 
 to the right. And now began the most des- 
 perate, yet, in my opinion, the most skilfully 
 executed performance of the battle. 
 
 “It is at least three hundred steps from the 
 base to the top of the hill. The ascent is much 
 broken by out-cropping ledges of rock, and, 
 for the most part, impeded by dense under- 
 brush. Smith’s place of attack was clear, but 
 rough and stony. Cruft’s was through the 
 trees and brush. The enemy’s lines were dis- 
 tinctly visible on the hillside. Evidently they 
 were ready. 
 
 “Colonel Smith began the fight without wait- 
 ing for the first brigade. A line of skirmishers 
 from the eighth Missouri sprang out and dashed 
 up, taking intervals as they went, until they 
 covered the head of the column. A lively fire 
 opened on them from the rebel pickets, who 
 retired, obstinately contesting the ground. In 
 several instances, assailant and assailed sought 
 cover behind the same tree. Four rebel pris- 
 oners were taken in this way, of whom two 
 were killed by ashell from their own battery, 
 while being taken to the rear. 
 
 “ Meantime, the regiments slowly followed the 
 skirmishers. About quarter the way up, they 
 received the first volley from the hill-top, around 
 which it ran, a long line of fire, disclosing some- 
 what of the strength of the enemy. Instantly, 
 under orders of Colonel Smith, both his regi- 
 ments lay down. The skirmishers were the 
 chief victims. George B. Swarthout, captain 
 of company H, eighth Missouri, was killed, gal- 
 lantly fighting, far in advance.’ Soon as the 
 fury of the fire abated, both regiments rose 
 _and marched on; and in that way they at 
 length closed upon the enemy, falling when the 
 volleys grew hottest, dashing on when they 
 slackened or ceased. Meanwhile, their own 
 
 firing was constant and deadly. Meanwhile, | 
 
 also, Colonel Cruft’s line was marching up in 
 support and to the right of Colonel Smith. 
 
 483 
 
 The woods through which he moved seemed 
 actually to crackle with musketry. Finally, the 
 eighth and eleventh cleared the hill, driving 
 the rebel regiments at least three quarters of a 
 mile before them, and halting within one hun- 
 dred and fifty yards of the intrenchments, 
 behind which the enemy took refuge. This 
 was about five o’clock, and concluded the day’s 
 fighting. In my opinion, it also brought forth 
 the surrender. 
 
 “While the fighting was in progress, an order 
 reached me through Colonel Webster, to retire 
 my column, as a new plan of operations was in 
 contemplation for the next day. If carried out, 
 the order would have compelled me to give up 
 the hill so hardly recaptured. Satisfied that the 
 general did not know of our success when he 
 issued the direction, I assumed the responsibilty 
 of disobeying it, and held the battle ground that 
 night. 
 
 “Wearied as they were, few slept; for the 
 night was bitter cold, and they had carried the 
 lost field of the morning’s action, thickly strewn 
 with the dead and wounded of McClernand’s 
 regiments. ‘The number of Illinoisans there 
 found, mournfully attested the desperation of 
 their battle, and how firmly they had fought it. 
 All night, and till far in the morning, my sol- 
 diers, generous as they were gallant, were en- 
 gaged ministering to and removing their own 
 wounded and the wounded of the first division, 
 not forgetting those of the enemy. 
 
 “Next morning, about daybreak, Lieutenant 
 Ware, my aide-de-camp, conducted Colonel 
 Thayer’s brigade to the foot of the hill. Lieu- 
 tenant Wood’s battery was ordered to the same 
 point, my intention being to storm the in- 
 trenchments about breakfast time. While mak- 
 ing disposition for that purpose, a white flag 
 made its appearance. The result was, that I 
 rode to General Buckner’s quarters, sending 
 Lieutenant Ross, with Major Rogers, of the 
 third Mississippi (rebel) regiment, to inform 
 
484 
 
 General Grant that the place was surrendered, 
 and my troops in possession of the town and 
 all the works on the right. 
 
 “Sincerely hoping the general may prove as 
 fortunate in every battle he may have occasion 
 to fight, I beg leave to congratulate him on his 
 success in this one, and subscribe myself, 
 
 6 a ‘ 
 “ Most respectfully, 
 “ His very obedient servant, 
 “Lewis WALLACE, 
 “General Third Dwision. 
 “Captain Jounn A. Rawuitns, Assistant Adjutant-General United 
 States Forces, District of West Tennessee.” 
 
 REPORT: OF COLONEL LAUMAN, 
 
 Srconp Division Unirep States Army, 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS FourtH BRIGADE, 
 Fort Donetson, February 18, 1862. 
 
 “ GENERAL: I have the honor to report the fol- 
 lowing movements of the fourth brigade, second 
 division. 
 
 “We left Fort Henry on the morning of the 
 12th instant, arriving near Fort Donelson the 
 same evening. Immediately on our arrival, I 
 received your order to move the seventh Iowa 
 infantry to the front to support a battery of 
 Major Cavender’s twenty-pounder rifled Parrott 
 guns, which were placed in a position to com- 
 mand a portion of the rebel works. Jobtained 
 permission from’ you to associate the regiment 
 of Birge’s sharpshooters in the movement, and 
 placed the two regiments in position, where they 
 remained during the night. 
 
 “Tn accordance with order, on the morning 
 of Thursday, the 13th instant, 1 moved the 
 left wing of my brigade, consisting of the 
 fourteenth Iowa, Colonel Shaw, and twenty- 
 fifth Indiana, Colonel Veatch, from their en- 
 campment towards the enemy, who were 
 intrenched about a mile distant therefrom. 
 
 “The advance was made steadily, and in as 
 
 good order as the nature of the ground would 
 
 admit of, until we reached the ravine at the 
 base of the hill on which were the enemy’s for- 
 tifications. Here we halted until the line could 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 be formed, when the fifteenth Indiana, under 
 Colonel Veatch, moved steadily up the hill 
 towards the intrenchments, under a most gall- 
 ing fire of musketry and grape, until their 
 onward progress was obstructed by the fallen 
 timber and brushwood. Having, however, suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining an advantageous position, 
 they held it unflinchingly for more than two: 
 hours, and until ordered to fall back out of the 
 range of the enemy’s fire. The loss of this 
 regiment in killed and wounded was very se- 
 vere. ‘The fourteenth Iowa advanced at the 
 same time, and took position on the right and 
 across a ravine, and did good execution. Whilst 
 these two regiments were taking the above 
 positions, the seventh Iowa. infantry, under 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Parrott, came up in fine 
 style and took position in the centre, between 
 the twenty-fifth Indiana and the fourteenth 
 Iowa. 
 
 “The first regiment of sharpshooters, western 
 division, Lieutenant-Colonel B. S. Compton, 
 were posted on the hill to the extreme right, 
 except a detachment of about sixty, who were 
 deployed as skirmishers, and rendered most 
 effective service in that capacity, and proving 
 by their deadly aim that they are a most valu- 
 able arm of the service. We held this position 
 until night, when we fell back to the position 
 occupied in the morning. On the following 
 day, we remained in camp, skirmishing with 
 the rebels during the day and night. 
 
 “On Saturday, the 15th instant, at about 
 two o’clock, I received your order to advance 
 with my whole brigade, and assault the heights 
 on the left of the position attacked on the pre- 
 vious Thursday. The brigade was promptly in . 
 motion, in the following order : — 
 
 “The second Iowa, Colonel Tuttle, led the 
 advance, followed by the fifty-second Indiana, 
 (temporarily attached to my brigade,) who 
 were ordered to support them. This regiment 
 was followed closely by the twenty-fifth In- 
 diana, the seventh Iowa, and the fourteenth 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Iowa. The sharpshooters were previously de- 
 ployed as skirmishers on our extreme right and 
 left. Colonel Tuttle led the left wing of his 
 
 regiment in line of battle up the hill, supported 
 by the right wing, advancing at a distance of 
 about one Handred and fifty yards in the rear. 
 So soon as he came within range of the ene- 
 my’s fire, he led his men forward, without firing 
 a gun, up to and charged into the rebel works, 
 driving the enemy before him, and planting 
 his colors on their fortifications. He was closely 
 followed by the other regiments in the order 
 of advance above named. The enemy were 
 closely pursued, and driven behind their inner 
 works. Night coming on, we held the position 
 we had gained, and remained under arms until 
 morning, intending at the dawn of day to re- 
 commence the attack. In this engagement the 
 second lowa suffered terribly. Captains Slay- 
 maker and Cloutman fell just as they entered 
 the enemy’s fortifications. Cloutman was in- 
 stantly killed, and Slaymaker died gallantly 
 shouting to his men to go forward and consum- 
 mate the work. 
 
 “In the morning, as day dawned, we were 
 attracted to the inner fortifications by the sound 
 of a bugle, and saw the rebels displaying a 
 white flag. I instantly despatched Lieutenant- 
 Colonel Parrott to ascertain the intent of it, 
 who reported that an officer wished to see me. 
 I repaired to the spot, and received from him 
 offers of capitulation, which I at once forwarded 
 to you. Thé result is well known. 
 
 “With sentiments of high regard, I remain 
 respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 “ J. G. Lauman, Colonel, 
 “ Commanding Fourth Brigade, Second Division. 
 
 “To Brigadier-General C. F, Smiru, 
 ** Commanding Second Division.” 
 
 The following orders congratulating the sol- 
 diers on their brilliant victory, were subse- 
 quently issued by Generals Grant, Wallace, 
 and McClernand : — 
 
 485 
 
 GENERAL GRANT’S ORDER. 
 
 ‘“ Heapauarters Disrricr or Wurst TENNESSEE, 
 Fort Donztson, February 17, 1862. 
 
 “The general commanding takes great pleas- 
 ure In congratulating the troops of this com- 
 mand for the triumph over rebellion gained by 
 their valor on the 13th, 14th, and 15th 
 instants. 
 
 “For four successive nights, without shelter, 
 during the most inclement weather known in 
 this latitude, they faced an enemy in large force, 
 in a position chosen by himself. Though 
 strongly fortified by nature, all the additional 
 safeguards suggested by science were added. 
 Without a murmur this was borne, prepared at 
 all times to receive an attack, and with contin- 
 uous skirmishing by day, resulting ultimately 
 in forcing the enemy to surrender without con- 
 ditions. 
 
 “The victory achieved is not only great in 
 the effect it will have in breaking down the re- 
 bellion, but has secured the greatest number of 
 prisoners of war ever taken in any battle on 
 this continent. 
 
 “Fort Donelson will hereafter be marked in 
 capitals on the map of our united country, and 
 the men who fought the battle will live in the. 
 memory of a grateful people. 
 
 “ By order U.S. Grant, 
 
 “ Brigader-General commanding.” 
 
 GENERAL WALLACEH’S ORDER. 
 
 ‘“‘ Heapquarters Turrp Division, 
 District or West TennusseEn, February 28, 1862. 
 
 ‘‘SoLpiprs or THE Turrp Division: 
 
 “It was my good fortune to command you 
 at the capture of Fort Donelson. Sickness has 
 kept me from thanking you for the patience, 
 endurance, courage, and discipline you showed 
 on that occasion. The country, ringing with 
 the glory of that victory, thanks you, and its 
 thanks are indeed precious. 
 
 “You were last to arrive before the fort ; but 
 it will be long before your deeds are forgotten. 
 When your gallant comrades of the first divis- 
 
486 
 
 ion, having fired their last cartridge, fell back 
 upon your support, you did not fail them ; you 
 received them as their heroism deserved; you 
 encircled them with your ranks; and drove 
 back the foe that presumed to follow them. 
 “And to you, and two gallant regiments 
 from the second division, is due the honor of 
 the last fight—the evening battle of Satur- 
 day — the reconquest, by storm, of the bloody 
 hill on the right — the finishing blow to a vic- 
 tory which has already purged Kentucky of 
 treason, and restored Tennessee to the confed- 
 eracy of our fathers. All honor to you. 
 “ Lew. WALLACE, 
 “ General Third Division.” 
 
 GENERAL McCLERNAND’S FIELD ORDER. 
 ‘6 HeapQuarTERS First Drvision, , 
 Fort Donetson, February 18, 1862. 
 
 ‘«‘OrrFIcERS AND MEN oF THE First Division OF THE ADVANCE 
 Forces: 
 
 “You have continually led the way in the 
 valley of the Lower Mississippi, the Tennessee 
 and the Cumberland. You have carried the 
 flag of the Union further south than any other 
 land forces, marching from the interior towards 
 the seaboard. 
 
 “ Being the first division to enter Fort Henry, 
 you also pursued the enemy for miles, captur- 
 ing from him, in his flight, six field pieces, 
 many of his standards and flags, a number of 
 prisoners, and a great quantity of military 
 stores. 
 
 “Following the enemy to this place, you 
 were the first to encounter him outside of his 
 intrenchments, and drive him within them. 
 
 “Pursuing your advantage, the next day, 
 being on the right, you advanced upon his 
 lines, in the face of his works and_ batteries, 
 and for the time silenced them. 
 
 “The next day, skirmishing all along his left, 
 you daringly charged upon his redoubts, under 
 a deadly fire of grape and canister, and were 
 only prevented from taking them by natural 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 obstacles, and the accumulated masses which 
 were hurried forward to defend them. 
 
 “The next day you extended your right in 
 the face of newly-erected batteries, quite to 
 the Cumberland, thus investing his works for 
 nearly two miles. 
 
 “The next day, after standing under arms for 
 two days and nights, amid driving storms of 
 snow and rain, and pinched by hunger, the en- 
 emy advanced in force to open the way to his 
 escape. By his own confession, formed in a 
 column of ten successive regiments, he concen- 
 trated his attack upon a single point. You re- 
 pulsed him repeatedly, from seven o’clock to 
 eleven o’clock A. M., often driving back his for- 
 midable odds. 
 
 “Thus, after three days’ fighting, when your 
 ammunition was exhausted, you fell back until 
 it came up, and re-formed a second line in his 
 face. 
 
 “Supported by fresh troops, under the lead 
 of a brave and able officer, the enemy was 
 again driven back, and by a combined advance 
 from all sides, was finally defeated. His uncon- 
 ditional surrender the next day consummated 
 the victory. 
 
 “Undiverted by any other attack, for near 
 four hours from any other part of our lines, the 
 
 | enemy was left to concentrate his attack with 
 
 superior numbers upon yours. Thus, while you 
 were engaged for a longer time than any other 
 of our forces, you were subjected to much 
 greater loss. 
 
 “The battle field testifies to your valor and 
 constancy. Hven the magnanimity of the ene- 
 my accords to you an unsurpassed heroism, and 
 an enviable and brilliant share in the hardest 
 fought battle and. most decisive victory ever 
 fought and won on the American continent. 
 
 “Your trophies speak for themselves; they 
 consist of many thousand prisoners, forty pieces 
 of cannon, and extensive magazines of all kinds 
 of ordnance, quartermasters’ and commissary 
 stores. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “The death knell of rebellion is sounded, an 
 army has been annihilated, and the way to 
 Nashville and Memphis is opened. This mo- 
 mentous fact should, as it-will, encourage you 
 to persevere in the path of glory. It must 
 alleviate your distress for your brave comrades 
 who have fallen or been wounded. It will mit- 
 igate the grief of bereaved wives and mourning 
 parents and kindred. It will be your claim to 
 a place in the affections of your countrymen, 
 and upon a blazoned page of history. 
 
 “ By order of Brigadier-General McClernand, 
 commanding. A. SCHWARTZ, 
 
 “ Captain and Acting Chief of Staff.” 
 
 The report of Flag-Officer Foote relative to 
 the engagement of the gunboats is as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 “U.S. Frac-Suir Sr. Louis, NEAR Fort DoneEtson, 
 Via Papucan, February 16, 1862. 
 
 “T made an attack on Fort Donelson yester- 
 day, at three o’clock P. M., with four iron-clad 
 gunboats and two wooden ones, and after one 
 hour and a quarter severe fighting, the latter 
 part of the day within less than four hundred 
 yards of the fort, the wheel of this vessel and 
 the tiller of the Louisville were shot away, 
 rendering the two boats unmanageable. They 
 then drifted down the river. The two remain- 
 ing boats were also greatly damaged between 
 wind and water. ‘This vessel alone received 
 fifty-nine shots, and the others about half that 
 number each. There were fifty-four killed and 
 wounded in fhis attack, which we have reason 
 to suppose would, in fifteen minutes more, could 
 the action have been continued, have resulted 
 in the capture of the fort bearing upon us, as 
 the enemy was running from his batteries when 
 the two gunboats helplessly drifted down the 
 river from disabled steering apparatus, as the 
 relieving tackles could not steer the vessels in 
 the strong current. The fleeing enemy re- 
 turned to the river battery guns, from which 
 they had been driven, and again hotly poured 
 
 487 
 
 fire upon us. The enemy must have brought 
 over twenty guns to bear upon our gunboats 
 from the water battery and the main fort on 
 the hill, while we could only return the fire 
 with twelve boat guns from the four boats. 
 One rifled gun aboard the Carondelet burst 
 during the action. 
 
 The officers and men, in this hotly contested 
 but unequal fight, behaved with the greatest 
 gallantry and determination, all deploring the 
 accident which rendered two of our gunboats 
 helpless in the narrow river and swift current. 
 On consultation with General Grant and my 
 own officers —as my services here, until we 
 can repair damages by bringing up a competent 
 force from Cairo to attack the fort, are much 
 less required than they are at Cairo —TI shall 
 proceed to that place. 
 
 “JT have sent the Tyler to the Tennessee 
 River, to render the railroad bridge impassable. 
 
 “A.H. Foors, Flag Officer, 
 
 “ Commanding Naval Force Western Division. 
 “To the Hon. Gipron WetuxEs, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 CHAPTER LXIII. 
 
 Advance of General Buell’s Army to Bowling Green. — Rebel 
 Obstructions. — Rapid Advance of Federal Troops. — De- 
 struction of Bridges and Property by the Rebels. — Arrival 
 opposite Bowling Green. — Retreat of the Rebel Forces. — 
 Effect of the Capture of Fort Donelson. — Sudden Alarm at 
 Nashville. — Arrival of Floyd and Pillow. — Withdrawal of 
 the State Government to Memphis. — Excitement among the 
 Peopie. — Distribution of Stores. — Wanton Destruction of 
 costly Bridges. — Capture of Clarksville. — Arrival of Fed- 
 eral Troops opposite Nashville. — Interview of the Mayor 
 and Citizens with General Buell, and Surrender of the City. 
 — Condition of Affairs in Nashville. — Arrival of the Forces 
 of Generals Grant and Buell. — Evacuation of Columbus by 
 the Rebels. — Expedition down the Mississippi, and Occupa- 
 tion of the Rebel Strongholds. — Report of General Cullom. 
 
 Wuuite General Grant was operating against 
 Fort Donelson, part of General Buell’s army 
 
 ‘advanced towards Bowling Green, which was 
 
 held by a large force of the rebels, and was, 
 
 Fa 
 
488 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 so strongly fortified that they boasted it was 
 impregnable. ‘The advance division was that 
 of Brigadier-General. O. M. Mitchell,* which 
 left camp at Bacon Creek on the 11th of Feb- 
 ruary,and moved towards the rebel stronghold. 
 The troops made an easy march, over good 
 roads, the first day, but after a day’s delay they 
 were pushed forward more rapidly. They soon 
 began to meet with obstructions interposed by 
 the advance force of the rebels, who retreated 
 before the federal army, destroying bridges, 
 buildings, and a large number of cattle and 
 horses, as well as much property which they 
 could not remove. A storm of rain and snow 
 also rendered the march more difficult, but the 
 federal troops continued to move rapidly, and 
 notwithstanding the bad condition of the roads, 
 and the obstructions made by the retreating 
 enemy, they accomplished a march of more 
 than forty miles in thirty hours. 
 
 It was supposed that the rebels, after with- 
 drawing their advance forces, would make a 
 stand at Bowling Green, and would even fight 
 on the side of the river opposite that place. A 
 force of cavalry and artillery were accordingly 
 sent forward, supported closely by infantry, the 
 brigade being under the command of General 
 Turchin. They found no rebel force, however, 
 to oppose their march to the river. The artil- 
 lery being placed in position, some shells were 
 thrown into the town on the opposite side of 
 the river, and two or three regiments of the 
 rebels hurried to the railroad and left the town. | 
 The bridges had been destroyed, and the river 
 was not fordable, so that the federal troops 
 could not cross,and the enemy had ample time 
 to escape. They had begun their retreat some 
 days previous, and had removed a large quan- 
 tity of army stores; but much property which 
 they could not remove they had destroyed by 
 fire, and had also burned the public buildings | 
 and others, the flames of which were not ex- 
 
 * Previously well known as an astronomer, and for many years 
 in charge of the Observatory at Cincinnati. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 tinguished when the federal forces arrived 
 within sight of the town. 
 
 After some delay, a portion of the troops 
 were transported across the river in a small 
 boat, and when a sufficient force had crossed 
 they advanced into the town, meeting with no 
 resistance, and glad, in the falling snow and 
 chilly atmosphere, to feel the warmth of the 
 rebel fires. The transportation of the army 
 across the river was so slow, that some fears 
 were entertained that the rebel forces might 
 return, and with overwhelming numbers re- 
 pulse the three or four regiments which crossed 
 the first day. But their retreat was too hur- 
 ried for them to plan and carry out any such 
 movement, and a day or two longer gave 
 ample strength to the federal forces to hold the 
 position. 
 
 The capture of Fort Donelson, and the ad- 
 vance of General Buell’s army, rendered the 
 rebel position at Columbus untenable, opened 
 Middle Tennessee to the federal forces, which 
 also threatened to drive the rebel armies from 
 Western Tennessee. Nashville was at once 
 exposed to capture, and when the true condi- 
 tion of affairs was known there the greatest 
 alarm and excitementensued. Up to the 16th 
 of February, the day of the surrender of Fort 
 Donelson, it was believed, on the reports sent 
 from that post, that the federal troops were not 
 only repulsed, but were driven before the pur- 
 suing rebel forces. The exaggerated accounts 
 of rebel valor and success, and of the national 
 losses, confirmed the public of Nashville in the 
 belief not only of the safety of that city, but 
 that the federal armies were driven out of 
 Tennessee, and that Kentucky might soon be 
 secured to the confederacy. The first intima- 
 tion which they had of a disaster was the arri- 
 val of Floyd and Pillow, with the forces which 
 had escaped from Fort Donelson. It was Sun- 
 day, and the churches were instantly vacated 
 by the excited and alarmed people. The 
 stories of the atrocities of federal troops had 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 been so persistently told by the rebel leaders 
 and press, that a large portion of the public 
 believed that the advance of the federal armies 
 would be characterized by rapine and destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Governor Harris issued a proclamation to 
 the people of Tennessee, calling them to arms, 
 and convened the legislature, to act as best 
 they could, in view of the “invasion” of the 
 state. That body met, but it could scarcely 
 make provision for so grave and unexpected 
 a contingency, and its only action was to ad- 
 journ to Memphis, whither the state govern- 
 ment was at once transferred, with such of the 
 archives as were necessary for the maintenance 
 of the forms and insignia of power. Special 
 trains hurried away the executive and legisla- 
 tive bodies, and such citizens as were disposed 
 to leave, and had the means for so doing... 
 
 In the afternoon the panic was increased by 
 the arrival of General Johnston’s forces from 
 Bowling Green, coming in a somewhat hasty 
 retreat, and in no manner to encourage the 
 faint-hearted citizens that the capital of Ten- 
 nessee would be obstinately defended by the 
 valor of the southern soldiers. Passing through 
 the city, they encamped beyond its limits, and 
 made little or no disposition to meet the enemy, 
 who was said to be advancing, and to be even 
 then at Clarksville, which was already captured 
 by the dreaded gunboats. Orders were given 
 to distribute among the people the public 
 stores which could not be carried away by the 
 heavily laden trains. Some progress was made 
 in the execution of this order, when it was dis- 
 covered that the federal forces were not in 
 such close proximity as had been reported, and 
 the distribution was suspended. The rebel 
 army, however, moved south, for the purpose 
 of concentrating at some point, where, with 
 heavy forces, they could withstand the federal 
 advance. 
 
 General Floyd was left in command at Nash- 
 ville, but with a force sufficient: only to retard 
 
 Gan 6: 
 
 489 
 
 the progress of the federal troops by the de- 
 struction of bridges rather than to resist them 
 by an engagement, and to remove the rebel 
 stores. When it was found that the federal 
 advance was not so close as at first apprehended, 
 an attempt was made to collect the stores 
 which had been distributed among the people, 
 and large quantities were transported from the 
 city to Memphis and other points south. But 
 with fresh rumors of the federal advance dis- 
 tribution was resumed, and was continued for 
 several days, the mob having complete control 
 of affairs till the arrival of the federal troops. 
 In spite of the remonstrances of the more con- 
 siderate citizens, the wire bridge across the 
 Cumberland, and the railroad bridge, both 
 costly structures, and of great importance to 
 the city, were destroyed by the military author- 
 ities. This was a foolish act of vandalism, for 
 the federal forces were in part approaching by 
 the river, with the gunboats, whose power was 
 so much dreaded, and their command of trans- 
 portation would render the want of the bridges 
 of little comparative consequence. But there, 
 as elsewhere, the rebel leaders paid little regard 
 to the wishes or interests of the people, if they 
 could in any degree injure or annoy the national 
 forces. Two valuable steamers, which were 
 being prepared for gunboats, were also de- 
 stroyed, and much other property, estimated to 
 amount to several millions, was either destroyed 
 or abandoned to those who would take it, al- 
 though much might have been preserved for 
 the use of the rebel army but for the panic, 
 which was shared alike by citizens and the mil- 
 itary. The rebel commander and his associates 
 were scarcely equal to the task assigned them, 
 but, demoralized by the defeat at Fort Donel- 
 son, they sought only to dispose, in the quick- 
 est manner, of every thing that could be used 
 by their enemy, and then to escape themselves. 
 
 It was, however, a week after the arrival of 
 Floyd and Johnston, with their retreating forces, 
 when the federal troops actually approached 
 
490 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 “Nashville. The gunboats, after the capture of | 
 Fort Donelson, had moved up the river as far| 
 as Clarksville, meeting along the banks of the 
 river with various demonstrations of loyalty. 
 There were some defensive works at Clarksville, 
 but they were not occupied, and a large part 
 of the citizens had fled from the town, antici- 
 pating its destruction by the gunboats. The 
 place was occupied without resistance, and the 
 people assured of protection. Commodore 
 Foote then returned for additional gunboats, 
 and some mortar boats, thinking that some of 
 the strong positions on the banks of the river 
 might be held by the rebel forces. 
 
 In the mean time a portion of General Buell’s 
 army moved directly towards Nashville, while 
 another division went to Clarksville, from which 
 place they went up the river in transports. Of 
 the former division the advance guard reached | 
 Edgefield, a small town opposite Nashville, on 
 Sunday, the 23d of February. No attempt, 
 however, was made to cross the river and enter 
 the city, and no movement was made until the 
 arrival of General Buell, and the division of 
 General Nelson, which came from Clarksville 
 on transports the next day. A committee of 
 citizens, headed by the mayor, then waited 
 upon the general, and after an interview, in 
 which they received assurances that the liberty 
 and property of all peaceably disposed citizens 
 should be respected, they surrendered the 
 city. 
 
 The federal troops entered the city and took 
 strong positions to guard against a surprise. 
 A considerable number of guns were found, 
 but they were either spiked or otherwise ren- 
 dered useless, and all the army stores of the 
 rebels which had not been carried away had 
 already been taken possession of by the mob. 
 Several steamers were captured, but beyond 
 these little of value was taken by the federal 
 forces. The people of Nashville were gener- 
 ally hearty sympathizers with the rebel cause, 
 and manifested a sullen and gloomy spirit 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 towards the Union troops. They were fully 
 
 ‘impressed with the belief that the federal army 
 
 had come to destroy their property, and to 
 steal their slaves, as they had constantly been 
 taught by their leaders and newspapers. The 
 experience of a few days, however, proved to 
 them that they were quite as safe from outrage 
 as they were when under the protection of the 
 rebel troops. There were a few men who 
 were still loyal to the government, and who 
 heartily rejoiced to be able again to express 
 their Union sentiments, which for so long a 
 period they had been obliged to suppress or 
 disguise. A few small national flags, which 
 had been secretly treasured as memorials of 
 the Union, were gladly hung out by their own- 
 ers to welcome the national troops. 
 
 The forces of General Buell and General 
 Grant gradually came up, and were posted in 
 convenient positions in the suburbs of the city, 
 their further advance depending upon the po- 
 sitions taken by the rebel troops. Some skir- 
 mishes occurred between the federal “pickets 
 and guerrilla parties of the enemy in the vicin- 
 ity of Nashville, but it was soon evident that 
 no considerable body of the rebel army was 
 near the city. They had retired towards 
 Memphis, in the south-western part of the state, 
 and to the northern line of Alabama and Mis- 
 sissippi, where, by their railroad facilities, they 
 had a better line of defence. 
 
 As before observed, the fall of Fort Donel- 
 son, and the advance of the federal troops to 
 Nashville, rendered the rebel position at Colum- 
 bus untenable, and the strong works which had 
 been constructed there to command the Missis- 
 sippi, were now of little use, as communication 
 with the south could easily be cut off, and the 
 place invested, if necessary, so as to insure its 
 fall. The rebel military authorities, therefore, 
 at once gave orders for its evacuation, and after 
 destroying the property and ordnance that 
 could not be removed, the greater part of the 
 rebel force withdrew. A reconnoissance by 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Commodore Foote, after returning from Clarks- 
 ville, hastened the complete evacuation of the 
 stronghold. On the 3d of March, Commodore 
 Foote, with six gunboats, accompanied by three 
 transports, carrying upwards of two thousand 
 troops, again went down the river, to drive out 
 any force which might yet be remaining at the 
 post. It was found, however, that the rebels 
 had entirely evacuated the works, and a small 
 body of federal troops, which had been sent 
 forward by land to reconnoitre, were already 
 in. possession. The works were found to be 
 more formidable than they had been supposed 
 to be. The fortifications extended over an 
 area of more than four miles, and were of great 
 strength on all sides, being designed to resist 
 any force attacking on the south and east, as well 
 as on the north sides. Many of the heavy guns 
 had been thrown into the river, and others, 
 which could not easily be removed, were spiked. 
 A large quantity of ordnance stores were left, 
 and a heavy chain cable, which was designed 
 to be stretched across the Mississippi, to ob- 
 struct the passage of federal gunboats, was left 
 broken on the shore. The quarters of the 
 troops and quantities of provisions had been 
 burned, and there were numerous evidences 
 that the rebels had finally evacuated the place 
 in haste. General Cullom, chief of staff to Gen- 
 eral Halleck, who accompanied the expedition, 
 made the following report of its success : — 
 
 GENERAL CULLOM’S REPORT. 
 Cotumsus, Ky., March 4, 1862. 
 
 “ Columbus, the Gibraltar of the West, is ours, 
 and Kentucky is free, thanks to the brilliant 
 strategy of the campaign, by which the enemy’s 
 centre was pierced at Forts Henry and Donel- 
 - son, his wings isolated from each other and 
 turned, compelling thus the evacuation of his 
 stronghold of Bowling Green first, and now 
 Columbus. 
 
 “The flotilla, under Flag-Officer Foote, con- 
 sisted of six gunboats, commanded by Captains 
 
 491 
 
 Dove, Walke, Stemble, Paulding, Thompson, 
 and Shirk, and four mortar boats, in charge of 
 Captain Phelps, United States navy, assisted by 
 
 Lieutenant Ford, advance corps United States 
 
 army, and three transports, conveying Colonel 
 Buford’s twenty-seventh Illinois regiment, and 
 a battalion of the fifty-fourth and seventy-fourth 
 Ohio, and fifty-fifth Illinois, commanded by 
 Majors Andrews and Sanger, the whole brigade 
 being under Brigadier-General Sherman, who 
 rendered the most valuable and efficient assist- 
 ance. 
 
 “On arriving at Columbus it was difficult to 
 say whether the fortifications were occupied by 
 our own cavalry, or a scout from Paducah, or 
 by the enemy. Every preparation was made 
 for opening fire and landing the infantry, when 
 General Sherman and Captain Phelps, with 
 thirty soldiers, made a dashing reconnoissance 
 with a tug, steaming directly under the water 
 batteries. Satisfied that our troops had posses- 
 sion, they landed, aseended to the summit of 
 the bluff, and together planted the stars and 
 stripes, amid the heartiest cheers of our brave 
 tars and soldiers. 
 
 “Though rising from a sick bed to go upon 
 the expedition, I could not resist landing to 
 examine the works, which are of immense 
 strength, consisting of tiers upon tiers of bat- 
 teries on the river front, and a strong parapet 
 and ditch, crossed by a thick abatis, on the 
 land side. The fortifications appear to have 
 been evacuated hastily, considering the quan- 
 tities of ordnance and ordnance stores, and 
 number of anchors, and the remnant of the 
 chain which was once stretched over the river, 
 and a large supply of torpedoes remaining. 
 Desolation was visible every where; huts, tents, 
 and barricades presenting but their blackened 
 remains, though the town was spared. I dis- 
 covered what appeared a large magazine, 
 smoking from both extremities. I ordered the 
 train to be immediately cut. A garrison was 
 left in the work of nearly two thousand infan- 
 
492 
 
 try, and four hundred cavalry, which I will 
 strengthen immediately. 
 “Grorce W. CuLtom, 
 
 “ Brigadier-General, Chief of Staff. 
 
 «To Major-General McCiEenuan.” 
 
 Having obtained these decided advantages 
 in Tennessee, the government adopted meas- 
 ures designed to hold the state, and to develop 
 the loyal sentiment which still existed there. 
 Honorable Andrew Johnson, United States sen- 
 ator from that state, and the only one from a 
 seceded state who remained loyal and main- 
 tained his position in the senate, was appointed 
 a brigadier-general, for the purpose of organ- 
 izing a Union force in the state, and to act as 
 military governor until a loyal civil government 
 should be established. Mr. Johnson had already 
 shown himself one of the truest patriots in the 
 country, and one of the strongest opponents 
 of secession, and the aristocratic principles on 
 which the new confederacy was, in fact, found- 
 ed. Popular among a large portion of his 
 fellow-citizens, of great determination, and a 
 firm believer in democratic institutions, he was 
 considered especially fit for the duties now as- 
 signed him, and he entered upon them with a 
 full knowledge of the position of affairs, the 
 character of the rebellion, and the difficulties 
 which surrounded him. 
 
 CHAPTER LXIV. 
 
 Army Movements in Missouri. — Position of General Price. — 
 Advance of Federal Forces, and Retreat of General Price. — 
 Movement of General Curtis into Arkansas. — Expeditions 
 against Rebel Detachments. — Approach of a large Rebel 
 Force. — Retreat of General Sigel, with Part of his Force, to 
 the main Army. — Movements of the Rebel Army under Van 
 Dorn. — The Rebel Commander’s Strategy. — Advance upon 
 the Federal Position from the West and North. — Battle be- 
 tween General Sigel’s Forces and the Rebels on the West. — 
 Repulse and Retreat of the Rebels. —Battle in Front of the 
 Federal Position, and Retreat of the Rebels. —Severe Con- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 flict with the Rebel Forces at the North, in the Rear of the 
 Federal Position. —The Federal Troops driven back.— 
 Want of Reénforcements.— The Battle terminated by Night. 
 — Arrival of General Sigel’s Forces. — Change ‘of Federal 
 Front. — Preparations for a Renewal of the Battle. — Position 
 of the two Armies. — Commencement of the Conflict. — 
 Heavy Fire of Artillery. — Advance of General Sigel’s Divis- 
 ions. — Effective Artillery. — Fierce Conflict, and Rebel 
 Right Driven Back. — Waving of the Rebel Line. — Federal 
 Charge and Rebel Flight.— Pursuit by General Sigel’s 
 Troops. — Rebel Losses. —Death of Generals McCulloch 
 and McIntosh.— Rebel and Indian Atrocities. — General 
 Curtis’s Report. — Effects of the Victory. 
 
 Wuite the armies of Generals Grant and 
 Buell were advancing in Kentucky and Ten- 
 nessee, other Union forces, under General Cur- 
 tis, were moving to south-western Missouri, 
 again to oppose the rebel army collected there 
 
 'by the rebel governor, Jackson, and General 
 
 Price. The latter had organized a considerable 
 force among the disloyal people of Missouri, 
 and forces raised in Texas and Arkansas were 
 ready to codperate with him, the design being 
 to wrest the state, or as much of it as possible, 
 from the authority of the federal government, 
 and to complete the secession, which a traitor- 
 ous executive had promulgated and attempted 
 to consummate. His headquarters were at 
 Springfield, and he had there, and in the vicin- 
 ity, a force variously estimated from six to 
 twelve thousand troops, with many pieces of 
 artillery. 
 
 In the latter part of January the army of 
 General Curtis was, in part, concentrated at 
 Rolla, which place had been held since the 
 withdrawal of General Hunter, after General 
 Fremont’s brief campaign, and early in Febru- 
 ary an advance was made towards Springfield. 
 General Price, expecting the rebel forces of 
 General Van Dorn and General McCulloch, 
 which were in Arkansas, to move to his sup- 
 port, and that their combined forces would be 
 sufficiently strong to overwhelm the federal 
 army, remained in Springfield till the advance 
 of the federal column drove in his pickets. 
 Finding that his friends did not come to his 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 support, and unwilling to risk any battle alone, 
 or to oppose seriously the federal advance, 
 Price evacuated Springfield, and hastily re- 
 treated southward to Arkansas. He left behind 
 several hundred of his troops, sick, who were 
 - taken prisoners, and a quantity of stores and 
 wagons. ‘The federal troops advanced towards 
 the town, expecting to meet with resistance, 
 but they entered the place February 14, with 
 scarcely a skirmish, the rebels being already in 
 full retreat. General Curtis sent a part of his 
 forces in pursuit, which, having overtaken the 
 rebel rear, a series of skirmishes and small en- 
 gagements ensued for several days, greatly an- 
 noying the rebels, and hastening their flight, 
 though the loss was not severe on either 
 side. 
 
 General Curtis remained a short time at 
 Springfield, bringing up the several: divisions 
 of his army, and establishing a base from which 
 he could operate against any forces of the 
 enemy in south-western Missouri or northern 
 Arkansas. In the mean time the federal troops 
 were gradually advanced along the mail route, 
 from Springfield towards Fayetteville, in the 
 north-western part of Arkansas, and on the 
 first of March were on the borders of the latter 
 state, a portion being as far as Bentonville. 
 Expeditions were then sent in various direc- 
 tions to cut off and capture detached bodies of 
 the rebel troops, reported to be at different 
 points. The rebel detachments, however, suc- 
 ceeded in avoiding the federal troops, some 
 bodies of which at last found themselves unex- 
 pectedly in the vicinity of a large force of the 
 rebels, and were compelled to fali back to the 
 main body of the federal army. General Cur- 
 tis was at once apprised of the vicinity and 
 apparent approach of the rebel army, and at 
 once concentrated his forces at Sugar Creek, a 
 short distance south of a place called Pea Ridge, 
 where there was a good position for defence. 
 General Sigel, with a portion of his command, 
 was at Bentonville, and when marching to join 
 
 493 
 
 General Curtis, his rear guard.was attacked by 
 a heavy force of the rebels, who attempted to 
 cut them off. The general sent forward his 
 baggage train, and remaining himself with the 
 rear guard, which consisted of only one regi- 
 ment and a part of another, with his artillery, by 
 his energy and skill he cut his way through the 
 superior force of the rebels, held them in check 
 while his trains moved on, and effected his re- 
 treat in the most brilliant and successful man- 
 ner, joining the remainder of his command and 
 the other forces of General Curtis before the 
 enemy could reach them, and in the eontest 
 sustaining comparatively a small loss. 
 
 The rebel army, which was now evidently 
 approaching for an attack upon the federal 
 forces, was composed of nearly thirty thousand 
 men, under the chief command of General Van 
 Dorn, formerly an officer in the United States 
 army. Under General Van Dorn were General 
 McCulloch, with a large body of Texans, Gen- 
 eral Price, with his Missouri troops, and a body 
 of Indians and whites, under General Albert 
 Pike, who, being formerly United States Indian 
 agent, had used his position and influence to 
 enlist the Creeks, Cherokees, and other Indians 
 against the government. The position which 
 the main body of the rebel army had occupied 
 was on the Boston Mountains, about thirty miles 
 from General Curtis’s camp, near Pea Ridge. 
 From this position they moved on the morning 
 of March 5, taking with them four days’ 
 rations, and leaving their baggage in camp. 
 
 | Van Dorn’s plan was to march north, so as to 
 
 reach the rear of the federal army, cut them 
 off from retreat to Springfield, and while he 
 made a feint upon their front, to fall upon their 
 rear with the main body of his army. Know- 
 ing the position of the rebel army, General 
 Curtis expected an attack from that direction 
 upon his front, and he accordingly threw up 
 some earthworks, and constructed other de- 
 fences, which should strengthen his position 
 against what he had reason to believe was a 
 
494 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 superior force to his own. But Van Dorn, 
 knowing the country well, had adopted the 
 plan above named, both on account of the ad- 
 vantages which the nature of the ground gave 
 him in an attack from the north, and for the 
 purpose of a surprise of the federal army. In 
 order to carry out his strategy, while with his 
 main body he moved north, he left a body of 
 troops to make a feint against the front of the 
 federal forces, and another for a like movement 
 on their right flank. 
 
 General Sigel reached the extreme right of 
 the federal position, and formed a junction with 
 the other forces of General Curtis on the night 
 of March 6. The rebels had followed, and 
 taken position on the flank of the federal army, 
 as above stated, and the next morning the 
 scouts reported a strong body of the rebel 
 army posted on the hills west of the federal 
 position, and on its right. Another force was 
 reported to have appeared at the north, in the 
 rear, and subsequently a smaller body was seen 
 in front. The indications were that the force 
 on the right was the largest, and General Sigel, 
 with two divisions, was sent to dislodge the 
 enemy from their position, while Colonel Carr, 
 commanding one division, was sent to the north, 
 and another division, under Colonel Jefferson 
 C. Davis, prepared to meet the forces in 
 front. 
 
 About three miles from camp one of Gen- 
 eral Sigel’s divisions encountered what was 
 supposed to be a small body of rebels, posted 
 on the edge of a wood. An attack with artil-| 
 lery was made, and after a few rounds a cavalry 
 force was ordered to charge, but the rebels | 
 were found to be too strong in numbers and, 
 position, and the cavalry fell back in confusion. 
 The rebels followed up the advantage they 
 gained by the repulse of the federal cavalry, 
 and, making a charge, captured the three 
 pieces of artillery which had been brought to. 
 bear upon them. The advantage thus gained, | 
 however, was of short duration, for General | 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 Osterhaus, commanding the division, brought up 
 his infantry, which, by a succession of volleys, 
 followed by a gallant charge, drove back the 
 enemy and recaptured the guns. The other 
 forces of General Sigel coming up, a heavy fire 
 of artillery ensued, by which the rebels were . 
 finally dislodged from their position. They 
 retreated towards the north, for the purpose of 
 joining the main body of their army, and pos- 
 sibly for the purpose of dividing and weaken- 
 ing the federal forces. The retreating enemy 
 were followed for several miles, the artillery 
 opening upon them whenever an opportunity 
 offered. General Sigel then abandoned the 
 pursuit, and returned to the position from 
 which he had marched in the morning. 
 
 The conflict between General Sigel’s troops 
 and the enemy on the right had hardly com- 
 menced, when the rebel force in front advanced 
 to offer battle. Colonel Davis, who command- 
 ed at this point, moved out against them, and 
 a sharp conflict took place, in which the enemy 
 was driven back in some confusion, and retired 
 by a circuitous route, to join their army in the 
 rear. 
 
 In the mean time Colonel Carr’s division had 
 moved about two miles to the north, to meet 
 the rebels, who had made their appearance in 
 that direction, as it was supposed, in not very 
 large numbers. The enemy was found to be 
 posted on a wooded ridge, somewhat abrupt on 
 the side towards the federal troops, and natu- 
 rally a favorable position. The division of Col- 
 onel Carr having formed in line of battle upon 
 a gentle declivity, sloping towards the enemy’s 
 position, a fire of artillery was opened upon 
 the rebel lines with some effect. They replied 
 with artillery, which was, also, well aimed, and 
 the explosion of two limber boxes by their 
 shells appeared to be a signal for them to pour 
 in a heavy fire of musketry, which was followed 
 by a charge upon the federal battery, in which 
 they succeeded in capturing one of the guns. 
 But the infantry supporting the battery soon 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 drove them back, with severe loss, and they 
 retired to their position on the ridge. The 
 conflict continued about an hour, without any 
 result, except to show that the enemy was here 
 in strong force, and was preparing to make an 
 attack, with large numbers, upon the federal 
 lines. Colonel Carr accordingly withdrew his 
 force to a better position, a short distance in 
 his rear. The battle was immediately renewed, 
 and the rebel troops made several ineffectual 
 charges, being repeatedly driven back by the 
 well-directed fire of the federal infantry. They 
 succeeded, at last, in capturing another gun, 
 though not without severe loss on their part. 
 Many of the rebels were armed with double- 
 barrelled shot guns, loaded, in many cases, with 
 buckshot as well as balls, and in their charges 
 their fire, at short range, though not so fatal as 
 that of musketry, was more effective in wound- 
 ing and disabling their opponents. 
 
 The battle continued for hours, and it being 
 evident that his division was contending against 
 greatly superior numbers, Colonel Carr sent 
 repeatedly to headquarters for reénforcements. 
 But it was impossible for General Curtis to 
 send the desired aid, for the troops of General 
 Sigel and Colonel Davis were out in pursuit of 
 the enemy with whom they had been fighting, 
 and the force at his disposal was only sufficient 
 to protect his camp. Colonel Carr’s division, 
 however, held out bravely, and disputed the 
 ground inch by inch as they were compelled to 
 retire. 
 reénforcement of two regfments of infantry 
 and a battery from General Sigel’s command, 
 which enabled them to maintain their position 
 till night came to relieve the brave but ex- 
 hausted troops. They lay upon their arms, re- 
 ceiving refreshments from the camp, and pre- 
 paring for a desperate struggle on the morrow. 
 The lines of the two armies were but a few 
 hundred yards apart, and it was necessary to 
 observe the greatest caution to be prepared for 
 _ asudden attack, and to guard against revealing 
 
 ¥ 
 
 Late in the afternoon they received a/| 
 
 495 
 
 any movement to the enemy. General Sigel’s 
 and Colonel Davis’s forces having returned, 
 General Curtis at once changed the front of his 
 
 jarmy, to meet what was evidently the entire 
 
 forces of the rebels. They had been held in 
 check by a greatly inferior force, and the well- 
 conceived plan of Van Dorn had not been suc- 
 cessfully carried out as he had anticipated. It 
 was now too late for him to meet a divided 
 federal force, and though the latter had lost 
 the advantage of the defences prepared to 
 oppose an enemy approaching from the south, 
 the army was during the night concentrated, 
 and by a change of front, ready to meet the 
 attack, intended to be overwhelming. 
 
 It was an anxious and sleepless night in the 
 federal camp. The enemy was in greater 
 strength than had been anticipated, and had 
 obtained an advantageous position from which 
 to make an attack. But officers and men were 
 determined to do their utmost to repulse, and, 
 if possible, to defeat the rebels. The wounded 
 were, as far as possible, brought in and placed 
 in the care of the surgeons, rations were dis- 
 tributed, and overcoats and blankets carried to 
 the men who rested on their arms in front, 
 while every disposition was made to meet the 
 foe on the morrow. The rebels also made 
 preparations for the battle, and were posted 
 in some very strong positions, a part of their 
 force, with several batteries of artillery, occu- 
 pying an eminence of gentle declivity towards 
 the north, but precipitous on the side towards 
 the federal troops. On the right and left of 
 this eminence other troops and batteries were 
 placed, a strong force of infantry and artillery 
 being posted on the rebel right, near the west- 
 ern base of the hill, at the edge of a piece of 
 woods. The main body of the federal army 
 occupied some open and nearly level land, 
 where, under the command of General Sigel, 
 it was formed in line of battle. It was evident 
 that to win the victory it would be necessary 
 to dislodge the enemy from their strong posi- 
 
496 
 
 tion on the hill, and the ee were made 
 for that purpose. " 
 
 Early in the morning ae Oe com- 
 
 menced along the centre and right of the fed- 
 eral lines, and soon after eight o'clock the 
 battle opened in earnest by a fierce cannon- 
 ading on both sides. The federal artillery was 
 the most effective and skilfully managed, and 
 its shot did great execution on the rebel lines. 
 General Sigel’s divisions, under Colonel Carr 
 and Colonel Davis, on the federal left, moved 
 steadily forward, with admirably managed ayr- 
 tillery and solid ranks of infantry, until they 
 reached the position occupied by the advance 
 of the enemy, on the edge.of the timber land. 
 Here a charge was made upon rebel battery, 
 which had annoyed the advancing columns, and 
 it was speedily captured. One by one the other 
 rebel guns in this part of the field were.silenced, 
 and their right, after a fierce encounter in the 
 woods, was driven back. This decided advan- 
 tage, together with the heavy cannonade that 
 from other parts of the federal line for two 
 hours had poured a fearful storm of shot and 
 shell among them, seemed to dishearten the 
 rebel soldiers if not their officers. Some of 
 their infantry broke and fled, and their -guns 
 began to be withdrawn from the advantageous 
 position on the brow of the hill. The waver- 
 ing of the rebel line was a signal for a charge 
 by the federal troops, who. were accordingly 
 pushed forward for that purpose. The rebels, 
 however, did not any where stand to meet the 
 ' charge, but hastily withdrew their guns, and 
 at once commenced a precipitate and disorderly 
 retreat, even before the entire line of the fed- 
 eral forces had advanced to support their com- 
 rades who led the charge. — 
 
 Of General Sigel’s brilliant and successful 
 movements, an officer of the regular army 
 wrote as follows: — — oe | 
 
 “General Sigel, having apd the. exact 
 
 position of the enemy’s. batteries! commenced 
 
 to form his line of battle by changing his front 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 so as to face the right flank of the enemy’s 
 position. Probably no movement during the 
 war has shown more skill in the disposition of 
 forces, or caused as great destruction to the 
 
 party attacked, with so little loss to the attack- 
 
 ing party. He first ordered the twenty-fifth 
 Illinois, under the command of Colonel Coler, 
 to take a position along a fence, in open view 
 of the enemy’s batteries, which at once opened 
 fire upon them. Immediately a battery of six 
 of our guns (several of them twelve-pounders, 
 rifled) were thrown into line, one hundred. 
 paces in the rear of our advanced infantry, on 
 a rise of ground. The twelfth Missouri then 
 wheeled into line, with the twenty fifth Illinois 
 on their left, and another battery of guns was 
 sinilarly disposed a short distance behind them. 
 Then another regiment and another battery 
 wheeled into position, until thirty pieces of 
 artillery, each about fifteen or twenty paces 
 from the other, were in a continuous line, with 
 infantry lying down in front. Hach piece 
 opened fire as it came in position. The fire of 
 the entire line was directed so as to silence 
 battery after battery of the enemy. 
 
 “Such a terrible fire no human courage 
 could stand. The crowded ranks of the enemy 
 were decimated, their horses shot at their guns, 
 large trees literally demolished, but the rebels 
 stood bravely to their post. For two hours 
 and ten minutes did Sigel’s iron hail fall thick 
 as autumn leaves, furious as the avalanche, 
 deadly as the simoom. One by one the rebel 
 pieces ceased to play. Onward crept our in- 
 fantry.; ; onward came Sigel, and his terrible 
 guns. “Shorter : and shorter became the range. 
 No charge of theirs could face that iron hail, 
 or dare to “venture on that compact line of 
 bayonets. They turned and fled. Again Sigel 
 advanced his _ line, making another partial 
 change of. front. Then came the order to 
 
 charge the enemy in “the woods, and those 
 
 brave, boys, who had lain for hours with the 
 
 hail and shot of the enemy falling upon them, 
 
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 amine 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 and the cannon of Sigel playing over them, 
 rose up and dressed their ranks as if it were 
 but an evening parade, and as the ‘forward’ 
 was given, the twenty-fifth Illinois moved in 
 compact line, supported on the left by the 
 twelfth Missouri, acting as skirmishers, and on 
 the right by the twenty-second Indiana. As 
 they passed into the dense brush, they were 
 met by a terrible volley. This was answered 
 by one as terrible and far more deadly. Volley 
 followed volley, yet on and on went that line 
 of determined men. Steadily they pushed the 
 rebel force until they gained more open ground. 
 Here the confederate forces broke in confusion 
 and fled. The day was ours, and the battle of 
 Pea Ridge was added to the already long list 
 of triumphs clustering around the old starry 
 flag.” 
 
 General Sigel, with his forces, went in pur- 
 suit of the panic-stricken rebels, and followed 
 them for ten or twelve miles, capturing a large 
 number of wagons with supplies and ammunti- 
 tion, nearly a thousand stand of arms, and a 
 few prisoners. The flight of the enemy was 
 too rapid for the weary federal troops and 
 horses to overtake and capture the whole force, 
 or any considerable body, and the pursuit was 
 accordingly abandoned, and the federal troops 
 returned to their camp. ‘The rebel forces had 
 divided in their flight, a portion going east, 
 and others in different directions, towards the 
 Boston Mountains. The federal cavalry, for 
 several days, scoured the country about the 
 battle field, but found no considerable body 
 of the rebels, though in all directions numbers 
 of wounded and stragglers. 
 
 In the battle of March 7, the loss of the 
 rebels opposed to General Sigel’s divisions was 
 very heavy, and among the officers killed were 
 Generals McCulloch and McIntosh. They left 
 a large number of dead and wounded on the 
 field from which they were driven, and along 
 the route by which they moved to join Van 
 Dorn. In the last day’s battle their loss was 
 
 63 
 
 497 
 
 again very severe, from the terrible storm of 
 shot and shell poured into their lines by the 
 well-trained artillery of the federal army, and 
 the effective fire of musketry. In their flight 
 they left along the road ample evidences of 
 their heavy loss, as well as of the haste of their 
 retreat, in which they were compelled to aban- 
 don their dead and wounded. Their entire loss 
 could hardly be estimated, the dead and wound- 
 ed were scattered over so wide an extent of 
 country, but it was apparently much greater 
 than that of the federal army, which was 
 reported to be from ten to twelve hundred 
 killed, wounded, and missing. Their army 
 suffered still more from demoralization than by 
 casualties, a large part of it being scattered or 
 rendered utterly useless. 
 
 It was charged upon the rebels that when 
 they obtained an advantage against the federal 
 troops, they inhumanly shot down and bay- 
 oneted the wounded and helpless, and there 
 was but too good reason to believe that some 
 of the Indians who composed a portion of the 
 rebel army, resorted to their savage custom of 
 scalping the dead and wounded of the federal 
 soldiers who fell within their reach. ‘This 
 savage warfare occasioned some correspondence 
 between General Curtis and General Van Dorn, 
 when the latter subsequently sent a flag of 
 truce to the federal lines. General Van Dorn 
 discredited and virtually disowned the atrocity, 
 and in return charged inhumanity upon the 
 Germans, which appeared, however, not to be 
 well established. 
 
 The following is General Curtis’s brief report 
 of the battle : — 
 
 OFFICIAL REPORT OF GENERAL CURTIS. 
 
 ‘«* Heapquarters ARMY OF THE SOUTH-WEST, 
 ‘Ppa Ripez, ArKansas, March 9. 
 
 “QuneraL: On Thursday, the 6th inst. the 
 enemy commenced an attack on my right, 
 assailing and following the rear guard of a 
 detachment, under General Sigel, to my main 
 
498 
 
 lines on Sugar Creek Hollow, but ceased firing 
 when he met my reénforcement, at about four 
 P.M. During the night I became convinced 
 he had moved on so as to attack my right or 
 rear. 
 a change of front to right, on my right, which, 
 thus becoming my left, still rested on Sugar 
 Creek Hollow. This brought my line across 
 Pea Ridge, with my new right resting on the 
 head of Cross Timber Hollow, which is the 
 head of Big Sugar Creek. I also ordered an 
 immediate advance of cavalry and light artil- 
 lery, under Colonel Osterhaus, with orders to 
 attack and break what I supposed would be 
 the reénforced line of the enemy. 
 
 “This movement was in progress, when the 
 enemy, at eleven A. M., commenced an attack 
 on my right. The fight continued mainly at 
 these points during the day, the enemy having 
 gained a point, hotly contested by Colonel 
 Carr, at Cross Timber Hollow, but were entire- 
 ly repulsed with the fall of their commander, 
 McCulloch, in the centre, by the forces of Col- 
 onel Davis. 
 
 “The plan of attack on the centre was gal- 
 lantly carried forward by Colonel Osterhaus, 
 who was immediately sustained and superseded 
 by Colonel Davis’s entire division, supported 
 also by General Sigel’s command, which had 
 remained till near the close of the day on the 
 left. Colonel Carr’s division held the right, 
 under a galling and continuous fire, all day. 
 
 “In the evening, the fire having entirely 
 ceased on the centre, and there having been 
 none on the left, I reénforced the right by a 
 portion of the second division, under General 
 Asboth. Before the day closed I was convinced 
 that the enemy had concentrated his main 
 force on the right. J therefore commenced 
 another change of front, forward, so as to face 
 the enemy, where he had deployed on my 
 right flank in strong position. The change 
 had been only partially effected, but was fully 
 in progress, when, at sunrise on the 8th, my 
 
 Therefore, early on the 7th, I ordered’ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STA'TES. 
 
 right and centre renewed the firing, which was 
 immediately answered by the enemy, with 
 renewed energy, all along the whole extent of 
 the line. My left, under Sigel, moved close to 
 the hills occupied by the enemy, driving him 
 from the heights, and advancing steadily 
 towards the head of the Hollows. I immedi- 
 ately ordered the centre and right wing for- 
 ward, the right turning the left of the enemy 
 and cross-firmg on his centre. This final posi- 
 tion enclosed the enemy in the arc of a circle. 
 A charge of infantry, extending throughout 
 the whole line, completely routed the whole 
 rebel force, which retired in great confusion, 
 but rather safely, through a deep and impassa- 
 ble defile of cross timber. 
 
 “ Our loss is heavy ; the enemy’s can never 
 be ascertained, for the dead are scattered over 
 a large field, and their wounded, too, may, many 
 of them, be lost and perish. The foe is scattered 
 in all directions, but I think his main force has 
 returned to the Boston Mountains. Sigel fol- 
 lows towards Keitsville, while my cavalry is 
 pursuing him towards the mountains, scouring 
 the country, bringing in prisoners, and trying 
 to find the rebel Major-General Van Dorn, who 
 had command of the entire force. 
 
 “T have not as yet the statements of the 
 dead and wounded, so as to justify a report, 
 but I will refer you to a despatch I will forward 
 very soon. Officers and soldiers have displayed 
 such unusual gallantry, that I hardly dare to 
 make distinctions. I must, however, name the 
 commanders of divisions. General Sigel gal- 
 lantly carried the heights, and drove back the 
 left wing of the enemy. Asboth, who is 
 wounded in the arm, in his gallant effort to 
 reénforce the right. Colonel and Acting Brig- 
 adier-General Davis, who commanded the cen- 
 tre, where McCulloch fell on the 7th, and 
 pressed forward the centre on the 8th. Col- 
 onel and Acting Brigadier-General Carr is also 
 wounded in the arm, and was under the con- 
 tinuous fire of the enemy during the two 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 hardest days of the struggle. Illinois, Indiana, 
 Towa, Ohio, and Missouri may proudly share 
 the honors of the victory which their gallant 
 heroes won over the combined forces of Van 
 Dorn, Price, and McCulloch, at Pea Ridge, in 
 the Ozark Mountains of Arkansas. 
 “T have the honor to be, general, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “ SamuEL R. Curtis, 
 
 “ Brigadher-General. 
 ‘¢ Major-General Hatieck.” 
 
 This brilliant victory put an end, for the 
 time being, to the rebel scheme for invading 
 Missouri, and securing that state to the confed- 
 eracy. Following the successes already achieved 
 by the federal armies in Kentucky and Tennes- 
 see, 1t was@ discouraging blow to the rebellion, 
 and a decided advantage to the Union cause, 
 especially in Missouri, where the public mind, 
 both of the loyal citizens and those inclined 
 to disloyalty, became more settled in the con- 
 viction that the federal power would be suc- 
 cessfully maintained in that state. - 
 
 CHAPTER LXV. 
 
 The Army of the Potomac.— Orders for its Advance. — The 
 President’s Plan. — General McClellan’s Plan.— Army Corps. 
 —New Military Departments. — Retreat of the Rebel Army. 
 — Advance of Federal Troops to Manassas. — Backward Move- 
 ment to Alexandria. —Address of General McClellan to the 
 Army.— Movement to Fortress Monroe.— The Defences of 
 Washington. — Troops left for the Protection of Washing- 
 ton. — Difference of Opinion relative to the Number neces- 
 sary. — General McDowell’s Corps detained. — Departure of 
 the other Forces for Fortress Monroe. 
 
 Wut the events recorded in the preced- 
 ing chapter were transpiring at the west, the 
 army of the Potomac still remained in front 
 of Washington, and no movement was made 
 towards the enemy. This army, exclusive of 
 the forces under General Dix in Baltimore and 
 vicinity, numbered about one hundred and 
 eighty thousand men. It was well armed, and 
 
 499 
 
 supplied with the best artillery, and during the 
 months through which the greater part of it 
 had been in the field, it had become generally 
 well disciplined. On this large and well ap- 
 pointed army the loyal people relied for bril- 
 liant service, and it was hoped that it might 
 deal a blow against the rebellion which should 
 render its subsequent suppression a compara- 
 tively easy task. While, therefore, victory was 
 crowning the federal arms in the campaigns 
 which had opened according to the order of the 
 President, there was some impatience among 
 the people at the delay in the movements of 
 this, the largest and most carefully organized 
 army in the field. But great confidence was 
 felt by the public generally in the command- 
 ing general and in the new secretary of war, 
 although there were occasional rumors of dis- 
 agreement between these two officers. 
 
 - Besides the general order of the President, 
 mentioned in a previous chapter, in which 
 February 22d was assigned for an advance of 
 the several armies, the President issued a spe- 
 cial order on the 31st of January, “that all the 
 disposable force of the army of the Potomac, 
 after providing safely for the defence of Wash- 
 ington, be formed into an expedition for the 
 immediate object of seizing and occupying upon 
 the railroad south-westward of what is known 
 as Manassas Junction ; all details to be in the 
 
 i discretion of the general-in-chief, and the ex- 
 
 pedition to move before or on the 22d day of 
 February.” The ultimate object was an ad- 
 vance in that direction upon Richmond, the fall 
 of which, as ‘the seat of the rebel government, 
 and the overthrow of the rebel army which 
 had been collected in Virginia, were generally 
 deemed as matters of the utmost importance, 
 in which was involved the fate of the re- 
 bellion. 
 
 General McClellan objected to this move- 
 ment, and proposed, as one which would more 
 surely result in success, an advance by the way 
 of the Rappahannock, the troops being trans- 
 
500 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ported down Chesapeake Bay and up that river 
 to Urbanna. He also suggested an advance 
 from Fortress Monroe up the peninsula be- 
 tween the York and James Rivers, as better 
 than the direct movement proposed by the 
 President. The question was submitted to a 
 council of war, composed of several of the su- 
 perior general officers of the army, in which, 
 after some discussion, the movement by way 
 of the Rappahannock received the approval 
 of a majority of the officers. Several of the 
 ablest and most experienced officers, however, 
 favored the direct advance proposed by the 
 President.* But the army still remained in its 
 old position for some time subsequent to this 
 
 decision, and no movement was made for an || 
 
 advance by either route. 
 
 For the more complete organization of so 
 large an army, and to render it more efficient 
 in the field, it was deemed necessary to divide 
 it into army corps. The President, accord- 
 ingly, in March, before any movement was 
 made, issued an order for the organization of 
 army corps, each consisting of two or more 
 divisions. General McDowell was appointed 
 to the command of the first army corps; Gen- 
 eral Sumner to that of the second; General 
 Heintzelman to that of the third, and General 
 Keyes to that of the fourth. The troops under 
 General Banks, in the vicinity of Harper’s 
 Ferry, were also organized as a fifth army corps, 
 under command of General Banks. General 
 McClellan assumed command of the whole of 
 these forces; and upon taking the field, was 
 relieved from the command of all the other 
 military departments which had previously 
 been under him as general-in-chief. These 
 other military departments were established 
 anew, the several departments west of a line 
 
 * The officers who favored the movement by way of the Rap- 
 pahannock, were Generals Keyes, Fitz John Porter, Andrew 
 Porter, Franklin, W. F. Smith, McCall, Blenker, and Naglee. 
 Those who opposed it were Generals Sumner, Heintzelman, 
 McDowell, and Barnard. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 drawn north and south through Knoxville, 
 Tennessee, being consolidated as the department 
 of the Mississippi, under the command of Gen- 
 eral Halleck, a new department between the 
 department of the Mississippi and the depart- 
 ment of the Potomac being established, and 
 called the mountain department, to which 
 General Fremont was assigned. Subsequently 
 that portion of Virginia and Maryland lying 
 between the mountain department and the — 
 Blue Ridge was made a separate department, 
 called the department of the Shenandoah, 
 under the command of General Banks, who, 
 with his forces, was thereby detached from 
 the army of the Potomac. 
 
 Early in March the rebels suddenly Atos 
 doned their batteries on the Potomac, the navi- 
 gation of which they had so long obstructed, 
 and fell back to the position occupied by their 
 mainarmy. Ina few days it was rumored that 
 the entire rebel army had fallen back from its 
 position at Manassas, and had withdrawn to 
 the south side of the Rappahannock. Some 
 adventurous civilians proved the truth of the 
 rumor before any reconnoissance by the army 
 had discovered the fact. But the federal army 
 was now ready to move, and an advance was 
 immediately made towards Manassas, it being 
 supposed by some that the enemy were yet in 
 the vicinity of their old position. The works 
 at Manassas were found to be somewhat formi- 
 dable, and there were indications that the rebel 
 army in Virginia was large; but, according to 
 good military authority, the position was by . 
 no means impregnable, or the rebel forces prob- 
 ably sufficient to withstand an attack by the | 
 large federal force that could have been brought 
 against them. The rebels were soon discovered 
 to have fallen back upon the Rappahannock and 
 Rapid Ann, where they could hold a stronger 
 line of defence. But an advance in this direc- 
 tion had been decided against by General 
 McClellan and a majority of the officers who 
 were consulted ; and after making this move- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ment to Manassas, which was in the nature of 
 a feint, the army was marched back again to 
 the Potomac for transportation to a new base. 
 The plan of advance for which General McClel- 
 lan had before expressed a preference, by way 
 of the Rappahannock, was now relinquished, 
 and a council of the commanders of army corps 
 decided in favor of a movement by way of 
 the peninsula between the York and James 
 Rivers, which had also been suggested by Gen- 
 eral McClellan as more advantageous than a 
 direct advance. 
 
 The army had moved forward with great 
 enthusiasm, and appeared eager to meet the 
 enemy. The brilliant victories and general 
 success of their brethren at the west, inspired 
 the soldiers with a desire to achieve equal 
 success, and to strike even a more severe blow 
 against the rebellion. The retreat of the ene- 
 my was a great disappointment to the army, 
 and the orders for a backward movement would 
 have, without doubt, in some degree a demoral- 
 izing effect if no explanation were given. It 
 was on the eve of the backward movement that 
 General McClellan, in whom the army had the 
 fullest confidence, issued the following address, 
 which was calculated to relieve the disappoint- 
 ment, and to account for a movement the object 
 of which could not be avowed : — 
 
 +s Heapquarters ARMY OF THE Potomac, 
 Farrrax Court Hovusn, Va., March 14. 
 
 ¢ Somprers or THE Army oF THE Poromac: For 
 a long time I have kept you inactive, but not 
 without a purpose. You were to be disciplined, 
 armed, and instructed. The formidable artil- 
 lery you now have, had to be created. Other 
 armies were to move and accomplish certain 
 results. J have held you back that you might 
 give the death blow to the rebellion that has 
 distracted our once happy country. The pa- 
 tience you have shown, and your confidence in 
 your general, are worthy of a dozen victories. 
 
 These preliminary results are now accomplished. , 
 
 I feel that the patient labors of many months 
 
 501 
 
 have produced their fruit. The army of the | 
 Potomac is now a real army, magnificent in 
 material, admirable in discipline and instruc- 
 tion, and excellently equipped and armed. 
 Your commanders are all that I could wish. 
 The moment for action has arrived, and I know 
 that I can trust in you to save our country. 
 “As I ride through your ranks, I see in your 
 faces the sure prestige of victory. I feel that 
 you will do whatever ILask of you. The period 
 of inaction has passed. I will bring you now 
 face to face with the rebels, and only pray that 
 God may defend the right. In whatever direc- 
 tion you may move, however strange my actions 
 may appear to you, ever bear in mind that my 
 fate is linked with yours, and that all I do is to 
 bring you where | know you wish to be — on 
 the decisive battle field. It is my business to 
 place you there. I am to watch over you as 
 a parent over his children; and you know that 
 your general loves you from the depths of his 
 heart. It shall be my care —it has ever been 
 —to gain success with the least possible loss ; 
 but I know that, if it 1s necessary, you will fol- 
 low me to your graves for our righteous cause. 
 God smiles upon us. Victory attends us. Yet 
 I would not have you think that our aim is to 
 be obtained without a manly struggle. I will 
 not disguise it from you, that you have brave 
 foes to encounter ; foemen well worthy of the 
 steel that you will use so well. I shall demand 
 of you great, heroic exertions, rapid and long 
 marches, desperate combats and privations, per- 
 haps. We will share all these together; and 
 when this sad war is over, we will all return 
 to our homes, and feel that we can ask no higher 
 honor than the proud consciousness that we 
 belonged to the army of the Potomac. 
 
 “Gro. B. McCretian, 
 “ Major-General commanding.” 
 
 The army was marched back to Alexandria, 
 where they were to embark, and waited some 
 time for transports, which had not yet been 
 
502 
 
 provided in sufficient numbers, the movement 
 down the Potomac and Chesapeake Bay ap- 
 parently not having been definitely determined 
 upon in season to provide them. It was neces- 
 sary in changing the operations of the army to 
 a new base at a distance from Washington, and 
 not between that city and the enemy, that a 
 sufficient force should be left for its protection. 
 It was agreed by all military authority, that a 
 considerable force was required for this pur- 
 pose; but the number of troops to be left was 
 a question upon which there was some differ- 
 ence of opinion. In this state of affairs, the 
 President, in approving of the movement de- 
 cided upon by the general officers, stipulated 
 only that a sufficient force should be left in 
 front of Washington to render the capital safe, 
 and to prevent the enemy from re-occupying his 
 old position and line of communication. Gen- 
 eral McClellan desired to have as large a force 
 as possible for his movement upon the penin- 
 sula; and considering the danger of an advance 
 by the rebels against a eh iadon as incon- 
 siderable, was disposed to leave a force which 
 by some of the most experienced officers was 
 not considered adequate, and by the President 
 was deemed altogether insufficient, according 
 to the understood opinions of the generals com- 
 prising the council of war above mentioned. 
 The forces in and about Washington were under 
 the command of General Wadsworth, who also 
 reported the number which was left at his 
 disposal as inadequate for the important trust 
 committed to his charge. Adjutant-General 
 Thomas, and General Hitchcock, an old and 
 experienced officer, concurred in this opinion. 
 This state of affairs led the President to detain 
 the army corps of General McDowell, which 
 was the last one to embark. But exclusive of 
 this corps, according to the official reports, the 
 number of troops which moved down to the 
 peninsula was upwards of one hundred thou- 
 sand, while the advance of this corps to a 
 position between Washington and the rebel 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 capital might not only serve to protect the 
 seat of government from a daring rebel, move- 
 ment, but would enable it to codperate with 
 the army of General McClellan. 
 
 The first division of the army sailed from 
 Alexandria on the 22d of March, and arrived 
 at Fortress Monroe on the 23d. The trans- 
 portation continued till April 2d, when the 
 greater part of the army had arrived at Old 
 Point, and being landed, soon commenced a 
 movement towards Yorktown. Before enter- 
 ing upon a narrative of the peninsula cam- 
 paign, some events which occurred previously 
 to any important operations by General McClel- 
 lan’s army should be recorded. 
 
 CHAPTER LXVI. 
 
 Naval Preparations of the Rebels. — The United States Vessels 
 sunk at Norfolk.— The steamer Merrimac raised and iron- 
 plated.— Contradictory Reports of the Experiment. — Danger 
 to United States Wooden Vessels and Northern Ports. — Ad- 
 vent of the Merrimac in Hampton Roads. — The frigates Cum- 
 berland and Congress at Newport News. — Appearance of the 
 Merrimac. — Preparations on board the Frigates for Defence. 
 — Attack by the Merrimac on the Cumberland. —Invulnera- 
 bility of the Merrimac. —She strikes the Cumberland with 
 her “ Ram.” — The Cumberland disabled and sunk. — Des- 
 perate and gallant Defence. — Scenes on board the sinking 
 Vessel. — Attack on the Congress, — Spirited Defence. — 
 Death of Captain Smith.— The Flag hauled down. — Un- 
 successful Attempt to take the Crew Prisoners. — The Con- 
 gress burned. — Heavy Losses. — Movements of the Ships 
 of War near Fortress Monroe.— The Minnesota aground. — 
 Attack by the Merrimac. — Withdrawal of the Rebel Ves- 
 sels. — Arrival of the Iron-clad Monitor. — Her Appearance. 
 — Preparations to meet the Merrimac. — Reappearance of 
 the Rebel Vessels. — Battle between the Merrimac and the 
 Monitor. — The Merrimac injured and compelled to retire. 
 — The Monitor uninjured. — Lieutenant Worden. — Effects 
 of the Rebel Fire. — The Success of the Monitor, and Relief 
 to the Public Mind. — Official Reports. 
 
 Arrer the abandonment of the Norfolk navy 
 yard by the federal officers at the commence- 
 ment of the rebellion, the rebels early took 
 measures to avail themselves of the means 
 thus acquired, for the creation of a naval force. 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 sels, which were speedily armed, but were by 
 no means formidable; and as the federal fleet 
 in Hampton Roads soon became strong, they 
 scarcely ventured to show themselves within 
 long range of the ships of war and forts. The 
 vessels which had been sunk at Norfolk, with 
 the exception of the steamer Merrimac, were 
 old and of little value for the purposes of 
 modern warfare. The Merrimac, which was 
 needlessly, if not treacherously abandoned, al- 
 though set on fire before she sunk, was not 
 damaged beyond repair, and as she was one of 
 the finest steam frigates in the United States 
 navy, was a valuable acquisition to the rebels 
 if she could be raised. They soon attempted 
 to avail themselves of this valuable prize; and 
 after many delays and frequent reported fail- 
 ures, they succeeded in raising the steamer, 
 and at once commenced preparations to trans- 
 form her into a more formidable war vessel 
 than any in the United States navy. The most 
 common reports of their proceedings repre- 
 sented that the vessel was badly damaged, and 
 would prove worthless; that the work of re- 
 pair and alteration was slow, and, when it was 
 certain that she was to be heavily iron-plated, 
 that the experiment was proving a failure even 
 before completion. These reports were gen- 
 erally credited by the naval authorities, though 
 the government took precautions to prepare 
 to some extent for so formidable a war vessel, 
 should the rebels partially succeed in their 
 efforts. 
 
 The work, however, went on as rapidly and 
 successfully as the means at the command of 
 the rebels permitted, and early in the year 
 (1862) it was reported that the Merrimac— 
 called by the rebels the “ Virginia” — was 
 nearly or quite ready for a trip down the river 
 to Hampton Roads. Then again followed re- 
 ports of the impossibility of the vessel passing 
 down the river, on account of the deep draught 
 caused by her armor and armament, and that 
 she was unmanageable for the same reason. 
 
 503 
 
 The frequent recurrence of such reports 
 caused the naval authorities and the northern 
 public to believe that the vessel, from which 
 the rebels had threatened so much, and which 
 had caused no little trepidation among those 
 interested in the cémmercial marine of the 
 north, would after all prove a failure. Whether 
 the rebels encouraged these reports or not, it 
 at last became evident that their work was not 
 altogether a failure; and about the Ist of 
 March the appearance of the Merrimac was 
 almost daily looked for in Hampton Roads, 
 Some of the naval officers, still wanting con- 
 fidence in iron armor for vessels, doubted the 
 ability of the Merrimac to do much damage, or 
 to prove an unequal foe to the heavily armed 
 wooden vessels. The advent of the vessel was, 
 however, looked for with fear and anxiety, as 
 well as curiosity. If she was as formidable and 
 invulnerable as had been represented, and had 
 sufficient motive and steering power to be well 
 controlled, she might, deed, prove not only a 
 terrible antagonist for the naval vessels opposed 
 to her, but a scourge to northern ports and 
 commerce. 
 
