= hen ss : UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN BOOKSTACKS - 2400 - 2000 Boo 1600 ; a ae wae = ee ee eee 46 4 56 a Z Abraham I6 24 : LTecivre | %G 70 SFrrcok | | ia: MPERIA L AND a ART ». Baplanation p.2 : 1800 1500 | —- Kio araphtcal® > HO 3 3 é f 0 7 %00 1200 7700 =ape goa #00 qoo 600 300 400 200 200 100 ° ats aay a bs < = 7 Ls oo” A400 200 F000 100 1200 1500 1900 F500 L600 4700 . |hine : Se ee: ¥ Ca hing ee = 3 \ gvyet pe | aby 1 ee onan - empire SS 2 : - Phe | Seth Reb ge | Athens z . = Tartans eres ta wnes| Normuns = Wish 38 a BS Se 2a SS a 2 “| Jews Scots Es Carthaye = ae beassta ug 6 uw sta Macedon : 14: dé es = Rame a ; : = = =| Lastern Em Medo\ Persian Eimpire & Nebn vara ar. + Peay; Philip qian. he 17 ao bn 36 =. 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Ee ‘ ——" Cheere ; Rok: 43 ermfoten 1. ehottaties Tien faecaes's Ces aaa - ; 46 44 (Lh 3 aiah Cn pine ots 92 +: + 5 re) ° ok Ver-g¢¢ He Z oft = Thiiey driles = ae | 1 (ee frry | Pas 14 i % Z7 ot A PEALE Vielen og “heer | Romper Tavis Claudinys aie N ters 9 Tr 54 : S95) ' : Nim Ca on | ew elear Soerates BET e Te Servintalh 0 V, . | : G eypastan —— ts, 6555 13 7014 Boadteca | 2 Trt o | 4.6 ml, fl 75 19 £ F Tosephins Bi 37 —=«O * ; 790 7200 7100 7000 200 600 Goo 200 LOO Oo 700 A COMPEND OF HISTORY, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES; COMPREHENDING A GENERAL VIEW OF THE PRESENT STATE OF THE WORLD, WITH RESPECT TO CIVILIZATION, RELIGION, AND GOVERNMENT ; AND A BRIEF DISSERTATION ON THE IMPORTANCE OF HISTORICAL KNOWLEDGE. — 2o2— BY SAMUEL WHELPLEY, A. M. PRINCIPAL OF THE NEWARK ACADEMY. ae Tenth Lvition. WITH CORRECTIONS AND IMPORTANT ADDITIONS AND IMPROVEMENTS, BY REV. JOSEPH EMERSON, PRINCIPAL OF THE FEMALE SEMINARY AT WETHERSFIELD, TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. VOL. f. BOSTON : PUBLISHED BY RICHARDSON, LORD & HOLBROOK, No. 133, Washington Street. 1831. ~~ DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS, VIZ. District Clerk’s Office. Be 1T REMEMBERED, That on the thirtieth day of June, A. D. 1825, in the forty- ninth year of the Independence of the United States of America, Richardson and Lord. of the said district, have deposited in tis office the title of a book, the right whereo they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit : ‘¢ A Compend of History, from the earliest times ; comprehending a General View of the Present State of the World, with respect to Civilization, Religion, and Government ; and a Brief Dissertation on the Importance of Historical Knowledge. By Samueé Whelpley A. M. Principal of the Newark Academy. Eighth edition. With Corrections, and impozv:ant Additions and Improvements. By Rev. Joseph Emerson, Principal of the Female Seminary at Wethersfield. Two volumesinone. Vol. i.’ In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, ‘‘ An Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned ;”’ and also to an act, entitled, ‘* An Act supplementary to an act, entitled, An Act for the encour-. agement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned; and extending the beacfits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints.’? JNO. W. DAVIS, Clerk of the District of Massachusetts. TO THE REV. SAMUEL MILLER, D. D., One oF THE MINISTERS OF THE UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES IN THE City or New Yoru, &c. &c. REVEREND SIR, Wirz little more claim on you, than what the mass of society have on the benevolent notice of the learned, the wise and the good, | have presumed to inscribe to you, the following Compend of History; the chief merit of which, I am highly sensible, must consist much in the motive of the author. Destined by Providence to be intrusted with the education of youth, I have long regarded it as an important inqui- ry, what branches of knowledge and what modes of instruction are best calculated to benefit the young mind—what objects will be most likely to arrest the attention, enlarge the understanding, strengthen the memory, and promote virtuous dispositions. Whiist, on the one hand, I have not the vanity to think, that I have made any important discoveries in this inquiry; so, neither am I dis- couraged, on the other, by the reflection, that the wise and learned in '- every age have been more or less engaged in the same inquiry. If the lapse of ages has corrected the errors of Lycurgus, Solon and Aris- totle, it is presumed, that the most approved systems of the present day, having endured a similar test, will also be found defective. The study of history is too much neglected in our present course of education; and I am strongly impressed with the belief, that children may lay a broad foundation for historical knowledge, while learning to read, and may become very generally acquainted with history, merely in a common course of school reading. . No species of instruction so easily or so deeply imprints itself on the /memory of youth, as that which is clothed in simple narration and de- scription; especially if that narration convey interesting facts—and if that description engage and delight the imagination. It has often been observed, that an early taste for reading is likely to enkindle in the mind a desire for general improvement ; and, if I may be allowed to appeal to my own experience, the reading of history was the first thing » which awakened in me a desire to study the sciences. With these views, Reverend Sir, I have been induced to publish the ‘following Compend. I have often found myself embarrassed in passing ~through so wide a field—with such rapidity. A selection and arrange- “mert were desired, that would mark an unbroken line, and give the _ reader a just, general and connected impression. How far I have suc- » ceeded in the attempt, the reader must judge. HadI more leisure, or a better judgment, the work would have been more correct. But, as » it is, I hope it will answer the purpose for which it is designed, and, especially, that it may be so fortunate, as to gain the sanction of your “) approbation. ~ 4 EDITOR’S PREFACE. While modesty forbids me to say many things, which the voice of sincerity would prompt, I deem it but just to declare, that as far as dedication may be regarded as a mark of high personal respect—as far as presuming on the benevolent patronage of men of learning and tal- ents is ever safe—and as far as a writer may hope to benefit his pro- duction, by inscribing it to a name, which must long adorn the temple of science—so far I felicitate myself on this occasion ; And am, Reverend Sir, with the highest esteem and consideration, your most obedient and very humble servant, SAMUEL WHELPLEY. EDITOR’S PREFACE. —< -— Ir has been objected to Compends of history, that they are dry, un- interesting and tedious. By most of them, this censure is undoubtedly deserved ; and justly charges them with a fault of no ordinary magni- tude. This is a fault which must almost entirely exclude them from being used, except by those, to.whom, lesson by lesson, they are as- signed, as tasks—as tasks by no means delightful. And when we consider, that it should be a grand and leading object in education to fix the thought, to wake the slumbering energies of the mind, to unfold the faculties, and kindle a thirst for knowledge, we can hardly sup- pose, that such dreary tasks will be found very useful. From the charge of dulness, however, it is confidently hoped, that this Compend will be forever exempted. It.is found to be exceedingly interesting both to the beginner, and to the proficient in history. Even after the second and third reading, it still continues to charm. Much of it is written with a pathos and energy, that would not have disgraced the pen of Chatham. But this is not its only excellence. The facts are well selected, and, in general, well arranged. We have most to regret, that the work is so short. It is hoped, that the value of this edition is considerably enhanced—- that it will be found much more correct, in various respects, than pre- ceding editions. A few sentences have been omitted, as unimportant. The greatest liberty has been taken with the Chronological Tables, as not being of Mr. Whelpley’s composition. Several of them, which were conjectural, or of little importance to us, have been omitted. Much time has been spent to render the rest as correct as possible. It is believed, that the notes will be found both interesting and useful. EXPLANATION OF THE IMPERIAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL CHART. ——-—- Ix this Chart, time is represented as flowing uniformly, an inch in three hundred years, from the year B. C. 2200, to A. D. 1825. The whole period is divided into centuries, by perpendicular, centurial lines, which are dated at top and bottom. The horizontal lines represent the duration of kingdoms, empires, republics or lives. The biographical lines are placed under the names of persons. The figures, placed at the beginning and end of these lines, express the dates of the com- mencement and termination of the person’s lives, reckoned from the centurial lines, which are toward the Christian era. Thus, the bio- graphical line under 4braham denotes the length of his life. The figures under it, in connexion with the centurial lines, denote, that he was born 1996 years B. C. and died, 1821 years B. C. The biograph- ical lines of monarchs are distinguished by little perpendicular strokes ; and the numbers under them, designate the commencement of their reigns. ‘Thus it appears from the biographical line of David, that he was born B. C. 1085, began to reign, 1055, and died, 1015. And by cal- culation, we may learn that he was 30 years old, when he began to reign, reigned 40, and lived 70. The case of Diocletian is pecu- liar. He was born A. D. 245, began to reign, 284, abdicated, 305, and died, 313. The numbers attending the imperial lines, denote the times of the rise or fall of empires. Thus it appears, that Troy was founded, B. C. 1546, and destroyed, 1184, and hy subtracting the latter from the former, we learn, that Troy stood 362 years. Dots denote uncertainty with regard to dates. . 1* EIGHTH EDITION. ——<— THE improvements of this edition have cost the editor much more labor, than all the preceding. He hopes this labor has not been spent in vain. He hopes the importance of these improvements will be found to correspond with their number and extent. This edition con- tains about one third more matter, than the preceding. A few pages have been omitted ; but it is believed, that every thing of importance is retained. It was felt and lamented, that there were considerable chasms in the original Compend. Some of the most important topics of history were scarcely touched by the author. He took it for granted, that his read- ers had a much better acquaintance with the subject, than they are generally found to possess. Several of these chasms, the editor has now attempted to fill. The subjects of most of the additions are printed in Italics, in the tables of contents, and the additions are en- closed in brackets in the Compend. These additions are rather com- pilations, abridgments or extracts, than original compositions. It is impossible now to ascertain from how many sources they have been drawn. Goldsmith and Morell, however, have furnished more materi- ais than any other authors. The editor has also received peculiar aid from Dr. Holmes’s “ American Annals,” an excellent work, which should, if possible, be in the library of every American, and of every scholar that knows our language. The engravings are not designed merely to embellish the work. They will doubtless prove more conducive to impress upon the youth- ful mind, some of the great lessons of history, than as many pages of the finest description. But the additions relating to chronology, will probably be found more useful than all the rest. If the editor has any claim to original- ity, it is in making the improvements, with which these are presented to the public. He deeply regrets, that he has not had time and health to render them more perfect. Such as they are, however, it is confi- dently believed, they will greatly facilitate the important and difficult study of chronology. It may be adviseable for the teacher to question tne pupil upon the Chart or Table, at almost every recitation. It is also recommended, that, as far as practicable, the chronologised name of every important date be written upon the margin of the page where the fact is recorded. Thus, Romput may be written upon page 134. Three chapters of the Compend are transferred from the beginning to the end of the book. This is done, to render them more intelligible, interesting and useful to the young historian. It affords the editor no small satisfaction to indulge the hope, that he may have been in some measure instrumental of promoting the cir- culation of a Compend of History, which he considers the most inter- est ng, within so small a compass, that has yet appeared in an — dress. Wethersfield, June 20, 1825. TABLE OF CONTENTS. 7. VOL. I—CHAPTER I. Brief Historical View of the Assyrian Empire, from its foundation, to the rags of Ninyas, .. CHAPTER I. The Assyrian or Babylonian Empire, from the reign of Ninyas to the fall of Nine- veh, 2 CHAPTER III. The Assyrian or Babylonian Empire, from the destruc- tion of Nineveh, to the tak- ing of Babylon by Cyrus, CHAPTER IV. MEDIA AND PERSIA. The Persian Empire, from its foundation, to the birth a" Cyrus, 3 CHAPTER v. The Persian Empire, from the birth of Cyrus, to the con- quest of the Lesser Asia, CHAPTER VI. The Persian Empire, from the reduction of Asia Minor, by Cyrus, till its subversion fy. Alexander, . . CHAPTER VIL. Ancient Greece, from the ear- liest times, to the fee eleHion of Lycurgus, ‘ : CHAPTER VILL. Ancient Greece from the leg- islation of Lycurgus, till the issue of the Persian invasion, CHAPTER Ix. Ancient Greece, from the Persian invasion, till the death of Alexander the Great, More particular ‘account “of Themistocles, : Some particulars of the Pelo- ponnesian War, : Socrates, ‘ Fine Arts, : Most important events of ‘the life of Philip, . a Bucephalus, . age. 13 19 22 26 32 40 49 CHAPTER X. MACEDON. Alexander’s Empire, from his death till its erm be by the Romans, Greece, from the death of ‘Al- exander to the Roman con- quest, on the it oR M70 CHAPTER XI. Kingdom of Rome, . CHAPTER XII. The Roman Empire, from the expulsion of Tarquin, to the conquest of Carthage, 143 . 134 Coriolanus, . 146 Fabrics, . . . . 157 Battle of Zama, . . 171 CHAPTER XIII. Brief historical view of the Roman Empire, from the fall of Carthage, to the reign of Commodus, con- taining a period of three hundred and twelve years, 174 The Gracchi, ‘ . 175 Marius and Sylia, 177 CHAPTER XIV. General observations on the’ Roman History, from the accession of Augustus, to the death of Marcus ay; relius, . 194 CHAPTER Xv. Brief historical view of the Roman Empire, from the reign of Commodus, to the extinction of the Western Empire, under Augustulus ; containing a period of two hundred and oahiy: -three years, Athens and Corinth satis the Romans, . CHAPTER XVI. Brief historical view of the course of Empire, from the fall of Rome to the estab- lishment of the Empire of Charlemagne, containing a period of three hundred and twenty-four years, . . 210 . 200 METHOD OF TEACHING THE FOLLOWING COMPEND. —j—. 1. Ler the pupil read over the lesson assigned, to gain a general idea of the connexion. As he proceeds, let him carefully consult his dic- tionary and maps, as far as may be needful, in order to understand the words of the author, and the situation of places mentioned. 2. Let the pupil read over the lesson in connexion with the printed questions, marking the answers as he proceeds. 3. Let him commit the answers to memory, Let him be particu- ay careful to read and think them over deliberately and understand- tingly, that he may be able to repeat them with propriety. 4. Let two pupils ask each other the questions. 5. Let the pupil read over the lesson once more, to fix the connex- ion more perfectly in his mind, and to prepare to answer whatever questions the teacher may propose. 6. Let the pupil be required to answer not-only all the printed ques- tions, bat eit others as the instructer may deem important. 7. Let the pupil be required to recite his lesson with the greatest possible propriety, as it respects deliberation, pauses, emphasis, cadence, &c. By this means, he may be constantly advancing in the important art of reading. The indistinct, confused, monotonous, hurrying manner, _ in which scholars are often allowed to recite, can hardly fail to injure their reading. 8. The more difficult questions, especially such as are addressed to the judgment, rather than to the memory, may be addressed to the class generally, that any one may answer them, who may be able. 9. The instructer may find it very useful to intersperse or add a con- siderable number of observations, to explain, illustrate, confirm or en- force the most important parts of the lesson. 10. Let the exercise at the end of each week be a review. If the scholars are sufficiently forward in writing, &c., it may be very useful for them to recite their review lessons to each other; and give each other certificates in the following form—This certifies that Miss A B has promptly and correctly repeated to me, answers to Historical Questions, contained in the recitations of the present week. Date. 11. It may be useful for the instructer to ask miscellaneous ques- tions, relating to any part of history, that the pupil has studied, such ‘as, Who was Ninyas? Who ‘was Sennacherib? In what were the Persians superior to the Greeks? In what were the Romans superior to the Greeks? &c. 12. Let some chronological or geographical questions be asked at every recitation. If the special efforts, that have now been made for the improvement of this excellent Compend, should prove instrumental of extending the noble and delightful study of history, of promoting a taste for literature in general, and of leading the minds of youth to a devout acknowledg: ment of HIM, who rules, in the kingdoms of men, it will afford tly editor his richest reward for all the toil of correction. Byfield, May 1, 1820. JOSEPH EMERSON. HISTORICAL COMPEND. CHAPTER I. ASSYRIA. BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ASSYRIAN OR BABYLONIAN -EMPIRE, FROM ITS FOUNDATION, TO THER REIGN OF NINYAS. Tue history of the world, for the first eighteen centu- ries, is nearly buried in oblivion. From the creation, to the deluge, little more has reached us, than the genealogy of the patriarchs, together with a brief account of the vices of the antediluvians, and of the ruin which they incurred. The first dawn of the light of civil history extends not beyond the foundation of the ancient kingdom of Babylon, or Assyrian empire; and even there, it shines with faint ‘and dubious beam. Nimrod laid the foundation of the city and of the kingdom of Babylon. The beginning of his kingdom, Ste says the sacred historian, was Babel and Erech and Accad and Calneh in the land of Shinar. Nimrod was the son of Cush, grandson of Ham, and great grandson of Noah. The era, in which the foundation of this first of empires was laid, is fixed, by the concurrence of most chronologers, in the year of the world 1800, about a century and a half after the deluge. There is nothing known respecting the character and government of Nimrod, excepting what we find in the writings of Moses; and the account there given is very concise. He is called a mighty hunter, and is said to have had a kingdom, the beginning of which was Babel or Baby- lon. The probability is, that Ham and his sons, who 10 VIEW OF THE founded Babylon and Egypt, early rebelled against Noah, the great patriarchal head and natural chief of the whole race; whereupon Noah, and such of his descendants as adhered to him, moved eastward, crossing Persia, India, and China, to avoid the fury of this unnatural rebellion. Noah would be most likely to emigrate, or to ‘settle, with one of his sons on whom his prophetic benediction rested, and especially with Shem, whom he considered in the line of the Messiah. Elam, the eldest son of Shem, settled in Persia, and it is highly probable, that Noah him- self went still further east. The great antiquity of the Chinese empire, their original character and manners, and the peculiarity of their language, both written and spoken, are proofs, that they are one of the most ancient nations and governments, and that their founders were among the wisest of the human race. To this, if we add the abundance of their traditions concerning the flood, and of things which with little alteration will apply to Noah, and to him only, we can scarcely doubt, that either that patriarch, or some of his descendants near his time, founded that empire. To all this, if we add the silence of Moses’ history con- eerning Noah after the flood, we shall be confirmed in the gelief, that he actually retired from western Asia, the general xcene of that history; and, for reasons equally strong, shall see no room to conjecture, that he moved northward into the cold, inhospitable wilds of Europe. That region was ieft to be explored and settled by some of his more hardy, enterprising sons. The career of government began with simple monarchy. It was no doubt first suggested by the authority which nature gives the parent over his child; for, no sooner did experience show the utility of combining the strength of a multitude in one exertion, than the importance of a centre of union was seen. To give energy and system to any combination, to render it durable, wieldy and effective, there must be a directing head. J ie A discerning, ambitious man, clothed with patriarchal authority, might soon see numberless ways of extending his rerogative, and strengthening the nerves of his power. ndeed, before parental authority was amenable to a higher court, it is not easy to conceive of a monarchy more un- limited. In a number of particular families, the chief of each house would form a subordinate rank. They would naturally give place to the heads of tribes, and each of ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 1] them unite in one patriarch, or grand chief. Such, proba- bly, was Nimrod. By what other means, less laudable, he raised himself to power, is only matter of conjecture. We have already said, that Nimrod’s achievements are not particularly known. He first employed his arms suc- cessfully against wild beasts, and became, as Moses styles him, a mighty hunter. He next made war upon his own species, and founded his empire in blood. But we remain ignorant of the extent of his dominions, or the duration of his reign. His son and successor was Ninus, whose name, together with that of Semiramis, is rendered famous by the exploits they are said to have done. Ninus built, or rather enlarged, the city of Nineveh, which is said te have been 60 miles in circumference, enclosed by a wall 100 feet high, and fortified with 1500 towers 200 feet high. Ninus engaged in many wars, and enlarged his dominions on every side, particularly eastward, for he is said to have led armies into India. Semiramis, his queen, who survived him ‘many years, and reigned in great glory, rendered her name immortal, by an extraordinary course of splendid actions. Many superb structures and works of magnificence about Babylon, are ascribed to her; in the building of which, she employed two millions of men. If historians deserve credit, ancient Babylon was the noblest city ever built by man. It stood on a fertile and beautiful plain, watered by the river Euphrates, which passed through the midst of the city. Its walls, which were carried to the astonishing height of 360 feet, were 87 feet in thickness, and enclosed an exact square, whose side was 15 miles; so that the city was sixty miles in circuit. There were 50 grand streets, that is, twenty-five running each way, on right lines parallel to each other. They were 150 feet wide, and, crossing each other at right angles, they all terminated in four streets, which lay round next to the wall on every side of the city, 200 feet wide. Thus the city was laid into 676 squares of 100 rods on each side. These squares were lined with numberless edifices, beside houses generally three or four stories high; and within the squares were innumerable delightful plantations, pleasure- grounds, and gardens. But this must be understood of the city, rather as it was in the days of Nebuchadnezzar, or Nitocris his daughter-in-law, than as it was in the days of Semiramis. }2 VIEW OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. Though the city stood on a plain, yet the celebrated hanging gardens overlooked the walls. They raised a square of buildings four hundred feet on each side, inter- nally supported by arches raised on arches, and without by a massy wall many yards in thickness. These works were carried up to the height of the wall, and over all a plat- form was laid four hundred feet square, formed by flat stones of an amazing size, over which were. layers of reeds, then bricks cemented, and plates of lead, and then the earth for the garden, in such thickness as to support trees of the largest size. They were watered by an engine from the bed of the Euphrates. Brevity forbids, that we give a descrip- tion of the tower of Babel, forty rods square at the bottom, and upwards of 600 feet high, or the moat which encom- passed the walls, the bridge over the Euphrates, the palaces, and the subterraneous ways. Many of these wonderful edifices are supposed to have been built by Semiramis. She carried her arms far into Ethiopia, and still farther into India, where she was at last defeated with a total overthrow by an Indian king. These early conquests were far different, both in their nature and consequences, from those afterwards made by the Greeks and Romans. They were more easily gained and lost. In- deed, the progress made by Semiramis, Sesostris, and others, through Asia and Africa, were little more than ex- cursions of discovery. ‘They moved at the head of an im- mense multitude, without order, or much resistance, and lived upon rapine and hunting. In these times, not only fortification, but the military art was unknown. Of course, wherever they went, they carried conquest; which was generally held by no other band of security, than the weak and savage state of the conquered. But the accounts we have of those early times are, in sundry respects, exaggerated, especially with regard to the greatness of their cities and conquests. Herodotus affirms, however, that Babylon maintained her conquests 500 years. . Semiramis, after a reign of 42 years, abdicated her gov- ernment to her son Ninyas. Few females have been more famous for their masculine virtues. Perhaps no one ever stood higher on the list of heroes and.conquerors. As to those virtues which beautify and adorn the female character, historians have little to say of her. * THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 13 Ninyas succeeded his mother. In what year of the city, it is net ascertained; nor isit a matter of consequence, since, frei this period, the history of the Assyrian empire is ut- terly lost for more than a thousand years. Tradition has scarcely reported the names of the succeeding monarchs. They were extraordinary for nothing, but luxury, sloth, idle- ness, and the most horrid tyranny. The provinces of the empire, during that period, had little more than a mere nominal subjection to those detesta- ble tyrants; probably, for the most part, none at all; and, without doubt, the pomp of universal ‘empire, was gene- rally confined to the proud capitals, Babylon,and Nineveh. The Trojan war took place some time after the middle period of thé Assyrian empire. But Homer makes no men- tion of the Assyrian greatness ; a fact, which, had it existed, could not have escaped his pervading mind, nor wanted a place in his historical, geographical, and martial poem. As the universal conquests of Sesostris, king of Egypt, are said to have happened a little before the Trojan war, Babylon and Nineveh must have lain ‘central in his sweep of con- quest, and it is not likely he passed them by, but that his eastern career of victory was begun by the reduction of those proud cities. Would he go to the conquest of India, and léave the Assyrian empire in his rear, powerful, independent, and hostile? The misfortune of the case is, that the glory and conquests of Sesostris are as dubious as those of the As- syrians; and they certainly could not have existed together. The Assyrian empire, first and last, was probably less in fact, than it is in history. oa CHAPTER II. THE ASSYRIAN OR BABYLONIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE REIGN OF NINYAS, TO THE FALL OF NINEVEH. Tu successors of Ninyas, the son of Semiramis, are little known in history. The seat of their government, or rather of their enormities, was alternately et Babylon and Nineveh. About 1450 years after the empire was founded by Nimrod, we find Sardanapalus reigning at Nineveh. If we may suppose, that the line of succession was unbroken, from the warlike Semiramis to him, he was the last of that 2 14 THE -ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. degenerate race of kings. From the silence of Homer, from the power and conquests of the kings of Egypt, from the figure Amraphel, king of Shinar, made in the days of Abraham, as stated in Genesis, and from the profound ob- livion of the Assyrian history during so long a time, it is probable, that the Assyrian monarchy