 On Saturday, the 8th of March, the Merri- 
 mac, as the vessel was generally still named, 
 sailed from Norfolk, accompanied by the armed 
 steamers Jamestown and Yorktown, and sey- 
 eral tugboats. ‘The approach of the rebel ves- 
 sels was first discovered on board the federal 
 fleet and in the forts.at about noon, and as the 
 appearance of the principal rebel vessel indi- 
 cated that it was none other than the Merrimac, 
 preparations were made for the expected at- 
 tack. The frigates Cumberland and Congress, 
 both sailing vessels, had been for some time 
 anchored off Newport News Point, for the pro- 
 tection of the federal troops there from an at- 
 tack by water. They were, therefore, some six 
 miles or more above Fortress Monroe and the 
 other large vessels of the federal fleet. Coming 
 out from the Elizabeth River, the Merrimac 
 and her consorts steamed directly across the 
 
504 
 
 Roads towards these two frigates, the intention 
 of the rebel officers being to destroy these ves- 
 sels, which were practically blockading James 
 River, and which being without steam power, 
 would be comparatively helpless against the 
 manoeuvres of the Merrimac. For the destruc- 
 tion of these vessels the rebel crew were prom- 
 ised large shares of prize money. 
 
 The appearance of the Merrimac was grim 
 and mysterious. Covered by an iron-plated 
 roof, the sides of which rose from the water, 
 with no signs of life on board, but moving 
 silently under a dense cloud of smoke issuing 
 from her huge smoke-stack, she was at once an 
 object of wonder and alarm. Her heavy guns 
 protruded through narrow ports which closed 
 with iron shutters, and at her bow was a huge 
 “ram,” or extended prow of iron, designed to 
 cut through the sides of wooden vessels below 
 the water line. With such formidable offensive 
 and defensive armor the strange vessel moved 
 steadily towards the object of attack. 
 
 As the rebel “monster” approached, prepa- 
 rations were made on board the Cumberland 
 and Congress to resist the attack. The former, 
 which was the first object of attack, was swung 
 across the channel, so as to bring a broadside to 
 bear upon the Merrimac; and when the iron- 
 clad was about a mile distant, the Cumberland 
 commenced firing some of her heavy guns. The 
 shot which struck the Merrimac glanced off 
 her mailed sides without effect, and she con- 
 tinued to approach, regardless of the Cumber- 
 land’s broadside, which was discharged when 
 within suitable range. Firing a few shot at 
 the Congress as she passed, the apparently in- 
 vulnerable assailant steamed directly towards 
 the Cumberland, and struck that vessel with 
 her formidable ram near the bow, crashing 
 through the wooden walls with irresistible force, 
 and making a large hole, through which the 
 water poured into the hold with fearful rapid- 
 ity. Then backing off, the rebel vessel dis- 
 charged her heavy guns at the ill-fated frigate 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 while preparing for another assault with her 
 ‘ram. A second blow cut another hole in the 
 bottom of the Cumberland, which had already 
 lbegun to settle in the water, and the continued 
 fire of the Merrimac’s guns at short range did 
 fearful execution upon the frigate’s crew. But 
 though contending under such fearful disad- 
 vantages, the federal officers and crew, with 
 noble heroism, continued to fight, and poured 
 a storm of shot and shell upon the Merrimac, 
 which would have nearly destroyed an ordinary 
 vessel, but which fell almost harmless from the 
 iron armor. One or two of the Cumberland’s 
 shots took effect in the ports of the Merrimac, 
 disabling one gun, and wounding several men. 
 
 As the vessel began to sink rapidly the scene 
 on board the Cumberland was fearful. The 
 decks were strewn with the dead and wounded, 
 and the fragments of the vessel and disabled 
 gun carriages; but the gallant men who yet 
 survived unharmed remained at the guns, and 
 continued firing till the rapid settling of the 
 ship caused the order to be given for them to 
 save themselves. Attempts had already been 
 made to remove a part of the wounded; but 
 before many could be brought up from the 
 cockpit it was filled with water. Several brave 
 fellows, also, who remained in one of the mag- 
 azines to pass up the ammunition as long as 
 possible, were at last prevented from escape 
 by the sudden rush of the water. When there 
 was no longer any use in remaining at the 
 guns, the men serving them sought. their own 
 safety, several of the guns being discharged 
 just before they sunk beneath the surface of 
 the water. After a most noble, but utterly 
 unequal contest, of about three quarters of an 
 hour, the Cumberland went down, with her flag 
 still flymg; and as her masts rose above the 
 surface of the water, it waved over the spot 
 illustrated by the most signal yet hopeless 
 bravery and devotion to duty. 
 
 The fate of the Cumberland being sealed, the 
 Merrimac was directed. towards the Congress. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The officers of that vessel seeing the danger of 
 remaining within the reach of the iron ram of 
 the Merrimac, had made sail, and attempted to 
 run into shoal water, where the iron-clad could 
 not follow. The latter, however, safely encased 
 in armor which defied the shot of her antago- 
 nist, with her heavy guns, discharged at short 
 range, could make fearful work upon a wooden 
 vessel. She sailed slowly about the Congress, 
 not venturing to strike with the iron beak, but 
 firing her guns with a precision which made 
 almost every shot destructive ; first raking the 
 frigate fore and aft, and then moving slowly 
 back and forth within one hundred yards, pour- 
 ing broadside after broadside into her wooden 
 sides, assisted also by the other rebel vessels at 
 longer range. The fire was returned by the 
 Congress with spirit and determination. Every 
 gun that could be brought to bear upon the 
 rebel vessel was rapidly discharged; but the 
 shot had little apparent effect upon the iron 
 armor, which left no vulnerable point. One 
 shot, however, disabled one of the rebel guns, 
 and it was believed that others had caused more 
 or less injury to tlre armor of the Merrimac. 
 The Congress was several times set on fire, but 
 the flames were soon extinguished. Some of 
 her guns were disabled, until at last only two 
 could be brought to bear upon the Merrimac; 
 the other rebel vessels were firmg some dam- 
 aging shots, and the loss of.men in the unequal 
 fight was becoming serious. Lieutenant Joseph 
 B. Smith, the commanding officer, a brave and 
 persistent man, was killed, and the command 
 devolving upon Lieutenant Pendergrast, after 
 consultation with his officers, he considered it 
 wisest to spare a further loss of life, and he 
 accordingly hauled down the national flag, and 
 raised a white flag in its place. The Merrimac 
 soon ceased firing, and a rebel tug proceeded 
 to the Congress with officers to take charge of 
 what they considered their prize, and to make 
 prisoners of the crew. The federal officers re- 
 
 fused to go on board the tug, trusting to the 
 64 
 
 505 
 
 nearness of the shore for escape. <A portion of 
 the men, however, through mistake or alarm, 
 went on board the tug, when it was driven off 
 by the fire of troops on shore. The Merrimac 
 then again opened fire upon the Congress, not- 
 withstanding the white flag was flying, but it 
 was not long continued, and the iron-clad moved 
 away, as if for an attack on vessels below. The 
 smaller rebel vessels did not again approach, 
 and the surviving officers and crew of the Con- 
 gress abandoned the vessel, which was now on 
 fire, and safely reached the shore. The fire 
 spread through the ship slowly but surely, and 
 before midnight reached the magazines, when, 
 with a terrible explosion, the Congress was 
 blown up. 
 
 The Cumberland and Congress were fine 
 specimens of their class, the old sailing frigate ; 
 but as the event too conclusively showed, they 
 were in no way equal to a contest with steam, 
 and iron-armor, and improved ordnance com- 
 bined. But the bravery with which they were 
 defended, especially the Cumberland, was worthy 
 of the fame achieved by the American navy in 
 its former palmiest days. The loss was very 
 heavy on board each of these vessels, being 
 nearly a third of those on board the Cumber- 
 land, and a fourth of those on board the Con- 
 gress. The gallantry of officers and crews was 
 justly honored with the heartiest praise and 
 thanks, although it had proved so unavailing. 
 
 When the Merrimac and attendant vessels 
 first appeared in the upper Roads, and it was 
 evident that they were out on an errand of 
 mischief, the steam frigates Roanoke and Min- 
 nesota, sailing frigate St. Lawrence, and other 
 vessels lying in the lower Roads and near 
 Fortress Monroe, were signalled to prepare for 
 action, and move up to meet the enemy. The 
 Roanoke, whose machinery was out of repair, 
 and the St. Lawrence were towed by tugboats, 
 and before reaching any considerable distance 
 got aground, and were unable to do more than 
 to respond with an ineffectual fire to the shots 
 
506 
 
 from Sewall’s Point. ‘The Minnesota proceeded 
 farther up the Roads, but when within a mile 
 and a half of Newport News got aground, and 
 all efforts to force the vessel over the shoal, or 
 to get her into deeper water, were fruitless. The 
 Minnesota was thus placed in a most danger- 
 ous position, where sheewould be exposed to 
 the attack of the Merrimac, and would be in 
 a comparatively helpless condition. Tow-boats 
 sent to the assistance of the Minnesota, were 
 unable to render any service, and it seemed 
 probable that the rebel vessels, having accom- 
 plished their work at Newport News, would 
 soon come down to continue their successful 
 operations. But the officers and men of the 
 Minnesota were prepared to make a strong re- 
 sistance, and the little gunboat Dragon, which 
 had attempted to get the frigate afloat, lay by 
 to render any assistance possible. 
 
 Leaving the Congress, as before stated, the 
 Merrimac steamed slowly down the Roads, to- 
 wards the Minnesota, but either for fear of get- 
 ting aground, or, as was afterwards suggested, 
 because they desired to capture rather than de- 
 stroy the Minnesota, the rebel officers did not 
 approach within a mile of the frigate. The rebel 
 vessels — the Jamestown and another, accom- 
 panying the Merrimac — took positions, and 
 opened fire upon the Minnesota. The shots 
 from the Merrimac were poorly aimed, and but 
 one struck the frigate; but some rifled guns on 
 the other steamers caused some damage and loss 
 of life. A few shells, thrown from one of the 
 heavy guns of the Minnesota, drove these ves- 
 sels away, one of them apparently damaged 
 and set on fire by the explosion of a shell. At 
 nightfall the Merrimac also withdrew towards 
 Sewall’s Point, much to the relief of those who, 
 knowing the fate of the Cumberland and Con- 
 gress, had expected to see the Minnesota de- 
 stroyed with scarcely more delay. 
 
 The achievements of the Merrimac had natu- 
 rally created great alarm in Hampton Roads, 
 and although the destructive monster had re- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 tired for a time, it seemed but too probable 
 that the rebels, thus encouraged, would make 
 renewed and greater efforts to destroy the fed 
 eral vessels one by one, while only some acci 
 dent, or singular good fortune on the part of a 
 federal gun, could prevent the threatened de- 
 struction. Gloomy forebodings were, therefore, 
 indulged in by many during this night of sus- 
 pense, while on the part of the officers and crew 
 of the Minnesota there was only a determina- 
 tion to resist to the last. But in the night* 
 came a protection for the federal ships and 
 national honor. 
 
 The iron-clad battery “ Monitor,’ constructed 
 by Captain J. Ericsson, of New York, upon a 
 plan devised and matured by himself, arrived 
 at Hampton Roads on the evening of the 8th, 
 and was soon sent up the Roads to assist the 
 Minnesota against an attack from fhe Merri- 
 This vessel, of comparatively small size, 
 was strongly built and heavily plated with iron, 
 sitting very low in the water, and having the 
 appearance of a raft, rather than of a well-con- 
 structed vessel, Midway from stem to stern 
 rose an iron revolving turret, in which were 
 two heavy guns, which composed the entire 
 armament of the vessel. These guns, protrud- 
 ing through narrow ports, which were closed 
 except when the guns were run out, revolved 
 with the turret, and were discharged as soon as 
 brought to bear upon the object of attack. A 
 small iron pilot house andthe heavy smoke- 
 stack were all that broke the surface of the 
 broad iron deck, which was itself but little 
 above the surface of the water. Singular in its 
 appearance, and somewhat insignificant com- 
 pared with the more ponderous Merrimac, the 
 Monitor appeared as if it must be but a feeble 
 antagonist for the formidable rebel iron-clad. 
 The sequel, however, proved_that it was the 
 least vulnerable and the more efficient of the 
 two. Taking a position in the night behind 
 the Minnesota, the coming of daylight and he 
 rebel vessels was anxiously awaited. 
 
 mac. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 507 
 
 The next morning the Merrimac, with the | 
 other rebel vessels, steamed out from the vi- 
 cinity of Sewall’s Point in the direction of the 
 Minnesota. As the rebel fleet approached, the 
 Monitor, which had been lying under the shad- 
 ow of the Minnesota with steam up, started out 
 upon a reconnoissance, and proceeded to meet 
 the rebel vessels. The latter continued their 
 course, entirely ignorant of the character of the 
 singular craft which now made its appearance 
 in these waters for the first time. The wooden 
 steamers kept on with the Merrimac until a 
 shell from one of the Monitor’s guns apparently 
 disabled one of them, and kept them afterwards 
 at a safer distance, where they could fire only 
 at long range. . 
 
 The Merrimac, however, continued her course, 
 and a battle between the iron-clads soon com- 
 menced in earnest. They approached each 
 other to a distance not exceeding forty or fifty 
 yards, and sometimes to within as many feet, 
 and during the four hours’ contest which en- 
 sued, they were not at any time more than two 
 hundred yards apart. ‘The firing from each 
 vessel was rapid, the Merrimac sometimes dis- 
 charging a broadside at the Monitor, while the 
 latter, from her two eleven-inch guns, as the 
 turret revolved, threw her immense shot at her 
 antagonist. Upon each vessel the shot rattled 
 like gigantic hail, glancing or falling off, for the 
 most part, harmless. In the mean time each 
 was moving about as if to obtain some advan- 
 tage; the Monitor apparently endeavoring to 
 obtain a position from which she could throw 
 her shot at the stern of the Merrimac, which 
 was supposed to be the most vulnerable part, 
 and the Merrimac attempting to run down the 
 Monitor with her iron beak. During these 
 movements the Merrimac got aground for a 
 short time, and the Monitor, sailing about her, 
 continued to fire her heavy missiles, two or) 
 three of which apparently took effect. Suc-| 
 ceeding in getting afloat again, the Merrimac. 
 again attempted to run down her antagonist, 
 
 and this time succeeded in striking the Monitor 
 amidship. The shock careened the Monitor a 
 little and threw her out of her course, but 
 caused no serious damage. The Merrimac, 
 however, had been considerably damaged by 
 the fire of the Monitor, and because of these 
 injuries began to retire from the contest. It 
 appeared that she leaked considerably, and ac- 
 cording to the testimony of parties on board 
 of her who subsequently deserted, the engineer 
 had reported serious damage by two or three 
 shots from the Monitor. The latter, which was 
 uninjured to any extent, followed the rebel ves- 
 sels for some distance; but finally abandoned 
 the pursuit, the Merrimac with her attendant 
 vessels making for the Elizabeth River, and 
 thence up to Norfolk, where it was soon ascer- 
 tained she was undergoing considerable repairs. 
 ~ To the Monitor, in this long conflict of four 
 hours, but little damage was done, and there 
 were no casualties on board, except to her brave 
 and enterprising commander, Lieutenant Wor- 
 den. While looking through a narrow aper- 
 ture in the little iron pilot house of his vessel, 
 just as the Merrimac was withdrawing, worsted, 
 from the conflict, a shell burst upon the out- 
 side of this house close to the aperture, and 
 minute scales of iron were forced through it, 
 severely injuring the face and eyes of Lieu- 
 tenant Worden. The wound was painful and 
 dangerous, and following a great prostration 
 of strength, caused by a long imprisonment at 
 the hands of the rebels, the young officer who 
 had dared so much in an untried experiment, 
 was for a long time a sufferer, and.his sight 
 nearly despaired of. Universal sympathy and 
 gratitude was felt towards him by the loyal 
 people, who heartily rejoiced when he was at 
 last restored to the service he had honored. 
 The contest had not been confined entirely 
 to the two iron-clads. The Merrimac, finding 
 that the Monitor was as invulnerable as herself, 
 had discharged her guns more frequently at the 
 Minnesota. and that vessel had replied with 
 
508 
 
 occasional shot during the whole period of the 
 battle, but evidently with little or no effect upon 
 the Merrimac. 
 struck the boiler of the small gunboat Dragon, 
 which lay near the Minnesota, causing an ex- 
 plosion of steam, which slightly damaged the 
 vessel and scalded some of the men. Beyond 
 this no serious damage was done to the federal 
 vessels, and the wooden vessels of the rebels 
 kept at so great a distance that they were 
 scarcely exposed to the fire of the former. 
 
 The relief afforded by the result of this day’s 
 battle to the minds of the loyal persons in 
 Hampton Roads and at Fortress Monroe, and 
 indeed throughout the north, can hardly be 
 expressed. The formidable rebel iron-clad, so 
 much dreaded after the destruction of the Cum- 
 berland and Congress, had found more than a 
 match in the little Monitor, and the success of 
 this vessel was an honor to its ingenious in- 
 ventor as well as a subject for congratulation 
 among the loyal people. The efficiency of 
 iron-clad ships of war had never before been 
 practically tested, and both the achievements 
 of the Merrimac against wooden vessels and 
 her encounter with the Monitor, were regarded 
 with much interest in Europe as well as the 
 United States. The invulnerability of Erics- 
 son’s vessel and its successful operation, induced 
 the government to order at once the construc- 
 tion of others upon the same plan, the result 
 of the conflict demonstrating, in some degree, 
 the superiority of this mode of construction 
 over the ordinary plan of plating vessels which 
 had been adopted in Europe. 
 
 The following are among the official reports 
 of the events above described. Commander 
 Radford, of the Cumberland, was serving as a 
 member of a court of inquiry on board the 
 Roanoke at the time of the appearance of the 
 Merrimac, and although he made every effort to 
 reach his ship, he did not arrive at her station 
 until she had sunk. The Cumberland was, 
 therefore, at the time, under the command of 
 
 A shot from the latter had, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 |Lieutenant George M. Morris, who made the 
 
 following report : — 
 
 LIEUTENANT MORRIS’S REPORT. 
 ‘“‘Newrort News, Va., March 9, 1862. 
 
 “Sir: Yesterday morning, at nine A. M., 
 I discovered two steamers at anchor off 
 Smithfield Point, on the left hand or western 
 side of the river, distant about twelve miles. 
 At twelve meridian, I discovered three vessels 
 under steam, standing down the Elizabeth River, 
 towards Sewall’s Point. I beat to quarters, 
 double-breeched the guns on the main deck, 
 and cleared ship for action. 
 
 “At one P.M. the enemy hove in sight, 
 gradually nearing us. The iron-clad steamer 
 Merrimac, accompanied by two steam gun- 
 boats, passed ahead of the Congress frigate and 
 steered down towards us. We opened fire on 
 her. She stood on and struck us under the 
 starboard fore-channels. She delivered her 
 fire at the same time. The destruction was 
 great. We returned the fire with solid shot 
 with alacrity. _ 
 
 « At thirty minutes past three the water had 
 gained upon us, notwithstanding the pumps 
 were kept actively employed, to a degree that 
 the forward magazine being drowned, we had 
 to take powder from the after magazine for the 
 ten-inch gun. At thirty-five minutes past three 
 the water had risen to the main hatchway, and 
 the ship cantered to port, and we delivered a 
 parting fire —each man trying to save himself 
 by jumping overboard. 
 
 “Timely notice was given, and all the wound- 
 ed who could walk were ordered out of the 
 cockpit ; but those of the wounded who had 
 been carried into the sick bay and on the berth 
 deck were so mangled that it was impossible 
 to save them. 
 
 “Tt is impossible for me to individualize. 
 Alike, the officers and men all behaved in the 
 most, gallant manner. Lieutenant Selfridge 
 and Master Stuyvesant were in command o€ 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the gun-deck divisions, and they did all that 
 noble and gallant officers could do. Acting 
 Masters Randall and Kennison, who had charge 
 each of a pivot-gun, showed the most perfect 
 coolness, and did all they could to save our 
 noble ship; but, I am sorry to say, without 
 avail. Among the last to leave the ship were 
 Sergeant Martin and Assistant-Surgeon Ker- 
 shaw, who did all they could for the wounded 
 promptly and faithfully. 
 
 “The loss we sustained I can not yet inform 
 you of, but it has been very great. The war- 
 rant and steerage officers could not have been 
 more prompt and active than they were at 
 their different stations. Chaplain Lenhart is 
 missing. Master’s mate John Harrington was 
 killed. I should judge we have lost upwards 
 of one hundred men. I can only say, in con- 
 clusion, that all did their duty, and we sank 
 with the American flag flying at the peak. 
 
 ‘I iam,;,siry&e., 
 “Gro. M. Morris, 
 “ Treutenant and Kxecutive Officer. 
 
 Lieutenant Pendergrast, upon whom de- 
 volved the command of the Congress after the 
 death of Lieutenant Smith, reported that after 
 learning the death of his superior officer, he 
 took command. “Seeing that our men were 
 being killed without the prospect of any relief 
 from the Minnesota, which vessel had run ashore 
 in attempting to get up to us from Hampton 
 Roads, not being able to get a single gun to 
 bear upon the enemy, and the ship being on 
 fire in several places, upon consultation with 
 Commander William Smith, we deemed it prop- 
 er to haul down our colors, without any further 
 loss of life on our part. We were soon boarded 
 by an officer of the Merrimac, who said he would 
 take charge of the ship. He left shortly after- 
 wards, and a small tug came alongside, whose 
 captain demanded that we should surrender and 
 get out of the ship, as he intended to burn her 
 immediately. A sharp fire with muskets and 
 
 509 
 
 artillery was maintained from our troops ashore 
 upon the tug, having the effect of driving her 
 off The Merrimac again opened upon us, 
 although we had a peak to show that we were 
 out of action. After having fired several shells 
 into us, she left us, and engaged the Minnesota 
 and the shore batteries.” 
 
 Captain John Marston,commanding the Roan- 
 oke, was the senior officer of the fleet, and acting 
 flag-officer. His report is as follows: — 
 
 ‘“Unitep Srares SreameR Roanoxe, 
 Hampton Roaps, March 9, 1862. 
 
 “Str: I have the honor to inform you that 
 yesterday, at one o’clock, one of the look-out 
 vessels reported by signal that the enemy was 
 coming out. I immediately ordered the Min- 
 nesota to get under way, and as soon as the 
 two tugs appointed to tow this ship came along- 
 side I slipped our cable. 
 
 “The Merrimac was soon discovered passing 
 out by Sewall’s Point, standing up towards 
 Newport News, accompanied by several small 
 gunboats. Hvery exertion was made by us to 
 get all the speed on the Roanoke that the two 
 tugs were capable of giving her, but in con- 
 sequence of our bad steerage we did not get 
 ahead as rapidly as we desired to. 
 
 “The Merrimac went up and immediately 
 attacked the Congress and Cumberland, but 
 particularly the latter ship, which was hid from 
 us by the land. When about seven or eight 
 miles from Fortress Monroe the Minnesota 
 grounded. We continued to stand on, and 
 when we came in sight of the Cumberland we 
 saw that she had careened over, apparently 
 full of water. 
 
 “The enemy, who had been joined by two 
 or three steamers from James River, now de- 
 voted themselves exclusively to the Congress; 
 but she being aground, could bring but five 
 guns to bear on them, and at ten minutes be- 
 fore four o’clock we had the mortification of 
 seeing her haul down her flag. I continued to 
 
510 
 
 stand on until we found ourselves in three and 
 a half fathoms of water, and was on the ground 
 astern. 
 
 “Finding that we could go no further, I 
 ordered one of the tugs to tow us round, and 
 as soon as the Roanoke’s head was pointed down 
 the bay, and I found she was afloat again, I 
 directed the tugs to go to the assistance of the 
 Minnesota, under the hope that, with the assist- 
 ance of the two others which had accompanied 
 her, they would be able to get her off; but up 
 to the time that I now write they have not 
 succeeded in doing so. 
 
 “ At five o’clock the frigate St. Lawrence, in 
 tow of the Cambridge, passed us, and not long 
 after she also grounded; but by the aid of the 
 Cambridge she was got afloat again, and being 
 unable to render any assistance to the Minne- 
 sota, came down the harbor. 
 
 “In passing the batteries at Sewall’s Point, 
 both going and returning, the rebels opened 
 fire upon us, which was returned from our pivot 
 guns; but the range was too great for them, 
 while the enemy’s shots fell far beyond us. 
 One shot went through our foresail, cutting 
 away two of our shrouds, and several shells 
 burst over and near the ship, scattering their 
 fragments on the deck. Between seven and 
 eight o’clock we discovered that the rebels had 
 set fire to the Congress, and she continued to 
 burn until one o’clock, when she blew up. This 
 was a melancholy satisfaction to me; for as she 
 had fallen into the hands of the enemy, it was 
 far better to have her destroyed than that she 
 should be employed against us at some future 
 day. 
 
 “Tt was the impression of some of my officers 
 that the rebels hoisted the French flag. 
 
 “T heard that the Monitor had arrived, and 
 soon after Lieutenant-Commanding Worden 
 came on board, and I immediately ordered him 
 to go up to the Minnesota, hoping she would 
 be able to keep off an attack on the Minnesota 
 until he had got her afloat again. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 “This morning the Merrimac renewed the 
 attack on the Minnesota, but she found, no 
 doubt greatly to her surprise, a new opponent 
 in the Monitor. 
 
 “The contest has been going on during most 
 of the day between these two armored vessels, 
 and most beautifully has the little Monitor 
 sustained herself, showing herself capable of 
 great endurance. 
 
 “T have not received any official accounts 
 of the loss of the Congress and Cumberland, 
 but no doubt shall do so, when they will be 
 transmitted to you. 
 
 “J should do injustice to this military depart- 
 ment did I not inform you that every assistance 
 was freely tendered to us, sending five of their 
 tugs to the relief of the Minnesota, and offering 
 all the aid in their power. 
 
 “JT would also beg leave to say that Captain 
 Poor, of the ordnance department, kindly vol- 
 unteered to do duty temporarily on board this 
 ship, and from whom I have recéived much 
 assistance. 
 
 “T am, very respectfully, 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 “Joun Marston, 
 “Captain and Semor Officer. 
 
 «To Hon. Gipron WELLEs, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 Captain Van Brunt, who commanded the 
 Minnesota, and participated in the general en- 
 gagement, and who, from his position, had an 
 opportunity of witnessing the contest between 
 the Merrimac and Monitor, made the following 
 report : — 
 
 REPORT OF CAPTAIN VAN BRUNT. 
 
 ‘‘Unirep Sratses Steamer MINNESOTA, 
 March 10, 1862. 
 
 “Sir: On Saturday, the eighth instant, at 
 forty-five minutes after twelve o’clock P. M., 
 three small steamers, in appearance, were dis- 
 covered rounding Sewall’s Point, and as soon as 
 they came into full broadside view, I was con- 
 vinced that one was the iron-plated steam-bat- 
 tery Merrimac, from the large size of her smoke- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, 511 
 
 pipe. They were heading for Newport News, 
 and I, in obedience to a signal from the senior 
 officer present, Captain John Marston, immedi- 
 ately called all hands, slipped my cables, and 
 got under way for that point, to engage her. 
 While rapidly passing Sewall’s Point, the rebels 
 there opened fire upon us from a rifle-battery, 
 one shot from which going through and crip- 
 pling my mainmast I returned the fire with 
 my broadside-guns and forecastle-pivot. We 
 ran without further difficulty within about one 
 and a half miles of Newport News, and there, 
 unfortunately, grounded. The tide was run- 
 _ning ebb, and although in the channel there 
 was not sufficient water for this ship, which 
 draws twenty-three feet, I knew the bottom 
 was soft and lumpy, and endeavored to force 
 the ship over, but found it impossible so to do. 
 At this time it was reported to me that the 
 Merrimac had passed the frigate Congréss and 
 run into the sloop of war Cumberland, and in 
 fifteen minutes after, I saw the latter going 
 down by the head. The Merrimac then hauled 
 off, taking a position, and about half past two 
 o'clock P. M., engaged the Congress, throwing 
 
 shot and shell into her with terrific effect, while | 
 
 the shot from the Congress glanced from her 
 iron-plated sloping sides, without doing any 
 apparent injury. At half past three o’clock 
 P. M., the Congress was compelled to haul down 
 her colors. Of the extent of her loss and in- 
 jury, you will be informed from the official 
 report of her commander. 
 
 “ At four o’clock P. M., the Merrimac, James- 
 town, and Patrick Henry, bore down upon my 
 vessel. Very fortunately, the iron battery drew 
 too much water to come within a mile of us. 
 
 She took a position on my starboard bow, but. 
 
 did not fire with accuracy, and only one shot 
 passed through the ship’s bow. The other two 
 
 steamers took their position on my port bow 
 | with no more effect, apparently, than so many 
 
 and stern, and their fire did most damage in 
 
 that I could bring to bear upon them, I drove 
 them off, one of them apparently in a crippled 
 state. I fired upon the Merrimac with my ten- 
 inch pivot-gun, without any apparent effect, and 
 at seven o’clock P. M., she too hauled off, and 
 all three vessels steamed towards Norfolk. 
 
 “The tremendous firing of my broadside guns 
 had crowded me further upon the mud bank, 
 into which the ship seemed to have made for 
 herself a cradle. From ten P. M., when the tide 
 commenced to run flood, until four A. M., I had 
 all hands at work, with steamtugs and hawsers, 
 endeavoring to haul the ship off the bank, but 
 without avail; and as the tide had then fallen 
 considerably, I suspended further proceedings 
 at that time. 
 
 “At two A. M., the iron-battery Monitor, Com- 
 mander John L. Worden, which had arrived 
 the previous evening at Hampton Roads, came 
 alongside and reported for duty, and then all 
 on board felt that we had a friend that would 
 stand by us in our hour of trial. 
 
 “At six A. M, the enemy again appeared, 
 coming down from Craney Island, and I beat 
 to quarters; but they ran past my ship, and 
 were heading for Fortress Monroe, and the re- 
 treat was beaten, to allow my men to get some- 
 thing to eat. The Merrimac ran down near 
 the Rip Raps, and then turned into the channel 
 through which | had come. Again all hands 
 were called to quarters, and opened upon her 
 with my stern guns, and made signal to the 
 Monitor to attack the enemy. She immediately 
 ran down in my wake, right within the range 
 of the Merrimac, completely covering my ship, 
 as far as was possible with her diminutive di- 
 mensions, and, much to my astonishment, laid 
 herself right alongside of the Merrimac, and the 
 contrast was that of a pygmy to a giant. Gun 
 after gun was fired by the Monitor, which was 
 returned with whole broadsides from the rebels, 
 
 killing and wounding men, inasmuch as they | pebble stones thrown by a child. After a while 
 
 fired with rifled guns; but with the heavy gun 
 
 | they commenced manoeuvring, and we could 
 
512 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 see the little battery point her bow for the 
 
 ing a shot through her bow porthole; then she 
 would shoot by her, anc rake her through her 
 stern. In the mean time the rebels were pour- 
 ing broadside after broadside, but almost all her 
 shot flew over the little submerged propeller; 
 and when they struck the bomb-proof tower, 
 the shot glanced off without producing any 
 effect, clearly establishing the fact that wooden 
 vessels cannot contend successfully with iron- 
 clad ones, for never before was any thing like 
 it dreamed of by the greatest enthusiast in 
 The Merrimac finding that 
 she could make nothing of the Monitor, turned 
 her attention once more to me in the morning. 
 She had put one eleven-inch shot under my 
 
 counter, near the water-line, and now, on her 
 ~ second approach, I opened upon her with all ny 
 broadside guns and ten-inch pivot —a broadside 
 which would have blown out of water any tim- 
 ber-built ship in the world. She returned my 
 fire with her rifled bow-gun, with a shell which 
 passed through the chief engineer’s state room, 
 through the engineer’s mess room amidships, 
 and burst in the boatswain’s room, tearing four 
 rooms all into one, in its passage exploding two 
 charges of powder, which set the ship on fire, 
 but it was promptly extinguished by a party 
 headed by my first lieutenant. Her second 
 went through the boiler of the tugboat Dragon, 
 exploding it, and causing some consternation 
 on board my ship for the moment, until the 
 matter was explained. This time I had con- 
 centrated upon her an incessant fire from my 
 gun-deck, spar-deck, and forecastle pivot-guns, 
 and was informed by my marine officer, who 
 was stationed-on the poop, that at least fifty 
 solid shot struck her on her slanting side, with- 
 out producing any apparent effect. By the 
 time she had fired her third shell, the little 
 Monitor had come down upon her, placing her- 
 self between us, and compelled her to change 
 her position, in doing which she grounded, and 
 
 maritime warfare. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 again I poured into her all the guns which could 
 rebels, with the intention, as I thought, of send-' 
 
 be brought to bear upon her. As soon as she 
 got off she stood down the bay, the little bat- 
 tery chasing her with all speed, when suddenly 
 the Merrimac turned around, and ran full speed 
 For a moment I was anx- 
 ious, but instantly | saw a shot plunge into the 
 iron roof of the Merrimac, which surely must 
 have damaged her, for some time after the reb- 
 els concentrated their whole battery upon the 
 tower and pilot house of the Monitor, and soon 
 after the latter stood down for Fortress Monroe, 
 and we thought it probable she had exhausted 
 her supply of ammunition, or sustained some 
 injury. ‘Soon after the Merrimac and the two 
 
 into her antagonist. 
 
 other steamers headed for my ship, and I then 
 
 felt to the fullest extent my condition. I was 
 hard and immovable aground, and they could 
 take position under my stern and rake me. [I 
 had expended most of my solid shot, and my 
 ship was badly crippled, and my officers and 
 men were worn out with fatigue; but even in 
 this extreme dilemma I determined never to 
 give up the ship to the rebels, and after con- 
 sulting my officers, I ordered every preparation 
 to be made to destroy the ship, after all hope 
 was gone to save her. On ascending the poop 
 deck, I observed that the enemy’s vessels had 
 changed their course, and were heading for 
 Craney Island ; then I determined to lighten 
 the ship by throwing overboard my eight-inch 
 guns, hoisting out provisions, starting water, 
 &e. At two P. MI proceeded to make another 
 attempt to save the ship, by the use of a num- 
 ber of powerful tugs and the steamer S. R. 
 Spaulding — kindly sent to my assistance by 
 Captain Talmadge, Quartermaster at Fortress 
 Monroe — and succeeded in dragging her half 
 a mile distant, and then she was again im- 
 movable, the tide having fallen. At two A. M., 
 this morning I succeeded in getting the ship 
 once more afloat, and am now at anchor oppo- 
 site Fortress Monroe. 
 
 “It gives me great pleasure to say, that dur- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ing the whole of these trying scenes the officers 
 and men conducted themselves with great 
 courage and coolness. 
 “T have the honor to be your very obedient 
 servant, G. J. Van Brunt, 
 “Captain U. S. Navy, com. Frigate Minnesota. 
 
 ‘‘ Hon. Gipron WELLES, Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C.” 
 
 CHAPTER LXVII.. 
 
 Federal Movement in North Carolina. — Expedition against 
 Newbern. — Debarkation of Troops. — March towards New- 
 bern. — Bivouac near the Rebel Lines. — Rebel Fortifications 
 and Troops. — The Advance for Attack. — The Battle. — Gal- 
 lantry of Federal Troops.— Fortifications stormed.— Suc- 
 cessful Assaults by the three Brigades. —The Works carried. 
 — Flight of the Rebels. — Movements of the Gunboats. — 
 Batteries and Obstructions. — The Obstacles overcome. — 
 The Gunboats at Newbern. — Burning of the Railroad Bridge 
 and Houses in Newbern. —The Town occupied. — Federal 
 Military Authority. — Official Reports. 
 
 In North Carolina, after the capture of Roan- 
 oke Island and the destruction of the rebel 
 flotilla at Elizabeth City, as narrated in a pre- 
 vious chapter,* no new movement was made 
 for upwards of a month. In the mean time 
 reconnoissances were made, and General Burn- 
 side, while receiving additional troops and 
 supplies, and making the necessary prepara- 
 tions for an advance, had obtained information 
 respecting the rebel position and the waters 
 and coast of the state. Early in March prepa- 
 rations were made for an immediate movement 
 against Newbern, situated at the confluence of 
 the Neuse and Trent Rivers, a town of some 
 commercial importance, but of much more con- 
 sequence as a strategic point in the military 
 occupation of the state. 
 
 General Burnside embarked parts of three 
 brigades, under Generals Foster, Reno, and 
 Parke, on board his transports on the 11th of 
 March, and on the 12th sailed from Hatteras 
 Inlet, where his vessels had been directed to 
 
 * Chapter LIX. 
 65 
 
 513 
 
 rendezvous, in company with a small flotilla 
 of gunboats, under the command .of Com- 
 modore Rowan. The vessels arrived the same 
 night at the point for debarkation at the mouth 
 of Slocum’s Creek, about eighteen miles below 
 Newbern, and early the next morning the 
 troops commenced landing and moving up the 
 bank of the river. The debarkation, owing 
 to the shoal water, was necessarily slow and 
 tedious ; but in the course of the day the whole 
 force was landed, and the advance had moved 
 on some twelve miles towards Newbern. With 
 the troops, which were entirely of infantry 
 were eight howitzers from the gunboats and 
 transports. ‘These were drawn and manned by 
 sailors, but were under the command of the 
 military. A heavy rain had made the progress 
 of the troops very difficult, and it required a 
 large number of soldiers to aid in dragging the 
 artillery through the-mud. As the column 
 moved the gunboats sailed up the river, shell- 
 ing the woods in its advance, to compel any 
 rebel force there to retire, or to reveal their 
 position. On the march some formidable but 
 unfinished fortifications were found, which a 
 few weeks later might have added more serious 
 obstacles to the success of the expedition 
 There were signs of hasty retreat from these 
 points, but no rebel forces were discovered, and 
 at night the advance of the federal troops 
 bivouacked within a mile and a half of the ene- 
 my’s stronghold, the rebel pickets then first 
 being met. After their wet and toilsome march, 
 the federal soldiers found only the moist ground 
 on which to rest, and their blankets to protect 
 them from the rain; but they were full of en‘ 
 thusiasm and confidence, and by their bivouac 
 fires they cheerfully bore their hardships, in 
 anticipation of a victory on the morrow. 
 Although the lower or outer fortifications 
 had not been completed, the approaches to 
 Newbern were defended by extensive works, 
 consisting of a line of water batteries on the 
 river, which were connected with field works, 
 
o14 
 
 mounted with heavy cannon, and rifle pits and 
 redoubts, reaching some three miles from the 
 town. They had mounted upwards of forty 
 heavy guns, and had also three field batteries, 
 while according to subsequent reports, there 
 were eight regiments of infantry and about 
 five hundred cavalry, in addition to the light 
 artillery, to defend the works and the town. 
 To attack so strongly fortified a position, held 
 by so considerable a force, was a formidable 
 undertaking for an army no larger than Gen- 
 eral Burnside’s, and having only eight guns of 
 comparatively light calibre; but the attempt 
 was to be made, in the fullest confidence of 
 success. — 
 
 Early in the morning of the 14th the whole 
 division was ordered to advance in three col- 
 umns. General Foster’s brigade, on the right, 
 moved by the main road to attack the enemy’s 
 left; General Reno’s brigade moved along the 
 railroad, which ran near the river directly to- 
 wards Newbern, to engage the enemy’s right; 
 while General Parke’s brigade followed for 
 some distance the route taken by General 
 Foster’s, for the purpose of attacking the rebel 
 front, and to support either of the other brig- 
 ades. The several brigades moved forward 
 promptly and with the steadiness of veterans. 
 General Reno’s troops, on the railroad, were 
 the first to meet with the enemy. A railroad 
 train, which had apparently brought reénforce- 
 ments from Newbern, was discovered on the 
 track in their front, and men were engaged in 
 unloading a heavy rifled gun, when the sudden 
 advance of General Reno’s force drove the reb- 
 els hastily into their intrenchments, and the 
 train moved back towards the town. Finding 
 his advance troops close upon the formidable 
 earthworks of the enemy, General Reno formed 
 his brigade in line of battle in the woods, which 
 extended on either side of the railroad, and 
 opened fire with musketry upon the rebels 
 occupying the main fortifications and the rifle 
 pits on the left. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 In the mean time General Foster’s brigade 
 had advanced along the carriage road through 
 the woods, which for the most part covered the 
 country, until they came to the clearing in front 
 of the rebel position. Here General Foster 
 soon disposed of his troops in line of battle. and 
 commenced the attack on the enemy’s left. 
 General Parke’s brigade, which had also ad- 
 vanced by the same road, was brought into 
 position between General Foster’s and General 
 Reno’s, and thus the line of battle was com- 
 pleted along the whole front of the rebel works. 
 The naval artillery was placed in position in 
 the centre, and was worked with the greatest 
 gallantry by the officers and men in charge. 
 
 The federal troops had hardly formed in line 
 of battle and opened fire upon the enemy, 
 when the latter replied with their numerous 
 pieces of artillery and heavy volleys of mus- 
 ketry, which took serious effect upon the un- 
 protected Union troops. They fought, however, 
 like veterans, and pressed forward in spite of 
 the damaging fire, and notwithstanding the 
 nature of the ground, which was in many places 
 such as to give great advantage to the enemy. 
 The right wing of General Reno’s brigade, a 
 part of the twenty-first Massachusetts, pressed 
 forward by the railroad, and succeeded in enter 
 ing the rebel breastworks, where they charged 
 upon the rebel battery of artillery, and drove 
 the men from their pieces. The national colors 
 were planted within the works, and could this 
 regiment have been immediately supported, the 
 battle here would have been quickly decided. 
 But the rebels immediately brought up two 
 regiments to meet the four companies which 
 entered the works, and the latter were com- 
 pelled to retire. But the success with which 
 they had met encouraged the federal soldiers 
 to renewed efforts, and a report of the condition 
 of affairs behind the rebel breastworks induced 
 Colonel Rodman, of the fourth Rhode Island, 
 which: was next in line to the twenty-first Mas- 
 sachusetts, without the orders of General Parke, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 in whose brigade he was, to charge upon the 
 battery. His regiment moved quickly and 
 firmly forward, and succeeded in entering the 
 breastwork on the flank of the battery. Here 
 it was speedily formed, and charged upon the 
 gunners, driving them, completely routed, from 
 their pieces, and capturing the whole battery. 
 Being soon supported by the other regiments 
 of General Parke’s brigade, the rebels fled from 
 this part of the field with precipitation, leaving 
 the federal troops in undisputed possession of 
 the ground, and the arms which they had so 
 gallantly captured. 
 
 Almost simultaneously with the assault in 
 the centre, the extreme right of General Fos- 
 ter’s brigade, the twenty-fourth Massachusetts, 
 which had pressed forward under a galling fire 
 and very great disadvantages of ground, planted 
 their colors upon the parapet of the rebel for- 
 tifications in their front, and this gallant regi- 
 ment, followed by the whole brigade, poured into 
 the rebel works. The rebel forces fled in dismay, 
 abandoning all that encumbered their flight. 
 
 Quickly following this success was a charge 
 by General Reno’s brigade, which had contended 
 against a series of forts and rifle pits for several 
 hours, and had suffered severely in the contest. 
 Bringing up a regiment held in reserve, Gen- 
 eral Reno ordered a charge by the whole brig- 
 ade; and in the face of the heavy fire of the 
 rebels, which had not abated in this part of their 
 works, and in spite of the abatis and other 
 obstacles which met them on the acclivity up 
 which they moved, the troops advanced quickly 
 and steadily, carrying the works immediately 
 before them in a gallant manner. At the same 
 time a supporting charge, by a part of Gen- 
 eral Parke’s brigade within the intrenchments, 
 completed the rebel rout and the federal vic- 
 tory. The whole line of works had been carried, 
 and almost as if by the same order the troops 
 in the several brigades had stormed the ene- 
 my’s position along its whole front, and won 
 a speedy victory. 
 
 ‘moved up the river. 
 
 515 
 
 While the army marched from the place of 
 debarkation and attacked the rebels by land, 
 the gunboat flotilla proceeded up the river to 
 attack the batteries constructed for defence 
 from a naval attack. The first day two bat- — 
 teries, some miles below Newbern, were en- 
 countered. The first, mounting four guns, was 
 speedily silenced by the fire of the gunboats, 
 the rebel garrison abandoning their guns in 
 haste after the discharge of a few shot. The 
 next mounted twelve or fifteen guns, but the 
 rebel force in the work appeared to be terror- 
 stricken at the approach of the gunboats, and 
 a few shots sufficed to drive them precipitately 
 from their guns and to seek safety in flight. A 
 small cavalry force was also compelled to beat a 
 hasty retreat by the shells thrown among them 
 by the gunboats. The national flag was raised 
 over the captured forts, and the flotilla came to 
 anchor for the night. 
 
 On the 14th, when the attack by General 
 Burnside’s forces was made, the gunboats again 
 About six miles below 
 Newbern they came upon some formidable ob- 
 structions, which were evidently expected by 
 the rebels to prevent any nearer approach by 
 the navy to the town. The river was at this 
 point divided by a shoal into two channels, one 
 of which was obstructed by the sinking of nu- 
 merous vessels in such a manner as to present 
 an impassable barrier, and in the other were 
 sunk heavy spars pointed down the river, the 
 ends of which were armed with sharpened iron, 
 so as to run through the bows or sides of a 
 vessel moving up the river. There were also 
 several torpedoes sunk in this channel, designed 
 to explode by the contact of a vessel with tim- 
 bers projecting from them. A battery was 
 constructed on the bank to command the river 
 at this point, and to rake the approaching ves- 
 sels while detained by the obstructions. Com- 
 modore Rowan, after briefly examining the 
 obstructions, ordered the gunboats to follow the 
 ‘flag-ship Delaware, and boldly pressed through 
 
516 HISTORY OF 
 
 the dangerous channel without serious injury 
 to any of the vessels. During the passage of 
 the gunboats through the obstructions a brisk 
 fire was kept up by the battery, but without 
 much effect upon the flotilla, and a few well- 
 directed shot from the gunboats soon silenced 
 the guns and drove the men from the works. 
 
 Having passed the barrier which was so con- 
 fidently expected to prevent the federal gun- 
 boats from ascending the river, still another 
 fort opposed the advance of the flotilla. But 
 this, too, after a short engagement, was aban- 
 doned by the rebels, who were now flying from 
 all their works before the assault of the federal 
 troops and the approach of the ever dreaded 
 gunboats. Proceeding up the river to the town, 
 a few shot and shell were thrown at the rebels, 
 who were seen hurrying away in trains upon 
 the railroad. 
 
 The rebel force having safely crossed the 
 river into the town of Newbern, the railroad 
 bridge was burned, whether by accident or for 
 the purpose of preventing pursuit by the victori- 
 ous national troops, did not appear. General 
 Burnside ordered his forces forward, expecting 
 at first to-meet with another line of defence. 
 Their progress, however, was altogether unob- 
 structed by any rebel force, and they marched 
 to the river, which they were unable immediate- 
 ly to cross, on account of the burning of the 
 railroad bridge and the destruction of the draw 
 in the bridge of the common road. The gun- 
 boats having arrived at this point, after a brief 
 delay, a part of the troops were transported 
 across the river, but the rebel force had re- 
 treated beyond the town, which had been fired 
 in several places by the flying soldiers or fright- 
 ened citizens. Measures were at once taken to 
 extinguish the flames and to quiet the alarm 
 of the comparatively few people who remained 
 in the town. The federal troops were so posted 
 as to hold their position against attack, and 
 Newbern was soon quietly under the military 
 rule of the United States. Many of the peo- 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ple were induced to return to their homes and 
 occupations, and from the strict discipline of 
 the federal troops, and the firm but moderate 
 
 rule of General Foster, who was appointed mil- 
 
 itary governor, they found quite as much safety, 
 unless openly demonstrative of their sympathy 
 with rebellion, as they had enjoyed under the 
 rebel authorities, and much greater prospect 
 of prosperity. 
 
 The following are the official reports of Gen- 
 eral Burnside and Commodore Rowan :— 
 
 GENERAL BURNSIDE’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘‘ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF NortH CAROLINA, 
 NEWBERN, March 16, 1862. 
 
 “GENERAL: I have the honor to report that, 
 after embarking the troops with which I in- 
 tended to attack Newbern, in conjunction with 
 the naval force on the morning of the 11th, 
 a rendezvous was made at Hatteras Inlet. Flag- 
 Officer Goldsborough having been ordered to 
 
 | Hampton Roads, the naval fleet was left in com- 
 
 mand of Commander Rowan. Larly on the 
 morning of the 12th, the entire force started 
 
 for Newbern, and that night anchored off the 
 
 mouth of Slocum’s Creek, some eighteen miles 
 from Newbern, where I had decided to make a 
 landing. The landing commenced by seven 
 o'clock the next morning, under cover of the 
 naval fleet, and was effected with the greatest 
 enthusiasm by the troops. Many, too impa- 
 tient for the boats, leaped into the*water, and 
 waded, waist deep, to the shore, and then, after 
 a toilsome march through the mud, the head 
 of the column marched within a mile and a 
 half of the enemy’s stronghold, at eight P. M.,, 
 a distance of twelve miles from the point of 
 landing, where we bivouacked for the night, 
 the rear of the column coming up with the 
 boat-howitzers about three o’clock next morn- 
 ing, the detention being caused by the shocking 
 condition of the roads, consequent upon the 
 heavy rain that had fallen during that day and 
 the whole of the night, the men often wading 
 knee deep in mud, and requiring a whole regi- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ment to drag the eight pieces which had been 
 landed from the navy and our own vessels. 
 
 “By signals agreed upon, the naval vessels, 
 with the armed vessels of my force, were in- 
 formed of our progress, and were thereby en- 
 abled to assist us much in our march by shelling 
 the road in advance. 
 
 “At daylight, on the morning of the 14th, 
 I ordered an advance of the entire division, 
 which will be understood by the enclosed 
 pencil sketch. General Foster’s brigade was 
 ordered up the main country road, to attack 
 the enemy’s left; General Reno up the rail- 
 road, to attack their right, and General Parke 
 to follow General Foster, and attack the enemy 
 in front, with instructions to support either or 
 both brigades. 
 
 “T must defer, for want of time, a detailed 
 account of the action. It is enough to say that, 
 after an engagement of four hours, we succeed- 
 ed in carrying a continuous line of field works 
 of over a mile in length, protected on the river 
 bank by a battery of thirteen heavy guns, and 
 on the opposite bank by a line of redoubts of 
 over half a mile in length, for riflemen and 
 field pieces, in the midst of swamps and dense 
 forests, which line of works was defended by 
 eight regiments of infantry, five hundred cav- 
 alry, and three batteries of field artillery, of six 
 gunseach. The position was finally carried by 
 a most gallant charge of our men, which enabled 
 us to gain the rear of all the batteries between 
 this point and Newbern, which was done by a 
 rapid advance of the entire force up the main 
 road and the railroad, the naval fleet meantime 
 pushing its way up the river, throwing their 
 shots into the forts and in front of us. 
 
 “The enemy, after retreating in great confu- 
 sion, throwing away blankets, knapsacks, arms, 
 &c., across the railroad bridge and country road, 
 burned the former, and destroyed the draw of 
 the latter, thus preventing further pursuit, and 
 causing detention in occupying the town by our 
 military force; but the naval force had arrived 
 at the wharves, and commanded it by their 
 
 d17 
 
 guns. I at once advanced General Foster’s 
 brigade, to take possession of the town, by 
 means of the naval vessels, which Commander 
 Rowan had kindly volunteered for the purpose. 
 The city was set on fire by the retreating reb- 
 els in many places; but, owing to the exertions 
 of the naval officers, the remaining citizens were 
 induced to aid in extinguishing the flames, so 
 that but little harm has been done. Many of 
 the citizens are now returning, and we are now 
 in quiet possession of the city. We have-cap- 
 tured the printing press, and shall at once issue 
 a daily sheet. By this victory our combined 
 force have captured eight batteries, containing 
 forty-six heavy guns, and three batteries of 
 hght artillery, of six guns each, making in all 
 sixty-four guns; two steamboats, a number of 
 sailing vessels, wagons, horses, a large quantity 
 of ammunition, commissary and quartermaster’s 
 stores, forage, the entire camp equipage of the 
 rebel troops, a large quantity of rosin, tur- 
 pentine, cotton, &c., and over two hundred 
 prisoners. 
 
 “Our loss, thus far ascertained, will amount 
 to ninety-one killed, and four hundred and 
 sixty-six wounded, many of them mortally. 
 Among these are some of our most gallant 
 officers and men. The rebel loss is severe, but 
 not so great as our own, they being effectually 
 covered by their works. 
 
 “'T'oo much praise cannot be awarded to the 
 officers and men for their untiring exertion, 
 and unceasing patience, in accomplishing this 
 work. ‘The effecting of the landing, and the 
 approach to within a mile and a half of the 
 enemy’s works on the 13th, I consider as 
 great a victory as the engagement of the 
 14th. 
 
 “Owing to the difficult nature of the land 
 ing, our men were forced to wade ashore waist 
 deep, march through mud to a point twelve 
 miles distant, bivouac on low, marshy ground, 
 in a rain storm, for the night, engage the enemy 
 at daylight in the morning, fighting them for 
 four hours, amid a dense fog, that prevented 
 
518 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 them from seeing the position of the enemy, 
 and finally advancing rapidly over bad roads 
 upon the city. In the midst of all this, not a 
 complaint was heard ; the men were only eager 
 to accomplish their work. Every brigade, and 
 in fact every regiment, and I can almost say 
 every officer and man of the force landed, was 
 in the engagement. 
 
 “The men are all in good spirits, and, under 
 the circumstances, are in good health. 
 
 “T beg to say to the general commanding 
 that I have under my command a division that 
 can be relied upon in any emergency. 
 
 “A more detailed report will be forwarded 
 as soon as I receive the brigade returns. The 
 brigadier-generals, having been in the midst 
 of their regiments whilst under fire, will be 
 able to give me minute accounts. I beg to say 
 to the general commanding the army, that I 
 have endeavored to carry out the very minute 
 instructions given me by him before leaving 
 Annapolis, and thus far events have been sin- 
 gularly coincident with his anticipations; I only 
 hope that we may in future be able to carry 
 out in detail the remaining plans of the cam- 
 paign. The only thing I have to regret, is the 
 delay caused by the elements. 
 
 “I desire again to bear testimony to the 
 gallantry of our naval fleet, and to express my 
 thanks to Commander Rowan, and the officers 
 under him, for their hearty and cheerful codper- 
 ation in this movement. Their assistance was 
 timely and of great service in the accomplish- 
 ment of our undertaking. 
 
 “JT omitted to mention that there was a large 
 arrival of reénforcements of the enemy in New- 
 bern during the engagement, which retreated 
 with the remainder of the army by the cars 
 and the country roads. 
 
 “J have the honor, general, to be 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “A. EK. Burnsipe, 
 “ Brig-Gen. com’g Department of North Carolina. 
 
 “ General L. Tuomas, Adjutant-General United States Army.” 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 COMMODORE ROWAN’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘‘UnITED STares FLAG-STEAMER PHILADELPHIA, 
 Orr Newsern, N.C., March 16. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to report the capture 
 of all the rebel batteries upon the Neuse River, 
 the complete defeat and rout of the enemy’s 
 forces in this vicinity, and the occupation of the 
 city of Newbern by the combined forces of the 
 army and navy of the United States on yester- 
 day, Friday, at noon. The incidents of th 
 expedition, briefly stated, are these: 
 
 “The fleet under my command, and that of 
 the army, left Hatteras Inlet at half past seven 
 on Wednesday morning, the 12th instant, and 
 arrived, without accident or delay, on the point 
 selected for disembarking the troops, and with- 
 in sight of the city of Newbern, at sunset on 
 the evening of the same day, where we an- 
 chored for the night. 
 
 “On Thursday morning I hoisted my pennant 
 on board the steamer Delaware. 
 
 “At half past eight A. M., our gunboats com- 
 menced shelling the woods in the vicinity of 
 the proposed place of landing, taking stations 
 
 at intervals along the shore, to protect the ad- 
 
 vance of the troops. 
 “At half past nine A.M, the troops com- 
 
 _menced landing, and at the same time six naval 
 
 boat-howitzers, with their crews, under the com- 
 mand of Lieutenant R. 8. McCook, of the Stars 
 and Stripes, were put on shore to assist the 
 attack. The army commenced to move up the 
 beach at about half past eleven A. M., the de- 
 barkation of troops still continuing. In the 
 mean time our vessels were slowly moving up, 
 throwing shell in the wood beyond. 
 
 “ At a quarter past four P. M., the first of the 
 enemy’s batteries opened fire on the foremost 
 of our gunboats, which was returned by them 
 at long range. The troops were now all dis- 
 embarked, and steadily advancing without re- 
 sistance. At sundown the firing was discon- 
 tinued, and the fleet came to anchor in position 
 to cover the troops on shore. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “ At half past six A. M., on Friday, the 14th 
 instant, we heard a continuous firing of 
 heavy guns and musketry inland, and immedi- 
 ately commenced throwing our shells in advance 
 of the position supposed to be held by our 
 troops. The fleet steadily moved up, and grad- 
 ually closed in towards the batteries. The 
 lower fortifications were discovered to have 
 been abandoned by the enemy. A boat was 
 despatched to it, and the stars and stripes 
 planted on the ramparts. 
 
 « As we advanced, the upper batteries opened 
 fire upon us. The fire was returned with effect, 
 the magazine of one exploding. 
 
 “ Having proceeded in an extended line as far 
 as the obstructions in the river would permit, 
 the signal was made to follow the movements 
 of the flag-ship, and the whole fleet advanced in 
 order, concentrating our fire on Fort Thompson, 
 mounting thirteen guns, on which rested the 
 enemy’s land defences. The army having with 
 great gallantry driven them out of those de- 
 fences, the forts were abandoned. 
 
 “ Several of our vessels were slightly mjured 
 in passing the barricades of piles and torpedoes 
 which had been placed in the river. 
 
 “The upper battery having been evacuated 
 on the approach of the combined forces, it was 
 abandoned, and subsequently blew up. 
 
 “We now steamed rapidly up to the city. 
 The enemy had fled, and the place remained 
 im our possession. 
 
 “Upon our approach, several points of the 
 city were fired by the enemy where stores had 
 been accumulated. Two small batteries, con- 
 structed of cotton bales, and mounting two guns 
 each, were also fired by them. ‘Two small 
 steamers were captured, another having been 
 burnt. A large raft, composed of barrels of 
 pitch and bales of cotton, which had been pre- 
 pared to send down upon the fleet, was fired, 
 and floating against the railroad bridge, set it 
 on fire, and destroyed it. In addition to the 
 prizes, a quantity of cotton, pitch, tar, a gun- 
 
 519 
 
 boat, and another vessel on the stocks, several 
 
 schooners afloat, and an immense quantity of 
 
 arms and munitions of war, fell into our hands. 
 
 “At about four P. M.,I sent several of our 
 
 vessels to the right bank of the Trent River, to 
 
 carry General Foster’s brigade to occupy the 
 city of Newbern. 
 
 “T am, respectfully, 
 “S. C. Rowan, 
 “ Com. U. S. Naval Forces in Pamlico Sound. 
 
 “ Flag-Officer L. M. Gotpssoroven, commanding 
 North Atlantic Blockading Squadron, &c.” 
 
 CHAPTER LXVIUII. 
 
 Movement of General Banks’s Corps. — Advance to Winchester. 
 — Reconnoissance in Force. — Rebel Force of General Jack- 
 son. — Strategy of General Shields. — Departure of a Part 
 of General Banks’s Forces. — Advance of the Rebels. — Skir- 
 mishes. — General Shields wounded.— Peparations to meet 
 the Enemy. — Attack by the Rebels. — The Battle. — Re- 
 pulse of the Rebels on the Federal left. — Formidable Attack 
 on the Federal right. — Counter Movements. — Federal 
 Charge. — The Rebels routed. — The Pursuit. — Results of 
 the Battle. — Official Reports. 
 
 Tue force under General Banks, which had 
 been posted on the Upper Potomac, advanced, 
 when the army of the Potomac moved, from 
 Harper’s Ferry towards Winchester, in the val- 
 ley of the Shenandoah, thence to form a junc- 
 tion with the federal forces near Manassas, and 
 establish a more perfect protection for Wash- 
 ington. After some skirmishes with rebel cay- 
 alry, the greater part of General Banks’s forces 
 reached the vicinity of Winchester. From this 
 point a reconnoissance in force was made by the 
 division under command of General Shields, in 
 the direction of Mount Jackson, with the view 
 of ascertaining whether any considerable force 
 of the enemy was in that part of the valley, and, 
 if necessary, to give battle before a portion of 
 General Banks’s command was moved to Cen- 
 treville, near Bull Run. This reconnoissance 
 was made on the 18th and 19th of March, and 
 resulted in the discovery of a large force of 
 
520 
 
 rebels, under the command of General Jack-| 
 son,* strongly posted, and in communication | 
 with other forces at Luray and Washington, 
 farther up the valley. 
 
 Not deeming it expedient to attack the rebel 
 force in so strong a position, General Shields 
 sought to draw Jackson from it, and separate 
 him from his supports. To effect this, he fell 
 back upon Winchester on the 20th of March, 
 in such a manner as to give the impression of 
 a hasty retreat. The movement, however, ap- 
 parently failed to deceive the wary Jackson, 
 who did not follow to attack the retreating fed- 
 eral force, and after a day’s delay, preparations 
 were made for the march of the division which 
 was to go to Centreville, the greater part of 
 which moved on the 22d. General Shields’s 
 division being so posted as to conceal its real 
 strength, the rebel scouts and citizens of Win- 
 chester were under the impression that only a 
 few regiments remained to garrison the place. 
 This impression was speedily communicated to 
 Jackson, and the rebel force immediately ad- 
 vanced from its position towards Winchester. 
 In the afternoon of the day on which the last 
 of the troops destined for Centreville moved 
 from. the town, the rebel cavalry, under Colonel 
 Ashby, drove in the federal pickets, when Gen- 
 eral Shields threw a few regiments between the 
 advancing enemy and Winchester to repulse 
 them. This was done in a manner to deceive 
 the enemy into the belief that the whole of the 
 garrison was thrown out for the defence of their 
 post, but the object was accomplished, and the 
 enemy held in check till the federal troops 
 could be properly disposed to meet the attack. 
 In a skirmish which followed General Shields 
 was wounded in the arm and shoulder by a 
 fragment of a shell, and so much injured that 
 he was unable to keep the field. He showed, 
 however, a true soldier’s courage, and vigorous- 
 
 * Familiarly known as “ Stonewall” Jackson, because he had 
 declared at the battle of Bull Run that the brigade under his 
 ommand would stand as firm as a stone wall. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNIFED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ly continued his preparations to repulse the 
 enemy. 
 
 A reconnoissance on the following morning 
 discovered no rebel force except Ashby’s cav- 
 alry, and it was concluded by the federal officers 
 that Jackson did not intend to make any seri- 
 ous attack. General Banks and staff accord- 
 ingly left for Washington, thence to join his 
 division at Centreville. General Shields, how- 
 ever, held his troops in position, ready to meet 
 the enemy, one brigade being strongly posted 
 in advance, about two miles from the town,and 
 the others ready to support it and to meet any 
 attack upon the federal flanks. The precau- 
 tions of General Shields were wisely taken ; for 
 early in the forenoon it became evident that 
 a considerable force of the enemy, in addition 
 to Ashby’s cavalry, was in front, and was ap- 
 proaching so much under cover of the woods 
 that it was impossible to estimate the number. 
 Colonel Kimball, who commanded in the field, 
 opened fire with a portion of his artillery, with 
 the view of unmasking the enemy’s position 
 and line of approach, and soon it was evident 
 that Jackson’s whole force was coming to at- 
 tack. The rebel artillery responded, as they 
 brought up battery after battery to strong po- 
 sitions, and opened fire along their whole line. 
 The artillery fire on both sides continued with 
 little effect for several hours, the rebels grad 
 ually approaching and bringing up their sup- 
 ports. They soon advanced a column of in- 
 fantry and cavalry on the left flank of the 
 federal force, but an active body of skirmishers, 
 supported by several pieces of artillery and a 
 brigade of infantry, was advanced to meet it, 
 and after a brisk fire and a determined resist- 
 ance, the rebel column was repulsed. 
 
 Having failed in this attempt, the rebel gen- 
 eral moved the greater portion of this force 
 from his right to the support of his left and 
 centre, and then made a more formidable attack 
 upon the federal right. He concentrated a large 
 |portion of his artillery upon this part of the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 field, advantageously posted, and then moved a 
 heayy column upon the federal position. The 
 federal batteries posted on the right wing, 
 though well served, were found entirely in- 
 adequate to check the advance of this column, 
 which approached steadily, as if with a deter- 
 mination to overwhelm the federal force op- 
 posing it, turn the right flank, and with this 
 advantage soon utterly defeat the federal army. 
 General Shields directed the movements of the 
 day from his couch, notwithstanding his wound, 
 and when the advance of this formidable rebel 
 force was reported to him, he at once issued 
 orders to meet the emergency, and even before 
 the rebel infantry could commence the attack, 
 a counter movement was made, and the attack 
 was opened by the federal troops. The brigade 
 under General Tyler was ordered to advance 
 and carry the enemy’s batteries, and turn his 
 left flank if possible. This brigade moved with 
 great spirit to their work. They drove the rebel 
 skirmishers hastily back, and steadily advanced 
 till they approached a stone wall, behind which 
 the rebels were securely posted, and poured 
 upon them a destructive fire. The brigade 
 wavered but foramoment. Several regiments 
 were already coming rapidly up to their sup- 
 port, ‘soon the whole force charged upon 
 the rebel position, and drove the enemy from 
 their shelter. They fought with spirit, but 
 soon fell back in great disorder through the 
 woods to their supports. Here they rallied, 
 and formed a new line of resistance; but the 
 federal troops, encouraged by their success, 
 advanced with great enthusiasm, and by a 
 steady and destructive fire again drove the 
 rebels from their position, and soon the whole 
 force of the enemy were in full retreat, leaving 
 their killed and wounded on the field. Night, 
 and the exhaustion of the federal troops, pre- 
 vented pursuit; and the rebels, after retreating 
 about five miles, took up a position for the 
 night. © 
 
 It seemed evident to General Shields that 
 
 66 
 
 521 
 
 Jackson would not have ventured this battle 
 so far from the main body of the rebel army 
 unless he had expected reénforcements, and 
 fearing that these might be brought up in such 
 numbers as to lead to a renewal of the rebel 
 attack in overwhelming force, General Shields 
 made preparation for such a turn. He brought 
 together all the troops at his command, and 
 despatched. a messenger for the last brigade 
 which had left for Centreville to march at once 
 to Winchester during the night, (an order 
 which General Banks, hearing the cannonade, 
 had already anticipated ;) and he also prepared 
 to follow up his success, and if possible to ha- 
 rass and drive the rebel forces before their 
 reénforcements could arrive. arly on the fol- 
 lowing morning the federal artillery opened 
 fire in the direction of the enemy, and the 
 troops. moved forward again in pursuit. No 
 reénforcements had arrived to enable Jackson 
 to again resume the offensive, and he accord- 
 ingly retreated before the advance of the fed- 
 eral force, of which General Banks, who had 
 returned from Harper’s Ferry, now assumed the 
 command. The retreat was at first orderly, but 
 the defeat of the previous day, and the constant 
 pressure of the pursuing force, demoralized the 
 rebel troops, and their retreat was soon acceler- 
 ated into disorderly flight. The federal force 
 followed as far as Woodstock, but there the 
 pursuit ended, in consequence of the exhaustion 
 of the men, and the apparently complete rout 
 of the rebels. 
 
 The federal success was decided and impor- 
 tant at this juncture, while the movement of 
 Jackson indicated the necessity of retaining a 
 considerable force in the valley of the Shenan- 
 doah. The force with which Jackson moved 
 towards Winchester was composed of eleven 
 regiments and an Irish battalion of infantry, a 
 very efficient body of cavalry, under Colonel 
 Ashby, with thirty-six pieces of artillery. The 
 whole force numbered about eleven thousand 
 men, of whom fifteen hundred were cavalry. 
 
522 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The federal force left with General Shields, after 
 the movement of a part‘of the army corps to 
 Centreville, numbered ‘about six thousand in- 
 fantry, seven hundred and fifty cavalry, with 
 twenty-four pieces of artillery. The federal 
 loss was about one hundred killed, and upwards 
 of two hundred wounded, while the rebel loss 
 was much greater, the number of killed being 
 estimated at three hundred, and one hundred 
 and fifty of their wounded were left on the 
 field, in addition to a large number who were 
 taken with them in their retreat. About two 
 hundred prisoners were also captured, and the 
 rebels abandoned two pieces of artillery and a 
 large number of small arms. 
 
 The following official reports of General 
 Shields and of Colonel Kimball, who com- 
 manded in the field, give a more detailed 
 account of the battle, of which the general fea- 
 tures and movements are given above : — 
 
 OFFICIAL REPORT OF GENERAL SHIELDS. 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS SHIELDS’s Division, 
 WincuHetstir, VA., March 29, 1862. 
 
 «Sim: I have the honor to report that during 
 my reconnoissance of the 18th and 19th in- 
 stants, in the direction of Mount Jackson, | 
 ascertained that the enemy under Jackson was 
 strongly posted near that place, and in direct 
 communication with a force at Luray and an- 
 other at Washington. It became important, 
 therefore, to draw him from his position and 
 supporting force if possible. To endeavor to 
 effect this, I fell back to Winchester on the 
 20th, giving the movement all the appearance 
 of a retreat. The last brigade of the first 
 division of Banks’s corps darmée, General Wil- 
 liams commanding, took its departure for Cen- 
 treville by way of Berryville, on the morning 
 of the 22d, leaving only Shields’s division and 
 the Michigan cavalry in Winchester. Ashby’s 
 cavalry, observing this movement from a dis- 
 tance, came to the conclusion that Winchester 
 was being evacuated, and signalized Jackson to 
 
 that effect. We saw their signal fires and di- 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 vined their import. On the 22d, about five 
 o’clock P. M., they attacked and drove in our 
 pickets. By order of General Banks, I put my 
 command under arms, and pushed forward one 
 brigade and two batteries of artillery to drive 
 back the enemy, but, to keep him deceived as 
 to our strength, only let him see two regiments 
 of infantry, a small body of cavalry, and part 
 of the artillery. While directing one of our 
 batteries to its position I was struck by the 
 fragment of a shell, which fractured my arm 
 above the elbow, bruised my shoulder, and in- 
 jured my side. The enemy being driven from 
 his position, we withdrew to Winchester. The 
 injuries I had received completely prostrated 
 me, but were not such as to prevent me from 
 making the required dispositions for the ensu- 
 ing day. Under cover of the night, I pushed 
 forward Kimball’s brigade nearly three miles on 
 the Strasburg road. Daum’s artillery was post- 
 ed in a strong position to support his brigade 
 if attacked. Sullivan’s brigade was posted in 
 the rear of Kimball’s, and within supporting 
 distance of it, covering all the approaches. to 
 the town by Cedar Creek, Front Royal, Berry- 
 ville, and. Romney roads. This brigade and 
 Broadhead’s cavalry were held in resegye, so as 
 to support our force in front at any pot where 
 it might be attacked. These dispositions being 
 made I rested for the night, knowing that all 
 the approaches by which the enemy might pen- 
 etrate to this place were effectually guarded. 
 “JY deem it necessary in this place to give a 
 brief description of these approaches, as well as. 
 of the field, which next day became the scene 
 of one of the bloodiest battles of the war. Win- 
 chester is approached from the south by three 
 principal roads—the Cedar Creek road on 
 the west, the Valley Turnpike road leading to 
 Strasburg in the centre, and the Front Royal 
 road on the east. There is a little village, 
 called Kernstown, on the Valley road, about 
 three and a half miles from Winchester. On 
 
 ‘the west side of this road, about half a mile 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 north of Kernstown, is a ridge of ground which 
 commands the approach by the turnpike anda 
 part of the surrounding country. This ridge was 
 the key-point of our position. Here Colonel 
 Kimball, the senior officer in command on the 
 field, took his station. Along this ridge Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Daum, chief of artillery, posted 
 three of his batteries, keeping one of his bat- 
 teries in reserve some distance in the rear. Part 
 of our infantry was first placed in position in 
 the rear and within supporting distance of these 
 batteries, well sheltered in the windings and 
 sinuosities of the ridge. The main body of the 
 enemy on the ridge was posted in order of 
 battle about half a mile beyond Kernstown, his 
 line extending from the Cedar Creek road to a 
 little ravine near the Front Royal road, a dis- 
 tance of about two miles. This ground had 
 been so skilfully selected that, while it afforded 
 facilities for manceuvring, it was completely 
 masked by high and wooded ground in front. 
 These woods he filled with skirmishers, sup- 
 ported by a battery on each flank ; and so adroit- 
 ly had this movement been conducted, and so 
 skilfully had he concealed himself, that at eight 
 o'clock A. M., on the 23d, nothing was visible 
 but the same force under Ashby which had 
 been repulsed the previous evening. Not being 
 able to reconnoitre the front in person, I de- 
 spatched an experienced officer, Colonel John 
 T. Mason, of the fourth Ohio volunteers, about 
 nine o’clock A. M., to the front, to perform that 
 duty, and to report to me, as promptly as possi- 
 ble, every circumstance that might indicate the 
 presence of the enemy. About an hour after 
 Colonel Mason returned, and reported to me 
 that he had carefully reconnoitred the country 
 in front and on both flanks, and found no indi- 
 cations of any hostile force except that of 
 Ashby’s. 
 
 “J communicated this information to Major- 
 General Banks, who was then with me, and 
 after consulting together, we both concluded 
 that Jackson could not be tempted to hazard 
 
 523 
 
 himself so far away. from his main support. 
 Having both come to this conclusion, General 
 Banks took his departure for Washington, being 
 already under orders to that effect. The officers 
 of his staff, however, remained behind, intend- 
 ing to leave for Centreville in the afternoon. 
 Although I began to conclude that Jackson 
 was nowhere in the vicinity, knowing the crafty 
 enemy we have to deal with I took care not to 
 omit a single precaution. Between eleven and 
 twelve o’clock A. M., a message from Colonel 
 Kimball informed me that another battery on 
 the enemy’s right had opened on our position, . 
 and that there were some indications of a 
 considerable force of infantry in the woods in 
 that quarter. On receiving this information I 
 pushed forward Sullivan’s brigade, which was 
 placed, by order of Colonel Kimball, in a posi- 
 tion to oppose the advance of the enemy’s right 
 wing. ‘The action opened with a fire of artil- 
 lery on both sides, but at too great a distance 
 to be very effective. The initiative was taken 
 by the enemy. He pushed forward a few more 
 guns to his right, supported by a considerable 
 force of infantry and cavalry, with the apparent 
 intention of enfilading our position and turning 
 our left flank. An active body of skirmishers, 
 consisting of the eighth Ohio, Colonel Carroll, 
 and three companies of the sixty-seventh Ohio, 
 was immediately thrown forward on both sides 
 of the Valley road to resist the enemy’s advance. 
 These skirmishers were admirably supported 
 by four pieces of artillery under Captain Jenks, 
 and Sullivan’s gallant brigade. This united 
 force repulsed the enemy at all points, and 
 gave him such a check that no further dem- 
 onstration was made upon that flank during the 
 remainder of the day. The attempt against 
 our left flank having thus failed, the. enemy 
 withdrew the greater part of his force¥o the 
 right, and formed it into a reserve to support 
 his left flank in a forward movement. He then 
 added his original reserve and two batteries to 
 his main body, and then, advancing with this 
 
524 
 
 combined column, under shelter of the bridge 
 on his left, on which other batteries had been 
 previously posted, seemed evidently determined 
 to turn our right flank or overthrow it. Our 
 batteries on the opposite ridge, though admira- 
 bly managed by their experienced chief, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Daum, were soon found insuffi- 
 cient to check, or even retard, the advance of 
 such a formidable body. At this stage of the 
 
 combat a messenger arrived from Colonel Kim- 
 
 ball, informing me of the state of the field, and 
 requesting direction as to the employment of 
 the infantry. I saw there was not a moment 
 to lose, and gave positive orders that all the dis- 
 posable infantry should be immediately thrown 
 forward on our right to carry the enemy’s bat- 
 teries, and to assail and turn his left flank, and 
 hurl it back on the centre. Colonel Kimball 
 carried out these orders with promptitude and 
 ability. He intrusted this movement to Tyler's 
 splendid brigade, which, under its fearless leader, 
 Colonel Tyler, marched forward with alacrity 
 and enthusiastic joy to the performance of the 
 most perilous duty of the day. The enemy’s 
 skirmishers were driven before it and fell back 
 upon the main body, strongly posted behind 
 a high and solid stone wall, situated on an ele- 
 vated ground. Here the struggle became des- 
 perate, and for a short time doubtful; but 
 Tyler’s brigade being soon joined on the left 
 by the fifth Ohio, thirteenth Indiana, and sixty- 
 second Ohio, of Sullivan’s brigade, and the four- 
 teenth Indiana, eighty-fourth Pennsylvania, 
 seven companies of the sixty-seventh Ohio, and 
 three companies of the eighth Ohio, of Kimball’s 
 brigade, this united force dashed upon the enemy 
 with a cheer and yell that rose high up above 
 the roar of battle, and though the rebels fought 
 desperately, as their piles of dead attest, they 
 were#forced back through the woods by a fire 
 as destructive as ever fell upon a retreating foe. 
 Jackson, with his supposed invincible stone-wall 
 brigade and the accompanying brigades, much 
 to their mortification and discomfiture, were 
 
 s 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 compelled to fall back in disorder upon their 
 reserve. Here they took up a new position for 
 a final stand, and made an attempt for a few 
 minutes to retrieve the fortunes of the day; 
 but again rained down upon them the same 
 close and destructive fire. Again cheer upon 
 cheer rang in their ears. A few minutes only 
 did they stand up against it, when they turned 
 dismayed and fled in disorder, leaving us in 
 possession of the field, the killed and wounded, 
 three hundred prisoners, two guns, four caissons, 
 and a thousand stand of small arms. Night 
 alone saved him from total destruction. The 
 enemy retreated above five miles, and, judging 
 from his camp fires, took up a new position for 
 the night. Our troops, wearied and exhausted 
 with the fatigues of the day, threw themselves 
 down to rest on the field. 
 
 “Though the battle had been won, still I 
 could not have believed that Jackson would 
 have hazarded a decisive engagement at such 
 a distance from the main body without expect- 
 ing reénforcements. So, to be prepared for such 
 a contingency, I set to work during the night 
 to bring together all the troops within my 
 reach. I sent an express after Williams’s divis- 
 ion, requesting the rear brigade, about twenty 
 miles distant, to march all night and join me in 
 the morning. I swept the posts and route in 
 my rear of almost all their guards, hurrying 
 them forward by forced marches, to be with me 
 at daylight. I gave positive orders also to the 
 forces in the field to open fire on the enemy as 
 soon as the light of day would enable them to 
 point their guns, and to pursue him without 
 respite, and compel him to abandon his guns 
 and baggage or cut him to pieces. These orders 
 were implicitly obeyed as far as possible. It 
 now appears that I had rightly divined the in- 
 tentions of our crafty antagonist. On the morn- 
 ing of the 23d, a reénforcement from Luray, of 
 five thousand, reached Front Royal, on their 
 way to joi Jackson. This reénforcement was 
 being followed by another body of ten thou- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 sand from Sperryville; but recent rains having 
 rendered the Shenandoah River impassable, 
 they found themselves compelled to fall back, 
 without being able to effect the proposed junc- 
 tion. At daylight, on the morning of the 24th, 
 our artillery again opened on the enemy. He 
 entered upon his rétreat in very good order, con- 
 sidering what he had suffered. General Banks, 
 hearing of our engagement on his waysto Wash- 
 ington, halted at Harper’s Ferry, and with re- 
 markable promptitude and sagacity, ordered 
 back Wiliams’s whole division, so that my ex- 
 press found the rear brigade already en route to 
 join us. The general himself returned here 
 forthwith, an@Safter making me a hasty visit, 
 assumed command of the forces in pursuit of 
 the enemy. The pursuit -was kept up with 
 vigor, energy, and activity, until they reached 
 Woodstock, where the enemy’s retreat became 
 flight, and the pursuit was abandoned because 
 of the utter exhaustion of our troops. 
 
 “The killed and wounded in this engage- 
 ment cannot even yet be accurately ascertained. 
 Indeed, my command has been so overworked, 
 that it has had but little time to ascertain any 
 thing. The killed, as reported, are one hundred 
 and three,and among them we have to deplore 
 the loss of the brave Colonel Murray, of the 
 eighty-fourth Pennsylvania volunteers, who fell 
 at the head of his regiment while gallantly lead- 
 ing it in the face of the enemy. The wounded 
 are four hundred and forty-one, many of them 
 slightly, and the missing are twenty-four. The 
 enemy’s loss is more difficult to ascertain than 
 ourown. Two hundred and seventy were found 
 dead on the battle field. Forty were buried by 
 the inhabitants of the adjacent village, and by 
 a calculation made by the number of graves 
 found on both sides of the valley road between 
 here and Strasburg, their loss in killed must 
 have been about five hundred, and in wounded 
 one thousand. The proportion between the 
 killed and wounded of the enemy shows the 
 closeness and terrible destructiveness of our 
 
 525 
 
 fire—nearly half the wounds being fatal. The 
 enemy admit a loss of between one thousand and 
 one thousand five hundred killed and wounded. 
 Our force in infantry, cavalry, and artillery did 
 not exceed seven thousand. That of the enemy 
 must have exceeded eleven thousand. Jackson, 
 who commanded on the field, had, in addition to 
 his own stone-wall brigade, Smith’s, Garnett’s, 
 and Longstreet’s brigades. Generals Smith and 
 Garnett were here in person. The following 
 regiments were known to have been present, 
 and from each of them were made prisoners on 
 the field: the second, fourth, fifth, twenty-first, 
 twenty-third, twenty-seventh, twenty-eighth, 
 thirty-third, thirty-seventh, and forty-second 
 Virginia ; first regiment provisional army, and 
 an Irish battalion. None from the reserve were 
 made prisioners. Their force in infantry must 
 have been nine thousand. The cavalry of the 
 united brigades amounted to one thousand five 
 hundred. Their artillery consisted of thirty-six 
 pieces. We had six thousand infantry, and a 
 cavalry force of seven hundred and fifty, and 
 twenty-four pieces of artillery. 
 
 “J cannot conclude this report without ex- 
 pressing thanks and gratitude to officers and 
 soldiers of my command for their valuable con- 
 duct on this trying day. It was worthy of the 
 great country whose national existence they 
 have pledged their lives to preserve. Special 
 thanks are due to Colonel Kimball, command- 
 ing first brigade, and senior officer in the field. 
 His conduct was brave, judicious, and efficient. 
 He executed my orders, in every instance, with 
 vigor and fidelity, and exhibited wisdom and 
 sagacity in the various movements that were 
 necessarily intrusted to his direction. Colonel 
 Tyler, commanding third brigade, has won my 
 admiration by his fearless intrepidity. His 
 brigade is worthy of such af intrepid leader. 
 This brigade, and the regiments accompanying 
 it, achieved the decisive success of the day. 
 They drove the forces of the enemy before 
 them on the left flank, and by hurling this flank 
 
526 
 
 back upon the reserve, consummated this glo- 
 rious action. High praise is due to Colonel 
 Sullivan, commanding second brigade, for the 
 manner in which he contributed to the first 
 repulse of the enemy in the morning. To him 
 and Colonel Carroll of the eighth Ohio volun- 
 teers, who commanded the skirmishers, is the 
 credit due of forcing back the right wing of the 
 enemy, and of intimidating and holding him in 
 check on our left during the rest of the day. 
 The chief of artillery, Lietenant-Colonel Daum, 
 deserves high commendation for the skilful 
 manner in which he managed his batteries dur- 
 ing the engagement. This skilful management 
 prevented the enemy, doubtless, from using ef 
 fectually his formidable artillery. The cavalry 
 performed its duty with spirit in_ this engage- 
 ment, and, with its gallant officers, exhibited 
 activity which paralyzed the movements of the 
 enemy. The commanders of regiments are 
 also entitled to especial mention, but sufficient 
 justice cannot be done them im this report. I 
 must, therefore, refer you on this head to the 
 report of the brigade commanders. The officers 
 of my staff have my thanks for the fidelity with 
 which they discharged the trying duties that 
 devolved upon them. They had to penetrate 
 the thickest of the fight to bring me intelligence 
 of the state of the field, and performed their 
 perilous duty throughout the day with cheer- 
 ful alacrity. It affords me pleasure, as it is my 
 duty, to recommend all the officers whose names 
 I have specially mentioned, to the considera- 
 tion of the government. 
 “T have the honor to be, 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 “ Jas. SHIELDS, 
 
 “ Brigadier-General commanding. 
 ‘To Major-General Banks.” 
 REPORT OF ACTING BRIGADIER-GENERAL KIMBALL. 
 
 ‘*Heapauarters SureLtps’s Dryision, 
 Camp NEAR Srraspure, Va., March 26, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to submit the follow- 
 ing report of the battle which was fought near 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Winchester, Virginia, on Sunday, the 23d in- 
 stant, between the forces composing this division, 
 which I had the honor to command, and the 
 rebel forces under General Jackson. 
 
 “Karly in the morning of the 23d the enemy 
 commenced the attack, advancing from Kerns- 
 town, and occupying a position with their bat- 
 _teries on the heights to the right of the road, 
 and theewood in the plain to the left of the 
 road, with cavalry, infantry, and one battery. 
 I at once advanced the eighth Ohio, Colonel 
 Carroll, with fou¥ companies, taking the left, and 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Sawyer, with three com- 
 panies, taking the right of the turnpike road. 
 Colonel Carroll advanced stedllily, coming up 
 with two companies of the sixty-seventh Ohio, 
 who had been out as pickets, and uniting them 
 with his command, drove one of the enemy’s 
 batteries, which had opened a heavy fire upon 
 him, and after a sharp skirmish, routing five 
 companies of the infantry which were posted 
 behind a stone wall, and supported by cavalry, 
 holding this position during the whole day, thus 
 frustrating the attempt of the enemy to turn our 
 left. The right of the eighth Ohio remained 
 in front until about four o’clock P. M., when 
 they were recalled to support one of our bat- 
 teries on the heights. The sixty-seventh Ohio 
 was thrown on a hill to our right, to support 
 Jenks’s battery, which had been advanced to a 
 position commanding the village of Kernstown 
 and the wood on the right. 
 
 “'The fourteenth Indiana was sent forward to 
 support Clark’s battery, which advanced along 
 the road. The eighty-fourth Pennsylvania was 
 thrown over the hills to the right, to prevent a 
 flank movement of the enemy. The second 
 brigade, commanded by Colonel Sullivan, com- 
 posed of the thirteenth Indiana, fifth Ohio, 
 sixty-second Ohio, and thirty-ninth Illinois, were 
 sent. to the left, supporting Carroll’s skirmishers, 
 a section of Davis’s battery, and Robinson’s 
 first Ohio battery, and to prevent an attempt 
 
 Finich was made to turn that flank. We had. 
 
; ° 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 527 
 
 succeeded in driving the enemy from both flanks 
 and the front until four o’clock P. M., when 
 Jackson, with the whole of his infantry, sup- 
 ported by artillery and cavalry, took possession 
 of the hillside on the right, and planted his 
 batteries in a commanding position, and opened 
 a heavy and well-directed fire upon our bat- 
 teries and their supports, attracting our atten- 
 tion whilst he attempted to gain our right flank 
 with his infantry. At this juncture, I ordered 
 the third brigade, Colonel E. B. Tyler, seventh 
 Ohio, commanding, composed of the seventh 
 and twenty-ninth Ohio, first Virginia, seventh 
 Indiana, and one hundred and tenth Pennsyl- 
 vania, to move to the right, to gain the flank 
 of the enemy, and charge them through the 
 
 woods to their batteries posted on the hill. 
 
 They moved forward steadily and gallantly, 
 opening a galling fire on the enemy’s infantry. 
 “The right wing of the eighth Ohio, the four- 
 teenth and thirteenth Indiana, sixty-seventh 
 and fifth Ohio, and eighty-fourth Pennsylvania, 
 were sent forward to support Tyler’s brigade, 
 each one in its turn moving forward gallantly, 
 sustaining a heavy fire from both the enemy’s 
 batteries and his musketry. Soon all the regi- 
 ments above named were pouring forth a well- 
 directed fire, which was promptly answered by 
 the enemy, and after a hotly-contested action 
 of two hours, just as night closed in, the enemy 
 gave way, and were soon completely routed, 
 leaving their dead and wounded on the field, 
 together with two pieces of their artillery and 
 four caissons. Our forces retained possession 
 of the field, and bivouacked for the night. The 
 batteries, under their chief, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Daum, were well posted and admirably served 
 during the whole action. 
 “] respectfully refer you to the several 
 accompanying mene for the details of the 
 agement. regret to report the loss of 
 ccs. Colonel Murray, of the eighty-fourth 
 Pennsylvania, whotfell while bravely leading 
 forward his men amidst a fearful storm of shot 
 
 and shell. When all have done so well, both 
 officers and men, and achieved so much, it would 
 be seemingly invidious to particularize any in- 
 dividual officer, yet I can say, without doing 
 injustice to others, that Colonel Tyler deserves 
 the highest commendations for the gallant man- 
 ner in which he led his brigade during the con- 
 flict, and the gallant Carroll, Harrow, Foster, 
 Lewis, Patrick, Thoburne, Sawyer, Buckley, 
 Cheek, and Creighton deserve well of their 
 country. Colonel Sullivan, Candy’s brigade, on 
 the left, was not attacked in ‘force. His bat- 
 teries and skirmishers engaged the enemy, and 
 prevented the turning of that flank; and he, 
 too, merits the highest commendation. 
 “Naraan Krpatt, 
 
 “ Colonel commanding Sluelds’s Division. 
 ‘¢Major H. G. Armsrrone, A. A. A. General.” 
 
 CHAPTER LXIX. 
 
 Rebel Fortifications on the Mississippi.— Advantages of the 
 Possession of the River.— Necessity for opening the River, 
 and Preparations therefor. — Gunboats. — Isiand No. Ten. — 
 Military Expedition to New Madrid. — Operations of Gen- 
 eral Pope.— Evacuation of New Madrid by the Rebels. — 
 Advantage gained by the Federal Forces. — Movement of the 
 Gunboats. — Bombardment of the Rebel Forts. Slow Prog- 
 ress. — Construction of a Canal by General Pope’s Forces for 
 Passage of Transports. — Success of the Work. — Passage of 
 Gunboats by the Island.— Attack on the Forts below New 
 Madrid, and crossing of General Pope’s Forces. — Evacuation 
 of Rebel Fortifications. — Retreat “of Rebels interrupted. — 
 Their Confusion and Disorganization. — Capture of the Rebel 
 Army. — Surrender of Island No. Ten. — Prisoners and Ma- 
 terial captured. — The Result and its Advantages. — Official 
 Report. 
 
 By the occupation of the outlet of the Mis- 
 sissippi River, and the seizure and fortification 
 of strong points upon its banks, nearly up to 
 the Ohio, the rebels secured a most important 
 means of communication through the south- 
 western states, and inflicted a serious damage 
 upon the north-west by closing the natural 
 channel by which its immense products found 
 passage to the markets of the world. The 
 
528 
 
 fortifications at Columbus and other points had 
 effectually closed the river to the hitherto un- 
 restricted navigation of the numerous steamers 
 of the north-western states, and a vast amount 
 of northern property had been detained within 
 the limits of secession, and confiscated or stolen. 
 The possession of many valuable river boats 
 gave the rebels great facilities for the trans- 
 portation of troops and supplies, and for a time 
 enabled them, with extemporized gunboats, to 
 threaten the comparatively unprotected cities 
 upon the banks of the Mississippi and Ohio, 
 and to interfere with the military preparations 
 of the federal government. 
 
 To the north-western states it was of the 
 utmost importance that the Mississippi should 
 be opened to their commerce, while in a mili- 
 tary view its possession was a great advantage 
 and source of strength to the rebels, and its 
 loss to them would prove a blow that would 
 seriously weaken if not completely overthrow 
 the rebel power in the south-west. It was, 
 therefore, early felt to be necessary that the 
 federal government should open the Mississippi, 
 and maintain its free navigation to the loyal 
 north-western states, while from its banks the 
 rebellion ghould be pressed back into the inte- 
 rior, where it could not be sustained. Prepara- 
 tions were accordingly made for an expedition 
 down the river, and to this General Fremont, 
 during his command in the western depart- 
 ment, gave much attention. 
 
 There were, however, various obstacles to 
 the early success of the purposed plans. The 
 rebels had not been content with taking the 
 states which had, in form at least, voluntarily 
 seceded, but intent upon having all the slave 
 states, they had invaded Kentucky and Mis- 
 sourl, and occupied important points in such‘ 
 force that it became necessary first to protect 
 the loyal people of those states, and to drive 
 the rebel forces beyond their limits. Other 
 preparations and expeditions interfered with 
 the accomplishment of the grand movement 
 
 ° ’ 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 which had long been‘in contemplation. There 
 is reason to believe, too, that the early plans 
 for an expedition to open the Mississippi were 
 almost exclusively of a military character. 
 But it became evident that gunboats might 
 play an important part in the expedition. 
 General Fremont made some attempt to supply 
 these important auxiliaries, but his efforts in 
 this direction met with some disfavor. Several 
 gunboats, however, were soon after constructed, 
 and their successful service mn affairs of minor 
 importance led to the construction of others 
 of an improved and more formidable charac- 
 ter. The beginning of the year 1862 saw, 
 therefore, a very large and powerful fleet of 
 gunboats, several of which were wholly or 
 partially iron-clad, and most of them heavily 
 armed. In addition to these was a fleet of mor- 
 tar-boats or rafts, each carrying a mortar of 
 the largest size. The value of the gunboats 
 
 was realized in the reduction of Fort Henry — 
 and in the expeditions up the Cumberland and 
 Tennessee Rivers, and they would, doubtless, 
 have played an important part in the reduction 
 of Columbus, had not ‘hat point been evacu- 
 ated without attack. 
 
 But though the rebels had retired from their 
 position at Columbus, which was not tenable 
 after the fall of Forts Henry and Donelson 
 and the advance of the federal forces into Ten- 
 nessee, they held other points which were 
 equally strong in natural position and the for- 
 tifications constructed upon them, and which 
 secured to them the exclusive navigation of 
 the Mississippi so long as they held them, and 
 prevented the passage of the federal gunboats. 
 The first, and at this time the most important 
 of these positions, was at New Madrid and 
 Island No. Ten;* this island being about forty- 
 five miles, by the river, below Columbus, and 
 New Madrid lying five miles farther down on 
 the Missouri side of the river. > 
 
 *The islands in the Mississippi, Pisw the confluence of the 
 Ohio, are designated by numbers. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Having driven the rebel forces essentially 
 from Kentucky, and forced them to abandon 
 their stronghold at Columbus, the federal au- 
 thorities prepared to continue the progress of 
 the Union forces down the Mississippi. A fleet 
 of eight gunboats and a number of mortar 
 rafts, with numerous despatch and ammunition 
 boats and transports, were collected at Cairo, 
 under the command of Commodore Foote, in 
 whose skill and bravery the government and 
 people had the most perfect confidence. But 
 while the naval preparations were yet in prog- 
 ress, a military expedition, under command of 
 General Pope, had moved from St. Louis to- 
 wards New Madrid by land. They had several 
 skirmishes on the march, and arriving before 
 tis town on the 3d of March, General Pope 
 found it occupied by a considerable force of 
 infantry and artillery, and protected by fortifi- 
 cations which commanded the approaches to the 
 town, while several steamboats, carrying from 
 four to eight heavy guns each, lay in the river, 
 and owing to the high stage of the water, were 
 sufficiently high to throw their shot over the 
 surrounding country. This force, well in- 
 trenched, and supported by such formidable 
 batteries as the gunboats presented, rendered 
 the position too strong for an assault. The 
 fortifications might have been carried by such 
 assault, indeed, but the gunboats which com- 
 manded them would have driven the federal 
 troops speedily out. General Pope, accord- 
 ingly, without exposing his force to the danger 
 of a conflict which would have proved so use- 
 less, annoyed the enemy as much as possible 
 with his light guns and infantry, while he sent 
 to Cairo for heavy ordnance with which to con- 
 tend on more equal terms with the rebel bat- 
 teries. In the mean time he also sent a part 
 of his force to Point Pleasant, about twelve 
 miles below New Madrid, with a field battery 
 of Parrott guns, to take up a position there, 
 and construct rifle pits and sunken batteries, by 
 which they could command the river and pre- 
 
 > 67 
 
 529 
 
 vent the passage of gunboats or transports. 
 This work was successfully accomplished after 
 a slight opposition on the part of some boats 
 lying near the point. The rifle pits were con- 
 structed, the guns placed in position, and the 
 forces so disposed that subsequent attempts 
 made by the rebel gunboats to dislodge them 
 were unavailing, and the river was quite effect- 
 ually closed to transports or even gunboats. 
 
 The heavy guns for which General Pope had 
 sent arrived at his position on the 12th, and at 
 night were mounted in redoubts speedily con- 
 structed upon ground from which the enemy’s 
 pickets had been driven. The next morning 
 fire was opened from these heavy guns upon 
 the enemy’s works, and especially upon the 
 gunboats. Both the land batteries and gun- 
 boats of the rebels replied with a furious can- 
 nonade; but while General Pope’s forces and 
 batteries suffered but little from their fire, he 
 succeeded in disabling some of the boats and 
 damaging the works of the enemy. At the 
 same time he was threatening an assault on 
 another side, and pushing forward his trenches 
 with a view to advance his heavy batteries 
 near the banks of the river, and thus be able 
 more effectually to silence or destroy the gun- 
 boats. The work was pushed on vigorously 
 through the night, during the greater part of 
 which a severe thunder storm prevailed, and 
 the programme of the commanding general 
 would, without doubt, have been successfully 
 carried out had not the rebels, without further 
 coercion, evacuated their fortifications and beat 
 a precipitate retreat. 
 
 At daylight it was announced that the rebel 
 fortifications were abandoned, and upon exam- 
 ination it appeared that the report was true. 
 The federal troops were at once put in motion, 
 and soon entered the works of the enemy. 
 Every thing here indicated that the rebels had 
 evacuated their position in great haste, leaving 
 all their artillery, a large quantity of ammuni- 
 tion, and a great variety of public stores and 
 
530 
 
 private property. A large amount of this 
 property was hastily thrown into the river, but 
 in such a position that guns and other articles 
 of value were easily recovered. ‘The artillery 
 was nearly all spiked, but so indifferently that 
 a short time sufficed to restore the greater part 
 of it to use, and the guns were turned upon 
 the river face of the works to bear upon any 
 of the rebel gunboats that should attempt to 
 come down the river from Island No. Ten. The 
 gunboats and transports which lay in the river 
 had disappeared, some of them having prob- 
 ably gone up to the island, while possibly 
 others had succeeded in passing the batteries 
 at Point Pleasant and escaped down the river. 
 Most of the rebel troops, it was found, had been 
 transported across the river, and had landed 
 upon the Tennessee shore, to move, as best 
 they, might, away from the threatening federal 
 forces. The artillery captured amounted to 
 thirty-three pieces, many of them heavy siege 
 guns. The small arms were generally of an 
 inferior quality, but quite numerous, and there 
 was a large amount of ammunition, which the 
 rebels apparently made no attempt to carry 
 away or destroy. 
 
 The capture of the rebel fortifications at 
 New Madrid was an important success, for the 
 federal forces now held a position, strongly for- 
 tified, below the rebel works at Island No. Ten, 
 and prevented any reénforcements or supplies 
 reaching that place by water, and the land on 
 the Tennessee side was of such a character as 
 to render it very difficult to transport supplies 
 or move considerable bodies of troops. It ap- 
 peared certain, therefore, that the island must 
 soon surrender or be evacuated if the federal 
 gunboats and troops should come down the 
 river and make an attack. The place, how- 
 ever, was strongly fortified and well supplied, 
 and it was considered of so much importance 
 by the rebels, as the key to the Mississippi, 
 that it was not likely to be speedily surren- 
 dered. They, moreover, considered the posi- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 tion impregnable. So long as the rebels held 
 the island it seemed impossible for the federal _ 
 gunboats or transports to pass down the river, 
 and the capture of New Madrid would prove 
 of comparatively little importance if this ob- 
 struction remained. But, as already stated, 
 the position had now become a critical one, 
 with the only valuable means of communica- 
 tion cut off, and the reduction of the place was 
 but a question of time. 
 
 On the 14th of March the flotilla of gun- 
 boats and mortars, under Commodore Foote, 
 together with a number of transports and sup- 
 ply boats, sailed from Cairo and proceeded 
 down the Mississippi to operate against Island 
 No. Ten. There was some anxiety felt for the 
 situation of General Pope’s forces, and it jas 
 considered necessary, in order to secure his 
 safety, that the fleet should wait no longer. 
 With few delays it proceeded down the river 
 to the vicinity of the bend where the waters 
 turn again towards the north, some five or six 
 miles above the celebrated island. At this 
 point the boats anchored or made fast to the 
 shore, and a reconnoissance was made. It was 
 discovered that the rebels had established bat- 
 teries on the Tennessee side of the river, com- 
 manding the approach to the bend, and still 
 others commanding the bend, and near the 
 latter an extensive camp was seen, showing 
 the presence of a large body of troops. These 
 batteries were in part upon higher land than 
 Island No. Ten, and owing to the bend in the 
 river, were thought by the federal officers to 
 be more formidable obstacles to the passage 
 of the boats than the works on the island. It 
 was at least evident that these fortifications, 
 whether the main works or not, must be dis- 
 posed of before operations could be commenced 
 by the gunboats against the island, except at 
 long range, across the point of land around 
 which the river bends. Fire was opened upon 
 the nearest batteries by one or two of the gun- 
 boats, to which the rebels responded, oe 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the position of their guns. Some of the mor- 
 tar boats were then placed in position near the 
 shore, and out of the reach of the rebel shots, 
 and the crews commenced practice with their 
 huge pieces of ordnance, throwing enormous 
 shells into the vicinity of the rebel works. In 
 the mean time some of the transports had 
 landed troops on the Missouri shore, and prep- 
 arations were made for more serious and vigor- 
 ous operations. 
 
 From this time a continual bombardment of 
 the rebel works and camps was kept up from 
 the gunboats and mortars the greater part of 
 the time during two weeks. The first or upper 
 battery of the enemy was silenced, and a small 
 party of soldiers succeeded in spiking the guns. 
 Rut notwithstanding the expenditure of shot 
 
 and shell, and the skill and courage of the) 
 
 naval officers, little progress appeared to be. 
 
 made towards the reduction or surrender of 
 the position. The military force which accom- 
 panied Commodore Foote was not sufficiently 
 large to operate against the enemy, and the 
 swampy nature of the point which lay between 
 them and the island was altogether unfavor- 
 able for military operations or the construction 
 of batteries. The success of the movement 
 against this real stronghold of the rebels, 
 except by storming the garrison, soon appeared 
 somewhat doubtful. General Pope’s position 
 at New Madrid and Point Pleasant prevented 
 the rebels from receiving reénforcements or 
 new supplies by water, and the chances of 
 getting them through the swamps which en- 
 closed them on the south were very small. 
 But they had large supplies on hand, and a 
 regular siege would prove a tedious process, 
 and might seriously retard other operations 
 already commenced. 
 
 Upon the evacuation of New. Madrid, the 
 rebels had constructed batteries along the Ten- 
 nessee shore from the vicinity of Island No. 
 Ten to Tiptonville, their lowest landing place, 
 which was now bleckaded by General Pope’s 
 
 pel 
 
 Point Pleasant batteries. They feared an at- 
 tack upon the rear of their position, to codp- 
 erate with the gunboat attack in front. But 
 General Pope had no means of crossing the 
 river. The rebels had escaped with their boats 
 which lay at New Madrid, and there was no 
 federal boat in the Mississippi below Island No. 
 Ten. General Pope informed Commodore Foote 
 
 |of his operations to blockade the river below 
 
 the rebel position, and desired, if possible, that 
 a gunboat might run by the rebel works, and 
 then transport his troops across the river in 
 such force as should prevent the retreat of the 
 rebels, and soon compel them to surrender. 
 But this was considered too dangerous an exper- 
 iment, and was not then attempted. At this 
 juncture, General Hamilton, who commanded 
 a brigade of General Pope’s forces, suggested 
 the possibility of excavating a canal through 
 the tongue of land on the Missouri shore, so 
 as to pass gunboats and transport steamers 
 from above the island to a point below, in 
 communication with General Pope’s forces. 
 A regiment of engineers under Colonel Bissell 
 were sent to perform this work, if found prac- 
 ticable, and Colonel Bissell’s energy and skill 
 soon discovered a feasible passage through the 
 swamps and bayous, upon which his troops, with 
 other men from the forces above the island, 
 were immediately set at work to excavate and 
 clear a channel or canal fora distance of twelve 
 miles. It was a work of great difficulty, inas- 
 much as it was necessary, for a great part of 
 the distance, to saw off the trunks of large 
 trees several feet below the surface of the wa- 
 ter. It was intended to have the canal suffi- 
 ciently deep for the passage of gunboats; but 
 the difficulties to be overcome, and the longer 
 time which would be required, caused that 
 purpose to be abandoned, and it was only made 
 navigable for transports which were of lighter 
 draught. 
 
 While this work. was in progress, General 
 
 | Pope, knowing that it would be impracticable, 
 
oop 
 
 without the protection of gunboats, to cross his 
 army in the face of the batteries which the 
 rebels had constructed along the river bank 
 from Island No. Ten as far as the high land 
 extended, and believing that the gunboats 
 above the island could not pass down to his 
 aid, constructed a floating battery of great 
 strength, and armed with heavy guns, which 
 should serve the purpose of a gunboat in silen- 
 cing some of the enemy’s guns, or covering 
 the passage of his troops. This was ready for 
 use when the canal was finished, and the trans- 
 ports succeeded in passing through ; but its use 
 was superseded by the access of more service- 
 able vessels. 
 
 The canal was completed on the 4th of 
 April, and the transports and barges were 
 brought through to its outlet, near New Madrid. 
 The same night Commodore Foote, deter- 
 mined to codperate with General Pope, if pos- 
 sible, sent one of his gunboats, the Carondelet, 
 a wooden, vessel without armor, under com- 
 
 mand of Captain Walke, to attempt a passage 
 The attempt was | 
 entirely successful, the boat running the gant-| 
 let of the rebel guns without injury. With} 
 
 by the enemy’s batteries. 
 
 this gunboat Captain Walke ran down the 
 river, shelling the enemy’s batteries from the 
 point opposite New Madrid to the lowest one, 
 nearly opposite Point Pleasant. The last one 
 he succeeded in silencing, and a small infantry 
 force, being landed, spiked the guns. The next 
 night Commodore Foote sent down the Pitts- 
 burg, an iron-clad gunboat, which also passed 
 the rebel works without injury. With the two 
 gunboats to cover the passage of his troops, 
 General Pope brought his transports from the 
 canal, embarked a division. under General 
 Paine, and prepared to cross as soon as the 
 rebel batteries near the point selected for 
 landing should be silenced. The gunboats 
 and the heavy batteries on the opposite side 
 of the river accomplished this part of the work 
 in a few hours, and the troops were immedi- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ately transported across the river and landed 
 without opposition. Indeed, as soon as the 
 crossing commenced, the rebels apparently 
 abandoned their shore batteries and began to 
 retreat. The federal troops were hurried 
 forward, to intercept the retreat or flight of the 
 enemy, to Tiptonville, the lowest point of dry 
 land above named, nearly opposite Point Pleas- 
 ant. To this place it was found that the 
 greater part of the rebel force was hastily 
 moving, in the hope of escaping down the 
 river by boats. The federal forces, however, 
 succeeded in turning them back; and they 
 were consequently detained upon what was 
 little better than an island, the swamps and 
 bayous on the south-east being scarcely more 
 passable than the river itself The leading 
 division under General Paine was promptly 
 supported by the greater part of General 
 Pope’s forces, and the escape of the rebels was 
 wholly cut off’ One or two attempts to resist 
 the fedéral troops were at first made, but they 
 were feeble and ineffectual; and finally, the 
 rebels, retreating from the different points 
 which they had occupied, met in great confu- 
 sion in the night, and were so disorganized 
 that they were easily and speedily driven back 
 into the swamps by the advancing federal 
 troops. Here they were soon forced to sur- 
 render, only a few escaping through the forests 
 and swamps into the interior of Tennessee. 
 The garrison on Island No. Ten was at this 
 time a small one; and finding that they had 
 been deserted by their friends on the main 
 land, and knowing that General Pope’s forces 
 had crossed the river so as to be able to attack 
 their position in the rear, they surrendered to 
 Commodore Foote, who had continued a slow 
 bombardment during the preparations and 
 movements of General Pope, and was now 
 prepared to codperate with him by a closer 
 and more vigorous attack. Previous to the sur- 
 render, a formidable floating battery, mounting 
 sixteen heavy guns, which had been partially 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 disabled by the federal shots in the first en- 
 gagement in which it was used, was turned 
 adrift,and stranded on the shore below New 
 Madrid. The batteries on the island and along 
 the Tennessee shore were strong earthworks, 
 supplied with a large number of heavy guns. 
 But guns, ammunition, and stores were all 
 abandoned by the rebels in their precipitate 
 flight, without destruction or material injury. 
 Four steamers afloat, and two which had been 
 sunk, were captured, together with a gunboat, 
 which was also sunk. The supply of ammuni- 
 tion captured was very large, indicating the 
 expectation of the rebel authorities that the 
 position would be desperately defended. 
 
 The number of prisoners captured by Gen- 
 eral Pope and surrendered to Commodore 
 Foote was about seven thousand, of whom 
 there were three general and two hundred 
 and seventy-three other commissioned offi- 
 cers. The artillery numbered one hundred 
 and twenty-three pieces, a large proportion of 
 which were of the most approved patterns. 
 Seven thousand stand of small arms were also 
 captured, and the supplies of almost all kinds, 
 as well as the transportation, showed a liberal 
 provision for the forces which were expected to 
 hold this important post. 
 
 For the federal cause this was another grati- 
 fying and important success. It opened the 
 Mississippi for a long distance, and removed 
 another of the obstructions which the rebels 
 had raised to the progress of northern arms, 
 and to the free navigation of this natural high- 
 way to the sea, so important to the north- 
 western states. This success was due chiefly 
 to the energy and vigorous measures of Gen- 
 eral Pope, and the engineering skill of Colonel 
 Bissell, who opened the passage for transports 
 «through the swamps and upland of the Mis- 
 sourl shore, and to the energy and determi- 
 nation of the troops. This point was, indeed, 
 justly regarded by the rebels as the key to the 
 passage down the river. No other position 
 
 533 
 
 throughout the course of the river possessed 
 greater natural advantages, in some respects, 
 or was at that time more strongly fortified, 
 than Island No. Ten and the adjacent shore. 
 Fort Pillow and Memphis were of little account 
 when Island No. Ten was lost; and Vicksburg, 
 which afterwards proved so long impregnable, 
 was then but moderately defended by fortifica- 
 tions. Two of the rebel strongholds on the 
 river, Columbus and Island No. Ten, were lost, 
 and the great river was open for progress into 
 the heart of the rebel territory. It was a 
 happy augury of further and early successes 
 by the combined naval and military.forces of 
 the United States, and was hailed with great 
 satisfaction by the loyal people of the north- 
 western states. 
 
 ‘The following are the official reports of the 
 operations at Ne ew Madrid and Island No. Ten: — 
 
 GENERAL POPE’ S OFFICIAL.REPORT OF THE CAP- 
 TURE OF NEW MADRID. 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS DisTRICT OF THE MISSISSIPPI, 
 New Maprip, March 14, 1862. 
 
 “ GrneRAL: I have the honor to submit, for 
 the information of the general commanding 
 the department, the following report of the 
 operations which resulted in the capture of 
 this place. 
 
 “J arrived before this town with the forces 
 under my command on Monday, the third in- 
 stant. I found the place occupied by five 
 regiments of infantry and several companies 
 of artillery. One bastioned earthwork, mount- 
 ing fourteen heavy guns, about half a mile 
 below the town, and another irregular work at 
 the upper end of the town, mounting seven 
 pieces of heavy artillery, together with lines 
 of intrenchments between them, constituted 
 the defensive works. Six gunboats, carrying 
 from four to eight heavy guns each, were an- 
 chored along the shore, between the upper and 
 lower redoubts. 
 
 “The country is perfectly level for miles 
 around the place, and as the river was so high 
 
534 
 
 that the guns of the gunboats looked directly 
 over the banks, the approaches to the town for 
 seven miles were commanded by direct and 
 cross fire from at least sixty guns of heavy 
 calibre. 
 
 “It would not have been difficult to carry 
 the intrenchments, but it would have been 
 attended with heavy loss, and we should not 
 have been able to hold the place half an hour, 
 exposed to the destructive fire of the gunboats. 
 As there seemed no immediate hope of the 
 appearance of our own gunboats, it became 
 necessary to bring down a few heavy guns by 
 land te operate against those of the enemy. 
 They were accordingly sent for, and, mean- 
 time, forced reconnoissances were pushed over 
 the whole ground, and into several parts of the 
 town. Some brisk skirmishes resulted, in which 
 the enemy invariably retreated precipitately. 
 It was found impossible to-induce them to 
 trust any considerable force of their infantry 
 outside of their intrenchments. As soon as | 
 found that it would be necessary to await the 
 arrival of our heavy guns, I determined to 
 occupy some point on the river below, and es- 
 tablish our small guns, if possible, in such a 
 position as to blockade the river, so far as 
 transports were concerned, and to cut off sup- 
 plies and reénforcements for the enemy from 
 below. | 
 
 “Point Pleasant, twelve miles below, was 
 selected, as being in a rich agricultural region, 
 and being the terminus of the plank-road from 
 the interior of Arkansas. I accordingly threw 
 forward Colonel Plummer, eleventh Missouri, 
 to that point, with three regiments of infantry, 
 three companies of cavalry, and a field battery 
 of ten-pound Parrott and rifled guns, with or- 
 ders to make a lodgment on the river bank, to 
 line the bank with rifle pits for a thousand 
 men, and to establish his artillery in sunk bat- 
 teries of single pieces between the rifle pits. 
 This arrangement was made to present as 
 small a mark as possible to the shells of the 
 
 . 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 gunboats, and to render futile the use of round 
 shot from their heavy guns. Colonel Plummer 
 marched with all speed, and, after some cannon- 
 ading from gunboats which he found there, 
 succeeded in making a lodgment, construct- 
 ing his batteries and rifle pits, and occupy- 
 ing them in sufficient force to maintain them 
 against any open assault. 
 
 “ After persistent and repeated cannonading 
 from the gunboats, the enemy found it impos- 
 sible to dislodge him, and he maintained obsti- 
 nately his position, and the blockade of the 
 river to transports, during the whole of our 
 operations.. Meantime the enemy continued 
 every day to reénforce New Madrid from Is- 
 land No. Ten, until, on the 12th, they had nine 
 thousand infantry, besides a considerable force 
 of artillery, and nine gunboats. The fleet was 
 commanded by Commodore Hollins, the land 
 forces by Generals McCown, Stewart, and 
 Gantt. On the 11th the siege guns were de- 
 livered to Colonel Bissell’s engineer regiment, 
 who had been sent to Cairo for the purpose. 
 They were at once shipped to Sikeston, reached 
 here at sunset on the 12th, were placed in bat- 
 tery during the same night, within eight hun- 
 dred yards of the enemy’s main work, so as 
 to command that and the river above it, and 
 opened fire at daylight, on the 13th, just 
 thirty-four hours after they were received at 
 Cairo. One brigade, consisting of the tenth 
 and sixteenth Illinois, under Colonel Morgan, 
 of the tenth, was detailed to cover the con- 
 struction of the battery, and to work in the 
 trenches. They were supported by Stanley’s 
 division, consisting of the twenty-seventh and 
 thirty-ninth Ohio, under Colonel Groesbeck, 
 and the forty-third and sixty-third Ohio, under 
 Colonel Smith. Captain Mower, first United 
 States infantry, with companies A and H of his 
 regiment, was placed in charge of the siege 
 euns. 
 
 “The enemy’s pickets and grand guards were 
 driven in by Colonel Morgan, from the ground 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 selected for the battery, without firing a shot, 
 although the enemy fired several volleys of 
 musketry. The work was prosecuted in silence 
 and with the utmost rapidity, until, at three 
 o’clock A. M., two small redoubts, connected by 
 a curtain, and mounting the four heavy guns 
 which had been sent me, were completed, to- 
 vether with rifle pits in front and on the 
 flanks for two regiments of infantry. Our bat- 
 teries opened as soon as the day dawned, and 
 were replied to in front and on the flanks by 
 the whole of the enemy’s heavy artillery on 
 land and water. As our supply of ammuni- 
 tion for heavy artillery was very limited, I di- 
 rected Captain Mower to fire only occasionally 
 at the enemy’s land batteries,and to concen- 
 trate all his fire upon the gunboats. Our guns 
 were served by Captain Mower with vigor and 
 skill, and in a few hours disabled several of the 
 gunboats, and dismounted three of the heavy 
 guns in the enemy’s main work. Shortly after 
 ‘our batteries opened, one of the twenty-four 
 pound guns was struck in the muzzle by a 
 round shot from the enemy’s batteries and 
 disabled. . 
 
 “The cannonading was continued furiously 
 all day by the gunboats and land batteries of 
 the enemy, but without producing any impres- 
 sion upon us. Meantime, during the whole 
 day, our trenches were being extended and 
 advanced, as it was my purpose to push for- 
 ward our heavy batteries in the course of the 
 night to the bank of the river. While the 
 cannonading was thus going on on our right, 
 I instructed General Paine to make demon- 
 strations against intrenchments on our left, and 
 supported his movements by Palmer's division. 
 The enemy’s pickets and grand guards were 
 driven into his intrenchments, and the skir- 
 mishers forced their way close to the main 
 ditch. 
 
 “A furious thunder storm began to rage 
 about eleven o’clock that night, and continued 
 almost without interruption until morning. 
 
 089 
 
 Just before daylight, General Stanley was re- 
 lieved in his trenches, with his division, by 
 General Hamilton. A few minutes after day- 
 light, a flag of truce approached our batteries, 
 with information that the enemy had evacu- 
 ated his works. Small parties were at once 
 advanced by General Hamilton to ascertain 
 whether such was the fact, and Captain Mower, 
 first United States infantry, with companies A 
 and H of that regiment, was sent forward to 
 plant the United States flag over the aban- 
 doned works. 
 
 “A brief examination of them showed how 
 hasty and precipitate had been the flight of the 
 enemy. Their dead were found unburied, 
 their suppers untouched standing on the ta- 
 bles, candles burning in the tents, and every 
 other evidence of a disgraceful panic. Private 
 baggage of officers and knapsacks of men were 
 left behind. Neither provision nor ammuni- 
 tion was carried off Some attempt was made 
 to carry ammunition, as boxes without number 
 were found on the bank of the river where 
 the steamers had been landed. 
 
 “Jt is almost impossible to give any exact 
 account of the immense quantities of property 
 and supplies left in our hands. All their artil- 
 lery, field batteries and siege guns, amounting 
 to thirty-three pieces, magazines full of fixed 
 ammunition of the best character, several 
 thousand stand of inferior small arms, with 
 hundreds of boxes of musket cartridges, tents 
 for an qrmy of ten thousand men, horses, 
 mules, wagons, intrenching tools, &c.,are among 
 the spoils. Nothing except the men escaped, 
 and they with only what they wore. They 
 landed on the opposite side of the river, and 
 are scattered in the wide bottoms. I im- 
 mediately advanced Hamilton’s division into 
 the place, and had the guns of the’ enemy 
 turned upon the river, which they completely 
 command. 
 
 “The flight of the enemy was so hasty that 
 they abandoned their pickets, and gave no 
 
036 
 
 intimation to the forces at Island No. Ten. The 
 consequence is, that one gunboat and ten 
 large steamers, which were there, are cut off 
 from below, and must either be destroyed or 
 fall into our hands. Island No. Ten must neces- 
 sarily be evacuated, as it can neither be reén- 
 forced nor supplied from below. 
 
 “During the operations here, the whole of 
 the forces were at different times brought un- 
 der the fire of the enemy, and behaved them- 
 selves with great gallantry and coolness. It 
 seems proper, however, that I should make 
 special mention of those more directly con- 
 cerned in the final operations against the 
 place. 
 
 “The tenth and sixteenth Illinois, com- 
 manded respectively by Colonels Morgan and 
 J. R. Smith, were detailed as guards to the 
 
 proposed trenches and to aid in constructing | 
 
 them. They marched from camp at sunset on 
 the 12th, and drove in the pickets and grand 
 guards of the enemy, as they were ordered, at 
 shouldered arms and without returning a shot; 
 covered the front of the intrenching parties, 
 and occupied the trenches and rifle pits during 
 the whole day and night of the 13th, under 
 furious and incessant cannonading from sixty 
 pieces of heavy artillery. At the earnest re- 
 quest of their colonels, their regimental flags 
 were kept flying over our trenches, though 
 they offered a conspicuous mark to the enemy. 
 The coolness, courage, and cheerfulness of these 
 troops, exposed for two nights and a day to 
 the furious fire of the enemy at short range, 
 and to the severe storm which raged during 
 the whole night of the 13th, are beyond all 
 praise, and delighted and astonished every 
 officer who witnessed it. The division of Gen- 
 eral Stanley, consisting of the twenty-seventh, 
 thirty-ninth, forty-third, and sixty-third Ohio 
 regiments, supported the battery from two 
 
 o’clock A. M., on the 13th, to daylight on the 
 14th, exposed to the full fury of the cannon-, 
 
 ade without being able to return ashot, and to 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the severe storm of that night, and displayed 
 coolness, courage, and fortitude worthy of all 
 praise. In fact, the conduct of all the troops 
 of this command so far exceeded my expecta- 
 tions, that I was astonished and delighted, and 
 feel very safe in predicting for them a brilliant 
 career in arms. ; 
 
 “Our whole loss during the operation was 
 fifty-one killed and wounded. A detailed list 
 will be transmitted as soon as it can be made. 
 The enemy’s loss cannot be ascertained. A 
 number of his dead were left unburied, and 
 over a hundred new graves attested that he 
 must have suffered severely. 
 
 “JT am, general, respectfully, 
 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 “Joun Pops, : 
 “ Brigader-General commanding.” 
 
 ‘‘ Brigadier-General G. W. Cutium, Chief of Staff 
 and of Engineers, Dep't. of the Mississippi, St. Louis.” 
 
 GENERAL POPE’S OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE CAPTURE 
 OF ISLAND NO. TEN. 
 
 ‘s HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE Mississippi, FIVE 
 Migs rrom CorintuH, Miss., April 30, 1862. 
 
 “GENERAL: I have the honor to submit the 
 following report of the operations which re- 
 sulted in the capture of Island No. Ten, and the 
 batteries on the main shore, together with the 
 whole of the land forces of the enemy in that 
 vicinity. <A brief sketch of the topography of 
 the immediate neighborhood seems essential 
 to a full understanding of the operations of 
 the army. 
 
 “Tsland No. Ten lies at the bottom of a great 
 bend of the Mississippi, immediately north of 
 it being a long, narrow promontory on the 
 Missouri shore. The river from Island No. Ten 
 flows north-west to New Madrid, where it again 
 makes a great bend to the south as far as 'Tip- 
 tonville, otherwise called Merriweather’s Land- 
 ing, so that opposite New Madrid also is a 
 long, narrow promontory. From Island No. 
 Hight; about four miles above Island No. Ten, 
 the distance across the land to New Madrid is 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 six miles, while by river it is fifteen. So like- 
 wise the distance over land from Island No. 
 Ten to Tiptonville is five miles, while by water 
 it is twenty-seven. 
 
 “Commencing at Hickman, a great swamp, 
 which afterwards becomes Reelfoot Lake, ex- 
 tends along the left bank of the Mississippi, 
 and discharges its waters into the river forty 
 miles below Tiptonville, leaving the whole 
 peninsula opposite New Madrid between it and 
 the river. This peninsula, therefore, is itself 
 an island, having the Mississippi on three sides, 
 and Reelfoot Lake and the great swamps which 
 border it on the other. A good road leads 
 from Island No. Ten along the west bank of 
 Reelfoot Lake to Tiptonville. The only means 
 of supply, therefore, for the forces at and 
 around Island No. Ten, on.this peninsula, was 
 by the river. When the river was blockaded 
 at New Madrid, supplies and reénforcements 
 were landed at Tiptonville, and conveyed across 
 the neck of the peninsula by land. There was 
 no communication with the interior, except by 
 a small flatboat, which plied across Reelfoot 
 Lake, a distance of two miles, and that through 
 an opening cut through cypress swamps for 
 the purpose. Supplies and reénforcements, or 
 escape, to any considerable extent, were there- 
 fore impracticable on the land side. 
 
 “One mile below Tiptonville begin the great 
 swamps along the Mississippi, on both sides, 
 and no dry ground is to be found, except in 
 occasional spots, for about sixty miles below. 
 By intercepting the navigation of the river 
 below Tiptonville, and commanding by heavy 
 artillery the lowest point of dry ground near 
 that place, the enemy would be at once cut 
 off from his resources, and prevented from 
 escaping. 
 
 “Immediately after the reduction of New 
 Madrid, this subject engaged my attention. 
 The roads along the river, in the direction of 
 Point Pleasant, followed a narrow strip of dry 
 land. between the swamps and the river, amd 
 
 68 
 
 537 
 
 were very miry and difficult. With much la- 
 bor the heavy guns captured from the enemy 
 at New Madrid were dragged by hand and 
 established in battery at several prominent 
 points along the river, the lower battery be- 
 ing placed immediately opposite the lowest 
 point of dry ground below Tiptonville. This 
 extended my lines seventeen miles along the 
 river. A week was thus passed in severe labor. 
 The enemy, perceiving the consequence of es- 
 tablishing these batteries, attempted in every 
 way by his gunboats to prevent their construc- 
 tion. They were, therefore, in every case 
 established in the night. As soon as daylight 
 unmasked our lowest battery, the enemy saw 
 at once that we must either be dislodged or 
 all reliable communication with his forces would 
 be cut off. Five gunboats, therefore, at once 
 advanced against the battery, which consisted 
 of two twenty-four pound siege guns and two — 
 ten-pound Parrotts, manned by a detachment 
 of the first United States infantry under Lieu- 
 tenant Bates, and supported by General Palm- 
 er’s division, encamped one and a half miles in 
 the rear. Rifle pits for five hundred sharp- 
 shooters were dug on the flanks of the battery 
 close to the river bank, and were constantly 
 occupied. The gunboats ran up within three 
 hundred yards, and a furious cannonade was 
 kept up for an hour and a half, when they 
 were repulsed, with the loss of one gunboat 
 sunk, several badly damaged, and many men 
 shot down at their guns by our sharpshooters 
 from the rifle pits. Our loss was one man 
 killed. From that time no attempt against the 
 battery was made, and all communication from 
 below with the forces near Island No. Ten was 
 cut off One of the gunboats would occasion- 
 ally, during a dark night, steal up close along 
 the opposite shore to Tiptonville, but always 
 at such great risk that it was seldom under- 
 taken. Neither supplies nor men could be 
 taken up or carried off in this way. 
 
 “Such was the condition of affairs on the 
 
538 HISTORY OF THE 
 16th of March. The object for which the 
 land forces had been moved on New Madrid 
 was accomplished in the capture of that place 
 and the blockade of the river to any supplies 
 and reénforcements for the enemy at and 
 around Island No. Ten. 
 
 “Meantime the flotilla had been firing at 
 long range, both from the gun .and mortar 
 boats, at the batteries of the enemy in and 
 opposite the island, for seven consecutive days, 
 without any apparent effect, and without any 
 advance whatever towards their reduction. 
 This result was doubtless due to the defec- 
 tive construction of the boats. 
 
 “On the 16th of March I received your de- 
 spatch directing me, if possible, to construct a 
 road through the swamps to a point on the 
 Missouri shore opposite Island No. Ten, and 
 transfer a portion of my force, sufficient to 
 erect batteries at that point, to assist in the 
 artillery practice on the enemy’s batteries. I 
 accordingly despatched Colonel J. W. Bissell’s 
 engineer regiment to examine the country 
 with this view, directing him at the same time, 
 if he found it impracticable to build a road 
 through the swamps and overflow of the river, 
 to ascertain whether it were possible to dig or 
 cut a canal across the peninsula from some 
 point abdve Island No. Ten to New Madrid, in 
 order that steam transports might be brought 
 to me, which would enable my command to 
 cross the river. The idea of the canal was 
 suggested to me by General Schuyler Hamil- 
 ton, in a conversation uportthe necessity of 
 crossing the river and assailing the enemy’s 
 batteries, near Island No. Ten, in the rear. 
 
 “On the 17th of March I suggested to 
 Commodore Foote, by letter, that he should 
 run the enemy’s batteries with one of his 
 gunboats, and thus enable me to cross the 
 river with my command — assuring him that 
 by this means I could throw into the rear 
 of the enemy men enough to deal with any 
 force he might have. This request the com- 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 modore declined on the ground of impracti- 
 cability. 
 
 “ Colonel Bissell having reported a road im- 
 practicable, but that a route could be found 
 for a channel sufficient for small steamers, I 
 immediately directed him to commence the 
 canal, with the whole regiment, and to call on 
 Colonel Buford, commanding the land forces 
 temporarily on duty with the flotilla, — which 
 had been placed under my command, — for any 
 assistance in men or material necessary for 
 the work. Supplies of such articles as were 
 needed, and four steamers of light draught, 
 were sent for to Cairo, and the work begun. 
 It was my purpose to make the canal deep 
 enough for the gunboats; but it was not found 
 practicable to do so within any reasonable 
 period. The work performed by Colonel Bis- 
 sell and his regiment of engineers was beyond 
 measure difficult, and its completion was de- 
 layed much beyond my expectations. The 
 canal is twelve miles long, six miles of which 
 are through very heavy timber. An avenue 
 fifty feet wide was made through it, by sawing 
 off trees of large size four and a half feet under 
 water. For nineteen days the work was pros- 
 ecuted with untiring energy and determination, 
 under exposures and privations very unusual 
 even in the history of warfare. It was com- 
 pleted on the 4th of April, and will long re- 
 main a monument of enterprise and skill. 
 
 “During all this time the flotilla had kept 
 up its fire upon the batteries of the enemy, 
 but without making any progress towards their 
 reduction. It had by this time become very 
 apparent that the capture of Island No. Ten 
 could not be made unless the land forces could 
 be thrown across the river, and their works 
 carried from the rear; but during this long 
 delay, the enemy, anticipating such a move- 
 ment, had erected batteries along the shore 
 from Island No. Ten entirely round to Tipton- 
 ville, at every point where troops could be 
 landed. ‘The difficulty of crossing the river in 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 force had, therefore, been greatly increased ; 
 and what would have been a comparatively 
 safe undertaking three weeks before had be- 
 come one full of peril. 
 
 “Tt is not necessary to state to you that the 
 passage of a great river lined with batteries, 
 and in the face of the enemy, is one of the 
 most difficult and hazardous operations of war, 
 and cannot be justified except in a case of 
 urgent necessity. Such a case seemed pre- 
 sented for my action. 
 
 “ Without this movement, operations against 
 Island No. Ten must have been abandoned, 
 and the land forces at least withdrawn. It is 
 but justice to say, that, although the full peril 
 of the moment was thoroughly understood by 
 my whole command, there was not an officer 
 or a man who was not anxious to be placed in 
 the advance. 
 
 “ There seemed little hope of any assistance 
 from the gunboats. I therefore had several 
 heavy coal barges brought into the upper end 
 of the canal, which, during the progress of the 
 work, were made into floating batteries. 
 
 “Kach battery consisted of three heavy 
 barges lashed together, and bolted with iron. 
 The middle barge was bulkheaded all around, 
 so as to give four feet of thickness of solid 
 timber both at the sides and on the ends. The 
 heavy guns, three in number, were mounted 
 on it,and protected by traverses of sand-bags. 
 It also carried eighty sharpshooters. The 
 barges outside of it had a first layer in the 
 bottom of empty water-tight barrels, securely 
 lashed, then layers of dry cotton-wood rails and 
 cotton bales packed close. ‘They were then 
 floored over at the top to keep every thing 
 in its place, so that a shot penetrating the 
 outer barges must pass through twenty feet 
 of rails dnd cotton before reaching the 
 middle one, which carried the men and the 
 guns. The arrangement of water barrels and 
 cotton bales was made in order that, even if 
 penetrated frequently by the enemy’s shot, 
 
 539 
 
 and filled with water, the outer barges could 
 not sink. 
 
 “It was my purpose, when all was ready, 
 to tow one or two of these batteries over the 
 river to a point ‘opposite New Madrid, where 
 swamps prevented any access to the river, and 
 where the enemy, therefore, had been unable 
 to establish his batteries. When near the shore, 
 the floating batteries, with their crews, were to 
 be cut loose from the steamer, and allowed to 
 float down the river to the point selected for 
 landing the troops. As soon as they arrived 
 within a short range of it, they were to cast 
 out their anchors so as to hold the barges 
 firmly, and open fire upon the enemy’s bat- 
 teries. « 
 
 “J think that these batteries would have 
 accomplished their purpose, and my whole 
 force volunteered to man them. They were 
 well provided with small boats, to be kept out 
 of danger, and, even if the worst happened, 
 and the batteries were sunk by the enemy’s 
 fire, the men would meet with no worse fate 
 than capture. | 
 
 “On the Sth of April the steamers and 
 barges were brought near to the mouth of the 
 bayou which discharges into the Mississippi at 
 New Madrid, but were kept carefully out of 
 sight of the river, while our floating batteries 
 were being completed. The enemy, as we 
 afterwards learned, had received positive ad- 
 vices of the construction of the canal, but were 
 unable to believe that such a work was practi- 
 cable. The first assurance they had of its 
 completion was the appearance of the four 
 steamers loaded with troops, on the morning 
 of the 7th of April. 
 
 «On the 4th Commodore Foote allowed one 
 of the gunboats to run the batteries at Island 
 No. Ten, and Captain Walke, U. 8S. N., who 
 had volunteered,— as appears from the com- 
 modore’s order to him, —came through that 
 night with the gunboat Carondelet. Although 
 many shots were fired at him as he passed the 
 
540 
 
 batteries, his boat was not once struck. He 
 informed me of his arrival early on the Oth. 
 
 “Qn the morning of the 6th, I sent General 
 Granger, Colonel Smith of the forty-third Ohio, 
 and Captain L. H. Marshall of my staff, to 
 make a reconnoissance of the river below, and 
 requested Captain Walke to take them on 
 board the Carondelet, and run down the river 
 to ascertain precisely the character of the 
 banks and the position and number of the 
 enemy’s batteries. 
 
 “The whole day was spent in this recon- 
 noissance, the Carondelet steaming down the 
 river in the midst of a heavy fire from the 
 enemy’s batteries along the shore. The whole 
 bank, for fifteen miles, was lined with heavy 
 guns at intervals; in no case, I think, exceed- 
 ing one mile. Intrenchments for infantry were 
 also thrown up along the shore, between the 
 batteries. 
 
 “ On his return up the river, Captain Walke 
 silenced the enemy’s battery opposite Point 
 Pleasant, and a small infantry force, under 
 Captain L. H. Marshall, landed and spiked the 
 guns. On the night of the 6th, at my urgent 
 request, Commodore Foote ordered the Pitts- 
 burg also to run down to New Madrid. She 
 arrived at daylight, having, like the Caron- 
 delet, come through without being touched 
 I directed Captain Walke to proceed down the 
 river at daylight on the 7th, with the two gun- 
 boats, and, if possible, silence the batteries near 
 Watson’s Landing, the point which had been 
 selected to land the troops; and at the same 
 time I brought the four steamers into the 
 river, and embarked Paine’s division, which 
 consisted of the tenth, sixteenth, twenty-sec- 
 ond, and fifty-first Illinois regiments, with 
 Houghtaling’s battery of artillery. The land 
 batteries of thirty-two pounders, under Captain 
 Williams, first United States infantry, which I 
 had established some days before, opposite 
 the point where the troops were to land, were 
 ordered to open their fire upon the enemy’s 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 batteries opposite as soon as it was possible t6 
 see them. . 
 “A heavy storm comecuces on the night 
 of the 6th, and continued, with short intermis- 
 sions, for several days. The morning of the 
 7th was very dark, and the rain fell heavily 
 until midday. As soon as it was fairly light, 
 eur heavy batteries on the land opened their 
 fire vigorously upon the batteries of the enemy, 
 and the two gunboats ran down the river and 
 joined in the action. I cannot speak too highly 
 of the conduct of Captain Walke during the 
 whole of these operations. Prompt, gallant, 
 and cheerful, he performed the hazardous ser- 
 vice assigned him with signal skill and success. 
 About twelve o’clock M. he signalled me that 
 the batteries near our place of landing were 
 silenced, and the steamers containing Paine’s 
 division moved out from the landing and began 
 to cross the river, preceded by the gunboats. 
 “The whole force designed to cross had been 
 drawn up along the river bank, and saluted 
 the passing steamers with shouts of exultation. 
 As soon as we began to cross the river, the 
 enemy commenced to vacate his positions 
 along the banks and the batteries on the Ten- 
 nessee shore, opposite Island No. Ten. His 
 whole force was in motion towards Tiptonville, 
 with the exception of the few artillerists on. 
 the island, who, in the haste of the retreat, 
 had been abandoned. As Paine’s division was 
 passing opposite the point I occupied on the 
 shore, one of my spies, who had crossed on 
 the gunboats from the silenced battery, in- 
 formed me of this hurried retreat of the 
 enemy. I signalled General Paine to stop his 
 boats, and sent him the information, with or- 
 ders to land as rapidly as possible on the 
 opposite shore, and push forward to Tiptonville, 
 to which point the enemy’s force#were tend- 
 ing from every direction. I sent no force to 
 occupy the deserted batteries opposite Island 
 No. 'Fen, as it was my first purpose to capture . 
 the whole army of the enemy. 
 
: PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ' “At eight or nine o'clock that night, (the 
 7th,) the small party abandoned on the island, 
 finding themselves deserted, and fearing an 
 attack in the rear from our land forces, which 
 they knew had crossed the river in the morn- 
 ing, sent a message to Commodore Foote, sur- 
 rendering to him. The divisions were pushed 
 forward to Tiptonville as fast as they were 
 landed, Paine leading. The enemy attempted 
 to make a stand several times near that place, 
 but Paine did not once deploy hiscolumns. By 
 midnight all our forces were across the river, 
 and pushing forward rapidly to Tiptonville. 
 The enemy retreating before Paine, and from 
 Island No. Ten, met at Tiptonville during the 
 night in great confusion, and were driven back 
 _ into the swamps by the advance of our forces, 
 until, at four o’clock A.M. on the 8th, find- 
 ing themselves completely cut off, and being 
 apparently unable to resist, they laid down 
 their arms and surrendered at discretion. 
 They were so scattered and confused that 
 it was several days before any thing like 
 an accurate account of their number could 
 be made. 
 
 “Meantime I had directed Colonel W. L. 
 Elliott, of the second Iowa cavalry, who had 
 crossed the river after dark, to proceed as soon 
 as day dawned to take possession of the ene- 
 my’s abandoned works on the Tennessee shore, 
 opposite Island No. Ten, and to save the steam- 
 ers if he possibly could. He reached there 
 before sunrise that morning, (the 8th,) and took 
 possession of the: encampments, the immense 
 quantity of stores and supplies, and of all the 
 enemy’s batteries on the main land. He also 
 brought in almost two hundred prisoners. Af 
 ter posting his guards and taking possession 
 of the steamers not sunk or injured, he re- 
 mained until the forces landed. As Colonel 
 Buford was in command of these forces, Colo- 
 nel Elliott turned over to his infantry force 
 the prisoners, batteries, and captured property, 
 for safe keeping, and proceeded to cross the 
 
 O41 
 
 country in the direction of Tiptonville, along 
 Reelfoot Lake, as directed. 
 
 “It is almost impossible to give a correct 
 account of the immense quantity of artillery, 
 ammunition, and supplies of every desu aye 
 which fell into our hands. 
 
 “Three generals, two hundred and seventy- 
 three field and company officers, six thousand 
 seven hundred prisoners, one hundred and 
 twenty-three pieces of heavy artillery, all of 
 the very best character and of the latest pat- 
 terns, seven thousand stand of small arms, 
 several wharf-boat loads of provisions, an im- 
 mense quantity of ammunition of all kinds, 
 many hundred horses and mules, with wagons 
 and harness, &c., &c., are among the spoils. 
 Very few if any of the enemy escaped, and 
 only by wading and swimming through the 
 swamps. The conduct of the troops was 
 splendid throughout, as the results of this 
 operation and its whole progress very plainly 
 exhibit. We have crossed the great river, the 
 banks of which were lined with batteries and 
 defended by seven thousand men; we have 
 pursued and captured the whole force of the 
 enemy and all his supplies and material of 
 war, and have again recrossed and occupied 
 the camp at New Madrid, without losing a man 
 or meeting with an accident. Such results 
 bespeak efficiency, good conduct, high disci- 
 pline, and soldierly deportment of the best 
 character, far better than they can be exhibited 
 in pitched battles or the storming of fortified 
 places. Patience, willing labor, endurance of 
 hardship and privation for long periods, cheer- 
 ful and prompt obedience, order and discipline, 
 bravery and spirit, are the qualities which 
 these operations have developed in the forces 
 under my command, and which assure for 
 them a brilliant and successful career in arms. 
 It is difficult to express the feeling which 
 such conduct has occasioned me, fortunate 
 enough to be the commander of such troops 
 There are few material obstacles within the 
 
542 
 
 range of warfare which a man of courage 
 and -spirit would hesitate to encounter with 
 such a force. 
 
 “Our success was complete and overwhelm- 
 ing, and it gives me profound satisfaction to 
 report that it was accomplished without loss 
 of life. 
 
 * Joun Pops, 
 
 “ Major-General commanding.” 
 
 COMMODORE FOOTE’S OFFICIAL REPORT. 
 
 “‘Fiac-suip Benton, Istanp No. Try, 
 April 8, 1862. 
 
 “TY have the honor to inform the department 
 that since I sent the telegram last night, an- 
 nouncing the surrender to me of Island No. 
 Ten, possession has been taken both of the 
 island and works upon the Tennessee shore by 
 the gunboats and the troops under General 
 Buford. Seventeen officers and three hundred 
 and sixty-eight privates, besides one hundred 
 sick and one hundred men employed on board 
 transports in our hands, are unconditional pris- 
 oners of war. I have caused a hasty exam- 
 ination of the forts, &c, captured. There 
 are eleven earthworks, seventy heavy cannon, 
 ranging from thirty-two to one hundred pound- 
 ers, rifled. The magazines are well supplied 
 with powder, and there are large quantities of 
 shot, shell, and other munitions of war; also 
 great quantities, of provisions. 
 
 “Four steamers afloat have fallen into our 
 hands, and two others, with the rebel gunboat 
 Grampus, are sunk, but can be easily raised. 
 The floating battery of sixteen heavy guns, 
 turned adrift by the rebels, is said to be lying 
 on the Missouri shore below New Madrid. 
 
 “The enemy upon the main land appear 
 to have fled with great precipitation after dark 
 last night, leaving in many cases half-prepared 
 meals in their quarters. There seems to have 
 been no concert of action between the rebels 
 upon the island and those occupied on the 
 shore; but the latter fled, leaving the former 
 
 ae 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 to their fate. These works were erected with 
 the highest engineering skill, and are of great 
 strength, and with their natural advantages 
 would have been impregnable if defended by 
 men fighting in a better cause. 
 
 “A combined attack of naval and land forces 
 would have taken the place this afternoon or 
 to-morrow morning, had not the rebels so has- 
 tily abandoned their stronghold; to mature 
 the plans of attack having absolutely required 
 twenty-three days’ preparation. 
 
 “General Pope is momentarily expected to 
 arrive with his army at this point, he having 
 successfully crossed the river yesterday under 
 a heavy fire, which, no doubt, led to the hasty 
 abandonment of the works last night. 
 
 “T am unofficially informed that the two. 
 gunboats, which so gallantly ran the fire of 
 the rebel batteries a few nights since, yesterday 
 attacked and reduced the fort of the enemy 
 opposite, dismounting eight guns. 
 
 “The following is a copy of the order of 
 
 General McCall in assuming command of the 
 
 rebel forces, 5th instant : — 
 
 “¢Sorprers: We are strangers, commander 
 and commanded, to each other. Let me tell 
 you who lam. Iam a general made by Beau- 
 regard—a general selected by Beauregard 
 and Bragg for this command, when they knew 
 it was in peril. 
 
 “<They have known me for twenty years. 
 Together we have stood on the fields of Mex- 
 ico. You have given them: your confidence; 
 now give it to me when I have earned it. 
 
 “Soldiers: the Mississippi valley is intrusted 
 to your courage, to your discipline, to your 
 patience. Exhibit the vigilance and coolness 
 of last night, and hold it. 
 
 “¢W. D. McCat’ 
 
 “TI regret that the painful condition of my 
 feet still requires me to use crutches, and which 
 prevented me from making a personal exami- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 nation of the works. I was, therefore, com- 
 pelled to delegate Lieutenant -commanding 
 Phelps, of the Benton. 
 
 “A. H. Foors, Flag- Officer. 
 
 ‘To Hon. Grpron WELLES.” 
 e 
 
 CHAPTER LXxX. 
 
 Advance of the Federal Forces in Tennessee. — General Grant’s 
 Army. — Rebel Movements under General Beauregard. — 
 Concentration of Rebel Forces. — Position of General Grant’s 
 Army. — Aggressive Movement by the Rebels. — Battle of 
 Shiloh, or Pittsburg Landing. —Sudden Attack upon the 
 Federal Camps. — Divisions of General Prentiss, General 
 Sherman, and General McClernand driven back. — Occupa- 
 tion of the Federal Camps by the Rebels. — Desperate Con- 
 dition of the Federal Troops.— Continued Advance of the 
 Rebel Forces. — Hurlbut’s and Wallace’s Divisions. —'The 
 Federal Troops driven near the River. — Fire of Gunboats. 
 — Approach of Night, and Failure of the Rebels to com- 
 plete their Victory. — Losses and Condition of General 
 Grant’s Army. — Arrival of General Buell’s Army and Lew. 
 Wallace’s Division.— Preparations for Renewal of the Bat- 
 tle. — Attack by the Federal Forces. — Severe Conflict. — 
 The Enemy. driven from his Position. —Rebel Defeat and 
 Retreat. — The Result. — Official Reports. 
 
 Snortiy after the capture of Fort Donelson 
 and the occupation of Nashville the federal 
 forces made a further advance into the rebel 
 territory. General Grant’s army, which had 
 occupied different points in Western Kentucky, 
 was concentrated, and reénforced by’a number 
 of new regiments, moved up the Tennessee 
 River in transports to Pittsburg Landing, a 
 point near the southern line of Tennessee. 
 Here and at Crump’s Landing, about six miles 
 below, the forces debarked and established 
 themselves in camps, awaiting the advance and 
 cooperation of the army under General Buell. 
 The latter gradually collected his forces from 
 Eastern Kentucky, and prepared to move from 
 Nashville to Columbia, and thence to codperate 
 with General Grant against the rebel forces 
 which were concentrating near the boundary 
 line of Tennessee and Mississippi. 
 
 The main part of the army of General 
 Grant had been encamped near Pittsburg | 
 
 o43 
 
 Landing for about three weeks before there 
 were any signs of a conflict or of active oper- 
 ations. A few expeditions, not very formidable 
 or effective, had been sent out to interrupt the 
 rebel communications by the destruction of 
 railroads; but while a severe blow in this way 
 might have been struck, and the concentration — 
 of the rebel forces thus materially delayed, no 
 considerable damage was done to the railroads, 
 and but slight interruption to* the rebel move- 
 ments was caused. And although the federal 
 forces had thus far advanced for an aggressive 
 campaign, the necessary preparations for keep- 
 ing their communications open and obtaining 
 supplies, or some other cause, brought the ag- 
 eressive movement to a stand, and the delay 
 enabled the rebels to assume the offensive, and 
 to attempt to drive out those whom they called 
 invaders, This attempt on the part of the 
 rebels was well conceived, and the movement 
 was carried out with such promptness and 
 spirit that it came near being successful. 
 
 In view of the movements which were ex- 
 pected to take place on the Mississippi, the 
 rebel authorities had sent General Beauregard, 
 whose skill as an engineer is admitted, to in- 
 | spect and to command the defences which had 
 | been constructed on the banks of the river and 
 elsewhere. Whatever he imagined or advised 
 the strength of these works to be, it seemed 
 probable that before the combined attack of 
 the land and naval forces they must sooner or 
 later yield. But now the armies that had 
 moved down through Kentucky into Tennessee 
 were in advance of the expedition down the 
 river, and unless they were repulsed, the forti- 
 fications on the river would be of as little 
 account as was Columbus after the fall of Forts 
 Henry and Donelson. The rebel general saw 
 the necessity of this, and prepared with spirit 
 and promptness to defeat the purposes of Gen- 
 eral Grant. He called upon the governors of 
 the neighboring states to furnish additional 
 troops, while he concentrated all the available 
 
544 
 
 forces of his own command, and received large 
 reénforcements from Mobile and Pensacola, 
 under General Brage. To these forces was 
 also added those under the command of Gen- 
 eral A. 8. Johnston, then the general-in-chief 
 of the rebel army, which were in South-eastern 
 Tennessee. These rebel forces were rapidly 
 concentrated, considering the moderate facili- 
 ties for their movement, while greater activ- 
 ity on the part ‘of the federal forces, such as 
 has since been exhibited under similar circum- 
 stances, might have greatly interrupted, if not 
 wholly defeated, the rebel plans. As it was, 
 General Beauregard concentrated an army of 
 sixty thousand men, or upwards, at Corinth, in 
 the northern part of the state of Mississippi, 
 only about twenty miles from the federal posi- 
 tion at Pittsburg Landing. He knew, through 
 his scouts and the information so easily ob- 
 tained from his friends in Tennessee within the 
 federal lines, that General Buell’s forces were 
 moving so as to form a junction with General 
 Grant, and that their combined armies could 
 easily drive him from his position at Corinth ; 
 and he therefore determined to advance at 
 once against General Grant, and by his supe- 
 rior numbers completely overwhelm him before 
 General Buell could render him any assistance. 
 The army of the latter, not so large as Gen- 
 eral Grant’s, could then be speedily defeated, 
 and the federal forces thus be driven from 
 Tennessee. To carry out his plans, General 
 Beauregard moved his whole army from Cor- 
 inth on the 4th and 5th of April, and ad- 
 vanced towards the federal camps. 
 
 The position occupied by the federal forces 
 was on an undulating table land on the west 
 side of the Tennessee, elevated some eighty 
 or one hundred feet above the river, and lying 
 between Lick Creek on the south and Snake 
 Creek on the north. Near the river the ground 
 
 is broken by some deep ravines, and towards | 
 
 Lick Creek rises into hills of considerable 
 height, which have a gradual slope on the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. - 
 
 north, but are steep and abrupt on the side of 
 the creek. Much of the country was covered 
 with woods, through most of which troops could 
 move without difficulty ; but there were occa- 
 sional thickets of underbrush, and in some 
 places were cultivated fields of considerable 
 extent. Upon one of the roads leading from 
 Pittsburg Landing towards Corinth was a little 
 church called Shiloh Church, from which the 
 
 region took its name among the people of 
 
 the vicinity. 
 
 General Grant’s forces were encamped from 
 two to five miles out from Pittsburg Landing. 
 They were composed of five divisions, of which 
 Brigadier-General Sherman’s was in the most 
 advanced position, and extended along a front 
 of about four miles, one brigade under Colonel 
 Stuart occupying the extreme left of the fed- 
 eral line, and another nearly the extreme right., 
 Close to General Sherman’s line were the divis- 
 ions of Brigadier-General Prentiss and Major- 
 General McClernand, partially filling the gaps 
 left between the brigades of General Sher- 
 man’s division. General Prentiss’s division was 
 on the left, next to Colonel Stuart’s brigade, 
 and General Sherman’s was on the right of 
 Prentiss, and a little more in the rear. These 
 three divisions formed the front of General 
 Grant’s army, and back of them, within a mile 
 of the Landing, were the division of General 
 Hurlbut on the left and the division of Gen- 
 eral W. H. Wallace on the right. At Crump’s 
 Landing, some six miles below, was the divis- 
 ion of General Lew. Wallace. 
 
 This position of the army was on some ac- 
 counts a good one, affording excellent camping | 
 orounds, and offering some advantages for de- 
 fence in case of attack. But the disposition ~ 
 of the forces has been severely criticised. The 
 extended line of thé advance, showing gaps of 
 which an enemy could easily take advantage 
 and which were not covered by the supporting 
 line, and the separation of the brigades of Gen- 
 eral Sherman’s division, were serious defects in 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ~ 
 
 040 
 
 the occupation of the ground, and were the || dawn the pickets of General Prentiss’s division 
 
 immediate causes of the disasters which fol- 
 lowed. While the ground also offered oppor- 
 tunities for works of defence, and the position 
 could thus have been greatly strengthened by 
 redoubts, even if of slight construction, by rifle 
 pits, and in some places by formidable abatis, 
 the troops were encamped here for three weeks, 
 and no measures for such defence were taken. 
 There was, for some days at least, reason to 
 suppose that an attack might be made by the 
 rebels, whose movements were but partially 
 known, and General Grant expected such an 
 attack, while General Sherman declared that 
 the position he occupied was dangerous. Yet 
 nothing was done to strengthen the position, 
 to occupy more favorable ground, or to make 
 a more thorough disposition of the troops for 
 meeting the anticipated attack. And it would 
 seem that, notwithstanding the expectations 
 and declarations of the generals, the additional 
 precautions of stronger and more advanced 
 pickets, and more extensive scouting, were not 
 observed. Yet the officers highest in command 
 were esteemed able and comparatively experi- 
 enced, and since that time have proved them- 
 selves among the most competent and skilful 
 generals; and it is difficult to believe that 
 with any real expectations of attack they 
 should neglect to adopt such common pre- 
 cautions, unless they entirely underrated the 
 rebel forces. 
 