was broken, dissolved, perhaps annihilated, and that it must have undergone revo- lutions, exterminating wars, and petty tyrannies, at various times. However that may be, in the time, and during the reign, of Sardanapalus, history seems a little to emerge from dark- ness. That prince being rendered weak and despicable by his vices, Arbaces, governor of Media, and Belesis, governor of Babylon, rebelled against him, defeated him in battle, and drove him into his capital, where he is said to have destroyed his treasures, and burned himself to death. The result of this rebellion was the dismemberment of the Assyrian empire. The province of Media gained its liberty. A king, by the name of Ninus the younger, was established in Nineveh, and. Belesis, one of the conspirators, became master of Babylon, as a separate kingdom. He is called in history Nabonassar. ) 7 The beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, which was 747 years before Christ, is supposed to be the first era, from whence the line of civil history can be with certainty drawn. Nabonassar was contemporary with Jotham king of Judah, and his era commenced within six years of the founding of Rome. This revolution, although it rent the Assyrian empire in pieces, neither impaired the splendor nor magnificence of Nineveh or Babylon. Those cities now became the seats of independent princes, and distinct empires ; and doubtless derived benefit from their new masters. But neither the history of the one, nor the other, is entirely known. From Nabonassar to the final subversion of the. empire by Cyrus, was 210 years; during which period, considerable light is thrown on the subject, by the sacred writings. - Concerning two important circumstances, we shall notice, first, the repeated irruptions of the Assyrian kings into Judah and Israel, and their depredations on the neighbouring na- tions; and, secondly, their carrying away Judali and Israel into captivity. j | We are told, 2 Kings, xv. 19, that Pul, king of Assyria, came into the lasid of Israel, and Menahem gave him a THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 15 thousand talents of silver, to conciliate his favour and pro- tection. That this was a powerful invasion, we need no other proof, than the price with which the Assyrian king was bought off. This invasion, however, was 24 years before the era of Nabonassar. Nabonassar, after a reign of twelve years, was succeeded by his son Merodach-Baladan, of whom little is known. This prince was in friendship with the Jews, and sent an embas- sy to congratulate king Hezekiah on "the recovery of his health. From this period, the history of Babylon disappears, till the time of its union with Nineveh, under the govern- ment of Esarhaddon. But, in the mean time, the Assyrian kings of Nineveh were generally hostile and formidable to the nation of Israel. Tiglath-Pileser, the first king of Nineveh after the partition of the empire, was called in by Ahaz, king of Judah, to as- sist him against the kings of Syria and Israel. He came with a powerful army, and put a period to the kingdom of Syria, by taking Damascus, its chief city. He severely scourged the kingdom of Israel, whose dissolution drew nigh ; and proved a costly and dangerous ally to Judah, Ahaz being obliged to rob the temple of its sacred treasures, to appease his avarice. An account of this is given 2 Kings, xvi. 7%. This was in the year 740, B. C, About 20 years afterward, Shalmaneser invaded and sub- dued Israel. He besieged Samaria, the capital of the king- dom, three years; at length took it, and carried the Ten Tribes into captivity, and planted them in Media, This event happened about 250 years after the separation of Israel from Judah. From this captivity the Ten Tribes never returned. The probability is, that they soon mingled with other nations, lost distinction of origin, and will emerge to light no more. The inventive imaginations of theorists have discovered traces of them among the Turks, Tartars, American savages, and elsewhere. But when we consider the character of the Ten Tribes, their proneness to idola- try, and to incorporate with other nations, which, in their most pure and virtuous times, could not be prevented by their wisest legislators, even when they were a distinct and independent nation; when we consider the revolutions, tyrannies, barbarity, and ignorance of Asiatic tribes in all ages ; when we consider the great length of time, and other auxiliary circumstances, we are strongly led to this conclu- sion; stil] allowing full weight and authority to ancient 16 THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. scripture prophecy, from which faire > ap on this sub- ject can be discovered. After a reign of fourteen years, sfhlacrnge sek died, and was succeeded by his son Sennacherib. An account of his formidable invasion of Judah, in the reign of Hezekiah, is particularly related 2 Kings, xviii. 13. He invaded Judah with a powerful army ; in the mean time defeated the king of Egypt, who was coming to relieve the Jews, and would probably have taken Jerusalem ; but his army was suddenly destroyed by pestilence. He returned to Nineveh, where he played the tyrant with so high a hand, that his own sons assassinated him in the temple of Nisroch ; and he was suc- ceeded by Esarhaddon. During the reign of this prince, the royal family of the kings of Babyton became extinct, and there was an inter- regnum of cight years. The weak and disordered state oe- casioned by this enabled Esarhaddon, who was a wise and politic prince, to annex Babylon to his dominions. Thus, after a separation of sixty-seven years, these two powerful kingdoms again became one. But this union, together with its happy fruits, was of short duration. The final destiny of Nineveh was now fast approaching ;. a rival power was rising to maturity, and ready to burst, with utter destruction, upon that proud empire. Esarhaddon, thirteen years after the union of Babylon with Nineveh, -was succeeded by his son Nabuchodonosor.* This prince defeated and slew Phraortes, king: of the Medes, in a great battle, and took Ecbatana, the capital of Media. This defeat, however, did not check the martial spirit or rapid erowth of that warlike nation. It was left for the sons of the victors and vanquished to act the last seene, and conclude the drama of the first of the eastern em- ires. ’ Cyaxares I., the son and successor of Phraortes, was soon at the head of a numerous and well-appointed army. De- termining to revenge the death of his father, he marched directly into Assyria, encountered and defeated an army thrown in his way, and immediately invested N ineveh. He would probably have taken it, but was obliged to raise the siege, and march in haste to. defendhis. own. territories. “ Nabuchodonosor was a name among the Babylosigie common- ly given to their kings, as that of Pharitoh was among the Psy flans.” —Prideauz. THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 17 The Scythians, a race of warlike savages, inhabiting the wilds of Europe and Asia, had driven before them the Cim- merians, a people equally savage, and nearly as terrible, dwelling near-Lake Meotis. These, in numberless hordes, were depopulating the fertile fields of Asia, and had invaded the dominions of Cyaxares. ‘The Medes were defeated by them in several battles, and the Scythians remained masters of most countries between the Caspian, Blaek, and Mediterra- nean Seas, a great part of Upper Asia,* for several years. We shall speak more particularly ef them in our review of the Persian empire. While the king of Media was waging doubtful war with the Scythians, Nabopollassar, governor of Babylon, revolted from the king of Nineveh, and set up an independent gov- ernment. in this he was encouraged by Cyaxares, who had not changed his purpose of subduing Nineveh. Saracus, king of Nineveh, although meneced by such potent enemies, adepted no efficient system of defence; but, dissolved in luxury, and lost to all sense of glory, he supinely waited the gathering storm. Cyaxares at length rid himself of the Scythian Eweneie, by a stroke of policy, which nothing but the emergency of the times, and manners of the nge, could warrant. He in- vited the chief officers ef the Scythian army to a general feast , prepared im various parts, where, in the midst of mirth and intoxication, his guards, and others appointed for thet purpose, fei! furiously upon them, and kilied them all, with- out resistance. Cyaxares once more invaded the Assyrian empire, assist- ed by Nebuchaduezzar, king of Babylon. These two powerful princes abhoitiplened the final subversion and abolition of the first Assyrian empire. Nineyeh was taken and destroyed. A sublime description is given of the fall of this ancient city by the prophet | Nahum. From that, also, we may form some idea of its greatness and’ splendor. This event hap- pened B, C. 600, and in the 147th year of Nabonassar’s era. The Assyrian empire rose, flourished, and fell, while the world was yet in its infancy: Few maxims of its govern- ment have reached our times; few incidents have escaped ee «A ERS OS RTS IF eel * Upper Asia included Armenia, Pontus, Colchis, and Iberia—~ >. * 18 THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. oblivion ; and those which have are doubtless tinctured with the stream of tradition, passing through long and bewilder- ing tracts of time. From what we can gather from such du- bious lights, we are led to conclude, that the fabric of the ancient monarchical governments, was very simple. It may be expressed in few words, sovereign power, and absolute subjection. Where the monarch chanced to be an amiable character, the condition of the subject was very tolerable ; but power so unrestrained, in the hands of a bad man, pro- duced the most dreadful tyranny. In every form of government, sovereign power must be iodged somewhere. Power, considered merely as corpo- real strength, is naturally, in the hands of every man, nearly alike; and the machine of government is a device, by which the power of many is combined and called forth by consent, in one great exertion. To call forth and exert this combination, the monarch has the sole power. He therefore can do whatever all his people, collectively, can do. His will directs their whole strength. In mixed gov- ernments, especially in republics, this national exertion is obtained, not by the will of one, but of many, who are chozen by the people for that purpose. But, in this latter case, individuals commonly find means to obtain the real, while, in the former, the monarch often holds only the nom- inal sovereignty. : The splendor and greatness of Nineveh, as of all other great cities in early times, consisted chiefly in their public buildings. The dwellings of the great mass of the people were little better than wretched hovels—without,* unorna- mented, and within, unfurnished. Indeed, this is still the case in most of the great cities of Asia. Nineveh and Bab- ylon contained little worthy of notice, except their walls, towers, temples, palaces, and superb structures of royalty. How incomparably more magnificent is the modern city of London or Paris, when viewed as the abode of men! Here are seen monuments of every art and science; the aston- ishing effects of commerce; opulence and independence reigning among all classes; the diffusion of knowledge; the reign of science, freedom, and plenty. The private houses of modern cities appear to be the residence of a free peo- ple, enjoying no small portion of wealth, independence, and E5*7iness. . THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 19 CHAPTER III. THE ASSYRIAN OR BABYLONIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE DE- STRUCTION OF NINEVEH, TO THE TAKING OF BABYLON BY CYRUS. BasBYLon now remained unrivalled and alone. The city consisted of a mighty assemblage of the most amazing struc- tures, temples, towers, palaces, and walls—works of incred- ible labour and expense, where millions had toiled, and groaned in painful servitude. ‘These buildings were rather admirable for their stupendous greatness, than for elegance and due proportion in architecture. As for the rules and pro- portions in building, they were in a great measure unknown ; and the different orders of architecture were yet to be dis- covered. They had nothing comparable with the temple of Minerva, er of Balbec. For the noble science of architecture, the world is indebted to the strong and mathematical genius and elegant taste of the ancient Greeks. Nebuchadnezzar was now on the throne of Babylon; and the extent of his dominions was answerable to the splendor of his capital. But there were two cities, whose fame and opulence rendered them objects worthy of his ambition; one was Jerusalem, the other was Tyre; the latter of which was one of the strongest cities then known. The siege of Jerusalem employed him two years; which, however, he at length terminated by the utter mae destruction of that noble city. In the 19th year of his reign, he burnt Solomon’s temple, and carried the Jews to Babylon, where they remained 70 years. Four years after, he besieged the city of Tyre; the reduction of which was the most arduous enterprise of his life. Tyre had stood, from its foundation, 660 years; having never been taken by any foreign power. After the Chaldean army had suffered in- credible hardships, and consumed 13 years in infinite labors, the city was taken; not, however, till the inhabitants had removed their principal effects to an island about half a mile from the shore. Here a new city rose, which soon eclipsed the glory of the former; a striking proof of the power of commerce. This new Tyre still flourished, and even far transcended its former state. When attacked by Alexander the Great, nearly three centuries afterward, it was able to resist the impetuous valor and unrivalled skill \ x 20 THE ASSYR{AN EMPIRE. of that great commander; nor is it probable he ever eculd have taken it, but by makiug himself master of the sea. Of this siege we shall speak hereafter. Nebuchadnezzar reigned prosperously 43 years. Some- thing of his history and character may be collected from the sacred writings. He found no equal among the neigh- boring contemporary princes; he extended his conquests far and wide; was the greatest monarch of his time, and doubtless the greatest that ever ruled the Assyrian em- ire. Babylon had now seen the zenith of her glory, and was soon to suffer a final and total eclipse. Four princes in succession, after Nebuchadnezzar, are remembered only to perpetuate their infamy, and to merit the just reproach of bringing ruin on themselves and their people. Evil-Mero- dach, Nebuchadnezzar’s son and successor, was taken off by insurrection. He was succeeded by Neriglissar, his brother-in-law. This prince was soon slain by the armies of the Medes and Persians. His successor, Laborosoar- chod, reigned only nine months, and fell by conspiracy.. To him succeeded Belshazzar, in whose reign Babylen was taken by Cyrus. This great city, justly considered as impregnable to every open and direct attack, was taken by stratagem; which we shall relate in speaking of the Medes and Persians. Belshazzar’ was surprised in the midst of a public feast; was slain in the gate of his palace; and the kingdom of Babylon became extinct, being the last branch of the ancient Assyrian empire, 210 years after its separation from Nineveh. Thus ended the second Assyrian empire, 1668 years after the foundation of the first by Nimrod. Babylon, however, still the noblest of cities, about twenty years after it was taken by Cyrus, revolted from Darius Hystaspes, then in the fifth year of his reign, and made preparations for a long and des- perate resistance; but was again taken by stratagem: Zo- pyrus, the general of Darius, suffering his nose and ears to be cut off, fled into the city, pretendedly as a deserter. His military skill soon procured him a command in the city; he opened the gates, and let in the Persian army. A traitor should be suspected, but never trusted. Alex- ander intended to: have made Babylon his capital. It only furnished. him with an untimely grave. It has been desolated for many ages. The pleasant country around it becoming a morass by the overflowing of the Eur THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 21 phrates, its place is not exactly known ;* and it has lain wholly desolate, and without inhabitant, from generation. to gencration ; literally fulfilling the predictions of. Isaiah the prophet. The ancient Assyrian empire, exclusive of its extensive conquests, comprehended much of what is now called Tur- key in Asia; territories lying about the rivers Euphrates and Tigris. It stretched northward tawards the Caspian and Black Seas, with a dubious boundary on Circassia; west and north-west, it spread towards the Mediterranean Sea, and met Syria and Palestine ; south and south-west, lay the Persian Gulf and Arabia; and east, the ancient Media and Persia; though, indeed, all these territories, and many more, were, at times, subjugated to that monarchy, In glancing an eye at the rise and fall of the ancient nations, it would be highly useful and interesting, could we develope, with certainty, the sources of their prosperity, and the causes of their fall. But if this mquiry is attended with inexplicable difficulties, in instances the most recent, how remote from investigation is it in the first governments which ever existed! National prosperity may be considered in two points of light; t. When a nation, considered as a body, is powerful, respected, rich, and eminent in the view of sur- rounding nations; or, 2. When a nation is in such a state, that the individuals, who compose it, are prosperous, happy, and secure, In some instances, these two kinds of national prosperity have united for a time; but those instances have been rare, and that union of short continuance. History presents many examples of the first. Such, indeed, were all the ancient monarchies; such was the empire of Constantine the Great, of Charlemagne, of Ghenghis Khan, of Charles V., of Louis XIV.—and we might come still nearer our time. But what histories shall we consult to find examples of the second ? If we judge from the most probable sources of conjecture, concerning individual happiness, in those em- pires of most splendid figure in history, our conclusions will not be very favorable. “Where millions are subject to the control and arbitrary direction of one, however good may be his intention, yet he will err, yitbien vanity, srenue * It is supposed that the place and yuins. of ancient Babylon have been recently discovered. See Hellah in Worcester’s Universal Gazetteer. —Ed. ‘ 22 PERSIA. weakness, through passion; but, above all, through igno- rance. Vainly relying on his own sagacity, prudence, and foresight, he will use his power to its extent; he will form designs, and strike out projects, in the compass of which, the rights, if not the lives, of thousands and millions, will be crushed, and their sighs and groans never heard. But nothing is more uncertain, than any comparison we can make of the happiness of nations; for, in all govern- ments, sovereign power must be exercised by certain hands, either hereditary or elective; and, as all men are ambitious of power, it is a question, what form of government contains the most of private happiness. If popular governments are more equitable, they are, at the same time, most feeble, most liable to convulsions and revolutions, and of shortest duration. ee : CHAPTER IV. MEDIA AND PERSIA. THE PBRSIAN EMPIRE, FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO THE BIRTH OF CYRUS. Tue Medes and Persians are considered as the descend- ants of Shem, the son of Noah, and of the family of Elam. There is little known of that great and powerful people, but from Herodotus, Xenophon, and the sacred writings. Their empire, in its full extent, reached from India to Ethiopia, and from the waters of India and Arabia to the Caspian and Black Seas. It was with them as with all the great empires of ancient times; their boundaries were frequently dubious, and always varying. Indeed the present empire of Russia is a similar instance, the emperor himself, and his ministers, scarcely knowing its real limits and ex- tent; for which there is good reason. Their boundaries may be compared to those places, where the land and sea dispute for empire, and prevail by turns. Their subjection is but nominal; and such is their distance from the seat of government, so wild and ferocious their manners, that cor- rect intelligence can hardly keep pace with the rapidity of their revolutions. The Assyrian empire, the centre of avhich was about the river Euphrates, early subjugated all the different tribes PERSIA. 23 and nations, from. the river Indus to the isthmus of Suez. Of course the Persian territories were included. But before the revolt of Media from that empire, the history of the Medes and Persians is unknown. It has been already no- ticed, that Arbaces, governor of Media, taking advantage of tbe weak administration of Sardanapalus, king of Assyria, formed a conspiracy, and concentrated a combination of powers against him, which proved his overthrow, and the dismemberment of his kingdom. Babylon, Nineveh and Media became distinct and inde- pendent governments.* Of the history of the two former, we have drawn the outline. Indeed, little more has escaped oblivion, and reached our times. While those great powers were going to decay, the Medes and Persians, like most nations in their youth, acquired a military spirit; and, being uncorrupted with luxury and vice, they adopted happy methods of discipline and internal order, which could not fail of giving energy to their counsels, and success and renown to their arms. Some time after the separation of Media from the As- syrian empire, Dejoces, a powerful chief of that coun- “9” try, erected it into a monarchy. He was a wise and politic prince.. His characteris highly celebrated by Hero- dotus and others. It is worthy of remark, that most nations, in the first of their career, are led and ruled by great and good men. We might instance Romulust and Numa in Rome; Themistocles, Aristides, Lycurgus, Solon, Epaminon- das, in Greece; Cyrus, in Persia; David and Solomon, in Judea; and, in later times, Charlemagne, in France; Alfred, in England ; and we may add, Washington, in America. Dejoces employed a long reign of more than fifty years, in civilizing his subjects, promoting the arts of peace, and reducing to practice an. excellent system of policy, and * The opinion of Prideaux, that Nineveh and Media remained united under Arbaces, appears much more probable. “The ancient empire of the Assyrians, which had governed Asia above thirteen hundred years, being dissolved, there arose up two empires in its stead; the one founded by Arbaces, governor of Media, and the other by Belesis, governor of Babylon ;—Belesis had Babylon, Chal- dea, and Arabia, and Arbaces all the rest.” Prideaux’ Connection ; Vol. I. p. 1.—Ed. t Some of these characters are by no means to be ranked among the good; especially Romulus, who was a fratricide, a robber, and finally 2 tyrant. Well might such a character be regarded by a nation of plunderers, as their father and their god. —Ed. 24 PERSIA. thereby showing himself worthy to reign. He left behind him a grateful memorial in the minds of his subjects, and a son and successor of a warlike, ambitious, and enterprising temper, Phraortes succeeded his father in the kingdom of Media. Few circumstances are recorded of him: He carried on wars with various success; subjected the Per- sians to bis power; made war with Nabuchodonosor, the king of Nineveh, in which he was unfortunate, and termi- nated his career, together, with his life, after a reign of twenty-two years. : This Nabuchodonosor is thought to have been the mon- arch of that name mentioned in the book of Judith, who sent Holofernes to invade Judea. The Assyrian empire was then much weakened, and fast declining, but was still too powerful for the Mezes. In those ages, when the safety of a nation depended more on personal valor and military skill, than on riches and artful negotiations, the loss of a general battle produced very different effects on a rising nation, composed of hardy warriors, inflamed with a desire of conquest, and just beginning to be dazzled with the splendors of empire, from what it did on an ancient na- tion, immensely rich, voluptuous, effeminate, and drowning in its own luxuries. While, on the one hand, the Medes soon recovered their loss, and rose more terrible after the defeat and death of Phraortes; on the other, the defeat of the Assyrians before Bethulia, and the loss of a general and his army, seemed to break their spirit, and hasten on their final subversion. ) Cyaxares I. succeeded his father Phraortes. He soon collected and drew after him an army composed “¢3,”° of the fiery and unconquerable spirits from the moun- ' tains of Media. He pushed his conquests in every direction, united the barbarous tribes of Media under his standard, and soon became formidable to all the neighboring nations. But as his conquests lay chiefly among tribes and clans of unciv- ilized barbarians, we shall pass them over in silence. The good fortune attending his arms, and the remem- brance of the shameful defeat and death of his father in the Assyrian war, now roused him to seek revenge on that proud empire, which had so long tyrannized over many nations. He marched at the head of a powerful army toward Nineveh, encountered and defeated an Assyrian army thrown in his way, and, laid close siege to the city. As the Assyrians were utterly unable to keep the field, PERSIA. 25 their only safeguard and dependence was the strength of their capital. But as nothing now remained of that warlike char- acter, which distinguished and exalted their nation in former ages, the siege was likely to be of short continuance, and ruust have ended in the speedy reduction and utter ruin of that city, had not Providence designed to procrastinate their doom for a few more years. Cyaxares was suddenly recalled to defend his own territo- ries from the Scythians, who had poured down upon Media, and were likely. to overrun all Western Asia. This is the first irruption of that barbarous people mentioned in history. It was upwards of 600 years before the Christian era. The history of that people is curious and wonderful. They seem to have been designed as the instrument of Providence, to scourge the nations of the earth. The northern and eastern wilds of Europe and Asia gave birth to a race of men in early ages, more properly called an immense collection of wandering tribes and families, than a nation. Their manner of life, both in war and peace, has been uniform and perpetual. Their courage was invincible, their armies innumerable, and they seemed to spring from sources inexhaustible. Though extremely fierce, and devoid of mental cultivation, yet their policy, in its kind, was keen, artful, and profound. Their invasions resembled the emigration of an entire province. They carried with them their families and effects; and the shock of their impression was adequate to the overturning of the greatest empires. In the most vigorous periods of the Roman empire, they shook its foundations; and, finally, in one tremendous inundation, desolated the whole civilized world. As ancient Media lay nigh the Caspian Sea, and bordered on what is now denominated Circassia, the dominions of Cyaxares lay directly in their way into the interior of Western Asia. He therefore marched with all speed, and zave them battle; but was totally defeated, and obliged to fly before a victorious enemy. But, as the circumstan- ces of this war between the savage Scythians and the Medes, not much more civilized, are but slightly known, and would be wholly uninteresting, were they otherwise, we shall not dwell upon them. It shall suffice to say, that Cyaxares, after struggling several years, with various fortune, found means to destroy or expel them from his dominions. He is said to have caused them to be invited 3 96 PERSIA, to feasts, made in various parts of his .kingdom, where, in the midst of intoxication, his guards, and other emissaries, fell upon them, and caused them to perish in a general massacre. The difficulties, however, attending so extensive and deep a conspiracy, leave room to doubt the authenticity of the story. Cyaxares at length found leisure to renew his invasion of Nineveh. He met with little obstruction in opening the siege; and, as his efforts were aided by the king of Babylon, a powerful and warlike prince, with whom he had formed an alliance, the reduction of the city soon followed, as we have formerly noted. Cyaxares pursued his conquests, leaving only Chaldea to the king of Babylon; and, having extended his territories, and enriched his armies with treasures and spoils of immense value, he returned to Media in great glory; where the ener- vating influence of Assyrian luxury soon became visible, and, among other causes, concurred in transferring the em- pire from the Medes to the Persians. __ Cyaxares was succeeded by his son Astyages, whose reign was long and prosperous. Astyages was succeeded by his son Cyaxares II., called in the Bible Darius the Median. Dan. v.31. Astyages had also a daughter, named Mandane, who married Cambyses, king of Persia. These were the pa- . rents of the great Cyrus, who put a period to the latter As- syrian, and effected the union of the Median and Persian empires. —-_ CHAPTER V. THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE BIRTH OF CYRUS, TO THE CONQUEST OF THE LESSER ASIA. Tue legal heir to a splendid fortune, or to an imperial throne, has little honor in comparison with him, who, by the force of his genius, breaks the power of depressing circum- stances, bears down all impediments, removes the various difficulties and embarrassments, with which weak men are encompassed, and carries along with him a whole nation to the elevated summit of empire. However much we may be disposed to ascribe it to a fortunate concurrence of events, it will appear, on careful attention, to arise from that astonishing power, some men have over others, of PERSIA. 