 The rebel army numbered sixty thousand 
 men, and was composed of three grand divis- 
 ions, under the command of Generals Beaure- 
 gard, Bragg, and Hardee, General Johnston, as 
 general-in-chief, having command of the whole 
 army, though the plan of attack and’ disposi- 
 tion of the forces were Beauregard’s. These 
 forces arrived at a position a comparatively 
 short distance from the federal pickets, on the 
 evening of Saturday, the 5th of April, and the 
 several divisions were disposed for an attack 
 early on the following morning. Shortly after 
 
 ° 69 
 
 were driven in, and immediately afterwards a 
 
 part of General Sherman’s pickets were also 
 compelled to fall back before the advancing 
 enemy. ‘The attack was unexpected, and the 
 federal camps were but just astir, and as unpre- 
 pared as if no enemy were within striking 
 distance. When the pickets, after a few shots 
 (which, from the too frequent and causeless 
 occurrence of such reports, at first created little 
 alarm), rushed into the camps, the troops were 
 yet in confusion. Arms and accoutrements 
 had hardly been seized, ammunition was but 
 ill-supplied, and, roused by the sudden alarm, 
 the soldiers, in haste and confusion, were just 
 rushing to form the regimental lines. The 
 advance of the enemy was close upon the 
 heels of the pickets, and before the federal 
 lines could be formed the rebel artillery had 
 already commenced throwing shot and shell 
 into the camps. Not yet in line and under the 
 control of their officers, nor feeling the confi- 
 dence which discipline and organization in- 
 spire, many of the soldiers fled in alarm. A 
 great part of them were new troops, who had 
 never before been under fire or exposed to 
 attack, and were therefore less prompt to rally 
 to meet the enemy who came so suddenly. 
 But though their ranks were thinned by the 
 flight of the cowardly, and soon by the fall of 
 numbers before the fierce fire of the rebels, 
 most of the regiments made a spirited resist- 
 ance, as soon as they could rally and form for 
 the purpose. The rebels, however, came sweep- 
 ing on in such strong and compact columns, 
 that the federal troops were obliged at once to 
 abandon their camps, leaving in some cases 
 men not yet out of their tents to be taken 
 prisoners, and not a few wounded and dead, 
 who had fallen even before they had taken 
 their arms. 
 
 Falling rapidly back through the woods in 
 the rear of their camp, the broken regiments 
 of General Sherman’s division were finally 
 
e 
 546 
 
 formed behind a ridge which afforded them 
 
 some protection, and succeeded in checking for | 
 General 
 
 a time the advance of the enemy. 
 Sherman himself, and many of his officers, 
 showed great courage and determination in 
 rallying the troops; they exposed themselves 
 freely to the dangers of the field, encouraged 
 their men by their presence and gallantry, and 
 demanded only that the soldiers should follow 
 where they led. By their spirited efforts the 
 division was saved from utter destruction, and 
 the rebels were for a time held in check, and 
 thus prevented from carrying out their plan 
 of completing the ruin or capture of General 
 Grant’s army by that day’s battle. But Gen- 
 eral Sherman’s troops were compelled to retire 
 before the greater numbers and more compact 
 
 masses of the rebels, who pressed on, flushed | 
 The shattered brigades of this: 
 division fell back, still fighting, but in some dis- | 
 order, till they came to the position occupied | 
 
 with success. 
 
 by General McClernand’s division, the greater 
 part of which was posted in the rear of Gen- 
 eral Sherman’s camps. 
 resisted the rebel advance with great energy, 
 and, inspired by his example, his troops re- 
 
 peatedly manifested a valor which might 
 have repulsed the enemy, but for his superior | 
 
 numbers. 
 General McClernand’s troops to the front. 
 portion of the latter had, indeed, been brought 
 into action earlier to support the left of Gen- 
 eral Sherman’s line, which was being pressed 
 more rapidly back; but the whole of General 
 Sherman’s line was now driven back, and fall- 
 ing behind General McClernand’s troops, the 
 latter were soon engaged with the advancing 
 enemy. 
 
 Meanwhile General Prentiss’s division was 
 attacked by the enemy quite as vigorously as 
 General Sherman’s. Most of his troops rallied 
 to the battle call, and were formed in line; 
 
 The retreat of his brigades brought 
 
 but unfortunately they were formed in an open 
 fielil, while the rebels advanced under the cover 
 
 General Sherman had 
 
 AL 
 
 ?| 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 of a thicket in front. Notwithstanding this, 
 the troops held their ground bravely for a time, 
 and would have repulsed the enemy but for 
 the overwhelming numbers which he threw 
 against the federal lines. The other federal 
 divisions were not in position to cover the gaps 
 on either side of General Prentiss, and to pro- 
 tect his flanks, and the enemy, while pushing 
 him fiercely in front, closed in upon each side. 
 Thus situated, the divison fell back more and 
 more rapidly, and their resistance became more 
 faint and irregular. A part of the division, 
 under the immediate command of General 
 Prentiss, standing its ground more firmly than 
 the others, became separated. These troops 
 held their position some time longer, but they 
 were at. last surrounded by the rebels, so that 
 they were obliged to surrender. Three regi- 
 ments, or what remained of them, and a divis- 
 ion commander were thus made prisoners. The 
 remainder of the division was now far in the 
 rear, and so shattered that it was virtually de- 
 feated, and presented no front to the enemy. 
 When General Sherman’s division fell back, 
 pressed by the rebel forces, General McCler- 
 nand was obliged to bring his whole division 
 into action. But the defeat of General Pren- 
 tiss’s division, and the retiring of General 
 Sherman’s, exposed the flanks of General 
 McClernand’s line. The rebels were prompt to 
 avail themselves of the advantage thus gained, 
 and they advanced in large numbers through 
 the federal camps, to turn McClernand’s right. 
 Artillery was promptly placed in position to 
 meet this movement, and played upon the rebel 
 columns with great slaughter. But they ad- 
 vanced in spite of this severe fire, and addition 
 al forces coming up, they pressed upon the 
 federal lines with a fierce fire of musketry, and 
 in some places with desperate charges. The 
 federal troops fought well, and several times 
 repulsed the enemy; but they were again and 
 again driven further back with heavy losses. 
 Many officers fell, the regiments were greatly 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 547 
 
 weakened by the loss of men, and a number||ridge to ridge, till at last, much broken and 
 of pieces of artillery were either abandoned |! discouraged, it retired behind the lines of Gen- 
 
 for want of horses to draw them off, or were 
 captured in the charges of the enemy. The 
 rebel numbers and their determined spirit were 
 too much for the federal troops to withstand, 
 and McClernand’s division, with Sherman’s shat- 
 tered brigades, were driven back to the position 
 occupied by General Hurlbut’s division, which 
 was scarcely a mile out from the river. 
 
 While these events were transpiring more 
 directly in the front or centre of the federal 
 position, one brigade of General Sherman’s 
 division, under Colonel Stuart, which was posted 
 on the extreme left of the federal line, was en- 
 gaged with the enemy by itself While the 
 conflict with General Prentiss’s division was 
 going on this brigade was not attacked, but 
 when that division met with disaster, a column 
 of rebel troops suddenly made its appearance 
 in front of Colonel Stuart’s force. The reg- 
 iment in advance fell back to. its supports, 
 and the advancing column turned towards the 
 retreating troops of General Prentiss. But 
 shortly after a battery of rebel artillery opened 
 upon them from the bluffs along Lick Creek, 
 and under cover of this fire the rebel infantry 
 advanced rapidly upon them. For a few min- 
 utes the brigade met the enemy with a steady 
 fire of musketry and the section of a battery ; 
 but it was very soon evident that its position, 
 exposed to the shells from the rebel batteries and 
 a destructive fire from the advancing infantry, 
 was untenable, and it was withdrawn in good 
 order to the next wooded ridge. Here an at- 
 tack was threatened by a body of rebel cavalry 
 which had gained their flank, but the dispo- 
 sition of his forces by Colonel Stuart and the 
 nature of the ground kept the cavalry from 
 making a charge. 
 soon advanced, and a portion of them came in 
 from the pursuit of General Prentiss’s troops, 
 upon the right of the federal brigade. Thus it 
 
 The rebel infantry, however, | 
 
 was hard pressed, and was in fact driven from | 
 
 = 
 
 eral W. H. L. Wallace’s troops, a part of which 
 had been thrown forward in this direction to 
 support it. 
 
 It was hardly noon when the entire line of 
 federal troops was thus driven back upon their 
 reserves. The camps of three divisions, with 
 all their equipage and a quantity of supplies, 
 were in the possession of the rebels. In the 
 camps were a considerable number of the fed- 
 eral sick and wounded, some of whom suffered 
 anew from the shot of their own friends, dis- 
 charged at the enemy as he occupied or marched 
 through the grounds. The ranks of the sev- 
 eral divisions had been thinned by the fall of 
 many brave men, and the flight of a larger 
 number of the timid and undisciplined. All 
 along the river bank near Pittsburg Landing 
 were hundreds and even thousands of men 
 who should have been in the front fighting the 
 enemy, but were, instead, crouching under the 
 bluff Some of them had come there early 
 in the day, saying that their regiments were cut 
 to pieces and the federal troops utterly defeated ; 
 others had straggled in later with as fearful 
 tales, until the fugitives could be numbered 
 almost by regiments. For many of them it was 
 their first engagement, and the suddenness of 
 the attack, and the lax discipline of most of the 
 regiments, produced this unfortunate thinning 
 of the federal ranks, against which no precau- 
 tion had been, or perhaps could be, taken. But 
 while there was this large number of the timid 
 and demoralized, the greater part of the troops 
 had fought bravely, though at great disadvan- 
 tage and against superior numbers. They had 
 repeatedly, for a time, repulsed the rebel forces; 
 but the latter were well handled, and fresh 
 troops were pressed on with so much vigor that 
 it was impossible to withstand them. Each 
 commander of division, and in some cases even 
 brigade commanders, had thus far fought the 
 battle as best they might, without much con- 
 
048 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 cert, and no general direction of a superior, 
 but with spirit and ability. And now they had 
 been driven back, with forces shattered and in 
 ‘confusion, within a mile of the Landing. The 
 losses had already been heavy. Besides the 
 fall of many brave officers and men upon the 
 obstinately contested portions of the field, a 
 large part of the field artillery of the three 
 divisions had been lost, and the army thus ma- 
 terially weakened in this most important arm 
 as well as in numbers. The condition of the 
 federal troops was, therefore, not a little criti- 
 cal, and even desperate, for so early an hour 
 in the day. 
 
 General Grant, who was on the river and 
 some miles away from the battle field, did not 
 arrive until most of these disasters had occurred. 
 But his arrival and assuming direction of the 
 disposition of the troops, with the knowledge 
 that General Lew. Wallace’s division was mov- 
 ing from Crump’s Landing, and that General 
 Buell’s advance was near the river and rapidly 
 approaching, gave a less discouraging aspect to 
 affairs, and nerved officers and men to a more 
 determined resistance. As the shattered divis- 
 ions which had been in front fell back to the 
 positions now occupied and bravely defended 
 by the divisions of Generals Hurlbut and W. 
 H. L. Wallace, the officers again rallied their 
 men, and the regiments were quickly reorgan- 
 ized, formed again in line of battle, and posted 
 as supports to the forces which were in their 
 turn receiving the brunt of the rebel attack. 
 Parts of these two divisions had been, early in 
 the day, advanced to the support of those in 
 front, and had been long engaged with the 
 enemy. But the whole federal line was now 
 forced back, even beyond the camping ground 
 of General Hurlbut’s division. Here, where 
 more favorable ground was found, a most de- 
 termined stand was taken. The line was now 
 composed of General Hurlbut’s and General 
 W. H. L. Wallace’s divisions, with detached 
 parts of the divisions which had been driven 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 from the front, General Hurlbut having com- 
 mand of the left and General Wallace of the 
 right. As the rebels pressed on, they were 
 almost every where met with such a terrible 
 fire of artillery and musketry that their lines 
 wavered and were repulsed. In several in- 
 stances gallant charges were made by the 
 federal troops upon some bodies of the rebel 
 forces, as they wavered under this fire, and they 
 were driven back in confusion. But they were 
 quickly rallied and supported, and returned to 
 the attack in such numbers, that the Union sol- 
 diers, though they fought bravely, were gradu- 
 ally pressed back from the ground they had 
 thus gained. 
 
 For five or six hours this last position of the 
 federal forces was gallantly maintained, with 
 an occasional temporary advance. The rebel 
 troops were brought up repeatedly, to be driven 
 back with great loss, but again to return to 
 the onset, under the direction of officers who 
 evinced the fiercest determination to achieve 
 a complete victory. They were handled with 
 ability, and quickly supported by their re- 
 serves wherever they were repulsed. Num- 
 bers of troops, comparatively fresh, were thus 
 repeatedly thrown upon the federal lines, even 
 the reserves of which were wearied with a long 
 and unequal contest. The rebels pressed so 
 desperately upon General Hurlbut’s division 
 that at last it was compelled to yield the ground 
 it had so long held, and this part of the line 
 retired in good order, nearly half a mile farther 
 towards the Landing. The enemy advanced 
 as the federal troops retired, and occupied and 
 passed through the camps of General Hurlbut’s 
 division. They were not able, however, to 
 drive the federal troops, who withdrew steadily, 
 with artillery so posted as to keep the enemy 
 in check. | 
 
 The troops under General Wallace still held 
 their ground, and had several times driven the 
 enemy back with heavy loss. They were eager 
 to remain in their position, even after the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 troops on their left had retired, and were con- 
 fident that they could keep the rebels in check. 
 But the falling back of General Hurlbut’s divis- 
 ion exposed their flank, and enabled the rebel 
 officers to concentrate their forces upon this 
 gallant division and the troops which were co- 
 operating with them. It would, therefore, have 
 been rash.to have continued the contest under 
 such circumstances, and this division also was 
 ordered to fall back. At this time General 
 Wallace, who had given evidence of the great- 
 est bravery and marked ability as an officer, 
 received a mortal wound, and was borne from 
 the field. The troops, however, were not dis- 
 organized by the fall of their general, in whom 
 they had the greatest confidence, but retired 
 in good order, the artillery playing upon the 
 enemy with great effect whenever the nature 
 of the ground admitted it. 
 
 The greater part of the army was now with- 
 in half a mile of Pittsburg Landing, occupying 
 a position immediately about the camps of 
 General Wallace’s division. They were crowded 
 into a rather narrow compass for effective oper- 
 ations, and a further repulse would drive them 
 to the river bank, where, in a confused mass, | 
 
 they would be utterly unable to contend against | 
 
 a pursuing enemy, and equally unable to escape | 
 across the river. All that could now be done 
 would be to keep the rebel forces back until | 
 night should put an end to the battle. Gen-| 
 eral Grant and his officers were not discouraged. 
 They were confident that for an hour or two 
 longer they could keep the enemy at bay, until | 
 darkness should prevent his further movements; 
 while before another morning General Lew. Wal- 
 lace’s division, which should already have ar- 
 rived, would come up from Crump’s Landing, 
 and General Buell’s forces, which were known 
 to be near, would arrive, and these fresh troops 
 would drive the enemy back from his advanced 
 position, and wrest from him the victory which 
 
 he might fancy was already won. Disposition 
 of the troops was immediately made for the | 
 
 * 
 
 549 
 
 desperate resistance which would be necessary 
 if the rebels continued their attacks. 
 
 After the last retreat there was a lull in the 
 storm of battle. The enemy did not immedi- 
 ately press forward, and fora brief period there 
 was some doubt whether he intended to con- 
 tinue the conflict and attempt to crush the 
 federal army that night, or await the morning 
 and reénforcemets, in the belief that they had 
 ample time before General Buell could arrive. 
 This delay on the part of the enemy was im- 
 proved for the better disposition of the federal 
 troops and the posting of the artillery where 
 it could operate most effectively. It soon be- 
 came evident that the rebel officers were only 
 preparing for another, and, as they hoped, a 
 final and successful attack. They brought up 
 their freshest troops, and advanced them as 
 much as possible under the cover of the woods 
 
 and undergrowth. Suddenly, with a heavy 
 
 volley of musketry from the woods, they re- 
 commenced the battle, but it was at too great 
 a distance to be effective. The attack was 
 made on the federal left and centre, and antici- 
 pating that this would be the point of attack, 
 Colonel Webster, General Grant’s chief of staff, 
 and an able artillery officer, placéd the guns 
 which he could collect in position to sweep the 
 rebel lines. The enemy’s musketry fire was 
 a signal for these guns to open, and as the 
 rebel lines emerged from the woods, they were 
 met by a storm of shot and shell against which 
 they could not advance. The rebel artillery 
 responded, attempting to silence the guns that 
 played so séverely upon their infantry, but in 
 this they did not succeed ; and though the rattle 
 of musketry in each army was continuous, the 
 rebel infantry did not advance much, nor ob- 
 tain any advantage in position. The rebel 
 troops were pressed forward with desperate 
 energy, and finding the centre of the federal 
 lines.so strong, a movement was made more to 
 the left. Night was approaching, and the vic- 
 tory must be speedily won, if won at all, that 
 
500 
 
 _ day. Heavy columns were, therefore, pushed 
 forward, but. in moving against the left of the 
 federal lines they approached the river, and 
 were suddenly met by an unexpected fire. 
 
 Two of the gunboats had moved up the 
 river towards Lick Creek, and had been ready 
 to aid the land forces with their heavy guns 
 whenever an opportunity offered. General 
 Hurlbut had communicated with the commander 
 of the gunboats, and these were now lying op- 
 posite a ravine, extending from the river for 
 some distance through the bluff At a given 
 signal, when the federal troops were out of 
 range, the gunboats opened fire, directing the 
 shots up the ravine directly into the rebel 
 lines. With rapid and accurate fire the gun- 
 boats drove back the advancing columns of the 
 enemy, while the artillery of the army con- 
 tinued to hold them in check in front. The 
 federal troops, encouraged by the aid of the 
 gunboats and the effect of their field artillery, 
 were ready to meet the enemy more firmly 
 than ever should he advance. But the heavy 
 shot and shell from.the gunboats, and the con- 
 tinuous fire of the‘land artillery, among which 
 were two or three large siege guns, were too 
 much for him to face, and night came on at 
 last without any further advance of his forces. 
 The fire of artillery was continued till it was 
 evident that the rebel forces were withdrawn, 
 disappointed in obtaining the victory which 
 they might well have thought was within 
 their grasp. | 
 
 This last repulse settled the fortunes of the 
 battle. The enemy had failed to accomplish 
 his object of defeating General Grant’s army 
 before it could be reénforced by General Buell. 
 His only chance of ultimate success was in 
 achieving it on the day of the attack. General 
 Buell’s troops were already arriving on the 
 other side of the river, and General Lew. Wal- 
 lace’s division was approaching from Crump’s 
 Landing. The latter had moved about noon, 
 but had taken a road which led too far to the 
 
 | 
 
 enemy was supposed to hie. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 right, so that it would have been unable to 
 have joined the other divisions of General 
 Grant’s army, and might have been thoroughly 
 routed by superior forces of the enemy. The 
 error was seasonably discovered to save the 
 division from defeat, but the retracing of some 
 weary miles of its march delayed it so much 
 that it did not reach the battle field, in season 
 to take part in the conflict. An hour after the 
 battle ceased, however, this division had arrived 
 and taken position on the extreme right, near 
 the camp of General W. H. L. Wallace’s divis- 
 ion. General Nelson’s division of General 
 Buell’s army had arrived on the other bank of 
 the river, nearly opposite to Lick Creek, and 
 during the night was ferried across, taking 
 position on the extreme left. As two other 
 divisions of General Buell’s army— General 
 Crittenden’s and General McCook’s—arrived, 
 they were assigned a position on General Nel- 
 son’s right. General Grant’s divisions were re- 
 organized, and filled the space between General 
 McCook’s and General Lew. Wallace’s divisions. 
 Thus a new and more extended line of battle 
 was formed, strong in all its parts, and com- 
 posed in a great measure of troops that had 
 not yet been engaged, while many of them 
 were the veterans of other fields. 
 
 It was late in the night before these dispo- 
 sitions of the troops were determined upon and 
 carried into effect, and all of General Buell’s 
 troops were not brought over to their positions 
 till the next morning. But at last the wearied 
 soldiers in the front lay down upon their arms, 
 awaiting the renewal of the conflict, which they 
 now felt confident would ultimately result in 
 victory. The commanding generals continued 
 their conferences till the plans of the morrow’s 
 work were completed and the orders issued for 
 itheir execution. Through the night the gun- 
 boats fired occasionally: up the ravine, where 
 they had checked the rebel columns, the shells 
 ‘bursting far away in the woods, in which the 
 But no movement 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. vol 
 
 was made by the rebel forces, except to with- 
 draw from the position thus rendered danger- 
 ous to them, and to prepare for the renewal of 
 the battle, in which they perhaps had some rea- 
 
 son to suspect that they would meet with a/|| 
 
 reénforced enemy. The fallmg back beyond 
 the reach of the shots from the gunboats was, 
 in effect, a yielding of all the ground they had 
 gained in the later conflicts of the day. They 
 still held, however, the greater part of the field 
 which had first been occupied by the federal 
 army; and, as events proved, were preparing 
 for an attack upon the right of the federal 
 army, where they would be less exposed to the 
 fire of the gunboats. 
 
 It had been determined by the Union gen- 
 erals to assume the offensive, and to make an 
 attack early in the morning. Accordingly, soon 
 after daybreak, on Monday, April 7, the fed- 
 eral troops were put in motion, and the several 
 divisions were advanced in line of battle. to- 
 wards the enemy. It was supposed that the 
 latter would also renew the battle at dawn, 
 but the withdrawal of their advance had con- 
 siderably increased the distance between the 
 armies, and some time elapsed before the op- 
 posing forces were brought within fighting dis- 
 tance. Shortly before seven o’clock the battle 
 
 was commenced by the artillery of General 
 
 Wallace’s division, which opened upon certain 
 rebel batteries strongly posted, and threatening 
 to prevent his advance. General Wallace had 
 ascertained the situation of these batteries the 
 night before, and selected the positions from 
 which his own artillery should open upon them. 
 He had selected them well; and the rebel ar- 
 tillery, after a brief duel, during which a body 
 of infantry made a rapid advance through the 
 low land in their front, as if for an assault, 
 withdrew, and opened the way for the advance 
 of General Wallace’s division. This advance 
 was made as soon as General Sherman’s divis- 
 ion, which was the next on the left, had come 
 up, so as to hold that part of the field and pro- 
 
 tect General Wallace’s flank. As the division 
 arrived upon the crest of the ridge where the 
 rebel batteries had been posted, the movements 
 and designs of the rebels were revealed. A 
 strong column was seen moving rapidly at a 
 distance and on a line parallel to General Wal- 
 lace’s line of battle, and it was evident that the 
 
 enemy had abandoned his plan of battle of the - 
 
 previous day, and instead of attacking the fed- 
 eral left and centre, where the gunboats might 
 enter into the contest, was massing his forces 
 with the intention of turning the right. Gen- 
 eral Wallace’s artillery opened quickly upon 
 this column of the enemy, and the rebel bat- 
 teries almost as quickly replied. But the rebel 
 movements were to be met by something more 
 than artillery fire at long range. They were 
 taking dangerous positions on the right, and 
 General Wallace was not slow in sending bat- 
 teries, strongly supported by infantry, to meet 
 them. Here a spirited fire of artillery, mingled 
 with scattering shots of skirmishers, for some 
 time ensued, while the division waited for 
 General Sherman to come into position. At 
 last General Sherman’s division came up, and 
 after bravely facing a severe storm of musketry 
 and grape, his right brigade succeeded in gain- 
 
 ‘ing a position which flanked a part of the rebel 
 artillery, and compelled it to retire in haste. 
 |This opened the way for a further advance, 
 
 and enabled General Wallace to reénforce the 
 batteries and supporting brigade, which were 
 now being hotly pressed and more fiercely 
 threatened on the extreme right. The troops 
 sent forward to this point were in time to check 
 the rebel movement, and soon the rebel batte- 
 ries were silenced by the deadly fire of the 
 daring skirmishers, or the well-served guns of 
 the federal batteries. Again the whole division 
 pressed forward, and meeting now the rebel in- 
 fantry face to face, a fierce fire of musketry 
 followed. After a sharp conflict the rebel in- 
 fantry fell back, and thus gradually the rebels 
 were pressed back from the positions to which 
 
502 
 
 they had advanced in the morning. The ad- 
 vantages gained were secured only by hard 
 fighting, and not with uniform success. At 
 one time the right of General Sherman’s divis- 
 ion was broken and repulsed, but the line being 
 quickly re-formed by new regiments promptly 
 brought up, the position was maintained, and 
 soon the enemy was again driven back. From 
 line to line on which the rebels contested the 
 field the right wing of the federal army thus 
 advanced, and the rebel forces retired until late 
 in the afternoon, when their entire left wing 
 joined in the retreat which had already com- 
 menced on their right. 
 
 While the divisions of Generals Wallace and 
 
 Sherman were thus engaged in a severe con- 
 
 test with the rebels on the right, General Nel- 
 son’s division, comprising the left of the federal 
 army, moved forward from its position near the 
 river and in the-vicinity of Lick Creek. Its 
 advance was over that portion of the country 
 where Colonel Stuart’s brigade had operated 
 the day before, and the position of General 
 Prentiss’s division, and it flanked the line which 
 the enemy had occupied after their last suc- 
 cesses on the previous evening. 
 
 Nelson’s division did not meet with the enemy 
 until some time after the battle had commenced 
 on the right. When they were found, they 
 were not at first in sufficient numbers to resist 
 the advance of the federal troops, and retired 
 before the skirmishers, who were thrown out a 
 long distance in front of the main body of the 
 division. But as General Nelson gradually 
 pressed them back over the ground where they 
 had the day before achieved their suécesses, and 
 through a part of the federal camps which they 
 had for a time occupied, they at last rallied on 
 their reserves under cover of the woods, and 
 met the advancing line of Union troops with a 
 heavy fire of artillery and musketry. Thus far 
 
 But the rebel 
 forces having been withdrawn from the range | 
 of the heavy guns of the boats and massed 
 towards the federal right and centre, General | 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 | the advance had been so easy, and the enemy 
 had fallen back with so little resistance, that 
 the federal troops had begun to anticipate an 
 easy victory, and they were not prepared for 
 this sudden stand and the vigorous onset with 
 which the rebels now met them. Fora time 
 they wavered and fell back, and the enemy 
 rapidly advanced ; but General Nelson’s artil- 
 lery opened a rapid and severe fire, which 
 checked but did not repulse him. Rebel skir- 
 mishers picked off the artillerists so that some 
 of the pieces were scarcely manned, and in- 
 fantry advanced to charge upon and cap- 
 ture guns, the horses and men of which had 
 suffered so much that they could not be re- 
 moved. But the federal infantry was promptly 
 brought up, and saved the pieces. Infantry 
 and artillery now joined in the battle, which 
 raged for nearly two hours upon this ground 
 with varying fortune. A rebel battery was 
 charged and captured by one of General Nel- 
 son’s brigades; but being exposed to a dam- 
 aging cross-fire, and attacked by a heavy force 
 of infantry, the brigade was forced to abandon 
 its prize and retire. In turn a portion of the 
 federal line was sorely pressed fora time. The 
 rebels fought here with desperate energy, but 
 the Union troops manifested at least an equal 
 gallantry, and these were comparatively vet- 
 eran troops. They went bravely into the work 
 before them, and under their steady fire the 
 enemy at last faltered. It was a signal which 
 did not escape the notice of the federal general, 
 
 ‘and his division being advanced rapidly, the reb- 
 
 el troops fell back, with an occasional stand to 
 check their pursuers, till at last they began a 
 steady retreat. It was scarcely three o’clock 
 in the afternoon when this part of the field was 
 won. ‘The rebels had been driven back with 
 heavy loss over all the ground which he had 
 gained on the previous day, and the camps of 
 Generals Prentiss and Sherman had been re- 
 
 gained. With these advantages came the re- 
 capture of several guns lost the previous day, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the capture of many wounded prisoners, and 
 the rescue of many of the federal wounded 
 who had been left on the field the day before. 
 On the right of General Nelson’s division 
 was that under the command of General Crit- 
 tenden, which moved at the same time as the 
 former, and met the enemy at about the same 
 time. Both these divisions and that of Gen- 
 eral McCook, which was on the right of Gen- 
 eral Crittenden’s, were under the command of 
 General Buell, who assumed direction of their 
 operations. Their movements, therefore, and 
 the conflicts in which they were engaged, 
 though narrated separately, were but parts 
 of one general battle, in which they were all 
 engaged, and in which they codperated with 
 
 the divisions still further to the right, including 
 
 General Wallace’s, which were under the direc- 
 tion of General Grant. 
 
 General Crittenden’s troops at first met with 
 little more resistance than General Nelson’s, 
 but when the rebels at last rallied to repel the 
 advance, they were as strong in front of Gen- 
 eral Crittenden as they were in front of General 
 Nelson. The former had vigorously attacked 
 and carried a rebel battery which was well 
 supported, after a sharp but short engagement. 
 This success, however, had hardly been accom- 
 plished, when the rebel onset which so suddenly 
 checked General Nelson’s advance, extended to 
 this part of the field, and a heavy force of the 
 enemy was thrown against General Crittenden’s 
 line. For a time the conflict raged fiercely 
 about the captured guns, but at last.the federal 
 troops were compelled to retire and abandon 
 their prize, the guns, however, first being ren- 
 dered useless. General Crittenden’s brigades, 
 though compelled to withdraw, were immedi- 
 ately formed in a new line of battle, and held 
 the position bravely against the desperate at- 
 tacks of the rebels. After a long contest they 
 began to gain advantage, and when the enemy 
 was driven in General Nelson’s front, his troops 
 
 70 
 
 505 
 
 yielded here too, and the retreat soon ex- 
 tended to this part of his line. 
 
 Upon General Crittenden’s right, General 
 McCook’s division of brave and veteran sol- 
 diers was brought into action, meeting the ene- 
 my in strong force. General McCook moved 
 his troops with great ability, and though they 
 were not engaged in so many severe conflicts 
 as the divisions on their left, they accomplished 
 as important results with much smaller loss. 
 The enemy was compelled to fall back before 
 the advance of this division, and though at 
 times some of his batteries were hotly pressed, 
 they were saved by the rapid and gallant 
 movements of his infantry. As one of his 
 brigades, under General Rousseau, was drawn 
 off from an attack in which they had com- 
 pelled the enemy to retire, the rebel forces 
 were pushed rapidly forward again, their gen- 
 eral hoping to take the retiring troops at dis- 
 advantage. Another brigade, however, was at 
 hand, and charging across an open field, they 
 drove back the rebel forces before their impetu- 
 ousadvance. The battle now raged fiercely in 
 this part of the field also, and some desperate 
 attempts were made to flank the division, but 
 all such attempts were successfully met and 
 defeated. The enemy made his last deter 
 mined stand on this part of the field in some 
 woods beyond the camps of General Sher- 
 man’s division, but General McCook’s reserves 
 were brought up, and soon the rebels fell back 
 and joined in the retreat which had become 
 general throughout their right wing. 
 
 Though the rebel right was thus driven back, 
 and at last forced to retreat, on their left, 
 where the rebel general had massed troops in 
 the change of his plan, the battle raged longer. 
 On the riglt of General McCook were the 
 divisions of Generals McClernand and Hurlbut, 
 which, like that of General Sherman further to 
 the right, were a part of General Grant’s army 
 that had suffered so severely in the unequal 
 
004 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 contest of the day before. These divisions had 
 been reorganized as well as the brief time 
 allowed, and the manner in which the men, 
 notwithstanding their jaded condition, moved 
 forward, showed that they were far from being 
 conquered or demoralized. The field of their 
 operations was on the left of General Sherman, 
 
 whose movements and success have already been || 
 mentioned. Like the other divisions, they met 
 
 strong bodies of the enemy, whose movements 
 were in concert with those in front of Generals 
 Wallace and Sherman. There were some des- 
 perate conflicts, in which ground was alternately 
 gained and lost. But the Union troops, now 
 conscious of their strength, fought with a spirit 
 of determination and generous rivalry with the 
 men of General Buell’s army, and after long 
 and repeated contests, the shouts of victory, 
 which had begun on their left, were taken up 
 by these divisions as the enemy gave way. 
 The withdrawal of the rebel forces was at first 
 covered by a desperate resistance, but their 
 retreat was soon manifest, and gradually ex- 
 tended to the extreme left’ of their line, where 
 the result has already been recorded. 
 
 The want of a sufficient cavalry force and 
 the exhausted condition of the men, who had 
 thus been engaged for many hours, as well as 
 
 the heavy losses, prevented a long pursuit of | 
 
 the retreating rebels. 
 however, were sent forward to make sure of 
 the rebel movement. This advance revealed 
 that the enemy had at last retreated in haste, 
 though in good order. They had left, how- 
 ever, nearly all the material that they had 
 captured the previous day, and a large number 
 of their killed and wounded upon the field. A 
 still further advance of federal troops on the 
 following day proved that the rebél forces had 
 almost wholly disappeared. Most of the rebel 
 cavalry, with some artillery, remained in their 
 rear to cover the retreat, and a portion of Gen- 
 eral Sherman’s troops had a short skirmish 
 with a part of this force, and after a slight 
 
 A portion of the troops, | 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 reverse in the beginning of the engagement, 
 drove the enemy beyond his camp, capturing 
 some prisoners. The rebel forces, with the 
 exception of this rear guard, had been with- 
 drawn to Corinth, from which place they had 
 marched, confident of a complete victory over 
 the Union armies. They had met with success 
 at first, but their movement was too late, and 
 they had been driven back discomfited, with a 
 heavy loss and a discouraging failure. 
 
 Of the forces engaged in the battle of Pitts- 
 burg Landing, or Shiloh, as it is more appro- 
 priately called, it was estimated by the most 
 careful authorities that the rebel army num- 
 
 'bered on the first day of the battle nearly 
 
 sixty thousand, while General Grant’s army 
 did not exceed forty thousand effective men. 
 During the night, it was supposed, the rebels 
 received reénforcements to the number of five 
 or six thousand men, and the forces brought in 
 on the Union side by General Buell consisted 
 of three divisions, numbering not more than 
 twenty thousand. It was, therefore, to their 
 superior numbers, well handled, that the rebels 
 owed their successes on the first day, while on 
 the second day the opposing forces were nearly 
 equal, and the result was due to the courage 
 of the federal troops and the energy and skill 
 of the officers. The enemy believed, indeed, 
 that the united armies of Generals Grant and 
 Buell greatly exceeded their own, and the idea 
 
 that they were contending against superior 
 numbers and a host of fresh men, undoubtedly 
 dampened the ardor of both officers and men, 
 while on the other hand the federal troops 
 believed that with the combined armies they 
 were invincible. 
 
 The losses were very large on both sides. 
 The official report of General Beauregard 
 placed the rebel loss at one thousand seven 
 hundred and twenty-eight killed, eight thou- 
 sand and twelve wounded, and nine hundred 
 
 ‘and fifty-nine missing; and it is not improba- 
 
 ble that the actual loss exceeded this number. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The exact loss on the part of the federal forces 
 cannot be stated. General Grant’s first report 
 estimated the number of killed at fifteen hun- 
 dred, and thirty-five hundred wounded. But 
 the loss proved to be much greater than this, 
 and probably reached eighteen or nineteen 
 hundred killed, upwards of seven thousand 
 wounded, and nearly four thousand missing and 
 prisoners.* This would make the aggregate 
 federal loss between twelve and thirteen thou- 
 sand. It was generally believed by the Union 
 officers, who judged by the number of rebel 
 dead and wounded left upon the field, that the 
 enemy’s loss in killed and wounded considera- 
 bly exceeded their own. 
 
 The result of the battle of Shiloh, while it 
 was a defeat of the purposes of the rebel gen- 
 eral, was not a decisive victory for the federal 
 troops. It could be called but little else than 
 a drawn battle. The federal army was not in 
 a condition to follow up its success of the sec- 
 ond day, but it had driven. back, in a crippled 
 condition, the rebel forces, and was itselfin a con- 
 dition to be reorganized and rendered efficient 
 in a short time, and in a position to receive 
 speedily all necessary reénforcements. The 
 delay required for these preparations, however, 
 enabled the rebels to fortify their position at 
 Corinth, and thus to render the work of the 
 federal generals more difficult. Before any 
 advance was made, General Halleck, the com- 
 mander of the department, assumed command 
 of the combined armies of Generals Grant and 
 Buell, and directed the operations which will 
 be mentioned in a subsequent chapter. 
 
 * The official reports of some of the divisions give the follow- 
 ing losses : — 
 
 Hurlbut’s division, 313 killed, 1449 wounded, 223 missing. 
 W.H.L. Wallace’s “ 226 “ Oasis alo 1164 “ 
 Sherman’s fer LOr mee 1275 2 441 “ 
 Buell’s three (ee 26a 1816 eG 88 af 
 
 The losses in McClernand’s, Lew. Wallace’s, and Prentiss’s 
 divisions are not found stated exactly in the reports. Prentiss’s 
 division was driven back early the first day, with the loss of 
 many prisoners. Its subsequent loss may be included in that of 
 other divisions. General Wallace’s was engaged only the second 
 day, as were also General Buell’s forces. 
 
 ‘siat9) 
 
 From the numerous reports of the federal 
 officers, the following are selected as giving a 
 general view of the operations in the different 
 parts of the field :— 
 
 GENERAL GRAN'T’S OFFICIAL REPORT. 
 
 ‘¢Hrapquarters District WESTERN TENNESSER, 
 Pirrspure, April 9, 1862. 
 
 “Captain: It becomes my duty again to re- 
 port another battle fought between two great 
 armies, one contending for the maintenance 
 of the best government ever devised, and the 
 other for its destruction. It is pleasant to re- 
 cord the success of the army contending for 
 the former principle. 
 
 “On Sunday morning our pickets were at- - 
 tacked and driven in by the enemy. @mmedi- 
 ately the five divisions stationed at this place 
 were drawn up in line of battle to meet them, 
 
 “The battle soon waxed warm on the left 
 and centre, varying at times to all parts of the 
 line. ‘There was the most continuous firing of 
 musketry and artillery ever heard on this con- 
 tinent, kept up until nightfall. 
 
 “The enemy having forced the centre line 
 to fall back nearly half way from their camps 
 to the Landing, at a late hour in the afternoon 
 a desperate effort was made by the enemy to 
 turn our left and get possession of the Landing, 
 transports, Xe. 
 
 “This point was guarded by the gunboats 
 Tyler and Lexington, Captains Gwin and Shirk 
 commanding, with four twenty-four pounder 
 Parrott guns, and a battery of rifled guns. 
 
 “As there is a deep and impassable ravine 
 for artillery or cavalry, and very difficult for 
 infantry at this point, no troops were stationed 
 here except the necessary artillerists and a 
 small infantry force for their support. Just at 
 this moment the advance of Major-General 
 Buell’s column and a part of the division of 
 General Nelson arrived, the two generals named 
 both being present. An advance was immedi- 
 ately made upon the point of attack, and the 
 enemy was soon driven back. 
 
056 
 
 “In this repulse, much is due to the pres-| 
 ence of the gunboats Tyler and Lexington, 
 and their able commanders, Captains Gwin and 
 Shirk. 
 
 “During the night the divisions under Gen- 
 erals Crittenden and McCook arrived. 
 
 “General Lew. Wallace, at Camp Landing, 
 six miles below, was ordered, at an early hour 
 in the morning, to hold his division in readi- 
 ness to move in any direction it might be 
 ordered. At eleven o'clock, the order was 
 delivered to move it up to Pittsburg, but owing 
 to its being led by a circuitous route, did 
 not arrive in time to take part in Sunday’s 
 action. 
 
 “ During the night all was quiet, and, feeling 
 that a great moral advantage would be gained 
 by becoming the attacking party, an advance 
 was ordered as soon as day dawned. The re- 
 sult was the gradual repulse of the enemy at 
 _ all points of the line, from nine until probably 
 five o’clock in the afternoon, when it became 
 evident the enemy was retreating. 
 
 “Before the close of the action the advance 
 of General T. J. Wood’s division arrived in 
 time to take part in the action. 
 
 “ My force was too much fatigued, from two 
 days’ hard fighting and exposure in the open 
 air to a drenching rain during the intervening 
 night, to pursue immediately. 
 
 “Night closed in cloudy and with a heavy 
 rain, making the roads impracticable for artil- 
 lery by the next morning. 
 
 “General Sherman, however, followed the 
 enemy, finding that the main part of the army 
 had retreated in good order. 
 
 “ Hospitals, with the enemy’s wounded, were 
 found all along the road as far as pursuit was 
 made. Dead bodies of the enemy and many 
 graves were also found. I enclose herewith a 
 report of General Sherman, which will explain 
 more fully the result of the pursuit, and of the 
 part taken by each separate command. 
 
 “JT cannot take special notice in this report, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 but will do so more fully when the reports of 
 the division commanders are handed in. 
 
 “General Buell, commanding in the field 
 with a distinct army long under his command, 
 and which did such efficient service, commanded 
 by himself in person on the field, will be much 
 better, able to notice those of his command 
 who particularly distinguished themselves 
 than I possibly can. 
 
 “I feel it a duty, however, to a gallant and 
 able officer, Brigadier-General W. T. Sherman, 
 to make special mention. He not only was 
 with his command during the entire two days 
 of the action, but displayed great judgment 
 and skill in the management of his men ; 
 although severely wounded in the hand on the 
 first day, his place was never vacant. He was 
 again wounded, and had three horses killed 
 under him. In making this mention of a gal- 
 lant officer, no disparagement is intended to 
 other division commanders or major-generals, 
 Jno. A. McClernand and Lewis Wallace, and 
 Brigadier-Generals Hurlbut, Prentiss, and W. H. 
 L. Wallace, all of whom maintained their places 
 with credit to themselves and the cause. Gen- 
 eral Prentiss was taken prisoner on the first 
 day’s action, and General W. H. L. Wallace was 
 
 ‘severely, and probably mortally, wounded. His 
 
 Assistant Adjutant-General, Captain William 
 McMichael, is missing, and was probably taken 
 prisoner. My personal staff are all deserving 
 of particular mention, they having been en- 
 gaged during the entire two days in carrying 
 orders to every part of the field. It consists 
 of Colonel J. D. Webster, Chief of Staff; Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel J. B. McPherson, Chief of Engi- 
 neers, assisted by Lieutenants W. L. B. Jenny 
 and Wm. Kossac; Captain J. A. Rawlings, As- 
 sistant Adjutant-General; W. S. Hilger, W. R. 
 Rawley, and C. B. Lagon, Aids-de-Camp ; Colo- 
 nel G. Pride, Volunteer Aid, and Captain J. P. 
 Hawkins, Chief Commissary, who acccompanied 
 me upon the field. The medical department, 
 under direction of Surgeon Hewitt, Medical 
 
~ 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Director, showed great energy in providing for 
 the wounded and in getting them from the 
 field, regardless of danger. 
 
 “Colonel Webster was placed in special 
 charge of all the artillery, and was constantly 
 upon the field. He displayed, as always here- 
 tofore, both skill and bravery. At least in one 
 instance he was the means of placing an entire 
 regiment in position of doing most valuable 
 service, and where it would not Ifave been but 
 for his exertions. Lieutenant-Colonel McPher- 
 son, attached to my staff as Chief of Engineers, 
 deserves more than a passing notice for his 
 agtivity and courage. All the grounds beyond 
 our camps for miles have been reconnoitred by 
 him, and the plans, carefully prepared under his 
 supervision, give the most accurate information 
 of the nature of the approaches to our lines. 
 During the two days’ battle he was constantly 
 in the saddle, leading the troops as they arrived 
 to points where their services were required. 
 During the engagement he had one horse shot 
 under him. ‘ 
 
 “The country will have to mourn the loss 
 of many brave men who fell at the battle of 
 Pittsburg, or Shiloh, more properly. 
 
 “The exact loss in killed and wounded will 
 be known in a day or two. 
 
 “ At present I can only give it approximately 
 at one thousand five hundred killed and three 
 thousand five hundred wounded. 
 
 “The loss of artillery was great, many pieces 
 being disabled by the enemy’s shots, and some 
 losing all their horses and many men. ‘There 
 were probably not less than two hundred horses 
 killed. 
 
 “The loss of the enemy in killed and left 
 upon the field was greater than ours. In the 
 wounded an estimate cannot be made, as many 
 of them must have been sent to Corinth and 
 other points. 
 
 “The enemy suffered terribly from demoral- 
 ization and desertion. 
 
 “A flag of truce was sent in to-day from dan 
 
 507 
 
 eral Beauregard. I enclose herewith a copy of 
 the correspondence. *. 
 “T am, respectfully, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “U.S. Grant, 
 “ Major-General commanding 
 
 “Captain N. H. McLean, A. A. G., Department of Mississippi, 
 St. Louis.” 
 
 GENERAL SHERMAN’S REPORT. 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS Firra Division, 
 Camp Suton, April 10, ‘arent 
 
 “Sir: I had the honor to report that on 
 Friday, the 4th instant, the enemy’s cavalry 
 drove in our pickets, posted about a mile and 
 a half in advance of my centre, on the main 
 Corinth road, capturing one first lieutenant and 
 seven men; that I caused a pursuit by the 
 cavalry of my division, driving them back about 
 five miles, and killing many. On Saturday, the 
 enemy’s cavalry was again very bold, coming 
 well down to our front; yet I did not believe 
 he designed any thing but a strong demon- 
 stration. On Sunday morning, early, the 6th 
 instant, the enemy drove our advance-guard 
 back on the main body, when I ordered under 
 arms all my division, and sent word to Gen- 
 eral McClernand, asking him to support my 
 left; to General Prentiss, giving him notice 
 that the enemy was in our front in force, and 
 to General Hurlbut, asking him to support 
 General Prentiss. At this time, seven A. M, 
 my division was arranged as follows: — 
 
 “First brigade, composed of the sixth Iowa, 
 Colonel J. A. McDowell ; fortieth Illinois, Colo- 
 nel Hicks; forty-sixth Ohio, Colonel Worth- 
 ington; and the Morton battery, Captain Behr, 
 on the extreme right, guarding the bridge on 
 the Purdy road, over Owl Creek. 
 
 “Second brigade, composed of the fifty-fifth 
 Illinois, Colonel D. Stuart; fifty-fourth Ohio, 
 
 ‘Colonel T. Kilby Smith; and the seventy-first 
 
 Ohio, Colonel Mason, on the extreme left, 
 guarding the ford over Lick Creek. 
 “Third brigade, composed of the seventy- 
 
508 
 
 seventh Ohio, Colonel Hildebrand ; fifty-third 
 Ohio, Colonel Appler; and the fifty-seventh 
 Ohio, Colonel Mungen, on the left of the Cor- 
 inth road, its right resting on Shiloh meeting- 
 house. 
 
 “Fourth brigade, composed of the seventy- 
 second Ohio, Colonel Buckland; forty-eighth 
 
 Ohio, Colonel Sullivan ; and seventieth Ohio, | 
 
 Colonel Cockerill, on the right of the Corinth 
 road, its left resting on Shiloh meeting-house. 
 “Two batteries of artillery, Taylor’s and 
 Waterhouse’s, were posted, the former at Shi- 
 loh, and the latter on a ridge to the left, with 
 a front fire over open ground between Mun- 
 gen’s and Appler’s regiments. The cavalry, 
 eight companies of the fourth Illinois, under 
 Colonel Dickey, were posted in a large open 
 field to the left ‘and rear of Shiloh meeting- 
 house, which I regarded as the centre of my 
 position. Shortly after seven A. M., with my 
 entire staff, I rode along a portion of our front, 
 and when in the open field before Appler’s 
 
 regiment, the enemy’s pickets opened a brisk | 
 
 fire on iny party, killing my orderly, Thomas 
 D. Holliday, of company H, second Illinois cav- 
 alry. The fire came from the bushes which 
 line a small stream that rises in the field in 
 front of Appler’s camp, and flows to the north 
 along my whole front. This valley afforded 
 the enemy cover, but our men were so posted 
 as to have a good fire at him as he crossed the 
 valley and ascended the rising ground on our 
 side. 
 
 “About eight A. M. I saw the glistening 
 bayonets of heavy masses of infantry to our 
 left front,in the woods beyond the small stream 
 alluded to, and became satisfied, for the first 
 time, that the enemy designed a determined 
 attack on our whole camp. All the regiments 
 of my division were then in line of battle, at 
 their proper posts. I rode to Colonel Appler, 
 and ordered him to hold his ground at all haz- 
 ards, as he held the left flank of our first line of 
 battle, and I informed him that he had a good 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 battery on his right and strong support in his 
 rear. General McClernand had promptly and 
 energetically responded to my request, and had 
 sent me three regiments, which were posted to 
 protect Waterhouse’s battery and the left flank 
 of my line. The battle began by the enemy 
 opening a battery in the woods to our front, 
 and throwing shell into our camp. 
 
 “Taylor’s and Waterhouse’s batteries prompt- 
 ly responded; and I then observed heavy bat- 
 talions of infantry passing obliquely to the left 
 across the open field in Appler’s front; also 
 other columns advancing directly upon my 
 division. Our infantry and artillery opened 
 along the whole line, and the battle became 
 general. Other heavy masses of the enemy’s 
 forces kept passing across the field to our left, 
 and directing their course on General Prentiss. 
 I saw at once that the enemy designed to pass 
 my left flank, and fall upon Generals McCler- 
 nand and Prentiss, whose line of camps was 
 almost parallel with the Tennessee River, and 
 about two miles back from it. Very soon the 
 sound of musketry and artillery announced that 
 General Prentiss was engaged, and about nine 
 A. M:I judged that he was falling back. About 
 this time Appler’s regiment broke in disorder, 
 followed by Mungen’s regiment, and the enemy 
 pressed forward on Waterhouse’s battery, there- 
 by exposed. The three Illinois regiments in 
 immediate support of this battery stood for 
 some time, but the enemy’s advance was vigor- 
 ous, and the fire so severe, that when Colonel 
 Raith, of the forty-third Illinois, received a se- 
 vere wound, and fell from his horse, his regi- 
 ment and the others manifested disorder, and 
 the enemy got possession of three guns of this 
 (Waterhouse’s) battery. Although our left was 
 thus turned, and the enemy was pressing our 
 whole line, I deemed Shiloh so important, that 
 I remained by it, and renewed my orders to 
 Colonels McDowell and Buckland to hold their 
 ground ; and we did hold these positions until 
 about ten o’clock A. M., when the enemy had~* 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 got his artillery to the rear of our left flank, 
 and some change became absolutely necessary. 
 Two regiments of Hildebrand’s brigade (Ap- 
 pler’s and Mungen’s) had already disappeared | 
 to the rear, and Hildebrand’s own regiment 
 was in disorder. I therefore gave orders for 
 Taylor’s battery, still at Shiloh, to fall back as 
 far as the Purdy and Hamburg road, and for 
 McDowell and Buckland to adopt that road as 
 their new line. I rode across the angle, and 
 met Behr’s battery at the cross-roads, and 
 ordered it immediately to come into battery, 
 action right. Captain Behr gave the order, 
 but he was almost instantly shot from his horse, 
 
 when drivers and gunners fled in disorder, | 
 
 carrying off the caissons, and abandoning five 
 out of six guns without firing a shot. The 
 enemy pressed on, gaining this battery, and 
 we were again forced to choose a line of de-| 
 fence. Hildebrand’s brigade had substantially 
 disappeared from the field, though he himself 
 bravely remained. McDowell’s and Buckland’s 
 brigades maintained their organization, and 
 were conducted by my aids so as to join on 
 General McClernand’s right, thus abandoning 
 my original camps and line. This was about 
 half past ten A. M., at which time the enemy 
 had made a furious attack on General McCler- 
 nand’s whole front. He struggled most deter- 
 minedly, but finding him pressed, I moved 
 McDowell’s brigade directly against the left 
 flank of the enemy, forced him back some dis- 
 tance, and directed the men to avail themselves 
 of every cover—trees, fallen timber, and a 
 wooded valley to our right. We held this po- 
 sition for four long hours, sometimes gaining 
 and at other times losing ground, General 
 McClernand and myself acting in perfect con- 
 cert, and struggling to maintain this line. While 
 we were so hardly pressed, two Iowa regiments 
 approached from the rear, but could not be 
 brought up to the severe fire that was raging 
 
 our front, and General Grant, who visited 
 us on that ground, will remember our situation | 
 
 || © 
 | 
 came up with a new battery, and got into posi- 
 
 559 
 
 about three P. M.; but about four P. M. it was 
 ‘evident that Hurlbut’s line*had been driven 
 
 |back to the river, and knowing that General 
 
 Wallace was coming with reénforcements from 
 
 | Crump’s Landing, General McClernand and I, 
 
 on consultation, selected a new line of defence, 
 with its right covering a bridge by which Gen- 
 eral Wallace had to approach. We fell back 
 as well as we could, gathering, in addition to 
 our own, such scattered forces as we could find, 
 
 _and formed the new line. During this change 
 _ the enemy’s cavalry charged us, but were hand- 
 | somely repulsed by an Illinois regiment, whose 
 
 ‘number I did not learn at that time or since. 
 
 ©The fifth Ohio cavalry, which had come up, 
 rendered good service in holding the enemy in 
 heck for some time; and Major Taylor also 
 
 tion just in time to get a good flank fire upon 
 the enemy’s column as he pressed on General 
 'McClernand’s right, checking his advance, when 
 General McClernand’s division made a fine 
 charge on the enemy, and drove him back into 
 the ravines to our front and right. I had a 
 clear field about two hundred yards wide in my 
 immediate front, and contented myself with 
 keeping the enemy’s infantry at that distance 
 during the day. In this position we rested for 
 the night. My command had become decidedly 
 of a mixed character. Buckland’s brigade was 
 the only one that retained organization. Colo- 
 nel Hildebrand was personally there, but his 
 brigade was not. Colonel McDowell had been 
 severely injured by a fall of his horse, and 
 had gone to the river, and the three regiments 
 of his brigade were not in line. 
 
 “The thirteenth Missouri, Colonel Crafts J. 
 Wright, had reported to me on the field, and 
 fought well, retaining its regimental organiza- 
 tion, and it formed a part of my line during 
 Sunday night and all Monday. Other frag- 
 ments of regiments and companies had also 
 fallen into my division, and acted with it during 
 the remainder of the battle. 
 
560 
 
 “Generals Grant and Buell visited me in our 
 bivouac that evening, and from them I learned 
 the situation of affairs on other parts of the 
 field. General Wallace arrived from Crump’s 
 Landing shortly after dark, and formed his line 
 to my right and rear. It rained hard during 
 the night, but our men were in good spirits and 
 lay on their arms, being satisfied with such 
 bread and meat as could be gathered at the 
 neighboring camps, and determined to redeem 
 on Monday the losses of Sunday. At day- 
 break. of Monday I received General Grant’s 
 orders to advance and recapture our original 
 camps. I despatched several members of my 
 staff to bring up all the men they could find, 
 and especially the brigade of Colonel Stuart, 
 which had been separated from the division all 
 the day before; and at the appointed time the 
 division, or rather, what remained of it, with 
 the thirteenth Missouri and other fragments 
 moved forward, and occupied the ground on 
 the extreme right of General McClernand’s 
 camp, where we attracted the fire of a battery 
 located near Colonel McDowell’s former head- 
 quarters. Here I remained patiently awaiting 
 
 for the sound of General Buell’s advance upon | 
 
 the main Corinth road. About ten A. M, the 
 
 firing in this direction, and its steady approach, | 
 
 satisfied me, and General Wallace being on our 
 right, flanked with his well-conducted division, 
 
 I led the head of my column to General’ 
 McClernand’s right, formed the line of battle. 
 facing south, with Buckland’s brigade directly | 
 
 across the ridge, and Stuart’s brigade on its 
 right, in the woods, and thus advanced steadily 
 
 rear, where he had gone for ammunition, and 
 brought up three guns, which I ordered into 
 position to advance by hand-firing. These guns 
 belonged to company A, Chicago light artillery, 
 lent service. Under cover of their 
 vanced till we reached the point 
 
 ~tyd by Lieutenant P. P. Wood, and did. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 | 
 | 
 
 | dreaded wood. 
 | then commanded by Colonel T. Kilby Smith, 
 and slowly, under a heavy fire of musketry and. 
 artillery. Taylor had just got to me from the 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 where the Corinth road crosses the line of 
 General McClernand’s camp ; and here I saw, 
 for the first time, the well-ordered and compact 
 Kentucky forces of General Buell, whose sol- 
 dierly movement at once gave confidence to 
 our newer and less disciplined forces. Here I 
 saw Willich’s regiment advance upon a point 
 of water-oaks and thicket, behind which I knew 
 the enemy was in great strength, and enter it 
 in beautiful style. Then arose the severest 
 musketry fire I ever heard, and lasted some 
 twenty minutes, when this splendid regiment 
 had to fall back. This green point of timber is 
 about five hundred yards east of Shiloh meeting- 
 house, and it was evident here was to be the 
 struggle. ‘The enemy could also be seen form- 
 ing his lines to the south. General McCler- 
 nand sending to me for artillery, I detached to 
 him the three guns of Wood’s battery, with 
 which he speedily drove them back; and see- 
 ing some others to the rear, I sent one of my 
 staff to bring them forward, when, by almost 
 Providential decree, they proved to be two 
 twenty-four pounder howitzers belonging to 
 McAllister’s battery, and served as well as guns 
 ever could be. This was about two P.M: The 
 enemy had one battery close by Shiloh, and 
 another near the Hamburg road, both pouring 
 grape and canister upon any column of troops 
 that advanced upon the green point of water- 
 oaks. Willich’s regiment had been repulsed ; 
 but a whole brigade of McCook’s division ad- 
 vanced, beautifully deployed, and entered this 
 I ordered my second brigade, 
 
 (Colonel Stuart being wounded,) to form on its 
 right, and my fourth brigade, Colonel Buck- 
 
 land, on its right, all to advance abreast with 
 
 this Kentucky brigade before mentioned, which 
 I afterwards found to be Rousseau’s brigade of 
 McCook’s division. I gave personal direction 
 to the twenty-four pounder guns, whose well- 
 directed fire first silenced the enemy’s guns t 
 the left, and afterwards at the Shiloh meeting- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, O61 
 
 house. Rousseau’s brigade moved in splendid 
 order steadily to the front,sweeping every thing 
 before it, and at four P. M. we stood upon the 
 ground of our original front line, and the enemy 
 was in full retreat. I directed my several brig- 
 ades to resume at once their original camps. I 
 am now ordered by General Grant to give per- 
 sonal credit where I think it is due, and censure 
 where I think it merited. I concede that Gen- 
 eral McCook’s splendid division from Kentucky 
 drove back the enemy along the Corinth road, 
 which was the great centre of the field of 
 battle, and where Beauregard commanded in 
 person, supported by Brage’s, Polk’s, and Breck- 
 inridge’s divisions. 1 think Johnston was killed, 
 by exposing himself in front of his troops at 
 the time of their attack on Buckland’s brigade 
 on Sunday morning, although in this I may be 
 mistaken. : 
 
 “My division was made up of regiments per- 
 fectly new, all having received their muskets 
 for the first time at Paducah. None of them 
 had ever been under fire, or beheld heavy col- 
 umns of an enemy bearing down on them, as 
 this did on last Sunday. To expect of them 
 the coolness and steadiness of older troops 
 would be wrong. ‘They knew not the value 
 of combination and organization. When indi- 
 vidual fear seized them, the first impulse was 
 to getaway. My third brigade did break much 
 too soon, and I am not yet advised where they 
 were during Sunday afternoon and Monday 
 morning. Colonel Hildebrand, its commander, 
 was as cool as any man I ever saw, and no one 
 could have made stronger efforts to hold his 
 men to their places than he did. He kept his 
 own regiment, with individual exceptions, in 
 hand an hour after Appler’s and Mungen’s 
 regiments had left their proper field of action. 
 Colonel Buckland managed his brigade well. 
 I commend him to your notice as a cool, intel- 
 ligent, and judicious gentleman, needing only 
 -confidence and experience to make a good 
 commander. His subordinates, Colonels Sulli- 
 
 “1 
 
 van and Cockerill, behaved with great gallan- 
 try, the former receiving a severe wound on — 
 Sunday, and yet commanding and holding his 
 regiment well in hand all day; and on Mon- 
 day, until his right arm was broken by a shot, 
 Cockerill held a larger proportion of his men 
 than any colonel in my division, and was with 
 me from first to last. Colonel J. A. McDowell, 
 commanding the first brigade, held his ground 
 on Sunday till I ordered him to fall back, which 
 he did in line of battle, and when ordered he 
 conducted the attack on the enemy’s left in 
 good style. In falling back to the next posi- 
 
 tion he was thrown from his horse and injured, 
 and his brigade was not in position on Monday 
 
 morning. His subordinates, Colonels Hicks and 
 Worthington, displayed great personal courage. 
 Colonel Hicks led his regiment in the attack 
 on Sunday, and received a wound which is 
 feared may prove fatal. He is a brave and. 
 gallant gentleman, and deserves well of his 
 country. Lieutenant-Colonel Walcott, of the 
 Ohio forty-sixth, was severely wounded on Sun- 
 day, and has been disabled ever since. My 
 second brigade, Colonel Stuart, was detached 
 near two miles from my headquarters. He had 
 to fight his own battle on Sunday against su- 
 perior numbers, as the enemy interposed be- 
 tween him and General Prentiss early in the 
 day. Colonel Stuart was wounded severely, 
 and yet reported for duty on Monday morning, 
 but was compelled to leave during the day, 
 when the command devolved on Colonel T. 
 Kilby Smith, who was always in the thickest 
 of the fight, and led the brigade handsomely. 
 I have not yet received Colonel Stuart’s re- 
 port of the operations of his brigade during 
 the time he was detached, and must therefore 
 forbear to mention names. Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Kyle, of the seventy-first, was mortally wounded 
 on Sunday, but the regiment itself I did not 
 see, as only a small fragment of it was with 
 the brigade when it jomed the division on 
 Monday morning. 
 
062 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 “Several times during the battle cartridges 
 gave out, but General Grant had thoughtfully 
 kept a supply coming from the rear. When I 
 appealed to regiments to stand fast although 
 out of cartridges, I did so because to retire a 
 regiment for any cause has a bad effect on 
 others. I commend the fortieth Illinois and thir- 
 teenth Missouri for thus holding their ground 
 under heavy fire, although their cartridge- 
 boxes were empty. Great credit is due the 
 fragments of men of the disordered regiments 
 who kept in the advance. I observed and 
 noticed them, but until the brigadiers and 
 colonels make their reports, I cannot venture 
 to name individuals, but will in due season 
 notice all who kept in our front, as well as 
 those who preferred to keep back near the 
 steamboat landing. I will also send a full list 
 of the killed, wounded, and missing, by name, | 
 rank, company, and regiment. At present I 
 submit the result in figures : — 
 
 “ Officers, killed, 16 ; wounded, 45; missing, 
 6. Soldiers, killed, 302; wounded, 1230; 
 missing, 435. Aggregate loss in the division, 
 2034. 
 
 “The enemy captured seven of our guns on 
 Sunday, but on Monday we recovered seven — 
 not the identical guns we had lost, but enough 
 in number to balance the amount. At the 
 time of recovering our camps, our men were 
 so fatigued that we could not follow the re- 
 treating masses of the enemy; but on the fol- 
 lowing day, I followed up with Buckland’s and 
 Hildebrand’s brigades for six miles, the result 
 of which I have already reported. 
 
 “Tam, &c., your obedient servant, 
 
 “W. T. SHERMAN. 
 ‘Captain J, A. Rawutns, Assist, Adjt.-General to General Grant.” 
 
 GENERAL HURLBUT’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘¢ Heapquarters Fourts Drviston, 
 Anmy or West TrennussEx, April 12, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to report, in brief, 
 the part taken by my division in the battle of 
 the 6th and 7th April. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 “On Sunday morning, April 6, about half 
 past seven A. M,I received a message from 
 Brigadier-General Sherman, that he was at- 
 tacked in force, and heavily upon his left. 
 
 “T immediately ordered Colonel J. C: Veatch, 
 commanding the second brigade, to proceed to 
 the left of General Sherman. This brigade, 
 consisting of the twenty-fifth Indiana, four- 
 teenth, fifteenth and forty-sixth Illinois, was in 
 march in ten minutes, arrived on General 
 Sherman’s line rapidly, and went into action. 
 I must refer to Colonel Veatch’s report for the 
 particulars of that day. 
 
 “Receiving in a few moments a pressing re- 
 quest for aid from Brigadier-General Prentiss, 
 I took command in person of the first and third 
 brigades, respectively commanded by Colonel 
 N. G. Williams, of the third Iowa, and Brigadier- 
 General J. G. Laumann. 
 
 “The first brigade consisted of the third 
 Iowa, forty-first Illinois, twenty-eighth Llinois, 
 and thirty-second Illinois. 
 
 “The third brigade, of the thirty-first Indi- 
 ana, forty-fourth Indiana, seventeenth Ken- 
 tucky, and twenty-fifth Kentucky. In addition, 
 I took with me the first and second battalions 
 of the fifth Ohio cavalry ; Mann’s light battery, 
 four pieces, commanded by First-Lieutenant 
 i. Brotzmann; Ross’s battery, second Michigan, 
 and Meyer’s battery, thirteenth Ohio. 
 
 “ As we drew near the rear and left of Gen- 
 eral Prentiss’s line, his regiments, in broken 
 masses, drifted through my advance, that gal- 
 lant officer making every effort to rally them. 
 
 “T formed my line of battle — the first brig- 
 ade thrown to the front on the southerly side 
 of a large open field, the third brigade con- 
 tinuing the line with an obtuse angle around 
 the other side of the field, and extending some 
 distance into the brush and timber. Mann’s 
 battery was placed in the angle of the lines, 
 Ross’s battery some distance to the left, and 
 the thirteenth Ohio battery on the right and 
 somewhat advanced in cover of the timber, so 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 as to concentrate the fire upon the open ground 
 in front, and waited for the attack. 
 
 “A single shot from the enemy’s batteries 
 struck in Meyer’s thirteenth Ohio battery, when 
 officers and men, with a common impulse of 
 disgraceful cowardice, abandoned the entire 
 battery — horses, caissons, and guns—and fled, 
 and I saw them no more until Tuesday. I 
 called for volunteers from the artillery, the call 
 was answered, and ten gallant men from Mann’s 
 battery and Ross’s battery brought in the 
 horses, which were wild, and spiked the guns. 
 
 “The attack commenced on the third brig- 
 ade through the thick timber, and was met and 
 repelled by a steady and continuous fire, which 
 rolled the enemy back in confusion after some 
 half hour of struggle, leaving many dead and 
 wounded. The glimmer of bayonets on the 
 left and front of the first brigade showed a large 
 force of the enemy gathering, and an attack 
 was soon made on the forty-first Illinois and 
 twenty-eighth, on the left of the brigade, and 
 the thirty-second Illinois and third Iowa on 
 the right. At the same time a strong force of 
 very steady and gallant troops formed in col- 
 umns, doubled on the centre, and advanced 
 over the open field in front. They were allowed 
 to approach within four hundred yards, when 
 fire was opened from Mann’s and Ross’s bat- 
 teries, and from the two right regiments of the 
 first brigade, and seventeenth and twenty-fifth 
 Kentucky, which were thrown forward slightly, 
 so as to flank the column. Under this wither- 
 ing fire they vainly attempted to deploy, but 
 soon broke and fell. back under cover, leaving 
 not less than one hundred and fifty dead and 
 wounded as evidence how our troops main- 
 tained their position. The attack on the left 
 was also repulsed, but as the ground was coy- 
 ered with brush the loss could not be judged. 
 
 “ General Prentiss having succeeded in rally- 
 ing a considerable portion of his command, I 
 permitted him to pass to the front of the right 
 of my third brigade, where they redeemed their 
 
 563 
 
 honor by maintaining that line for some time 
 while ammunition was supplied to my regi- 
 ments. A series of attacks upon the right and 
 left of my line were readily repelled, until I 
 was compelled to order Ross’s battery to the 
 rear, on account of its loss in men and _ horses. 
 During all this time Mann’s battery maintained 
 its fire steadily, effectively, and with great 
 rapidity, under the excellent handling of Lieu- 
 tenant E. Brotzmann. 
 
 “For five hours these brigades maintained 
 their position under repeated and heavy at- 
 tacks, and endeavord with their thin ranks to 
 hold the space between Stuart’s and McCler- 
 nand’s, and did check every attempt to pene- 
 trate the lines. 
 
 “When, about three o’clock, Colonel Stuart, 
 on my left, sent me word that he was driven in, 
 and that I would be flanked on the left in a few 
 moments, it was necessary for me to decide 
 at once to abandon either the right or left. I 
 considered that General Prentiss could, with 
 the left of General McClernand’s troops, prob- 
 ably hold the right, and sent him notice to 
 reach out towards the right, and drop back 
 steadily parallel with my first brigade, while I 
 rapidly moved General Laumann from the right 
 to the left, and called up two twenty-pounder 
 pieces of Major Cavender’s battalion to check 
 the advance of the enemy upon the first brig- 
 ade. ‘These pieces were taken into action by 
 Dr. Corvine, the surgeon of the battalion, and 
 Lieutenant Edwards, and effectually checked 
 the enemy for half an hour, giving me time to 
 draw off my crippled artillery, and to form a 
 new front with the third brigade. In a few 
 minutes two Texan regiments crossed the ridge 
 separating my line from Stuart’s former one, 
 while other troops also advanced. 
 
 “ Willard’s battery was thrown into’ position, 
 under command of Lieutenant Wood, and 
 opened with great effect on the Lone Star 
 flagsy until their line of fire was obstructed by 
 the charge of the third brigade, which, after 
 
564 
 
 delivering its fire with great steadiness, charged 
 full up the hill, and drove the enemy three 
 hundred or four hundred yards. Perceiving 
 that a heavy force was closing on the left be- 
 tween my line and the river, while heavy fire 
 continued on the right and front, I ordered the 
 line to fall back. The retreat was made qui- 
 etly and steadily, and in good order. I had 
 
 hoped to make a stand on the line of my camp, | 
 
 but masses of the enemy were pressing rapidly 
 on each flank, while their light artillery was 
 closing rapidly in the rear. On reaching the 
 twenty-four pounder siege guns in battery, near 
 the river, I again succeeded in forming line 
 
 of battle in rear of the guns, and by direction | 
 
 of Major-General Grant I assumed command of 
 all troops that came up. Broken regiments 
 and disordered battalions came into line grad- 
 ually upon my division. 
 
 “ Major Cavender posted six of his twenty- 
 pound pieces on my right, and I sent my Aid 
 to establish the light artillery —all that could 
 be found—on my left. Many officers and men 
 unknown to me, and whom I never desire to 
 know, fled in confusion through the line. Many 
 gallant soldiers and brave officers rallied stead- 
 ily on the new line. I passed to the right, and 
 found myself in communication with General 
 Sherman, and received his instructions. Ina 
 short time the enemy appeared on the crest of 
 the ridge, led by the eighteenth Louisiana, but 
 were cut to pieces by the steady and murder- 
 ous fire of the artillery. Dr. Corvine again 
 took charge of one of the heavy twenty-four- 
 pounders, and the line of fire of that gnn was 
 the one upon which the other pieces concen- 
 trated. General Sherman’s artillery also was 
 rapidly engaged, and after an artillery contest 
 of some duration the enemy fell back. 
 
 “Captain Gwin, U.S. N., had called upon me 
 by one of his officers to mark the place the gun- 
 boats might take to open their fire. I advised 
 him to take position on the left of my camp 
 ground, and open fire as soon as our fire was 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 within that line. He did so, and from my own 
 observation and the statement of prisoners, his 
 fire was most effectual in stopping the advance 
 of the enemy on Sunday afternoon and night. 
 About dusk the firing ceased. I advanced my 
 division one hundred yards to the front, threw 
 out pickets, and officers and men bivouacked 
 in a heavy storm of rain. About twelve P. M. 
 General Nelson’s leading columns passed my 
 line and went to the front, and I called in my 
 advanced guard. ‘The remnant of my division 
 was reunited, Colonel Veatch with the second 
 brigade having joined me about half past 
 four P.M. 
 
 “Tt appears from his report, which I desire 
 
 | may be taken as part of mine, that soon after 
 
 arriving on the field of battle in the morning, 
 the line of troops in front broke and fled 
 
 | through the lines of the fifteenth and forty- 
 
 sixth Ilinois, without firing a shot, and left the 
 fifteenth exposed to a terrible fire, which they 
 gallantly returned. lLieutenant-Colonel Ellis 
 and Major Goddard were killed here early in 
 the action, and the regiment fell back. The 
 same misfortune, from the yielding of the front 
 line, threw the forty-sixth Illinois into con- 
 
 fusion, and although the fire was returned by 
 
 the forty-sixth with great spirit, the opposing 
 force drove back this unsupported regiment, 
 Colonel Davis in person bringing off the colors, 
 in which gallant act he was severely wounded. 
 
 “The twenty-fifth Indiana and fourteenth 
 Illinois changed front and held their ground on 
 the new alignment until ordered to form on 
 the left of General McClernand’s command. 
 The fifteenth and forty-sixth were separated 
 from the brigade, but fell into line with Gen- 
 eral McClernand’s right. 
 
 “The battle was sustained in this position-— 
 the left resting near my headquarters until the 
 left wing was driven in. ‘The second brigade 
 fell back towards the river, and was soon fol- 
 lowed by the first and third, and reunited at 
 the heavy guns. This closes the history of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Sunday’s battle, so far as this division is con- 
 cerned. 
 
 “On Monday, about eight’ o’clock A. M., my 
 division was formed in line close to the river 
 bank, and I obtained a few crackers for my 
 men. About nine A. M., I was ordered by 
 General Grant to move up to the support of 
 General McClernand, then engaged near his 
 own camp with the first brigade and Mann’s 
 battery. I moved forward under the direction 
 of Captain Rowley, Aid-de-Camp, and formed 
 line on the left of General McClernand, with 
 whom that brigade and battery remained during 
 the entire day, taking their full share of the 
 varied fortunes of that division in the gallant 
 charges and the desperate resistance which 
 checkered the field. JI am under great obliga- 
 tions to General McClernand for the honorable 
 mention he has personally given to my troops, 
 and have no doubt that his official report shows 
 the same, and as they fought under his imme- 
 diate eye, and as he was in chief command, I 
 leave this to him. 
 
 “The second and third brigades went into 
 action elsewhere, and again I am compelled to 
 refer to the reports of their immediate com- 
 manders, only saying the second brigade led 
 the charge ordered by General Grant, until re- 
 
 called by Major-General Buell, and that the 
 third brigade was deeply and fiercely engaged 
 
 on the right of General McClernand, success- 
 fully stopping a movement to flank his right, 
 and holding their ground until the firing ceased. 
 About one o’clock of that day, (Monday,) Gen- 
 eral McCook having closed up with General 
 McClernand, and the enemy demonstrating in 
 great force on the left, I went, by the request 
 of General McClernand, to the rear of his line, 
 to bring up fresh troops, and was engaged in 
 pressing them forward until the steady advance | 
 of General Buell on the extreme left, the firm-| 
 ness of the centre, and the closing in from the. 
 right of Generals Sherman and Wallace, de- 
 termined the success of the day, when I called 
 
 065 
 
 in my exhausted brigades, and led them to 
 their camps. The ground was such on Sun- 
 day that I was unable to use cavalry. Colonel 
 Taylor’s fifth Ohio cavalry was drawn up in 
 order of battle until near one o’clock, in the 
 hope that some opening might offer for the use 
 of this arm. None appearing, I ordered the 
 command withdrawn from the reach of shot. 
 
 “They were not in action again until the 
 afternoon of Monday, when they were ordered 
 to the front, but returned to their camps. Their 
 subsequent conduct will be no doubt reported 
 by the officer who conducted the special expe- 
 dition of which they made part. On Sunday 
 the cavalry lost one man killed, six wounded, 
 and eight horses, before they were withdrawn. 
 The greater portion of Ross’s battery was cap- 
 tured on Sunday in the ravine near my camp. 
 
 “For the officers and men of my division I 
 am at a loss for proper words to express my 
 appreciation of their courage and steadiness ; 
 where all did their duty so well, I fear to do 
 injustice by specially naming any. The fearful 
 list of killed and wounded officers in my divis- 
 ion shows the amount of exposure which they 
 met, while the returns of loss among the pri- 
 vates who fell, unnamed, but heroic, without 
 the hope of special mention, shows distinctly 
 that the rank and file were animated by a 
 true devotion and as firm a courage as their 
 officers. ne 
 
 “Very respectfully, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “A. 8. Hurwzor, 
 
 “ Brigader-General commanding Fourth Division. 
 «‘ Captain Joun A. Rawuins, Assistant Adjutant-General.” 
 
 COLONEL TUTTLE’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘* HEADQUARTERS First BricapzE, SEconp Division, 
 Pirtspure, Tenn., April 10, 1862. 
 
 , 
 
 “GerNERAL: I have the honor to report the 
 part taken by the first brigade in the action of 
 the 6th and 7th instants, as well as such other 
 regiments and corps as were under my com- 
 
 mand during the engagement. On the morn- 
 
566 HISTORY 
 
 ing of the 6th, I proceeded with my brigade, 
 consisting of the second, seventh, twelfth, and 
 fourteenth Iowa infantry, under the direction 
 of Brigadier-General W. H. L. Wallace, and 
 formed line on the left of his division. We 
 had been in line but a few moments when the 
 enemy made their appearance and attacked 
 my left wing, (twelfth and fourteenth Iowa,) 
 who gallantly stood their ground, and com- 
 pelled the assailants to retire in confusion. 
 They again formed under cover of a battery, 
 and renewed the attack upon my whole line, 
 but were repulsed as before. A third and 
 fourth time they dashed upon us, but were each 
 time baffled and completely routed. We held 
 our position about six hours, when it became 
 evident that our forces on each side of us had 
 given way, so as to give the enemy an oppor- 
 tunity of turning both our flanks. At this crit- 
 ical juncture, General Wallace gave orders for 
 my whole brigade to fall back, which was done 
 in good order. The second and seventh regi- 
 ments retired through a severe fire from both 
 flanks and re-formed, while the twelfth and 
 fourteenth, who were delayed by their en- 
 deavors to save a battery which had been 
 placed in their rear, were completely cut off 
 and surrounded, and were compelled to sur- 
 render. 
 
 “In passing through the cross fire General 
 Wallace fell mortally wounded, and as you 
 were reported wounded, and Captain McMichael 
 informing me that I was the ranking officer, I 
 assumed command of the division, and rallied 
 what was left of my brigade, and was joined 
 by the thirteenth Iowa, Colonel Crocker; ninth 
 Illinois, Colonel Mersey; twelfth Illinois, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Chottain, and several other frag- 
 ments of regiments, and formed in line on the 
 road, and held the enemy in check until the 
 line was formed that resisted the last charge 
 just before dark of that day. On Monday 
 morning I collected all of the division that 
 could be found, and such other detached regi- 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 ments as volunteered to join me, and formed 
 them in column by battalion, closed in mass, 
 as a reserve for General Buell, and followed up 
 his attack until we arrived near the position 
 we had occupied on Sunday, where I deployed 
 into line, in rear of his forces, and held my 
 command subject to his orders. The second 
 Iowa and second Illinois were called on at one 
 time. The second was sent to General Nel- 
 son’s division, and was ordered by him to charge 
 bayonets across a field on the enemy, who were 
 in the woods beyond, which they did in the 
 most gallant manner, the enemy giving way 
 before they reached them. The seventh Iowa, 
 under orders from General Crittenden, charged 
 and captured one of the enemy’s batteries, 
 while the thirteenth Iowa rendered General 
 McCook valuable service near the close of the 
 engagement, ) yr: ciiaacs . 
 “ Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 0.2 Nie Doren 
 “Colonel commanding First Brigade, 
 Second Dwision. 
 
 ‘«‘ Brigadier-General J. McArtuur, Comm’g Second Division.” 
 
 REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL LEW. WALLACE, 
 
 District or Wrst TENNESSEE, 
 Pirrspurc Lanpine, April 12, 1862. 
 
 «* Heapquarters Turrp Division U. S. Forcss, 
 
 “Sir: Sunday morning, 6th instant, my brig- 
 ades, three in number, were encamped, the 
 first at Crump’s Landing, the second two miles 
 from that Landing, and the third at Adams- 
 ville, two miles and a half further on the road 
 to Purdy. 
 
 “The eleventh Indiana, Colonel George F. 
 McGinnis; eighth Missouri, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 James Peckham; and twenty-fourth Indiana, 
 Colonel Alvin P. Hovey, composed the first 
 brigade, Colonel Morgan L. Smith command- 
 ing. 
 
 “The first Nebraska, Lieutenant-Colonel W. 
 D. McCord ; twenty-third Indiana, Colonel W. 
 L. Sanderson ; fifty-eighth Ohio, Colonel V. Bau- 
 senwein ; and fifty-sixth Ohio, Colonel’ P. Kin- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 ney, composed the second brigade, Colonel John 
 M. Thayer commanding. 
 
 “The third brigade consisted of the twen- 
 tieth Ohio, Lieutenant-Colonel M. F. Force; 
 seventy-sixth Ohio, Colonel Charles R. Woods ; 
 seventy-eighth Ohio, Colonel M. D. Leggett; 
 and the sixty-eighth Ohio, Colonel S$. H. Stead- 
 man, Colonel Charles Whittlesey commanding. 
 
 “'To my division were attached Lieutenant 
 Thurber’s Missouri battery and Captain Thomp- 
 son’s Indiana battery, also the third battalion 
 fifth Ohio cavalry, Major C. T. Hayes, and the 
 third battalion eleventh Illinois cavalry, Major 
 James F, Johnson. 
 
 “Hearing heavy and continuous cannon- 
 ading in the direction of Pittsburg Landing, 
 early Sunday morning, I inferred a general 
 battle, and in anticipation of an order from 
 General Grant to join him at that place, had 
 the equipage of the several brigades loaded in 
 wagons, for instant removal to my first camp 
 at the river. The first and third brigades were 
 also ordered to concentrate at the camp of the 
 second, from which proceeded the nearest and 
 most practicable road to the scene of battle. 
 
 “At half past eleven o’clock the anticipated 
 order arrived, directing me to come up and 
 take position on the right of the army, and 
 form my line of battle at a right angle with 
 the river. As it also directed me to leave a 
 force to prevent surprise at Crump’s Landing, 
 the fifty-sixth and sixty-eighth Ohio regiments 
 were detached for that purpose, with one gun 
 from Lieutenant Thurber’s battery. 
 
 “Selecting a road that led directly to the 
 right of the lines, as they were established 
 around Pittsburg Landing on Sunday morn- 
 ing, my column started immediately, the dis- 
 tance being about six miles. The cannonading, 
 distinctly audible, quickened the steps of the 
 men. Snake Creek, difficult of passage at all 
 times, on account of its steep banks and swampy 
 bottom, ran between me and the point of junc- 
 tion. A short distance from it Captains Raw- 
 
 067 
 
 lins and Rowley, attached to General. Grant’s 
 staff, overtook me. From them I learned that 
 our lines had been beaten back ; that the right, 
 to which I was proceeding, was then fighting 
 close to the river, and that the road pursued 
 would take me in the enemy’s rear, where, in 
 the unfortunate condition of the battle, my 
 command was in danger of being entirely cut 
 off. It seemed, on their representations, most 
 prudent to carry the column across to what is 
 called the “river road,” which, following the 
 windings of the Tennessee bottom, crossed 
 Snake Creek by a good bridge close to Pitts- 
 burg Landing. This movement occasioned 
 a countermarch, which delayed my junction 
 with the main army until a little after night 
 fall. 
 
 “About one o’clock at night my brigades 
 and batteries were disposed, forming the ex- 
 treme right wing, and ready for battle. Shortly 
 after daybreak Captain Thompson opened fire 
 on a rebel battery posted on a bluff opposite 
 my first brigade, and across a deep and _pro- 
 longed hollow, threaded by a creek, and dense- 
 ly wooded on both sides. From its position, 
 and that of its infantry supports, lining the 
 whole length of the bluff, it was apparent that 
 crossing the hollow would be at heavy loss, 
 unless the battery was first driven off Thurber 
 was accordingly posted to assist. Thompson by 
 a cross fire, and at the same time sweep the 
 hiding-places of the enemy on the brow of the 
 hill. This had the desired effect. After a few 
 shells from Thurber the enemy fell back, but 
 not until Thompson had dismounted one of 
 their rifled guns. During this affair General 
 Grant came up, and gave me my direction of 
 attack, which was forward at a right angle with 
 the river, with which my line at the time ran 
 almost parallel. 
 
 “The battery and its supports having been 
 driven from the opposite bluff, my command 
 was pushed forward, the brigades in echelon, 
 the first in front, and the whole preceded by 
 
568 
 
 skirmishers. The hollow was crossed, and the 
 hill gained almost without opposition. As 
 General Sherman’s division, next on my left, 
 had not made its appearance to support my 
 advance, a halt was ordered for it to come up. 
 
 “JT was then at the edge of an oblong field 
 that extended in a direction parallel with the 
 river. On its right was a narrow strip of 
 woods, and beyond that lay another cleared 
 field, square, and very large. Back of both 
 fields, to the north, was a range of bluffs, over- 
 looking the swampy low grounds of Snake 
 Creek, heavily timbered, broken by ravines, 
 and extending in a course diagonal with that 
 of my movement. An examination satisfied 
 me that the low grounds afforded absolute pro- 
 tection to my right flank, being impassable for 
 a column of attack. The enemy’s left had 
 rested upon the bluffs, and as it had been driven 
 back that flank was now exposed. I resolved 
 to attempt to turn it. For that purpose it 
 became necessary for me to change front by a 
 left half-wheel of the whole division. While 
 the movement was in progress across a road 
 through the woods at the southern end of the 
 field we were resting by, I discovered a heavy 
 body of rebels going rapidly to reénforce their 
 left, which was still retiring, covered by skir- 
 mishers, with whom mine were engaged. 
 Thompson’s battery was ordered up, and shelled 
 the passing column with excellent effect, but 
 while so engaged was opened upon by a full 
 battery, planted in the field just beyond the 
 strip of woods on the right. He promptly 
 turned his guns on the new enemy. A fine 
 artillery duel ensued, very honorable to Thomp- 
 son and his company. His ammunition giving 
 out in the midst of it, I ordered him to retire, 
 and Lieutenant Thurber to take his place. 
 Thurber obeyed with such alacrity that there 
 was scarcely an intermission in the fire, which 
 continued so long and with such warmth as to 
 provoke an attempt on the part of the rebels 
 to charge the position. Discovering the in- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 tention, the first brigade was brought across 
 the field to occupy the strip of woods in front 
 of Thurber. The cavalry made the first dash 
 at the battery, but the skirmishers of the eighth 
 Missouri poured an unexpected fire into them, 
 and they retired pell-mell. Next the infantry 
 attempted a charge. The first brigade easily 
 repelled them. All this time my whole divis- 
 ion was under a furious cannonade, but being 
 well masked behind the bluff, or resting in the 
 hollows of the wood, the regiment suffered 
 but little. 
 
 “General Sherman now moved forward a 
 handsome line of battle to engage the enemy 
 posted in front of his command. Simultane- 
 
 ‘ously mine was ordered to advance, the first 
 
 brigade leading. Emerging from the woods, it 
 entered the second field I have mentioned, 
 speedily followed by the second brigade, when 
 both marched in face of the enemy aligned as 
 regularly as if on parade. 
 
 “ Having changed front as stated, my move- 
 ment was now diagonal to the direction origi- 
 nally started on, though the order was still in 
 echelon, with the centre regiment of each brig- 
 ade dropped behind its place in line as a re- 
 serve. While thus advancing, Colonel Whit- 
 tlesey, as appears from his report, in some way 
 lost his position, but soon recovered it. 
 
 “The position of the enemy was now di- 
 rectly in front, in the edge of the woods, 
 fronting and on the right of the open field 
 my command was so gallantly crossing. The 
 ground to be passed getting at them dipped 
 gradually to the centre of the field, which is 
 there intersected by a small run well fringed 
 with willows. Clearing an abrupt bank beyond 
 the branch, the surface ascends to the edge of 
 the woods held by the enemy, and is without 
 obstruction, but marked by frequent swells 
 that afforded protection to the advancing lines, 
 and was the secret of my small loss. Over the 
 branch, up the bank, across the rising ground, 
 moved the steady first brigade; on its right, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 with equal alacrity, marched the second, the 
 whole in view, their banners gayly decking the 
 scene, The skirmishers in action all the way 
 cleared the rise and grouped themselves behind 
 the ground swells, within seventy-five yards of 
 the rebel lines; as the regiments approached 
 them, suddenly a sheet of musketry blazed 
 from the woods, and a battery opened upon 
 them. About the same instant, the right of 
 Sherman’s division fell hastily back. ‘To save 
 my flank I was compelled to order a halt. In 
 a short time Sherman repulsed the enemy, and 
 recovered his lost ground. My skirmishers, 
 meanwhile, clung to their hillocks, sharp shoot- 
 ing at the battery. Again the brigades ad- 
 vanced, their bayonets fixed for a charge, but 
 pressed by Sherman, and so threatened in front, 
 the enemy removed their guns and fell back 
 from the edge of the woods. In the advance 
 Lieutenant-Colonel.John Gerber was killed, and 
 it is but justice to say of him, “no man died 
 that day with more glory, yet many died, and 
 there was much glory.” Captain McGriffin and 
 Lieutenant Southwick of the same regiment 
 also fell— gallant spirits, deserving honorable 
 recollection. Many soldiers, equally brave, 
 perished, or were wounded in the same field. 
 
 “It was now noon, and the enemy having 
 fallen so far back, the idea of flanking them 
 further had to be given up. Not wishing to 
 interfere with General Sherman’s line of opera- 
 tions, but relymg upon him to support me on 
 the left, my front was again changed, the move- 
 ment beginning with the first brigade taking 
 the course of attack precisely as it had been 
 in the outset. While the manoeuvre was being 
 effected, a squadron of rebel cavalry galloped 
 from the woods on the right to charge the 
 flank temporarily exposed. Colonel Thayer 
 threw forward the twenty-third Indiana, which, 
 aided by an oblique fire from a company of 
 the first Nebraska, repelled the assailants with 
 loss. 
 
 “ Scarcely had the front been changed, when 
 
 72 
 
 569 
 
 the supporting force on the left again gave 
 way, closely followed by the masses of the 
 enemy. My position at this time became crit- 
 ical, as isolation from the rest of the army 
 seemed imminent. ‘The reserves were resorted 
 to. Colonel Woods, with his regiment, was 
 ordered into line on the left. The remnant of 
 a Michigan regiment sent me by General Mc- 
 Clernand was despatched to the left of Woods. 
 Thurber galloped up, and was posted to cover 
 a retreat, should such a misfortune become 
 necessary. Before these dispositions could be 
 effected, the eleventh Indiana, already engaged 
 with superior numbers in its front, was attacked 
 on its left flank, but backward wheeling three 
 companies of his endangered wing, Colonel Mc- 
 Ginnis gallantly held his ground. Fortunately, 
 before the enemy could avail themselves of 
 their advantage by the necessary change of 
 front, some fresh troops dashed against them, 
 and once more drove them back. [For this 
 favor my acknowledgments are especially due 
 to Colonel August Willich and his famous 
 regiment. 
 
 “Pending this struggle, Colonel Thayer 
 pushed on his command and entered the 
 woods, assaulting the rebels simultaneously 
 with Colonel Smith. Here the fifty-eighth 
 Ohio and twenty-third Indiana proved them- 
 selves fit comrades in battle with the noble 
 first Nebraska. Here also the seventy-sixth 
 Ohio won a brilliant fame. The first Nebraska 
 fired away its last cartridge. In the heat of 
 the action, at a word, the seventy-sixth Ohio 
 rushed in and took its place. Off to the right, 
 meanwhile, arose the music of the twentieth 
 and seventy-eighth Ohio, fighting gallantly in 
 support of Thurber, to whom the sound of 
 rebel cannon seemed a challenge — no sooner 
 heard than accepted. 
 
 “From the time the wood was entered, “ For- 
 ward!” was the only order, and step by step, 
 from tree to tree, position to position, the rebel 
 lines went back, never stopping again — in- 
 
070 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 fantry, horses and artillery —all went back. 
 The firing was grand and terrific. Before us 
 was the Crescent regiment of New Orleans; 
 shelling us on the right was the Washington 
 artillery of Manassas renown, whose last stand 
 was in front of Colonel Whittlesey’s command. 
 
 To and fro, now in my front, then in Sherman’s, 
 rode General Beauregard, inciting his troops 
 and fighting for his fading prestige of invinci- 
 bility. The desperation of the struggle may 
 be easily imagined. While this was in prog- 
 ress, far along the lines to the left the contest 
 was raging with equal obstinacy. As indicated 
 by the sounds, however, the enemy seemed 
 retiring every where. Cheer after cheer rang 
 through the woods, and each man felt the day 
 was ours. 
 
 “ About four o’clock the enemy to my front 
 broke into rout and ran through the camps 
 occupied by General Sherman on Sunday morn- 
 ing. Their own camp had been established 
 about two miles beyond. There,-without halt- 
 ing, they fired tents, stores, &c. Throwing out 
 the wounded, they piled their wagons full of 
 arms, (Springfield muskets and Enfield rifles,) 
 ingloriously thrown away by some of our troops 
 the day before, and hurried on. After follow- 
 ing them until nearly nightfall, I brought my 
 division back to Owl Creek and bivouacked it. 
 
 “The conduct of Colonel M. L. Smith and 
 Colonel John M. Thayer, commanding brigades, 
 was beyond the praise of words; Colonel 
 Whittlesey’s was not behind them. To them 
 all belong the brightest honors of victory. 
 
 “The gratitude of the whole country is due 
 Colonel Geo. F. McGinnis, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 James Peckham, Colonel Alvin P. Hovey, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel W. D. McCord, Colonel W. L. 
 Sanderson, Colonel Valentine Bausenwein, Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel M. F. Force, Col. Charles R. 
 Woods, Colonel M. D. Leggett, and their field, 
 staff, and company officers. Aside from the 
 courage they all displayed, one point in their 
 
 conduct is especially to be noted and imitated. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 I mean the skill each one showed in avoiding 
 unnecessary exposure of his soldiers. They 
 are proud of what the division achieved, and, 
 like myself, they are equally proud that it was 
 all done with so little loss of their brave men. 
 
 “Of my regiments I find it impossible to say 
 enough; excepting the twenty-third and twen- 
 ty-fourth Indiana and twentieth Ohio, all had 
 participated in the battle of Donelson. But 
 this was a greater than Donelson, and conse- 
 quently a more terrible ordeal in which to test 
 what may be a thing of glory or shame — the 
 courage of an untried regiment. How well 
 they all behaved I sum up in the boast — not 
 a man, officer or soldier, flinched; none but the 
 wounded went to the Landing. Ohio, Indiana, 
 Missouri, and Nebraska will be proud of the 
 steadfast third division, and so am I. 
 
 “ Captain Thompson and Lieutenant Thurber 
 and their officers and men ‘have already been 
 spoken of. 
 
 “My acknowledgments are again given the 
 gallant gentlemen of my staff— Captain Fred, 
 Knefler and Lieutenants Ross and Ware. To 
 them I add Captain E. T. Wallace, of the elev- 
 enth Indiana volunteers, acting Aid. The cour- 
 age and judgment of all of them were many 
 times severely tried. 
 
 “ After the battle, General Nelson took pleas- 
 ure in honorably mentioning two of my order- 
 lies; one of them, Thomas W. Simpson, of 
 company I, fourth United States cavalry. I 
 again call attention to his gallantry, as deserv- 
 ing reward. Along with him I place Albert 
 Kaufman, a sergeant in the same company, 
 who was of great service to me, and has every 
 quality that goes to make a practical officer. 
 
 “Finally, it is so rare to find one of his grade 
 in the constant and full performance of his 
 peculiar duties, that, as a matter of justice, a 
 passing tribute is due the Rev. John D. Rogers, 
 chaplain of the twenty-third Indiana. After 
 the battle he was unwearied in his attention 
 to the wounded, and that the resting-places of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the dead of his regiment might not be for- 
 gotten, he collected their bodies and buried 
 them tenderly, and with prayer and every re- 
 ligious rite; and in this, as far as my knowl- 
 edge goes, he was as singular as he was Chris- 
 tian. 
 
 “Herewith you will find a statement of the 
 dead and wounded of my division. 
 
 “Very respectfully, sir, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “Lew. WALLACE, 
 
 “Commanding Third Division. 
 «Captain Joun A. Rawuins, A. A. General.” 
 
 REPORT OF GENERAL BUELL. 
 
 ‘s HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE OHIO, 
 Fretp or SxHiton, April 15, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: The rear divisions of the army under 
 my command, which had been delayed a con- 
 siderable time in rebuilding the Duck River 
 bridge, left Columbia on the 2d instant. I left 
 the evening of that day, and arrived at Savan- 
 nah on the evening of the 5th. General Nelson, 
 with his division, which formed the advance, 
 arrived the same day. The other divisions 
 marched with intervals of about six miles. On 
 the morning of the sixth, firmg of musketry 
 and cannon was heard in the direction of this 
 place. Apprehending that a serious engage- 
 ment had commenced,I went to General Grant’s 
 headquarters to get information as to the 
 means of reaching the battle-field with the 
 division that had arrived. At the same time 
 orders were despatched to the divisions in rear 
 to leave their trains, and push forward by forced 
 
 -marches. I learned that General Grant had 
 just started, leaving orders for General Nelson 
 to march to the river, opposite Pittsburg Land- 
 ing, to be ferried across. An examination of 
 the roads up the river, discovered it to be im- 
 practicable for artillery, and General Nelson 
 was directed to leave his, to be carried forward 
 by steamers. 
 
 “The impression existed at Savannah that 
 the firing was merely an affair of outposts, the 
 
 571 
 
 same thing having occurred for two or three 
 previous days; but as it continued, I deter- 
 mined to go to the scene of action, and accord- 
 ingly started with my chief of staff, Colonel 
 Fry, on a steamer, which I ordered to get under 
 steam. As we proceeded up the river, groups 
 of soldiers were seen upon the west bank, and 
 it soon became evident that they were strag- 
 glers from the engaged army. “ The groups 
 increased in size and frequency, until, as we 
 approached the Landing, they numbered whole 
 companies, and almost regiments; and at the 
 Landing the banks swarmed with a confused 
 mass of men of various regiments. There could 
 not have been less than four thousand or five 
 thousand. Late in the day it became much 
 greater. Finding General Grant at the Land- 
 ing, I requested him to send steamers to Sa- 
 vannah to bring up General Crittenden’s divis- 
 ion, which had arrived during the morning, and 
 then went ashore with him. The throng of 
 disorganized and demoralized troops increased 
 continually by fresh fugitives from the battle, 
 which steadily drew nearer the Landing, and 
 with these were intermingled great numbers 
 of teams, all striving to get as near as possible 
 to the river. With few exceptions, all- efforts 
 to form the troops, and move them forward to 
 the fight, utterly failed. In the mean time the 
 enemy had made such progress against our 
 troops, that his artillery and musketry began 
 to play into the vital spot of the position, and 
 some persons were killed on the bank at the 
 very Landing. General Nelson arrived with 
 Colonel Ammen’s brigade at this opportune 
 moment. It was immediately posted to meet 
 the attack at that point, and with a battery of 
 artillery, which happened to be on the ground, 
 and was brought into action, opened fire on 
 the enemy, and repulsed him. The action of 
 the gunhoats also contributed very much to 
 that result. The attack at that point was not 
 renewed. Night having come on, the firing 
 ceased on both sides. In the mean time the 
 
O72 
 
 remainder of General Nelson’s division crossed, 
 and General Crittenden’s arrived from Savan- 
 nah by steamers. After examining the ground 
 —as well as was possible at night—2in front 
 of the line on which General Grant’s troops 
 had formed, and as far to the right as General 
 Sherman’s division, I directed Nelson’s and 
 Crittenden’s divisions to form in front of that 
 line, and move forward as soon as it was light 
 in the morning. During the night and early 
 the following morning, Captain Bartlett’s Ohio 
 battery, Captains Mendenhall and Terrell’s reg- 
 ular batteries arrived. General McCook, by a 
 forced march, arrived at Savannah during the 
 night of the 6th, and reached the field of battle 
 early in the morning of the 7th. I knew that 
 the other divisions could not arrive in time for 
 the action: that day. 
 
 “Soon after five o’clock on aus morning of 
 the 7th, General Nelson’s and General Critten- 
 den’s divisions, the only ones yet arrived on the 
 ground, moved promptly forward to meet the 
 enemy. Nelson’s division, marching in line of 
 battle, soon came upon his pickets, drove them 
 in, and at about six o’clock received the fire of 
 his artillery. The division was here halted, 
 then Mendenhall’s battery brought into action, 
 to reply while Crittenden’s division was being 
 put into position on the right of Nelson’s. 
 Bartlett's battery was posted in the centre of 
 Crittenden’s division, in a commanding position, 
 opposite which the enemy was discovered to 
 be in force. By this time McCook’s division 
 arrived on the ground, and was immediately 
 formed on the right of Crittenden’s. Skir- 
 mishers were thrown to the front, and a strong 
 body of them to guard our left flank, which, 
 though somewhat protected by rough grounds, 
 it was supposed the enemy might attempt to 
 turn, and in fact did, but was repulsed with 
 great loss. Hach brigade furnished its own re- 
 serve, and in addition Boyle’s brigade of Crit- 
 tenden’s division, though it formed at first in 
 the line, was kept somewhat back when the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 line advanced, to be used as occasion might 
 require. I found upon the ground parts of 
 about two regiments, perhaps one thousand 
 men, and subsequently a similar fragment came 
 up of General Grant’s force. The first I directed 
 to act with General McCook’s attack, and the 
 second one was similarly employed on the left. 
 I sent other straggling troops of General 
 Grant’s force immediately on General McCook’s 
 right, as some firing had already commenced 
 there. I had no direct knowledge of the dis- 
 position of the remainder of General Grant’s 
 force, nor is it my province to speak of them. 
 IT regret that I am unable to name those that 
 came under my direction in the way I had 
 stated, for they rendered willing and efficient 
 service during the day. 
 
 “The force under my command occupied a 
 line of about a mile and a half. In front of 
 Nelson’s division was an open field, partially 
 screened to his right by a skirt of woods, which 
 extended through the enemy’s line, with a thick 
 undergrowth in front of the left brigade of 
 Crittenden’s division; then an open field in 
 front of Crittenden’s right and McCook’s left, 
 and in front of McCook’s right, woods again 
 with a dense undergrowth. The ground, main- 
 ly level in front of Nelson’s, formed a hollow in 
 front of Crittenden’s, and fell into a small creek, 
 which empties into Owl Creek, in front of 
 McCook’s. What I afterwards learned was the 
 Hamburg road, which crosses Lick Creek a 
 mile from its mouth, passed perpendicularly 
 through the line of battle near Nelson’s left. 
 On a line slightly oblique to us, and beyond the 
 open field, the enemy was formed, with a bat- 
 tery in front of Nelson’s left; a battery com- 
 manding the woods in front of Crittenden’s 
 left, and flanking the field in front of Nelson; 
 a battery commanding the same woods and the 
 field in front of Crittenden’s right and McCook’s 
 left, and a battery in front of McCook’s right. 
 A short distance in rear of the enemy’s left, on 
 high open ground, were the encampments of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 McClernand’s and Sherman’s divisions, which 
 the enemy held. 
 
 “While my troops were getting into position 
 on the right, the artillery fire was kept up be- 
 tween Mendenhall’s battery and the enemy’s 
 second battery with some effect. Bartlett's bat- 
 tery, put in position before the enemy’s third 
 battery, opened fire on that part of the line, 
 and when, very soon after, our line advanced, 
 with strong bodies of skirmishers in front, the 
 action became general, and continued with 
 severity during the greater part of the day, and 
 until the enemy was driven from the field. 
 
 “The obliquity of our line upon the left 
 being thrown forward, brought Nelson’s division 
 first into action, and it became very hotly 
 engaged at an early hour. A charge of the 
 nineteenth brigade, from Nelson’s right, by its 
 commander, Colonel Hazen, reached the ene- 
 my’s second battery, but the brigade sustained 
 a heavy loss by a cross fire of the enemy’s bat- 
 teries, and was unable to maintain its advan- 
 tage against the heavy infantry force that came 
 forward to oppose it. The enemy recovered 
 the battery, and followed up his advantage by 
 throwing a heavy force of infantry into the 
 woods in front of Crittenden’s left. The left 
 brigade of that division, Colonel W. S. Smith 
 commanding, advanced into the woods, repulsed 
 the enemy handsomely, and took several pris- 
 oners. In the mean time, Captain Terrell’s 
 battery, which had just landed, reached the 
 field, and was advanced into action near the left 
 of Nelson’s division, which was very heavily 
 pressed by the great numbers of the enemy. 
 It belonged properly to McCook’s division. 
 It took position near the Hamburg road, in 
 the open ground in front of the enemy’s right, 
 and at once began to act With decided effect 
 upon the tide of battle in that quarter. The 
 enemy’s right battery was silenced. 
 
 “Ammen’s brigade, which was on the left, 
 advanced in good order upon the enemy’s 
 right, but was checked for some time by his 
 
 my order. 
 
 573 
 
 endeavor to turn our left flank, and by his 
 strong centre attack in front. Captain Terrell, 
 who in the mean time had taken an advanced 
 position, was compelled to retire, leaving one 
 caisson, of which every horse was killed or dis- 
 abled. It was very soon recovered. Having 
 been reénforced by a regiment from General 
 Boyle’s brigade, Nelson’s division again moved 
 forward, and forced the enemy to abandon 
 entirely his position. This success flanked the 
 enemy at his second and third batteries, from 
 which he was soon driven, with the loss of 
 several pieces of artillery by the concentrated 
 fire of Terrell’s arid Mendenhall’s batteries, and 
 an attack from Crittenden’s division in front. 
 The enemy made a second stand some eight 
 hundred yards in rear of this position, and 
 opened fire with his artillery. Mendenhall’s 
 battery was thrown forward, silenced the bat- 
 tery, and it was captured by Crittenden’s divis- 
 ion, the enemy retreating fromit. In the mean 
 time the division of General McCook on the 
 right, which became engaged somewhat later 
 in the morning than the divisions on the left, 
 had made steady progress until it drove the 
 enemy’s left from the hotly contested field. 
 The action was commenced in this division by 
 General Rousseau’s brigade, which drove the 
 enemy in front of it from his first position, and 
 captured a battery. The line of attack of this 
 division caused a considerable widening of the 
 space between it and Crittenden’s right. It 
 was also outflanked on its right by the line of 
 the enemy, who made repeated strong attacks 
 on its flanks, but was always gallantly repulsed. 
 The enemy made his last decided stand in front 
 of this division, in the woods beyond Sherman’s 
 camp. 
 
 “Two brigades of General Wood’s division 
 arrived just at the close of the battle; but only 
 one, that of Colonel Wagner, in time to par- 
 ticipate actively in the pursuit, which it con- 
 tinued for about a mile, and until halted by 
 Its skirmishers became engaged for 
 
574 
 
 a few minutes with skirmishers covering the 
 enemy’s rear-cuard, which made a momentary 
 stand. It was also fired upon by the enemy’s 
 artillery on its right flank, but without effect. 
 It was well conducted by its commanders, and 
 showed great steadiness. 
 
 “The pursuit was continued no further that 
 day. Iwas without cavalry, and the different 
 corps had become a good deal scattered in a 
 pursuit in a country which secreted the ene- 
 my’s movements, and of the roads of which I 
 knew practically nothing. In the beginning 
 of the pursuit, thinking that the enemy had 
 retired principally by the Hamburg road, I 
 had ordered Nelson’s division to follow as far 
 as Lick Creek on that road, from which I after- 
 wards learned the direct Corinth road was 
 separated by a difficult ravine, which empties 
 into Lick Creek. I therefore occupied myself 
 with examining the ground, getting the different 
 divisions into position, which was not effected 
 until some time after dark. 
 
 “The following day, in pursuance of the 
 directions of General Grant, General Wood was 
 sent forward with two of his brigades, which 
 arrived the previous evening, and a battery of 
 artillery, to discover the position of the enemy, 
 and to press him if he should be found in re- 
 treat. General Sherman, with about the same 
 force from General Grant’s army, was on the 
 same service, and had a spirited skirmish with 
 the enemy’s cavalry, driving it back. The 
 main force was found to have retreated beyond 
 Lick Creek, and our troops returned at night. 
 
 “There were no idlers in the battle of the 
 7th. Every portion of the army did its work. 
 The batteries of Captains Terrell and Men- 
 denhall were splendidly handled and served ; 
 that of Captain Bartlett was served with great 
 spirit and gallantry, though with less decisive 
 results. ; 
 
 “The loss of the foree under my command 
 is two hundred and sixty-three killed, one thou- 
 sand eight hundred and sixteen wounded, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 eighty-eight missing. Total, two thousand one 
 hundred and sixty-seven. The trophies are 
 twenty pieces of artillery, a greater number of 
 caissons, and a considerable number of small 
 arms. Many of the cannon were recaptured 
 from the loss of the previous day. Several 
 stands of colors were also recaptured. 
 
 “The troops which did not arrive in time for 
 the battle, General Thomas’s and General 
 Wood’s divisions, (a portion of the latter, as I 
 have previously stated, took part in the pur- 
 suit, and the remainder in the evening,) are 
 entitled to the highest praise for the untiring 
 energy with which they pressed forward night 
 and day to share the danger of their comrades. 
 General Thomas’s division had already, under 
 his command, made its name honorable by one 
 of the most memorable victories of the war — 
 Mill Springs—on which the tide of success 
 seemed to turn steadily in favor of the Union. 
 
 “Very respectfully, your ob’t servant, 
 
 “PD, C. BuEtt, 
 “ Major-General commanding Army of the Olio. 
 
 “Captain N. H. McLatrn, Assistant-Adjutant General, Department 
 of the Mississippi.” 
 
 The following extract from the report of 
 Beauregard, gives the rebel account of the 
 battle and its result as viewed by him : — 
 
 “Thirty minutes after five o’clock A. M., our 
 lines and columns were in motion, all animated 
 evidently by a promising spirit. The front line 
 was engaged at once, but advanced steadily, 
 followed in due order with equal resolution and 
 steadiness by the other lines, which were brought 
 successively into action with rare skill, judg- 
 ment, and gallantry, by the several corps com- 
 manders, as the enemy made a stand, with his 
 masses rallied for*the struggle for his encamp- 
 ments. Like an Alpine avalanche our troops 
 moved forward, despite the determined resist- 
 ance of the enemy, until after six o’clock P. M,, 
 when we were in possession of all encampments 
 between Owland Lick Creeks but one. Nearly 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 all of his field artillery, about thirty flags, colors, 
 and standards, over three thousand prisoners, 
 
 including a division commander (General Pren- | 
 
 tiss) and several brigade commanders, thousands 
 of small arms, an immense supply of subsist- 
 ence, forage, and munitions of war, and a large 
 amount of means of transportation—all the 
 substantial fruits of a complete victory—such 
 indeed, as rarely have followed the most suc- 
 cessful battles; for never was an army so well 
 provided as that of the enemy. 
 
 “The remnant of his army had been driven 
 in utter disorder to the immediate vicinity of 
 Pittsburg, unde¥ the shelter of the heavy guns 
 of his iron-clad gunboats, and we remained un- 
 disputed masters of his well-selected, admirably- 
 provided cantonments, after over twelve hours 
 of obstinate conflict with his forees, who had 
 been beaten from them and the contiguous 
 covert, but only by a sustained onset of all the 
 men we could bring into action. 
 
 “Our loss was heavy, as will appear from the 
 accompanying return, marked ‘B’ Our com- 
 mander-in-chief, General A. S. Johnston, fell 
 - mortally wounded, and died on the field at half 
 past two P. M,, after having shown the highest 
 qualities of the commander, and a personal in- 
 trepidity that inspired all around him, and gave 
 resistless impulsion to his columns at critical 
 moments. 
 
 «The chief command then devolved upon 
 me, though at the time I was greatly pros- 
 trated, and suffering from the prolonged sick- 
 ness with which I had been afflicted since early 
 in February. The responsibility was one which, 
 in my physical condition, I would have gladly 
 avoided, though cast upon me when our forces 
 were successfully pushing the enemy back upon 
 the Tennessee River, and though supported on 
 the immediate field by such corps commanders 
 as Major-Generals Polk, Bragg, and Hardee, and 
 Brigadier-General Breckinridge commanding 
 the reserve. 
 
 “Tt was after six o’clock P. M.,, as before said, 
 
 O79 
 
 when the enemy’s last position was carried, and 
 his forces finally broke and sought refuge be- 
 hind a commanding eminence covering the - 
 Pittsburg Landing, not more than half a mile 
 distant, and under the guns of the gunboats, 
 which opened on our eager columns a fierce 
 and annoying fire with shot and shell of the 
 heaviest description. Darkness was close at 
 hand. Officers and men were exhausted by a 
 combat of over twelve hours without food, and 
 jaded by the march of the preceding day through 
 mud and water. It was therefore impossible to 
 collect the rich and opportune spoils of war 
 scattered broadcast on the field left in our pos- 
 session, and impracticable to make any effective 
 dispositions for their removal to the rear. 
 
 “TI accordingly established my headquarters 
 at the church at Shiloh, in the enemy’s encamp- 
 ment, with Major-General Bragg, and directed 
 our troops to sleep on their arms, in such posi- 
 tions, in advance and rear, as corps command- 
 ers should determine, hoping, from news re- 
 ceived by a special despatch, that delay had 
 been encountered by General Buell in his 
 march from Columbia, and that his main forces 
 therefore could not reach the field of battle in 
 time to save General Grant’s shattered fugitive 
 forces from captute or destruction on the fol- 
 lowing day. 
 
 “During the night the rain fell in torrents, 
 adding to the discomfort and harassed con- 
 dition of the men; the enemy, moreover, had 
 broken their rest by a discharge, at measured 
 intervals, of heavy shells, thrown from the gun- 
 boats; therefore, on the following morning, the 
 troops under my command were not in con- 
 dition to cope with an equal force of fresh 
 troops, armed and equipped like our adversary, 
 in the immediate possession of his depots, and 
 sheltered by such an auxiliary as the enemy’s 
 gunboats. 
 
 “About six o’clock on the morning of the 
 7th of April, however, a hot fire of mus- 
 ketry and artillery opened from the enemy’s 
 
576 HISTORY OF 
 
 quarter on our advanced line, assured me of 
 the junction of his forces, and soon the battle 
 raged with a fury which satisfied me I was at- 
 tacked by a largely superior force. But from the 
 onset our troops, notwithstanding their fatigue 
 and losses from the battle of the day before, 
 exhibited the most cheering, veteran-like stead- 
 iness. On the right and centre the enemy was 
 repulsed in every attempt he made with his 
 heavy column in that quarter of the field; on 
 the left, however, and nearest to the point of 
 arrival of his reénforcements, he drove forward 
 line after line of his fresh troops, which were 
 met with a resolution and courage of which 
 our country may be proudly hopeful. Again 
 and again our troops were brought to the 
 charge, invariably to win the position at issue, 
 invariably to drive back their foe. But hour 
 by hour thus opposed to an enemy constantly 
 reénforced, our ranks were perceptibly thinned 
 under the unceasing, withering fire of the 
 enemy, and by twelve meridian, eighteen hours 
 of hard fighting had sensibly exhausted a large 
 number; my last reserves had necessarily been 
 disposed of, and the enemy was evidently re- 
 ceiving fresh reénforcements after each repulse ; 
 accordingly, about one P. M., I determined to 
 withdraw from so unequal a conflict, securing 
 such of the results of the victory of the day 
 before as were practicable. 
 
 “Officers of my staff were immediately de- 
 spatched with the necessary orders to make 
 the best disposition for a deliberate, orderly 
 withdrawal from the field, and to collect and 
 post a reserve to meet the enemy, should he 
 attempt to push after us. In this connection 
 I will mention particularly my adjutant-gen- 
 eral, Colonel Jordan, who was of much assist- 
 ance to me on this occasion, as he had already 
 been on the field of battle on that and the 
 preceding day. 5 
 . “About two o’clock P. M., the lines in ad- 
 vance, which had repulsed the enemy in their 
 last fierce assault on our left and centre, re- 
 
 THE 
 
 a aT 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 ceived the orders to retire; this was done with 
 uncommon steadiness, and the enemy made 
 no attempt to follow.” 
 
 CHAPTER LXXIL 
 
 Operations on the Southern Coast. — Reconnoissances.— Rebel 
 Designs. — Military and Naval Expedition. — Reconnoissances 
 towards Savannah.— Warsaw Sound and Wilmington Nar- 
 rows. — Expedition along the Coast of Georgia and Florida. 
 — Occupation of Fernandina and St. Mary’s. — Occupation 
 of Brunswick.— Occupation of St. Augustine and Jack- 
 sonville. — General Success of the Expeditions. —Operations 
 against Fort Pulaski. — General Gillmore. — Construction of 
 Batteries. — Difficulties of the Work.—Completion of the 
 Batteries. Demand for Surrender. — The Bombardment. — 
 Rifle Guns and Mortars. — Breaching of the Fort. — Prepara- 
 tions for an Assault. — Surrender of the Fort. — The Result. 
 — Official Reports. 
 
 In the chronicles of a rebellion so vast in its 
 proportions, and spreading over so wide an 
 extent of country as this which was aimed at 
 the destruction of the American Union, it is 
 necessary that the reader’s attention should be 
 called frequently from one part of the country 
 to another, as we follow the events which at 
 this period transpired so rapidly at the differ- 
 ent and widely separated points of interest. 
 So numerous are these events, indeed, that we 
 are obliged to pass over or refer only in general 
 terms to many, which though of interest and 
 of local consequence at the time they tran- 
 spired, are comparatively unimportant in the 
 general progress of the war, and to confine our 
 narrative chiefly to the leading movements and 
 expeditions. From the important movements 
 at the west recounted in the preceding chap- 
 ters, we return to operations upon the coast 
 which were in progress at the same time. 
 
 After the capture of Port Royal harbor and 
 the adjacent islands, numerous reconnoitring 
 excursions were made in different directions, 
 by small expeditions from the naval force, but’ 
 no movement of considerable magnitude was 
 made, and no advance of the land forces was 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 attempted. The strength of the army here 
 would not admit of any important movement, 
 as against Charleston or Savannah, for the 
 maintenance of this position as a base for future 
 operations and a naval station was of the great- 
 est importance, and the military force was not 
 much more than sufficient for this purpose. 
 On the other hand, the rebels were not only 
 preparing to resist any advance towards either 
 of the two cities, against which Port Royal was 
 so convenient a base for operations, but stoutly 
 showed a disposition to hem in the federal 
 forces, and even to recover some of their lost 
 ground. They established batteries on the 
 Coosaw River, near Port Royal Ferry, and col- 
 lected a body of troops there, which could be 
 thrown against any one of several points 
 held by the federal forces, and probably with 
 success. | 
 
 To prevent the accomplishment of such de- 
 signs on the part of ‘the rebels, a joint naval 
 and military expedition was organized to drive 
 them from their position. The naval force 
 consisted of several small gunboats and some 
 launches with boat howitzers, under Command- 
 er C. R. P. Rodgers, and the military consisted 
 of five regiments, under command of General 
 I. I. Stevens. This expedition moved on the 
 31st of December, 1861, and the troops were 
 landed at two or three points, under cover of 
 the gunboats, early on the morning of the Ist 
 of January. All the preliminary movements 
 were prompt and successful, the troops ad- 
 vanced with some slight skirmishing, and the 
 positions of the enemy being discovered, they 
 were shelled by the gunboats. A rebel ambus- 
 cade, by which they designed to capture one 
 of the federal detachments by a superior force, 
 was revealed by negroes, and the shells of 
 the gunboats soon drove the rebel force, with 
 ‘some loss, from its concealed position. Without 
 further contest the rebels retired, and upon ap- 
 proaching their fortifications, it was discovered 
 that these had already been abandoned and 
 
 73 
 
 577 
 
 most of the guns removed. The works were 
 destroyed, and such disposition of the federal 
 forces was made as to prevent the reconstruc- 
 tion of them. But no such attempt was made, 
 and the rebel force withdrew several miles into 
 the interior. 
 
 Soon after the occupation of Port Royal, 
 reconnoissances were made on the islands and 
 through the narrow and intricate channels at 
 the south of Hilton Head, as far as the Savan- 
 nah River and Warsaw Sound. Batteries were 
 discovered at various points, some unfinished, 
 some abandoned, and others armed and occu- 
 pied. A force had been landed on Tybee 
 Island, on the south side of the entrance to 
 Savannah River, but the island was not held 
 by any considerable body of troops. The city 
 of Savannah is situated on the river of the 
 same name, about fifteen miles from its mouth. 
 Its chief defences were Fort Pulaski, near the 
 mouth of the river, and Fort Jackson, about 
 five miles below the city. Earthworks were 
 also erected at several points on the river, and 
 obstructions sunk in the channel, to aid in pro- 
 tecting the city from federal expeditions. Its 
 most formidable protection, however, was Fort 
 Pulaski, and in the months of December and 
 January several reconnoissances were made for 
 the purpose of discovering some passage into 
 the Savannah River above its mouth. Two or 
 three of these were of the most daring charac- 
 ter, but were conducted with so much skill 
 and caution that they were entirely successful. 
 One of these expeditions, under Lieutenant J. 
 H. Wilson, of the corps of Topographical Engi- 
 neers, who had been employed from the first 
 occupation of Hilton Head in surveying and 
 making charts of the neighboring islands and 
 waters, with the aid of some negroes familiar 
 with the intricate channels, had discovered a 
 passage through several creeks, and thence by 
 an artificial cut, called “Wall’s Cut,’ into the 
 
 Savannah, on the north side, above Fort Pu- 
 ilaski. The cut was obstructed, and the passage 
 
078 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 was difficult even for small vessels, but the 
 discovery was important, as it might lead to 
 the cutting off of Fort Pulaski, and through 
 that to occupation of Savannah. Another 
 expedition was accordingly sent out by Gen- 
 eral Sherman to remove the obstructions and 
 prepare the way for further movements. ‘This 
 expedition was also successful, though its work 
 was accomplished under great risks and diffi- 
 culties, the land being low and open on all 
 sides, and the obstructions being near the Sa- 
 vannah River, where vessels and boats were 
 frequently passmg. The work, however, was 
 prosecuted at night, all sportsmen or negroes 
 who came near by chance were taken into 
 
 custody, and no rebel pickets made _ their 
 appearance. 
 
 This work having been accomplished and 
 its success ascertained by naval officers, after 
 some delay an expedition of small gunboats 
 was sent to prove the feasibility of the passage. 
 But the operations of the Union forces had 
 been discovered by the rebels before the expe- 
 dition moved, and they took measures to frus- 
 trate the plans of the federal officers. The 
 expedition was not abandoned, however; but, 
 somewhat reduced, moved in concert with an- 
 other which was sent to Warsaw Sound, south 
 of the Savannah River. By the assistance of 
 negroes, who in all explorations proved here, 
 as in other parts of the rebel territory, the 
 most valuable of friends, a passage was found 
 leading from Warsaw Sound up in the rear of 
 Fort Pulaski, and entering the Savannah River 
 a short distance above the fort. This passage 
 is called “ Wilmington Narrows,” and appeared 
 to be free from rebel batteries and obstructions 
 so far as it was explored. To explore fully this 
 passage, and ascertain the advantages which it 
 might offer for further operations, six or seven 
 
 small gunboats, under command of Captain C. 
 H. Davis, with transports carrying a military 
 
 force, under General Wright, was despatched 
 the latter part of January. 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 The expedition sailed up Warsaw Sound and 
 thence into Wilmington Narrows, through which 
 it moved past the rear of Fort Pulaski, without 
 eliciting a shot from that work. The rebels 
 were, indeed, taken by surprise at the appear- 
 ance of federal gunboats in those waters, and 
 the fortress was not prepared to open upon.an 
 enemy on that side. Proceeding some distance 
 above Fort Pulaski, the expedition at last came 
 to obstructions in the shape of heavy piles 
 across the channel, which prevented further 
 progress, and the passage into Savannah River, 
 Anchoring at this point, the neighboring creeks 
 and islands were fully explored, without meet- 
 ing an enemy, though the traces of troops 
 were found. Before night a rebel fleet of four 
 or five gunboats, with barges laden with sup- 
 plies for Fort Pulaski, were seen moving down 
 the Savannah River, and anchored at the mouth 
 of the creek connecting Wilmington Narrows 
 with the river. It was supposed that the rebel 
 gunboats would make an attack, but the night 
 passed quietly, the work of surveying the 
 adjacent waters and islands being diligently 
 prosecuted by the federal officers. The next 
 morning the rebel gunboats moved down the 
 Savannah with barges laden with supplies for 
 Fort Pulaski. Wilmington Narrows are sepa- 
 rated from the river by a low, marshy island, 
 over which the vessels in either channel are in 
 plain view except at low water, and within 
 range of rifled ordnance. As the rebel boats 
 came down the river, fire was opened upon 
 them from Captain Davis’s gunboats, and also 
 from the gunboats of the other expedition, 
 under Captain Rodgers, which had reached a 
 similar position on the north side of the river, 
 by the passage before mentioned. The result 
 of this fire, which was replied to by the rebels, 
 was that one of the rebel boats was somewhat 
 damaged and was compelled to return up the 
 river, while the others, with little or no injury, 
 proceeded to the fort. On their return at a later 
 
 hour, the fire was resumed, but the water was 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 low, and the shots were without effect on either 
 side. After a thorough reconnoissance, in which 
 the practicability of the passage for gunboats 
 was proved, the expedition returned to Port 
 Royal. It had thrown Savannah into a state 
 of great excitement, the inhabitants anticipa- 
 ting that an immediate attack was to be made, 
 and the appearance of federal gunboats above 
 their most important defence creating great 
 alarm. But though the practicability of pass- 
 ing gunboats through these passages was proved, 
 for want of sufficient military force, or for some 
 other reason, no attempt was made to follow 
 the reconnoissance with more formidable and 
 effective operations; while on the other hand, 
 the rebels proceeded to strengthen their weak 
 points, and to guard against the success of such 
 an expedition in the future. 
 
 One of the objects of the expedition to Port 
 Royal was to take and keep under control the 
 entire sea coast of Georgia, with portions of that 
 of the adjoining states of South Carolina and 
 Florida, and thus more effectually stop the com- 
 merce carried on by means of the numerous 
 creeks and channels by which small. vessels 
 could reach the ports of those states and easily 
 evade a blockade. Much of this work in the 
 vicinity of Port Royal was speedily accom- 
 plished by the action of Flag-Officer Dupont, 
 with the cooperation of the military authorities, 
 the gunboats being stationed in the inlets, and 
 a military force holding possession of a few im- 
 portant points. In the latter part of February 
 an expedition was prepared for a more impor- 
 tant movement to the coast of Florida. Nearly 
 twenty gunboats, mostly of light draft, com- 
 posed the naval part of this expedition, and six 
 transports carried a brigade of troops under 
 General Wright, as the military part. The fleet 
 sailed from Port Royal on the last day of Febru- 
 ary, and entered Cumberland Sound on the 2d 
 of March, Commodore Dupont’s intention being 
 to reach Fernandina through this sound, and 
 thus avoid encountering Fort Clinch and other 
 
 | sailed out and entered the main channel. 
 
 p 579 
 
 formidable works at the main entrance to the 
 harbor. But before moving through the sound 
 it was reported by negroes that the rebels had 
 abandoned the forts at the main entrance, and 
 the fleet was divided, some of the smaller boats 
 proceeding through the sound while the others 
 The 
 report proved true, the forts, which were strong 
 and capable of great resistance, being found 
 abandoned and some of the guns removed. 
 As the gunboats came near the town, the rebels 
 were evacuating it in haste, the inhabitants as 
 well as military being seen departing. <A few 
 musket shots were fired from the town, but no 
 resistance was offered. A steamboat laden 
 with army supplies and passengers was cap- 
 tured, the forts were occupied, and the military 
 took possession of the town, which was deserted 
 by the greater part of its inhabitants, by the 
 order, as it was stated, of the rebel military 
 authorities. ‘The town of St. Mary’s, in the 
 same harbor, was also occupied, and found de- 
 serted in a great measure like Fernandina. 
 The rebels had constructed strong earthworks 
 in addition to Fort Clinch, for the defence of 
 this harbor, and the fortifications were of such 
 a character and so well situated that it was a 
 matter of surprise that they were abandoned 
 without any attempt at defence. But here, as 
 elsewhere, there appeared to be a dread of the 
 gunboats, and the rumors of the approaching 
 expedition had created a panic which gave to 
 the federal forces a bloodless victory. The 
 abandonment, in a similar manner, of strong 
 works on St. Simon’s Island, about midway on 
 the coast of Georgia, and the only other im- 
 portant military post on that coast south of 
 the Savannah River, virtually gave to Flag- 
 Officer Dupont the control of the entire coast 
 of Georgia, and enabled him to say in his offi- 
 
 | cial despatch that the instructions of the navy 
 
 department had now been carried out. 
 The occupation of Fernandina was followed 
 by other operations of the fleet with the codper- 
 
580 ‘ 
 
 ation of the land forces upon the coast of 
 Georgia and Northern Florida. One of these 
 was an expedition of three gunboats to Bruns- 
 wick, Georgia, which met with equal success 
 with that sent to Fernandina. The forts were 
 found to be evacuated by the rebel troops, 
 though they had been constructed with great 
 engineering skill, and had been occupied by a 
 considerable force. The town was found to be 
 almost wholly deserted, and the flag of the 
 Union was raised without opposition. An at- 
 tempt was made to reach Darien, on the Alta- 
 maha River, through a passage from St. Simon’s 
 Sound, but the boats met with obstructions 
 which prevented them from reaching the river. 
 
 It was learned, however, that Darien was also | 
 
 evacuated, and it appeared that along the whole 
 coast exposed to visits from the gunboats the 
 rebels were disposed to retire without resist- 
 ance, 
 
 St. Augustine, Florida, was also visited by a 
 portion of the fleet. A white flag was found 
 flying on one of the bastions of Fort Marion, 
 a strong fortification constructed by the United 
 States for the protection of the harbor. Com- 
 munication being held with the people of the 
 town, they were found generally ready to ac- 
 knowledge the authority of the federal govern- 
 ment — the only opposition coming from the 
 women, who here, as elsewhere at the south, 
 were very bitter. The town and fort were sur- 
 rendered: by the mayor, in whose charge the 
 public property was then placed, and he, with 
 the other municipal authorities, were held re- 
 sponsible for its safety and the peaceable con- 
 duct of the people. 
 
 Jacksonville, in the same state, was occupied 
 about the same time, and a military force was 
 landed here. ‘The rebel forces had disappeared, 
 but large fires were burning in the neighbor- 
 hood, said to have been set by the rebel mili- 
 tary, or the more malignant of the citizens, for 
 the destruction of the property of those who 
 were supposed to be favorable to the Union. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 The great majority of the people apparently 
 welcomed the arrival of the Union forces, and 
 manifested a desire to return to their allegiance. 
 Théy showed much greater fear of the rebel 
 troops and partisans than of the federal gun- 
 boats and troops. In these operations, as in 
 others of less importance, the people remaining 
 in the towns were treated with kindness, pri- 
 vate property was respected, and the advan- 
 tages of remaining under the flag of the Union 
 was felt and acknowledged by the majority of 
 the people. Secession and rebellion seemed to 
 have little attraction for them, and it was only 
 by the tyranny of the rebel leaders and mili- 
 tary that they were compelled to support those 
 heresies. It was, perhaps, the indifference of 
 the people to the cause that induced the rebel 
 authorities to abandon, so generally as they did 
 at this time, the greater part of north-eastern 
 Florida and a part of the coast of Georgia. 
 While these expeditions were in progress, 
 the more important work of obtaining posses- 
 sion of the water approaches to Savannah, and 
 perhaps of operating against that city, was m 
 preparation. For some months the federal mil- 
 itary force had been at Port Royal, and estab- 
 lished there a base for future movements, but 
 nothing had been done beyond the expeditions 
 above mentioned to reéstablish the authority 
 of the United States. The capture of Charles- 
 ton, or Savannah, or both, was supposed to be the 
 real object of the expedition to Port Royal, but 
 no steps were for a long time taken which would 
 indicate that this work was to be attempted. 
 The long delay, however, had been improved 
 in obtaining a more accurate knowledge of the 
 country, the intricate water —passages between 
 the numerous islands that skirt the coast, and 
 the means by which this important work might 
 be accomplished should it be undertaken. And 
 at last it was determined to attempt the re- 
 duction of Fort Pulaski by batteries to be con- 
 structed on Tybee Island. The engineers had 
 declared that this was possible, but no steps 
 
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 were taken to carry out the plan suggested by 
 them till March. A portion of Tybee Island 
 had been for some time occupied by federal 
 troops, who had indeed control of the entire 
 island. This force was strengthened, and the 
 work of constructing batteries, to be mounted 
 with siege guns of the heaviest calibre and 
 improved rifled ordnance, was commenced, 
 Brigadier-General Gillmore having charge of 
 the operations. General Gillmore went out 
 with the expedition as a captain in the engi- 
 neer corps. An able and energetic officer, 
 he advised and planned the attempt thus to 
 reduce Fort Pulaski. Though the work was 
 at first considered almost impracticable by 
 his superiors, orders were at last issued for the 
 siege operations, and they were placed under 
 the immediate charge of General Gillmore who 
 was promoted for the purpose of taking the 
 command. General H. W. Benham commanded 
 the district, and was the immediate superior 
 of General Gillmore. 
 
 It was an undertaking which required not 
 only great skill in engineering, but a great deal 
 of energy on the part of the commanding offi- 
 cer and his subordinates, and a vast amount of 
 labor by the soldiers. But the necessary ma- 
 terial being provided, the work proceeded with 
 energy and success. Eleven batteries were 
 constructed upon Tybee Island, varying in dis- 
 tance from Fort Pulaski from three thousand 
 four hundred yards to one thousand six hun- 
 dred and eighty-five yards. Seven of these 
 were in full sight from the fort and exposed to 
 its fire, but the work was prosecuted mostly at 
 night till the embankments afforded sufficient 
 protection. ‘To reach the batteries most distant 
 from the landing place, it was necessary to 
 cross a marshy piece of ground, and over this, 
 in order to transport ordnance, General Gill- 
 more was obliged to construct a causeway 
 nearly a mile in length, which, from its exposed 
 position, it was also necessary to construct in the 
 night. All the heavy guns and other material 
 
 581 
 
 were landed upon a beach exposed to the sea, 
 and remarkable for its heavy surf. This was a 
 work of great labor, but still more severe labor 
 was required to transport the ordnance stores to 
 the batteries, the most advanced of which were 
 two and a half miles from the beach. This 
 work was performed by the men under cover 
 of the night, and the difficulty attending it 
 may be conceived from the fact that two hun- 
 dred and fifty men were barely sufficient to 
 draw a single one of the heavy mortars. The 
 nature of the ground added to the difficulties 
 and the severe labor of the men; but skill, 
 ingenuity, and indomitable perseverance over- 
 came all obstacles. ‘The rebel garrison, in the 
 mean time, did something to annoy the federal 
 troops, and to prevent the progress of their 
 work; but the rebel officers did not believe that, 
 with all their labor, the federal forces could 
 materially injure the strong fort which they 
 held, or gain any advantage by such move- 
 ments. , 
 
 The most distant of the batteries were nearly 
 east of the fort, and from that point the works 
 extended along the shore of the island a mile 
 and a half to a point south-east of the fort. 
 They were armed with heavy mortars, colum- 
 biads, and several thirty and twenty-four poun- 
 der rifle guns, whose merits were here to be 
 first practically tested in bombarding a forti- 
 fication. The work on the several batteries 
 was completed, the guns mounted, and the 
 large supplies of ammunition necessary for a 
 continued bombardment were furnished by the 
 9th of April, and on that day General Gillmore 
 issued his orders for opening the bombardment 
 on the following day, giving specific instruc- 
 tions for the management of the guns and the 
 general conduct of the bombardment, which 
 evinced a perfect confidence in the success of 
 his operations. Just previous to the comple- 
 tion of the siege works, Major-General Hunter 
 was assigned to the command of the Depart- 
 ment of the South, which embraced all the 
 
582 
 
 territory occupied by the federal forces on the 
 Atlantic coast in the states of South Carolina, 
 Georgia, and Florida, superseding General Sher- 
 man. General Hunter, with his staff, were 
 
 present at Tybee Island, but left the opera- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 tions against Fort Pulaski in the hands of 
 General Gillmore, and General Benham, who, 
 as commander of the district, heartily codper- 
 ated with General Gillmore in carrying out 
 his plans. 
 
 SAVANNAH RIVER 
 
 No. 1. Battery Stanton. 
 * 2. Battery Grant. 
 
 No. 3. Battery Lyon. 
 s¢ 4, Battery Lincoln. 
 
 No. 5. Battery Burnside. 
 “¢ 6. Battery Sherman. 
 
 Previous to opening the bombardment, Gen- 
 eral Hunter demanded the immediate surrender 
 of the fort. “This demand,” he wrote, “is made 
 with a view to avoiding, if possible, the effusion 
 of blood which must result from the bombard- 
 ment and attack now in readiness to be opened. 
 The number, calibre, and completeness of the 
 batteries surrounding you, leave no doubt as 
 to the result in case of refusal; and as the 
 defence, however obstinate, must eventually 
 succumb to the assailing force at my disposal, it 
 is hoped you will see fit to avert the useless 
 waste of life.” The rebel commander, however, 
 refused to comply with the demand, replying 
 
 PZ 
 % 
 2} = ist Y 
 “ye yy a, Ol Ys 
 Sp Sig hie 
 Mr, y 4 
 wa 
 Uitte 
 
 Zz 
 
 WS 
 
 ANS 
 
 No. 7. Battery Halleck. No. 9. Battery Sigel. 
 ‘¢ 8. Battery Scott. *¢ 10. Battery McClellan. 
 
 No. 11, Battery Totten. 
 
 briefly, and with spirit, that he was there to 
 defend the fort, not to surrender it. 
 
 The surrender of the fort being thus refused, 
 fire was opened from the batteries at about 
 half past seven o'clock on the morning of the 
 10th of April, according to the orders pre- 
 viously issued. The bombardment continued 
 through the day without intermission, the bat- 
 teries being served with great efficiency, with 
 one or two exceptions, though the men were 
 but little trained in the use of the heavy guns. 
 The rebel garrison responded with spirit and 
 a well directed fire, which, however, did but 
 little damage to the Union forces, in conse- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 quence of the ample protection which had been 
 provided by the engineering skill of General 
 Gillmore and his assistants. More than three 
 thousand projectiles were thrown from the 
 federal batteries during the day, but it was 
 found that shells from the heavy mortars, even 
 when they fell within the fort, did not produce 
 the effect which had been anticipated, and sev- 
 eral of the large columbiads were early in the 
 day dismounted by their own recoil in conse- 
 quence of defective carriages. The most effec- 
 tive fire was from the breaching batteries of 
 rifled guns, which were now, for the first time, 
 tested in actual use against a strong fortifica- 
 tion. These, though not all served with the 
 requisite skill, had effected a breach in the 
 south-east angle of the fort, which promised, 
 by a continuance of the fire, to become prac- 
 ticable for an assault. 
 
 During the night a continuous but slow fire 
 was kept up from the batteries, for the purpose 
 of fatiguing the garrison of the fort, and the 
 next morning the bombardment was resumed 
 with great vigor, one of the breaching batteries, 
 which had been the least efficiently served the 
 previous day, being now manned by a detach- 
 ment of sailors from the fleet. The fire from 
 both parties was more accurate than on the 
 
 first day, but the shots told with greatest effect ) 
 
 upon the fort. The breach which had been 
 commenced on the day previous was soon ex- 
 tended, and the adjacent embrasures were also 
 enlarged by the well-directed shots of the 
 breaching batteries. The parapet was battered 
 down, and several of the guns in the fort were 
 dismounted or rendered useless. By noon a 
 considerable portion of the wall, where first 
 breached, fell into the ditch, and the ruin began 
 to extend to the adjacent casemates, under the 
 severe blows of the shot from the rifled guns. 
 These shot now passed through the casemates 
 to the opposite angle of the fort, where the 
 principal magazine was located. The breaches 
 were becoming so large that preparations 
 
 583 
 
 were made for a storming party, the bombard- 
 ment in the mean time being continued as 
 effectively as ever. But while these prepara- 
 tions were in progress a white flag was raised 
 upon the fort, and the rebel flag was lowered, 
 in token of surrender. The rebel garrison had 
 defended the fort with spirit till it was so badly 
 breached that a part of it was scarcely defensi- 
 ble, while a number of their guns were rendered 
 useless, and the federal shot and shell were en- 
 dangering the magazine. A short time longer, 
 even if the magazine should not be reached by 
 a federal shell, would render the breaches so 
 extensive that the work could hardly be held 
 against an assault, and the officers in command 
 accordingly determined to cease from a vain 
 defence. 
 
 With the appearance of the signal of sub- 
 mission on the fort the fire from the federal 
 batteries ceased, and General Gillmore, who was 
 entitled to the chief credit of the success of the 
 operations against the work, was sent by Gen- 
 eral Benham to accept the surrender. With 
 two of his aids, General Gillmore proceeded in 
 a small boat to Cockspur Island, on which Fort 
 Pulaski was situated, and being met by a rebel 
 officer, was conducted to the fort. Here an 
 interview of an hour was held between the 
 general and Colonel Olmstead, the rebel com- 
 mandant, in which the terms of the capitula- 
 tion were discussed. The result was that the 
 fort, with all its armament and ordnance stores, 
 together with small arms, should be given up to 
 the federal officers, and the garrison, consisting 
 of three hundred and sixty men, should sur- 
 render as prisoners of war. The officers and 
 men were allowed to retain their private prop- 
 erty, except arms, and the sick and wounded 
 were to be sent within the rebel lines. Major 
 
 Halpine, of General Hunter's staff; who, with 
 
 other federal officers, arrived during the con- 
 ference of General Gillmore with the rebel 
 commander, received the swords of the rebel 
 officers, the fort, with its contents, was sur- 
 
084 
 
 rendered in due form, and the flag of the 
 Union was again raised over its walls. The 
 surrender took place on the 11th of April, the 
 anniversary of the opening of the fire of the 
 rebels upon Fort Sumter, a circumstance which 
 was not forgotten by the captors. 
 
 The condition of Fort Pulaski showed how 
 terrible had been the fire from the federal bat- 
 teries. Its interior exhibited a greater amount 
 of damage than the breaches in its walls would 
 indicate. It seemed, indeed, but a mass of 
 ruins, into which a practicable breach would 
 admit an assailing party; but in spite of the 
 sad condition of the fort, and the dismounting 
 of seven of its available guns, Colonel Olmstead 
 declared that it was his purpose to hold out till 
 night, had not the principal magazine been ex- 
 posed to the shot and shell which were thrown 
 so continuously and with so much accuracy from 
 the federal batteries. He had defended the fort 
 bravely, but it could not withstand the shot 
 from the rifled ordnance and the storm of shells 
 which exploded within it ; and when the danger 
 of an explosion of the magazine was added to 
 the chances of an assault, his discretion induced 
 a surrender. 
 
 The success of the bombardment had not 
 disappointed the expectations of General Gill- 
 more, and had astonished not only the rebel 
 garrison, but many of the federal officers, who 
 were not prepared for this revolution in siege 
 operations which had been effected by the use 
 of rifled guns. It gave an impulse to the ord- 
 nance departments of both army and navy to 
 supply liberally the improved artillery, and it 
 caused not a little excitement, not to say con- 
 sternation, in Europe, whose governments were 
 now, for a second time, startled by the over- 
 throw of their established theories and experi- 
 ence in offensive and defensive warfare. 
 
 While the final preparations were being 
 made for the bombardment of Fort Pulaski 
 from Tybee Island, another expedition, under 
 Brigadier-General Viele, had proceeded through 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the passages on the north side of the Savannah 
 River, to islands above the fort, and on the 
 opposite side of the river, for the purpose of 
 cutting off communication between the fort 
 and Savannah, and of establishing batteries 
 to operate against the gorge of the fort. The 
 difficulties of this expedition were such that 
 it was not considered expedient to construct 
 the batteries till those on Tybee Island were 
 completed. But on the night before the open- 
 ing of the bombardment two batteries were 
 thrown up, and guns were nearly ready to be 
 mounted, when the fort surrendered. Other- 
 wise these batteries might also have played an 
 important part in the reduction of the rebel 
 stronghold. 
 
 The following are among the official reports 
 of the operations against Fort Pulaski :— 
 
 REPORT OF MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER. 
 
 ‘© HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH, 
 Fort Putasxi, Cockspur Isuanp, Ga., April 13, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: The flag of our country waves over 
 Fort Pulaski. I summoned the garrison to 
 surrender, at sunrise, on the morning of the 
 10th instant. Immediately on receiving their 
 refusal, at eight A. M. we opened fire, the bom- 
 bardment continuing, without intermission, for 
 thirty hours. At the end of eighteen hours’ 
 firing, the fort was breached in the south-east 
 angle, and at the moment of surrender, two 
 
 |o’clock P. M., on the 11th instant, we had com- 
 
 menced preparations for storming. 
 
 “The whole armament of the fort, forty- 
 seven guns, a great supply of fixed ammunition, 
 forty thousand pounds of powder, and large 
 quantities of commissary stores, have fallen into 
 our hands; also three hundred and sixty pris- 
 oners, of whom the officers will be sent north 
 by the first opportunity that offers. 
 
 “The result of this bombardment must cause, 
 I am convinced,.a change in the construction 
 of fortifications as radical as that foreshadowed 
 in naval architecture by the conflict between 
 the Monitor and Merrimac. No works of stone 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 or brick can resist the impact of rifled artillery | 
 
 of heavy calibre. 
 
 “Too much praise cannot be given to Cap- 
 tain Q. A. Gillmore, United States Engineers, 
 (Acting Brigadier-General,) the officer immedi- 
 ately in charge of our works on Tybee Island, 
 for his industry, skill, and patriotic zeal. Great 
 credit is also due to his assistants, Lieutenant 
 J. H. Wilson, United States Topographical Kn- 
 gineers, and Lieutenant Horace Porter, of the 
 Ordnance Department. I have also to grate- 
 fully acknowledge the services of Captain C. 
 R. P. Rodgers, United States Navy, who, with 
 one hundred of his men, from the Wabash, 
 under the command of Lieutenant Irwin, did 
 nobly at the guns. 
 
 “Our gallant volunteers, under the scientific 
 direction of Captain Gillmore, displayed admira- 
 ble energy and perseverance in the construction 
 of the earthworks on Tybee Island; and nothing 
 could be finer or more impressive than the 
 steadiness, activity, skill, and courage with which 
 they worked their guns in battery. 
 
 “When I receive the reports of the officers 
 more immediately in command, Brigadier-Gen- 
 eral H. W. Benham, and Acting Brigadier- 
 General Gillmore, a statement more in detail 
 will be immediately forwarded; but I cannot 
 close without expressing my thanks to both 
 ~ these officers, and the hope that Acting Briga- 
 dier-General Gillmore may be confirmed in the 
 position of brigadier-general, to which, in this 
 bombardment, he has established such deserv- 
 ing claims. 
 
 “T am happy to state that our loss was but 
 one man killed, the earthworks of our batteries 
 affording secure protection against the heaviest 
 fire of the enemy. The loss of the enemy has 
 been stated as three severely wounded. 
 
 “I have the honor to be, sir, most respect- 
 fully, your very obedient servant, 
 
 “Davin Honter, 
 “ Major-General commanding Dep't of the South. 
 
 «Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War, Washington.” 
 74 
 
 585 
 
 REPORT OF BRIGADIER-GENERAL BENHAM. 
 
 ‘¢HEapQuartrers First Division, 
 NortHern Disrrict, Der’: oF THE SOUTH, 
 Fort Purasxi, Cocxspur Istanp, Ga., April 12, 1862. 
 
 “Sim: I have the honor to report the con- 
 clusion of the operations of the siege of Fort 
 Pulaski, in Savannah River, Georgia, which 
 have resulted in the capture of that fortress 
 and its armament, and the unconditional sur- 
 render of the effectivé force of the garrison, 
 amounting to three hundred and sixty-one, of 
 whom twenty-four were officers, besides about 
 eighteen who were sick or wounded. 
 
 “This siege is, as I would remark, the first 
 trial, at least on our side the Atlantic, of the 
 modern heavy and rifled projectiles against 
 forts erected and supposed to be sufficiently 
 strong, prior to these inventions, almost equal- 
 ling, as it would appear, the revolution accom- 
 plished in naval warfare by the iron-clad vessels 
 recently constructed. 
 
 “ These operations, with the cordial assistance 
 and codperation of the naval forces, under Flag- 
 Officer 8. F. Dupont, have been accomplished 
 by a portion of the troops of my division, for 
 the most part under the immediate direction 
 of Captain Q. A. Gillmore, Corps of Engineers, 
 Acting Brigadier-General, and Chief Engineer 
 of the siege, to whose report, a copy of which 
 is respectfully forwarded herewith, I have the 
 honor to refer you for the detail of the op- 
 erations, 
 
 “Immediately after our arrival in this depart- 
 ment, as you are aware, I visited Tybee Island, 
 (on the 31st ult.) and carefully inspected the 
 works being erected there for the direct attack 
 upon this fort, which had been well advanced 
 by General Gillmore, under the direction of that 
 faithful and judicious officer, Brigadier-General 
 T. W. Sherman, my predecessor in this district. 
 These works consisted of eleven batteries, pre- 
 pared for thirty-five to thirty-seven pieces of 
 heavy ordnance, extending along an oblique 
 line of about one and a half miles in length, 
 opposite the south-east face of the fort, the 
 
586 HISTORY 
 
 extremities of this line being at distances, re- 
 spectively, of about one and two miles from the 
 fort. They were placed with great skill and 
 judgment, and constructed properly, and with 
 as much strength and regularity as the circum- 
 stances of the case would permit; and the care 
 and forethought of the engineer in providing 
 for the proper supply of ordnance, and other 
 stores that might be needed, is worthy of espe- 
 cial mention, the whole arrangement at Tybee 
 Island meeting my entire approval. 
 
 “Desiring, however, if possible, to obtain a 
 concentric fire upon the work, I endeavored to 
 arrange with General Viele (commanding at 
 Dawfuskie Island) to accomplish this object, 
 directing him, upon the 6th instant, to place a 
 battery on Long Island to attack the gorge of 
 the fort on the west; and after a second visit 
 to him on the 9th, to construct another (if 
 practicable, and the distance was not too great) 
 upon Turtle Island, on the north, the object 
 being mainly the moral effect of an encircling 
 fire, rather than the expectation of any serious 
 effect upon the walls at that distance. From 
 some cause, however, the heavy ordnance for 
 these batteries did not arrive in time, and the 
 lighter pieces most available, and placed in 
 position on Long Island, served rather as a 
 diversion than for any serious demonstration 
 upon the work. 
 
 “The main attack upon the fort, as you are 
 aware, commenced on the morning of the 10th 
 instant, at about half past seven o’clock, and 
 immediately after the refusal of its commander 
 to surrender, according to your summons, pre- 
 viously sent. Being present yourself, at or 
 between our batteries, for the greater portion 
 of the day, during the contest between these 
 batteries and the fort, you are, of course, per- 
 sonally aware of the great efficiency with which 
 these batteries were served, and of the success- 
 ful commencement of the breach at the south- 
 east angle of the fort on that day. You are 
 also aware of the efficient and accurate firing 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 of the guns at the fort, directed as they were 
 with great precision, not only at our batteries, 
 but even at the individual persons passing be- 
 tween them or otherwise exposed. The firing 
 on our part, though delayed at first by the 
 necessity of obtaining the proper range, was 
 kept up with such vigor that over three thou- 
 sand projectiles, varying in size from the thir- 
 teen-inch mortar shell to the thirty-pound 
 Parrott shot, were thrown at the fort during 
 the first day. 
 
 “At evening, as it was necessary to guard 
 against the possibility of attack from the Wil- 
 mington marshes, a force of some two regiments 
 was stationed upon the ridges of land adjacent, 
 one immediately in rear of the upper batteries, 
 and one on a ridge running towards Tybee 
 River; and to give General Gillmore an oppor- 
 tunity for the rest which he required, J arranged 
 with him to remain myself at the batteries, in 
 general charge of the forces, during the first 
 half of the night, directing, at the same time, 
 that the shells should be thrown at the fort 
 every ten or fifteen minutes during the night, 
 for the purpose of fatiguing the garrison. This 
 shell practice, especially during the early part 
 of the night, while the moon was up, was re- 
 ported to be most successful, or fully as accurate 
 as by daylight. 
 