7 combining and directing their exertions to proper objects— from their great energy of character—from their commanding and comprehensive views of human affairs—from their quick discernment in the choice of expedients—from their bold and masterly projection of grand schemes, and from their dili- gence and perseverance in every pursuit. With such a genius Cyrus was endowed. He found his native country but small, and inhabited by an inconsiderable people. The territories of the ancient Persians, it is said by good authorities, comprehended but a small part of that vast country now bearing. their name; which extends from the river Indus to the Euphrates. They were allies and dependants of the Medes, who, under Cyaxares the First, the great grandfather of Cyrus, had destroyed Nineveh, and subjugated many neighboring countries, as already noticed. West of them lay the kingdom of Babylon, immensely opulent, and still powerful, but declining under the administration of a dynasty of weak and vicious mon- archs. As the Medes had put a period to the first Assyrian empire, the Assyrians of Babylon viewed them with an eye of jealousy, and waited only for a convenient time to make war on so powerful and dangerous a neighbor. This soon presented; and Neriglissar, king of Babylon, having drawn into his alliance Cresus, king of Lydia, and many neighhor= ing princes and tributaries, took the field. Cyaxares the Second had, just before this, succeeded to the throne of his father Astyages. He was alarmed at the prospect of so formidable a war, which seemed likely to overwhelm his dominions. He immediately sent to Cambyses, king of Per- sia, requesting that Cyrus might be sent to his aid at the head of the Persian auxiliaries. Cyrus then first appeared as the commander of an army, and fully justified the expectation of those who had seen his wisdom, discreetness, and valor, on former occasions. He displayed all the activity, the humanity, the address, the for- titude, and the personal authority of a great commander. A general battle was fought, in which the king of Babylon was slain, the Assyrian army totally defeated, their allies dis- persed, and their affairs rendered desperate. But as the vic- tory was wholly owing to the conduct of Cyrus, the king of Media was filled with chagrin, envy, and discontent. He soon after returned home, and left Cyrus to prosecute the war at his own diseretion, 23 PERSIA. The Assyrians were unable to collect another army sufli- cient to cope with Cyrus. He therefore penetrated into Chaldea, took every fortress that lay in his way, ravaged the country, and marched to the gates of Babylon. But the stupendous height and impenetrable thickness of the walls, the lofty towers, and gates of solid brass, and the multitude of men within, seemed to indicate a longer siege and more obstinate defence than Cyrus was prepared to undertake. Before that city could be taken, he had once more to try his fortune in the open field. He therefore returned with his victorious army to Media, to his uncle Cyaxares; and from thence revisited his father Cambyses, in his native country, Persia, after an absence of about seven years. ° It was now pretty clearly foreseen, that Cyrus was rising to the empire of Asia. His great qualities as a general, the sublimity and grandeur of his designs, the celerity of his movements, the martial order of his camps, and the tremen- dous impetuosity of his battles, in addition to the lustre of his character in private life, presaged his future greatness, and seemed to set him foremost in the first rank of men then living; and, as we shall see hereafter, entitled him to the highest character of all the monarchs of Asia. On his approach towards the borders of Media, as just related, his uncle Cyaxares met him with coolness. And well might he have been alarmed for the safety of his kingdom and the security of his crown, had Cyrus been of that dark, perfidious character, which many great con- querors have too clearly shown to the world. But Cyrus had the address to dispel his fears, quiet his jealousies, and conciliate his affections; so that the just apprehensions of mankind of a rupture between the Medes and Persians were removed; Cyrus, doubtless, well understanding how important the strict union of those two warlike powers was to the accomplishment of his designs, and also foreseeing how likely it was that he should one day reign over both. The rapid growth of the Persian arms, under Cyrus, had now excited general attention from Egypt to India. A league was formed among the principalities of Asia, at the head of which was Helohazean, king of Babylon, and Cresus, king of Lydia. But, before we proceed, it is necessary to draw the reader’s attention, for a moment, aside from the line we are tracing. ‘The Lydians were an ancient people of Lesser PERSIA. 99 Asia, situated between Ionia on the west, and the greater Phrygia on the east. They derived their name from Lydus, an ancient king ofthat country. His family, accord- ing to ancient authors, was supplanted by the descendants of Hercules, who reigned over the Lydians several centuries. After various revolutions, we find Cresus on the throne of Lydia, the prince just mentioned. He was the friend and ally of the king of Babylon. His capital was Sardis, where afterwards was situated one of the seven churches of Asia. Cresus was immensely rich, and the Lydians, though a very voluptuous, were yet a warlike nation. This prince, notwithstanding the splendor and opulence of his court, and the luxurious magnificence of his kingdom, was a consum- mate general, as well as a proficient in the Grecian philos- ophy. He was perpetually engaged in wars, and made con- quests and considerable additions to his dominions. It may also be proper to observe, that the Lydians had, on former occasions, engaged in wars against the Medes, and were their natural enemies, as they were the friends and allies of the Assyrians. The king of Babylon, whom no emergency of government, or national exigence, could now draw from his debaucheries, had placed Cresus as the acting head of the league, to con- tend with Cyrus; but, in the mean time, had furnished him with vast sums of money; had drawn a great army, even from Egypt; had collected what forces he could from all _ Western Asia, then very populous; and, in a word, had as- sembled an army perhaps second to none in those times, but the army of Xerxes the Great, afterwards drawn from the same populous regions. It consisted of 420,000 men. ‘This army was assembled at-Thymbra, a place not far dis- tant from Sardis, the capital of Lydia. Cyrus lost no time in collecting what forces he could. His army fell short of 200,000; but his chief dependence was on 70,000 Persians, whom, with his own hand, he had trained to the art of war, and into whom he had infused his own, invincible spirit. Contrary to all expectation, Cyrus . put his army immediately into motion, and marched in quest of his enemies. Their distance could not be less than a thousand miles. It was probably more, and that through countries inhabited by hostile nations. No difficulty could intimidate Cyrus; no labor nor danger could abate the ardor of his troops. By long and rapid marches, he soon came up 3 * ; . 30 PERSIA. to the place of rendezvous, from which.Cresus had not moved, but lay in perfect security. Celerity is the first and grandest of all military maxims. It was this which gave victory and fame to Cyrus, Alexan- der, Hannibal, Cesar, and Napoleon. Though celerity in- deed is not the only thing necessary, yet, other things being as they should be, it renders invasion irresistible, and victory certain. The Assyrians were astonished at the intrepidity of Cyrus, especially considering the inferiority of his army, and dis- tance from his own dominions. But still they placed confi- dence in their own resources—their superior numbers, and the military skill of their commanders. . A spacious plain was chosen, on which the army of Cresus displayed a line of battle five milesin- length. Their plan was to flank the Persians, and surround them, knowing their own numbers to be much superior. Cyrus, aware of this, had determined that his army should act in three directions; and so sure of victory was he, that he ordered the centre of his army not to move, nor strike a blow, till he had routed the wings of the enemy. When the signal for battle was given, the Persian army stood firm and pro- foundly silent, in a line much shorter and deeper than the enemy, till the wings of the latter had wheeled round, and formed three sides of an encompassing square. At that instant Cyrus wheeled the wings of his army, and fell with an irresistible shock upon the wings of the enemy; they both gave way, and fell into confusion. That was the signal for the centre, where commenced a battle, long, fierce, and bloody. A hundred and twenty thousand Egyptians, ranged in battalions thirty deep, in close order, and covered from head to foot with bucklers and cuirasses, formed the centre of the allied army. The horse, on which Cyrus rode, was killed; and he fell among forests of spears, and showers of javelins. How often the fate of battle, and even of whole nations, depends on the courage and strength of a general. Nothing could bear him down. He defended himself, sword in hand, till he was rescued by his guards and remounted. This column of Egyptians stood their ground, and fought with amazing bravery, till the field was cleared of all other enemies. Cyrus then offered them honorable terms of capit- ulation, which they accepted, and laid down their arms. Never was victory more complete, or battle more de- cisive. It decided at once the fate of the Lydians, and all PERSIA. 31 the nations of the Lesser Asia. As Cresus had wantonly drawn the Assyrian war into his own kingdom, he now tasted the fruits of his temerity. But, determined to protract the dis- pute as much as possible, he collected another army, and en- countered Cyrus again, with similar success. Finding all was lost, he retired into Sardis, and prepared to defend that capital against the conqueror, who now commenced a regular siege. The city was soon reduced, and Cresus was ‘549° condemned to die; but was reprieved and restored to, favor, and, it is said, reinstated in his dominions, as a tribu- tary prince. Some writers relate, that Solon, the celebrated Grecian philosopher, had, in the prosperous days of Cresus, visited that prince; and that Cresus, after showing him the splendor of his capital and resources of his kingdom, demand- ed of the philosopher, whether he did not think him a happy man? Solon answered him in the style of a stoic, and con- cluded by telling him, that he could not tell whether he was happy, till he had heard of his death. Cresus, in a rage at the freedom and boldness of Solon, called him a fool, and ordered him out of his sight. Cyrus, in the ancient barbarous manner, when Cresus had become his prisoner, ordered him to be burned to death. He was accordingly bound on the pile, which was set on fire. While the flames were approaching the unhappy Cresus, he suddenly recollected the words of Solon, and being now forcibly struck with their jur-ness, he cried out, O Solon! Solon! The thing was told to Cyrus, who immediately demanded an explanation. Whereupon, Cresus related to him the circumstances of his interview with Solon, and concluded by saying, that “He will now hear of my death, and will indeed pronounce me an unhappy man.” Cyrus, powerfully affected with the fickleness of fortune, and the changes to which men are liable, ordered the royal captive unbound, and restored him to his favor. This story, however, is said by some writers to be fabulous. The voluntary submission of many states, by their ambas- sadors, followed the conquest of Lydia; and Cyrus had little further use for arms in that country. 32 PERSIA. CHAPTER VI. THE PERSIAN EMPIRE, FROM THE REDUCTION OF ASIA MINOR, BY CYRUS, TILL ITS SUBVERSION BY ALEXANDER. From the conquest of Asia Minor, Cyrus directed his march toward Syria and Arabia; and in a few years saw all Western Asia subjected to his arms, Babylon alone except- ed. This had, from the first, fired his ambition, and had been the ultimate end of all his schemes and enterprises. With an army adequate to the undertaking, he now advanced towards the immense capital. He was met by the king of Babylon, with a numerous army, whom he defeated with great slaughter. The Babylonian monarch fled into the city, shut after him the massy gates, and prepared for a long and resolute defence. This siege commenced about nine years after the capture of Sardis. Cyrus immediately drew ‘his army before the city, and commenced a series of operations, in which the whole vigor and extent of his genius were aided by the most efficient prin- ciples of the art of war, known in his day. But he had diffi- culties to encounter, which would have discouraged any one but himself. The Babylonians mocked and derided him from their lofty battlements ; and seemed secure in a fortress, too strong to be reduced by the art of man. The height, thickness, and solidity of the walls of Baby- lon, rendered them impregnable to every attempt. On the top, they were so broad, that several chariots might run abreast: and at short distances, there were towers much higher than the walls, continually filled with armed men. The gates were solid pieces of brass, of such strength and weight, as to defy all possible engines of war. The walls and towers were guarded by a numerous army; and it was thought, with what provisions there were in the city, and what might be raised within it in the gardens, that the in- habitants might sustain a siege of twenty years. There’ is reason to doubt, whether Cyrus could have taken Babylon otherwise than by stratagem. For, after having spent nearly two years, during which time he tried every mode of attack he could devise, he saw no prospect of success, nor any reason to expect but that a blockade of many years must be his only resort; and even that resort extremely dubious in its issue. PERSIA. oa. But it is a truth, that whatever man can build, man can destroy; and it is a truth far more melancholy, that with whatever expense, pleasure, and ambition, any thing is built by one man, the time may come, when with equal expense, pleasure, and ambition, it will be demolished by another. His comprehensive genius, however, at length projected a plan, by which he gained the city. At some distance above the city, had been dug an immense pit, of size suffi- cient to receive the water of the river for a considerable time. It is said to have been many miles in extent. With this lake the river communicated by canals, which were closed along the river by dikes of amazing strength. By breaking down these, the river would forsake its course, and flow into the lake. On the night of a public festival, Cyrus caused the dikes to be broken down. The river immediately turned out of its channel, which became so dry, that the Persian army marched down into it, with little difficulty, into the city; and were met by another division of the army, who had marched up the channel from the opposite side of the city; and, although there was a high wall on each side of the river, yet, on that night, the gates leading to the river were generally left open. In the midst of revelling and drunk- enness, the inhabitants were surprised; and the king, Bel- shazzar, hearing the uproar abroad, had only time to advance to the gate of his palace, where, fighting sword in hand, he was slain. See Dan. vi. The city and province of Babylon, without further resist- ance, submitted to the conqueror. Thus ended the Chalde- an or Lower Assyrian empire. This event happened about fifty years after the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad- nezzar—209 years from the beginning of the reign of Nabo- nassar, or Belesis—more than 1600 years from its founda- tion by Nimrod, or Belus; and in the year before the Chris- tian era, 538. Babylon had now received an irreparable blow. This diversion of the river continued to overflow the finest part of the adjacent country, and at length turned it into an ex- tensive marsh, as loathsome and unhealthy as it was use- less. The current of the river through the city was ob- structed, and the water shallow. From this period, Baby- lon experienced a rapid decay, till it was taken by Alex- ander the Great, about two hundred years after. Alexan- der, with a view to make it the seat of his empire, had determined to restore it to its ancient splendor; but, dying 34 | PERSIA. suddenly, the work ceased. His successors abandoned that proud capital for ever, and fixed the seat of their govern- ment at Selucia; or, as it was called by some, New Baby- lon. The steps of its decline can scarcely be traced to a much later period. In the Augustan age, it was nearly desolate. About two years after the reduction of Babylon, Cyrus, by the death of his father and uncle, succeeded to the sove- reignty of Media and Persia. His empire now extended from the Caspian Sea to the Indian Ocean, and from India to Ethiopia. To relate the particulars of the reign of Cyrus, would conduce little to the general design of this work; and it would be still less conducive, and less interesting to go into many particulars concerning his successors. The fall of the Babylonian, and the rise of the Persian empire, present to the reader the first important revolution in the annals of history, whose consequences were general and permanent. Cyrus died at the age of 70 years. If we estimate his reign from his assuming the command of the Persian and Median armies, it was thirty years; if from the conquest of Babylon, it was nine years; and if from the death of his uncle, Cyaxares, seven years. He is represented as a prince of great abilities and great wisdom; in his council and cabinet, as distinguished for profound policy, as for bravery and good fortune in the field. He seems to have united the happiness of his subjects with his own glory ; neg securing the prosperity of his kingdom on its surest asis Cyrus was an instrument of Providence in accomplishing the divine designs towards the Jews, as we shall hereafter notice, in speaking of their history; and he had the dis- tinguished honor of being foretold, even by name, as the re- storer of that chosen people.* The Persians, in every age, have been a brave, polite, and generous people. Not even the influence of bad gov- ernment, the gloomy reign of superstition, or the relaxing indolence of a mild climate, could ever debase them to a level with their neighbors. But the meridian of their glory was in the reign of Cyrus. * Isaigh xlv. 1. . {| This remark must be taken with some limitation —Ed. PERSIA. 35 The important revolution effected by Cyrus, and the splendor of his reign, are rendered famous in sacred his- tory, by the restoration of the Jews, and the rebuilding of the city and temple of Jerusalem. They had been subdued and carried into captivity by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Baby- lon, where they had now remained for 70 years. On-the accession of Cyrus to the empire of Asia, he issued a decree for their restoration; which, with other privileges, allowed them to return to Judea, to rebuild their cities, and to restore their worship. This decree was issued 468 years from the dedication of the temple by Solomon; 955 years from the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt and 536 years be- fore the Christian era. Cyrus was succeeded in his extensive empire by his son, Cambyses; who, ina short reign of eight years, did little worthy either of the monarch of Asia, or of the great charac- ter and actions of his father. He invaded Egypt with some success; was guilty of many cruelties; and murdered Smer- dis, his only brother, the son of the great Cyrus. He was recalled from his Egyptian expedition, to suppress a rebellion raised by Smerdis, the Magian, who had usurped his throne in his absence. But, on his return, as he was mounting his horse, his sword fell out of its scabbard, and gave him a wound in the thigh, of which he died. The Egyptians re- mark, that it was a judgment of Heaven upon him, because he had wounded their god Apis, in the same place. He had some military talents, but was remarkable only for rash- ness, pride, cruelty, and injustice. Smerdis, the usurper, being soon destroyed, was succeed- ed by Darius Hystaspes. After him the order of succession was as follows, viz. Xerxes the Great, Artaxerxes, Xerxes IT., Darius Nothus, Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, Arses, Darius Codomanus. From the accession of Cyrus till the conquest of Persia by Alexander, was 223 years, their average pige being about twenty years. In looking over this period of Persian history, from Opn to Alexander, there is little to engage the attention. The empire was generally on the decline. The vanity and vices of the kings who reigned from time to time, were no less conspicuous, than their dangerous effects on the empire. The former led them often to engage in wars, particularly with the Greeks. The latter rendered them unable to con- tend with their enemies. Their most memorable enterprise was that of Xerxes the Great. His invasion of Greece was 36 PERSIA. ~ rendered famous by the greatness of his army, his dastardly conduct, total overthrow, and shameful retreat to his own dominions. Of this extraordinary expedition, a brief account shall be given. The growing power and military fame of the Greeks had, before the reign of Xerxes, excited both the jealousy and the fears of the Persian monarchs. Xerxes, therefore, no sooner ascended the throne, than he began to meditate an invasion of Greece; and particularly of the Athenians, for their conduct during the reign of his father. Accordingly, he levied forces from all parts of his dominions, and made extensive preparations, both by sea and land. By means of an alliance with the Carthaginians, he drew auxiliaries even from Spain, Italy, and”Gaul. The Carthaginians, who, at that time, had acquired an extensive military reputation, furnished him with an army of 300,000 men, under the eommand of Hamilcar. After the most active preparations throughout his dominions, tributaries, and allies, he, in the sixth year of his reign, put his forces in motion, crossed the Hellespont on a bridge of boats, and encamped his army at the city Doriscus, by the mouth of the river He- brus; near which place he also drew together his naval armament. Here he made a general review of all his forces; and which, according to many authors, consisted of 2,641,610 men, with upwards of 1200 ships: and to this immense multitude, says Dr. Prideaux, if we add all the slaves, the women, the attendants, &c. the number must ex- ceed 5,000,000, probably the greatest army ever brought into the field.* With this assemblage of nations, Xerxes advanced to the strait of Thermopyle; where he was met by Leonidas, king of Sparta, and about 300 Lacedemonians, and as many Greeks as made up about 4000 men. This handful of men defend- ed the pass for two days, resisting every form of attack. The Greeks, however, growing weary of the unequal contest, at length all deserted Leonidas but his 300, and a few others. They stood their ground, and fought with amazing bravery, till every man was slain; among whom was Leonidas him- self. This dear-bought victory cost the Persians 20,000 of their bravest men, and two of the brothers of Kerxes; nor could they be otherwise than astonished at the valor and for- titude of the Greeks. * This account of Prideaux is on the authority of Herodotus, Plu tarch, and others ; but Diodorus and Pliny make it less. PERSIA. oF To Leonidas the prize of valor has been allowed by all heroes, ail ages and nations. Many warriors have fought merely for fame, and have laid down their lives to gratify a mad ambition. Leonidas fought for his country. He did not expect to conquer; his object was to delay the enemy’s progress, till his countrymen could assume a posture of defence. This object he gained, though he fell in the con- ict. Passing the straits of Thermopyle, the Persian army, like the progress of a slow but mighty inundation, advanced toward Athens.* The Athenians, having consulted the Del- phian Oracle, were directed to defend themselves by wooden walls. . When all were in doubt concerning the meaning of this response, says Cornelius Nepos, Themis- tocles, the Athenian general, told them, that the intention of the Oracle was, that they should defend themselves by ships. Accordingly, the Athenian and confederate fleet of Greece, amounting to about 300 sail, drew up “jap in the strait of Salamis, where they encountered and ' totally defeated the fleets of Persia, destroying many ships, and dispersing the rest. This battle has been justly cele- brated by all historians. It was gained by the masterly pol- icy of Themistocles, who drew the Persians to action ina disadvantageous place, and then, by a bravery nearly as mag- nanimous, and more fortunate than that of Leonidas, obtain- ed a complete victory. Xerxes now saw clearly what enemies he had to contend with; and, perceiving them entire masters of the sea, he was seized with the most alarming apprehensions for his own safety, although encompassed by millions. Leaving an army of 300,000 men with Mardonius, his general, to prosecute the war, he hastened back to the Hellespont, lest his bridge of boats should be destroyed, and his retreat to his own dominions for ever cut off. On his arrival, as he feared, he found his bridge to have been broken by storms. Wherefore, in the utmost consternation for his safety among enemies so brave and intrepid, and for the preservation of his throne, which the news of his ill fortune would expose to some aspiring rebel, he crossed the same Hellespont, which he had lately covered with his fleets and armies, in a fishing-boat, and returned home, covered with shame and infamy. * This city the Persians soon after took, plundered, and burnt —Ed. 4 ‘ 38 PERSIA. Still far more complete was the defeat of that part of this great invasion, conducted by Hamilcar, the Carthaginian al- ready mentioned; for, landing an army of 309,000 men in Sicily, he was suddenly attacked by Gelo, king of Sicily, as he was celebrating a public feast, and his whole army was either slain or made prisoners, and his fleet destroyed. Mar- donius now only remained, to resist the concentrated forces of Greece, invincible by valor, and now formidable by num- bers, although far inferior to the army of the Persians.* The Greeks, commanded by Pausanias and Aristides, pursued him now retiring out of Attica into Beeotia. They came to a general battle near Platza, in which Mardonius was kill- ed, and his army entirely cut off. It is remarkable, that, on the same day, another battle was fought at sea, in which the Greeks were completely victorious, and the remainder of the Persian fleet destroyed. Thus terminated the greatest expedition found in the annals of history. It can hardly be doubted, that, had the Greeks carried their arms into Persia, they might, at that time, have subverted the Persian empire. Xerxes, who deserved the appellation of great for little reason, except the greatness of his follies and vices, employ- ed the remainder of his reign in inglorious wars—in super- stitions destructive to learning and civility, and in intrigues and atrocities, as disgraceful to his throne as injurious to his subjects. It will be found a just remark, that, as most nations have risen by industry and virtue, so they have fallen by luxury, indolence, and vice. When the Persians were poor, hardy, industrious, brave, and virtuous, they enabled Cyrus to con- quer and to govern Asia. But conquest and dominion ren- dered them vain and secure; wealth made them luxurious and effeminate; vice made them weak and contemptible. They had no longer a Cyrus to lead them to victory; or, if they had, they were no longer a people capable of rising to empire by toil and discipline. But the Greeks themselves, not far from this period, began to feel the corrupting influ- ence of wealth and power. Long before the conquest of Persia, they had passed the meridian of their power and glory; nor could a hero spring but from the wilds of Mace- don, to subdue the Persian empire. The conquest of Persia, by Alexander the Great, will be noticed under the review of Grecian history. We shall, : * 140,000. PERSIA, 39 therefore, close this brief survey, by glancing an eye at the state of the Persian territories, subsequent to Alexander’s conquest. It has been already noticed, that Alexander, king of Ma- cedon, above three centuries before the Christian era, in the reign of Darius Codomanus, subdued Persia, and became master of all Western Asia. At the death of Alexander, his extensive dominions were divided among the chief generals of his army. Babylon, together with Media and Persia, fell to Seleucus. The Seleucide, or kings of Syria, held, for a few years, the empire of Persia. Some of them even marched armies across the river Indus, with a view to maintain and extend their authority. But they could not govern what Alexander could subdue; they could not even stand, where he could advance unmolested. Persia soon began to be governed by independent princes. Though under the name of Par- thia, it was substantially the same. A dynasty of kings commenced with Arsaces, about '70 years after the conquest of Persia by Alexander, 256 years before Christ. The Arsacide held the seat of their government nearer to - Media, than to Persia. They were powerful and warlike —were generally more than a match for the kings of Syria, and even set bounds to the Roman arms. Mithridates,* called the Great, was one of the most warlike monarchs of Asia. He flourished about 120 years before the Christian era; and, what is remarkable of him, he maintained a war with the Romans 40 years, and, according to Cicero’s own declaration, among the enemies of Rome, was second to none but Hannibal. He was defeated by Pompey, on the plains of Pharsalia; where it is remarkable, that the fate of Europe and Asia has been decided three times, by three great and memorable battles; by Pompey and Mithridates, Pompey and Cesar, Tamerlane and Bajazet.t Although Pompey triumphed over Mithridates, yet the Parthians sur- vived, and were powerful even in the reign of Augustus, The Parthian kings of the dynasty of Arsaces were still pow- erful, when the Romans began to decline. While the wretch- ed and effeminate Heliogabalus reigned in Rome, about 223 years after Christ, Artabanes, the thirty-second king of the Arsacidee, was deposed by Artaxerxes, in whom, it is said, * This Mithridates was king of Pontus, and not of Parthia.— Ed. +t Tamerlane defeated Bajazet near Ancona, in Asia Minor, at a con» siderable distance from Pharsalia—Ed, 40 ANCIENT GREECE, the ancient Persian monarchy was restored. The Persians, properly speaking, then flourished; having, like a phenix, risen from the ashes of the ancient empire; and the names of Sapor, Hormisdas, and Chosroes, make a figure in history, and were famous in their times, while the Roman empire was in its decline, and after its overthrow by the Goths and Vandals. The dynasty of Artaxerxes flourished about 400 years, under twenty-five kings, until Jesdegirdes, in the year of Christ 632, was deposed and slain by the followers of Mahomet. They held the government of that country till conquered by Tamerlane, the great cham of Tartary, in 1396. Since that time the Persians have had various mas- ters, and some very bad ones, and have undergone numerous revolutions, We have seen little of the Persian history dur- ing the middle ages. From all we can learn, they must have fared better than the Roman empire; and, if we except China, no nation has stood its ground, thruugh all ages, bet- ter than Persia. ; The Persians probably experienced their ultimate point of depression before the Christian era; they certainly were powerful when Rome’fell; and, though conquered by Ma- homet’s followers, and by Tamerlane, they have been able to resist some of the most powerful and warlike nations of modern times, the Turks and Russians. —~-—. CHAPTER VII. ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE EARLIEST ‘T{MES, TO THE LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS, To unite perspicuity with brevity, in drawing the great line of Grecian history, will be difficult; especially, if we regard separately the states and colonies, the traditional history of each, their high antiquity, and their various alli- ances, wars, and revolutions. The history of this wonderful people is better known than that of those who went before them, and is surely of much greater importance. To their surprising genius, the world is indebted, in a measure, for the knowledge of the arts and sciences. In archi- tecture, sculpture, poetry, and oratory, and in the arts and sciences necessary to the perfection of those branches, ANCIENT GREECE. 41 they stand unrivalled. We may say of them, they invented, improved, and perfected. They so far perfected, that they have never been excelled. The territories of ancient Greece seem to have possessed every advantage which situation, soil, and climate can give a nation. Comprehending a great part of what is now called Turkey in Europe, they were skirted northwardly by German and Scythian nations; eastwardly lay the Black Sea, the strait of Bosphorus, the Hellespont, and the Ar chipelago ; southwardly their country was washed by the Mediterranean, and west by the Adriatic or Gulf of Venice. A narrow sea separated them eastwardly from the shores of Lesser Asia, where Troy once flourished; which, together with many rich provinces, became Grecian colonies. Their climate, which was anciently somewhat more cool than it is now, was salubrious; their sky, generally serene; their air, pure; and their soil, fruitful. Their lofty mountains and rugged hills, the variety in the face of their country, the abundance and purity of their springs and rivulets, and all in a climate and soil so fine and genial, formed an immense va~ riety of wild and charming prospects, in which sublimity and beauty were united. No country was ever better calculated to promote and reward industry, to foster genius, to fire imagination, or to rouse the mind to exertion. The proximity of seas, and a variety of excellent harbors, early prompted the Greeks to a spirit of naval enterprise, and enabled them to realize the benefits of extensive commerce, wealth, knowledge, and politeness. The country of ancient Greece was inhabited more than eighteen centuries before the Christian era; but for a thou- sand years of that period, its history is not only traditional, but fabulous, and, for the most part, utterly incredible. The Grecian fables and traditions, brought down from the heroic age, far excel every thing else of the kind. Nothing, indeed, can be more absurd, false, and ridiculous, than most of them are; yet the glowing imagination of the Greeks has render- ed them an interesting part of Grecian literature to the clas- sical scholar. But, as the relation of them would not consist with the brevity of this work, so neither would it increase its utility. Indeed, as this historical sketch is designed to fol- Jow the course of empire, our work would hardly strike into the history of Greece, till near the conquest of Persia by Alexander. 4 * 42 ‘ANCIENT GREECE. . The commonwealth of Athens, so renowned for military achievements, and so illustrious for improvement in the liberal arts and sciences, was founded by Cecrops, about 1450 years before Christ. Near the same time, Cadmus, the Pheenician, introduced alphabetic writing into Greece, and founded Thebes in Beotia. Danaus also founded Argos; and Pelops, a Phrygian, whose descendants, inter- marrying with those of Tyndarus, king of Lacedemon or Sparta, acquired to that family the ascendency, for many centuries, in the peninsula of Greece. Cecrops and Danaus were emigrants from Egypt; Cadmus was from Pheenicia, and Pelops from Phrygia; so that the four most ancient and powerful cities of Greece, viz. Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and Argos, were founded and for a long time governed by dynasties of foreign princes. Their names, exploits, and misfortunes, are immortalized by the sublime genius of Homer. Not far from this period, Deucalion reigned in Thessaly. From the name of his son Hellen, a consider- able portion of the ancient Greeks were called Hellenes; and from Dorus, Eolus, and lon, some of his more remote descendants, they were distinguished into Dorians, Eolians, and Ionians. Before the arrival of Cecrops, Danaus, Cadmus, and other adventurers in Greece, its inhabitants were savage, barba- rous and unconnected ; living entirely in a state of nature,* without laws, civilization, or any forms of social order. But those enterprising chiefs, coming from more enlight- ened regions, and bringing with them the rudiments of science, were able, by policy or by arms, to establish their authority among those rude tribes and savage clans. They collected them together, built cities, and founded many use- ful institutions, tending to ameliorate their barbarous state. But if these adventurers found it difficult to reduce those tribes into a well regulated state of society, under the mild influence of laws, it was still more difficult to defend them from the incursions of the more wild and ferocious tribes bordering upon them. They were fierce and warlike; knew little of agriculture ; roved from place to place, and subsisted by rapine and plunder. Two circumstances in those times greatly quickened the * If by a state of nature is meant astate agreeable to the light of naiurs, er natural reason, it is-by no means a savage state; which reason abhors. If :. means a state, in which children receive no edu- cation from those around them, there is certainly no such state —Ed. ANCIENT GREECE. 43 progress of the Greeks in various useful arts; the discovery of the use of iron, and the extension of the knowledge of alphabetic writing. The former enabled them to construct instruments of agriculture and commerce ; and the latter, to diffuse and improve the general means of knowledge. Yet ’ the advantages arising from alphabetic writing, were far less rapid in those times than one would imagine, since, accord- ing to Herodotus, a system of written laws was not promul- gated in Greece, till about the sixth century before the Christian era—a circumstance truly surprising, considering the progress of the Greeks in the science of government, at a much earlier period, and the strength and quickness of their inventive powers. The ancient Greeks’ have the honor of exhibiting to the world the first example of a political confederation, found- ed in reason, and matured upon principles, whose strength and excellence gave permanency to the institution, as well as to the several states and governments existing under its influence. The country of Thessaly had been governed by Deucalion; and his descendants, as already noticed, found- ed the Dorians, Eolians and Ionians. This country lay far north of the Hellenic tribes, and was continually exposed to the incursions of the warlike savages on their borders. To provide more effectual means of defence against these dangerous irruptions, the leaders of several tribes or states entered into a confederacy for mutual defence. Their place of meeting, which was semi-annual, was Thermopyle, a place rendered ever famous by the unparalleled bravery of Leonidas. The king of Thermopyle, at that time, was Amphictyon. Hence they were called the Amphictyonic council. This combination, while it did not interfere essen- tially with the independence of the several states, served as a grand political centre, combining the energies, uniting the policy, and harmonizing the movements of the whole. By means of this, the Greeks were, at length, formed into one grand confederate republic; for, although it originated without the peninsula, by modern geographers called the Morea, its advantages were soon perceived ; and the central states of Peloponnesus, the Spartans and Argives, became members of it; and by the middle of the fourteenth century before Christ, most of the states of Greece followed their example. The members of the Amphictyonic league, for a consid- erable time, were fully employed in regulating their own 44 ANCIENT GREECE, governments, and repelling the invasions of their hostile neighbors. But, at length, the restless and active spirit of a warlike people began to extend its views to conquest, and its desires were expanded with a thirst of glory. About 1260 years before Christ, took place the celebrated expedition of the Argonauts, headed by Jason, a Thessalian chieftain, and by the fathers of the celebrated warriors, who shone in the siege of Troy. But, passing over this, as also over the exploits of Theseus and other warriors of that heroic age, we shall, to gratify the taste of the juvenile reader, be a little more particular in relating some of the leading circumstances of the Trojan war. Previously to the commencement of this war, the Greeks had made considerable progress in the arts, both of war and peace. Their savage manners were softened ; their internal policy was regulated by the maxims of justice. In their manners, customs, and religion, they were similar; and their united counsels gave wisdom, energy, and despatch to their movements. Seven independent states occupied, at this time, the peninsula of Greece, although it was but 200 miles long, and 140 in breadth. These were Messenia, Elis, Ar- cadia, Corinth, Achaia, Argos, and the powerful kingdom of Sparta. The Grecian territories without the peninsula were more extensive, being 260 miles from east to west, and 150 from north to south; comprehending Thessaly, Attica, A°tolia, and sundry other provinces. The kingdom of Troy lay on the eastern shores of the Hellespont, the southern coast of the Propontis, compre- hending the territories of the Lesser Phrygia. The Trojans were of Grecian extraction. Their empire was founded by Dardanus, about 200 years before this period. Hence, they are called Dardans; and their country Dardania. Erictho- nius, the son of Dardanus, was succeeded by Tros. Hence, they were called Trojans. The son of Tros was Ilus, from whom Troy was named Ilion. Ilus was succeeded by La- omedon, and he, by his son Priam. Priam, after a long and prosperous reign, was destined to see the ruin of his kingdom, and the extirpation of his race, and to fall by the victorious sword of the Greeks. It is generally agreed, that a hereditary enmity had sub- sisted between the Greeks and Trojans. Paris, the son of Priam, the most beautiful man of his time, having been allured by the fame of Helen, the queen of Sparta, went over into Greece, and visited the Spartan court. Helen is ANCIENT GREECE. 45 celebrated by the poets, as possessing every personal charm in its highest perfection, and as the most perfect beauty of ancient times. Her susceptible heart was too easily capti- vated by the artful address and polished manners of the perfidious Paris. She listened to his insinuations, and, lost to a sense of honor and duty, she made her escape with him, and took refuge amidst the towers of Troy. The king of Sparta, stung with the treachery of his beauteous queen, whom he adored, and enraged at the baseness and perfidy of the Trojan prince, to whom he had shown all the rights of hospitality, loudly complained of the injury, and appealed to the justice of his countrymen. His brother Agamemnon, the most powerful prince of Greece, seconded his complaints, and used his influence and authority to rouse the resentment of the whole extensive confederation. He succeeded. The princes and people of Greece, no less wounded in their pride, than stung with a sense of the atrocious villany, determined to extinguish the flames of their resentment in the blood of Priam and his people, who refused to restore the illustrious fugitive. We shall not detail the particulars of this war. Those for whom this work is designed, will find them at length in their proper place, in the course of reading. It shall suffice to say, that a powerful army was sent to wage war with the Trojans ; but the enterprise was found to be attended with unforeseen difficulties. The Trojans were a brave and gal- lant people, of considerable resources, and very great courage. Hector, the son of Priam, equalled only by Achilles, com- manded the Trojans, and often disputed the field of victory, with invincible bravery, and various success; and when, after the death of Hector, the Trojans could no longer keep the field, the city of. Troy was defended by lofty towers and impregnable walls. Homer is the chief and almost the only authority on the Trojan war, which, if it ever existed, would have been lost in oblivion, but for his pen. Among other things in praise of Homer, strength and sublimity of genius must certainly be ranked; but amiableness of character cannot be reckon- ed, nor yet the fair, impartial openness of the historian. His partiality is often so glaring, as to involve him in gross absurdities. While he seems impatient and loath to allow the Trojans any military merit, and is ever disposed to accuse them of meanness and the basest cowardice, he enrols the Grecian heroes with gods, because they could 46 ANCIENT GREECE conquer them, The honor of the conqueror is commonly measured by the greatness and potency of the enemy he conquers. Homer certainly loses sight of this principle, and especially in the character of Hector, who, in his last encounter with Achilles, is compelled, by the merciless par tiality of the poet, to act a more pitiful, cowardly part, than we should have reason to look for in the conduct of: the meanest soldier in a modern army. Instead of fighting Achilles, like a man, he is made to turn on his heels, and run in a cowardly manner. The mighty Trojan, at length run down, like a sheep pursued by a wolf, is quietly butch- ered. The fortune of Greece prevailed ; not, however, by arms, but by stratagem. The Greeks, worn out by a war of ten years, determined to risk their hopes on one desperate effort, which, if successful, would end the war in victory; if not, would exterminate all hope of conquest, for the present, if not for ever. ‘They made preparations for re~_ turning home, embarked in their ships, and set sail; but they left near the city a wooden horse of vast size, in which was enclosed a band of their bravest heroes. This image they pretended as an offering to the goddess Minerva, to be placed in the Trojan citadel. To give effect to this stratagem, Sinon is despatched over to the Trojans, with an artful and fictitious story, pretending he had made his eseape from the Greeks. The superstition of the times gave them complete success. ‘The whim struck the Trojans favorably. “They laid open their walls, and, by various means, drag- ged the baneful monster, pregnant with destruction, into the city. That night was spent in festivity through Troy. Every guard was withdrawn; all threw aside their arms; and, dissolved in wine, amusement, pleasure, and repose, gave full effect to the hazardous enterprise of the hardy Greeks. The fleet, in the night time, drew back to the shore; the men landed, and approached the city; the heroes in the wooden horse sallied forth, killed what few they met, opened the city-gates, and the Greeks entered. The night, which was begun in feasting and carousal, ended in conflagration and blood. ‘The various parts of this daring plan, liable to great uncertainties and embarrassments, were concentrated and made effectual by the signal of a torch shown from a conspicuous tower by Helen herself, the perfidious beauty, who had caused the war. ANCIENT GREECE. 47 This story, as to its leading parts, is probably founded in fact: whether it is so or not, it does the highest honor. to the genius of the poet, by whom it is related, if true, or in- vented, if fabulous. Never was national vengeance more exemplary, or ruin more complete. The destruction of Troy took place 1184 years before the Christian era. This fall of the Trojan em- pire was final. Independence and sovereignty never return- ed to those delightful shores; nor has that country since made any figure in history. It continued to be possessed and colonized by the Greeks, while they flourished, and fol- lowed the fortunes and revolutions of the great empires. If the charms of Helen proved the destruction of Troy, yet the Greeks themselves, though they were able to punish her seducer, had little reason to boast of their conquest, or glory in their revenge. On their return, their fleets were dispersed, and many of their ships wrecked on dangerous coasts. Some of them wandered through long voyages, and settled in foreign parts. Some became pirates, and infested the seas with formidable depredations. A few, and but a few, returned to their homes, where fortunes equally disastrous followed them. Their absence, for a course of years, had quite altered the scene of things; as it had opened the way to conspiracies, usurpations, and exterminating revolutions. Their vacant thrones had been filled by usurpers; and their dominions, left defenceless, had fallen a prey to every ra- pacious plunderer. The states of Greece, which, at the be- ginning of the Trojan war, were rising fast to prosperity, power, and happiness, were overwhelmed with calamities, and seemed returning rapidly to savage barbarity. The institution of the Olympic games, their nature, and important influence on society, together with the charac- ter, laws, and institutions of Lycurgus, next meet the eye, in tracing the great line of Grecian history. But these events are too far distant in the region of uncertainty, where real historical light holds a doubtful reign with fable aud fiction, to merit an extended place in these sketches ; and, were they differently situated, they would lead us into details far too minute and extensive for a work of this nature. Not to seem, however, utterly to neglect a matter so ex- tensive in its influence, and so lasting in its consequences to Greece, as the legislation of Lycvrgus, we shall close this chapter with a general view of the character and institutions of that great man. 48 ' ANCIENT GREECE. We have already seen the deplorable state of Greece after the. Trojan war. It will be proper to remark here, that the tumults, revolutions, and calamitous events of those times, no less encouraged tlie savage enterprises of banditti, robbers, and pirates, than they roused the genius and talents of men of great and virtuous minds. In the midst of these convulsions, the Delphian Oracle had ordered a general armistice, and that certain games should be revived, or more properly formed into a regular and permanent institution. The lively and flexible genius of the Greeks, ambitious, fond of amusement, of competition, of pomp and glory, was animated with the proposal. All thoughts of hostility were immediately laid aside in the general preparation for this splendid festival, which was to last five days, and to be begun and ended in the worship of Olympian Jove. The most important of the Olympic games were, wrestling, boxing, pancratium, coit, foot race, horse race, and chariot race.. Of these, the pancratium, which united boxing and wrestling, was the most dangerous and terrible, and the chariot race by far the most honorable of all. Iphitus, prince of Elis, seconded by the countenance and advice of Lycurgus, the Spartan law-giver, was the second founder of this noble institution. A large and beautiful plain near Olympia, in the Peloponnesus, was chosen for the purpose. Here a gymnasium was erected; and all the plain was adorned with gardens, porticoes, columns, and arches, to render the scene as delightful and grand as possible. In a word, these games were frequented by an assemblage of nations; and to be a conqueror here inflamed the ambi- . tion of mankind more than the honors of war or governs ment. Lycurgus, moved by the miseries of his countrymen, and in- duced to hope success from his knowledge of their genius and character, formed the -grand design of reducing BC them to order, under a new form of governme t, and RR4, 5 government, a anew code of laws; the objects of which seem to have been, to promote civil liberty and justice, Puc and per- sonal safety, and military glory. After regulating the various powers of government in reference to those important objects, he proceeded to in- troduce an agrarian law, causing an equal division of lands among the people. He abolished the currency of gold and . silyer, and allowed no money to be used but iron. He pro- hilnted every article of luxury, greatly improved the Spar- ANCIENT GREECE. 49 tan soldiery and mode of fighting, and raised the Spartan | commenwealth to the highest eminence of military fame. But the spirit of his laws, and maxims of his government, resembled more the severity of military discipline, than the mild and gentle wisdom of civil policy; and, allowing | them their utmost merit, they tended rather to convert a being of tender sensibilities and fine and noble affections into a cold, unlovely machine of reason, apathy, and stern justice. But the Greeks, in those times, would have rejected a plan, divested of all the errors to be found in that of Lycurgus. It is impossible to civilize a nation at once ; and, indeed, the laws of Lycurgus, considering the time when they were formed, and the effects they produced on society, can be re- garded in no other light, thai as an astonishing display of wisdom, energy, and virtue. | ie CHAPTER VIII. ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE LEGISLATION OF LYCURGUS, TILL THE ISSUE OF THE PERSIAN INVASION, Whoever surveys the Grecian history will immedi- ately perceive the inequality of the states, of which their grand confederacy was composed. Some of them were large and powerful; others were small, and perpetually exposed to injustice and insult from their haughty neigh- bors. The Lacedemonians first, then the Athenians, and at last the Thebans, were at the head of the confederacy ; directed their counsels; led their armies; often drew them into wars; indeed, conquered and enslaved some of them; and perpetually aimed at directing the helm in» all public concerns. | Ambition is natural to man; nor does it ever appear more evident, or more odious, than in the conduct of the popular leaders of democrati¢ confederacies. They cher- ish what they disclaim, and are, in. all respects, what they would be thought not to be. The artful demagogue has substantial reasons for preferring democracy to mon- . archy. In the’latter, he has no hopes; in the former, expe- rience suggests to him, that the more noisy he is for liberty, the more certainly he shall enjoy all the sweets of powers and jie well knows, that the more he flatters his blind 5 50 ANCIENT GREECE: devotees, the more certainly will they suffer their eyes to be closely veiled, and the more implicitly will they obey his mandates. Among the ancient histories,* none are so important, or contain such useful instruction, as that of Greece. There the ambition, the haughtiness, the injustice of large states, and the inconveniences, depressions, and final subjugation of small ones, afford a solemn warning to our own free and happy country. In the present chapter, we shall take a brief survey of the Grecian history, from the times of Lycurgus, till the defeat of the Persians at the battle of Platsa, and of the issue of the Persian invasion. Neither the benign influence of the Olympic games, of the’ laws of Lycurgus, nor the Amphictyonic council, could preserve them from the rage of civil war. The power and ambition of the Lacedemonians, soon drew on them the jealousy of their sister states. A quarrel breaking out between them and the Messenians, a rich and popu- 743. ous province, lying on the south-western shores of "the Peloponnesus, a long and desolating war ensued. Both parties were exasperated by a series of injuries ; and it became at length, on both sides, a war of passion, as well as of interest, and of extermination, as well as of conquest. The Lacedemonians fought for interest, revenge, and glory ; the Messenians, over and above all these, had still more powerful motives; they fought for independence, life, and fortune. Though fortune seemed early to incline to the Spartan cause, as they were evidently an overmatch for their adver- saries, yet no advantage was gained, but by the greatest ef- forts, nor maintained, but by the utmost vigilance. The ground was always disputed with the fiercest conflict; and every victory was dearly bought. At length, however, overpowered by the steady vigor and discipline of the Spar- tan armies, the Messenians were driven from the field, and besieged in their capital, Ithome, which, after a brave re- sistance, was forced by famine to surrender. The wretched Messenians, who escaped the sword, went into voluntary exile, or became slaves ; and their valuable territories were quietly possessed by their haughty con- querors. The Lacedemonians, having now glutted their . *'The author would doubtless be understood to mean uninspired histories —Ed. ANCIENT GREECx. 