 “As a principal battery, of one James and ~ 
 five Parrott guns, near the fort, appeared not 
 to have been as successfully served as was 
 possible during the day, and as a detachment 
 of one hundred seamen from the navy, under 
 Lieutenant Irwin, had been kindly furnished to 
 us by Flag-Officer Dupont, (at the suggestion 
 of Captain C. R. P. Rodgers,) which had un- 
 fortunately reached us too late for the first 
 assignment to the batteries, I directed that a 
 portion of this battery should be placed in the 
 hands of this command, and the remainder with 
 suitable men, to be under Captain Turner, 
 A. C,.8., late of the first artillery, U.S. A., and 
 now Chief Commissary of your staff, and the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 James and three of the Parrott’ guns were 
 assigned to the naval detachment accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 “ At about seven, on the evening of the 11th, 
 the fire opened with great vigor and accuracy, 
 the certainty as to direction and distance being 
 greatly beyond that of the previous day, es- 
 pecially on the part of the enemy, there being 
 scarcely any exposure of our force that did not 
 draw a close shot, while the embrasures and 
 parapets of our batteries were most accurately 
 reached. 
 
 “At about ten to eleven A. M.I visited the 
 batteries, finding each of them most efficiently 
 served, especially the small mortar-batteries 
 nearest the fort, the batteries just referred to, 
 in charge of the navy and Captain Turner, and 
 the columbiad batteries under Captain Pelouze. 
 I found that an embrasure at the breached 
 point, which was much enlarged on the previous 
 day, was now opened to fully the size of the 
 recess arch, or some eight or ten feet square, 
 and the adjacent embrasures were rapidly being 
 brought to a similar condition. At about noon 
 the whole mask and parapet-wall of the case- 
 mate first injured fell into the ditch, raising a 
 ramp quite visible to us, and soon after the 
 corresponding parts of the adjacent casemates 
 began to fall, the Parrott and James shot pass- 
 ing quite through, as we could see the heavy 
 timber blindage in rear of the casemates, to the 
 rear of the magazine, on the opposite (north- 
 west) angle of the fort. 
 
 “In this state of things I felt sure that we 
 would soon be called to peel off the whole 
 scarp wall from the front of the casemates of 
 the south-east front, making a breach greatly 
 larger than the small garrison could defend, 
 with, probably, another smaller breach upon 
 the opposite side; and I at once determined 
 that, if the resistance was continued, it would 
 be best, and entirely practicable, to storm the 
 fort successfully within thirty to forty hours. 
 And I had given directions to General Gillmore 
 
 587 
 
 to have suitable scaling-ladders prepared for 
 the purpose, and was arranging for the proper 
 forces, boats, &c., when, at about two P. M., we 
 discovered a white flag thrown up, and the 
 rebel flag, after telling out to the wind for a 
 few minutes at half-mast, came slowly to the 
 ground. 
 
 “J then directed my Assistant Adjutant-Gen- 
 eral, Captain A. B. Ely, to leave for the fort; 
 but finding soon after your own Adjutant-Gen- 
 eral, Major Halpine, at the batteries, I com- 
 missioned him (accompanied by Captain Ely) 
 to proceed there with the terms I proposed — 
 simply those of your own first note, demanding 
 the surrender of the garrison, and all the ar- 
 mament and weapons; no other modification to 
 be allowed than that they should have as favor- 
 able terms as are given by our government in 
 this war. General Gillmore reaching the upper 
 batteries soon after, and appearing to desire it, 
 and as his services most eminently merited that 
 his wishes should be gratified, I authorized him 
 to pass over to accept the surrender of the fort ; 
 and the terms assented to by him, are essen- 
 tially those dictated by me, excepting, perhaps, 
 those relating to the disabled men, who would 
 otherwise have been a burden to us. And by 
 the return of these, I have endeavored to pro- 
 vide, by a letter from Colonel Olmstead, the 
 rebel commander, for the receiving of a like 
 number of men of the forty-sixth New York 
 regiment, captured from Tybee about two 
 weeks since. d 
 
 “J would respectfully recommend in relation 
 to the commander of the garrison of the fort, Col- 
 onel Charles H. Olmstead, whose gallant conduct 
 as an enemy, and whose courtesy as a gentle- 
 man, are entitled to all consideration, that should 
 you deem it proper, the courtesy of the return 
 of his own sword should be extended to him. 
 His defence, I would remark, was continued 
 until almost the latest limit possible; for a few 
 hours more of our fire would, to all appear- 
 ance, have sufficed for the destruction of the 
 
588 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 magazine and a larger portion of the fort, while 
 another day would have unavoidably placed 
 the garrison at the mercy of a storming column 
 from our command. 
 “T have the honor to be, sir, very respect- 
 fully, your, obedient servant, 
 “H. W. Benyam, 
 € RrinddiesFenenhd commanding Northern 
 . “ District, Department of the South. 
 
 ‘‘ Major-General Davin Huntsr,. comuminding Department of the 
 South.” 
 
 GENERAL GILLMORE’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQuARTERS, Fort Putaski, Ga., 
 April 12, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to report that 
 several batteries established on Tybee Island, 
 to operate against Fort Pulaski, opened fire on 
 the morning of the 10th inst., ata quarter past 
 eight o’clock, commencing with the thirteen- 
 inch mortars. 
 
 “When the range of these pieces had been 
 approximately obtained, by the use of signals, 
 the other batteries opened in the order previ- 
 ously prescribed in “General Orders, No. 17,” 
 from these headquarters, hereunto appended, 
 as part of this report, so that by half past nine 
 o'clock all our batteries—eleven in number— 
 had commenced their work. 
 
 “The breaching batteries opened at half past 
 nine o’clock. With the exception of four ten- 
 inch columbiads, dismounted at the outset by 
 their own recoil, in consequence of their having 
 been supplied. pintles, and from very serious 
 defects in the wrought-iron chapis, which will 
 be noticed more fully in my detailed report, all 
 the pieces were served through the day. 
 
 “ With few exceptions, strict regard was paid 
 to the instructions laid down in the order reg- 
 ulating the rapidity and) direction of the fire. 
 At dark all the pieces ceased firing, except the 
 thirteen-inch mortars, one ten-inch mortar, and 
 one thirty-pound Parrott, which were served 
 through the night at intervals of twenty min- 
 utes for each piece. 
 
 “The only plainly perceptible result of this 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 cannonade of ten and a half hours’ duration, 
 the breaching batteries having been served but 
 nine and a half hours, was the commencement 
 of a breach in the easterly half of the pancoupé 
 connecting the south and south-east faces, and 
 in that portion of the south-east face spanned 
 by the two casemates adjacent to the pancoupé. 
 The breach had been ordered in this portion 
 of the scarp so as to take in reverse, through 
 the opening, the magazine located in the angle 
 formed by the gorge and north face. 
 
 “Two of the barbette guns of the fort have 
 been disabled, and three casemate guns silenced. 
 The enemy served both tiers of guns briskly 
 throughout the day, but without injury to the 
 materiel or personnel of our batteries. 
 
 “The result from the mortar-batteries was 
 not at all satisfactory, notwithstanding the care 
 and skill with which the pieces were served. 
 
 “On the morning of the 11th our batteries 
 again opened a little after sunrise, with decided 
 effect, the fort returning a heavy and well- 
 directed fire from its barbette and casemate 
 guns. The breach was rapidly enlarged. At 
 the expiration of three hours the entire case- 
 mate next the pancoupé had been opened, and 
 by eleven o’clock the one adjacent to it was 
 in a similar condition. Directions were then 
 given to train the guns upon the third em- 
 brasure, upon which the breaching batteries 
 were operating with effect, when the fort hoisted 
 the white flag. This occurred at two o’clock P.M. 
 
 “The formalities of visiting the fort, receiy- 
 ing the surrender, and occupying it with our 
 troops, consumed the balance of the afternoon 
 and evening. | | 
 
 “JT cannot indulge in detail, however in- 
 teresting and instructive, in this hasty and 
 preliminary report; but the pleasing duty of 
 acknowledging the services of the officers and 
 men under my command, during the laborious 
 and fatiguing preliminaries for opening fire, 
 as well as during the action, I do not feel Ni 
 liberty to defer. | 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “The labor of landing the heaviest ordnance, 
 with large supplies of ordnance stores, upon an 
 open and exposed beach, remarkable for its 
 heavy surf, taking advantage of the tide day 
 and night; the transportation of these articles 
 to the advanced batteries under cover of night ; 
 the erection of seven of the eleven batteries in 
 plain view of Fort Pulaski, and under its fire; 
 ‘the construction, upon marshy ground, in the 
 night-time exclusively, of nearly one mile of 
 causeway, resting on fascines and brushwood ; 
 the difficult task of hauling the guns, carriages, 
 and chapis to their positions, in the dark, over 
 a narrow road, bordered by marsh, by the labor 
 of the men alone, (the advance being two and 
 a half miles from the landing ;) the indomitable 
 perseverance and cheerful deportment of the 
 officers and men under the frequent discourage- 
 ment, of breaking down and miring in the 
 swamp, are services to the cause and country 
 which I do not feel at liberty to leave un- 
 recorded: An idea of the immense labor ex- 
 pended in transporting the ordnance can be 
 gained. from the fact that two hundred and fifty 
 men, could hardly move a thirteen-inch mortar, 
 loaded, on a sling-cart. Another circumstance 
 deserving especial mention, is, that twenty-two 
 of the thirty-six pieces comprised in the batter- 
 ies.were served during the action by the troops 
 who had performed the fatiguing labors to 
 which I have referred above. They received all 
 their instructions in gunnery, at such odd times 
 as they could be spared from other duty, during 
 the week preceding the action. . 
 
 “J will close this preliminary report by some 
 general deductions from absolute results, with- 
 out going into details or reasons. 
 
 “1, Mortars (even. thirteen-inch sea-coast) 
 are unavailable for the reduction of works of 
 small area like Fort Pulaski. They cannot be 
 fired with sufficient accuracy to crush the case- 
 mate arches. They might, after a long time, 
 tire out any ordinary garrison. 
 
 2. “Good rifled guns, properly served, can 
 
 589: 
 
 breach rapidly at one thousand six hundred 
 and fifty yards distance. 
 
 “A few heavy round shot, to bring down the 
 masses loosened by the rifled projectiles, are of 
 good service. 
 
 “TY would not hesitate to attempt a practica- 
 ble breach in a brick scarf at two thousand 
 yards distance, with guns of my own selection. 
 
 3. “No better piece for breaching can be 
 desired than the forty-two pounder James. 
 The grooves, however, must be kept clean. 
 
 “Parrott guns, throwing as much metal as 
 the James, would be equally good, supposing 
 them to fire as accurately as the Parrott thirty- 
 pounder. 
 
 “T append to this report a map, giving the 
 position of our several batteries, and the orders 
 issued, assigning the detachments to the bat- 
 teries, and regulating the direction and rapidity 
 of the firing. | 
 
 “Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 “Q. A. Grmorg, 
 “ Brigadier-General Vols., commanding U.S. 
 Forces, Tybee and Cockspur Islands, Ga. 
 
 ‘‘Lieutenant A. B. Exy, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, Northern 
 District, Department of the South.” 
 
 CHAPTER. LXXIL 
 
 Expedition to the. Gulf. — Ship Island. — Arrival of the Van- 
 guard of the Expedition. — Proclamation of General Phelps. — 
 General Butler.— Naval and Military Preparations. —New 
 Orleans and its Defences. — Forts Jackson and St. Philip. — 
 Obstructions and Fire-Rafts. — Federal Preparations. — Mor- 
 tar Flotilla.— Movement up the River. — Preliminary Sur- 
 veys. — Trial of Mortars. — Rebel. Fire-Raft. —Commence- 
 ment of the Bombardment. —Its Effects. — Continuation of 
 the Bombardment. — Removal of Obstructions. — Prepara- 
 tion of the Squadron to pass the Forts. — Chain-clad Ships. — 
 The advance of the Squadron. — Rebel Resistance. — Heavy 
 Cannonade. — Passage of the Squadron above the Forts. — 
 Severe Conflict. — The Varuna. — Destruction of Rebel Steam- 
 ers. — Complete Success of the Squadron. — Passage up the 
 River. — Arrival of General Butler and his Command. — 
 Military Movements. — Attempt to land Troops in the Rear 
 of Fort St. Philip. — Condition of the Garrisons. — Surrender 
 of the Forts. — Advance of General Butler to New Orleans. — 
 
590 
 
 Proceedings of Flag-Officer Farragut.— Action of the City 
 Council. — Rebellious Conduct. — Occupation of the City. — 
 Opening of the River. — Official Reports. 
 
 Soon after the occupation of Hatteras Inlet, 
 on the coast of North Carolina, in August, 1861, 
 General Butler had received instructions to 
 recruit troops in New England, and to organize 
 an expedition, composed principally of those 
 troops, for operations in the Gulf of Mexico. 
 General Butler entered upon his work with the 
 zeal and energy which he had constantly dis- 
 played in his military career, and before the 
 Jast of November the van of his expedition 
 sailed from Boston, and other forces were nearly 
 ready to follow. ‘The first brigade was under 
 Brigadier-General J. W. Phelps, of Vermont, 
 who assumed command at Hampton Roads, 
 and proceeded with a part of his force, num- 
 bering about two thousand men, to the Gulf 
 The immediate destination of this expedition 
 was Ship Island, off the coast of Mississippi, 
 about midway between Mobile and New Or- 
 leans. This island had been taken possession 
 of by a naval force in the September preced- 
 ing, and its fortifications, constructed chiefly 
 by the rebels, who had abandoned it in fear of 
 a naval attack, were held by sailors and marines. 
 It was considered, from its position, a good base 
 from which to operate against either New Or- 
 leans or Mobile directly, or to occupy the 
 neighboring mainland, and thence to move as 
 expediency required. 
 
 General Phelps arrived at Ship Island on 
 the 3d of December, and landing his troops, 
 encamped them there, and awaited the arrival 
 of other forces of the expedition. In the mean 
 time he issued a proclamation to the people of 
 the neighboring country, addressed to the “loyal 
 citizens,” in which, after a calm discussion of 
 the slavery question, he declared that his com- 
 mand came as the advocates and defenders of 
 “free labor and working-men’s rights.” This 
 proclamation appeared to have little effect, 
 other than to excite the slaveholders more 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 bitterly against the north, while among the 
 northern people it caused considerable discus- 
 sion, finding many advocates as well as oppo- 
 nents. It was disclaimed by General Butler, 
 the commander of the expedition, and was vir- 
 tually disapproved by the government by its 
 subsequent action. It was, indeed, not especial- 
 ly military in its character, but it contained 
 much truth, expressed in a somewhat peculiar 
 manner, and was the declaration of an earnest 
 man as well as able soldier. 
 
 Two or three reconnoissances by small forces 
 on the main land were made from Ship Island, 
 but nothing of importance was accomplished, 
 while the troops there waited for the arrival of 
 the other forces of the expedition. The latter 
 arrived slowly, and General Butler himself left 
 Boston the latter part of February with a part 
 of his command. After being nearly wrecked — 
 on Frying-Pan Shoals, off the coast of South 
 Carolina, and consequently delayed some time 
 at Port Royal, General Butler arrived at Ship 
 Island about the middle of March. A new 
 military department was created, called the 
 Department of the Gulf, comprising all the coast 
 of the Gulf of Mexico west of Pensacola, and 
 General Butler was appointed the commander. 
 In the mean time the government had been 
 augmenting the naval forces in the Gulf, and 
 a strong squadron, called the Western Gulf 
 Blockading Squadron, under Flag-Officer D. G. 
 Farragut, was prepared to codperate with Gen- 
 eral Butler in any decided movement against — 
 the rebels. This fleet was not idle, but while 
 the Mississippi and all harbors of any im- 
 portance were vigilantly blockaded, reconnois- 
 sances were made to Lake Borgne and to the 
 entrance of Lake Pontchartrain by some of the 
 smaller vessels, and occasionally an engage- 
 ment, at long range and of little consequence, 
 took place between them and rebel armed 
 steamers. 
 
 The rebels anticipated an attempt to capture 
 either Mobile or New Orleans, and made prep- 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 arations to defeat it. The latter city, which 
 was rightly supposed to be the chief object of 
 attack, was thought well protected by the 
 formidable Forts Jackson and St. Philip, on the 
 Mississippi, constructed by the United States, 
 and now made more complete by the rebels, 
 and by fortifications which commanded the ap- 
 proaches by Lake Borgneand Lake Pontchartain. 
 A considerable number of steamers were also 
 armed, and several formidable iron-cased rams 
 were constructed, while obstructions were 
 placed in the river to add to the difficulties 
 of navigation. With these means of defence, 
 the rebels believed that they could surely keep 
 the federal fleet from ascending the river, while 
 the difficulties of any other approach where 
 the military forces could not be supported by 
 formidable war vessels, seemed to render the 
 city safe from capture. 
 
 Forts Jackson and St. Philip, upon which the 
 defence of New Orleans chiefly depended, were 
 strong works, constructed by the United States. 
 The former, an extensive fortification on the 
 right bank of the river, was not completed when 
 the rebellion commenced, but it had been great- 
 ly improved by the rebels, and a heavy arma- 
 ment had been mounted, most of the guns 
 having been sent to the fort by the traitor 
 Floyd, while secretary of war, in anticipation 
 of the conflict between the north and the south. 
 The fort was capable of mounting more than a 
 hundred guns, but was not fully armed. Yort 
 St. Philip, a work of less importance and mag- 
 nitude, on the opposite side of the river and a 
 little higher up, was built on the site of an old 
 Spanish fort of the same name. This also had 
 been strengthened and more fully armed, and 
 with its water batteries could mount about one 
 hundred guns. The two forts commanded the 
 river with a large number of guns. But in 
 addition to these fortifications the rebels had 
 constructed outworks and water batteries, which 
 added to the strength of the position. The 
 river was obstructed by rafts and hulks, bear- 
 
 O91 
 
 ing heavy chains, stretching from bank to bank, 
 and by other ingenious contrivances, which 
 rendered the removal of the chain a difficult 
 matter. There were also a number of rafts and 
 flat boats, loaded with combustibles, to be fired 
 and set adrift in the current, in order that they 
 might be carried among the federal vessels and 
 destroy them by fire. Above the obstructions 
 were the armed steamers, intended to codperate 
 with the forts in resisting the advance of the 
 fleet. With all these preparations, which had 
 been elaborately made, the rebels believed that 
 the city could not be reached by the federal 
 forces, and against these defences the naval 
 expedition was to operate before the land forces 
 would be brought into requisition. 
 
 But the means of attack provided by the 
 government were commensurate with the 
 work to be attempted. In addition to the fleet 
 of steamers, with their formidable armaments, 
 which Flag-Officer Farragut had under his 
 command, a fleet of small sailing vessels, carry- 
 ing heavy mortars, had been quietly despatched 
 to the passes of the Mississippi, under the com- 
 mand of Captain David D. Porter, and were 
 ready to join in the bombardment of the rebel 
 fortifications. Waiting for the completion of 
 the naval preparations, General Butler's com- 
 mand, numbering, when all had arrived, ten or 
 twelve thousand men, remained at Ship Island, 
 in rather narrow limits for so large a force, 
 impatiently waiting for some movement against 
 the rebels. The naval officers, however, knew 
 the difficulties before them, and were deter- 
 mined to make ample preparation for their 
 work. 
 
 It was the 12th of April before the prepara- 
 tions were completed so far as to commence 
 the movement. On that day, Flag-Officer Far- 
 ragut’s squadron and Captain Porter’s mortar 
 fleet commenced moving up the river, to be 
 placed in position for bombarding Forts Jack- 
 son and St. Philip. Each of these vessels had 
 been painted with a coat of mud, and the masts 
 
592 
 
 and rigging were covered with branches, to 
 render them less conspicuous objects for the 
 aim of the rebel artillerists). But before the 
 bombardment could be commenced, it was 
 necessary to survey the river in order to ascer- 
 tain the bearings and distances of certain points, 
 the position and nature of the rebel obstruc- 
 tions, and the character of the defences. This 
 was a work which required skill and daring; 
 but in three days, in spite of rebel artillery and 
 rifles, it was quite thoroughly accomplished by 
 officers of the coast survey, and charts were 
 made for the use of the squadron. 
 
 The preliminary surveys and other necessary 
 preparations haying been made, on the evening 
 of the 16th of April fire was opened upon Fort 
 Jackson, for the purpose of trying the range of 
 the mortars, but it was not till two days after- 
 wards that the bombardment of the forts com- 
 menced inearnest. Ata distance of thirty-eight 
 hundred yards from"the fort the huge mortars 
 hurled their monstrous shells high in the air, 
 to drop and burst in and about the work, while 
 the vessels which carried them lay in such a 
 position, or were so disguised, as to be compar- 
 atively safe from the rebel artillery. The trial 
 was satisfactory to Captain Porter, and accord- 
 ingly the arrangements for opening the bom- 
 bardment were perfected, and on the 18th of 
 April the work of reducing the forts was com- 
 menced by the entire mortar fleet. In the 
 mean time, however, the rebels finding the 
 river below them filled with so large a fleet, and 
 so formidable an attack threatened, sought to 
 destroy some of the numerous vessels which 
 appeared crowded together, by sending down 
 some of their fire-rafts, hoping thus to disorgan- 
 ize the naval force, and derange the plans of at- 
 tack. But the naval officers had seen these 
 fire-rafts before, and ample preparations were 
 made to prevent them from accomplishing the 
 work designed. Boats, with crews properly 
 armed to contend with such an enemy, pulled 
 away from the fleet, and met the raft some 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 distance above the anchorage ground, and a 
 steamer grappling it, towed it down the river, so 
 as to keep it clear of all vessels, the fire being 
 at the same time extinguished by streams of 
 water thrown from the steamer and the exer- 
 tions of the crews of the small boats, who 
 vigorously attacked the flaming foe. The suc- 
 cess with which this danger was overcome 
 dispelled all great fear of this method of attack 
 among the federal officers and men, and the 
 force detailed to meet the fire-rafts was soon 
 perfectly organized and trained to the work, 
 which promised and proved to be quite an 
 important one. 
 
 When the mortar boats were being towed 
 to their position on the morning of the 18th, 
 the rebels opened fire upon them from the forts, 
 but without effecting any damage. One divis- 
 ion of the mortars was placed in position on the 
 west side of the river, and another on the east 
 side, and at an early hour the bombardment 
 commenced, the shot being directed against 
 Fort Jackson. Fort St. Philip was to be left 
 for the fleet of Flag-Officer Farragut to dispose 
 of after the reduction or silence of Fort Jack- 
 son. Several gunboats, attached to the mortar 
 flotilla, steamed up the river nearer to the forts, 
 and joined with some effect in the bombard- 
 ment, succeeding’ in silencing for a time the 
 barbette guns, and thus protecting the mortar 
 boats, some of which, on the east side of the 
 river, had been struck by the rebel shot. The 
 steamers Iroquois and Owasco were conspicu- 
 ous in this engagement, being greatly exposed 
 to the rebel shot, but handled with skill and 
 bravery by the officers and crews. The mor- 
 tars kept up a constant fire during the day, 
 and though from the inexperience of the gun- 
 ners many of the shells were thrown without 
 effect, the result was not unsatisfactory. The 
 citadel of Fort Jackson was struck several 
 times and nearly destroyed, two or three 
 barbette guns were dismounted, several rebel 
 soldiers killed or wounded, and fire was com- 
 
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PRESIDENT 
 
 municated to some wooden structure and cot- 
 ton bales, used for strengthening the works, 
 which apparently caused an extensive confla- 
 gration. It was thought possible that a con- 
 tinuation of the bombardment during the night 
 might, in consequence of this conflagration, 
 have caused an evacuation of the fort. The 
 bombardment, however, was suspended at dark, 
 and the mortar boats were removed to a safer 
 anchorage down the river. 
 
 The next morning the bombardment was 
 resumed by the mortar fiotilla, and from that 
 
 time till the morming of the 24th, was con-| 
 The huge shells), 
 were constantly showered into and around the) 
 
 tinued without cessation. 
 
 forts, causing much damage and endangering 
 life, but failmg to break through the case- 
 mates or to render the works untenable. The 
 gunboats were also continually engaged in 
 pombarding the forts or throwing shot at 
 some rebel steamer that ventured within sight. 
 ‘These vessels moved up the river much nearer 
 to the forts than the mortar boats, and drew 
 upon themselves the fire of the rebel batteries, 
 escaping by their constant change of position, 
 however, any serious damage. ‘To the fierce 
 bombardment to which they were subjected 
 the rebels replied quite vigorously the greater 
 part of the time, and with very effective guns, 
 skilfully served. Their officers were quite con- 
 fident that the forts could not be taken, and 
 they boasted that they would never surrender ; 
 
 and, in spite of the heavy bombardment, the 
 
 works did not appear to be damaged or weak- 
 ened sufficiently to render them less formida- 
 ble to the passage of the fleet. 
 
 In the mean time the fleet was waiting a 
 reduction of the forts or a diminution of their 
 fire to make the passage, but the slow progress 
 made by the bombardment rendered the. offi- 
 cers and crews impatient of the delay, and 
 Flag-Officer Farragut determined to make the 
 attempt to pass the forts without waiting for 
 
 the desired result. It was first necessary, how- | 
 
 15 
 
 LINCOLN’S 
 
 }ordeal which it was to undergo. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION. 598 
 
 ever, to remove the obstructions in the river, 
 
 and this was successfully accomplished by the 
 
 officers and men of the gunboat Itasca, who, 
 by persevering efforts, unshackled the chains 
 which connected the hulks moored across the 
 river, and the latter being removed, a wide 
 passage was opened, which was quite sufficient 
 for the entrance of the squadron. This work 
 was not accomplished without great risk, and 
 in effecting it the Itasca was carried by the 
 current towards the eastern shore, where she 
 erounded, and for nearly two hours lay ex- 
 posed to the shot from both forts, but with- 
 out being struck. 
 
 The want of iron-clad steamers to contend 
 
 ‘against the formidable fortifications and the 
 
 “rams” of the rebels, made it necessary that 
 Plag-Officer Farragut’s squadron should be pre- 
 pared as thoroughly as possible for the terrible 
 No pains 
 were spared to render the vessels invincible, 
 and, as far as possible, invulnerable in the most 
 exposed parts. Various means were devised 
 and carried into execution to protect them, 
 not only from shot and shell, but from the 
 “rams” and fire-rafts with which it was un- 
 derstood the rebels were abundantly supplied. 
 Several of the larger ships, including the sloops 
 of war Richmond, Brooklyn, and Pensacola, 
 had their engines and boilers protected by a 
 novel kind of armor improvised for the occa- 
 sion, which consisted of chains hung upon the 
 outside and bound together with strong cord- 
 age. Other vessels had their engines protected 
 by chains, logs, and bales of bagging closely 
 
 | packed about them inside the ship. Sand-bags 
 
 and other devices were also used to protect 
 the bows of some of the ships, as well as the 
 engines and boilers. ‘These preparations had 
 been perfected during the several days’ bom- 
 bardment, and with his vessels thus equipped 
 as no other squadron had previously been, 
 
 'Flag-Officer Farragut determined to attempt 
 
 the passage of the forts at night, and to fight 
 
594 
 
 his way through against forts, gunboats, rams, 
 and fire-rafts. It was a daring movement, and 
 its complete success proved that the navy, 
 under such a leader, was able and ready to 
 perform its share in the war. 
 
 The squadron consisted of seventeen sloops 
 of war and gunboats, all of which were steam- 
 ers, carrying upwards of two hundred guns. 
 ‘The vessels were formed in three divisions or 
 lines; the first, under command of Captain 
 Bailey comprised the Cayuga, Pensacola, Mis- 
 sissippi, Oneida, Varuna, Katahdin, Kineo, and 
 Wissahickon. The second, under Flag-Officer 
 Farragut himself, comprised the steam sloops 
 Hartford, Brooklyn, and Richmond. The third, 
 under Commander Bell, was composed of the 
 Scioto, Iroquois, Pinola, Winona, Itasca, and 
 Kennebec. While this formidable squadron 
 moved up the river, the gunboats attached 
 to the mortar flotilla steamed up sufficiently 
 to enfilade the water batteries, which were the 
 most formidable obstacle to the passage of the 
 fleet, the mortars, in the mean time, keeping 
 up their constant fire upon the forts. The 
 movement was made on the night of the 23d 
 of April, but it was not till three o’clock on 
 the morning of the 24th that the squadron 
 was fairly under way. The intention was to 
 pass the forts in the darkness of the night, 
 before the rising of the moon, but the moon 
 was just appearing above the horizon when 
 the fleet moved. The river, however, was still 
 dark, and the state of the atmosphere was such 
 as to render it the more difficult to distinguish 
 objects on the water; and when the firing com- 
 menced, the smoke settled heavily over the river 
 and enveloped the vessels. To this obscurity 
 the success of the movement was in a great 
 measure due, for had the squadron attempted 
 to pass the forts by daylight, it is hardly possi- 
 ble that it would have escaped without. great 
 loss of men and probably of vessels. 
 
 As soon as the movement commenced, the 
 mortar boats resumed fire upon the forts more 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 heavily than ever before, the shells being thrown 
 with the greatest possible rapidity. The gun- 
 boats attached to the mortar flotilla also opened 
 their enfilading fire upon the water batteries 
 of the enemy, and the bombardment was heav- 
 ier and more persistent than at any time since 
 its commencement. Under cover of this fire 
 the squadron moved up the river, and passed 
 through the opening in the barrier of chains 
 and hulks which the Itasca had effected the 
 previous night. The fleet advanced in three 
 lines, by divisions, one ship following another, 
 Flag-Officer Farragut’s division on the western 
 side of the river, Captain Bailey’s on the east- 
 ern, and Commander Bell’s in the middle. 
 Captain Bailey’s division on the eastern side 
 was the first to feel the enemy’s fire. His flag- 
 ship had scarcely passed through the opening 
 in the barrier when both forts opened upon 
 her, and the other vessels, as they advanced. 
 On account of the too great elevation of the 
 rebel guns, however, the greater part of the 
 shot passed over the vessels and through the 
 rigging. But some of them were struck sevy- 
 eral times in the hull, and the wisdom of the 
 precautions taken for the safety of the ma- 
 chinery was abundantly proved, the chain 
 armor and other defences affording, in this 
 case, ample protection to the vital parts of 
 the steamers. ‘The vessels steamed on under 
 the fire of the enemy for some distance with- 
 out making any reply, but as they approached 
 Fort St Philip, Captain Bailey ran his flag-ship, 
 the Cayuga, in close to the fort, and poured 
 broadsides of grape and canister upon them, 
 driving the rebel soldiers from their guns, 
 which were almost wholly en barbette. The 
 other vessels of the division followed close 
 behind the Cayuga, and each delivered broad- 
 sides of grape and canister as they passed, with 
 such effect that the fire of the fort was for the 
 time completely silenced. This division thus 
 passed the forts without serious damage, though 
 each of the vessels had been struck in some 
 
PRESIDENT 
 
 part, and slightly injured. The crews had man- 
 ifested the greatest bravery, and were eager 
 for a conflict in which they could show their 
 skill and courage. The passage of the forts 
 brought them suddenly into such a conflict, 
 the result of which was a most brilliant vic- 
 tory. 
 
 While Captain Bailey advanced on the east- 
 ern side of the river, Flag-Officer Farragut, with 
 his three noble vessels, the most formidable of 
 the fleet, moved up on the western side towards 
 Fort Jackson. When a mile and a quarter 
 from that work the enemy opened upon him 
 a heavy fire, which was better aimed than that 
 directed against Captain Bailey’s vessels. The 
 flag-ship Hartford continued her course directly 
 towards the fort, in spite of the shot which fre- 
 quently struck her, and responded to the fire 
 with a few of her guns. When within half a 
 mile of the fort the vessel sheered off, and 
 poured her heavy broadsides of grape and 
 canister into the fort so effectually that the 
 gunners were driven under cover, and none 
 but the casemate guns continued the fire. 
 These, however, were trained upon the Hart- 
 ford the more effectively, as the flashes of her 
 broadsides indicated through the smoke and 
 fog the position of the vessel, and she was 
 struck many times, and suffered some loss of 
 men. But she passed the forts without being, 
 to any extent, disabled, and was followed by 
 the Richmond, which was manceuvred in the 
 same manner, and continued the shower of 
 small shot upon the fort, by which the fire of 
 the barbette guns was silenced. The Brooklyn 
 was unfortunately detained by coming in con- 
 tact with the hulks, but having been extricated 
 
 from these obstructions, she proceeded on her | 
 
 course, and, contending against rebel ram, fire- 
 raft, and gunboat, while still under the fire of 
 Fort Jackson, succeeded in joining her consorts 
 
 after a severer, if not more glorious, contest’ 
 
 The Brooklyn | 
 
 than they had experienced. 
 first encountered the famous “ram” Manassas, 
 
 LINCOLN’S 
 
 ADMINISTRATION. 595 
 
 which had been a terror to the fleet since the 
 vessels were driven by it from the passes of 
 the Mississippi. This vessel came dashing 
 against the side of the Brooklyn, first dis- 
 charging her heavy gun when within a few 
 feet of the latter. The shot, however, lodged 
 in the sand bags which protected the engine, 
 and the chain armor effectually warded off the 
 iron beak intended to cut through the vessel’s 
 side. The ram, thus entirely unsuccessful, soon 
 moved off, to meet with still greater failure ; 
 for, making a dash at the Mississippi, that ves- 
 sel prepared for the encounter by a similar 
 movement, and the Manassas, avoiding the 
 blow, made for the shore, where she was soon 
 disabled by the guns of the Mississippi, and, 
 being deserted by her crew drifted inoffen- 
 sively down the river. Having got clear of 
 the ram, the Brooklyn fell in with a large rebel 
 steamer, which opened fire upon her, but this 
 vessel was quickly disposed of by a broadside 
 from the Brooklyn at short range, which set 
 her on fire, and thus completely destroyed her. 
 
 In the mean time the middle division, under 
 Commander Bell, proceeded on its course, and 
 though not discernible from the forts, owing to 
 the too great elevation of the rebel guns, re- 
 ceived the shock of the heavy fire directed at 
 the side divisions. ‘I'wo of the vessels, the Itasca 
 and Winona, were early disabled, the former 
 receiving a shot in the boiler, and both floated 
 helplessly down the river. The Kennebec be- 
 came entangled in the cables connecting the 
 barrier of hulks; and when, after a long delay, 
 she was extricated, she was far in the rear, and 
 so enveloped in smoke that the officers were 
 uncertain as to their course, and the vessel 
 soon after returned to her anchorage. With 
 his other three vessels Commander Bell ad- 
 vanced on his course, under the heavy fire 
 of both forts, and succeeded in passing them, 
 though not without some damage and the loss 
 of a number of men. 
 
 The federal vessels had hardly passed the 
 
596 
 
 forts when they encountered a new enemy in 
 the fleet of rebel gunboats which lay in order 
 of battle just above Fort St. Philip. As soon 
 as the federal vessels appeared above the forts 
 the rebel steamers commenced the attack. 
 Captain Bailey, in the Cayuga, was the first 
 to receive this attack. He found himself in 
 the midst of them before he was aware that 
 he was to meet such an enemy. ‘The rebel 
 steamers dashed at the Cayuga with the in- 
 tention of running her down, at the same time 
 discharging their guns. By skilful manoeu- 
 vring the Cayuga avoided any severe blow, and 
 the brave officers and crew were not slow in 
 meeting the danger by opening a rapid fire 
 from her heavy guns, the solid shot from which 
 speedily disposed of three of the assailants be- 
 fore the other vessels of the squadron came 
 up. The Varuna and Oneida, however, soon 
 followed the lead of the Cayuga, their crews 
 eager to join in the confliet, and they too were 
 speedily engaged with the enemy. A severe 
 naval battle ensued, which was soon brought 
 to a close by the entire and remarkable success 
 of the federal vessels; not, however, till the 
 Varuna was so disabled that she sank. ‘This 
 steamer, under command of Captain Boggs, had 
 followed the Cayuga, and came suddenly into 
 the midst of the rebel vessels, both gunboats 
 and transports. 
 ing daunted, pressed his vessel forward, dis- 
 
 either side. This well-delivered fire exploded 
 the boiler of one boat, which appeared crowded 
 with troops, and disabled and set on fire three 
 others, one of which was a gunboat. The Va- 
 runa was then attacked by a steamer with an 
 iron-clad bow, which attempted to pierce her 
 sides with a sharp prow. This vessel succeeded 
 in striking the Varuna two or three blows, 
 which did slight damage; but the latter soon 
 partially disabled her assailant by throwing 
 
 shot and shell into the after part of the vessel, | 
 But! 
 
 so that she soon dropped out of action. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 this attack was followed by a more successful 
 one by another similar iron-clad steamer, which 
 struck the Varuna two or three damaging blows, 
 causing her to leak rapidly. The gallant off- 
 cers and crew of the Varuna, however, met the 
 danger with skill and bravery. Never was ves- 
 sel more ably and bravely managed. By press- 
 ing forward, the assailant was drawn around 
 so as to expose the vulnerable parts, and a 
 rapid fire of eight-inch shell soon set the too 
 successful “ram” in flames. The Varuna, how- 
 ever, was filling with water and rapidly sinking. 
 Captain Boggs immediately ran towards the 
 river bank, the guns of his devoted vessel still 
 throwing their shot and shell at the rebel ves- 
 sels within range; and it was not till the water 
 had risen to the gun-trucks that the firing 
 ceased. ‘The dead and wounded were then 
 removed, and the brave commander and his 
 crew left the vessel which they had so nobly 
 defended, and with such heavy loss to the 
 enemy. 
 
 While Captain Bailey’s vessels were thus 
 engaged, a part of the rebel fleet had passed 
 down and met the vessels of Flag-Officer Far- 
 ragut. When the Hartford had passed Fort 
 Jackson, and had arrived opposite Fort St. 
 
 'Philip, where he was firmg broadsides of 
 
 grape and canister, a large fire-raft suddenly 
 Her brave commander, noth- | 
 
 blazed up in close proximity to the ship, and 
 
 it was discovered that the raft was being pushed 
 charging her guns at the rebel vessels on 
 
 forward against the Hartford by an iron-clad 
 “ram.” Inthe attempt to avoid this dangerous 
 enemy the Hartford was run upon a bank, and 
 the raft came alongside. In a moment the 
 ship was all ablaze on this side, but the fire 
 department was so thoroughly organized that 
 it soon extinguished the flames, and the vessel 
 was backed off from the shoal, the guns mean- 
 while being trained upon the forts and upou 
 one or two of the rebel steamers which came 
 within range. It was a moment of intense 
 excitement and interest when the flag-ship was 
 thus threatened with destruction. The conflict 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 was at its height. The forts were firing with 
 great vigor at the federal vessels, all of which 
 had not yet passed by; the battle was raging 
 between Captain Bailey’s division and the rebel 
 gunboats a little farther up the river; and the 
 mortar boats and steamers below continued 
 their heavy bombardment. The roar of the 
 cannonade was terrific; the river was lighted 
 up by the flames of the burning rebel vessels 
 and the constant flashes of guns and exploding 
 shells. It was impossible to tell which side | 
 was gaining the advantage, and so difficult, 
 amid the smoke and murky atmosphere, to 
 distinguish friend from foe, that there was a 
 constant fear on board the federal vessels that 
 they would fire into each other. Hach vessel 
 was fighting its own battle, and nearly all of 
 them engaged both forts and rebel steamers. | 
 The duration of this severe conflict, however, 
 was short. The noise of the battle soon di-| 
 minished, the forts were passed, and the rebel 
 boats had disappeared. Ship after ship of the | 
 federal fleet came up, and cheers resounded 
 over the river for the passage of the forts, and 
 the victory which had been achieved, in the) 
 short space of an hour and a half from the 
 time of leaving the anchorage below. 
 
 A greater naval success was never achieved | 
 than this running the gantlet of Forts Jack-) 
 son and St. Philip with their outlying batteries, 
 
 and the complete and quick destruction of the | 
 
 rebel fleet, with comparatively so small a loss. 
 The fire of more than a hundred guns in the 
 forts had been encountered and safely passed. 
 “Ram” and fire-raft had been met and over- | 
 
 come, and well-armed gunboats had been en- | 
 
 gaged, and captured or destroyed. In accom. 
 plishing this the federal vessels had suffered 
 some damage, but none had been lost or dis- 
 abled except the Varuna, which had fought. 
 so noble a fight, and had, indeed, achieved a 
 splendid victory before she went down. The. 
 loss of men on board all the vessels was thirty 
 
 killed, and one hundred and nineteen wounded, | 
 
 597 
 
 On the other hand, the rebels had lost all; for, 
 though the forts had not been reduced, or ma- 
 terially damaged, they no longer barred the 
 passage to New Orleans, and must speedily be 
 surrendered ; eleven rebel steamers, the whole 
 flotilla which was to resist the federal squad- 
 ron, were destroyed, and the loss of men must 
 have been large. Only one rebel vessel of any 
 consequence had escaped, and that was a large 
 and unwieldy iron-clad floating battery, which 
 had successfully resisted the federal shot, but 
 was incomplete and useless for want of motive 
 power. ‘Two or three smaller armed steamers 
 had also escaped destruction, but they were 
 of little account for defence, and were entirely 
 subject to the fate of the forts. 
 
 While most of the vessels came to anchor 
 above the scene of the conflict, and were de- 
 layed to repair damages, to bury the dead and 
 provide for the wounded, Captain Bailey, in 
 the Cayuga, steamed farther up the river, not- 
 withstanding his ship had been considerably 
 damaged. About five miles above the forts, 
 at the quarantine station, a rebel camp was 
 discovered, and in the gray dawn the rebel 
 soldiers were seen hastily leaving it. The 
 
 | fight of the troops was stopped, and the posi- 
 
 tion and a small force were surrendered. The 
 other vessels were soon repaired, and the other 
 arrangements being completed, the squadron, 
 with the exception of two gunboats which were 
 left at the quarantine ground to codperate with 
 a contemplated military movement in the rear 
 of the forts, before noon resumed its move- 
 ment up the river. 
 
 General Butler had anxiously watched the 
 naval movement, and awaited its result to de- 
 termine the course to be taken by the military 
 forces. ‘The morning revealed the rebel flag 
 flying defiantly over the forts, but it was cer- 
 tain that a portion of the fleet had passed in 
 comparative safety, for the national flag could 
 be discovered flying from their masts as they 
 lay far above the forts. The evidences of rebel 
 
598 HISTORY 
 
 disaster which had floated down the stream in 
 the shape of burning vessels, and the disabled 
 ram Manassas, confirmed the belief that the 
 squadron had succeeded in all but the reduction 
 of the forts, which, indeed, had hardly been 
 anticipated. Captain Porter, determining to 
 ascertain the condition of the forts, sent a 
 summons for a surrender. This was promptly re- 
 fused, and indications of some movement were 
 reported, which was supposed to be a formi- 
 dable attack by gunboats and the iron-clad bat- 
 tery, which was known to be uninjured, upon 
 the fleet, now reduced by the passage of its 
 most effective vessels above the forts. The 
 mortar vessels, for safety from such an attack, 
 were sent down the river to the head of the 
 passes, and for several days the forts were 
 undisturbed by gunboat or mortar, the garri- 
 sons improving the respite to repair damages 
 and place the works in as complete a state of 
 defence as before the bombardment. 
 
 The opportunity and necessity for carrying 
 out a military movement previously conceived, 
 seemed to have arrived. General Butler, whose 
 troops to the number of nine thousand were 
 impatiently waiting in the passes of the river 
 for an order to advance, was prompt to act, and 
 at once sent a part of his force to Sable Island, 
 in the Gulf, twelve miles in the rear of Fort St. 
 Philip, the other part remaining in the river 
 ready to codperate, or to advance up the river 
 should the forts surrender. From Sable Island 
 a portion of the expeditionary corps were, with 
 great difficulty, transported through the shallow 
 bayous to the banks of the Mississippi, where a 
 small force was posted on each side of the river, 
 supported by the gunboats left by Flag-Officer 
 Farragut. In order to land a more effective 
 force with artillery, additional means of trans- 
 portation were required; but before these were 
 procured, events rendered them unnecessary. 
 The condition of the forts was, in fact, hopeless 
 for the rebels. ‘Though well supplied, perhaps, 
 
 OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 off from the city, where the federal squadron 
 had already arrived, and the posting of troops 
 in the river above indicated an attack in the 
 rear, or a siege of which there could be but one 
 result. The rebel soldiers, at least, regarded 
 any farther defence useless, however defiant the 
 officers may have been, and a part of the gar- 
 rison of Fort Jackson mutinied, spiked some of 
 the guns, and, leaving the fort at night. gave 
 themselves up to the federal picket on the 
 western side of the river, two hundred and fifty 
 men surrendering to a mere handful. The next 
 morning the officers also deemed it prudent to 
 capitulate ; and a conference with Captain Por- 
 ter resulted in the surrender of the forts. The 
 iron-clad battery, before referred to, was set on 
 fire by her officers and cast adrift in the current, 
 evidently with the hope that her flames or the 
 explosion of her magazine might cause disaster 
 to the national vessels. The explosion, however, 
 fortunately took place before the hulk reached 
 the anchorage ground of the fleet. The forts 
 were taken possession of by the naval author- 
 ities, and immediately garrisoned by a military 
 force sent up by General Williams. Fort 
 Jackson had been considerably damaged by 
 the bombardment, during which more than 
 eighteen hundred shells had fallen within the 
 work. It appeared to be much shattered, and 
 was considered by the garrison to be weak and 
 unsafe, but a subsequent examination showed 
 that its strength for defence against an assault 
 was not greatly diminished; while Fort St. 
 Philip exhibited but little evidence of injury. 
 The former work was found to be mounted 
 with about eighty guns, and the latter with 
 about forty. 
 
 At the time of the surrender of the forts, 
 General Butler was with Flag-Officer Farragut, 
 at New Orleans, whither he had gone to arrange 
 with that officer for some light-draught steam- 
 ers, and in relation to future movements. On 
 his return he found the flag of the Union flying 
 
 with provisions, they were now effectually cut | over both forts, and the river open for the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 advance of his forces to New Orleans, where 
 there was need of their speedy arrival. 
 
 garrisons at the forts, those already in the river 
 were transported to New Orleans. Their arrival 
 was hailed with much satisfaction by the naval 
 officers, for the condition of affairs in the city 
 was such that it was impossible to secure any 
 advantage without the aid of troops to take 
 charge of the public property and hold the mob 
 in subjection. 
 
 Flag-Officer Farragut had steamed up the 
 river with his squadron, expecting to find his 
 advance contested by batteries erected on its 
 banks. No show of resistance, however, was 
 manifested, but, on the contrary, the Union 
 flag was discovered flying over several houses, 
 and in some places the negroes hailed the 
 squadron with cheers. The squadron came 
 to anchor on the night of the 24th, about 
 eighteen miles below the city. Up the river 
 was seen the light of fires, supposed at first to 
 be fire-rafts sent down for the destruction of 
 the fleet, but which proved to be ships laden 
 with cotton, ready to run the blockade. Pro- 
 
 ceeding in the morning, the first attempt to 
 dispute or retard the progress of the ships was. 
 
 experienced at Chalmette, about three miles 
 below the city, where batteries had been 
 erected on each side of the river. From these 
 batteries fire was opened upon .the ships as 
 they advanced, but as soon as the latter 
 reached a position from which they could re- 
 ply, a few broadsides dispersed the rebel gun- 
 ners, and the squadron passed on without 
 further molestation. At noon the squadron 
 came to anchor before the city. 
 
 When the passage of the forts by the fed- 
 eral fleet was announced, the greatest excite- 
 ment spread through New Orleans. Gold and 
 valuables were hurried from the city, or 
 placed under the protection of the foreign 
 consuls. The mob raged, and threatened more 
 
 599 
 
 \fearful things than could possibly be antici- 
 The | 
 troops at Sable Island were ordered back by 
 way of the passes, and after leaving sufficient. 
 
 pated from the advancing enemy. Fierce 
 secessionists demanded the destruction of cot- 
 ton and sugar (which were supposed to be 
 particularly desired by the northern forces), 
 and even of the city itself. Only a small num- 
 ber of rebel troops was in the city; and as this 
 force could afford no protection against the 
 squadron, and the army which would soon fol- 
 low, it was withdrawn from the city, which was 
 given into the hands of the municipal authori- 
 ties. It was a dangerous time for the orderly 
 and property-holding people of New Orleans, for 
 the withdrawal of the military power left no pro- 
 tection from the lawless mob, which was ready 
 to avail itself of circumstances to plunder and 
 destroy. The municipal authorities called upon 
 the European brigade, a body of citizen soldiers 
 composed of foreigners resident in the city, to 
 preserve order, and such protection as the city 
 had until the arrival of General Butler and his 
 forces, was afforded by this legion. The de- 
 fence against the federal forces was the pres- 
 ence of the women and children; for whatever 
 might be the epithets which rebel hatred ap- 
 plied to the northern soldiers, they knew well 
 that the city would not be bombarded while 
 the helpless non-combatants were in it. The 
 insane order was issued by the rebel military 
 commander, on the approach of the fleet, to 
 burn all the cotton in the city, and to destroy 
 the sugar and molasses. This order was quite 
 thoroughly carried out, and when the fleet 
 arrived the cotton was burning all along the 
 levee, and numbers of steamboats in the river 
 were in flames. Other property was destroyed 
 also, and the mob aiding in the work of destruc- 
 tion did not neglect the opportunity for plun- 
 der. The amount of property thus foolishly 
 destroyed was immense. Fifteen thousand 
 bales of cotton on the levee, and ten or twelve 
 ships laden with that product, were burned. 
 A large number of steamboats that could not 
 be removed, a halffinished floating battery of 
 
600 
 
 formidable dimensions, dry docks, immense 
 piles of steamboat wood and coal, lumber, and 
 other property, were also consigned to the 
 flames; while stores of sugar, molasses, and 
 provisions were destroyed or distributed among 
 the mob. 
 
 This condition of affairs had existed for two 
 days in the “Crescent City” when the Union 
 fleet came to anchor before it. On the levee, 
 notwithstanding a heavy rain, a vast crowd 
 collected to witness the movements of the 
 “invaders,” as the national forces were gen- 
 erally considered ; an excited crowd, that man- 
 ifested the intensest hatred for the flag of the 
 Union and its loyal defenders, and punished, 
 with summary vengeance, any demonstration 
 among the people of joy or welcome to that 
 flag. Shortly after the arrival of the fleet, 
 Flag-Officer Farragut despatched his second in 
 command, Captain Bailey, with two or three 
 other officers, to demand of the mayor a sur- 
 render of the city, and that the national flag 
 
 should be raised over the public buildings. The. 
 
 officers, without any guard, proceeded to the 
 levee in their boat, and landed amid noisy 
 demonstrations of animosity on the part of the 
 mob. They were not assailed, however, by 
 
 speedily have executed their threats, they had 
 a wholesome dread of the guns which frowned 
 upon them from the open ports of all the 
 vessels. The messengers were conducted to 
 the mayor, followed by the excited crowd, and 
 made the demand for which they were sent. 
 The mayor replied that, not being a military 
 commander, he had no authority to surrender 
 the city. General Lovell, the rebel commander, 
 who was still in the city, was accordingly sent 
 for, and he also refused to surrender the city, 
 and declared he had removed his forces in 
 order to avoid a bombardment, though he still 
 intended to resist the federal’forces. Without 
 accomplishing any thing satisfactory, Captain 
 Bailey and his companions returned to the 
 
 least one of the public buildings. 
 _was sent from the Pensacola, which lay off the 
 Mint, to raise the flag upon that edifice. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 fleet, being accompanied to their boat by Gen- 
 eral Lovell, whose presence protected them 
 from the still more infuriated mob. It had 
 been determined that the demand made by 
 
 ‘the federal commander should be submitted 
 |to the city council. 
 
 Delay and hesitation on 
 the part of the city authorities followed, but 
 
 after some deliberation the city council at 
 length decided that the mayor should return 
 
 an answer to the demand for a surrender sub- 
 stantially like that which he had already given, 
 
 _and declining to raise the national flag in place 
 
 place of the “confederate” emblem. The reply 
 was accordingly thus communicated to Flag- 
 Officer Farragut, who immediately determined 
 that the Union flag should be raised over at 
 
 A party 
 
 This 
 being done, the people were notified that at 
 any attempt to remove the flag the guns of 
 the Pensacola would open upon the building 
 No guard, however, was left to protect the flag, 
 
 and the threat was not sufficient to deter all 
 _from the attempt. 
 
 A party of four men suc- 
 
 ceeded in hauling down the flag, with which 
 
 | the mob marched in triumph through the city, 
 more than words, for though the mob might | 
 
 and then tore it into shreds. The excitement 
 on board the federal vessels at this act was 
 intense, and but for the timely removal of the 
 priming wafers, by which the guns are dis- 
 charged, more than one broadside probably 
 would have carried death and destruction into 
 
 \the city, through the impulsive movement of 
 
 the men who sprang to the guns at the alarm. 
 
 Flag-Officer Farragut shared in the indigna- 
 tion of his men, but his position was a difficult 
 one. The city lay at the mercy of his guns, 
 but the women and children were practically 
 placed as a defensive barrier between them 
 and the rebel mob. He had triumphed over 
 the military and naval force with which the 
 rebels had undertaken to hold New Orleans, 
 but civil functionaries, and an unorganized mob 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 protected by this barrier, defied him. General 
 Butler, who was present at this time, advised a 
 threat of bombardment, and a demand for the 
 immediate removal of the women and children. 
 This advice was partially followed; but the 
 threat, though contingent on the continued 
 resistance of the people, was misconstrued, and 
 occasioned the interference of the commander 
 of a French ship of war which was in the river. 
 The charge of inhumanity was brought against 
 the federal commander, though the safety of 
 the city lay in the keeping of its civil author- 
 ities and the people, and under no circumstances 
 would he have carried out the threat until the 
 removal of the women and children had been 
 effected. Under the threat the national flag 
 was again raised over the Mint and over the 
 Custom House, where it remained undisturbed, 
 protected by a small force of marines. 
 
 From his difficult position the Flag-Officer 
 was, after two or three days of perplexing 
 trial, happily relieved, by the arrival, on the 
 Ist of May, of the advance of General Butler’s 
 troops. Without delay these troops were dis- 
 embarked and marched to the Custom House 
 and Mint. The populace were indignant and 
 abusive, but they dared not offer any opposi- 
 tion, and the forces were promptly posted. 
 Captain Farragut notified the city authorities 
 that they must thereafter negotiate with the 
 commander of the army ; and, leaving a suffi- 
 cient force of his squadron, he subsequently 
 moved up the Mississippi, to cooperate with 
 
 Commodore Foote, whose squadron was operat- | 
 
 ing from above, in again opening its majestic 
 
 tide to the flag which had so.long and prosper- | 
 
 ously floated over it. 
 Of the official reports in relation to the cap- 
 
 ture of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and the, 
 movement to New Orleans, the following de-. 
 
 scribe the more important events : — 
 
 | 
 | 
 | 
 
 601 
 
 “Str: Iam happy to announce to you that 
 our flag waves over both Forts Jackson and 
 St. Philip, and at New Orleans over the Custom 
 House. 
 
 “J am taking every means to secure the occu- 
 pation by General Butler of all the forts along 
 the coast. Berwick’s Bay and Fort Pike have 
 been abandoned; in fact there is a general 
 
 REPORT OF FLAG-OFFICER FARRAGUT. 
 
 ‘Unitep Starzes Frac-Suip Harrrorp, 
 Av ANncHOR ofr City or New Ortnans, April 29. 
 
 stampede, and I shall endeavor to follow it up. 
 Iam bringing up the troops as fast as possible. 
 “We have destroyed all the forts above the 
 city, four in number, which we understood to 
 be all the impediments between this and 
 Memphis. 
 “J am, very respectfully, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “D. G. Farraaort, 
 “ Flag-Oficer Western Gulf Block’g Squadron. 
 
 ‘«Hon. Grppon WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 REPORT OF COMMODORE PORTER. 
 
 ‘¢ Unirep Srates STEAMER Harrier LAnn, 
 Misstssippr River, April 25, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to inform you that 
 Flag-Officer Farragut, with the fleet, passed 
 Forts Jackson and St. Philip on the morning 
 of the 24th, and should be in New Orleans 
 by this time, as he can meet with no obstacles 
 such as he has already passed, the way being 
 comparatively open before him. 
 
 “We commenced the bombardment of Fort 
 Jackson on the 18th, and continued it with- 
 out intermission until the squadron made prep- 
 arations to move. 
 
 “The squadron was formed in three lines to 
 pass the forts. Captain Bailey’s division, com- 
 posed of the followmg vessels, leading to the 
 attack of Fort St. Philip: Cayuga, Pensacola, 
 Mississippi, Oneida, Varuna, Katahdin, Kineo, 
 Wissahickon ; Flag-Officer Farragut leading 
 ‘the following, (second line:) Hartford, Brook- 
 
 ‘lyn, Richmond; and Commander Bell leading 
 
602 
 
 the third division, composed of the following 
 vessels : Scioto, Iroquois, Pinola, Winona, Itasca, 
 and Kennebec. 
 
 “The steamers belonging to the mortar 
 flotilla, one of them towing the Portsmouth, 
 were to enfilade the water-battery commanding 
 the approaches. Mortar-steamers Harriet Lane, 
 Westfield, Owasco, Clifton, and Marine — the 
 Jackson towing the Portsmouth. 
 
 “The vessels were rather late in getting 
 under way and into line, and did not get fairly 
 started until halfpast three A.M. and the 
 unusual bustle apprised the garrison that some- 
 thing was going on. 
 
 “In an hour and ten minutes after the vessels 
 
 had weighed anchor they had passed the forts | 
 
 under a most terrific fire, which they returned 
 with interest. 
 
 “The mortar-fleet rained down shells on Fort 
 Jackson, to try and keep the men from the 
 guns, whilst the steamers of the mortar-fleet 
 poured in shrapnel upon the water-battery 
 commanding the approach, at a short distance, 
 keeping them comparatively quiet. 
 
 “ When the last vessel of ours could be seen 
 
 among the fire and smoke to pass the battery, | 
 
 signal was made to the mortars to cease firing, 
 and the flotilla steamers were directed to retire 
 from a contest that would soon become un- 
 equal. 
 
 “It was now daylight, and the fleet having 
 passed along, the forts began to pay their 
 attention to our little squadron of steamers, 
 the Portsmouth, which was being towed up, 
 and three of the gunboats which failed to pass 
 through. These latter became entangled in 
 some wrecks and chains placed in the river to 
 obstruct, and which were only partially re- 
 moved. One of these vessels (the Winona) got 
 through as far as Fort St. Philip, but having 
 all the guns bearing on her she sensibly retired. 
 The Itasca was fairly riddled, and had a shot 
 through her boiler, and the Kennebec escaped 
 unhurt. 
 
 | standing up the river. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “YT am disposed to think that our squadron 
 received but little damage, considering the 
 unequal contest — one hundred and forty-two 
 guns on board ship opposed to one hundred on 
 shore, placed in a most commanding position. 
 For twenty minutes after the ships passed, the 
 forts fired very feebly on the vessels that 
 remained outside; so much so, that the Ports- 
 mouth was enabled to drop with the current 
 out of gun-shot, though the shot fell pretty 
 freely about her at last. I think the fire from the 
 ships must have been very destructive of life. 
 
 “The last we saw of our vessels, they were 
 Some explosion took 
 place, which made us feel rather uneasy, but 
 which may have been the rebel gunboats. We 
 could see that our squadron had not destroyed 
 
 all the enemy’s vessels at the fort, for three or 
 
 four of them were moving about in all direc- 
 tions, evidently in a state of excitement. 
 
 “Before the fleet got out of sight it was 
 reported to me that the celebrated ram Manas- 
 sas was coming out to attack us; and sure 
 enough there she was, apparently steaming 
 along shore, ready to pounce upon the appar- 
 ently defenceless mortar-vessels. Two of our 
 steamers and some of the mortar-vessels 
 opened fire on her, but I soon discovered that 
 the Manassas could harm no one again, and I 
 ordered the vessels to save their shot. She was 
 beginning to emit smoke from her ports or 
 holes, and was discovered to be on fire and 
 sinking. Her pipes were all twisted and riddled 
 with shot, and her hull was also well cut up. 
 She had evidently been used up by the squad- 
 ron as they passed along. I tried to save her 
 as a curiosity, by getting a hawser around her 
 and securing her to the bank, but just after 
 doing so she faintly exploded. Her only gun 
 went off, and emitting flames through her bow 
 port, like some huge animal, she gave a plunge 
 and disappeared under the water. 
 
 “Next came a steamer on fire, which ap- 
 
 | peared to be a vessel of war belonging to the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 rebels, and after her two others, all burning 
 and floating down the stream. Fires seemed 
 to be raging all along the “up river,” and we 
 supposed that our squadron were burning and 
 destroying the vessels as they passed along. 
 It appears, however, that the McRae, one or 
 two river boats, and their celebrated floating 
 battery, (brought down the night before,) were 
 left unhurt, and were still flying the confeder- 
 ate flag. 
 
 “The matter of the floating battery becomes 
 a very serious affair, as they are all hard at 
 work at Fort Jackson mounting heavy rifled 
 guns on it, which are no farther use to them 
 in the fort. She mounts sixteen guns, is almost 
 as formidable a vessel as the Merrimac, per- 
 fectly shot-proof, and has four powerful engines 
 in her. I shall at all events take such steps as 
 will prevent her from destroying any thing, and 
 we may still hold her in check with the steam- 
 ers, though they are rather fragile for such a 
 service. This is one of the ill effects of leaving 
 an enemy in the rear. I suppose that the ships 
 fired on her as they passed through, but that 
 her mail resisted the shot. She had steam on 
 this morning, and was moving about quite 
 lively. I tried to put some mortar-shell through 
 her roof, but without effect, as she moved off. 
 
 “The forts are now cut off from all commu- 
 nication with New Orleans, as I presume that 
 Flag-Officer Farragut has cut the wires. 
 
 “JT have sent the Miami round with General 
 Butler to the back of Fort St. Philip, to try and 
 throw in troops at the quarantine, five miles 
 along the forts, and at the same time open 
 communication that way with the Flag-Officer, 
 and supply him with ammunition. 
 
 “T am also going to send part of the mortar- 
 fleet to the back of Fort Jackson, to cut off the 
 escape of the garrison by that way, and stop 
 supplies. 
 informs us that they have plenty of provisions 
 for two months, plenty of ammunition, and 
 
 plenty of discomforts. Our shell set the citadel 
 
 A deserter, who can be relied on, | 
 
 603 
 
 on fire the first afternoon we opened. It burned 
 
 | fiercely for seven hours, but I thought it a fire- 
 
 raft behind the fort, as they continually send 
 
 them down on us, but without any effect. 
 “But few casualties occurred to vessels on 
 
 this side of the forts. The Harriet Lane lost 
 
 /but one man killed, and one, I fear, mortally 
 
 wounded; the Winona lost three killed and 
 three wounded; and the Itasca, with fourteen 
 shot through her, had but few men hurt. 
 
 “These forts can hold out still for some 
 time; and I would suggest that the Monitor 
 and Mystic, if they can be spared, be sent 
 here without a moment’s delay, to settle the 
 question. 
 
 “The mortar-fleet have been very much ex- 
 posed, and under a heavy fire for six days, dur- 
 ing which time they kept the shells gomg with- 
 out intermission. One of them, the Maria I. Carl- 
 ton, was sunk by a shot passing down through 
 her magazine, and then through her bottom. 
 
 “The flotilla lost but one man killed and six 
 wounded. The bearing of the officers and men 
 was worthy of the highest praise. They never 
 once flagged during a period of six days ; never 
 had an accident to one of the vessels by firing, 
 and when shell and shot were flying thick 
 above them showed not the least desire to have 
 the vessels moved to a place of safety. The 
 incidents of the bombardment will be men- 
 tioned in my detailed report. JI merely write 
 this hurried letter to. apprise the Department 
 of the state of affairs, and shall send it off at 
 once via Havana. 
 
 “The sight of this night attack was awfully 
 grand. The river was lit up with rafts filled 
 with pine knots, and the ships seemed to be 
 fighting literally amidst flames and smoke, 
 Where we were the fire of the enemy was 
 high, and comparatively harmless. 
 
 “Tam in hopes that the ships above fared as 
 well as we did. Though amid such a terrific 
 fire, it was gratifying to see that not a ship 
 wavered, but stood steady on her course; and 
 
604 
 
 I am in hopes (and I see no reason to doubt it) 
 that they now have possession of New Orleans. 
 
 “T am, with great respect, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 
 “Davip D. Porter, 
 “ Commanding Flotilla. 
 
 ‘Hon. Grpzon WELLES, Secretary of Navy.” 
 
 COMMODORE PORTER’S SECOND REPORT. 
 
 “U.S. Sure Harriet Lanz, April 29, 1862. 
 
 “Sim: The morning after the ships passed 
 the forts, I sent a demand to Colonel Higgins 
 for a surrender of the forts, which was de- 
 clined. On the 27th I sent Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Higgins a communication, herewith enclosed, 
 asking again for the surrender. His answer 
 is enclosed. On the 28th I received a com- 
 munication from him, stating that he would 
 surrender the forts,and I came up and took 
 possession, drew up articles of capitulation, and 
 hoisted the American flag over the forts. 
 
 “These men have defended these forts with a 
 bravery worthy ofa better cause. I treated them 
 with all the consideration that circumstances 
 would admit. The three steamers remaining 
 were under the command of Commander J. 
 K. Mitchell. The officer of the fort acknow- 
 ledged no connection with them, and wished 
 in no way to be considered responsible for their 
 acts. While I had a flag of truce up they were 
 employed in towing the iron floating battery 
 of sixteen guns (a most formidable affair) to a 
 place above the forts, and, while drawing up 
 the articles of capitulation in the cabin of the 
 Harriet Lane, it was reported to me that they 
 had set fire to the battery and turned it adrift 
 upon us. I asked the general if it had powder 
 on board or guns loaded. He replied that he 
 would not undertake to say what the navy 
 officers would do; he seemed to have a great 
 contempt for them. I told him, ‘we could 
 stand the fire and blow up if he could, and 
 went on with the conference, after directing 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 the officers to look out for their ships. While 
 drifting down on us, the guns, getting heated, 
 exploded, throwimg the shot above the river. 
 A few moments after, the battery exploded 
 with a terrific noise, throwing fragments all 
 over the river, and wounding one of their own 
 men in Fort St. Philip, and immediately disap- 
 peared under water. Had she blown up near 
 the vessels, she would have destroyed the whole 
 of them. 
 
 “When I had finished taking possession of 
 the forts, I got under way in the Harriet Lane 
 and started for the steamers, one of which was 
 still flying the confederate flag. I fired a shot 
 over her and they surrendered. There was on 
 board of them a number of naval officers and 
 two companies of marine artillery. I made 
 them surrender unconditionally, and for their 
 infamous conduct in trying to blow us up while 
 under a flag of truce, I conveyed them to close 
 confinement as prisoners of war, and think they 
 should be sent to the north, and kept in close 
 confinement there until the war is over, or they 
 should be tried for their infamous conduct. I 
 have a great deal to do here, and will send you 
 all papers when I am able to arrange them. 
 
 I turned over the forts to General Phelps. 
 Fort Jackson is a perfect ruin. Jam told that 
 over eighteen hundred shells fell in and burst 
 over the centre of the fort. The practice was 
 beautiful. The next fort we go at we will 
 settle sooner, as this has been hard to get at. 
 
 “The naval officers sunk one gunboat while 
 the capitulation was going on, but I have one 
 of the other steamers at work, and hope soon 
 to have the other. I find that we are to be 
 the hewers of wood and drawers of water; but, 
 as the soldiers have nothing here in the shape 
 of motive power, we will do all we can. 
 
 “T should have demanded an unconditional 
 surrender, but with such a force in your rear it 
 was desirable to get possession of these forts as 
 soon as possible. The officers turned over 
 | every thing in good order, except the walls and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 buildings, which are terribly shattered by the 
 mortars. 
 “Very respectfully, § D. D. Portnr, 
 
 “Commanding Flotilla. 
 “« Flag-Officer D. G. Farracur.” 
 
 REPORT OF CAPTAIN BAILEY. 
 
 ‘“‘Unirep States Gunspoat Cayueca, 
 Orr New Orveans, April 25, 1862. 
 
 “Fiac-Orricer: Your boldly conceived and 
 splendidly executed plan of battle having re- 
 sulted in perfect success, leaves me time to 
 make up the report of my division. . 
 
 “You will find in Lieutenant-Commanding 
 Harrison’s report an accurate outline of the 
 noble part taken by the Cayuga, under his 
 command, and bearing my division flag. 
 
 “ We led off at two A. M., in accordance with 
 your signal, and steered directly up stream, 
 edging a little to starboard, in order to give 
 room for your division. I was followed by the 
 Pensacola in fine style, the remainder of my 
 division following in regular and compact order. 
 We were scarcely above the boom when we 
 were discovered, and Jackson and St. Philip 
 opened upon us. We could bring no gun to 
 bear, but steered directly on. We were struck 
 from stem to stern. At length we were close 
 up with St. Philip, when we opened with grape 
 and canister. Scarcely were we above the line 
 of fire, when we found ourselves attacked by 
 the rebel fleet of gunboats. This was hot, but 
 more congenial work. ‘Two large steamers 
 now attempted to board at our starboard bow ; 
 the other astern; a third on our starboard 
 beam. The eleven-inch Dahlgren being trained 
 on this fellow, we fired at a range of thirty 
 yards. The effect was very destructive. She 
 immediately steered in shore, run aground, and 
 sunk. The Parrott gun on the forecastle drove 
 off the one on the bow, while we prepared to 
 repel boarders, so close was our remaining 
 enemy about this time. Boggs and Lee came 
 dashing in, and made a finish of the rebel 
 boats, eleven in all. 
 
 605 
 
 “Tn the gray of the morning we discovered 
 a camp, with the rebel flag flying ; opened with 
 canister at five A. M.; received the sword and 
 flag of Colonel Szymanski, and his command 
 of fire companies, arms, and camp equipage. 
 
 “While engaged at this point, observed the 
 Varuna in conflict with a number of gunboats. 
 She had been butted by one of them and sunk, 
 but, with his forward guns still above water, 
 he was bravely maintaining the fight, driving 
 off his enemies, and saving his crew. Inform- 
 ing Captain Lee, of the Oneida, who had also 
 been engaged with the enemy, of the Varuna’s 
 situation, he instantly steamed up, and made 
 a finish of the rebel boats. 
 
 “The remainder of the fleet now came up. 
 The Mississippi had been detained below with 
 the Manassas and another iron-clad. After this 
 every thing passed under your observation. 
 
 “JT must, in conclusion, express the pleasure 
 which I experience in witnessing the seaman- 
 like manner in which all the ships were han- 
 dled. The reports of divisional captains will 
 inform you of the particular part borne by each 
 ship. 
 
 “ Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 DAM Ey 
 “ Captain Commanding Division of the Red. 
 
 “To Flag-Officer D. G. Farracut, Commander-in-Chief, ete.” 
 
 GENERAL REPORT OF CAPTAIN BAILEY. 
 
 ‘“‘Unirep States Gunspoat Cayuca, 
 At Sxa, May 7, 1862. 
 
 “Sir: Having found it impossible to get the 
 Colorado over the bars of the Mississippi, I sent 
 up a large portion of her guns and crew, filling 
 up deficiencies of both in the different vessels, 
 and with my aid, Acting Midshipman Higgin- 
 son, steward and boat’s crew, followed up my- 
 self, hoisting, by authority of the Flag-Officer, 
 my Red, distinguishing flag as second in com- 
 mand, first on the Oneida, Commander Lee, and 
 afterwards on the Cayuga. 
 
 “That brave, resolute, and indefatigable 
 officer, Commodore D. D. Porter, was at work 
 
606 HISTORY OF 
 
 with his mortar-fleet, throwing shells at and 
 into Fort Jackson, while General Butler, with 
 a division of his army, in transports, was wait- 
 ing a favorable moment to land. 
 
 “ After the mortar-fleet had been playing 
 upon the forts for six days and nights, without 
 perceptibly diminishing their fire, and one or 
 two changes in programme, Flag-Officer Far- 
 ragut formed the ships into two columns, ‘line 
 ahead, — the column of the Red, under my 
 orders, being formed on the right, and consisted 
 of the Cayuga, Lieutenant-Commanding Harri- 
 son, bearing my flag, and leading the Pensacola, 
 Captain Morris; the Mississippi, Commander 
 M. Smith; Oneida, Commander 8. P. Lee; Va- 
 runa, Commander C. L. Boggs; Katahdin, Lieu- 
 tenant-Commanding Preble ; Kineo, Lieuten- 
 ant-Commanding Ransom, and the Wissahickon, 
 Lieutenant-Commanding A. W. Smith. 
 
 “'The column of the Blue was formed on the 
 left, heading up the river, and consisted of the 
 flag-ship Hartford, Commander R. Wainwright, 
 and bearing the flag of the Commander-in-Chief 
 Farragut ; the Brooklyn, Captain T. T. Craven ; 
 the Richmond, Commander Alden; the Scioto, 
 bearing the divisional flag of the fleet, Captain 
 H. H. Bell, followed by the Iroquois, Itasca, 
 Winona, and Kennebec. 
 
 “At two A. M, on the morning of the 
 24th, the signal ‘to advance’ was thrown out 
 from the flag-ship. The Cayuga immediately 
 weighed anchor and led on the column. We 
 were discovered at the boom, and a little be- 
 yond both forts opened their fire. When close 
 up with St. Philip, we opened with grape and 
 canister, still steering on. After passing this 
 line of fire, we encountered the ‘ Montgomery 
 flotilla, consisting of eighteen gunboats, includ- 
 ing the ram Manassas, and iron battery Louis- 
 lana of twenty guns. This was a moment of 
 anxiety, and no supporting ship was in sight. 
 By skilful steering, however, we avoided their 
 attempts to butt and board, and had succeeded 
 in forcing the surrender of three, when the 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Varuna, Captain Boggs, and Oneida, Captain 
 Lee, were discovered near at hand. The gal- 
 lant exploits of these ships will be made known 
 by their commanders. 
 
 “ At early dawn discovered a rebel camp on 
 the right bank of the river. Ordering Lieuten- 
 ant-Commanding N. B. Harrison to anchor close 
 along, I hailed and ordered the colonel to pile 
 up his arms on the river bank and come on 
 board. This proved to be the Chalmetto regi- 
 ment, commanded by Colonel Szymanski. The 
 regimental flag, tents, and camp equipage were 
 captured. 
 
 “On the morning of the 25th, still leading 
 and considerably ahead of the line, the Chal- 
 metto batteries, situated three miles below the 
 city, opened a cross-fire on the Cayuga. To 
 this we responded with our two guns. At the 
 end of twenty minutes the flag-ship ranged up 
 ahead, and silenced the enemy’s guns. 
 
 “From this point no other obstacles were 
 encountered except burning steamers, cotton 
 ships, fire-rafts, and the like. 
 
 “ Immediately after anchoring in front of the 
 city, I was ordered on shore by the flag-officer 
 to demand the surrender of the city, and that 
 the flag should be hoisted on the Post Office, 
 Custom House, and Mint. What passed at this 
 interview will be better stated in the flag- 
 officer’s report. 
 
 “Qn the 26th I went with the flag-officer 
 some seven miles above the city, where we 
 found the defences abandoned, the guns spiked, 
 and gun-carriages burning. These defences 
 were erected to prevent the downward passage 
 of Captain Foote. On the 27th a large boom, 
 situated above these defences, was destroyed 
 by Captain S. Phillips Lee. 
 
 “On the 28th General Butler landed above 
 Fort St. Philip, under the guns of the Missis- 
 sipp!1 and Kineo. This landing of the army 
 above, together with the passage of the fleet, 
 appears to have put the finishing touch to the 
 demoralization of their garrison (three hundred 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 having mutinied in Fort Jackson). Both forts 
 surrendered to Commodore Porter, who was 
 near at hand with the vessels of his flotilla. 
 
 “ As I left the river General Butler had gar- 
 
 risoned Forts Jackson and St. Philip, and his 
 transports, with troops, were on the way to 
 occupy New Orleans. 
 
 “JT cannot too strongly express my admira- 
 tion of the cool and able management of all 
 the vessels of my line by their respective 
 captains. 
 
 “ After we had passed the forts it was a con- 
 test between iron hearts in wooden vessels and 
 iron-clads with iron beaks, and the ‘iron hearts’ 
 won. 
 
 “On the 29th the Cayuga, Lieutenant-Com- 
 manding Harrison, was selected to bring me 
 home a bearer of despatches to the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 “YT have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 
 “TnEoporus Battery, Captain. 
 ‘¢Hon. Grpron Wetuzs, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 REPORT OF COMMANDER BOGGS. 
 
 ‘* UNITED STATES STEAMER BROOKLYN, 
 Orr New Or.eans, April 29, 1862. 
 
 “Sr: I have the honor to report that after 
 passing the batteries with the steamer Varuna 
 under my command, on the morning of the 
 24th, finding my vessel amid a nest of rebel 
 steamers, I started ahead, delivering her fire, 
 both starboard and port, at every one that she 
 passed. 
 
 “ The first vessel on her starboard beam that 
 received her fire appeared to be crowded with 
 troops. Her boiler was exploded, and she 
 drifted to the shore. In like manner three 
 other vessels, one of them a gunboat, were 
 driven ashore in flames, and afterwards blew up. 
 
 “At six A.M. the Varuna was attacked by 
 the Morgan, iron-clad about the bow, com- 
 manded by Beverly Kennon, an ex-naval of- 
 ficer. ‘This vessel raked us along the port 
 
 607 
 
 gangway, killing four and wounding nine of 
 the crew, butting the Varuna on the quarter 
 and again on the starboard side. I managed to 
 get three eight-ich shell into her abaft her 
 armor, as also several shot from the after rifled 
 gun, when she dropped out of action partially 
 disabled. 
 
 “ While still engaged with her, another rebel 
 steamer, iron-clad, with a prow under water, 
 struck us in the port gangway, doing consider- 
 able damage. Our shot glanced from her bow. 
 She backed off for another blow, and struck 
 again in the same place, crushing in the side ; 
 but by going ahead fast the concussion drew 
 her bow around, and I was able, with the port 
 guns, to give her, while close alongside, five 
 eight-inch shells abaft her armor. This settled 
 her, and drove her ashore in flames. 
 
 “Finding the Varuna sinking, I ran her into 
 the bank, let go the anchor, and tied up to the 
 trees. 
 
 “ During all this time the guns were actively 
 at work crippling the Morgan, which was 
 making feeble efforts to get up steam. The 
 fire was kept up until the water was over the 
 gun-trucks, when I turned my attention to get- 
 ting the wounded and crew out of the vessel. 
 The Oneida, Captain Lee, seeing the condition 
 of the Varuna, had rushed to her assistance, but 
 I waved her on, and the Morgan surrendered 
 to her, the vessel being in flames. I have since 
 learned that over fifty of her crew were killed 
 and wounded, and she was set on fire by her 
 commander, who burnt his wounded with his 
 vessel. 
 
 “YT cannot award too much praise to the 
 officers and crew of the Varuna for the noble 
 manner in which they supported me, and their 
 coolness under such exciting circumstances, 
 particularly when extinguishing fire, having 
 been set on fire twice during the action by 
 shells. 
 
 “In fifteen minutes from the time the Va- 
 
 ‘runa was struck she was on the bottom, with 
 
608 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 only her top-gallant forecastle out of water. 
 The officers and crew lost every thing they 
 possessed, no one thinking of leaving his sta- 
 tion until driven thence by the water. I trust 
 the attention of the department will be called 
 to their loss, and compensation made to those 
 who have lost their all. 
 
 “The crew were taken off by the different 
 vessels of the fleet as fast as. they arrived, and 
 are now distributed through the squadron. The 
 wounded have been sent to the Pensacola. 
 
 “JT would particularly commend to the notice 
 of the department Oscar Peck, second-class 
 boy, and powder-boy of the after rifle, whose 
 coolness and intrepidity attracted the attention 
 of all hands. A fit reward for such services 
 would be an appointment to the Naval School. 
 
 “The marines, although new recruits, more 
 than maintained the reputation of that corps. 
 Their galling fire cleared the Morgan’s rifled 
 gun, and prevented a repetition of her murder- 
 ous fire. Four of the marines were wounded, 
 one, I fear, mortally. 
 
 “So soon as the crew were saved, I reported 
 _ to you in person, and within an hour left in the 
 only remaining boat belonging to the Varuna, 
 with your despatches for General Butler, re- 
 turning with him yesterday afternoon. 
 
 “Very respectfully, 
 “CHARLES Bogas, 
 “Commander U. S. Navy. 
 
 “Flag-Officer Davip G. Farragut, Commanding W. G. B. Squadron.” 
 
 REPORT OF GENERAL BUTLER. 
 
 ‘6 HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
 Forts Jackson AND Puiuip, April 29, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: I have the honor to report that, in 
 obedience to-my instructions, I remained on 
 the Mississippi River, with the troops named in 
 my former despatch, awaiting the action of the 
 
 fleet engaged in the bombardment of the Forts) 
 
 Jackson and St. Philip. 
 
 “Failing to reduce them after six days of 
 incessant fire, Flag-Officer Farragut determined 
 to attempt their passage with his whole fleet, 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 except that part thereof under the immediate 
 command of Captain Porter, known as the 
 mortar-fleet. 
 
 “On the morning of the 24th instant the 
 fleet got under way, and twelve vessels, includ- 
 ing the four sloops of war, ran the gantlet of 
 fire of the forts, and were safely above. Of the 
 gallantry, courage, and conduct of this heroic 
 action, unprecedented in naval warfare, consid- 
 ering the character of the works and the river, 
 too much cannot be said. Of its casualties, and 
 the details of its performance, the flag-officer 
 will give an account to the proper department. 
 I witnessed this daring exploit from a point 
 about eight hundred yards from Fort Jackson, 
 and unwittingly under its fire, and the sublim- 
 ity of the scene can never be exceeded. 
 
 “The fleet pressed on up the river to New 
 Orleans, leaving two gunboats to protect the 
 quarantine station, five miles above. 
 
 “In case the forts were not reduced and a 
 portion of the fleet got by them, it had been 
 arranged between the flag-officer and myself 
 that I should make a landing from the Gulf 
 side, in the rear of the forts at the quarantine, 
 and from thence attempt Fort St. Philip by 
 storm and assault, while the bombardment was 
 
 continued by the fleet. 
 
 “1 immediately went to Sable Island with 
 my transports, twelve miles in the rear of Fort 
 St. Philip, the nearest point at which a sufficient 
 depth of water could be found for them. Cap- 
 
 tain Porter put at my disposal the Miami, 
 drawing seven and one half feet, being the 
 lightest draught vessel in the fleet, to take the 
 troops from the ship as far in as the water 
 would allow. We were delayed twenty-four 
 hours by her running ashore at Pass a Outre. 
 The twenty-sixth regiment Massachusetts vol- 
 unteers, Colonel Jones, were then put on board 
 her, and carried within six miles of the fort, 
 where she again grounded. 
 
 “Captain Everett, of the sixth Massachusetts 
 
 battery, having very fully reconnoitred the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 waters and bayous in that vicinity, and foresee- 
 ing the necessity, I had collected and brought 
 with me. some thirty boats, into which the troops 
 were again transshipped, and conveyed by a 
 most fatiguing and laborious row some four 
 and a half miles farther, there being within one 
 mile of the steamer only two and a half feet of 
 water. 
 
 “ A large portion of this passage was against 
 a heavy current, through a bayou. At the 
 entrance of Mameel’s Canal, a mile and a half 
 from the point of landing, rowing became im- 
 possible, as well from the narrowness of the 
 canal as the streneth of the current, which ran 
 like a mill-race. Through this the boats could 
 only be impelled by dragging them singly, with 
 the men up to their waists in water. 
 
 “Tt is due to this fine regiment, and to a 
 portion of the fourth Wisconsin volunteers and 
 twenty-first Indiana, who landed under this 
 hardship without a murmur, that their labors 
 should be made known to the department, as 
 well as to account for the slowness of our 
 operations. 
 
 “The enemy evidently considered this mode 
 of attack impossible, as they had taken no 
 measures to oppose it, which might very easily 
 have been successfully done. 
 
 “We occupied at once both sides of the river, 
 thus effectually cutting them off from all sup- 
 plies, information, or succor, while we made our 
 dispositions for the assault. 
 
 “¢ Meantime Captain Porter had sent into the 
 bayou, in the rear of Fort Jackson, two schoon- 
 ers of his mortar-fleet, to prevent the escape of 
 the enemy from the fort in that direction. 
 
 “Jn the hurry and darkness of the passage 
 of the forts, the flag-officer had overlooked 
 three of the enemy’s gunboats and the iron-clad 
 battery Louisiana, which were at anchor under 
 the walls of the fort. Supposing that all the 
 rebel boats had been destroyed, (and a dozen 
 or more had been,) he passed on to the city, 
 leaving these in his rear. The iron steam- 
 
 11 
 
 609 
 
 battery being very formidable, Captain Porter 
 deemed it prudent to withdraw his mortar-fleet 
 some miles below, where he could have room 
 to manceuvre it if attacked by the iron monster, 
 and the bombardment ceased. 
 
 “Tt had got Brigadier-General Phelps in 
 the river below with two regiments to make 
 demonstrations in that direction if it became 
 possible. 
 
 “In the night of the 27th, learning that 
 the fleet had got the city under its guns, I 
 left Brigadier-General Williams in charge of 
 the landing of the troops, and went up the 
 river to the flag-ship to procure light draught. 
 transportation. That night the larger portion 
 (about two hundred and fifty) of the garrison 
 of Fort Jackson mutinied, spiked the guns bear- 
 ing up the river, came up and surrendered 
 themselves to my pickets, declaring that, as 
 we had got in their rear, resistance was useless, 
 and they would not be sacrificed. No bomb 
 had been thrown at them for three days, nor 
 had they fired a shot at us from either fort. 
 They averred that they had been impressed, 
 and would fight no longer. 
 
 “On the 28th the officers of Forts Jackson 
 and St. Philip surrendered to Captain Porter, 
 he having means of water transportation to 
 them. While he was negotiating, however, 
 with the officers of the forts under a white 
 flag, the rebel naval officers put all their muni- 
 tions of war on the Louisiana, set her on fire 
 and adrift upon the Harriet Lane, but when 
 opposite Fort St. Philip she blew up, killing 
 one of their own men by the fragments which 
 fell into that fort. 
 
 “T have taken possession of the forts, and find 
 them substantially as defensible as before the 
 bombardment — St. Philip precisely so, it being 
 quite uninjured. They are fully provisioned, 
 well supplied with ammunition, and the ravy- 
 ages of the shells have been defensibly repaired 
 by the labors of the rebels. I will cause Lieu- 
 tenant Wietzel, of the engineers, to make a 
 
610 
 
 detailed report of their condition to the de- 
 partment. 
 
 “T have left the twenty-sixth regiment Mas- 
 sachusetts volunteers in garrison, and am now 
 going up the river to occupy the city with my 
 troops, and make further demonstrations in the 
 rear of the enemy now at Corinth. 
 
 “The rebels have abandoned all their defen- 
 sive works in and around New Orleans, includ- 
 ing Forts Pike and Wood,on Lake Pontchartrain, 
 and Fort Livingston from Barataria Bay. They 
 have retired in the direction of Corinth, beyond 
 Manchac Pass, and abandoned every thing up 
 the river as far as Donaldsonville, some seventy 
 miles beyond New Orleans. 
 
 “T propose to so far depart from the letter of |; 
 
 my instructions as to endeavor to persuade the 
 flag-officer to pass up the river as far as the 
 mouth of Red River, if possible, so as to cut off 
 their supplies, and make there a landing and 
 a demonstration in their rear as a diversion in 
 favor of General Buell, if a decisive battle is 
 not fought before such movement is possible. 
 
 “ Mobile is ours whenever we choose, and we 
 can better wait. 
 
 “J find the city under the dominion of the 
 mob. They have insulted our flag —torn it 
 down with indignity. This outrage will be 
 punished in such manner as in my judgment 
 will caution both the perpetrators and abet- 
 tors of the act, so that they shall fear the 
 stripes if they do not reverence the stars of 
 our banner. 
 
 “J send a marked copy of a New Orleans 
 paper containing an applauding account of the 
 outrage. 
 
 “Trusting my action may meet the approba- 
 tion of the department, 
 
 “TI am, most respectfully, 
 “Your obedient servant, 
 “BenzamMin F. Burier, 
 
 “ Major-General commanding. 
 “Hon. BE. M. Stanton, Secretary of War.’ 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXIII. 
 
 Generai Butler’s Administration in New Orleans. — Hatred of 
 the Secessionists.— The General’s Policy. — His Proclama- 
 tion. — The Mayor and City Council. — The Mob. — Propo- 
 sition to the City Authorities. — Disposition of the Troops. — 
 Want of Provisions. — Measures of Relief. — Neglect of the 
 City Authorities. — Order addressed to the People. — Assess- 
 ment of certain Parties for Support of the Poor. — Sanitary 
 Measures. — Dangers of Yellow Fever. — Cleansing of the 
 City. — Quarantine. — Absence of the Disease. — Hostility 
 manifested by Women. — The “ Woman Order.” — Its Ef- 
 fect. — Mrs. Philips. — Execution of Mumford. — Execution 
 of Union Offenders. — Impartial Justice.— Instances of Mercy 
 and Leniency on the part of the General. — Favor and Pro- 
 tection to the Poor and Oppressed. — Foreign Consuls. — 
 Their Sympathy with Rebels. — Difficulties with the Consuls.— 
 Confiscation, &c. — Complaints to the Government. — Their 
 Result. — Special Commissioner. — Mr. Reverdy Johnson. — 
 Result of his Mission. — Banks. — Currency. — General View 
 of General Butler’s Administration. 
 
 THE administration of affairs in New Orleans 
 by General Butler, is one of the most remark- 
 able passages in the history of the rebellion; 
 and his success, notwithstanding the difficulties 
 with which he had to contend, stamped him as 
 peculiarly adapted for the work assigned him. 
 The difficulties of his position met him at the 
 outset, and continued until he showed the 
 rebellious, whether citizen or foreigner, that 
 the government of the United States, through 
 him as its representative, was their master. 
 
 The intense hatred entertained by the earnest 
 secessionists and rebels towards the national 
 government and the people of the north, can 
 find scarcely a parallel in modern history, when 
 its sudden growth and want of cause is consid- 
 ered. The manner and degree in which it has 
 been demonstrated, since first aroused by the 
 discovery that secession could not arrogantly 
 and insolently triumph, has scarcely ever been 
 equalled in malignancy by any people towards 
 the most cruel enemy. Whether this be attrib- 
 uted to the warm passion of southern natures, 
 or to the peculiarities of their social system and 
 education, the fact of this bitter hatred, ever 
 | manifested in all possible ways, and in the most 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S 
 
 cruel or most insolent manner, according as cir- | 
 cumstances might permit, cannot be denied. In 
 New Orleans there was a sufficient number of 
 secession leaders, bold and unscrupulous in their 
 action, to carry the city and state into rebellion 
 in spite of the probable Union majority. The 
 first steps being taken, a large majority even of 
 those who would have preferred the Union, 
 accepted secession and the southern confed- 
 eracy as accomplished facts, and became imbued 
 to a greater or less extent with the feelings of 
 bitter hostility which characterized the leaders 
 of the rebellion. Those who still adhered to 
 the Union were few, and necessarily undemon- 
 strative. But the mob, the numbers of unscru- 
 pulous and depraved or of ignorant and 
 unthinking men that can be found. in a city 
 like New Orleans, had been controlled and 
 swayed by the violent rebels, and was, perhaps, 
 
 at the time of the arrival of Commodore Farra- | 
 
 gut and General Butler, a fair illustration of the 
 dominant sentiment of the city. It was insolent, 
 malignant, and threatening in its manifestations 
 of hatred to the national cause and its defend- 
 ers; but it was cowardly, and needed only a 
 firm and uncompromising exercise of power to 
 hold it in subjection. General Butler knew well | 
 the nature of a mob, and the surest way of sub- 
 duing it. He soon showed that he had the| 
 nerve to do as experience and reason taught 
 him must be done, and he succeeded. Behind 
 the mob were its instigators and supporters, 
 and these were a more troublesome class; but 
 General Butler, understanding men and the 
 character of the rebellion, soon determined | 
 what course to take in relation to this class, 
 and, in proportion as his work was permitted to 
 stand, he succeeded here too. The mob and, 
 its instigators being disposed of, those who still 
 adhered to the Union could declare themselves, | 
 and the majority of those who accepted accom- 
 plished facts might be found on the side of the 
 national authority thus reéstablished with a_ 
 firm hand. 
 
 ADMINISTRATION. 611 
 
 As soon as the advance of his army was 
 posted in New Orleans, General Butler pre- 
 
 pared a proclamation to the people, setting 
 
 forth the purposes of his occupation of the city, 
 and the principles which would govern his 
 
 administration of affairs as commander of the 
 
 department. This proclamation was sent to the 
 office of the Zrue Delta newspaper to be put in 
 print, but the proprietor refused to print it. 
 It was not difficult, however, to find in any con- 
 siderable body of northern troops men skilled 
 in almost any branch of the mechanic arts, and 
 after a short period a file of soldiers was sent 
 to the printing office, and taking possesssion of 
 the establishment, they soon had the document 
 printed. In the mean time General Butler had 
 
 jtaken possession of the deserted St. Charles 
 
 Hotel, and established his headquarters there. 
 He then sent for the mayor of the city to visit 
 That officer at first refused, but being 
 warned that such refusal would complicate 
 matters, he deemed it expedient to comply 
 with a demand which was so peremptory. Ac- 
 cordingly, with Mr. Soulé, formerly a United 
 States senator and envoy to Spain, and with 
 other friends, he went to the General’s head- 
 quarters. While there, the mob assembled 
 about the building in large numbers and under 
 great excitement. A regiment of troops was 
 on duty there, and cannon were planted so as 
 to sweep the street. But the mob was greatly 
 excited, and apparently mistook the quiet 
 demeanor of the troops for fear or a lack of 
 spirit, and the outcries and threats soon so 
 increased that an assault from the mob seemed 
 inevitable. General Butler being informed of 
 this state of affairs, gave orders for the officer 
 in command to open upon the mob with artil- 
 lery, if it could not be restrained by the show 
 of force. This order alarmed the mayor and his 
 friends, and they addressed the excited popu- 
 lace from the building, and counselled them to 
 retire. The addresses of the mayor and his 
 
 him. 
 
 friends, with the report that the advice would 
 
612 
 
 be enforced at the mouth of the cannon unless 
 quietly complied with, had the desired effect. 
 
 This interview with the mayor did not result 
 in any understanding by which the administra- 
 tion of municipal affairs should be continued. 
 The city authorities were contumacious, but 
 General Butler was not disposed to be trifled 
 with, and soon gave them to understand that 
 the government of the United States was 
 supreme, that the city was under martial law, 
 and that they must yield to his authority as 
 representative of that government. But while 
 he maintained the authority of the national 
 government, he desired that the city authorities 
 should exercise ordinary municipal functions 
 for the quiet and health of the city. The prop- 
 osition was finally accepted by the city council, 
 who saw the uselessness of a refusal. It was 
 soon discovered by them, as by all who came 
 in contact with the general, that he was in 
 earnest, —as much so as even the most deter- 
 mined of their own rebel leaders, — and that 
 he was not to be trifled with. They did not, 
 however, carry out the agreement with much 
 vigor or good faith, so that many of the muni- 
 cipal duties which they should have performed 
 were more promptly assumed and discharged 
 by the military authorities. It was evident 
 that they were so hostile to the Union that 
 they preferred to obstruct rather than aid in 
 the measures for the good order, health, and 
 welfare of the city. The mayor especially 
 manifested such a disposition, and, vacillating 
 between submission and opposition to General 
 Butler’s orders and policy, as he was in his 
 presence, or absent and under the influence of 
 others, he at last so exasperated the general 
 that the latter sent him to Fort Jackson, and 
 appointed General Shepley, military command- 
 ant, to act in his place. 
 
 The proclamation was forthwith promul- 
 gated,* a provost marshal and provost judge 
 
 * The following were among the provisions of this proclama- 
 tion : — 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 appointed, and stringent orders issued for the 
 safety and good conduct of the troops and the 
 peace and quiet of the city. As other troops 
 
 “ All persons in arms against.the United States are required to 
 surrender themselves, with their arms, equipments, and muni- 
 tions of war. The body known as the European Legion, not 
 being understood to be in arms against the United States, but 
 organized to protect the lives and property of the citizens, are 
 invited to still codperate with the forces of the United States to 
 that end, and, so acting, will not be included in the terms of this 
 order, but will report to these headquarters. 
 
 ‘All ensigns, flags, devices, tending to uphold any authority 
 whatever, save the flags of the United States and those of foreign 
 consulates, must not be exhibited, but suppressed. The American 
 ensign, the emblem of the United States, must be treated with the 
 utmost deference and respect by all persons, under pain of severe 
 punishment. 
 
 * All persons well disposed towards the government of the 
 United States, who shall renew the oath of allegiance, will receive 
 a safeguard of protection to their persons and property from the 
 army of the United States, and the violation of such safeguard 
 will be punishable with death. All persons still holding alle- 
 giance to the confederate states will be deemed rebels against 
 the government of the United States, and regarded and treated 
 as enemies thereof. All foreigners, not naturalized, and claiming 
 allegiance to their respective governments, and not having made 
 
 , oath of allegiance to the government of the confederate states, 
 
 will be protected in their persons and property, as heretofore, 
 under the laws of the United States. All persons who may 
 have heretofore given adherence to the supposed government 
 of the confederate states, or been in their service, who shall 
 lay down or deliver up their arms, return to peaceful occu- 
 pations, and preserve quiet and order, holding no farther corre- 
 spondence, nor giving aid and comfort to enemies of the United 
 States, will not be disturbed in their persons or property, except 
 so far under the orders of the commanding general as the exigen- 
 cies of the public service may render necessary.” 
 
 “ Sufficient force will be kept in the city to preserve order and 
 maintain the laws. The killing of American soldiers by any dis- 
 orderly person or mob, is simply assassination and murder, and 
 not war, and will be so regarded and punished. The owner of 
 any house in which such murder shall be committed will be held 
 responsible therefor, and the house be liable to be destroyed by 
 the military authority. All disorders, disturbances of the peace, 
 and crimes of an aggravated nature, interfering with the forces 
 or laws of the United States, will be referred to a military court 
 for trial and punishment. Other misdemeanors will be subject 
 to the municipal authority, if it desires to act.” 
 
 “The circulation of confederate bonds, evidences of debt (ex- 
 cept notes in the similitude of bank notes) issued by the confed- 
 erate states, or scrip, or any trade in the same, is forbidden. It 
 has been represented to the commanding general, by the civil 
 authorities, that these confederate notes, in the form of bank 
 notes, ina great measure, are the only substitutes for money 
 which the people have been allowed to have, and that great dis- 
 tress would ensue among the poorer classes if the circulation of 
 such notes should be suppressed. Such circulation, therefore, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 arrived, they were posted on the opposite side 
 of the river, and in a camp above the city, only 
 a comparatively small force remaining within 
 the city, at the suggestion of some of the citi- 
 zens, who alleged that the danger of collision 
 would be increased by the presence of a large 
 army. But a sufficient force was retained for 
 the protection of headquarters and the public 
 buildings, and any movement of mob or organ- 
 ized rebel force could speedily be met by the 
 troops quartered outside of the city. The occu- 
 pation of the city was thus thoroughly effected. 
 
 The vigorous measures adopted by General 
 Butler, and the arrangement entered into for the 
 administration of ordinary municipal affairs by 
 
 will be permitted so long as any one will be inconsiderate enough 
 to receive them, until farther orders. 
 
 “‘ No publication of newspapers, pamphlets, or handbills, giving | 
 
 accounts of the movements of the soldiers of the United States 
 
 States, intended in any way to influence the public mind against 
 the United States, will be permitted, and all articles on war 
 news, editorial comments, or correspondence making comments 
 upon the movements of the armies of the United States, must be 
 submitted to the examination of an officer, who will be detailed 
 for that purpose from these headquarters. The transmission of 
 all communications by telegraph will be under the charge of an 
 officer detailed from these headquarters. 
 
 “The armies of the United States came here not to destroy, 
 but to restore order out of chaos, to uphold the government and 
 the laws in the place of the ‘passage’ of men. To this end, 
 therefore, the efforts of all well-disposed are invited, to have 
 every species of disorder quelled. 
 
 “Tf any soldier of the United States should so far forget his 
 duty or his flag as to commit outrage upon any person or prop- 
 erty, the commanding general requests his name to be instantly 
 
 reported to the provost guard, so that he may be punished, and | 
 
 his wrongful act redressed. The municipal authority, so far as 
 the police of the city and environs are concerned, is to extend as 
 before indicated, until suspended. 
 
 “ All assemblages of persons in the streets, either by day or 
 night, tend to disaster, and are forbidden. The various com- 
 panies composing the fire department of New Orleans will be 
 permitted to retain their organizations, and are to report to the 
 provost marshal, so that they may be known, and not interfered 
 with in their duties. 
 
 “ And, finally, it may be sufficient to add, without farther 
 enumeration, that all the requirements of martial law will be 
 imposed so long as, in the judgment of the United States author- 
 ities, it may be necessary; and while it is desired by these 
 authorities to exercise this government mildly, and after the 
 usages of the past, it must not be supposed that it will not be 
 rigorously and firmly administered as the occasion calls for it.” 
 
 | 
 
 63 
 
 the city government, promised to secure quiet 
 to the city, and in a few days it was “as tranquil 
 and peaceable as in the most quiet times.” But 
 the military authorities soon found that they 
 had much to do besides the administration of 
 martial law. The first thing that pressed upon 
 their attention was the short supply of provis- 
 ions, and the exorbitant prices (in confederate 
 currency, the only one in use) at which they 
 were held. The poor were unable to obtain 
 sufficient food, the supply of which was rapidly 
 diminished, with scarcely any accession. The 
 trade of the city with the interior was entirely 
 stopped, and the markets were cut off from their 
 usual sources of supply. The suffering soon 
 became very great, and demanded prompt and 
 decisive action. General Butler at once took 
 measures to relieve the necessities of the poor, 
 
 ae “*/and to secure, as far as possible, a supply of 
 within this department, reflecting in any way upon the United | ; 4 Pply 
 
 | food for the markets, by granting permits and 
 | passes, under certain restrictions, for that pur- 
 
 pose. These permits were but too frequently 
 abused, by being used for conveying information 
 and even supplies to the rebels. Even while the 
 poor were starving, provisions were sent out of 
 the city to the rebel army. On the other hand, 
 to relieve the immediate wants of the poor, 
 General Butler gave a thousand dollars from 
 his private purse, and from the army supplies, 
 which were as yet limited, distributed food to - 
 such extent as was expedient; the “invaders,” 
 as the northern army was termed by the rebels, 
 thus proving themselves more charitable and 
 
 |generous than the wealthy citizens, whose 
 
 means were freely given to aid rebellion, but 
 were denied to the suffering poor of the city. 
 The means at the command of the general 
 
 -were, however, insufficient to meet the wants 
 
 of the people, and the supplies brought in 
 under permits were limited, while the permits 
 were abused by faithless rebels. The city 
 authorities neglected their duty in respect to 
 making provision for the poor, and manifested 
 a disposition to thwart rather than aid the 
 
614 
 
 measures adopted by the commanding general. 
 In this state of affairs General Butler issued 
 
 the following order, which showed his demo-_ 
 
 cratic sympathies and his thorough understand- 
 ing of the character of the rebellion :— 
 ‘New Or EAns, May 9, 1862. 
 
 “The deplorable state of destitution and 
 hunger of the mechanics and working classes 
 of this city has been brought to the knowledge 
 of the commanding general. — 
 
 “He has yielded to every suggestion made 
 by the city government, and ordered every 
 method of furnishing food to the people of 
 New Orleans that government desired. No 
 relief by those officials has yet been afforded. 
 This hunger does not pinch the wealthy and 
 influential, the leaders of the rebellion, who 
 have gotten up this war, and are now endeavor- 
 ing to prosecute it, without regard to the starv- 
 ing poor, the workingman, his wife, and child. 
 Unmindful of their suffering fellow-citizens at 
 home, they have caused or suffered provisions 
 to be carried out of the city for confederate 
 service since the occupation by the United 
 States forces. 
 
 “Lafayette Square, their home of affluence, 
 
 was made the depot of stores and munitions of 
 
 war for the rebel armies, and not of provisions 
 for their poor neighbors. 
 the vile, the gambler, the idler, and the ruffian, 
 they have destroyed the sugar and cotton which 
 might have been exchanged for food for the 
 industrious and good, and regrated the price of 
 that which is left, by discrediting the very cur- 
 rency they had furnished, while they eloped 
 with the specie; as well that stolen from the 
 United States, as from the banks, the property 
 of the good people of New Orleans, thus leaving 
 them to ruin and starvation. 
 
 “Fugitives from justice, many of them, and 
 others, their associates, staying because too 
 puerile and insignificant to be objects of pun- 
 ishment by the clement government of the 
 United States. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “They have betrayed their country : 
 
 “They have been false to every trust: 
 
 “They have shown themselves incapable of 
 defending the state they had seized upon, 
 although they have forced every poor man’s 
 child into their service as soldiers for that 
 purpose, while they made their sons and neph- 
 ews officers: 
 
 “They cannot protect those whom they have 
 
 ruined, but have left them to the mercies and 
 
 assassinations of a chronic mob: 
 
 “They will not feed those whom they are 
 starving : 
 
 “Mostly without property themselves, they 
 have plundered, stolen, and destroyed the means 
 of those who had property, leaving children 
 penniless and old age hopeless. 
 
 “Men or LovmsiANA, WORKINGMEN, PRORERTY- 
 HOLDERS, MERCHANTS, AND CITIZENS OF THE UNITED 
 States, of whatever nation you may have had 
 birth, how long will you uphold these flagrant 
 wrongs, and, by inaction, suffer yourselves to 
 
 be made the serfs of these leaders ? 
 
 “The United States have sent land and naval 
 
 forces here to fight and subdue rebellious armies 
 
 in array against her authority. We find, sub- 
 
 stantially, only fugitive masses, runaway prop- 
 
 _ erty-burners, a whiskey-drinking mob, and starv- 
 Striking hands with 
 
 ing citizens with their wives and children. It 
 is our duty to call back the first, to punish the 
 second, root out the third, feed and protect the 
 last. 
 
 “Ready only for war, we had not prepared 
 ourselves to feed the hungry and relieve the 
 distressed with provisions. But to the extent 
 possible, within the power of the commanding 
 general, it shall be done. 
 
 “He has captured a quantity of beef and 
 sugar intended for the rebels in the field. A 
 thousand barrels of these stores will be distrib- 
 uted among the deserving poor of this city, 
 from whom the rebels had plundered it; even 
 although some of the food will go to supply 
 the craving wants of the wives and children of 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 those now herding at ‘Camp Moore’ and else- 
 where, in arms against the United States. 
 
 “Captain John Clark, acting chief commis- 
 sary of subsistence, will be charged with the 
 execution of this order, and will give public 
 notice of the place and manner of distribution, 
 which will be arranged, as far as possible, so 
 that the unworthy and dissolute will not share 
 its benefits.” 
 
 Later in the season General Butler issuéd 
 another order for the relief of the poor, which 
 was characteristic of his administration, and the 
 justice of which can hardly be questioned. This 
 was an order assessing certain parties who had 
 subscribed a large sum for the defence of New 
 Orleans against the national forces, or who had 
 advised the planters not to send their cotton to 
 the city. The order startled those whose names 
 were borne upon the subscription roll, but by 
 this time it was universally understood that the 
 orders of the general were to be obeyed with- 
 out question, and with a bad grace the parties 
 assessed paid the tax, which yielded more than 
 three hundred and forty thousand dollars for 
 the benefit of the poor. 
 
 Another of the early measures of importance 
 adopted by General Butler was the cleansing 
 of the city, and the establishment of stringent 
 sanitary regulations. When the troops -first 
 arrived in the city, they were greeted with 
 prophecies of the ravages of the yellow fever, 
 and it was confidently expected that this 
 scourge of New Orleans would prevail to an 
 alarming extent, and sweep away the northern 
 soldiers more fearfully than the bloodiest battle. 
 In their hearts the more bitter rebels hoped and 
 prayed for this terrible ally, even though the 
 inhabitants of the city should furnish the larger 
 part of the victims. General Butler and his 
 officers knew and appreciated the danger which 
 threatened the unacclimated, and they knew, 
 also, that the only way to meet and avert it 
 was by wholesome and strict sanitary regula- 
 
 615 
 
 tions, and the removal of nuisances and causes 
 of sickness, which had accumulated to an unu- 
 sual extent. Prompt to act, and experienced 
 in the more thorough sanitary systems of 
 northern cities, they at once, before the fatal 
 epidemic was likely to make its appearance, 
 adopted measures to prevent its introduction 
 and spread. A large number of men were 
 employed in cleaning the streets and unoccu- 
 pied lands, dredging canals, filling up pools, and 
 removing all refuse matter which would occa- 
 sion disease; and all this in a far more thor- 
 ough manner than had usually been the prac- 
 tice in New Orleans. These laborers were paid 
 from the fund raised by the assessment upon 
 the disloyal parties above named, which was 
 thus most judiciously employed in preserving 
 the health of the city and relieving the wants 
 of the poor. 
 
 Besides taking these precautionary measures 
 in the city, and requiring the strictest observ- 
 ance of the sanitary regulations, General But- 
 ler enforced a quarantine of all vessels arriving 
 from infected ports, of such duration and under 
 such regulations in all cases as should insure 
 safety from disease. The enforcement of this 
 quarantine, which applied only to vessels from 
 ports where the yellow fever existed, occasioned 
 not a little complaint, and numerous protests 
 and claims for damages, in which charges of 
 favoritism were freely made. These charges, 
 however, were not well substantiated, and the 
 wisdom of the measure was abundantly proved 
 by the entire absence of the fatal disease from 
 the city during the season when it was confi- 
 dently expected and predicted that it would 
 prevail to an alarming extent. Notwithstand- 
 ing the complaints, the quarantine was strictly 
 enforced, and the action of the commanding 
 general was sustained by the government. 
 The entire success of these sanitary measures 
 elicited the encomiums of all who desired that 
 the city should not be visited by the much 
 dreaded scourge, and was acknowledged by 
 
616 
 
 those who had even hoped that the Union army 
 might be swept away by the disease. 
 
 The energetic and thoroughly earnest ad- 
 ministration of General Butler, in which he 
 showed little leniency towards the aiders and 
 abettors of rebellion, created a strong feeling 
 among them against him. He was, indeed, met 
 by this class upon his arrival with the fiercest 
 maledictions, and some of his orders were of a 
 nature to increase their hatred. This hostility, 
 however, was entertained only by the bitter 
 sympathizers with rebellion, for upon these 
 only did the hand of martial law weigh heavily. 
 Those disposed to be loyal soon discovered 
 that the military power was exercised, for the 
 most part, for their protection and welfare. 
 Among those who at first manifested the great- 
 est aversion and the most bitter hostility to- 
 wards the officers and men of the federal army, 
 were many of the women even among those 
 who held a high social position. They indi- 
 cated their feelings in the most insulting man- 
 ner whenever and wherever they met a federal 
 officer or soldier. ‘The latter were under the 
 strictest discipline required to avoid all mani- 
 festations of resentment, or any acts which 
 should lead to disturbance, and they were con- 
 sequently obliged to endure the insults and 
 taunts with which the female rebels continually 
 annoyed them and degraded themselves. But 
 it was hardly in human nature to endure with 
 patience these constant and ever-increasing 
 insults from the inhabitants of a conquered 
 city. Officers and men, while observing the 
 strict discipline which was required of them, 
 chafed under the insolence to which they were 
 constantly subjected, and there was danger of 
 resentment, collisions, street broils, and the 
 rising of the mob which would have deluged 
 the city with blood. It was necessary, if pos- 
 sible, to put a stop to such action on the part 
 of those who, relying upon their sex for safety, 
 wholly disregarded the general order which 
 required respectful conduct on the part of the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 inhabitants of the city towards the military ; 
 and when at length the thing was past endur- 
 ance, General Butler issued an order* which 
 had the desired effect, but which was wilfully 
 misconstrued by the rebels, to arouse anew the 
 spirit of hatred among the southern people, 
 and to excite the indignation of foreign na- 
 tions. ‘The order was undoubtedly intended 
 to carry with it a sting which should be felt 
 by those at whom it was aimed, but it gave to 
 the soldiery no license, and never was con- 
 strued by officer or soldier as giving them a 
 right to do more than show the contempt which 
 such conduct merited, or to subject the guilty 
 to the penalty awarded by the local laws to 
 the class of persons in which they were thus 
 comprehended. On the other hand it was 
 only necessary for those rebellious women to 
 abstain from their offensive practices, in order 
 to avoid the danger which it was pretended 
 they had reason to fear. ‘The order had the 
 effect to put an end to the more insolent and. 
 intolerable demonstrations on the part of the 
 female rebels, without a single arrest, but it was 
 used throughout the rebel states, and wherever 
 the rebels found sympathy, to attach infamy 
 to the name of General Butler. Results, how- 
 ever, proved the propriety of the order and 
 the worthiness of the northern soldiers. 
 
 There were afterwards, however, several in- 
 stances of peculiar and aggravated effence on 
 the part of females which met with stern pun- 
 ishment. One of these was the case of a Mrs. 
 
 * The following is the order referred to : — 
 
 *© HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF, 
 NEW ORLEANS, May 15, 1862. 
 
 “GENERAL ORDER No. 28. 
 
 “As the officers and soldiers of the United States have been 
 subject to repeated insults from the women (calling themselves 
 ladies) of New Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non- 
 interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered that hereafter 
 when any female shall, by word, gesture, or movement, insult or 
 show contempt for any officer or soldier of the United States, she 
 shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of 
 the town plying her avocation. 
 
 “By command of MaJsoR-GENERAL BUTLER. 
 
 “ Gzo. C. Strone, A. A. G., Chief of Staff.” 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Phillips, who had been previously sent from 
 Washington within the rebel lines for treason- 
 able sympathies and practices. On the occa- 
 sion of the funeral of a brave young federal 
 officer, Lieutenant DeKay, some of the rebel- 
 lious residents of New Orleans were guilty of 
 many of the grossest indecencies to outrage 
 the feelings of the Union officers and men and 
 to insult the memory of the deceased. Among 
 others Mrs. Phillips made herself conspicuous 
 in these improprieties and insults, and General 
 Butler, in order to make an example which 
 should produce a good effect, sent her to Ship 
 Island, where she was confined, until released 
 at the suggestion of the government. Several 
 men who were engaged in the same insulting 
 proceedings were punished in a similar manner. 
 A prompt and stern exercise of the military 
 power was important at this time, for the dis- 
 asters to the federal arms in Virginia had ex- 
 cited the rebellious inhabitants of New Orleans 
 with joy, and the belief that the days of federal 
 occupation were numbered, and it was neces- 
 sary to nip in the bud any demonstrations 
 which would lead to greater troubles. 
 Another instance of the stern exercise of 
 power, which occurred just previous to the 
 issue of the order in relation to women, was 
 the execution of Mumford, a person of disso- 
 lute character, who boasted himself the hero of 
 the act of tearing down the Union flag from 
 the Mint when raised thereon by Flag-Officer 
 Farragut. The offence under the circumstances 
 was of a serious nature, for it endangered the 
 lives of all the inhabitants of the city, and it 
 was a flagrant insult to the authority of the 
 United States, which could not be tolerated 
 without affording excuse for its repetition un- 
 der still more aggravated circumstances. But 
 the course of Mumford, in boasting: of his act 
 and his threats of repeating it, in defiance of 
 the federal authority, as well as the distinction 
 which was awarded him by the rebel sympa- 
 thizers, called for prompt punishment. He was 
 78 
 
 617 
 
 arrested, tried, and condemned to death by a 
 military tribunal, and though the penalty may 
 seem severe for the offence, it must be re- 
 membered that this was war on the part of 
 the offender and on the part of the military 
 authorities, and that the safety of the army and 
 of Union citizens, as well as the establishment 
 of the authority of the government, required 
 the sternest exercise of martial law. General 
 Butler approved the sentence, and it was car- 
 ried into execution.. The execution struck 
 terror into the hearts of many who were dis- 
 posed to trifle with the federal power, and it is 
 quite probable that in its general results it was 
 the means of saving life, by repressing the mad 
 spirit of rebellion and defiance which might 
 have led to outbreaks and resistance. 
 
 This act, and others such as have been named 
 above, made General Butler feared by the en- 
 emies of the government, and every where 
 among them he was execrated, and his name 
 branded with the most opprobrious epithets. 
 But while he was charged with tyranny, cruel- 
 ty, and bloodthirstiness, there is reason to be- 
 lieve that the approval of the sentence of 
 death cost him a severe struggle, and it was 
 acquiesced in because he saw no other course 
 for him to pursue with fidelity to the cause in 
 which he was so earnestly enlisted. It was 
 well for New Orleans and the Union cause that 
 in this and other cases. he was not too tender. 
 But his severity was not visited wholly upon 
 the enemies of the Union, and General Butler 
 proved by subsequent acts that he meted out 
 the stern justice of martial law to those who 
 offended against the stringent regulations which 
 he established for the protection alike of friend 
 and foe. At a time when searches were being 
 made for concealed property of the rebel gov- 
 ernment, and for arms and supplies intended 
 for the rebel army, several men were arrested, 
 charged with making search without authority, 
 and appropriating the property of the unfor- 
 tunate parties whom they visited. The author- 
 
618 
 
 ized searches were made under the most strin- 
 gent regulations, and by trustworthy officers. 
 These parties, who had been connected with 
 the transports or with the army, for the sake of 
 plunder undertook to visit and search certain 
 dwelling houses, conducting themselves in a 
 courteous manner, but appropriating, under the 
 pretence of seizing in behalf of the United 
 States, whatever valuable property they could 
 remove. By means of the admirable detective 
 police which had been established by the pro- 
 vost marshal these plunderers were discovered, 
 and after a thorough examination by the com- 
 manding general, they were found guilty and 
 sentenced to be hung. It is certain that in 
 causing this sentence to be executed General 
 Butler suffered intense mental agony, but he 
 firmly adhered to what he considered his duty 
 to the army, to the people of New Orleans, and 
 to his country, and the unfortunate parties suf 
 fered the extreme penalty to which they were 
 condemned. General Butler thus extorted, 
 even from his enemies, the admission of his 
 impartial justice, and the work of plunderers 
 was effectually stopped. 
 
 On the other hand, there were many instances 
 of mercy shown to those condemned for the 
 violation of martial law. Several rebel soldiers, 
 who were paroled prisoners, violated their pa- 
 role, and organized for the purpose of passing 
 the federal pickets and joiming the rebel army 
 again. The punishment for such an offence is 
 usually death, and these prisoners having been 
 detected in their designs and tried by a milita- 
 ry commission, were condemned to suffer that 
 penalty. The sentence was approved by the 
 commanding general, but there were numerous 
 intercessions from Union citizens and his own 
 officers in behalf of the unfortunate men, who 
 were the dupes of others, and he reprieved 
 them and sent them to Ship Island. So ina 
 conspiracy against his own life, the proof of 
 which was sufficient to lead to the arrest of 
 several infamous persons, the general, content 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 with frustrating their scheme, required only 
 that they should leave the city.. 
 
 General Butler’s administration was cereals 
 stern and uncompromising towards the rebels, 
 and all who sympathized with them, and his 
 experience and observation taught him that the 
 life of the rebellion was in the aristocracy 
 based upon slavery and wealth. His demo- 
 cratic sympathies led him to protect and favor 
 the poor, while he sought to punish and humble 
 the proud and rebellious aristocrat. For this he 
 had many opportunities, which were improved 
 by himself and his subordinates, from furnishing 
 food and remunerative employment, to the pro- 
 tection of the poor tenant from the extortion 
 and wrong of the landlord,or of the unfortunate 
 slave from the cruelty of master or mistress. 
 
 One of the greatest and most annoying diffi- 
 culties with which General Butler was obliged 
 to contend was the action of the foreign consuls, 
 who, from the first arrival of the federal forces, 
 omitted no opportunity to interfere with and 
 oppose the orders issued by the commanding 
 general. There was a large foreign population 
 in New Orleans, of all classes, and nowhere in 
 the United States have the foreign residents 
 occupied so influential a position. Some of these 
 were naturalized citizens of the United States ; 
 others had been long residents in the city, but 
 had not been naturalized, though their interests 
 were wholly identified with their place of resi- 
 dence; and still others were more recent com- 
 ers, who were not yet entitled to the privileges 
 of citizenship. A large proportion of this for- 
 eign population sympathized with the rebellion ; 
 many had enlisted in the rebel army, and the 
 wealthy had used their influence and contrib- 
 uted largely from their means to promote the 
 rebel cause. The foreign consuls were no 
 exception to the rule which seems to have 
 governed the sympathies of their respective 
 fellow-countrymen, but were in some instances 
 among the ardent supporters of secession and 
 the aiders and abettors of treason and rebellion. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 The Prussian consul had raised a military force, 
 and had entered the rebel service with it. Other 
 consuls, while they had not taken so open and 
 bold a step, had favored the rebel cause in more 
 or less substantial ways; and when the city 
 came to be occupied by the federal troops, they 
 were not backward in manifesting their sym- 
 pathies, under the plea of maintaining the rights 
 of neutrals. 
 
 In the administration of martial law it was 
 impossible that many orders for the safety of 
 the city, or the maintenance of the federal 
 authority, should not bear upon the resident 
 foreigner as well as citizen. In a place like 
 New Orleans, where a large number of the for- 
 eigners had shown their sympathy, or even 
 identified themselves, with the rebel cause, it 
 was natural and just that general orders aimed 
 at rebels, covert and open, should apply to and 
 reach them as well as the native traitor. But 
 all such orders at once met the indignant pro- 
 test of the foreign consuls, who demanded ex- 
 emption from them for all who claimed to be 
 subjects of their respective governments. And 
 the number who claimed to be such subjects 
 of foreign powers was very large, and embraced 
 many who had, by all the means in their power, 
 aided the rebellion. Men whose interests and 
 social life had been for years identified with 
 New Orleans; native-born members of foreign 
 families, which had long ago taken up their 
 abode in the city with no idea of returning to 
 their country ; men who had enjoyed the privi- 
 leges of citizens, and held office in the state 
 or city governments; such were those who 
 claimed the protection of the consuls to screen 
 them from a forfeiture of their rights or prop- 
 erty on account of their complicity with treason 
 and rebellion. The readiness of most of the 
 consuls to take up the cause of these men, and 
 the manner in which they entered their protests, 
 proved that they too were in sympathy with 
 traitors to the government to which they were 
 accredited. 
 
 619 
 
 There were numerous orders and regula- 
 tions to which the consuls objected, and had 
 the objections been made for the purpose of 
 protecting the rights of honest neutrals only, 
 they would have been just and proper. But 
 there were too many instances in which the 
 consular interference was invoked and offered 
 in behalf of the proved enemies of the United 
 States government. A few of the cases may 
 be cited, to show the obstacles with which Gen- 
 eral Butler had to contend, and the firmness 
 with which he maintained the authority of his 
 government. 
 
 The British Guard, a part of the European 
 Brigade, which had been used to maintain order 
 in the city just before the arrival of the federal 
 troops, when that brigade was disbanded, voted 
 to send their arms and equipments to General 
 Beauregard, and carried the vote into effect. 
 When this came to the knowledge of General 
 Butler, he ordered the members of this com- 
 pany to leave New Orleans within twenty-four 
 hours. The acting British consul interfered in 
 a manner displeasing to the commanding gen- 
 eral, and without effect. The violation of neu- 
 trality by this open aid to the enemies of the 
 power now established in New Orleans could 
 not be tolerated, and the order was enforced. 
 All but two of the company left the city, and 
 those two were promptly sent to Fort Jackson. 
 The consul complained to the British minister, 
 who presented the case to the government, and 
 after some diplomatic correspondence, it was 
 recommended to General Butler to release the 
 two prisoners, which was done after a detention 
 of several weeks. 
 
 The case of Charles Heidsieck, in which the 
 French consul interfered, was disposed of with 
 similar firmness on the part of General Butler, 
 and leniency on the part of the government. 
 This person, a native and subject of France, 
 being in the southern states on business, had 
 espoused the rebel cause, and after the occupa- 
 tion of New Orleans, was detected in carrying 
 
§20 
 
 letters and despatches between the rebels in 
 Mobile and New Orleans, disguised as a bar- 
 tender on board of a boat carrying, by special 
 permit, provisions from the former to the latter 
 city. He was arrested as a spy and sent to Fort 
 Jackson, and in due time would have been tried. 
 The French consul, finding that he could not 
 prevail against the determination of General 
 Butler, presented the case to the government, 
 through the French minister at Washington. 
 After several months’ imprisonment, during 
 which the matter was the subject of diplomacy, 
 Heidsieck was released by order of the govern- 
 ment, upon his parole not to visit the rebel 
 states. He demanded reparation for his con- 
 finement, but this insolent demand was not 
 heeded. The leniency shown by the govern- 
 ment in these and other cases was perhaps 
 wise. The secretary of state was disposed to 
 conciliate foreign powers, or at least to have no 
 cause of quarrel with them while the rebellion 
 continued, if possible to avoid it without humil- 
 iation. In this view the action of the govern- 
 ment may have been politic, but its effect upon 
 the rebels of New Orleans and their alien abet- 
 tors was to render the task of the federal gen- 
 eral much more difficult. 
 
 The action of General Butler which excited 
 the greatest indignation among the foreign 
 consuls, was the seizure of eight hundred thou- 
 sand dollars in silver, in charge of the consul 
 of the Netherlands; the manner of the seizure, 
 and the force used against the consul’s person, 
 being the alleged chief cause of offence. Gen- 
 eral Butler had reason to believe, from evidence 
 
 which had been placed in his possession, that | 
 
 this silver had been secretly removed from the 
 
 Citizens’ Bank to the Dutch consulate, to be 
 
 used for the benefit of the rebel government 
 
 in Europe, in fraud of the creditors of the bank, 
 or as the actual property of that government, | 
 received for its treasury notes. He sent officers | 
 
 to demand its surrender until the case could be 
 
 |; tile. 
 investigated and adjudicated. The consul pro-| 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 tested, with great vehemence, against this vio- 
 lation of his consular rights and privileges; but 
 the officers obeyed their orders, and after much 
 trouble, and forcibly taking the key to the con- 
 sular vault from his person, the silver was dis- . 
 covered, contained in a large number of boxes, 
 marked “Hope & Co.,” the style of a large 
 banking house in Amsterdam. Other effects, 
 unquestionably the property of the bank, were 
 found, which could not have been honestly 
 placed under the protection of the Dutch con- 
 sul, and plates of “confederate” treasury notes 
 were also discovered in the same safe-keeping. 
 The property discovered, and all the circum- 
 stances connected with the discovery, afforded 
 additional evidence of a fraudulent use of the 
 consular flag, and justification of the seizure. 
 The further investigations of General Butler 
 proved that he was right. But the violation 
 of the “rights” of the Dutch consul called forth 
 a protest from the other consuls, in which they 
 complained somewhat bitterly of the indignity 
 and ill usage to which he had been subjected. 
 To this General Butler made a characteristic 
 reply, in which he justified the seizure upon 
 the proofs in his possession, and gave the con- 
 suls to understand “that in order to be re- 
 spected, the consul, his office, and the use of 
 his flag, must each and all be respectable.” 
 The seizure of the silver in the possession 
 of the Dutch consul was followed by the se- 
 questration of another large sum which had 
 been deposited with the French consul, to be 
 used for the payment, on the part of the rebel 
 government, for certain clothing and munitions 
 imported for it by a French house. A large 
 quantity of sugar, which’ was with good reason 
 supposed to be pledged to support the credit 
 of the rebel government, was also seized, and 
 three of the foreign consuls protested against 
 the seizure, on the ground that the transactions 
 in relation to these sugars were strictly mercan- 
 General Butler, however, had evidence 
 besides the mere superficial statement and ap- 
 
PRESIDENT 
 
 pearance of the affair, and held the sugar for 
 further investigation. Various other seizures, 
 of arms and other supplies, intended for the 
 rebel government, or to be sold to it, or of other 
 proceeds of cotton run through the blockade, 
 in part on account of the rebel government, 
 were made from time to time, and called forth 
 complaints and protests from the foreign 
 consuls, because the parties engaged in the 
 transactions were subjects of foreign powers. 
 But General Butler, brushing away mere out- 
 side appearances and pretences, looked at the 
 purpose and result of such transactions, and 
 finding these to be aid and comfort to the reb- 
 els, he determined to stop them if in his power. 
 The enforcement of the confiscation act of Con- 
 gress, in anticipation of the operation of which 
 much property: was transferred by the rebel 
 residents of New Orleans to foreigners or loyal 
 citizens, called forth further complaints from 
 the consuls, as did also the quarantine regula- 
 tions. 
 
 An order requiring that all citizens and for- 
 eign born persons who had resided in the coun- 
 try five years, and had claimed or received no 
 “protection” from their government, should 
 take the oath of allegiance to the United States 
 before receiving any favor, protection, privilege, 
 passport, or other benefit from the United States 
 authorities (except protection from personal 
 violence, which was extended to all), and re- 
 quiring that foreigners, who had protections 
 from their governments, before receiving like 
 favors should take an oath not to give aid and 
 comfort, directly or indirectly, to the enemies 
 of the United States, was the cause of another 
 joint protest on the part of the consuls. To 
 this General Butler replied with caustic severity 
 and sound argument; but he modified the oath 
 required of all foreigners, by substituting one in 
 form like that previously taken by all the offi- 
 cers of the foreign legion in support of the 
 rebel government. Against that oath no pro- 
 tests had been made to the rebel authorities by 
 
 LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 621 
 
 foreign consul or subject, although stronger and 
 more direct than that one first required by Gen- 
 eral Butler; and when it was adopted by the 
 latter, with the simple substitution of United 
 States for “ Confederate States,” the outwitted 
 consuls and their rebel friends were obliged to 
 submit with what grace they were able. Simi- 
 lar difficulties arose upon a necessary order 
 for disarming the people, which was enforced 
 against citizen and foreigner alike, except where 
 the parties were of undisputed loyalty. 
 
 These various subjects of complaint were 
 duly referred by the consuls to the ministers 
 of their respective governments at Washington, 
 with such representations as should show the 
 strongest possible case of aggression and wrong 
 on the part of General Butler. The complaints 
 were carried by the ministers to the govern- 
 ment through the secretary of state, and volu- 
 minous correspondence followed. The govern- 
 ment had not yet adopted a firm and decided 
 policy with regard to the rebellion. Concilia- 
 tion and leniency, which had been spurned by 
 the rebels, and proven by experience to be 
 unavailing, were not abandoned, even towards 
 the most malignant rebel districts. Towards 
 foreign powers, the relations with which were 
 in the main conducted with great ability by 
 Mr. Seward, there was a disposition to preserve 
 the most friendly conduct, and to avoid the 
 slightest cause of complaint. The wisdom of 
 such a general policy with regard to foreign 
 powers, in the existing condition of domestic 
 affairs, can hardly be disputed, but that it was 
 carried to the extreme limit consistent with 
 national dignity,is also true. In the case of the 
 consul of the Netherlands, after much corre- 
 spondence, the course pursued by General But- 
 ler was virtually cOndemned, and the consul 
 was requested to resume his functions. Other 
 cases were disposed of in a similar spirit of con- 
 ciliation and deference to the demands of the 
 foreign ministers, and in addition to this a 
 military governor of Louisiana was appointed, 
 
622 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 nominally, though not practically, to supersede 
 General Butler in the administration of affairs, | 
 and Mr. Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, promi- 
 nent as one of the most “ conservative” sup- 
 porters of the government, was sent to New 
 Orleans, as a special commissioner, to investi- 
 gate the subjects of complaint, and to determine 
 the various claims set up by resident foreigners. 
 
 Mr. Johnson, apparently acting under in- 
 structions from the state department, entered 
 upon his duties with an evident disposition to 
 conciliation and leniency. The cases brought 
 before him were investigated without reference 
 so much to the evidence in the possession of 
 the military authorities as to the statements of 
 the claimants, and general principles applied to 
 the facts, as represented by the parties inter- 
 ested. Upon such statements of fact and gen- 
 eral principles the decisions of the commissioner 
 were correct, but the facts suppressed by the 
 claimants, which controlled each particular case 
 and showed the complicity of alleged neutrals 
 with the rebels, do not appear to have been in- 
 vestigated or to have had much weight. Sub- 
 sequent events proved, as in the case of the 
 silver sequestrated while in the possession of 
 the French consul, that the military authorities 
 had good reason to doubt the neutrality of 
 consuls and the parties whom they represented. 
 The silver seized at the Dutch consulate, as 
 well as that sequestrated while in the posses- 
 sion of the French consul, because there was 
 good reason to believe that it was to be used 
 for the benefit of the rebel government, was 
 restored to the claimants. The sugar seized 
 on the reasonable ground that it was to sup- 
 port the rebel credit abroad, was also delivered 
 to the claimants. The proceeds of cotton ex- 
 ported in violation of the~blockade, a part of 
 which was for the direct aid of the rebellion, 
 was given up on technical grounds. All these 
 and similar decisions were made, not with the 
 view of punishing traitors and crushing the re- 
 bellion, which was the stern purpose of General 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 Butler, but for the purpose of removing all 
 causes of complaint which might compromise 
 the friendly relations with foreign powers, and 
 perhaps of conciliating men who might possi- 
 bly, by such a course, abandon their sympathies 
 with the rebel cause. The result of Mr. John- 
 son’s mission was not favorable to the Union 
 cause, or to the strength of the military au- 
 thority in New Orleans. The earlier decisions 
 induced many, who had otherwise submitted 
 to the decrees of martial law, to present their 
 claims to Mr. Johnson, who, in many cases, de- 
 cided in favor of the claimants, while others 
 were reserved to be presented to the govern- 
 ment at Washington. 
 
 The natural consequence of all this, without 
 intention on the part of the government, was 
 to weaken General Butler’s authority and -in- 
 fluence, and really to endanger the national 
 cause in New Orleans. Rebels, and their foreign 
 sympathizers and aiders, believing that the com- 
 manding general was not sustained by his gov- 
 ernment, were the more unwilling to submit 
 to his orders and regulations, and the quicker 
 to resent alleged violations of neutral rights, 
 and to appeal from him to the government. 
 With a man of less firmness and determination 
 than General Butler the result might have 
 been almost fatal to the national cause. But 
 his earnestness was not dampened, nor the 
 rigor of his measures abated, and in all matters 
 where his military authority could not be dis- 
 puted or appealed from, he maintained the 
 power of the United States, and held rebels in 
 subjection with an iron hand. Meanwhile the 
 Union sentiment extended and grew stronger, 
 and the general found that he was supported 
 by a large number of loyal residents, who, in 
 proportion to the strength of their loyalty, 
 approved his measures. 
 
 Next to the foreign consuls, the banks were, 
 perhaps, for a time the most troublesome parties 
 with whom the national authorities had to deal. 
 The currency had at the outset demanded the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 attention of General Butler. It was found in 
 a deplorable condition. “Confederate” notes 
 composing the principal part of it, and these 
 depreciated to less than half their nominal val- 
 ue, while the smaller currency consisted of 
 omnibus tickets and notes or checks issued by 
 drinking-house keepers and other individuals, 
 ad libitum. General Butler determined to put 
 an end to the circulation of the “ confederate” 
 notes; but on the representations of Mr. Soulé 
 and others, that there being no other sufficient 
 currency the poor would be the greatest suffer- 
 ers by such a measure, the temporary circula- 
 tion of these notes was allowed. The banks had 
 profited by the depreciation of the “ confeder- 
 ate” notes, both before and after the occupation 
 of the city by the federal forces, buying them 
 at their depreciated value, and issuing them at 
 par in the place of their own notes, which had 
 almost entirely disappeared. All the specie of 
 the banks, which had not been placed under the 
 protection of foreign consuls, had been trans- 
 ferred to other places within the rebel lines, 
 where it was seized by the rebel government, 
 under the pretext of protecting it from falling 
 into the hands of the federal forces. An at- 
 tempt by the banks to recover it, under the 
 promise of protection*given by General Butler, 
 failed, the rebel government refusing to restore 
 it. The banks were, therefore, compelled to do 
 business on the basis of this coin, which was 
 beyond their reach, or to suspend operations 
 entirely. Under the circumstances the former 
 was the smaller evil, and the banks, with two 
 or three exceptions, continued their business. 
 General Butler found that the temporary 
 circulation of the “confederate” notes was op- 
 erating more for the advantage of the rebel 
 government and its sympathizers than for the 
 relief of the people of New Orleans. So long 
 as the notes of the rebel government were cir- 
 culated, its authority was represented and re- 
 spected, and it was no part of General Butler's 
 policy to recognize or tolerate in any way the 
 
 623 
 
 rebel authority. He accordingly issued an 
 order, prohibiting “all circulation of, or trade 
 in, confederate notes or bills,’ on and after the 
 27th day of May, and declaring void all trans- 
 fers of property, made after that date, in con- 
 sideration of such notes or bills. The order 
 produced great agitation amony the bankers 
 and others who were freely using the rebel 
 currency ; but they had come to know that the 
 orders of General Butler would be enforced, 
 and had not then learned that his government 
 would not sustain him in all his measures. 
 They immediately prepared to carry out the 
 order, with such evasions as they could prac- 
 tice. They called upon all those who had 
 deposited “confederate” notes to draw their 
 money in these notes before the day prescribed, 
 or the deposit would be at the risk of the de- 
 positor. This action of the banks caused as 
 great an excitement among the traders and 
 others as General Butler’s order had among the 
 bankers, and was designed to transfer, as much 
 as possible, all losses or inconveniences from 
 the banks to the merchants and traders. The 
 effect was bad, and the. conduct of the banks 
 unjust and offensive. As soon as this was per- 
 ceived, General Butler issued an order, which, 
 after reciting the reprehensible course of the 
 banks, directed that no more “confederate” 
 notes should be paid out to depositors or cred- 
 itors, but that all such should be paid in cur- 
 rent bills of the city banks, United States notes, 
 or in gold and silver. .The order also regulated 
 the issue of bank notes, and was designed, gen- 
 erally, to restore a safe and convenient cur- 
 rency to the community, while it abolished the 
 representation of rebel authority, and destroyed 
 the baleful influence of rebel financiers. The 
 order at once produced a good effect among 
 the people, by increasing confidence in the 
 national authority; and in its operation, in 
 spite of the attempts to evade and thwart it, it 
 proved a great benefit to the community. In 
 all his orders and correspondence with contu- 
 
624 
 
 macious bank officers in relation to the cur- 
 rency, General Butler manifested great prompt- 
 ness and knowledge of business and of human 
 nature, as well as a firm and undeviating pur- 
 pose to suppress rebellion and punish rebels. 
 Another order, which affected the banks as 
 well as agents and officers of the rebel govern- 
 ment, was one for the surrender of all property 
 belonging to the rebel government. In some 
 of the banks there were sums of money stand- 
 ing to the credit of the rebel government or its 
 agents, which were declared now to belong to 
 the United States; and though the bank which 
 acknowledged the largest deposits of this kind 
 endeavored to evade the full force of the order, 
 it was enforced like all others, and General 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 Butler thus secured a considerable sum for the 
 United States before it could be transferred 
 beyond his reach. 
 
 Prompt and vigorous in action, as General 
 Butler was, an uncompromising enemy of re- 
 bellion, and troubled with no tenderness to- 
 wards his enemies and those of his country, it 
 could hardly be expected that his administra- 
 tion would be conciliatory towards rebel sym- 
 pathizers under his almost absolute control, or 
 that it could be without fault in some of its 
 various departments. It was, undoubtedly, 
 sometimes exceedingly harsh and severe upon 
 known or suspected rebels, and he resorted, 
 perhaps, in some cases, to extreme measures. 
 But his whole policy was directed to the main- 
 tenance of the national authority and the 
 crushing of rebellion. He made the rebels 
 fear and obey him, and so sternly was his ad- 
 ministration felt by them, that by his acts, and 
 those falsely ascribed to him, he seems to have 
 inspired an almost universal hatred among the 
 people of the rebel states, and secured an im- 
 potent proclamation of outlawry from the rebel 
 president. While he showed little mercy to 
 rebels, especially those of wealth and social 
 position, he did much for the benefit of the 
 masses of the people and the protection of | 
 
 those disposed to be loyal. By his prompt and 
 
 STATES. — 
 
 vigorous measures he supplied food to the suf 
 fering people; he gave employment and sup- 
 port to the poor; he restored a sound currency ; 
 he secured good order and safety to life and 
 property, such as the community had not for 
 years enjoyed ; he adopted a system of sanitary 
 
 |measures which preserved the city from pesti- 
 
 lence, and will stand as an example for future 
 years » he administered justice to the poor, not 
 infrequently retribution to the oppressor or 
 swindler, and he afforded protection to the op- 
 pressed, both bond and free. In many respects, 
 by ability, education, and temperament, Gen- 
 eral Butler was peculiarly fitted to deal with 
 the southern rebels, and the national cause was 
 greatly indebted to him for its successful main- 
 tenance in New Orleans. But questions of 
 policy, foreign and domestic, which it was 
 thought could not be disposed of by the vigor- 
 ous measures of. General Butler, prevented the 
 full effect even of his unquestioned acts, and 
 led eventually to a change in the command of 
 the department. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXIV. 
 
 Operations near Corinth. — GeneraleHalleck. — Réenforcements. 
 — The Rebel Position and Forces. —- Nature of the Country. 
 — Advance of the Federal Army. — Reconnoissances. — 
 Rebel Resistance. — Engagement near Farmington. — Cau- 
 tious Advance of General Halleck. — Skirmishes. — Cavalry 
 Expedition.—-Its Success. — Preparations for Attack. — The 
 Advance contested by the Rebels. — Rebel Preparations for 
 Evacuation and Retreat. — Entrance into Corinth. — Flight 
 of the Rebels.— Destruction of Property.— General Hal- 
 leck’s Despatches. — Pursuit of the Rebels. — Skirmishes. — 
 Letter of General Granger. — The Result. — Movements of 
 General Mitchell.— Advance into Alabama.— Capture of 
 Huntsville. — Seizure of the Railroad and Cars. — Occupa- 
 tion of Railroad Line from Stevenson to Decatur. — General 
 Order of General Mitchell. — His Position. — Concentration 
 of Rebel Forces. — Retreat of Federal Forces. — Operations 
 towards Chattanooga. — Skirmishes. — Want of Reénforce- 
 ments. — Further Operations abandoned. 
 
 As stated in a previous chapter,* after the 
 battle of Shiloh, General Halleck assumed the 
 
 * Chapter LXX. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 command of the combined armies of Generals 
 Grant and Buell, and at once took the field. 
 The army was reorganized to some extent, — 
 Generals Grant and Buell retaining command 
 of their respective forces,— and, reénforced by 
 the division of General Pope, which arrived 
 from New Madrid, and added about twenty-five 
 thousand men to the federal forces. With 
 this and other unimportant reénforcements, the 
 army of General Halleck numbered about one 
 hundred and eight thousand men. It was 
 near the end of April before the preparations 
 were completed for an advance, and then it was 
 commenced with certainty, but with great de- 
 liberation and caution. Day by day some 
 slight progress was made by the advance of a 
 division a few miles, and the extension of out- 
 posts. Bridges, which had been destroyed by 
 the rebels, were rebuilt; old roads were re- 
 paired and new constructed, and numerous 
 obstructions were removed, so as to render the 
 movement of artillery and the transportation of 
 subsistence more sure and easy. In the mean 
 time expeditions were sent out to reconnoitre, 
 and to sever the enemy’s communications when 
 possible. Occasional skirmishes took place be- 
 tween these parties and the rebel forces, whose 
 presence in all directions indicated a large rebel 
 force at Corinth and in its vicinity, and an ac- 
 tivity which was likely to result in severe battle. 
 
 The rebel position at Corinth was a strong 
 one for defence, as well as on account of 
 railroad communication, the Memphis and 
 Charleston railroad running through it from 
 east to west, and the Mobile and Ohio railroad 
 from north to south. The fortifications ex- 
 tended nearly fifteen miles, strong batteries 
 being constructed at points commanding every 
 road and all possible approaches. A sluggish 
 stream flowed along their whole front through 
 a ravine mtich below the works, and between 
 this and the fortifications a dense timber was 
 cut down at all accessible points, so as to form 
 
 an abatis impassable for cavalry or artillery. 
 
 79 
 
 i 
 
 625 
 
 s 
 
 The rebel force was increased after the battle 
 of Shiloh by troops from New Orleans and Pen- 
 sacola, when those places were occupied by the 
 federal forces, and by others called out by the 
 governor of Mississippi, so that the army under 
 Beauregard was supposed to be fully equal in 
 numbers to that under General Halleck. The 
 strength of their position and fortifications 
 would enable the rebels to repulse a much 
 larger attacking army, and they were encour- 
 aged by their leaders to believe that in the 
 impending battle they would utterly defeat the 
 federal forces, and drive them back, at least, 
 into Tennessee. 
 
 The country between the rebel position and 
 the Tennessee, through which the federal army 
 advanced, is broken into long ridges and hills, 
 with numerous valleys more or less abrupt, and 
 swampy bottoms, and much of it was covered 
 with a dense forest, which had been felled in 
 many places, to form obstructions to the ad- 
 vance of the army. The movement of the 
 army over this ground was difficult and neces- 
 sarily slow, and the caution with which the 
 commanding general advanced, keeping his 
 forces well together, and throwing up breast- 
 works at each halting-place, rendered the prog: 
 ress still more slow. On the 3d of May the 
 main body of the army was within eight miles 
 of Corinth, but from this point the advance was 
 made even more slowly and with still greater 
 caution. Movements were now made with the 
 | view of cutting off the retreat of the rebels, by 
 
 destroying their railroad communications, and 
 then by drawing in the federal lines more 
 closely about them, practically to besiege them 
 in their fortifications, and, by a vigorous attack, 
 compel a surrender. These movements were 
 made from the right wing, now commanded by 
 General Thomas, and from the left wing, coin- 
 ;manded by General Pope, who occupied the 
 most advanced position in the federal lines. 
 The most important of these preliminary 
 operations was a reconnoissance to Farming- 
 
626 
 
 ton, about five miles east of Corinth, by a por- 
 tion of General Pope’s command, and at the 
 same time an expedition to the Charleston and 
 Memphis railroad, for the destruction of bridges 
 and interruption of communications. ‘The force 
 sent by General Pope to Farmington discovered 
 the rebels to the number of four or five thou- 
 sand, posted there in a strong position, and 
 manifesting at first a determination to resist 
 the advance of the federal troops. After sharp 
 skirmishing through woods and swamps with 
 the enemy’s pickets, a heavy fire of artillery 
 was opened upon the main body of his forces, 
 and they were soon driven away. The federal 
 force took possession of the village and the 
 positions previously occupied by the rebels, 
 having gained a decided advantage with but 
 small loss, while the loss of the enemy, though 
 not .large, was comparatively much greater. 
 In the mean time the expedition sent farther 
 south to the railroad had destroyed two bridges, 
 and otherwise interrupted communication. 
 
 The reconnoissances from the federal army 
 indicated a determination on the part of the 
 rebels to resist, at every point, the farther ad- 
 vance of the federal army, and a few days after 
 the occupation of Farmington, on the 9th of 
 May, they assumed the offensive, by attacking, 
 in strong force, the federal brigade which had 
 been advanced a little beyond that place, and 
 was separated from the remainder of the division 
 . by a creek. From the rebel accounts it ap- 
 pears that the intention was to flank General 
 Pope’s forces, and by getting a large force in 
 his rear while the attack was made in front, to 
 capture the greater part of his troops posted in 
 the vicinity of Farmington. This purpose, how- 
 ever, if contemplated, utterly failed of accom- 
 plishment. The federal brigade, which was in 
 the advance, maintained its position for several 
 hours, though the conflict was, for much of that 
 time, scarcely more than a skirmish. When 
 it began to be pressed by evidently superior 
 ‘numbers, and General Pope found that he could 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 not sustain it except by crossing the creek with 
 his whole force, the brigade was ordered to ne- 
 tire, and to fall back to the main position of 
 the division a short distance east of Farming- 
 ton. To have crossed the creek with his whole 
 force might have brought on a general engage- 
 ment, which was contrary to the desire and 
 orders of General Halleck. The loss of the 
 federal force in this affair was about one hun- 
 dred and fifty in killed, wounded, and miss- 
 ing, and the loss of the enemy was about the 
 same. The rebels occupied their former posi- 
 tion at Farmington for a few days, as a result 
 of their not very decided success, and may 
 have gained some knowledge of the strength 
 and position of General Pope’s command ; but 
 the advantage was not very encouraging, and 
 they soon abandoned Farmington, and the 
 federal line was again advanced. 
 
 The enemy probably discovered by this 
 movement that General Halleck’s army was so 
 disposed as to prevent a successful flank attack, 
 and he may have learned also that its slow 
 progress was not to be attributed to timidity, 
 as in their inflated addresses to their soldiers 
 the rebel leaders declared, so much as to the 
 caution of a general who was determined to 
 achieve success by the application of military 
 science to all his plans and movements. The 
 federal army had been advanced but a few miles 
 at a time, and then along its whole front breast- 
 works or redoubts of timber and earth were 
 constructed, as a protection against an attack 
 by the enemy before a farther advance, and as 
 a line of safety in case of a reverse on a more 
 advanced field. Every thing that was necessary 
 to facilitate the movement of artillery and sup- 
 plies was attended to at each stage of progress, 
 and the heavy guns, as well as the light bat- 
 teries, were every where in available position 
 for offensive or defensive purposes. 
 
 Whether the character of General Halleck’s 
 movements were fully known or not to the 
 rebel generals, it appears that soon after the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 movement at Farmington, while they con- 
 tinued to strengthen their position by fortifica- 
 tions, and to encourage their men by gran- 
 diloquent promises of a speedy victory, they 
 must have contemplated, if not made prepara- 
 tions for, a withdrawal from Corinth, by the 
 removal of supplies and ammunition. By the 
 21st of May the federal lines had advanced to 
 within three miles of Corinth, and the skirmish- 
 ing of pickets became almost constant along 
 the whole front, and was continued up to the 
 time of the final advance, showing that the 
 enemy was prepared for an attack, and ready 
 to resist at all points. This condition of affairs 
 continued a week, while General Halleck was 
 deliberately making his dispositions for a final 
 advance, and so perfecting his plans and getting 
 his forces in hand that success might be in- 
 sured. Before making his final advance and 
 attack, General Halleck despatched a cavalry 
 force to destroy the railroad leading south from 
 Corinth, the travel upon which had not yet been 
 interrupted. This force proceeded to Boone- 
 ville, about twenty-four miles south of Corinth, 
 where a large amount of stores, arms, and 
 ammunition was found and destroyed, a con- 
 siderable number of sick rebel soldiers were 
 paroled, and railroad communication was tem- 
 porarily interrupted by the destruction of en- 
 gines, cars, and depot, and the removal of rails. 
 
 While this cavalry force was absent, and be- 
 fore it had accomplished its work, on the 28th 
 of May, three strong reconnoitring columns 
 were advanced by General Halleck from the 
 right, centre, and left of his lines, to feel of the 
 enemy and unmask his batteries. The country 
 was here very thickly wooded, and the federal 
 forces advanced slowly, as it were feeling their 
 way. The rebel pickets resisted the advance 
 at all points, and sharp skirmishing ensued, 
 especially on the left of the federal line. The 
 result was an advance of the federal forces with 
 their artillery to positions from which fire could 
 be opened the next morning upon the rebel 
 
 627 
 
 intrenchments, the position of which had been 
 ascertained. The movements were made with 
 the same caution and care as before; the ene- 
 my’s pickets being driven back, the advance 
 parties constructed works on which the siege 
 and field guns were mounted, the supports were 
 brought up, and assaulting parties were organ- 
 ized. These preparations were not completed 
 till the 29th, and they were opposed not only by 
 the pickets and advanced force of the enemy, 
 but by a heavy fire from the rebel batteries. 
 This opposition was kept up with much vigor 
 by the rebels until nine o’clock on the morning 
 of the 29th, when their musketry firing almost 
 entirely ceased, though a gradually diminished 
 fire from their batteries was kept up till the 
 close of that day. During the succeeding night 
 a number of heavy explosions were heard in 
 the enemy’s works, which were supposed to be 
 the destruction of his magazines. In the latter 
 part of the night several buildings in the village 
 of Corinth were discovered to be in flames by 
 those in the front of the federal lines, and it 
 was correctly surmised that the rebels were 
 evacuating their position. 
 
 On the morning of the 30th of May it was 
 apparent that there was no force to resist the 
 federal advance, for which preparations were 
 made at an early hour. Some of the federal 
 officers, seeing that there was no enemy in front, 
 and impatient to discover his movement, rode 
 forward in advance of the troops, and passing 
 through his strong and well constructed works 
 without meeting any rebels, entered the town 
 at half past six o’clock. Here they discovered 
 that the enemy had indeed gone, and had de- 
 stroyed vast quantities of supplies and ammu- 
 nition which he was unable to remove. One 
 large storehouse of provisions remained un- 
 damaged, but much larger quantities had been 
 destroyed, while others had, without doubt, 
 been removed. An examination of the rebel 
 works showed that they had succeeded in re- 
 | moving all their ordnance, and what ammunition 
 
628 
 
 had been left was mostly in a damaged and 
 useless condition. That the work of evacuation 
 
 had been completed in haste was evident, but. 
 
 it was also certain that the movement had been 
 going on for several days, and preparations for 
 it had probably commenced more than a week 
 previous. As in all such movements, the final 
 operations were effected amid much confusion, 
 causing a serious loss of material, and a de- 
 moralization of men scarcely better than a 
 defeat in the field. . 
 