51 vengeance, and enriched their treasures by the spoils of a sister state, enjoyed repose for thirty years. How difficult it is to conquer a nation of freemen; to re- press the energies, and crush the spirit of a people deter- mined to be free! After groaning in servitude, and feeling the iron grasp of oppression thirty years, the Messenians re- volted, shook off the yoke, and were able to maintain a war still more formidable, and by far more doubtful and threat- ening on the side of Sparta. They had previously drawn into their alliance the Argives and Arcadians, who promised them the most effectual aid they could give. They were commanded by Aristomenes, a general whose wisdom and temperance could only be equalled by his in- trepid bravery. But we cannot descend to particulars. The dispute was long and bloody, seeming often to threaten the existence of the Spartan commonwealth ; but fortune at last declared a second time against the unhappy Messenians. The steady discipline, and invincible courage, and great re- sources of Lacedemon prevailed ; and the Messenians, borne down by inevitable destiny, forsook the field, dispersed, abandoned their ancient abodes, and sought refuge in foreign countries, where a brave and enterprising spirit obtained for many of them an honorable settlement. Their brave and generous leader, Aristomenes, after a course of adven- tures, ended his life at Sardis. ‘‘ Other generals,’’ says Dr. Gillies, “‘have defended their country with better success, but none with greater glory; other characters are more fully delineated in ancient history, but none are more de- serving of immortal fame.” The conquest of Messenia, by the Spartans, took place about 670 years before the Christian era. From this period to the defeat of Cresus, king of Lydia, by Cyrus, as related in a former chapter, comprehending about 120 years, a series of events arose, of high importance to the Greeks; and in which vast accessions of light are thrown over the histories of Europe and Asia. During this period the Assyrian monarchy became extinct; the Persian arose to the empire of Asia; and the Jewish monarchy, hav- ing been overthrown, had experienced a depression and cap- tivity of seventy years. The forms of government in Greece had, some time previously to this, been changed; and their monarchies, or rather tyrannies, had given place to democratic repub- lics. The human mind, seemingly slow in the progress of 52 ANCIENT GREECE. discovery, yet rapid in the improvement of discoveries, when made, or of hints leading to them, seemed, first among the Greeks, and not far from this period, to acquire just views of its own natural and inherent rights. As men are nearly of equal size and strength of body; as there is a general similarity in their mental endowments; as they are actuated by like desires and aversions, pains and pleasures; so they are naturally entitled to equal rights, privileges, and enjoyments. : The consideration, that the monarch’s power exists only by the consent of his subjects, induced the Greeks, when they saw that power abused, to withdraw from it their sup- port. Pursuing the same course of thinking, they were able, at last, to project various forms of government, resembling each other as to the origin, the distribution, and the end of supreme power. . As they saw clearly, that all power, in its first principle, was in the people, and that it should only be exercised for the good of the community, they contrived to distribute it among various persons, who should act by dele- gation, as servants of the public, and who should be respon- sible to the public for their conduct. This may be called a government of checks. The wars, carried on during this period, by the states of Greece, can by no means have a place in this compend ; for, although the ambitious, restless, and enterprising Greeks were continually agitated by feuds and quarrels, arising from their schemes of aggrandizement, both in the grand council of Amphietyons, and in the several states, yet they were engaged in no wars of considerable moment. ‘The sacred war (so called) -became interesting and important, as it gave rise to the establishment of the famous Pythian games. The commonwealth of Crissa, a small state, lay near the famous temple and oracle of Delphi. Although that oracle was highly venerated by all Greece, and many other nations, yet the Crisseans, allured by the immense treasures deposited there, as offerings to the god of wisdom, fell upon, took, and plundered that sacred place. A thrill of horror spread through all Greece, together with the strongest emotions of anger, grief, indignation, and revenge. The promiscuous blood of age and innocence, and the vio- lation of humanity, honor, and modesty, were forgotten in the enormous and dreadful guilt of so great a sacriv lege. ANCIENT GREECE. 53 To the Amphictyonic council it belonged to prescribe what measures should be taken to punish this unparalleled outrage. Yet such were the dissensions, the political in- terests, and, more probably, the corrupting power of gold, that that venerable body were at much difficulty, before they could resolve on proper measures. At length, however, they were roused by the eloquence and authority of Solon, one of the Athenian representatives, to punish this crime against religion and mankind. But in- decision in their councils rendered their proceedings slow ; nor was it till after considerable time was spent, that the Crisseans were besieged in their capital, and ultimately de- stroyed, their cities demolished, and their soil condemned to perpetual sterility. In gratitude to the gods for the fortunate issue of the Cris- sean or sacred war, the council of Amphictyons instituted the Pythian games, which were celebrated with a pomp and splendor little inferior to the Olympic. The termina- tion of this war, and the institution of those celebrated games, took place about 590 years before Christ, in the second year of the forty-seventh Olympiad, and about three years before the destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchad- nezzar. We are now drawing near to that period, in which Greece enjoyed the meridian of her glory. The wisdom of her counsels formed a powerful confederacy, equal in strength to the greatest empires ; yet, being divided into small, inde- pendent governments, the lawless ambition of individuals found less room for action, while personal virtue and enter- prise were more secure of a due reward. Greece, having passed through a long and dubious infancy, began now to feel the vigorous bloom of youth, to display a determined character, and to assume that commanding attitude, which never fails to excite confidence, veneration and respect. We have already noticed the soil, climate, and general features of that country, which was to cherish the first of the ancient nations. No subject is more wrapt in darkness, than the origin of the ancient languages ; yet it will scarce- ly be allowed to be conjecture, when we assert, that the Greek language, from its earliest stages, seems to have been the most perfect which nature ever formed, or divine wisdom ever inspired. Its copiousness and strength were no less adapted to the boldest eloquence, than its variegat- ed and harmonious tones to every species of poetry. In 5 * 54 ANCIENT GREECE. no language was the grave and dignified style of history and moral sentiment, the native spirit and life of drama, or the wit and pungency of satire, ever better supported. All the natural advantages of the Greeks seem to have been calculated to expand the mind, to strengthen all its fac- ulties, and especially to elevate and imbolden the imagina- tion. The country was well formed to yield an easy subsist- ence to its inhabitants; their government to cherish genius, and their language was that of poetry and oratory. Soon after the institution of the Pythian games, the genius of Greece began to display its power, and shoot forth all its beauties. The works of the immortal Homer had been read and admired; indeed, they had marked their path with light; enkindling at once the hero, the lover, the philosopher, and the legislator, wherever they came. But now appeared, in succession, Archilochus, ‘Terpander, Sappho, Simonides, Alceus, Stersichorus, Anacreon, and Pindar; and many others, whose names and eulogy might filla volume. Their variegated strains unfolded every form of genius, wandered through every field of fancy, extracted sweetness from every blossom of nature, and adapted their harmonious numbers to every tone of melody, from the thunders of the warlike muse to the melting accents of the lyre. Astonishing were the effects produced by the combined influence of so many happy causes. The arts and sciences, and whatever might be expected to arise from the best in- tellectual culture, now began to flourish in manly maturity. Perhaps, what we ascribe to superior strength of mind in the ancients, was rather the effect of their amazing industry, and the energy and ardor with which they pursued the objects of knowledge. The moderns, compared -with them in this respect, have cause to blush at their own indolence. The Greeks, however, invented, improved, and perfected; and that especially in those walks of science, where strength and sublimity of mind are most needful. As a proof of this, we need only mention the names of Homer, Demosthenes, Al- exander, Solon, Pythagoras, Miltiades, Praxiteles, and Phid- ias. We mention them not in the order of time. ‘In a former chapter we have given a sketch of the Lydian monarchy, founded by Candaules, and ended in the conquest of Cresus, by Cyrus, king of Persia. Although the Lydians were a nation given to dissipation and the most voluptuous pleasures, yet they were, at this period, brave, enterprising ANCIENT GREECE. 55 and warlike; and now, commanded by Cresus, a prince highly renowned for military and civil accomplishments. The Greeks of Asia, if not those in Europe also, must soon have experienced inconvenience from the growing power of Cresus, whose conquests, power, and splendor, far eclips- ed those of his predecessors. But a much more terrible power was preparing, by Providence, to extinguish forever the light of Cresus, and to change the whole face of things in Western Asia. We have already spoken of Cyrus. In this place it shall suffice to say, that his interference forever delivered the Greeks from danger, as to the Lydians, but gave them a neighbor in himself and successors, much more formidable. The states of Greece were duly apprized of this, and were unwilling to make so disadvantageous a change. While the storm of the Persian invasion was gathering, ‘Cresus had applied to the Greeks, and especially to the Lacedemonians, for aid. Willing that the powers of Asia should check and balance each other, they were determined, with their utmost efforts, to prop his falling throne. But the celerity of Cyrus defeated their intentions; for before their auxiliaries could arrive, the decisive blow was struck, and the kingdom of Cresus at an end. The aspect of things now seemed to promise, that there should soon be collision of powers between the Greeks and Persians; but it is highly probable, that Cyrus was willing to decline an attempt to subjugate that hardy race ; and especially, as Greece present- ed far weaker allurements than the kingdom of Babylon, and the wealthy cities of Asia. After the conquest of Lydia, while Cyrus was meditating the subjugation of the Asiatic Greeks, he received an em- bassy from Sparta, with a message eminently characteristic of that bold and intrepid people. The messenger, in a style truly laconic, told Cyrus, that, if he committed hostili- ties against any of the Grecian cities, the Lacedemonian republic would know how to punish his injustice. It is said that Cyrus, astonished at the insolence of the message, demanded who the Lacedemonians were. This affected ig- norance was rather designed to express his contempt, than to gain information. He well knew who they were. When. he was informed they were one of the states of the Grecian peninsula, he made a reply to the ambassadors, which con- tained a severe and just sarcasm upon their national char- acter. He told them ‘that he should never fear men, 56 ANCIENT GREECE. who had a square in the midst of their city, in which they met together to practise mutual falsehood and deception; and that, if he continued to enjoy the blessing of health, he hoped to afford them more domestic reasons of complaint, than his military preparations against the Greeks of Asia.” The Greeks of Asia soon fell a prey to Harpagus, whom Cyrus left behind him, with a powerful army, to complete the conquest of these countries, while he himself, now burning with ambition, directed his march towards Babylon. For a’period of nearly forty years, ensuing the taking of Sardis, the Lydian capital, nothing will be noticed in the history of Greece. And here it will be proper to remark, that the commonwealth of Sparta, which, since the close of the Messenian war, had held the first place among the Gre- cians states, was now evidently falling behind that of Athens, and that the latter was fast rising in wealth, learning, power and influence, to the supremacy of Greece, an ascendency owing to her commercial enterprise. The short and splendid reign of Cyrus, after the reduc- tion of Babylon, seems to have been fully employed in settling the affairs of his extensive dominions. Nor is it probable, that, in an empire of such extent, he had leisure, or much inclination, to direct his attention to so inconsidera- ble an object as the Peloponnesus. The Greeks, therefore, remained in a measure occupied in their own domestic concerns, till, in the reign of Darius Hystaspes, an opportu- nity presented for the Asiatic colonies to throw off the Persian yoke. That monarch had determined on an inva- sion of the Scythians, a warlike race of people, whose first irruption into the countries of Asia took place in the reign of Cyaxares the First, as already noticed. Darius, medi- tating revenge for ancjent, as well as recent injuries, at the head of '700,000 men, traversed Asia Minor, crossed the Bos- phorus of Thrace, and was presently seen on the banks of the Danube. Over that broad river he laid a bridge of boats, and, crossing it, plunged with his immense army into the wilds of Europe. Having spent several months in fatiguing marches, vain pursuits, ‘incessant labors, and continual alarms, he found his army greatly impaired, their numbers diminished, and their spirits wasted. On his return, being entangled by mountains, forests, rivers and morasses, flying parties continually hung upon his rear, and formidable hordes often throwing themselves in his way, threatened to cut off his retreat. Thenews of his disasters reached the ANCIENT GREECE 57 Danube, where he had posted strong guards, to defend the bridge he had thrown across that river. Several of the commanders stationed there advised to break up the bridge, and thereby prevent his return, that his ruin might be com- pleted. Among the foremost of those advising that measure, was Miltiades, the Athenian, who considered this as an opportunity, which ought not to be lost, of restoring the Asiatic Greeks to their liberty. But, the plan failing of success, Miltiades was compelled to seek safety in Athens, to escape the resentment of the Persian monarch. This celebrated advice of Miltiades, of which a particular account is given by Cornelius Nepos, was defeated by the counsel and authority of Histzus, the Milesian, who thereby saved the life of Darius, and brought himself into great favor with that prince. Darius, on his return to his own dominions, formed the design of punishing, not Miltiades alone, but the Athenian commonwealth. The conquest of the states of Greece seems to have been a favorite object with the Persians from the time of Cyrus. Their growing power, their independent spirit, and especially the lofty and commanding attitude they as- sumed and preserved, was wounding to the pride, and even alarming to the fears, of the monarchs of Asia. But the short reign of Cyrus was employed in matters judged to be of greater moment. The arms of his son Cambyses were carried in a different direction; nor was it till the reign of Hystaspes, that an invasion was carried into effect. Darius returned from his invasion of Scythia, covered with shame, and exasperated with disappointment. But, finding himself. reseated on his throne, he considered it as a matter equally dictated by revenge, interest, and honor, that he should now chastise the Greeks, who, during his unfortunate expedition to Scythia, had shown but too clearly their pleasure in his disgrace, and their readiness to co-operate in a plan for his destruction. Inflamed with resentment, the Persian king, therefure, resolved to make the Athenian republic, now regarded as the head of Greece, the first object of his vengeance. He, therefore, after extensive preparations, considerable delays, and some discouraging disasters, fitted out a-very great armament, the command of which he gave to Datis and Artaphernes, men eminently skilled in military command. This mighty army contained the flower of his empire, and was conveyed in a fleet sufficient to shade the Grecian seas. 58 ANCIENT GREECE. The majestic armament, after hovering awhile among the islands of the Archipelago, at length, with solemn gran- deur, slowly approached the shores of Attica. The flower of the Persian army landed on the plain of Mara- 490, thon, about ten miles from Athens, where they pitch- ed their camp. In this interesting moment, destin- ed to confirm the glory of Greece, and to elevate the Athe- nians to immortal renown, that brave but small republic stood alone; the other states refusing their aid, from republican jealousy, superstition, and perhaps the paralyzing shock of dubious expectation. Whatever it might have been, 10,000 Athenians, and a few men from Plataa, appeared in the field, to cope, as it is allowed by all historians, with ten times their number of chosen warriors. The Greeks, though few in number, were completely armed, and were generally men of strength, courage, and tried skill in the gymnastic exercises. The celebrated Aristides, who was present in this battle, and who had a right, as general, to share in the command, magnanimously resigned his right to Miltiades, as did the other commanders of Athens. On the morning of the decisive day, Miltiades formed his line of battle with the utmost skill and fore- sight. The heroes of Athens (for such every man of them might be called ) took the right, and those of Plata the left wing af the line, which was formed on the side of a hill; down which, when the signal for onset was given, the Grecian army moved with order and rapidity. When they came within the reach of the Persian slings and arrows, they ran and closed with the enemy with the most impetuous shock. The conflict was severe, but short. Nothing could resist the valor of the Greeks, or equal the celerity of their ev- olutions. The Persians were dismayed, broken, routed and dispersed. ‘They fled to their ships in the utmost con- sternation, leaving 6000 of their best troops dead on the nel of battle. The loss of the Greeks was inconsidera- e. [Just after the battle of Marathon, an Athenian soldier, whose name was Lucles, still covered with blood and wounds, quitted the army, and ran to Athens, to carry his fellow-citizens the news of the victory. His strength just sufficed to reach the city. On his arrival he uttered three words, Rejoice, we triumph ; and instantly expired. | ANCIENT GREECE, 59 The death of Darius soon puta period to further prepa- rations against Greece; nor was the invasion renewed till the expiration of ten years. From this period, Athens held unrivalled the ascendency im Greece; but even the cursory reader will not refuse a tear over the relentless fate of the brave and illustrious Miltiades. For, soon after this, failing in an attempt against the Isle of Paros, he was tried for his life, fined an immense sum, and flung into prison, where he expired of the wounds he had received in defending his country. He gave liberty and empire to his country; for which they rewarded him with chains and adungeon. Nor yet can we pronounce with certainty, concerning the reasons the Athenians had to doubt his integrity, or to suspect him of maintaining a clandestine correspondence with the court of Persia. Many men, whom nature has made brave and virtuous, will at length become intoxicated with power, blinded with self- interest, bewildered with dazzling theories, and liable to the deepest seduction. The Persians felt so severe a rebuke with sorrow, anger and indignation; and a second invasion was resolved on, as the only expedient to wipe away the disgrace of this signal defeat, which must otherwise remain indelible. The son and successor of Darius Hystaspes, was Xerxes, surnamed the Great. We have already spoken of his famous expedition into Greece, in our review of the history “yaq” of Persia. We there particularly noticed the victory, obtained over his fleet, by the policy and bravery of Themis- tocles, in the battle of Salamis; and his precipitate retreat to his own dominions. We also noticed the defeat of the army, which he left under the command of Mardonius, in the great and memorable battle of Platea, by the combined armies of the Greeks, under the command of Aristides and Pausanias. At Marathon, a single state of Greece had conquered the united armies of Persia; at Salamis, the Greeks had shown their superiority by sea; and at Platea, the combined forces of Greece had destroyed the most efficient force, which could be drawn from the Persian empire, commanded by their ablest generals. The dispute, which for ages had subsisted between the Greeks and Persians, was now decid- ed; and it was well for the latter, that the former were satisfied without pushing the demonstration further, by arguments still more unpleasant. 60 ANCIENT GREECE. The Persians, doubtless, meditated no more invasions of Greece. The latter was left in the possession of unrivalled glory; and the former were compelled to set bounds to thei schemes of ambition. If the first part of Grecian history conducts the reader through a period of fiction, the part which we are now upon opens to the mind a period of virtue, genius, merit, and lasting fame. They could boast of a Homer, whose amazing genius was able to construct an epic poem, not only the first,* but the noblest ever formed; a poem, from which the mythologist, the legislator, the historian, the prince, the soldier, and even the geographer, could draw appropriate instructions; a poem, whose form has ever since been regarded as an immutable rule and model of perfection; a poem, which has tinged the whole current of poetry in all polite nations, and the lofty flights of whose muse have never been outsoared. They could boast of an Amphictyon, whose wise and comprehensive mind had originated the first political confederacy, to whose benign influence the prosperity and grandeur of Greece may be clearly traced, and to which all free, deliberative, repre- sentative, legislative bodies do homage, as their grand parent. They could boast of a Lycurgus, whose powerful, projecting mind could control the licentious savage with laws, which, if not the most amiable and humane, yet displayed an energy almost more than mortal; and which, if they did not produce the most happy, certainly produced the most masculine, determined and brave society of men ever known. | But if the institutions of Lycurgus were deficient in mild- ness and urbanity, they could boast of'a Solon, who united in one system, and condensed into one body, the scattered rays of political wisdom and experience, gleaned up from the wisest nations of his time; who mingled mercy with justice, and the sternest precepts of philosophy with the softer dictates of sensibility and compassion. In short, as we approach to the final issue of the Persian mMvasion, we are surprised at a group of great characters, which suddenly crowded the scene. Our minds are struck with the lustre of their virtues and actions. Miltiades, whose talents, as a soldier and commander, availed him * It is by no means certain that Homer’s epic poem was the first that was ever composed.— Ed. ANCIENT GREECE. 6} iustead of a host, first comes forward; then Leonidas and his adventurous companions, whose souls appear like so many bright flames of courage and love of glory; then Themistocles, whose deep penetration enabled him to pre- dict and ward off approaching danger, and as by his fore- sight, so by his courage and conduct, to be the savior of his country. But their names and due praises would fill a volume. So far are we from being able to do them justice, that we hope only to awaken in the reader a desire to trace them at large in the pages of ancient history. a CHAPTER IX. ANCIENT GREECE, FROM THE PERSIAN INVASION, TILL THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT. In the preceding view of the history of Greece, the reader will perceive, that little mention is made of any of the states, except Lacedemon and Athens. For this omis- sion, two reasous are to be assigned; first, the brevity of this work requires, that but few things be noticed, as we pass through a field of such extent; and, secondly, the other states, whether in the Peloponnesus, or out, whether in Europe or Asia, were generally animated by the same views and motives, governed by the same politics, and followed by the same fortunes. , Greece had now acquired the summit of her glory and happiness; but still she continued to exhibit unquestionable proofs, that no community can either boast of unsullied vir- tue, or can enjoy unmingled happiness. Many of those great men, whose talents and virtues raised their country to its present greatness, either by their own vices or the ingratitude and envy of their countrymen, were doomed to experience the most painful reverse of fortune. Disgraced by their country, they descended in poverty, ‘sorrow and infamy, to their graves; leaving it for posterity to do justice to their memory. It will be remembered, that Pausanias and Aristides com- manded the Greeks at the celebrated battle of Plata, where the Persians received their last defeat under Mardo- nius. Pausanias afterwards, lost to all true sense of recti- tnde and honor, became a traitor, and suffered the punish- 6 62 ANCIENT GREECE. ment he deserved. His colleague, Aristides, though once banished upon suspicion, was recalled, and was able fully to demonstrate his innocence. He lived to a great age, enjoying the highest honors of public confidence, and was surnamed the Just. But to no commander did the Greeks owe more, than to Themistocles. Historians generally allow that after the defeat of the Persian invasion, under Darius Hystaspes, the Greeks were of opinion, that there would never be another invasion. Themistocles assured them to the contrary. He clearly foresaw, that what ad- vantage had been gained over the Persians would rather rouse their resentment, and stimulate their ambition, than break their spirit. He said, therefore, that the battle of Marathon was but a prelude toa more glorious contest; and, by his counsel and authority, the Athenians were prevailed upon to forsake their city, which they could’ have de- fended, and risk their fortune at sea. That was doubtless their salvation, as their naval skill far excelled that of the Persians; and even when their fleets were drawn up in sight of each other, the policy of Themistocles brought on an engagement, contrary to the wish of both fleets, and, by that means, gave the victory to Greece, which did in reality decide the fate of the war. To the superior genius of Themistocles, therefore, Greece was indebted for her liberties, and her existence as a nation; and to the same the world is indebted for pre- serving a nation, who were the fathers of literature and government. But his services, however important to his country, or to the world, could not save him. The Spartans regarded him with the most implacable hatred and malice. They implicated him, as being concerned in the treason and treachery of Pausanias, and caused him to be banished. [More particular account of Themistocles.—Themistocles acted a most distinguished part upon the theatre of Greece, in one of the most eventful periods of her history. His qualities were rather dazzling than amiable. They were calculated to excite the admiration, rather than gain the confidence, of his fellow-citizens. Of his ambition and love of glory, a striking waibe is recorded by Plutarch, who relates, that after the battle of _ Marathon, in which Miltiades gained so splendid a victury, Themistocles was observed to retire from society, and spend many successive nights in pensive solitude. When his friends anxiously inquired into the cause of this denression ANCIENT GREECE. 63 of mind, he replied, that “the trophies of Miltiades would not permit him to sleep.”? Indeed the great object of his life seems to have been, to acquire and maintain a superior- ity, not only in Athens, but through all Greece. This was the secret spring of all his political measures. If he exert- ed himself to procure the banishment of the virtuous Aristides, it was not from any conviction, that that decided patriot was dangerous to the commonwealth, but merely from a dread of his inflexible justice, envy at his growing popularity, and a desire to exclude a formidable rival, who stood in the way of his ambition. If he proposed to the Athenians to collect a powerful fleet, it was manifestly in- tended to prepare, not only for the approaching conflict with Persia, but for a yet more arduous struggle,- which his discerning mind foresaw, between his own country and the rival states of Greece, in which Athens would owe her superiority solely to her maritime strength. If he sug- gested to the Athenians the propriety of quitting their city, of fortifying the Pireus, and of greatly augmenting their fleet—if he continually urged the Athenians to some new enterprise, whether just or unjust—all these measures were obviously the result of seifish and unprincipled ambition, though, in some instances, they were eminently beneficial to his country, and might, at first view, be ascribed to patri- otic motives. But the most conclusive evidence of his willingness to sacrifice every thing to glory, may be drawn from the nefari- ous design he communicated. to Aristides, of burning the ships of the allies, at a moment in which they were engaged in defending the common liberties of Greece—a proposal, at which that upright statesman started back with horror, pronouncing it the most unjust and perfidious of projects. Through his whole administration, indeed, he evinced a total disregard to justice in the means he adopted for the attainment of his wishes. If a system of duplicity and dis- simulation, carried on under the disguise of truth and honesty, be essential to state-policy, the world has scarcely ever seen a more finished statesman than Themistocles, who was a perfect masier in all these arts. His artifices were, for a time, successful. He saw the republic of Ather:s flourish ; his own authority was unbound- ed; not a rival could stand against him; he was the popular idol, whom all Greece consented to worship. His ‘insatiable ambition could scarcely desire more homage and 64 ANCIENT GREECE. applause, than was rendered him by the Greeks, who had assembled for the celebration of the Olympic games, after the victory at Salamis. This pinnacle of fame was a dan- gerous eminence to a character so susceptible of flattery, so fond of admiration, as Themistocles’; an eminence from which he was shortly afterwards suddenly precipitated. The people of Athens grew tired of their idol, and threw it down from the lofty pedestal on which they had placed it. The- mistocles, in his turn, became an object of jealous suspicion. He was pronounced dangerous to the commonwealth, and banished for ten years. Themistocles retired first to Argos; but was soon obliged to withdraw from the territories of Greece, on account of the suspicion generally entertained of his having been im- plicated in the treason of Pausanias. It sufficiently appeared in the trial, and after the death of that traitor, that Themis- tocles was informed of the conspiracy, and concealed it; while, in his private letters to Pausanias on the subject, he rejected, with indignation, every proposal to join in the enterprise. The Lacedemonians were, on many accounts, highly incensed against him, and left no means untried to procure a sentence of death against one, whom they had ever considered the secret enemy of Sparta. From the persecu- tion of his enemies, he fled to Admetus, king of Molossus, who had previously entertained the deepest resentment against him; but, now he saw his cread adversary a wretched | exile, supplicating his protection, he generously forgot all his former enmity, and made his own palace the asylum of the distinguished outlaw. Yet, even here Themistocles did not consider himself beyond the grasp of his enemies. He escaped to Persia, and sought the protection of Artaxerxes. When the un- fortunate exile was arrived at the palace of that monarch, he waited on the captain of the guard, requesting, as a Grecian stranger, to have permission to speak with the king. The officer informed him of a certain ceremony, without which none were allowed that honor. Themistocles prom- ised to comply; and, falling on his face before the king, declared his name, his country and misfortunes. ‘‘I have done,” said he, “my ungrateful country services more than once, and am now come to offer my services to you. My life is in your hands. You may now exert your elem- ency, or display your vengeance. By the former, you ‘will preserve a faithful suppliant. By the latter, you will ANCIENT GREECE, 65 destroy the greatest enemy to Greece.”’? The king was struck with admiration at his eloquence and intrepidity. He even gave him three cities for his support, and had him maintained in the utmost splendor. In this manner, he lived in affluence and contented slavery, until the king thought of sending him, at the head of an army, against Athens. The consciousness, that he should be instrumental in overturning a city, which had been made to flourish by his counsels, gave him inexpressible pain. He found himself, at last, unable to sustain the conflict be- tween his gratitude to the king, and his love to his country ; and therefore resolved upon dying, as the only means of escaping from his perplexity. He prepared a solema sacri- fice, to which he invited all his friends, when, after embracing them, and taking a last farewell, he swallowed poison, which soon put an end to his life. He died at Magnesia, aged threescore and five years. | In a former chapter, it has been said, that the great line of history (i. e. if we follow tue course of empire) would scarcely strike into Greece, till the era of Alexander. But this remark must be understood in a sense extremely limit- ed; for at the close of the Persian invasion, and ever after-. wards, nothing remained with the Persians but the shadow of empire. For, being compelled to acknowledge the supe- riority of the Greeks, both by sea and land, they were will- ing to accept of peace on any terms. By a most vigorous system of war, arts, agriculture and commerce, the Grecian empire now spread in every direc- tion; and the coast of Asia, from Syria to the Bosphorus of Thrace, owned her sovereignty, including all the adjacent islands. It extended also on the shores of Europe, from Epirus round the peninsula of Greece, and stretching to Macedon, Thrace and the Euxine Sea. Soon after the close of the Persian war, the Athenians rebuilt their city, which had been destroyed by Xerxes; or rather built it anew, and enclosed it with walls, whose height and solidity rendered them impregnable to any common form of attack. They also built the famous harbor, called the Pirzeus, which lay about five miles from the citadel of Athens. This harbor was large, and convenient for the whole Grecian navy. Here a new city directly arose, nearly of equal size with Athens. This new city, the harbor, and the intermediate buildings, were soon after, in the administration of Cimon, the son of Miltiades, enclosed 6 * 66 ANCIENT GREECE. in walls of amazing strength, extending from the old city; so that the enclosing walls of Athens were upwards of eighteen miles in length. Under the administration of Cimon and Pericles, these and various other public works were completed; so that Athens now began to assume a form and aspect exceed- ingly magnificent and splendid. If Babylon, Nineveh, or Persepolis, covered a greater extent of ground, if they contained structures of greater dimensions, still their real glory and magnificence bore no comparison to the superb structures, to which Grecian architecture gave birth; and their internal decorations, in comparison with those of Athens and of other Grecian cities, were like the huge caverns and gloomy vaults formed by the hand of nature. Not far from this period, the republic of Elis built the cele- brated temple of Olympian Jupiter; a work equalled ‘in no subsequent age. To afford diversity to the young reader, we shall here give a brief description of this famous temple, abridged from Dr. Gillies. There had long subsisted a contest between the Eleans and Pisans, concerning the right of superintending the celebration of the Olympic games. This quarrel resulted in a war, in which the Pisans were conquered, and all their effects were appropriated to the building of a temple to Jupiter, by whose assistance the Eleans were supposed to be victorious. This temple was of the Doric order, built of stone re- sembling the Parian marble, and encircled with a superb colonnade. Its dome was 60 feet in height, 90 broad, and 230 long. It was covered with a rare kind of marble, cut in the form of tiles. At each extreme of the roof stood a golden vase, and in the middle a golden Victory; below which was a shield embossed with Medusa’s head, of gold. On the pediment stood Pelops and Oenomaus, ready to begin the Olympic race in the presence of Jupiter. _This vault was adorned with the battle of the Centaurs and Lapithe. The labors of Hercules distinguished the princi- pal entrance. After passing the brazen gates, you discover Iphitus, who, as we have seen, founded the Olympic games, crowned by his spouse, Echechiria. Thence the way led, through a noble portico, to the majestic creation of Phidias, the Athe- nian; which formed the grand ornament of the temple, as well as of Greece. The god was sitting on a throne, and ANCIENT GREECE. 67 of such colossal stature that his head reached the roof, 60 feet in height. This mighty image was composed of gold and ivory. In his left hand was a burnished sceptre, in his right an image of Victory, and on his head an enamelled crown of laurel. His robes and sandals were variegated with flowers and animals of gold: His throne was of ivory and ebony, inlaid with precious stones. The feet which supported it, and the fillets which joined them, were adorn- ed with innumerable figures, among which were the Theban children torn by sphinxes, and Apollo and Diana shooting the beautiful and once flourishing family of Niobe. Upon the most conspicuous part of the throne were eight stat- ues, representing the gymnastic exercises, and a beautiful figure, resembling young Pantarses, the favorite scholar of Phidias, who, in the contest of the boys, had lately won the Olympic prize. On the four pillars, which between the feet sustained the throne, were delineated the Hes- perides, guarding the golden apples; Atlas with mighty effort sustaining the heavens, with Hercules ready to assist him; Salamine with naval ornaments in her hands, and Achilles, supporting the beautiful expiring Penthesilea. But the ornaments of this temple and statues were in- describable; presenting at once to the eye, a scene of ele- gance, beauty and majesty, which no words can paint. There were in Greece, and Asia Minor, four other temples, if not equal in all, yet far superior to this, in some respects, (viz.) that of Ceres and Proserpine, at Eleusis in Attica; of Diana, at Ephesus; of Apollo, at Miletus, and of Jupiter, at Athens. During this period, the Greeks seemed to unite every thing in their character and actions, which was bold, enter- prising or great; but we cannot add, every thing, that was just, generous and humane. Many of their greatest men they banished; some on real conviction, but.more, it is presumed, on suspicion, from the base motives of jealousy and envy; and the season of happiness and glory for the Greeks scarce- ly arrived, before it was forever past. They now began to feel the corrupting influence of wealth, power and prosperity. Luxuries, like an overwhelming flood, rolled in from every quarter; and the insolence of prosperity, and pride of em- leh struck at the heart of public morals and virtue, and egan secretly to undermine that power, which had raised the Greeks to such an exalted height. ; 68 ANCIENT GREECE. The career of those great men, we have just mentioned, was scarcely past, when the administration of Pericles open- ed scenes more splendid, more flattering to the vanity, and more corrupting to the virtue, of Athens, than any, which had been before his day. Pericles was endowed with every accomplishment necessary to enable him to influence and to govern. The most persuasive and commanding eloquence, added to the greatest personal attractions and intellectual powers, rendered him the mest extraordinary man of his time. He was artful, bold and magnificent. He was a friend to every thing great and elegant in the arts and sciences; a professed republican; an accomplished cour- tier; capable of building cities; of commanding armies; of leading men’s understanding by the force of his reasoning, however fallacious, and of inflaming their passions by his oratory. It is said, that he thundered when he spake. Ambition was his ruling principle. His schemes, which were generally concerted with policy, and executed with success, tended uniformly to sink the states of Greece inte one general mass, on which he might raise, adorn and glorify the Athenian empire. In short, his aim was to make Athens the supreme arbiter of Greece, and himself the head of Athens. The history of Greece, from the battle of Platea till the Peloponnesian war, is, in. a great measure, the history of governments, and of arts and sciences. We shall pass over this, therefore, a period of about 50 years, and proceed to a brief survey of that war; and we shall see its causes early planted, and its effects, gradually forming the theatre for the Macedonian conqueror. The warlike Medes were inebriated by the wealth and luxuries they found in the first Assyrian empire, which they subdued. The Persians drank the same deadly draught from the conquest of the second. The Greeks were effeminated by the conquest of the Persians; and the Romans, as we shall see in tracing our line, experienced the same, in the conquest of Carthage and Greece. Throughout all ancient history, we see virtue, industry and bravery combined with ambition, raising nations to empire; and we see wealth, luxury and vice, undermining and plunging them down to destruction. We have already notieed the ascendency, which the Spartans gained among the states of Greece, in the first ANCIENT GREECE. 69 ages of those republics. At first, it was real; at length, only nominal; but after the battles of Marathon, Salamis and Platza, it existed no longer. The Athenians seem to have been superior to their sister states in genius, enterprise and local situation. The gradual, but powerful operation of these, together with many other advantages, more particular and accidental, rendered them superior to all. . But by what- ever causes they acquired superiority, one thing is certain,— they used it with far less moderation than the Lacedemoni- ans had done before them. The menacing tone, and haugh- ty air, they assumed, were but ill calculated to promote their ancient union; and indeed they now seemed only solicitous to extort, by force, from their neighbors, degrading acknowl- edgments and humiliating concessions. This haughty and overbearing spirit clearly appeared in the administration of Pericles. His lofty and aspiring genius, his bold and animated eloquence, prevailed on his country- men to throw off the mask, and assert their right to suprem- acy. The consequence was, the extinction of all union, general resentment, combinations, conspiracies, and civil and desolating wars. In the general calamities, Athens shared largely. The Peloponnesian war was productive of incalcu- lable evils; evils of which Greece never recovered ; equally subversive of morals, liberty and empire; and which pre- pared the way for its conquest by Philip. The states of Greece, with equal astonishment and indig- nation, received ambassadors from Pericles, together with a mandate, that all the states and colonies should, by their deputies, assemble at Athens, to adopt measures for rebuild- ing ruined temples, and paying due respects to the immortal gods, for their assistance in the Persian war. An order so extraordinary, in so imperative a tone, was received by many with deep disgust, and secret murmurs; by the Spartans, with resentment and derision; and by none with due submission, but those states, whose dependence had already ensured their acquiescence. The tendency of this measure was, to render Athens the source of authority, and the centre of de- liberation, action, power and honor. When Pericles understood how this requisition was re- ceived at Lacedemon, he is said to have exclaimed, with his usual forcible and figurative style, ““I behold war advancing, with wide and rapid steps, from the Pelopon- nesus.”” In this conflict of power, policy, wealth and ambi- tion, it was perceived, that Athens and Sparta must form 70 ANCIENT GREECE. the two rallying points; and both those powers had endeay- ored, by every artifice of open and secret negotiation, to strengthen their cause by leagues, alliances and auxiliaries. This memorable war was begun by the Corinthians and Corcyreans, a colony from Corinth, about 439 years before the Christian era. Corcyra is an island near the entrance of the Adriatic Sea. East of it lies the kingdom of Epirus; and west, the bay of Tarentum. This island has been famous even from the times of Homer, who calls it Pheacia. Its present name is Corfu. From remote antiquity, this island has been celebrated for its wealth, beauty, and, at times, for its naval and military character. The republic of Corinth had early sent a colony to Corcyra, which soon grew into a. wealthy and powerful state, and was able to resist the haughty and imperious requisitions of the mother country. Nor shall we find a more convenient place than this, to notice an essential blemish in the moral and political character of the ancient Greeks. The spirit of emigration and colonizing prevailed more with the Greeks than with any other nation, ancient or modern. It was, indeed, the natural result of their national character, form of government, and local situation. Enlight- ened, free, independent and enterprising, the defenceless state of many of their more barbarous neighbors invited their aggressions ; and the numerous islands of the surround- ing seas gave ample room and full scope to the indulgence of their roving and restless propensities. They emigrated, invaded, conquered and colonized. And, before the com- mencement of the Peloponnesian war, could their powers have been brought to a common focus, by a plan of policy sufficiently strong and combining, they would have formed the most powerful aud warlike nation,ever known. But, in this respect, they were far behind the Romans. Divided into small independent governments, they were distracted and torn by mutual jealousies; and their caprice, tyranny and vengeance, were often wreaked upon their refractory colo- nies, towards whom they made it a point to preserve an attitude the most commanding and supercilious. A predom- inance of this unhappy temper occasioned perpetual broils, and, at last, brought on an eventful struggle, from the deplo- rable consequences of which Greece never recovered. After some battles and various success, the Corcyreans, finding themselves in danger of being overcome, applied ———e ANCIENT GREECE. 71 to Athens for aid, which was granted. In the mean time, the war is prosecuted with vigor; the Athenians send aid to Corcyra. Corinth is over-matched, and applies to Sparta and the Peloponnesian states; and they, at length, fall in on the part of Corinth. Thus, instead of Corinth and Corcyra, were seen Athens and Lacedemon in the field of action, the states of Greece divided, and the devastations of war spreading over their fairest provinces. The Spartans, if in any degree less warlike than in former times, were certainly more “enlightened, more politic, and directed by maturer counsels. Their bravery and fortitude were still terrible to the haughty Athenians; and Pericles himself might have seen reasons for wishing, that he had been satisfied with a more tacit acknowledgment of Athenian greatness; especially, when he now often saw that proud capital tottering on the brink of destruction, exposed to the fortune of a most eventful war, and severely distressed by pestilence. ® While the confederate armies were ravaging the country of Attica, even almost to the gates of Athens, a dreadful plague broke out in that city. As its first appearance was at the Pireus, it was generally believed to have been im- ported from abroad, in the Athenian vessels. This was about the year before Christ, 430. [ Some particulars of the Peloponnesian War.—W hen it was perceived, that the first object of the Spartan league would be, to invade Attica with an overwhelming force, Pericles prevailed upon the Athenians to retire into the city, which had been strongly fortified, and leave their villas and fields exposed to the ravages of the invading army. While the thus stood on the defensive at home, he proposed, that the Athenian fleet, which was mistress of the seas, should make reprisals upon the territories of Sparta and her allies, by committing similar ravages on their coasts, and oblige them ultimately to withdraw their forces from Attica. A temporary clamor was excited against Pericles, when, from the walls of their city, the Athenians saw their man- sions consumed by the flames, and the fruits of their fields reaped by hostile hands—when the melancholy tidings reached them of the total devastation of their late fertile borders. But that statesman, relying on the success of his plan of defence, made no reply either to their menaces or entreaties. The result, he had anticipated, quickly follow- ed. ‘Phe confederate army under Archidamus, king of 431. rp ANCIENT GREECE, -Lacedemon, straitened for supplies, and unequal to the siege of Athens, was recalled, to defend their own coasts from the aggressions of the Athenian fleet. In consequence of the naval superiority of the Athenians, and the inexpe~ rience of their adversaries in conducting sieges, the balance of success, during several years of the war, was greatly in favor of the former. But an enemy of a far different description awaited them, whose fearful ravages it was impossible to resist. In the second year of the Peloponne- sian war, just at the time in which the whole population of Attica had taken refuge from a second invading army, within the walls of Athens, a plague broke out in that city, than which a more terrible is scarcely recorded in the annals of history. It is related, that it began in’ Ethiopia; whence it descended into Egypt; thence into Lybia and Persia; and, at last, broke like a flood upon Athens. This pesti- lence batiled the utmost efforts of art. The most robust constitutions “were unable to withstand its attacks. No skill could obviate, nor remedy dispel, the terrible infec- tion. The instant a person was seized, he was struck with despair, which quite disabled him from attempting a cure. The humanity of friends was fatal to themselves, as it was ineffectual to the unhappy sufferers. The prodigious quan- tity of baggage, which had been removed out of the country into the city, increased the calamity. Most of the inhabi- tants, for want of lodging, living in little cottages, in which they could scarcely breathe, while the burning heat of the summer increased the pestilential malignity. They were confusedly huddled together, the dead as well as the dying ; some crawling through the streets; some lying along by the sides of fountains, whither they had endeavored to repair, to quench the raging thirst, which consumed them. Their very temples were filled with dead bodies; and every part of the city exhibited a dreadful image of death, without the least remedy for the present, or the least hopes with regard to futurity. It seized all with such violence, that they fell one upon another as they passed along the streets. It was also attended with such uncommon pesti- lential vapors, that the very beasts and birds of prey, though famishing round the walls of the city, would not touch the bodies of those who died of it. Even those who recovered, it left such a tincture of its malignity, that it struck upon their senses. It sometimes effaced the notices and memory of all the passages of their lives; and they knew neither ANCIENT GREECE. 43 themselves, nor their nearest relations. Its moral influence has been represented as still more deplorable. The unhap- py citizens became hardened and licentious, dreaming only of present pleasure, while dropping hourly into their graves. Amid these complicated miseries, arising from the ma- lignant influence of pestilence and war, the firmness of Pericles remained unshaken. He was even able, by his eloquence and courage, to revive the drooping hopes of the Athenians. They were preparing to renew, with vigor, the plans of conquest, which had been interrupted by this dire calamity, when their admired leader was himself cut off by the plague, which broke out afresh, and commit- ted new ravages. When he was on his deathbed, his friends expatiatedj@in his hearing, on the success of his army, and the many trophies he had erected in commemo- ration of splendid victories obtained over the enemies of his country; “Ah!” exclaimed the expiring chief, ‘“ dwell not of these actions, which are’ rather to be aséribed to for- tune than skill. You have forgotten the most valuable part of my character, and that alone on which I can now reflect with pleasure—that none of my fellow-citizens have been compelled, through any action of mine, to assume a -mourning robe.” It is no doubtful proof of the distinguish- ed talents of this illustrious Athenian, that he administered public affairs, either conjointly with Cimon or alone, during upwards of forty years, and those, too, the most critieal and perilous in thélannals of the republic. The third year of the war was chiefly occupied with the sieges of Potidea by the Athenians, and of Platea by the Peloponnesians. The former of these places was soon taken; but the latter made a most vigorous defence. Though a small city, and containing but comparatively a few soldiers, the garrison, consisting of 500 Plateans and Athe- nians, withstood the whole strength of the Spartan confed- eracy nearly five years. When at length they were com- pelled to capitulate, the conditions granted them were most honorable; but no sooner had the allied army obtain- ed possession of the citadel, than they disgracefully violated the treaty, and put to death all the garrison, that had sur- rendered themselves, in reliance upon the faith of Sparta. What would Lycurgus have said to these degenerate children? During the siege of Platea, Lesbos revolted from Athens This island was the most flourishing and valuable of all her 7 | 74 ANCIENT GREECE. provinces. Spartan emissaries had seduced the Lesbians to this dangerous revolt. These deluded islanders were soon reduced with shame and degradation. This insurrection was followed by new disturbances at Corcyra, attended with the most dreadful carnage. To the disgrace both of the Athenians and Spartans, they interfered in this civil discord, not to conciliate, but to inflame the passions, and strengthen the animosities of the two conflict- ing parties. For a considerable time, the principal city was one continued scene of atrocious murders. The tem- ples, the altars of their gods, as well as the habitations of their citizens, streamed with blood. Eurymedon, the Athe nian commander, not only was the spectator of this lamenta ble tragedy, but continually urged th® enraged populace to greater enormities. Such cruelties were practised, that, in future times, all sanguinary scenes were compared to “a Corcyrean sedition.” | About this'time, the public opinion at Athens was divided between two individuals of widely different character, but whose influence in the republic was nearly balanced. One of these was Nicias, who was a most able and success- ful commander, yet a strenuous advocate for peace. Though he had frequently led to victory both the fleets and armies of the Athenian ‘confederacy, he used every advantage as additional argument for an immediate negotiation ; and still urged his countrymen to lose no time in terminating - those hostilities, which he deplored as the héaviest calamity, that could have befallen them. But, in all his benevolent efforts to procure a cordial reconciliation, he was constantly opposed by Cleon, a turbulent demagogue, who, by the most daring effrontery and infamous vices, inflamed the * passions of the multitude,.and elevated himself from the lowest condition to the highest rank in the republic. This bold and arrogant declaimer lost no opportunity of censuring the tardy measures and timid policy of Nicias, and even charged him with cowardice and corruption. An incident occurred, which tended greatly to increase the self-importance and popularity of this pretended patriot. The Spartans had committed an oversight in transporting a considerable number of their most distinguished citizens to Sphacteria, a small and barren island, opposite to Pylus, which had recently been taken by the Athemians. Here they were blockaded, and reduced to the utmost extremities, by an Athenian squadron. In the first moment of conster- ae ANCIENT GREECE. 