 The following despatches of General Halleck, 
 announcing the final movements of the army 
 and their result, show how unexpected to him 
 was the evacuation :— 
 
 ‘¢ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF MissIssIPPi, 
 Came on Corintu Roan, May 28, 1862. f 
 
 “Three strong reconnoitring columns ad- 
 vanced this morning on the right, centre, and 
 left, to feel the enemy and unmask his batte- 
 ries. The enemy hotly contested his ground 
 at each point, but was driven back with con- 
 siderable loss. The column on the left en- 
 countered the strongest opposition. Our loss 
 was twenty-five killed and wounded. The ene- 
 my left thirty dead on the field. The losses at 
 other points are not yet ascertained. Some 
 five or six officers and a number of privates 
 were captured. The fighting will probably be 
 renewed to-morrow morning at daybreak. The 
 whole country is so thickly wooded that we 
 are compelled to feel our way. 
 
 “H. W. Hatreck, Major-General. 
 ‘‘Hon. EH. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 
 ‘‘Near CorintH, May 30, 1862. 
 
 “General Pope’s heavy batteries opened upon 
 the enemy’s intrenchments yesterday, about 
 ten A. M., and soon drove the rebels from their 
 advanced battery. 
 
 “ Major-General Sherman established another 
 battery yesterday afternoon within one thou- 
 sand yards of their works, and skirmishing 
 parties advanced at daybreak this morning. 
 
 “Three of our divisions are already in the 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 enemy’s advanced works, about three quarters 
 of a mile from Corinth, which is in flames. 
 “The enemy has fallen back of the Mobile 
 
 railroad. 
 “H. W. Hatreck, Major-General. 
 
 ‘‘Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War,” 
 
 ‘Near Corintu, May 30, 1862. 
 “Our advanced guard are in Corinth. There 
 are conflicting accounts as to the enemy’s 
 movements. They are believed to be in strong 
 force on our left flank, some four or five miles 
 south of Corinth, near the Mobile and Ohio 
 railroad. 
 
 “HAH. W. Hatieck, Major-General. 
 
 ‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 
 
 ‘*HEADQUARTERS CAMP NEAR CorinTH, May 30, 1862. 
 
 “The enemy’s position and works in front of 
 Corinth were unexpectedly strong. He can- 
 not occupy a stronger position in his flight. 
 
 “This morning he destroyed an immense 
 amount of public and private property, stores, 
 provisions, wagons, tents, &c. 
 
 “For miles out of town the roads are filled 
 with arms, haversacks, &c., thrown away by his 
 flying troops. 
 
 “ A large number of prisoners and deserters 
 have been captured, and are estimated by 
 General Pope at two thousand. 
 
 “General Beauregard evidently distrusts his 
 army, or he would have defended so strong a 
 position. His troops are generally much dis- 
 couraged and demoralized. In all their engage- 
 ments for the last few days their resistance has 
 
 been weak. 
 “HH. W. Hatieck, Major-General. 
 
 “Hon. E. M. Sranton, Secretary of War.” 
 
 The advance of General Pope’s forces entered 
 the town shortly before seven o’clock, just as 
 the last of the rebel cavalry, detailed for some 
 work of destruction, galloped out on the other 
 side. One company of cavalry, General Pope’s 
 escort, pushed after the retreating rebels, and 
 had a brisk skirmish, in which several were 
 
\ 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 killed and captured ; but a few miles out, further 
 pursuit was stopped by the burning of a bridge 
 over a swampy creek, which it was difficult to 
 cross otherwise. There seems to have been some 
 unexplained delay in sending forward a suffi- 
 cient force of cavalry and light artillery in pur- 
 suit of the retreating rebels. As other bodies 
 of the federal army were advanced, however, 
 a considerable number of stragglers were cap- 
 tured in the woods and along the roads, many 
 of them having been on picket duty, and not 
 informed of the proposed evacuation. Later in 
 
 the day, a brigade of cavalry and a battery of 
 
 artillery, under General Granger, were sent 
 
 out by General Pope from Farmington, to pur- 
 
 - a show of resistance. 
 
 sue the enemy and to annoy and cut off his 
 rear guard. This force, just at night, came up 
 
 with the rebel rear guard at Tuscumbia Creek, | 
 
 eight miles south of Corinth, and on the fol- 
 lowing day drove them from their position. 
 The pursuit was afterwards resumed, and near 
 Booneville, the advance of General Granger’s 
 force came in sight of the rebels, and pursued 
 them closely to within one mile of that town. 
 This was two days after the cavalry force sent 
 by General Halleck to cut the railroad’ had 
 visited this place, as previously mentioned. 
 That force had reached Booneville before the 
 main body of the rebel army, and its operations 
 had created great alarm among the rebels, and 
 had so disconcerted their generals that a part 
 of their army was moved in another direction. 
 General Granger’s whole force having come up, 
 he entered Booneville, and thence pursued the 
 rebel forces on several roads, skirmishing sharp- 
 ly most of the day, and capturing a few prison- 
 ers. The pursuit was continued, though not 
 very sharply, till the 10th of June, when it 
 terminated in the occupation of Baldwin and 
 Guntown, the rebels having been driven from 
 two or three positions, where they had made 
 The pursuit resulted 
 in the capture of not a very large number of 
 prisoners, but revealed the loss of supplies 
 
 629 
 
 and baggage, and a considerable number of 
 small arms and equipments thrown away by 
 the demoralized stragglers of the retreating 
 army. The main body of the rebel army fell 
 back to Tupello, and the campaign in this sec- 
 tion was ended for the season. 
 
 The following letter from General Granger, 
 called forth by a statement of Beauregard, 
 denying certain reports of the federal success 
 which had been officially announced, gives a 
 report of the operations of the cavalry force 
 under his command : — 
 
 #¢ HEADQUARTERS, CavALRY Division, 
 Army oF THE Mississippi, July 4, 1862. 
 
 “T have read, with mingled feelings of sur- 
 prise and regret, a communication signed by G. 
 T. Beauregard, addressed to the Mobile News of 
 the 19th ultimo; surprise, that facts so patent, 
 and so easily susceptible of proof, should be 
 denied by him; and regret, that so weak, 
 wicked, and unholy a cause as is this cursed re- 
 bellion should have rendered utterly false and 
 unscrupulous a man whom, for fifteen years, I 
 have always associated with all that was chiv- 
 alric, high-minded, and honorable. 
 
 “The pursuit from Corinth I led with one 
 brigade of my cavalry and a battery, leaving 
 Farmington at noon on the 30th day of May. 
 On the evening of the same day I came upon 
 the rear guard of the enemy, whom I found 
 strongly posted in the bottom of Tuscumbia 
 Creek, eight miles south of Corinth. The next 
 day this rear guard was driven out, and on 
 Sunday, the lst June, the pursuit recommenced. 
 We passed Rienzi only two hours behind the 
 retreating army, and found the bridges between 
 Rienzi and Booneville so recently fired that the 
 timbers were nearly all saved. My advanced 
 guard came up with the enemy late in the 
 afternoon of the Ist June, about four miles from 
 Booneville, and chased them within one mile 
 of the town, when it was halted by my order, 
 on account of the lateness of the hour. At five 
 o’clock on the morning of the 2d June I en- 
 
630 
 
 tered Booneville, and during all of that day my 
 cavalry was constantly skirmishing with the ene- 
 my on every road leading southward and west- 
 ward from Booneville to Twenty-mile Creek. 
 
 “On the next day I made a reconnoissance 
 in force towards Baldwin, driving the enemy 
 across T'wenty-mile Creek; and on the 4th 
 another reconnoissance was made by Colonel 
 Elliott, via Blackland, with similar results. On 
 the LOth, Baldwin and Guntown were occupied 
 by my troops, which was as far as the pursuit 
 has been carried. 
 
 “ Booneville is twenty-four miles by the rail- 
 road from Corinth, and Twenty-mile Creek is 
 eleven miles farther. By the highway the dis- 
 tance from Corinth to Twenty-mile Creek is 
 reckoned by the inhabitants at thirty-nine 
 miles. 
 
 “The facts of the ‘ farmer’s story’ are these. 
 I met at Rienzi, on Sunday, the Ist June, the 
 citizen whose house Beauregard occupied while 
 there, and his statement to me was that Beau- 
 regard was much excited and utterly surprised 
 at the explosion of the ordnance in the burning 
 ears, fired by Colonel Elliott at Booneville, that 
 he pronounced it to be at Corinth, and that he 
 violently swore at a report that reached him, 
 that the explosions were at Booneville. That 
 he sent all over town to ascertain the author 
 of the rumor, and while engaged in this search 
 a messenger arrived direct from Booneville con- 
 firming the report that ‘the Yankees were 
 there’? Whereat, Beauregard altered his route 
 and galloped away immediately, taking the 
 roundabout way of Blackland to Baldwin. This 
 statement was made in the presence of several 
 officers, and was entirely voluntary and un- 
 asked for. 
 
 “ Colonel Elliott arrived at Booneville on the 
 30th of May, at two o’clock A.M. He remained 
 secreted in the woods east of the railroad until 
 daylight, when he moved down upon the town, 
 and was met by a body of about two hundred 
 
 rebel cavalry, who incontinently fled at a volley | 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 from Captain Campbell’s second Michigan re- 
 volving rifles. This was the only resistance 
 Colonel Elliott encountered. He found in the 
 town about eight hundred well soldiers and two 
 thousand sick and convalescent ; but none were 
 inclined to oppose him. On the contrary, at 
 least five hundred wished to go back with him 
 as prisoners, but it was impossible for him to 
 take them. 
 
 “The two thousand sick and convalescent, 
 found by Colonel Elliott were in the most 
 shocking condition. The living and the putrid 
 dead were lying side by side together, festering 
 in the sun, on platforms, on the track, and on 
 the ground, just where they had been driven 
 off the cars by their inhuman and savage com- 
 rades. No surgeon, no nurses were attending 
 them. They had had no water or food for one 
 or two days, and a more horrible scene could 
 scarcely be imagined. 
 
 “Colonel Elliott set his own men to remov- 
 ing them to places of safety, and they were all 
 so removed before he set fire to the depot and 
 cars, as can be proved by hundreds. 
 
 “General Beauregard states that the burning 
 of two or more cars is not enough to make him 
 frantic. The exact number of the cars de- 
 stroyed by Colonel Elliott is as follows : — 
 
 “ FWive cars loaded with small arms. 
 
 “Five cars loaded with loose ammunition. 
 
 “ Five cars loaded with fixed ammunition. 
 
 “Six cars loaded with officers’ baggage. 
 
 “ Five cars loaded with clothing, subsistence, 
 stores, harness, saddles, &c. 
 
 “Making a total of twenty-six cars, besides 
 three pieces of artillery and one locomotive. 
 
 “This, of course, does not include the depot 
 and platform, which were filled with provisions 
 and stores of every description. 
 
 “The nine men of Colonel Elliott’s command 
 taken prisoners were a party who had taken a 
 hand-car and gone up the track a mile or two 
 to destroy a water-tank. It is presumed they 
 were surprised by some skulkers who were 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 afraid to approach Booneville while Colonel 
 Elliott was there. 
 
 “The charge of burning up five sick men in 
 the depot and handing down Colonel Elliott’s 
 name to infamy, I must confess is only in char- 
 acter with General Beauregard’s previous state- 
 ments. He knows better. He knows it is 
 false. The rebellion, in which he is a promi- 
 nent leader, must have imbued him with more 
 credulity than reason; a spirit of malicious 
 exaggeration has taken the place of truth. To 
 convict himself of inhumanity, treachery, and 
 deception in almost every word, act, and deed, 
 he has only to take the combined and concur- 
 rent testimony of thousands of his own sub- 
 alterns and men, especially those who have 
 fallen into our hands as prisoners and the large 
 numbers who have deserted his sinking cause. 
 
 “G. Grancer, Brigadier-General. 
 ‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranton, Secretary of War.” 
 
 The result of the movement against the rebel 
 army at Corinth hardly answered the hopes and 
 expectations of the government and the coun- 
 try. It was hoped that with so large and well- 
 appointed an army, and under a commander 
 who was reported to be a master of military 
 science, and was aided by generals of known 
 ability and bravery, the rebel army might be 
 wholly defeated, a large part of it captured, and 
 the prestige of its general destroyed among 
 his own followers. On the other hand, it was 
 anticipated, or feared by many, that the slow 
 and cautious movements of General Halleck 
 would result in finding the enemy gone when 
 the time for the final attack should come. The 
 latter were not wrong in their conjectures. 
 The slowness but certainty with which the fed- 
 eral army advanced, and the completeness of 
 all its movements, seem to have convinced the 
 rebel leaders that its final success would be 
 certain, and at the same time afforded them 
 opportunity to escape. So far as they were 
 compelled to abandon a chosen position, im- 
 
 631 
 
 portant as a strategic point in that campaign, 
 before the capture of Memphis, it was virtually 
 a defeat to them and a gratifying success for 
 the federal general. So far as the rebel army 
 was demoralized by a hasty evacuation of a 
 carefully and laboriously fortified position, a 
 wholesale destruction of supplies, and a sudden 
 retreat before the very presence of its oppo- 
 nents, and all in the face of the vainglorious 
 orders and promises of its leaders, it was a ruin- 
 ous defeat to the rebels and a great advantage 
 to the Union cause. But notwithstanding these 
 disadvantages, the rebel army had escaped with 
 comparatively little loss, and could be used for 
 other movements, while on the other hand the 
 federal army could not make a farther advance 
 until the Mississippi should be opened and its 
 base of supplies changed. The balance of ad- 
 vantages was, however, decidedly on the side of 
 the federal cause, and was so felt to be by 
 the enemy. 
 
 When General Buell’s army left Nashville, 
 one division, under General O. M. Mitchell, 
 moved in the direction of Murfreesboro’ in 
 stead of towards the Tennessee River. The 
 rebel troops which had retreated in this direc- 
 tion retired before the advance of General 
 Mitchell’s division, and went to join the forces 
 of Beauregard at Corinth. Accordingly, there 
 was no considerable body of troops to oppose 
 the federal advance, and apparently a move- 
 ment in this direction was not anticipated by 
 the rebel leaders. General Mitchell was not 
 slow in availing himself of this condition of 
 affairs, and moved from Murfreesboro’ on the 
 4th of April, towards Alabama, crossing the 
 state line on the 8th, and reaching that night 
 the vicinity of Huntsville, through which passes 
 
 'the Memphis and Charleston railroad, connect- 
 ‘ing the Mississippi with the east. 
 
 About ten miles from Huntsville the van- 
 guard of the division bivouacked, awaiting the 
 coming up of the artillery and main body of 
 the infantry. Before morning the forces were 
 
632 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 concentrated and moved towards the town, fully 
 prepared to attack any force which might resist 
 their progress. A few miles from the town the 
 shrill whistle of a locomotive announced the 
 approach of a railroad train, which was prompt- 
 ly brought to a stand by one or two shots from 
 the light artillery. Capturing the train and a 
 number of prisoners, the forces moved rapidly 
 forward to Huntsville, which they entered be- 
 fore the people had left their beds. ‘The clatter 
 of troops and rattle of artillery soon startled 
 the residents from their slumbers, and great 
 was their consternation when they learned that 
 the federal forces had reached their town so far 
 inland, and protected, as they supposed, by the 
 strategic positions of the rebel troops. Any 
 fears which they might have entertained of ill 
 treatment and plunder by the federal soldiers 
 were soon quieted by the good order and dis- 
 cipline which characterized the troops, and the 
 stringent orders of the officers. 
 
 Troops were at once despatched to take pos- 
 session of the railroad and all public or military 
 property ; and it was soon found that the occu- 
 pation of the place, though not at the cost of a 
 battle, or even a skirmish, was a most important 
 advantage gained, and a corresponding damage 
 to the rebels. At the railroad depot were found 
 seventeen locomotives, and a large number of 
 cars, some of which contained supplies for the 
 rebel army; and at a foundery were several 
 cannon and some small arms. These, with other 
 sunilar property, were seized, and the railroad 
 was promptly used to extend the advantage 
 already gained. Trains of cars with troops 
 were despatched east and west, and before night 
 General Mitchell had possession of one hundred 
 miles of the railroad, extending from Steven- 
 son on the east to Decatur on the west, and 
 had captured, besides other engines and cars, 
 the entire camp equipage of aregiment. From 
 Decatur a force was advanced to Tuscumbia, 
 and communication opened with, the combined 
 armies of Generals Grant auu Buell, soon after 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 the battle of Shiloh. The rebel communica- 
 tions were thus completely interrupted in this 
 direction, and the capture of so large a number 
 of locomotives and cars was a serious loss to 
 the means of transportation possessed by the 
 rebels, though a considerable number, both of 
 engines and cars, had been run down from the 
 railroads in Tennessee and Kentucky, as the 
 rebel forces retired. All this work was accom- 
 plished, and the advantages gained, without the 
 loss of a man. The success was announced by 
 General Mitchell in the following orders, ex- 
 pressing his thanks to his soldiers : — 
 
 ‘HEADQUARTERS TuIRD Drvyision, 
 Camp Tayuor, Huntsvities, April 16, 1862. } 
 ‘GENERAL ORDER No. 93. 
 
 “Sorprers: Your march upon Bowling Green 
 won the thanks and confidence of our com- 
 manding general. With engines and cars cap- 
 tured from the enemy, our advance guard pre- 
 cipitated itself upon Nashville. It was now 
 made your duty to seize and destroy the Mem- 
 phis and Charleston Railway, the great military 
 road of the enemy. With a supply-train only 
 sufficient to feed you at a distance of two days’ 
 march from your depot, you undertook the 
 herculean task of rebuilding twelve hundred 
 feet of heavy bridging, which by your untiring 
 energy was accomplished in ten days. 
 
 “Thus, by a railway of your own construc- 
 tion, your depot of supplies was removed from 
 Nashville to Shelbyville, nearly sixty miles, in 
 the direction of the object of your attack. The 
 blow now became practicable. Marching with 
 a celerity such as to outstrip any messenger 
 who might have attempted to announce your 
 coming, you fell upon Huntsville, taking your 
 enemy completely by surprise, and capturing | 
 not only his great military road, but all his ma- 
 chine shops, engines, and rolling stock. 
 
 “Thus providing yourselves with ample trans- 
 portation, you have struck blow after blow with 
 a rapidity unparalleled. Stevenson fell, sixty 
 miles to the east of Huntsville. Decatur and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION, 
 
 Tuscumbia have been in like manner seized, and 
 are now occupied. In three days you have 
 extended your front of operations more than 
 one hundred and twenty miles, and your morn- 
 ing gun at Tuscumbia may now be heard by 
 your comrades on the battle-field made glori- 
 ous by their victory before Corinth. 
 
 “A commiunication of these facts to head- 
 quarters has not only won the thanks of our 
 commanding general, but those of the depart- 
 ment of war, which I announce to you with 
 proud satisfaction. 
 
 “ Accept the thanks of your commander, and 
 let your future deeds demonstrate that you can 
 surpass yourselves. By order of 
 
 “QO. M. Mrrcuett, 
 “ Brigadier-General commanding. 
 
 ssW. P. Prentice, A. A. G.” 
 
 General Mitchell, in consequence of his suc- 
 cess, was raised to the rank of major-general, 
 and his division was constituted an independ- 
 ent command. But to hold this great extent 
 of railroad his force was not sufficient, and the 
 extension of his lines rendered his situation 
 far from safe should the rebels concentrate any 
 force upon one point. The importance of this 
 line of communication was too great for them 
 to permit him to hold it without opposition, 
 and they soon began to gather in some force, 
 and to threaten him. At this time, however, 
 it was impossible to send him reénforcements 
 without weakening some other point perhaps 
 as important as this. General Mitchell was, 
 therefore, obliged to concentrate his forces be- 
 fore the threatened movements of the rebels, 
 who collected in the vicinity of Tuscumbia, and 
 kept up a constant skirmishing, and interrupted 
 the transportation of supplies. On the 24th 
 of April, his force abandoned Tuscumbia, and 
 fell back to Decatur, where a fine bridge across 
 the Tennessee was destroyed, to prevent pur- 
 suit by the rebels, who pressed forward as 
 they discovered the retreat. The bridge was 
 
 80 
 
 633 
 
 scarcely destroyed when a rebel cavalry force 
 appeared on the other side, but their pursuit 
 was here effectually interrupted. From De- 
 catur the federal troops were also withdrawn, 
 and concentrated at Huntsville, and operations 
 were now directed to the places east of that 
 point. An expedition to Bridgeport secured 
 control of the bridge at that place, and there 
 being no bridge across the Tennessee below 
 that since the destruction of the one at De- 
 catur, with the river in his front and between 
 him and any force of the enemy which he had 
 to fear, General Mitchell’s position was now 
 safe. Moreover, the communication between 
 the extremes of his lines was by railroad, 
 which was in his possession, and he could the 
 more readily concentrate his force if occasion 
 
 || required. 
 
 Had Gen. Mitchell’s force been larger, he 
 might have accomplished more important re- 
 sults by penetrating farther into Alabama and 
 into Georgia, destroying the rebel communica- 
 tion by railroad, and seizing some important 
 points, as well as capturing much war material 
 very essential to the enemy. Whether he 
 would have been able to have held the ground 
 thus occupied, without a very large army after 
 the evacuation of Corinth, is a question not so 
 easily decided. 
 
 Subsequently to the operations recorded 
 above, General Mitchell advanced upon Chat- 
 tanooga, and compelled the rebel forces in East 
 Tennessee to retire. Considerable heavy skir- 
 
 | mishing ensued upon this movement, and on 
 
 the 6th of June General Negley with a part of 
 the division attacked the rebels in Chattanooga 
 with artillery across the river. The rebels in 
 considerable force the next day made an attack, 
 but were repulsed. The difficulty of procuring 
 supplies, and the want of a larger force, however, 
 compelled the federal general to abandon any 
 further attempt in this direction; and soon 
 after, when General Buell’s army moved from 
 Corinth to the line of the Tennessee, this divis- 
 
634 HISTORY OF 
 
 THE UNITED 
 
 STATES. 
 
 ion was again incorporated into his army, and || without their reduction being still more diffi- 
 
 General Mitchell was ordered to take command 
 of the department of the south. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXV. 
 
 The Mississippi Flotilla. — Progress down the River. — Fort 
 Pillow. — Bombardment.— Withdrawal of Federal Land 
 forces. — Continued Bombardment. — Rebel Gunboats. — At- 
 tack upon the Federal Flotilla. — Naval Engagement. — Rebel 
 Rams. — The Cincinnati. — Rebel Vessels damaged and com- 
 pelled to retire. — Official Despatch of Captain Davis. — Fed- 
 eral Rams. — Evacuation of Fort Pillow. — Strength and con- 
 dition of the Fort. — Fort Randolph. — Official Despatch of 
 Colonel Ellett. —Movement towards Memphis. — Capture of a 
 Steamer. — Arrival above Memphis. — Rebel Fleet. — The 
 Battle. — Operations of Federal Rams. — Destruction of 
 Rebel Gunboats. — Fight at close Quarters. — Retreat of 
 Rebel Vessels. — Pursuit and Capture. — The Result. — The 
 American Flag in Memphis. — Occupation of the City. 
 — Official Reports. — Expedition up White River. — Gen- | 
 eral Curtis’s Movements. — Short Supplies and critical Con- | 
 dition. — Object of the Gunboat Expedition. — Rebel Bat-. 
 teries at St. Charles. — Attack by Gunboats, and Battle. — | 
 Disaster to the Mound City. — Loss of Life by Scalding. — 
 Rebel Barbarity. — Assault on the Batteries by the Military 
 Force.— Capture of Batteries and total Defeat of Rebels. — 
 Official Reports. — Failure of the Expedition. — Movements | 
 of General Curtis. — March to Helena. 
 
 On the 12th of April, a few days after the | 
 capture of Island Number Ten,* the flotilla of 
 gunboats under Commodore Foote, with the 
 mortar boats and a number of transports carry- 
 ing a large part of General Pope’s forces, moved 
 down the Mississippi for operations against the 
 next rebel stronghold, which was Fort Wright 
 or Pillow, on the first Chickasaw Bluffs, about 
 seventy miles above Memphis, and relied upon 
 as a defence to that place. A few miles below 
 Fort Pillow was Fort Randolph; and both of 
 these works were so advantageously located 
 and so well constructed that they were confi- 
 dently relied upon by the rebels to resist suc- 
 cessfully the federal progress down the river,and 
 
 were believed by the federal officers to be very | 
 
 difficult to reduce, the passage down the river 
 
 * See Chapter LXIX. 
 
 cult. The gunboats moved in line of battle and 
 prepared to encounter the rebel gunboats, of 
 which there were supposed to be several quite 
 formidable, or batteries posted on shore. As 
 the fleet descended the river, three or four 
 steamboats, supposed to be armed, were seen in 
 the distance; but they retired as the federal 
 boats advanced, without offering any resistance. 
 Two days after leaving New Madrid the fleet 
 came to anchor at Plum Point, about three and 
 a half miles from Fort Pillow, and operations 
 were at once commenced against that strong- 
 hold. The mortar boats were moored to the 
 Arkansas shore at a distance of about three 
 quarters of a mile from the fort in a direct line, 
 and on the 17th of April opened fire upon the 
 batteries and gunboats of the enemy. The 
 rebel batteries replied vigorously, but without 
 much effect, and the shells from the mortars, 
 though soon ae thrown, promised no 
 speedy result. 
 
 The height of the river,and the nature of 
 the ground below the bluffs on which the rebel 
 works were constructed, prevented any codper- 
 ation of the land forces; and it only remained 
 for the mortars to keep up a constant fire, which 
 must cause more or less damage to the enemy, 
 until a lower stage of the water should permit 
 the commencement of military operations, or 
 the rebel forces should at length be wearied 
 out. The land forces, however, were destined 
 to take no part in the reduction or capture of 
 the fort, for after the battle of Shiloh, General 
 Pope, with his force of nearly twenty-five thous- 
 and men, which had been destined for operations 
 on the Mississippi, was ordered to join the army 
 under General Halleck, then moving against 
 Corinth. The departure of the land forces ap- 
 peared to put an end to the operations which 
 were expected to open the mighty river to New 
 Orleans ; but the naval part of the expedition 
 remained to prevent any hostile movements by 
 the rebel gunboats, or any attempt to reoccupy 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 points farther up the river; and a slow bombard- 
 ment of the fort was continued, though with 
 but little hope of accomplishing any favorable 
 results. Soon after the withdrawal of the land 
 forces, Commodore Foote, anticipating no im- 
 mediate movement of importance, obtained 
 leave of absence, and was succeeded in the 
 command of the flotilla by Captain Charles H. 
 Davis. 
 
 Up to the 10th of May there was little to 
 vary the monotony of the slow bombardment 
 of the fort. The rebel gunboats occasionally 
 made their appearance at a distance, but made 
 no demonstration within range of the guns of 
 the federal vessels. The rebels, however, were 
 in the mean time increasing their naval strength, 
 or awaiting a favorable opportunity for attacking 
 the federal boats at a disadvantage. On the 
 day above named, their preparations being com- 
 pleted, or the desired opportunity, as they be- 
 lieved, having arrived, the rebel flotilla moved 
 up the river for an attack upon the federal vessels. 
 This flotilla consisted of eight boats, several of 
 which were partially iron-clad and fitted with 
 sharp iron bows, or “rams.” The federal gun- 
 boats were seven in number, and were moored 
 on each side of the river, three on the eastern 
 side and four on the western side. The mortar 
 boats, which were simply flat-boats, depended 
 upon the gunboats both for locomotion and pro- 
 tection, and were a source of weakness rather 
 than of strengthin case of an attack at close quar- 
 ters. Four of the federal vessels were partially 
 iron-clad ; the others had no armor, but.the en- 
 gines and boilers were protected by bales of 
 cotton and heavy timbers. Some of the mortar 
 boats had been moored for their daily work of 
 bombarding the fort, and the foremost of the 
 rebel gunboats apparently aimed at first cap- 
 turing these persistent annoyers. As the rebel 
 boats approached, and were yet at a distance, 
 
 one of the mortar boats opened the conflict | 
 
 with its heavy mortar, the elevation of the 
 piece and the charge being reduced to meet 
 
 ;}In vain against the iron armor of the ram. 
 
 635 
 
 the circumstances. Though the shot did not 
 appear to take effect, the gallantry of the com- 
 mander and crew of this boat, which was the 
 most exposed to attack, in thus defending it 
 with such a ponderous and unwieldy piece of 
 ordnance, received the commendation of the 
 flag officer and all who saw it. 
 
 The rebel flotilla was led by an iron-clad 
 ram, which, as it approached the position of the 
 federal vessels, made for the Cincinnati, which 
 was the most advanced of the gunboats. It 
 was some time before the Cincinnati was cut 
 
 ‘loose and got under headway into the stream, 
 
 and the rebel ram had by that time approached 
 to within a comparatively short distance, the 
 stern guns of the former having been discharged 
 As 
 soon as the Cincinnati was fairly under way 
 she discharged her broadside guns, but with no 
 better result. The ram kept on, and, making 
 for the federal vessel under all steam, struck 
 her on the quarter with great force, and did 
 considerable damage, though it did not disable 
 her. In return, the Cincinnati discharged a full 
 broadside at the ram at short range, but appar- 
 ently without inflicting any serious damage ; 
 for the latter immediately prepared for another 
 attack. Both vessels were now manceuvred 
 with skill, the one attempting to strike with its 
 iron prow, and the other to avoid the blow, while 
 at the same time firing rapidly upon her an- 
 tagonist. Finally, as the ram approached, Com- 
 mander Stembel, of the Cincinnati, ordered out 
 the: small arms, cutlasses, and boarding pikes, 
 with the determination of joining in a desperate 
 hand-to-hand encounter, should the ram again 
 strike and seriously injure his vessel. These 
 preparations were scarcely made, when the ves- 
 sels struck, and at the same moment the broad- 
 side of the Cincinnati was discharged directly 
 into her antagonist. Amid the uproar and con- 
 fusion of the moment, Commander Stembel shot 
 the rebel pilot, and was himself immediately 
 after wounded. The rebel vessel was evidently 
 
636 
 
 damaged, and drifted down the stream without 
 “any attempt to renew the conflict. The Cin- 
 einnati, though much damaged and leaking fast, 
 was not disabled, and for a time continued in 
 the fight, discharging her guns at the other 
 rebel vessels within range, and placing one hors 
 du combat, until, becoming partially nnmanage- 
 able in consequence of settling in the water, 
 she was run upon a shoal, where she soon 
 sunk.* 
 
 In the mean time the other federal gunboats 
 became engaged with other rebel vessels, and a 
 general battle raged. The Mound City was 
 struck by aram, but not seriously damaged, and 
 continued to throw her heavy shot and shell at 
 her antagonist, which was soon forced to retire. 
 In the general conflict three of the enemy’s 
 
 vessels were disabled, two by the explosion of 
 
 boilers, or steam-chests, which were struck by 
 shot from the federal vessels. The engage- 
 ment lasted rather more than half an hour, and 
 for a part of that time it appeared to be a 
 severe contest, which must necessarily cause a 
 great loss of life. The result, however, was, 
 that none were killed on board the federal ves- 
 sels, and but three were wounded, one of whom 
 was Commander Stembel. The official state- 
 ment of the rebel loss was two killed and one 
 wounded. The Cincinnati was the only federal 
 boat that was seriously damaged. On the part 
 of the rebels it was evident that several of their 
 boats were more or less disabled, as they floated 
 helplessly down the stream ; and the result was 
 
 * It was related at the time by newspaper correspondents who’ 
 
 were with the federal flotilla, that after the retirement of the first 
 rebel ram from the engagement with the Cincinnati, the latter was 
 attacked by the “ Mallory,” another ram of slower and more 
 clumsy movement, and for some time by skilful manceuvres 
 evaded a collision. But as the ram was about to be more suc- 
 cessful in the attempt to strike the Cincinnati, the St. Louis bore 
 down rapidly upon the rebel vessel, and striking her amidships, 
 cut into her so that she sunk at once, carrying down most of the 
 
 crew, a few only escaping by jumping on board the St. Louis. | 
 No mention of this, however, is made in the official despatches | 
 
 either of Captain Davis, the federal flag officer, or of the rebel com- 
 mander. 
 by the explosion of shells in their magazines appears equally 
 unsupported by the official despatches. 
 
 The report of the blowing up of two of the rebel boats | 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED 
 
 | 
 ' 
 
 STATES. 
 
 certainly such as not to encourage them to seek 
 again an engagement with the federal gunboats. 
 The rebel commander, however, reported that 
 the boats were recalled by him because the 
 federal vessels were taking positions where the 
 water was too shallow for his own to reach 
 them, while they also carried a greater number 
 of guns, and of much heavier calibre. His 
 somewhat inconsistent statement at least proves 
 that he felt that his vessels were not a match 
 for their antagonists, notwithstanding he re- 
 ported serious damage to the latter. 
 
 The following is the official despatch of 
 Captain Davis, announcing the engagement 
 and its results : — 
 
 OFFICIAL REPORT OF CAPTAIN DAVIS. 
 
 ‘‘Unitep States Frac-STEAMER BENTON, 
 Orr Fort Pritow, May 11, 1862. 
 
 “Sir: I have the honor to inform the depart- 
 ment that yesterday morning, a little after seven 
 o’clock, the rebel squadron, consisting of eight 
 iron-clad steamers, —four of them, I believe, fit- 
 ted as rams,— came round the point at the bend 
 above Fort Pillow, and steamed gallantly up 
 the river, fully prepared for a regular engage- 
 ment. 
 
 “The vessels of this squadron were lying at 
 the time tied up to the bank of the river, — 
 three on the eastern and four on the western 
 
 side, — and (as they were transferred to me by 
 Flag-officer Foote) ready for action. Most of 
 the vessels were prompt in obeying the signal to 
 follow the motions of the commander-in-chief. 
 
 “The leading vessels of the rebel squadron 
 made directly for mortar-boat No. 16, which 
 was fora moment unprotected. Acting Master, 
 Gregory and his crew behaved with great spirit 
 during the action; he fired his mortar eleven 
 times at the enemy, reducing the charge and 
 diminishing the elevation. 
 
 “Commander Stembel, in the gunboat Cin- 
 cinnati, which was the leading vessel in the 
 line on that side of the river, followed immedi- 
 ately by Commander Kilty, in the Mound City, 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 hastened to the support of the mortar-boats, 
 and both were repeatedly struck by the enemy’s 
 rams, at the same time that they disabled the 
 enemy and drove him away. The two leading 
 vessels of the enemy’s line were successively 
 encountered by this ship. The boiler or steam- 
 chest of one of them was exploded by our shot, 
 and both of them were disabled. They, as well 
 as the first vessel encountered by the Cincin- 
 nati, drifted down the river. 
 
 “Commander Walke informs me that he 
 fired a fifty-pound rifle-shot through the boilers 
 of the third of the enemy’s gunboats, of the 
 western line, and rendered her for the time be- 
 ing helpless. 
 
 “The action lasted during the better part of 
 an hour, and took place at the closest quarters. 
 The enemy finally retreated with haste below 
 the guns of Fort Pillow. 
 
 “| have to call the especial attention of the 
 department to the gallantry and good conduct 
 exhibited by Commanders Stembel and Kilty, 
 and Lieutenant-commanding 8. L. Phelps. I 
 regret to say that Commander Stembel, Fourth 
 Master Reynolds, and one of the seamen of the 
 Cincinnati, and one of the Mound City, were 
 severely wounded. The other accidents of the 
 day were slight. 
 
 “T have the honor to be, 
 “Your most obedient servant, 
 
 “©. H. Davis, 
 “ Captain commanding Mississippi Flotilla, pro tem. 
 
 ‘¢Hon. Gipnon WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 After this engagement affairs remained quiet 
 until early in June, except that an occasional 
 bombardment of the fort was kept up from the 
 mortar-boats. No further demonstration was 
 made by the rebel gunboats, and the Union 
 flotilla could not hope to make any progress 
 without the codperation of a large land force. 
 In the mean time, however, the naval part of 
 the expedition was kept prepared for any active 
 operations, and a fleet of several “rams,” fitted 
 
 637 
 
 out by the war department, and under the com- 
 mand of a military officer, Colonel Ellett, had 
 arrived, and was ready to codperate. These 
 “rams” were swift, stern-wheel river steamers, 
 fitted with sharp iron prows, and protected 
 about the machinery with iron or cotton bales; 
 the sides were pierced with loopholes for rifles, 
 which, in the hands of sharpshooters, were the 
 only armament. They were lighter and swifter 
 than the rebel rams, and were expected to 
 prove useful for rapid movements, should such 
 be required, as well as effective in the peculiar 
 use for which they were intended. The com- 
 mander of this fleet, Colonel Ellett, was a brave 
 and dashing officer, and was supported with 
 like spirit by his brother, Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Ellett, and son, as well as by those who had 
 charge of the management of the boats. The 
 arrival of these rams under the command of an 
 army officer, and independent of the naval au- 
 thorities, caused some jealousy between them; 
 but, fortunately, it assumed the form of rivalry, 
 and did not interfere with the activity or suc- 
 cess of either. 
 
 The tenure of Fort Pillow and Memphis by 
 the rebels depended upon the issue of the op- 
 erations at Corinth; and when Beauregard was 
 compelled to retreat from that position, the 
 evacuation of these places followed as a matter 
 of course. The transfer, therefore, of General 
 Pope’s forces to the main army before Corinth 
 did not deprive the naval expedition of all 
 military co6peration, and may not, in view of 
 the slow progress made by General Halleck, 
 have seriously retarded the progress of the 
 expedition. Fort Pillow and Fort Randolph, 
 about twelve miles below, were evacuated on 
 the night of the 4th of June, a few days after 
 the retreat from Corinth, and as soon as the 
 preparations could be completed. The greater 
 part of the forces which had for some time oc- 
 cupied Fort Pillow, after the abandonment of 
 Columbus, had been called to reénforce Beau- 
 regard at Corinth, when General Pope went to 
 
638 
 
 the Tennessee, and the garrison had, for some 
 days previous to the evacuation, been only 
 sufficient to keep up a show of occupation by 
 responding to the federal fire. Although such 
 a movement might have been suspected by the 
 Union officers, whose reconnoissances had been 
 more frequent for a few days, and preparations 
 were made for a military movement under 
 certain contingencies, it did not appear that 
 their suspicions were confirmed until the move- 
 ment was accomplished. arly in the evening 
 of the 4th of June there were indications of 
 extensive conflagrations in the direction of the 
 fort and beyond, and it became quite certain 
 that the rebels were burning their barracks 
 and storehouses preparatory to an entire aban- 
 doument of the position. At the same time 
 the discharge of some of their heavy guns, 
 which sent shot and shell in the direction of 
 the federal vessels, seemed to indicate that the 
 garrison was still ready to resist the advance 
 of the Union flotilla. It appeared afterwards, 
 however, thatthe rebels had loaded and pointed 
 these guns, and had then set the carriages on 
 fire, by which means they were discharged 
 when the garrison had already left. An ad- 
 vance of the flotilla, or any detachment, was 
 not considered expedient until the next morn- 
 ing; but early on that day the whole fleet 
 got under way, preceded by the rams, and 
 moved down the river to a point opposite the 
 fort. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett, with a few men in 
 a yawl, inmediately landed, and were followed 
 by Colonel Fitch, commanding an Indiana brig- 
 ade, and a part of his force. An examination 
 of the rebel works showed that by position 
 and natural advantages, as well as great en- 
 gineering skill and labor, they were exceed- 
 ingly strong, and could for a long time have 
 resisted any attempt to take them. They con- 
 sisted of an immense system of earthworks, 
 extending several miles, and prepared for nu- 
 merous guns, a large number of which, com- 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 manding all the land approaches as well as the 
 river, appeared to have been mounted. The 
 rebels, however, had removed the greater part 
 of the guns, and had attempted to render others 
 useless by bursting or spiking them, and burn- 
 ing the carriages. All the barracks and other 
 buildmgs had been burned, and there were 
 evidences of the destruction of other property 
 which could not be removed. Some very large 
 guns and mortars were found, a portion of 
 which were not seriously damaged; but beyond 
 these there was little left that could be of value 
 to the captors. The works themselves were 
 of little use to the federal forces, the rebels 
 having now almost entirely abandoned West 
 Tennessee. The Union flag was raised over 
 the deserted and useless fort, and, a small force 
 being left to guard it, the fleet proceeded down 
 the river to Fort Randolph, a less important 
 work, twelve miles below, which was also evac- 
 uated at the same time as Fort Pillow. 
 
 The following is the official despatch of Colo- 
 
 ‘nel Ellett, whose activity seems to have placed 
 
 him in advance of the naval flotilla: — 
 
 COLONEL ELLETT’S REPORT. 
 
 ‘¢Oppositr RANDOLPH, BELOW Fort Pittow, 
 June 5, 1862. 
 
 “To my mortification the enemy evacuated 
 Fort Pillow last night. They carried away or 
 destroyed every thing valuable. Early this 
 morning Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett and a few 
 men in a yawl went ashore, followed immedi- 
 ately by Colonel Fitch and a party of his com- 
 mand. The gunboats then came down and 
 anchored across the channel. 
 
 “JT proceeded with three rams twelve miles 
 below the fort to a point opposite Randolph, 
 and sent Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett ashore with 
 a flag of truce to demand the surrender of the 
 place. Their forces had all left in two of their 
 gunboats only an hour or two before we ap- 
 proached. The people seemed to respect the 
 flag which Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett planted. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 The guns had been dismantled, and some piles 
 of cotton were burning. 
 
 “JT shall leave Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett here 
 in the advance, and return immediately to Fort 
 Pillow to bring on my entire force. The peo- 
 ple attribute the suddenness of the evacuation 
 to the attempt made night before last to sink 
 one of their gunboats at Fort Pillow. Ran- 
 dolph, like Pillow, is weak, and could not have 
 held out long against a vigorous attack. The 
 people express a desire for the restoration of 
 the old order of things, though still professing 
 to be secessionists. 
 
 “CHartes Hxert, Jr., 
 “ Colonel commanding Ram Flotilla. 
 ‘‘ Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 
 
 From Randolph the combined forces moved 
 at once towards Memphis, which was now pro- 
 tected by no work of importance, and the only 
 obstacle anticipated was the rebel flotilla of 
 gunboats. On the passage down, a large rebel 
 transport was captured by one of the tug ten- 
 ders of the gunboats, this being the only im- 
 portant event which transpired on the way. 
 On the 5th of June the fleet arrived within 
 two miles of Memphis without meeting any 
 opposition, and anchored for the night. Dur- 
 ing the night a rebel tug approached the an- 
 chorage, as was supposed on a reconnoitring 
 expedition, and getting aground so that she 
 could not be got off, was set on fire by her 
 crew and destroyed. Early on the morning of 
 the 6th, the gunboats were signalized to pre- 
 pare for action, and to drop down the river. 
 The Mound City having been left at Port Pil- 
 low to convoy the transports, the fleet consisted 
 of only five vessels, the Benton (flag-ship), the 
 Louisville, the Carondelet, the Cairo, and the 
 St. Louis. 
 
 The arrival of the fleet above the city was 
 evidently. known in Memphis, for sthe bluffs 
 were covered with the people who had come 
 out to witness its coming and the naval battle 
 which was about to take place between it and 
 
 639 
 
 the rebel gunboats. The latter, eight in num- 
 ber, were opposite the city, and as the federal 
 boats came slowly down were formed in line 
 of battle to meet them, the rebel officers appar- 
 ently being determined that the engagement 
 should, for some reason, take place in front of 
 the city. The rebel flag-ship, the “ Little Reb- 
 el,” fired the first gun, to which the Benton 
 soon replied; and very shortly the other vessels 
 on both sides followed, and the engagement 
 became general, though not yet at close quar- 
 ters. The federal boats, though fewer in num- 
 ber, carried more guns, and of heavier metal, 
 and soon showed that they were not engaged 
 in an unequal conflict. Before their shot, how- 
 ever, began to take effect upon their antago- 
 nists, which were yet at a distance, four rams, 
 commanded by Colonel Ellett, came down the 
 river at full speed, and two of them, passing the 
 gunboats, steamed directly for the enemy. The 
 gunboats continued their fire, avoiding the 
 range of the rams, and the rebels replied vig- 
 orously. Hidden partially by the smoke of the 
 battle, the rams dashed on, and were near the 
 enemy’s vessels before they were discovered. 
 The ram Queen of the West was in the advance, 
 followed closely by the Monarch. As the for- 
 mer approached the rebel vessels she received 
 a shot, which caused but little damage, and did 
 not deter her bold commander from his work. 
 Dashing at the rebel gunboat Beauregard, she 
 struck her a blow which would have proved 
 very damaging but for the skilful movement 
 of the latter. Pressing on, the Queen next 
 struck with full force the General Lovell, as the 
 latter was turning, and cut through in such 
 a manner as to be for a few moments firmly 
 fixed in her side. As soon as the ram _ be- 
 came disengaged, the rebel gunboat sunk in 
 deep water, and a part of her crew were carried 
 down. This assault, however, so damaged the 
 Queen, that she was obliged to retire from the 
 contest, Colonel Ellett having also been wound- 
 
 ed by a splinter. The Monarch had pushed 
 
640 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 on with such force and speed that she passed 
 through the rebel fleet, striking one of them a 
 damaging blow. Then promptly returning to 
 the conflict, she was in turn attacked by the 
 Beauregard; but her pilot skilfully evaded the 
 blow, and the Beauregard went crashing into 
 the side of one of .her own consorts, the Gen- 
 eral Price, and inflicted so severe an injury that 
 the disabled boat was run upon the Arkansas 
 shore and abandoned. Again attacking the 
 Beauregard, before she was free from the Gen- 
 eral Price, the Monarch cut through her sides. 
 At the same moment a shot from one of the 
 gunboats exploded the boiler of the Beaure- 
 gard, and the double injury caused her soon to 
 - sink. Many of the rebel crew were scalded, 
 and others were thrown violently into the wa- 
 ter; but in this case, as in that of the General 
 Lovell, boats were promptly sent from the fed- 
 eral vessels to rescue the suffermg and drown- 
 ing men. The ram Switzerland, through a 
 misapprehension of the signals, remained in the 
 rear, and failed to participate in the engage- 
 ment. The Lancaster was accidentally backed 
 ashore and disabled, so that she also was pre- 
 vented from joining in the battle and doing 
 the service which was expected. 
 
 In the mean time the federal gunboats had 
 also come down, and were engaging the enemy 
 at close quarters, their heavy shot taking effect 
 in spite of the iron armor of the rebel boats. 
 The loss of two of their boats had already 
 caused the rebel officers to turn their vessels 
 down the river, though they still kept up their 
 fire. The battle had thus passed along the 
 whole front of the city, and the result was no 
 longer doubtful to the thousands who witnessed 
 the exciting spectacle. Success was wholly on 
 the side of the Union fleet. The rebel flag- 
 ship was soon so badly damaged by shot, that 
 she also was run upon the Arkansas shore, and 
 the oificers and crew escaped, although one of 
 the rams had closely followed her. Four of the 
 rebel gunboats being thus disposed of, includ- 
 
 UNITED STATES. 
 
 ing the flag-ship, the others sought safety in 
 flight. But they were pursued by the federal 
 gunboats and rams, and three of them were 
 badly damaged, and being run ashore, were 
 abandoned by their crews. One only, the Van 
 Dorn, which was laden with a large quantity 
 of property belonging to the rebel government, 
 escaped. She was pursued by two of the rams 
 for many miles, but they did not succeed in 
 | capturing or destroying her. 
 
 The battle lasted but little more than an 
 hour, and the victory thus speedily achieved 
 by the federal fleet was won without the loss 
 of a single life, or the cost of even any serious 
 wound. ‘The vessels were scarcely injured, 
 jexcept the rams, as already mentioned, and the 
 fleet at the close of the action was ready to 
 meet another even stronger force of the enemy. 
 The rebel defeat was complete. Seven of their 
 eight gunboats were destroyed or captured, and 
 their loss of officers and men was estimated at 
 one hundred and fifty killed by shot, scalded, 
 or drowned, and about one hundred prisoners. 
 It was a fatal blow to the naval operations of 
 the rebels on the Mississippi, and, with the pre- 
 vious victory of Flag-officer Farragut below 
 New Orleans, swept away the greater part of 
 the navy which they had organized for the de- 
 fence and control of the river. In addition to 
 the gunboats, five steamers were captured as 
 prizes at the landing in Memphis; but the 
 greater part of the enemy’s ordnance stores 
 and supplies had already been removed. 
 
 While the battle was yet in progress below 
 the city, Colonel Ellett, who had been obliged 
 to withdraw his ram, the Queen, from the con- 
 test, and was in the rear of the fleet, was in- 
 formed that a white flag had been raised in 
 the city. He accordingly sent his son, with an 
 army officer and a small guard on shore, under 
 a flag of truce, bearing a note to the mayor, 
 to the effect that, understanding that the city 
 had surrendered, he sent the party to raise the 
 United States flag upon the Custom House and 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 the Court House. The mayor replied that the 
 civil authorities of the city were not advised 
 of its surrender, but that they had no forces to 
 oppose the raising of the flags. Upon receiv- 
 ing this reply the small party proceeded to 
 raise the flags as directed, and accomplished 
 their purpose, although they were several times 
 fired upon and stoned by the mob. The better 
 portion of the people, however, reprobated this 
 conduct of the mob, and the party returned in 
 safety, notwithstanding the violent threats of 
 the populace. 
 
 The gunboats having returned from the pur- 
 suit of the rebel vessels, Flag-officer Davis sent 
 a small party ashore with a note to the mayor, 
 requesting the surrender of the city. To this 
 the mayor replied, that the civil authorities had 
 no means of defence, and by the force of cir- 
 cumstances the city was in the hands of Captain 
 Davis and his forces. The rebel general, Jeff. 
 Thompson, with the rear guard of his forces, 
 had left the city by railroad during the bat- 
 tle, and neither military force nor arms ap- 
 peared to have been left. Subsequently, the 
 transports having brought down the brigade 
 of Colonel Fitch, that officer took military pos- 
 session of the city, and at once put it under 
 martial law, receiving the codperation of the 
 mayor in closing drinking houses and _pre- 
 serving peace and quiet. No resistance was 
 made or threatened to the movements of the 
 federal troops, and though strong indignation 
 and hatred was expressed by the more intense 
 rebels, there was evidently a pretty strong 
 Union sentiment among a portion of the people, 
 and but little disinclination to a change of 
 military rule on the part of a large number. 
 Military discipline and martial law were strict- 
 ly enforced, and the people of Memphis were 
 obliged to admit, that under the rule of the 
 federal forces the city was far more orderly 
 and quiet than it had been during the pres- 
 ence of the rebel troops. 
 
 81 
 
 641 
 
 The following are the official reports of 
 Captain Davis and Colonel Ellett :— 
 
 REPORT OF COMMANDER DAVIS. 
 
 ‘¢Unitep States Frac-STEaAMER BENTON, 
 Mempuis, June 6, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: In my despatch of yesterday, dated 
 at Fort Pillow, I had the honor to inform the 
 department that I was about moving to this 
 place with the men-of-war and transports. I 
 got under way from Fort Pillow at noon, leav- 
 ing the Pittsburg, Lieutenant-commanding Ee- 
 bert Thompson, to codperate with a detach- 
 ment of Colonel Fitch’s command, in holding 
 possession of Fort Pillow and securing public 
 property at that place; and also the Mound 
 City, Commander A. H. Kilty, to convoy the 
 transports containing the troops, not then ready 
 to move. 
 
 “On the way down, I came suddenly, at a 
 bend of the river, upon the rebel transport- 
 steamer Sovereign, which turned immediately 
 to escape from us. I sent forward Lieutenant 
 Joshua Bishop, with a body of small-armed 
 men in a light tug, by whorh she was captured. 
 She is a valuable prize. 
 
 “The gunboats anchored at eight o’clock 
 P. M, at the lower end of Island Number 45, 
 about a mile and a half above the city of Mem- 
 phis; the mortar-boats, tow-boats, ordnance, 
 commissary, and other vessels of the fleet tied 
 up at Island Number 44 for the night. 
 
 “ At daylight this morning the enemy’s fleet, 
 consisting of the rebel rams and gunboats, now 
 numbering eight vessels, were discovered lying 
 at the levee. They dropped below Railroad 
 Point, and returning again, arranged themselves 
 in front of the city. 
 
 “At twenty minutes past four the flotilla, 
 consisting of the following five vessels,— the 
 flag-ship Benton, Lieutenant-commanding S. L. 
 Phelps ; the Louisville, Commander B. M. Dove; 
 the Carondelet, Commander Henry Walke ; the 
 
642 
 
 Cairo, Lieutenant-commanding N. C. Bryant; 
 and the St. Louis, Lieutenant-commanding Wil- 
 son McGunnegle, got under way by signal, and 
 dropped down the river. 
 
 “The rebels, still lying in front of the town, 
 opened fire, with the intention of exposing the 
 city to injury from our shot. The fire was re- 
 turned on our part, with due care in this re- 
 gard. While the engagement was going on 
 in this manner, two vessels of the ram fleet, 
 under command of Colonel Ellett, the Queen of 
 the West and Monarch, steamed rapidly by us, 
 and ran boldly into the enemy’s line. Several 
 conflicts had taken place between the rams be- 
 fore the flotilla, led by the Benton, moving at 
 a slower rate, could arrive at the closest quar- 
 ters. In the mean time, however, the firing 
 from our gunboats was continuous and exceed- 
 ingly well directed. The General Beauregard 
 and the Little Rebel were struck in the boilers 
 and blown up. 
 
 “The ram Queen of the West, which Colonel 
 Ellett commanded in person, encountered, with 
 full power, the rebel steamer General Lovell 
 and sunk her, but.in doing so sustained some 
 serious damage. 
 
 “Up to this time the rebel fleet had main- 
 tained its position and used its guns with great 
 spirit; these disasters, however, compelled the 
 remaining vessels to resort to their superiority 
 in speed as the only means of safety. <A run- 
 ning fight took place, which lasted nearly an 
 hour, and carried us ten miles below the city. 
 It ended in the capture or destruction of four 
 or five of the remaining vessels of the enemy ; 
 one only, supposed to be the Van Dorn, having 
 escaped. Two of the rams, the Monarch and 
 Lancaster Number 8, pursued her, without suc- 
 cess; they brought back, however, another 
 prize. 
 
 «I have se esos such Toca as 
 will enable me to make an approximate state- 
 ment of the number of killed, wounded, and 
 prisoners on the part of the enemy. One of the 
 
 HISTORY. OF -THE UNITED STATES... 
 
 vessels going down in deep water, carried a part 
 of her crew with her; another, the General 
 Beauregard, having been blown up with steam, 
 many of her crew were frightfully scalded. I 
 doubt whether it will ever be in my power to 
 furnish an accurate statement of these results 
 of the engagement. 
 
 “The attack made by the two rams under 
 Colonel Ellett, which took place before the 
 flotilla closed in with the enemy, was bold and 
 successful. 
 
 “ Captain Maynardier, commanding the mor- 
 tar-fleet, accompanied the squadron in a tug, 
 and took possession of the Beauregard, and 
 made her crew prisoners. He captured also 
 other prisoners during the action, and received 
 many persons of the rebel fleet, who returned 
 and delivered themselves up after their vessels 
 had been deserted. It is with pleasure that I 
 call the attention of the department to his 
 personal zeal and: activity, the more conspicu- 
 ous because displayed while the mortar-boats 
 under his command could take no part in the 
 action. 
 
 “The officers and men of the flotilla per- 
 formed their duty, Three men only of the 
 flotilla were wounded, and those slightly ; but 
 one ship was struck by shot. | 
 
 “JT transmit herewith copies of my corre- 
 spondence with the mayor of Memphis, leading 
 to the surrender of the city. 
 
 “ At eleven o’clock A. M. Colonel Fitch, com- 
 manding the Indiana brigade, arrived and took 
 military possession of the place. 
 
 “There are several prizes here, among thes 
 four large river-steamers, which will be hairaiy 
 at once into the service of the government. 
 
 “JT have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
 your most obedient servant, 
 
 “C. H. Davis, Flag- Officer, : 
 “Commanding Western Elotilla, - 
 “Mississippi River, pro tem. 
 “s Hon, GipEoN WELLES, Segretary of the Navy.” 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 DESPATCHES FROM COLONEL ELLETT. 
 ‘‘Opposit—E Mempuis, June 6, 1862. 
 
 “The rebel gunboats made a stand early 
 this morning opposite Memphis, and opened a 
 vigorous fire upon our gunboats, which was 
 returned with equal spirit. 
 
 “T ordered the Queen, my flag-ship, to pass 
 between the gunboats, and run down ahead of 
 them upon the two rams of the enemy, which 
 first boldly stood their ground. Colonel Ellett, 
 in the Monarch, of which Captain Dryden is 
 First Master, followed gallantly. The rebel 
 rams endeavored to back down-stream, and 
 then to turn and run, but the movement was 
 fatal to them. The Queen struck one of them 
 fairly, and for a few minutes was fast to the 
 wreck. After separating, the rebel steamer 
 sunk. My steamer, the Queen, was then her- 
 self struck by another rebel steamer, and dis- 
 abled, but though damaged, can be saved. A 
 pistol-shot wound in the leg deprived me of the 
 power to witness the remainder of the fight. 
 The Monarch also passed ahead of our gun- 
 boats, and went most gallantly into action. 
 She first struck the rebel boat that struck my 
 flag-ship, and sunk the rebel. She was then 
 struck by one of the rebel rams, but not 
 injured. She then pushed on, and struck the 
 Beauregard, and burst in her side. Simul- 
 taneously the Beauregard was struck in the 
 boiler, by a shot from one of our gunboats. 
 The Monarch then pushed at the gunboat 
 Little Rebel, the rebel flag-ship, and having 
 but little headway, pushed her before her, the 
 rebel commodore and crew escaping. The Mon- 
 arch then, finding the Beauregard sinking, took 
 her in tow until she sunk in shoal water. 
 Then, in compliance with the request of Colo- 
 nel Davis, Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett despatched 
 the Monarch and the Switzerland in pursuit 
 of the remaining gunboat and some transports 
 which had escaped the gunboats, and two of 
 my rams have gone below. 
 
 “I cannot too much praise the conduct of 
 
 643 
 
 | 
 
 the pilots and engineers and military guard 
 of the Monarch and the Queen, the brave con- 
 duct of Captain Dryden, or the heroic conduct 
 of Lieutenant-Colonel Ellett. I will name all 
 parties in special report. 
 
 “T am myself the only person in my fleet 
 who was disabled. 
 
 “Cuartes Exwert, JR., 
 “ Colonel commanding Ram-Fleet. 
 ‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranton, Secretary of War.” 
 ‘‘Opposit—e Mrmpurs, June 6, 1862. 
 
 “Tt is proper and due to the brave men on 
 the Queen and the Monarch to say to you 
 briefly, that two of the rebel steamers were 
 sunk outright and immediately by the shock 
 of my two rams. One, with a large amount 
 of cotton on board, was disabled by an acci- 
 dental collision with the Queen, and secured 
 by her crew. After I was personally disabled, 
 another rebel boat, which was also hit by a 
 shot from the gunboats, was sunk by the Mon- 
 arch, and towed into shoal water by that boat. 
 Still another, also injured by the fire of our 
 gunboats, was pushed into shore and secured 
 by the Monarch. Of the gunboats, I can only 
 say that they bore themselves, as our navy 
 always does, bravely and well. 
 
 “Crartes ELert, JR, 
 “ Colonel commanding Ram-Fleet. 
 ‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 
 ‘¢Opposit—E Mempuis, June 10, 1862. 
 
 “There are several facts touching the naval 
 engagement of the 6th instant, at this place, 
 which I wish to place on record. Approaching 
 Memphis, the gunboats were in advance. I had 
 received no. notice that a fight was expected, 
 but was informed on landing within sight of 
 Memphis, that the enemy’s gunboats had re- 
 treated down the river. 
 
 “ My first intimation of the presence of the 
 enemy was a shot which passed over my boat. 
 I had four of my most powerful rams in ad- 
 vance and ready for any emergency. 
 
 “The others were towing the barges. On 
 
644 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 advancing to the attack, I expected, of course, 
 to be followed by the Monarch, the Lancaster, 
 and the Switzerland. 
 
 “The Monarch came in gallantly. Some of 
 the officers of the Lancaster, which now held 
 the next place in line, became excited and con- 
 fused, but the engineers behaved well. 
 
 “The pilot erred in the signals, and backed 
 the boat ashore and disabled her rudder. 
 
 “The captain of the Switzerland construed 
 the general signal order to keep half a mile in 
 the rear of the Lancaster to mean that he was 
 to keep half a mile behind her in the engage- 
 ment, and therefore failed to participate. 
 
 “Hence the whole brunt of the fight fell 
 upon the Queen and Monarch. Had either the 
 
 Lancaster or Switzerland followed me as the | 
 Monarch did, the rebel gunboat Van Dorn} 
 
 would not have escaped, and my flag-ship 
 would not have been disabled. 
 “Three of the rebel rams and gunboats, 
 
 which were struck by my two rams, sunk out-| 
 
 right, and were lost. 
 
 “ Another, called the General Price, was but | 
 
 slightly injured, and I am now raising her, and 
 purpose to send her to my fleet. 
 “ Respectfully, 
 “ (Signed) Cuas. Extert, Jr., 
 “ Colonel commanding Ram-Fleet. 
 ‘‘Hon. E. M. Sranron, Secretary of War.” 
 
 A few days after the occupation of Mem- 
 phis, four gunboats and three transports, carry- 
 ing a regiment of troops, were sent on an 
 expedition to White River, to open communi- 
 cation with General Curtis, whose forces were 
 in the vicinity of Batesville,in Arkansas. After 
 the battle of Pea Ridge, General Curtis had 
 remained in north-western Arkansas, waiting 
 for reénforcements, and watching the move- 
 ments of the rebel army, which was supposed 
 to be concentrating, under Price, for a new 
 invasion of Missouri. To meet such a move- 
 ment, General Curtis moved towards Spring- 
 
 UNITED STATES. — 
 
 | field, against which it was reported that the 
 
 rebels were already advancing. The rebel in- 
 vasion did not take place, however, and Gen- 
 eral Curtis again moved into Arkansas, at a 
 more easterly point, and marched, by way of 
 Salem, to Batesville, on White River, and the 
 most important town in north-eastern Arkan- 
 sas. From Batesville General Curtis was ad- 
 vancing upon Little Rock, the capital of the 
 state, and had arrived within fifty miles of that 
 place, when an order was received from Gen- 
 eral Halleck (who made every other movement 
 in his department subordinate to his own op- 
 erations) to send ten regiments, by a forced 
 march, to Cape Girardeau, and thence to Cor- 
 inth. This reduction of his forces rendered it 
 inexpedient for General Curtis to continue his 
 movement towards Little Rock, and he accord- 
 ingly fell back to Batesville. Here the want 
 
 of transportation and the scarcity of supplies 
 
 in the vicinity, caused not a little suffering 
 among the troops; while the distance from his 
 base, and his position in a hostile country, with 
 his communications cut, and the rebel forces 
 concentrating to oppose him, rendered the situ- 
 ation of his army critical, and excited much 
 apprehension. | 
 
 Lo open communication with, and relieve 
 General Curtis, by way of White River, was 
 the object of the expedition, and it was thought 
 to be of sufficient strength to meet and over- 
 come any force or obstructions which would 
 be found on the river. The expedition pro- 
 ceeded without meeting any opposition, till it 
 arrived in the vicinity of St. Charles. At this 
 point a reconnoissance revealed the fact that 
 the enemy had erected batteries, and were 
 apparently disposed to dispute the further prog- 
 ress of the Union boats. The woods were so 
 dense, however, that the position of the rebel 
 batteries could not be discovered, and the gun- 
 boats advanced cautiously, shelling the banks 
 on either side of the river. This fire elicited 
 a response from the batteries, and as the 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 boats turned a bend in the river, the position | 
 of the batteries was revealed, the first being 
 but about five hundred yards distant. This 
 battery, mounted four twelve-pounder Parrott 
 guns, and another a little higher up and nearer 
 the river, mounted three forty-two pounders. 
 As the gunboats came in view of the batteries, 
 a sharp cannonade opened on both sides, the 
 Mound City passing on towards the upper bat-| 
 tery. The engagement had lasted about half 
 an hour, without any injury to the federal) 
 vessels, but with some effect upon the lower 
 battery, which was nearly silenced, when a 
 forty-two pound shot struck the Mound City, 
 killing several men, and piercing the steam- 
 drum. Instantly the hot steam rushed out and 
 filled the whole vessel, scalding a large number 
 of men, who were confined at the guns between | 
 the decks, and whose shrieks of agony are 
 described as being heart-rending. Many were | 
 suffocated at once, but others succeeded in 
 throwing themselves through the ports into 
 the river. Fifty or sixty men were soon strug- | 
 gling in the water, many of them more or less 
 severely scalded. 
 
 As soon as the misfortune was seen on board 
 the other boats, assistance was immediately 
 sent; but before the suffering men in the river | 
 could be rescued, they were fired upon by the 
 rebels with small arms, and several of them 
 were killed or wounded. The guns of the low-| 
 er battery were also fired upon the boats which 
 went to the rescue. This barbarous act, worthy 
 of the execration of mankind, and in such 
 contrast with the humane action of the federal 
 officers and crews at Memphis, when a similar 
 affair occurred on board one of the rebel boats, 
 it appeared was perpetrated by the orders of 
 the officer commanding the rebel forces, a Cap- 
 tain Fry, formerly a lieutenant in the United 
 States navy. Of one hundred and seventy-five 
 men, composing the officers and crew of the 
 Mound City, but twenty-five escaped without 
 injury; upwards of eighty were killed instant- 
 
 645 
 
 ly, or subsequently died by being scalded, and 
 about thirty were killed in the river by the 
 enemy’s shots, or were drowned. 
 
 This calamity might have proved fatal to 
 the expedition, or at least resulted in a com- 
 plete repulse, but for the movement of the 
 military force under Colonel Fitch, which had 
 previously been landed about two and-a half 
 miles below the batteries. This force had ad- 
 vanced towards the batteries, and had driven 
 in the rebel pickets, when the fatal shot struck 
 the Mound City. Having disposed his forces 
 for an attack, Colonel Fitch signalled his move- 
 
 ‘ment to the gunboats, and before the rebels 
 
 had ceased their barbarous fire upon the help- 
 less men in the river, he charged upon the 
 batteries, delivering a deadly fire as he ad- 
 vanced, and driving the gunners from their 
 pieces at the point of the bayonet. From the 
 batteries a part of the troops proceeded to the 
 low land, where the rebel infantry were firing 
 upon the crew of the Mound City, and drove 
 them quickly away, scattering in all directions. 
 The federal soldiers were exasperated by the 
 barbarity of the rebels, and gave no quarter. 
 Many of the enemy were killed or wounded, 
 and about thirty were taken prisoners, includ- 
 ing Captain Fry. The number of the rebel 
 force was not known, but it was not large, and 
 consisted of the crew of a rebel gunboat, com- 
 manded by Captain Fry, and a small force of 
 infantry which he had brought together to 
 aid him. 
 
 The following are the official reports of 
 Captain Davis and Colonel Fitch concerning 
 this engagement : — 
 
 REPORT OF CAPTAIN DAVIS. 
 
 ‘Unitep States Frac-SrEamMeR BENTON, 
 Mempuis, June 19, 1862. 
 
 “Sm: The Conestoga, Lieutenant-command- 
 ing G. W. Blodgett, arrived here to-day from 
 White River. 
 
 “She brings information of the capture of 
 
 two batteries at St. Charles, eighty miles from 
 
646 
 
 the mouth; the first of which mounted four 
 Parrott guns, and the second three forty-two- 
 pounder rifled guns. 
 
 “Three guns, it is understood, were taken 
 from the gunboat Mariposa, which, after being 
 dismounted, was sunk. 
 
 “There is now but one gunboat remaining 
 in White River, the Pontchartrain, mounting 
 three or five guns, and having her machinery 
 protected by iron and cotton. 
 
 “The enemy has attempted to block up the) 
 
 river by driving piles and by sinking boats, 
 but no serious obstructions have yet been dis- 
 covered. 
 
 “The Conestoga will return to White River 
 to-night with reénforcements, accompanied by 
 an additional transport laden with commissary 
 stores. 
 
 “The victory at St. Charles, which has prob- 
 ably given us the command of White River, 
 and secured our communication with General 
 Curtis, would be unalloyed with regret but for 
 the fatal accident to the steam-drum and heater 
 of the Mound City, mentioned in my telegraph 
 despatch. 
 
 “Of the crew, consisting of one hundred and 
 seventy-five officers and men, eighty-two have 
 
 already died, forty-three were killed ‘in the) 
 
 water or drowned, twenty-five are severely 
 
 wounded, and are now on board the hospital | 
 
 boat. Among the latter is Captain Kilty. 
 They promise to do well. Three officers and 
 twenty-two men escaped uninjured. 
 
 « After the explosion took place the wounded 
 men were shot by the enemy while in the wa- 
 ter, and the boats of the Conestoga, Lexington, 
 
 and St. Louis, which went to the assistance of | 
 
 the scalded and drowning men of the Mound 
 City, were fired into both with great guns and 
 muskets, and were disabled — one of them 
 forced on shore to prevent sinking. 
 
 “The forts were commanded by Lieutenant 
 Joseph Fry, late of the United States shee 
 who is now a prisoner and wounded. 
 
 on their batteries. 
 
 |Mound City, disabling, 
 
 HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 “The department and the country will con- 
 trast these barbarities of a savage enemy with 
 the humane efforts made by our own people to 
 rescue the wounded and disabled under similar 
 circumstances in the engagement of the 6th 
 instant. 
 
 “Several poor fellows, who expired shortly 
 after the engagement, expressed their willing- 
 ness to die when they were told that the 
 victory was ours. 
 
 “T have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
 
 your obedient servant, 
 OC. di Daviss 
 
 “ Flag-Officer commanding Western Flotilla. 
 
 ‘Hon. Grpron WELLES, Secretary of the Navy.” 
 
 REPORT OF COLONEL FITCH. 
 «Sr, Cuartes, Wuite River, Ark., June 17, 1862. 
 
 “On arriving eight miles below here last 
 evening, we ascertained that the enemy had 
 two batteries here, supported by a force — 
 number unknown — of infantry. 
 
 “A combined attack was made at seven 
 o’clock A. M. to-day. The regiment under my 
 command (forty-sixth Indiana) landed two and. 
 a half miles below the battery, and skirmishers 
 were thrown out, who drove in the enemy’s 
 
 | pickets. 
 
 “The gunboats then moved up and opened’ 
 A rifled shot from one of 
 the batteries penetrated the steam-drum of the 
 by scalding, most of her 
 crew. 
 
 “ Apprehensive that some similar accident 
 might happen to the other gunboats, and thus 
 leave my small force without their support, I 
 signalled the gunboats to cease firing, and we 
 would storm the battery. They ceased at ex- 
 actly the right moment, and my men carried 
 the battery gallantly. The infantry were driven 
 from the support of the guns, the gunners shot 
 at their posts, their commanding officer Fry 
 (formerly of the United States navy) wounded 
 and captured, and eight brass and iron’ “guns, 
 with ammunition, captured. 
 
PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 “The enemy’s loss is unknown. We have 
 buried seven or eight of their dead, and other 
 dead and wounded are being brought in. 
 
 “The casualties among my own command 
 are small, the only real loss being from the 
 escaping steam in the Mound City. She will 
 probably be repaired and ready to proceed 
 with us up the river to-morrow. 
 
 “A full report will be made as early as 
 possible. Very respectfully, 
 
 “G. N. Frrca, 
 
 “Colonel commanding Forty-sixth Indiana Vols. 
 ‘‘Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War.” 
 
 The disaster to the Mound City delayed the 
 further progress of the expedition, but did not 
 wholly defeat it. One of the gunboats and a 
 transport were sent back to Memphis with 
 the wounded, and to procure a new crew for 
 the unfortunate vessel and additional supplies. 
 The Mound City was not so seriously injured 
 but that a few days sufficed to repair the 
 damages, and upon the return of the boats 
 from Memphis, the expedition was soon ready 
 to proceed. It was found, however, from the 
 low stage of the water, that the boats could 
 not reach Batesville, and the expedition failed 
 to open communication with General Curtis. 
 
 Subsequently, supplies were sent to General 
 Curtis from Missouri, much to the relief of his 
 
 army. The advance upon Little Rock was’! 
 
 abandoned for the time, and on the 24th of 
 June the entire army of General Curtis, with 
 rations for twenty days, left Batesville, and 
 marched to Helena, on the Mississippi River, a 
 distance of one hundred and seventy-five miles. 
 The long and difficult march through a wild 
 and unsettled country, was rendered more 
 
 difficult and fatiguing by a comparatively | 
 small force of rebels, who obstructed the roads | 
 
 by felling trees, attacking exposed trains, and 
 in every possible way annoying the federal 
 troops. Several skirmishes took place with 
 this rebel force,in which it was driven off 
 with loss) The advance of General Curtis’s 
 
 647 
 
 force arrived at Helena on the 12th of July, 
 and the entire army soon followed. Here it 
 remained for some months, except that a part 
 of the force made a reconnoissance towards 
 the Arkansas River, it being reported that 
 Price was moving in that quarter, to cross the 
 Mississippi. Upon this expedition a large num- 
 ber of ferry-boats and others were destroyed, 
 and the enemy’s means of crossing the river in 
 force seriously crippled. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXVI. 
 
 Brief Review of the Results of the Campaign in the West. 
 
 Wr have now narrated the principal events 
 and operations of the spring campaign in 1862, 
 at the west. Before resuming the account of 
 the war in Virginia, which absorbed the in- 
 terest and hopes of the nation more than the 
 broader fields and more extended operations 
 at the west, we may briefly review this cam- 
 paign and its results. 
 
 In the far west there had been several 
 skirmishes and battles, which have not been 
 recorded in detail, because they were so dis- 
 connected from the other fields of operations, 
 and were comparatively unimportant in their 
 effect upon the general course of the war. 
 The federal troops on the frontiers of Texas, 
 who had not followed their traitorous officers 
 in joining the rebellion, had fallen back to New 
 Mexico, and the scattered companies had been 
 concentrated to resist a force of Texans who 
 
 _had invaded New Mexico, with the determina- 
 
 tion of holding it as a territory of the “ Con- 
 federate States.” These troops, under Colonel 
 Canby, with some volunteers from the loyal 
 people of the territory, numbering all together 
 some fifteen hundred, had several spirited en- 
 gagements with the Texans, with various but 
 not very decisive results. The federal troops 
 gradually fell back to Fort Craig and Fort 
 
648 HISTORY OF 
 
 Union, the two most important military posts 
 in New Mexico, and the latter containing a 
 large amount of public property. These po- 
 sitions were held until reénforced by troops 
 from Colorado and Kansas, some of whom had 
 moved with remarkable celerity through the 
 intervening wilderness and desert. The pur- 
 poses of the Texans were thus foiled, and New 
 Mexico was not conquered or betrayed into 
 the hands of the rebels. 
 
 In Missouri, the federal army, under General 
 Curtis, had advanced to the south-west, driving 
 out the rebel forces of Price and his associates, 
 and freeing the state of rebels, except guerilla 
 bands, and small bodies of the state troops 
 organized by the rebel governor, Jackson. 
 Following the retiring rebels into Arkansas, 
 General Curtis had defeated them at the battle 
 of Pea Ridge so severely, that for a time all 
 thought of again invading Missouri must have 
 been abandoned. Then moving again into 
 Arkansas, General Curtis was about to advance 
 upon Little Rock, the capital of the state, and 
 
 would probably have succeeded in his purpose, | 
 
 but for the necessity of diminishing his force. 
 But Missouri had been cleared of the rebel 
 army, and its territory as well as its govern- 
 ment was now secured to the Union. The 
 successful movement of General Curtis from 
 Northern Arkansas to the Mississippi, was a 
 disappointment to the rebels scarcely less dis- 
 piriting than his previous operations. 
 
 In Kentucky, the armies of Grant and Buell, 
 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 || with repeated victories, had driven out the 
 
 rebel forces, which had extended from the 
 Mississippi to the Alleghanies, and had given 
 the loyal sentiment of the state an opportunity 
 to control its destinies. Advancing into Ten- 
 nessee, victories had been won at Fort Henry, 
 Fort Donelson, and Shiloh, and the rebel army 
 forced back into Mississippi. Middle and West 
 Tennessee were rid of the rebel army, and 
 another state was substantially wrested from 
 the rebel confederacy. 
 
 The Mississippi River had been effectually 
 opened from above as far as Vicksburg, and 
 already there was a fair prospect that its entire 
 course would, before long, be once more free 
 to the commerce of the great North-west. 
 From the Gulf to New Orleans it was also 
 again under the national flag, and the federal 
 gunboats had passed up towards Vicksburg. 
 New Orleans, by far the most important city of 
 the rebellious states, was occupied by Union 
 troops; the federal power was firmly reéstab- 
 lished there, and a base secured for important 
 future operations. 
 
 All these important advantages had been 
 gained since the order of the President for a 
 general advance of the Union armies. The 
 success which had thus far attended the move- 
 ments of the armies in the west justified the 
 order; and had like success followed the move- 
 ments of the army in the east, well might the 
 loyal people hope for the suppression of the 
 
 '}rebellion at no very distant day. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 
 
 AIT 
 
 3 0112 004194061