7a nation, the Lacedemonians. sued for peace, and Nicias strongly recommended to his fellow-citizens to embrace so favorable an opportunity of obtaining advantageous terms. But Cleon contended with vehemence against the measure, at a time in which the Spartangmobility were at. their mercy. He offered to go with a small force to Sphacteria, and take possession of the Spartan prisoners immured there. He was taken at his word; and by accident, rather than by skill, ac- complished the enterprise he had undertaken. The Spartan garrison was compelled to surrender at discretion. Inflated with this unexpected and unmerited success, Cleon now aspired to the most important stations, and promised speedily to repair the losses, which had been sustained in remote proy- inces, by the victories of Brasidas over the Athenian gene- rals, Demosthenes and Thucydides. But Cleon little knew ,the difficulty of the task he had imposed upon himself, or the character of the distinguished warrior, with whom he was to contend. With heedless presumption, he rushed forward to.meet the brave, the skil- ful, the victorious Brasidas. The two armies met, and fought under the walls of Am- phipolis. In this engagement, both the commanders were slain. The Athenian fled at the commencement of the action, and was killed by a private soldier, that. happened to meet him in his flight; the Spartan received a mortal wound towels its conclusion, and expired in the arms of victory. | The principal obstacles to peace being now removed by the death of Brasidas and Cleon, and both the contending powers having been instructed by the sufferings they had endured, as well as exhausted by their continued labors, a sincere desire of mutual accommodation was expressed. The Athenians were anxious to recover their Thracian and Macedonian possessions, which the arms of Brasidas had wrested from them, and the Spartans no less anxious to regain the distinguished prisoners that had been captured in Sphacteria. Nicias was appointed by the former, and Pleistonax by the latter, with full powers to negotiate. A truce for one year was first proposed; then a treaty of peace was concluded for fifty years, and, finally, a league offensive a - defensive was ratified by both parties. The olive branch of peace was hailed with the utmost demon- strations of joy. This is generally denominated the Peace of Nicias, from the great influence exerted by that excellent ‘« | i 2 76 ANCIENT GREECE. man in procuring it. This event took place in the tenth year of the war, B. C. 421. This alliance between Athens and Lacedemon gave offence to the greater partiof the remaining states of Greece, who considered it @ formidable combination of those powerful states against themselves. Corinth was the first to remonstrate against the treaty; by which it was contended, that the weak were left wholly at the mercy of the strong, and virtually deprived of their independence. The Argives entered so far into the views and feelings of the Corinthians, as to form a league for the protection of the liberties of Greece; and invited all the other republics to unite with them. In the mean time, mutual jealousies revived between the ancient rivals, Athens and Lacedemon, who accused each other of having failed to perforin the conditions of the late treaty. The Athenians had refused to surrender fhe Island of Pylus, which they had gaken during the war; and the Spartans had entered into a sepa- rate alliance with the Beotians, contrary to the late con- tract, in which it was stipulated, that “no treaty shoald be made without the concurrence of both parties.” ‘These. grounds of complaint would easily have been removed if the peaceful Nicias had possessed unlimited powers. Buta youth of illustrious birth, of fascinating manners, of seductive and brilliant talents, then began to make a figure at Athens, and aspired to the direction of the republic. This youth ‘was Alcibiades, the relative and pupil and exact counterpart of Pericles; the intimate friend and beloved companion of Socrates; but, it is necessary to add, the worst enemy of the Athenian state. He first prevailed on the Athenians to enter into the Argive alliance; and afterwards, by a dis- honest artifice, outwitted the Lacedemonian ambassadors, who came with full powers to settle differences and explain misunderstandings. He persuaded them, under a color of . friendship, not to let the people know, at first, what full powers their commission gave them; but to intimate, that they came only to treat, and make proposals; for that, otherwise, the Athenians would grow insolent in their demands, and extort from them unreasonable’ terms. They were so well satisfied with the prudence and sincerity. of this advice, that he drew them from Nicias, to rely en- tirely upon himself; and, the next day, when'the people were assembled, and the ambassadors introduced, Alcibia- des, with a very obliging air, demanded of them, with what ANCIENT GREECE. TT powers they were come. ‘They made answer, that they were not come as plenipotentiaries. Upon which, he in- stantly changed his voice and countenance, and, exclaiming against them as notorious liars, bid the people take care how they transacted any thing with men on whom they could place so little dependence. The people dismissed the ambassadors in a rage. Unable to rest till some object, commensurate to his dase ambition, presented itself, Alcibiades procured his election to the chief command of the Athenian army, and prevailed upon his fellow-citizens to undertake the invasion and con- quest of Sicily. When the question was debated in the Athenian senate and before the general assembly, it was strenuously opposed by Nicias, who used many arguments to prove the impolicy and hazard of the projected expedition; and concluded with warning the magistrates and elder citizens against the wild ambition of Alcibiades and his youthful companions, whose measures, he predicted, would lead to the overthrow of the state. But ineffectual were his remonstrances and entrea- ties, when the youthful orator arose, and drew a flattering picture of the wealth of Sicily, the ease with which it might be subjugated, and the door it would open to further and more splendid conquests. Already he imagined Sicily and Carthage and Africa prostrate at the feet of Athens, or pour- ing their riches into her treasury. Dazzled with these bril- liant prospects, the assembly decreed war with Sicily, and appointed Nicias, Alcibiades and Lamachus joint comman- ders of the expedition. The last attempt of Nicias to dissuade his countrymen from this fatal enterprise, by magnifying the difficulty of its execution, produced an opposite effect. The obstacles, which were unable to conquer, only animated the courage of the assembly; and it was determined, that the generals should be invested with full authority to raise such sums of money, and to levy such a body of troops, as might ensure success to their arms, ; The magnitude of the preparations increased the hopes and the ardour of all ranks of men in the republic. The old expected that nothing could resist such a numerous and well-equipped armament. The young eagerly seized an occasion to gratify their curiosity and love of knowledge in a distant navigation, and to share the honors of such a’ glo- rious enterprise. The rich exulted in displaying their ai 78 ANCIENT GREECE. magnificence; the poor rejoiced in their assurance of pay, suflicient to relieve their present wants, and in the prospect of obtaining by their arms the means of future ease and hap- piness. Instead of finding any difficulty to complete the levies, the great difliculty consisted in deciding the prefer- ence of valor and merit among those who solicited to serve ; and the whole complement of: forces, to be employed by sea and land, consisted of chosen men. Amidst the general alacrity felt, or at least expressed, by the people of all descriptions, (for the dread of incurring public censure made several express what they did not feel ,) Socrates alone ventured openly and boldly to condemn the expedition, and to predict the future calamities of his coun- try. But the authority of the sage was unable to check the course of their enthusiasm. When the appointed day arrived, the whole inhabitants of Athens, whether citizens or strangers, assembled early in the Pireus, to admire the greatest armament ever collected in a Grecian herbor. A hundred galleys were adorned with all the splendor of naval pomp; the troops destined to em- bark vied with each other in the elegance of their dress and the brightness of their arms. The alacrity painted in every face, and the magnificence displayed with profusion in every part of the equipage, represented a triumphal show, rather than the stern image of war. But the solidity and greatness of the armament proved, that it was intended for use, not for ostentation. Amidst this glare of external pageantry, which accompanied the adventurous youth, their friends and kinsmen could not suppress a few parting tears, when they considered the length of the voyage, their va- rious dangers by flood and field, and the uncertainty of be- holding again the dearest pledges of their affection. But these partial expressions of grief were speedily interrupt- ed by the animating sounds of the trumpet, which issued at once from a hundred ships, and provoked sympathetic acclamations from the shore. The captains then offered solemn prayers to the gods, which were answered by cor- - responding vows from the spectators. The customary liba- tions were poured out in goblets of gold and silver; and after the triumphant Pean had been sung in full chorus, the whole fleet, at once, set sail, and contended for the mee of naval skill and celerity. Scarcely had they arrived in Sicily, when Alcibiades was recalled, to take his trial for alleged impieties and sacrilege. ANCIENT GREECE. 79 The conduct of the Sicilian war then devolved on Nicias, whose military talents had stood a long and severe test. Nicias was at first successful, as he had hitherto always been. But the tide of success soon turned. The Syra- cusans were animated by the presence and aided by the talents of Gylippus, a Lacedemonian general, who had forced an entrance into the besieged city, at the head of a few Spartan troops. From the time of his arrival, the Athenian invaders met with nothing but a train of defeats and calam- ities. In one of the first engagements with the Syracusans, Lamachus was killed; a brave and enterprising general, whose loss, at such a crisis, was severely felt. Soon after, an epidemic disease, which spread through the Athenian camp, and with which Nicias himself was affected, commit- ted fearful ravages. This malady, added to the harassing and destructive warfare, in which he was engaged, obliged the Athenian general to write, in the most pressing terms, for immediate supplies. An attempt was made to retrieve their losses, by a powerful reenforcement, under the com- mand of Demosthenes* and Eurymedon. But the attempt was fruitless. _Gylippus attacked them in separate bodies ; and, having reduced them to fhe most distressing extremities, .compelled the several divisions of*the Athenian army to sur- render. Such was the fury of the Syracusans, that they doomed all the Athenian prisoners to labor in the quarries, or sold them as slaves, except the generals Nicias and De- mosthenes, who were put to death, notwithstanding the ear- nest entreaty of Gylippus to save their lives. One circumstance, that serves to enliven the gloom, and diminish the horrors, of this calamitous scene, is deserving of particular notice. ‘The Sicilians were so enchanted with the tenderness and melody of the verses of Euripides, when recited by their Athenian captives, that they liberated all, who were able to repeat his most beautiful passages. These emancipated captives hastened back to Athens, and cast themselves at the feet of the venerable poet, and hailed him, with tears of joy, as their deliverer from dreary bondage and lingering dat. The news of the defeat being carried to Athens, the citizens, at first, would not believe it, and even sentenced to death the man who first published the” ‘tidings; but when it was confirmed, all the Athenians were seized with the * Perhaps great-grandfather of the immortal orator. 80 ANCIENT GREECE. utmost consternation. The venerable members of the Areopagus expressed the inajesty of silent sorrow; but the piercing cries of wo extended many a mile along the lofty walls, which joined the Pireus to the city; and the licentious populace raged with unbridled fury against the diviners and orators, whose blind predictions and ambitious harangues had promoted an expedition eternally fatal to their country. The distress of the Athenians was too great to admit the comfort of sympathy; but, had they been capable of receiy- ing, they had little reason to expect that melancholy conso- lation. The tidings so afflicting to them gave unspeakable joy to their neighbors. Many feared, most hated, and all envied a people, who had long usurped the dominion of Greece; and the consequence was, that many of the allies and dependents prepared to assert their rights. Cicero had reason to observe, speaking of the battles in the harbor of Syracuse, that it was there the troops of Athens, as well as their galleys, were ruined and sunk ; and that, in this harbor, the power and glory of the Athenians were miserably ship- wrecked. The disasters experienced by the Athenians in Sicily, and their more recent sufferings under the cruel tyranny of the Four Hundred,* were soon forgotten, when Alcibiades turned the tide of success in their favor, by a short but triumphant career of victory. But no sooner was that consummate general dismissed and exiled, than the state of the Athenian republic became more hopeless and desperate than ever. A few efforts, indeed, were made by the Athe- nians, which resembled the faint struggles of an expiring warrior. But, from that time, it was evident to every observer, that the ancient and once flourishing republic, which had alone withstood the legions of Persia, was upon the brink of ruin. Two things accelerated this event, the divided counsels of the Athenians, and the renewed vigor of the Spartans. The former appointed no less than ten * The tyranny of the Four Hundred was a temporary change, that took place in the government of Athens, about the time in which Alcibiades was recalled. The conduct of this aristocracy was most sanguinary—their measures most oppressive. Every day of their short reign was characterized by new atrocities; every vestige of freedom was abolished; and Athens was on the point of being sold, by her unprincipled rulers, into the hands of the Spartans. From the tyranny of the Four Hundred, the Athenians were delivered by Thrasybulus. : ANCIENT GREECE. 81 commanders, with equal powers, to succeed Alcibiades in the command of the fleet. Some of these were men of approved valor and patriotism; but others were either little known, or noterious only for their vices. These counter- acted each other, and gave additional energy to the decided measures of Lysander, who had been recently appointed to the command of the Spartan forces by land and sea; a gene- ral of pre-eminent talents, but disgraced by the most sordid avarice, and a total want of integrity. As Lysander acted so conspicuous a part in Greece, at that time, and was the means of producing a fatal change in the character and laws of Sparta, it will not be improper to describe, more particularly, the principles on which he acted, in his brilliant administration. Nothing could be more remote from genuine Spartan integrity, than the political conduct of Lysander, through every step of his public life. His ruling passion was avarice; but the means of gratifying this insatiable desire were matters of perfect indifference to him. Justly or unjustly, by force or fraud, he was bent upon aggrandizing himself and enriching his country. He scrupled not to pursue this unworthy object by the adoption of measures the most perfidious and unjust. Not content with the spoils of war, and what are usually considered the legitimate fruits of conquest, he wrested, with the hand of violence, the property of the defenceless, or obtained, by craft and intrigue, those treasures, which he was unable to seize by force. Now he was seen levying contributions on the Ionian cities and states, with the assumed authority of an eastern despot; and now most obsequiously soliciting pecuniary aid at the subordinate courts of: Persian satraps, submitting tamely to their insults, and flattering their vices, with the hope of securing their wealth. Having suc- ceeded beyond measure in his avaricious designs, he pre- vailed on the senate of Sparta, by bribery and corrupt influence, to repeal those laws of Lycurgus, which had forbidden the introduction of gold and silver coin into the republic; and then poured a stream of ill-gotten wealth into his country, which soon enervated and destroyed it. . The perfidiousness of his character may be gathered from the favorite maxim ascribed to him, and in which he glo- ried; “‘ Children,” said he, “ should be deceived with toys, but men by oaths.” Such was the general character of the person who was chosen by the Spartans to prosecute the war in a season of 82 ANCIENT GREECE. public danger, and when more than ordinary vigor was necessary. Nor were they disappointed in the expectations they had indulged of his success. After having, in the first year of his command, gained several victories both by sea and land, he was superseded by another general; since, by the laws of Sparta, no commander, however successful he might have been, could retain his appointment longer than one year. Callicratidas, who succeeded him, was a genuine Spartan, not unworthy of the purest days of the republic, a perfect contrast to the unprincipled and avaricious Lysan- der. Ignorant of the language and manners of a court, unaccustomed to flatter those whom he despised, and too independent to brook the insolence of wealth and Bs Callicratidas soon found it was vain to solicit the Persian court for supplies; nor could he, like his predecessor, extort them from those who were in alliance with them. Counteracted in all his efforts by Lysander, who had unwil- lingly resigned the command to him, and cut off from all ‘ resources ‘for the prosecution of the war, he found it ne- cessary to risk an engagement with a very superior force, near the islands or rocks of Arginusae, south of Lesbos. All that determined valor could accomplish, was done by Callicratidas, before he received his mortal wound; but, after that event took place, the Athenians took and destroy- ed a great part of the Spartan fleet. The victory they obtained was dearly purchased, but complete. Yet such - was the base ingratitude of the Athenians to the conquerors, that they tried the ten commanders of the fleet, on a charge of having neglected to pay funeral honors to the slain, eight of whom were condemned, and six executed; none of the senate, except Socrates, having dared to oppose this unjust sentence. In consequence of the death of Callicratidas, the command of the Spartan forces was again intrusted to Lysander, who soon afterwards seized a favorable moment, near Egos Po- tamos, when a great part of the crews of the Athenian 405, Ships were on shore, to bring up his fleet, and, almost “without resistance, take possession of the whole fleet of Athens, consisting of upwards of a hundred and fifty gal- leys. Five thousand prisoners were taken, all of whom were massacred by Lysander. The total’ annihilation of their fleet decided the fate of the Athenians. The only staff, on which they had so fre- quently leaned in the hour of extreme debility, was now ANCIENT GREECE. 83 broken. Their last resource had failed them. There remained nothing to impede the victorious progress of Lysander, who boasted, with truth, that, in one hour, he had, and almost without bloodshed, terminated a war of twenty-seven years. After having occupied the few re- Taaining cities and fortresses, that still adhered to the Athenians, he besieged Athens both by sea and land. Its inhabitants, unshaken by adversity, and gathering energy . from despair, resolved to defend the city to the last ex-~ tremity, and even passed a decree to punish those, who should first propose to surrender. Famine and disease, the inevitable consequences of a protracted siege, at length prevailed, and compelled this high-minded people to negotiate with their ancient rival. The eloquent The- ramenes and nine others were deputed-as ambassadors, with full powers, to conduct the negotiation. The terms, proposed by the Spartans, and to which the Athenians were ultimately obliged to accede, were most humiliating. The city was to be surrendered, and occupied by a Spartan garrison ; the walls and fortifications of the city and harbor to be demolished; all their ships of war, except twelve galleys, to be given up; and they were to enter into a league, to serve the Lacedemonians in all their military or naval expeditions, to the utmost of their power. No sooner was this treaty ratified, than Lysander entered Athens in triumph, and demolished the wails to the sound of martial music, which celebrated the deliverance of Greece from the tyranny of Athens. | Thus on the 16th of May, 404 years before Christ, at the end of 27 years from the commencement of this unhappy conflict, Athens, the glory of Greece, the mistress of the arts and sciences, was taken by the confederate armies, and her walls, her. towers and her fortresses, levelled to the ground. The day, says Dr. Gillies, was concluded, by the victo- rious confederate armies, with a magnificent festival, in which the recitation of poems, as usual, formed a part of the entertainment. Among other pieces, was rehearsed the Electra of Euripides, and particularly that affecting chorus, “We come, O daughter of Agamemnon, to thy rustic and humble roof.”” These words were scarcely uttered, when the whole assembly melted into tears. The forlorn condition of that young and virtuous princess, ex- pelled the royal palace of her father, and inhabiting a 84 ANCIENT GREECE. miserable cottage, in want and wretchedness, recalled to mind the dreadful vicissitudes of fortune, which had befallen Athens, once mistress of the sea, and sovereign of Greece, but deprived, in one fatal hour, of her ships, her walls and her strength, and reduced from the pride of prosperity and pcwer to misery, dependence and servitude, without exert- ing one memorable effort to brighten the last moment of her destiny, and to render her fall illustrious. The Peloponnesians vainly boasted, that the fall of Athens would be the era of Grecian liberty. Athens, indeed, tasted that bitter cup, which lawless pride and ambition generally present to their votaries. By her situation, her genius and promnerite she seemed designed as the guardian of Greece; ut her ambition to govern or to conquer, which none inflam- ed more than Pericles, was as rash and presumptuous as it was foolish and vain. Athens, thus humbled, prostrated, and crushed, never rose to her former state; and the powers, which triumphed over her, were involved in her destiny ; resembling the members of a body, which revolt from the head, cast it down, and trample it in the dust. { Socrates.—Socrates, the most distinguished among ancient philosophers, was the son of Sophroniscus, a statuary. He was born at Athens, B. C. 470. He was educated in his father’s profession; which seems to have impressed his mind with a taste for proportion and beauty, both as they appear in the natural and moral world. But his insatiable ardor in the pursuit of knowledge, and the increasing inter- est he felt in physical, literary and moral researches, pre- vented him from continuing to practise an art, which was then in high repute, and in which he would probably have risen to eminence. He was endowed with a penetrating and comprehensive mind; and became eminently distin- guished as an instructer.. He possessed unexampled good nature and a universal love to mankind. After attending all the public schools, and inquiring diligently into the different systems taught in them, he arrived at a decided conviction, that they were completely erroneous, and more calculated to bewilder, than to instruct. He -rightly judged, that the best use of knowledge is to form principles of action. The subtilties, the speculations, the theories of preceding philosophers, he therefore rejected, as worse than useless; and undertook to teach all, who were willing to receive his instructions, a more simple, pure and practical system of ethics. So attentive was he to the happiness and ANCIENT GREECE. 85 advantage of his country, that he seemed the common father of the republic. But as it is so very difficult to correct the aged, and to induce people to change long cherished prin- ciples, he devoted his labors principally to the instruction of youth. He had no open school, like the rest of the philosophers, nor set times for his lessons. He had no benches prepared; nor did he ever mount a professor’s chair. He was the philosopher of all times and seasons. He taught in all places and upon all occasions—in walking, conversation at meals, in the army and in the midst of the camp, in the public assemblies of the senate and people. He disputed in a great measure by means of questions. In consequence of this, the interrogative method of disputing © is still denominated Socratic. By means of his questions, he was wonderfully successful in confuting and confounding the sophists, in detecting their frauds, and unmasking their characters. Aristophanes, the comic poet, was engaged to expose him upon the stage. He composed a piece called the Clouds, in which he introduced the philosopher, suspended in a basket, uttering the most ridiculous absurdities. Socrates, who was present at this exhibition, showed not the least emotion, and as some strangers were present, who desired to know the original, for whom the play was intended, he rose from his seat, and showed himself during the whole representation. This was the first blow struck at him; and it was not till twenty years after, that Melitus appeared in a formal manner as his accuser, and entered a regular pro- cess against him. His accusation consisted of two heads. The first was, that he did not admit the gods acknowledged by the republic, and introduced new divinities ; the second, that he corrupted the youth of Athens. Melitus concluded with inferring, that sentence of death ought to be passed against Socrates. How much truth was contained in the first part of the charge, it is not easy to determine ; but it is certain, that, amidst so much zeal and superstition as then reigned in Athens, he never durst openly oppose the receiv- ed religion. But it is very probable, from the discourses he frequently held with his friends, that, in his heart, he de- spised and derided their monstrous opinions and ridiculous mysteries, as having no other foundation than the fables of the poets; and that he had attained to the notion of the one only true God. 8 | 86 ANCIENT GREECE. _ The friends of Socrates too plainly perceived the danger, which threatened him, and earnestly desired to exert their influence and talents on his behalf. The eloquent Lysias, especially, who had been one. of his disciples, and was affectionately attached to him, earnestly entreated permis- sion to deliver a pathetic oration he had prepared for the occasion; but Socrates, while he admired the composition, as a display of talent, peremptorily refused the request, because its tone was too supplicatory for a character un- justly accused. He was at length prevailed upon to under- take his own defence, not so much with the hope of pro- tracting his life, as in compliance with the pressing solicita- tions of his friends. During his trial he employed neither artifice nor eloquence. He had no recourse to solicitation or entreaty. But his discourse was bold, manly, generous, without passion, without emotion, full of the noble liberty of the philosopher, with no other ornament than that of truth, and brightened universally with the character and language of innocence. ‘‘ My whole employment,” said he, ‘is to persuade the young and old against too much love for the body, for riches and all other precarious things ; and against too little regard for the soul, which ought to be the object of their affection. Pass on me what sentence you please, Athenians; but I can neither repent, nor change my conduct. I must not abandon nor suspend a function, which God himself has imposed on me. He has charged me with the care of instructing my fellow-citizens. Should you resolve to acquit me, I should not hesitate, for the future, to make answer, Athenians, I honor and love you. But I shall choose to obey God rather than you; and, to my latest breath, shall never renounce my philosophy, nor cease to exhort and reprove you, according to my custom, by telling each of you, when you come in my way, ‘ My good friend, and citizen of the most famous city in the world, for wisdom and valor, are you not ashamed to have no other thoughts, than of amassing wealth, and of acquiring glory, credit and dignities, while you neglect the treasures of prudence, truth and wisdom, and take no pains in rendering your soul as good and as perfect as it is capable of being?” After some further observations, he remarks, ‘ For the rest, Athenians, if, in my present extreme danger, I do not imitate the behavior of those, who, upon less emergencies, have implored and supplicated their judges with tears, and have brought forth their children, relations and friends into court, ANCIENT GREECE. 87 it is not through pride and obstinacy, nor any contempt for you, but solely for your honor, and for that of the whole city. You should know, that there are among our citizens those, who do not regard death as an evil, and who give that name only to injustice and infamy.” Socrates pronounced this discourse with a firm and intrepid tone. His air, his action, his visage, expressed nothing of the accused. His steady, uninterrupted course of obstinate virtue, which had made him, in many cases, appear singular, and oppose whatever he thought illegal or unjust, without any regard to times or persons, had procured him a great deal of envy and ill-will; so that, however slight the proofs against him, the faction was powerful enough to find him guilty. He was condemned to drink the juice of hemlock. i Socrates received his sentence with the utmost composure. Apollodorus, one of his disciples, launching out into bitter invectives and lamentations, that his master should die inno- cent; ‘‘ What,” replied Socrates, with a smile, “‘ would you have me die guilty? Mlelitus and Anytus may kill, but they cannot hurt me.” The execution of the sentence was delayed thirty days, on account of a law, which prohibited the putting to death of any criminal during the absence of the priest of Apollo, who annually sailed to the isle of Delos, to offer sacrifices. Dur- ing this interval, the prison was continually thronged with his affectionate disciples, who came to administer to his com- fort, and receive his last instructions. The day before his execution, Crito, his intimate friend, came to him early in the morning, to let him know, that it depended only upon himself to quit the prison; that the jailor was gained; that he would find the doors open, and offered him a safe retreat in Thessaly. Socrates laughed at his proposal, and asked him whether he knew any place out of Attica where people did not die? Crito urged the thing very seriously, adding argument upon argument, to induce his escape. Socrates expressed his gratitude, but rejected his offer; because he considered it unjust to escape from the laws. The day of his death was employed in conversing with his friends respecting the immortality of the soul, which he endeavored to prove. At sunset the cup of poison was brought by a servant of the magistrates, who was so much affected that he turned his back and fell a weeping. So 88 | ANCIENT GREECE. crates, having taken the cup, kept silence for some time, and then drank off the draught with an amazing tranquillity of aspect. ‘Such was the end of this great philosopher, in the seven- tieth year of his age, B. C. 400. It was not till some time after his death that the dbople began to perceive and lament their mistake. Athens was in universal dismay and consternation. All exercises were suspended, and his accusers called to account for his death. After some time the inhabitants of the city put on mourn- ing for him, as if a public calamity had befallen them; and all agreed to censure his accusers and judges, some of whom were put to death, and others banished. Nor were the Athenians satisfied with these transient expressions of regret. They decreed the aighest honors to his memory. They erected a statue of brass, executed by Lysippus, in the most frequented place of resort. They enrolled his name among their subordinate divinities, and dedicated a temple to his memory. [Fine Arts—From the defeat of the Persian power to the death of Alexander, a period of 180 years, the genius of Greece was displayed in the brightest splendor. The name of the painter and the sculptor was celebrated in . festivals ; their works were exhibited at the public games; and they were reputed to confer, by every specimen of their art, distinguished honor upon their country. The monuments of their talents reflected lustre upon their char- acter, and gave it the highest respectability; as it was their noble province to express the likeness of heroes, and to imbody the perfections of the gods. To be publicly distinguished with higher honors than his competitors, was the great object of the artist, and his unremitting and ardent efforts to excel them, gave to his works that grace, beauty and spirit, that exquisite expression of passions, and that appropriate dignity of character, which mark their finest per- formances. The arts brought to recollection by the most lively images the great events and characters of history. Every public edifice in Athens was filled with the statues of war- riors, magistrates, legislators, philosophers, and orators. In one place stood Miltiades frowning destruction on Persia ; in another, the placid Socrates, the thoughtful Solon, and the impassioned Demosthenes. Every street presented an Athenian with some striking example of valor, wisdom, or ANCIENT GREECE, 89 patriotism. Wherever he turned his eyes he saw some mon- ument raised to perpetuate the renown of his ancestors; and the precious tribute of the arts, so liberally paid to all persons of genius, courage and virtue, gave the keenest excitement to the display of every species of excellence. ] After this period, however, many great men appeared in Greece ; but no general bond of union could be formed. Intervals of peace were short; and their few virtuous characters only shone like passing meteors, for a moment. If Alcibiades was famous for his talents, he was no less infamous for his vices; and the few splendid actions he performed were utterly insufficient to counteract the gene- ral effects of caprice, crooked policy, and a total want of virtue. Athens had scarcely recovered a measure of liberty, by the exertions of Thrasybulus,* and begun to respire, after a shock so paralyzing, and calamities so dreadful, when war again broke out. This is commonly called the Beotian war. Instead of rising, as did the former, from the Peloponnesus, it now pointed its avenging flames toward that haughty com- bination of powers, and menaced them with a fate similar to that of Athens. It is remarkable, that, as the sun of ancient Greece was still lingering on the western horizon, as if loath to set, she at times displayed an effulgence of genius, which few nations could boast, when enjoying their meridian of glory. In the days of glory which Sparta and Athens had seen, it was little expected that Beotia would ever be the terror of Greece, would not only excite their jealousies, but alarm their fears, and would render necessary their utmost exertions, not to say in defence of their honor, but of their national existence. Historians, without a dissenting voice, allow Epaminondas to have been great in the various characters of statesman, hero, patriot and commander. The Thebans and their confederates were led by this most accomplished general into the Peloponnesus. LLacedemon was their mark. They ravaged the country of Laconia, even to the gates of Sparta. That proud and powerful people had not seen such a day - for five hundred years. The skill and valor of Agesilaus saved them. * After the Peloponnesian war, the government of Athens was usurp- ed by 30 men, “the dependants and creatures of Sparta,” who, on ao- count of their tyranny, are generally called the Thirty Tyrants. From these Athens was delivered by Thrasybulus.—E£d. 8 90 ANCIENT GREECE. The course of human affairs resembles a revolving wheel, some parts of which are perpetually rising, some falling ; some are up, and some down. It is incredible that Lacede- mon should be compelled to apply to Athens for aid, whom she had so lately conquered ; but this she did, and that with Bc, Success. The war progressed with vigor, was pro- 3¢3. tracted, had various turns, and was at length termi- nated in a general battle at Mantinea. This battle is allowed to have been the most equally matched, the ablest conducted, and the most bravely fought, of any one ever fought in Greece. [While Epaminondas was fighting in the midst of the battle with astonishing ardor, a Spartan gave him a mortal wound with a javelin across his breast. He was carried into the camp, and the surgeons, after the battle, examining the wound, declared that he would expire, as soon as the head of the dart was drawn out of it. All pre- sent were in the utmost affliction, while the only concern he expressed, was about his arms and the fate of the. battle. When they showed him his shield, and assured him that the Thebans had gained the victory, turning towards his friends with a calm and serene air,—“ All then is well,” said he; and soon after expired. The death of this “ won- der-working man,” however, roused the drooping spirits of the Spartan allies, and, at last, rendered the victory doubtful. It was claimed on both sides. ] With Epaminondas expired the. martial spirit of his country; for, although the Thebans maintained the as- cendency for some years, and were able for a while even to control the decisions of the Amphictyonic council, yet they guadually sunk to their former insignificance. This great general terminated his career in the 2d year of the (104th Olympiad, 363 years before Christ, and may be con- sidered as one of the last expiring lights of the Grecian re- publics. Eight years after the death of Epaminondas, Alexander the Great was born, generally acknowledged to be the first of heroes and of conquerors. Under his powerful sceptre, the Greeks, the Persians, and even the Indians, formed but one amazing field of conquest. Empire first having taken her flight from Persia and from the Grecian republics, seemed for a while hovering on other shores and coasts, as in doubt where to settle. More than 800 years before the Christian era, a colony from the ancient city of Tyre, whose history we have ataat ya seis ash Sivan pacha sitar Page II 2 ane Se - Se nen 2 Demosthenes declaimaing wpor te Sea shore. ANCIENT GREECE. 91 already noticed, crossed the Mediterranean, and: settled in Africa. ‘Those’ enterprising adventurers, conducted by the celebrated Dido, founded the city and empire of Carthage. The Carthaginians, by degrees, extended themselves along the shores of Africa, and ibaved the islands of the Mediter- ranean, great part of Sicily, and even many islands in the Atlantic ocean. They succeeded, and very far exceeded their mother country, in the empire ‘of commerce, and were for many years masters of the sea. But the Cartha- ginians, like thé ‘Trojans, were. destined, after flourishing a while, to enhance the triumph and exalt the fame of their conquerors. They were checked — by” the Ca and finally subdued by the Romans. The Romans, about this time, flourished Py a consular administration. Manlius ‘Torquatus, Decius Mus, and others, were contemporary with Alexonder:) But the Romans were ee beyond. the small tribes aie states of Taly for it is remark- able, that, after.Rome. had been an independent state 360 years, her territories did not extend twenty miles from the city. But a power was now rapidly rising much nearer to Greece, which was to change the scene in Europe and Asia, and to influence the state of numerous nations to ages unborn. . Northwestwardly of the head of the Archipelago, and separated from that sea by several small Grecian republics, lay the country of Macedon. Its exact size, as also its boundaries northwardly, were little known even to the ancients, and still less to modern geographers. The country was rough, mountainous, and, for the most part, wild and barren. As early as the. Persian i invasion, these parts were little known. They had been colonized and subdued by the Athenians, but had revolted in the course of the Pelo- ponnesian war. Amyntas, the grandfather of Alexander the Great, was the first prince’ of that dynasty, of any considerable note in history. He is represented. by Quintus Curtius as a man of great abilities,.equally brave in the field, and wise in coun- cil. But, overwhelmed with difficulties both foreign and domestic, he was able only to plant those seeds of greatness, which were afterwards to flourish, and influence the destiny of half the nations of the earth. During his reign, the Macedonians were too wild and barbarous to coalesce in 92 ANCIENT GREECE. any settled plan of policy, civil or military. Of course they were kept in perpetual fear from the inroads of the Illyrian tribes, which skirted them on the north. The Greeks, likewise, though wasting away by swift de- grees, in the fires of civil war, were still warlike and pow- erful, under the administrations of Cimon, Pericles and Epaminondas. The life of Amyntas was strongly imbittered by intrigues and conspiracies, in his own palace, carried on by his famous, or rather infamous queen Eurydice: a calam- ity, which, amid all their greatness, seemed to pursue that whole dynasty of Macedonian kings, until it exterminated the posterity of Philip, king of Macedon. Amyntas had three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas and Philip, the father of Alexander the Great. After a troublesome reign, he was succeeded by his eldest son, Alexander, who found full employment in repelling the invasion of his fe- rocious and warlike neighbors. In an unsuccessful war with the Illyrians, he was compelled to become tributary, and to give a royal hostage. He gave his younger brother Philip, who, during his residence with those rude but martial peo- ple, gained a knowledge of them, which was afterwards of eminent service to him; though he was then but aboy. On a similar occasion, being afterwards sent to Thebes, he there enjoyed the greatest advantages. Epaminondas then flourished; and taking Philip under his immediate protection and care, he educated him, together with his own son, in the Grecian literature, in which he made great proficiency. The school of adversity gives lessons of wisdom, and imparts an energy to man, almost in- dispensable to greatness. For the most part, the pampered and delicate children of easy fortune are enervated in the germ and blossom of life, and are forever hushed, on the downy lap of prosperity, to inglorious repose. It was not so with Philip. In those adverse fortunes, which could not break his spirit, he learnt patience, hu- mility and wisdom. He found ample resources in his own mind, made strong by exertion, and rich by experi- ence. [ Most important events of the life of Philip.—After spending nine or ten years in Thebes, he was called to the throne of Ma- cedon by the death of his brother Perdiccas. Possessing 360. great abilities, and equal ambition, he cast his eyes over the wide prospect; and allured by the most brilliant hopes of aggrandizing his family, invited by the degenerate ANCIENT GREECE.’ 93. effeminacy of the Athenians, the discord of the Peloponne- sians, and the general weakness of all Greece, he laid the plan of an empire, which his son was destined to execute, and to exceed. [The circumstances under which he ascended the throne, were peculiarly unfavorable. The kingdom was surround- ed by foreign enemies, and rent asunder by intestine divis- ions.| There had been no settled administration; but civil War, assassinations, revolutions and anarchy. Thus situated, the first care of Philip was to secure the affection, to aug- ment the resources, and to improve the discipline of his peo- ple. With consummate address he settled the differences, that related to the regal succession, till every competitor was set aside; and then by bribes, concessions, or vigorous move- ments, he induced the enemies who threatened his kingdom to retire, and thus freed his subjects f-om the alarm of inva- sion. A treaty of peace was concluded with the Athenians, and reviving commerce soon poured a stream of wealth into his impoverished kingdom. About this time two circumstances conspired to augment the influence and reputation of Philip; first, a recent predic- tion of the Delphian oracle that Macedon would recover its ancient dignity under the son of Amyntas; and second, the discovery of a gold mine at Crenidae, afterwards called Phi- lippi, which produced annually more than a thousand talents. To this discovery a great part of his future successes are to be ascribed; for he accomplished much more by negotiation than by arms; and the success of his negotiations usually depended upon the bribes he offered. So degraded was the political state of Greece, that there was scarcely an orator, statesman, or senate, he did not soon- er or later corrupt, even not excepting the once venerable council of Amphictyons. He once remarked, “that he de- spaired of taking no city, into which he could introduce a mule laden with gold.” A penetrating mind, like that of Themistocles, would have detected, at the commencement of Philip’s reign, his design to make himself master of Greece; and an alarm would have been sounded from the Ionian to the A¢gean sea. But the ambitious prince of Macedon had no such rival genius with whom to contend. His fair promises, his specious pretexts, and his show of moderation and clemency, were sufficient to deceive the degenerate patriots of Greece, who saw, in general without alarm, his daily encroachments 94 ANCIENT GREECE. on the rights and possessions of independent states, and his interference in all their disputes. It did not occur to them that he secretly fomented these dissensions for the purpose of rendering them his more easy prey; and the assumed lenity, the boasted justice of his conduct, were but design- ed to throw them off their guard, and conceal his real in- tentions. In the third year of his reign he married Olympias, a beautiful princess of Epirus, whose personal and mental at- tractions made her no less worthy of his regard, than the greatness of her family, descended from Achilles, rendered her worthy of sharing his throne. Nothing could be more favorable to his wishes than the contentions of the lesser Grecian republics, which were car- ried on incessantly, during the first years of his reign. The most important of these was the Phocian or Sacred war. This was excited by the council of Amphictyons, who claimed the right of keeping the temple of Apollo, its vast treasures, and its consecrated possessions, subject to their direction,—a right which had been violated by some of the inhabitants of Phocis, who had presumed to plough up some land sacred to Apollo. For this heinous offence, all Greece was summoned to take up arms against them. Sparta and Athens, however, not only dared to disobey the mandate, but secretly promised the Phocians assistance. A desperate but unsuccessful effort was made by Philome- Jus, the Phocian general, to defend his country against the confederate Greeks. Being defeated, in a fit of desperation he threw himself headlong from the rocks, to which he had fled from the vengeance of his enemies. Fer several years Philip watched the progress of this destructive contest, and secretly fanned the flames of dis- cord without espousing either party. At length, his assis- tance was solicited by the Thessalians, and thus an occasion was given to interfere in the concerns of Greece. Religion was on this occasion a veil for his ambition. To avenge the insults offered to Apollo, and punish a sacrilegious people, were his professed designs in joining the allied Greeks ; but the result proved, that his real object was to gain such an ascendency in their councils, as should pre- pare the way for the future sovereignty of Greece. His accession to the league soon terminated the Phocian war, and was rewarded by a seat in the council of Amphictyons, instead of the republic of Phocis, which had been expelled. ANCIENT GREECE. 95 This was an important step towards the accomplishment of his ambitious projects, which, in addition to the superinten- dency of the Pythian games, transferred to him from the Corinthians, enabled him, henceforward, to govern both the general councils and the oracles of Greece. Upon this system of cautious and well-dissembled policy, Philip continued to act, during his reign, continually invad- ing the rights and possessions of neighboring states, yet, at the same time, justifying his aggressions with so much plau- sibility of reasoning, and such apparent equity, that it was scarcely possible to condemn the measures, however unjust in themselves. All the more powerful republics were either deceived by his fair professions, or corrupted by his gold. The Spartans, though fully sensible of the danger which threat- ened Greece, were too degenerate, or too much exhausted, to make an effort in behalf of their expiring liberties. The Athenians, immersed in luxury and vice, perpetually amused with their theatrical entertainments and splendid shows, were little inclined to oppose the ambitious views of Philip, though they were best able to attempt it with vigor. A temporary and successful effort was indeed made by the brave and patriotic Phocion, to counteract the designs of Philip on the flourishing island of Eubea, to which that prince attached so much importance as to call it the fetters of Greece. The intrigues of the king of Macedon in that colony were detected, and his legions vanquished, by the prudence and valor of that illustrious Athenian ; but, having attained this object, the senate and people of Athens again resigned themselves to indolent security and criminal pleasures. Among the means employed by Philip to deceive the Athenians, the most successful was bribery. He thus acquired numerous partisans within the walls, and even in the senate of Athens. All the orators, except the cele- brated Demosthenes, were in the Macedonian interest. Well convinced of the influence, which they possessed over the popular assemblies of Athens, Philip had spared no expense nor exertions to secure these demagogues, who led the public opinion, and governed its decisions. Dema- des, a sordid but eloquent orator, Eubulus, a venal flatterer of the vices of the common people, and even the energetic and sublime Eschines himself, were bought by Macedonian gold. Demosthenes, alone, remained inflexible. Neither 96 ANCIENT GREECE. flatteries, nor censures, proffered wealth nor honors, could seduce his incorruptible mind. With the most determined courage, he sounded the trumpet of alarm, and poured forth his philippics, at every fresh aggression of the king of Mace- don. Nor did he rest, till, by the force of his eloquence, bearing down all opposition, he stirred up his infatuated country to make an essay, at least, towards stemming the torrent of ambition. The attempt of the combined armies of Athens and Thebes - at Cheronea was vigorous, but unsuccessful; chiefly on ac- count of the want of skill in their commanders, all of 33¢ Whom were notoriously unfit for their station. Had their conduct at Cheronea, in which Philip triumphed over the liberties of Greece, equalled either the patriotic hopes of Demosthenes, or the valor of the troops employed in it; had Phocion been appointed to the command, who had already vanquished, in Kubea and Thrace, the legions of Philip; or had the heedless impetuosity of the Athenians permitted them to estimate more accurately the strength of the enemy, the result would probably have been widely different, and the ambitious projects of Philip had been com- pletely frustrated. But, unhappily for Greece, her heroic bands were committed, on this occasion, to the unskilful Lysicles, the voluptuous Chares, and the perfidious Thea- genes, who fell into the snare which Philip had laid for them, and were defeated with great loss. Lysicles was afterwards tried and condemned for his failure, on which occasion one of the judges thus addressed him: ‘You, Lysicles, were general of the army; a thousand citizens were slain; two thousand taken prisoners; a trophy has been erected to the dishonor of this city; and all Greece is enslaved. You had the command when all these things happened ; and yet you dare to live, and view the light of the sun, and blush not to appear publicly in the forum; you, Lysicles, who are born the monument of your country’s shame!” The conqueror treated his vanquished foes with great clemency, and dismissed many of the prisoners with- out ransom. This victory was quickly followed by a treaty of peace between Athens and Macedon, which left the The- bans at the mercy of the latter, and virtually betrayed the whole Grecian empire into the hands of Philip. _ Every obstacle being now removed, a general convention of the Amphictyonic states was summoned, in which Philip solicited and obtained the honor, to which he had long ANCIENT GREECE. 97 aspired, and which he was now able to demand—the ap- pointment of generalissimo of Greece, in the projected inva- sion of Persia. Here a new theatre of glory seemed to open before him; an almost boundless prospect was unfolded— when he was suddenly arrested, in the midst of his course, by an invincible adversary. At a public entertainment, given in honor of the nuptials of his daughter Cleopatra, he Was assassinated by Pausanias, an obscure Macedonian, whose motives for perpetrating the deed were never devel- oped. This event took place in the forty-seventh year of his age, and twenty-fourth of his reign. ] Philip had been very unhappy in his family; had once, at a public feast, drawn his sword in a rage, and rushed upon his son to kill him. But Alexander, by a quick motion of his body, evaded the blow aimed at his life. It was be- lieved by many that he was privy to the assassination of his father. Thus fell Philip, in the vigor of his life; his fas . vorite schemes being as yet accomplished but in part. pe When we view his actions, achievements and charac- ter, we can entertain little doubt, that he was the ablest statesman beyond the Augustan age. The Greeks, degenerated from the glory of their ances- tors, found their chief resource against the arms and policy of Philip, in the sublime and powerful eloquence of Demos- thenes. The muses, partial to this delightful land of their ‘nativity, having long before this done what they could in forming the father of poets, now made their last efforts in forming an orator never to be excelled. But, alas! in vain were the powers of rhetoric displayed. The strongest rea- sons and the sublimest descriptions, the most solemn warn- ings, the most animated addresses, were antidotes too feeble to recover a nation forever lost to virtue. They were arms and bulwarks far too weak to resist a powerful conqueror. Yet they often seemed to resuscitate ihe dying flame of liberty, and co-operating with other impediments to the con- summation of Philip’s ambition, that prince left his main enterprise to be effected by his son. {In Demosthenes, eloquence shone forth with higher splendor than, perhaps, in any other that ever bore the name of an orator. His first attempts were unsuccessful. He was heard with hissing, instead of applause. But his strong ambition to excel in the art of speaking prompted him to unwearied perseverance in surmounting all the 98 ANCIENT GREECE. disadvantages that arose from his person and address. He often shut himself up in a cave for weeks together, that he might study without interruption. He declaimed by the sea shore, that he might become accustomed to the noise: of a tumultuous assembly; and with pebbles in his mouth, for the purpose of correcting a defect in his speech. He also practised at home with a naked sword hanging over him, that he might check an ungraceful method of shrug- ging his shoulders, to which he was subject. His example is worthy of continual remembrance, and presents a strong encouragement to those, who would excel in any important pursuit. | A letter from Philip to Aristotle, the Grecian philosopher, announcing the birth of Alexander, his son, is worthy of insertion; ‘ Know, that a son isborn to us. We thank the gods, not so much for their gift, as for bestowing it at a time when Aristotle lives. We assure ourselves that you will form him a prince worthy of his father and of Mace- don.” When Alexander was thirteen years old, Aristotle commenced this employment, as the young prince was then found able to receive and digest his instructions. “It is impossible to say how far the greatness of the one was owing to the instructions of the other; but it is no more certain that the one conquered the world, than that the other’s opinions predominated over men’s understandings during sixteen centuries.” [ BucephalusThere was sent from Thessaly to Philip a war-horse, a noble, strong, fiery, generous beast, called Bucephalus. 'The owner would sell him for thirteen talents, about 7436 dollars. The king went into the plains attended by his courtiers, in order to view the perfections of this horse. But, upon trial, he appeared so very fierce, and pranced about in so furious a manner, that no one dared to mount him. Philip, being angry that so furious and unmanageable a creature had been sent him, gave orders for theit carrying him back again. Alexander, who was present at that time, cried out, ““What a noble horse they are going to lose for want of address and boldness to back him!” Philip, at first, considered these words as the effect of folly and rashness, so common to young men; but as Alexander iusisted still more upon what he had said, and was very muc.t vexed to see so noble a creature just going to be sent home again, his father gave him leave to try what he cirald do. The young prince, overjoyed at this ANCIENT GREECE. 99 permission, goes up to Bucephalus, takes hold of the bridle, and turns his head to the sun, having observed, that the thing which frightened him was his own shadow, he seeing it dance about, or sink down, in proportion as he moved. He, therefore, first stroked him gently with his hand, and soothed him with his voice. Then, seeing his mettle abate, and artfully. taking his opportunity, he let fall his cloak, and, springing swiftly upon his back, first slackened the rein, without once striking or vexing him; and when he perceived that his fire was cooled, that he was no longer so furious and violent, and wanted only to move forward, he gave him the rein, and, spurring him with great vigor, animated him with his voice to his full speed. While this was doing, Philip and his whole court trembled for fear, and did not once open their lips. But when the prince, after having run his first heat, returned with joy and pride at his having broke a horse which was judged absolutely ungov- ernable, all the courtiers endeavored to outvie one another in their applauses and congratulations; and we are told, that Philip shed tears of joy on the occasion, and embracing Alex- ander after he was alighted, and kissing his head, he said to him, ‘“ My son, seek a kingdom more worthy of thee; for Macedon is below thy merit.” No one could afterwards mount Bucephalus but Alexander. Long did this noble animal share the toils and dangers of his master; and this was the horse that Alexander delighted to honor. Having disappeared in the country of the Uscii, Alexander issued a proclamation, commanding his horse to be restored; otherwise, that he would ravage the whole country with fire and sword. This command was immedi- ately obeyed. So dear was Bucephalus to Alexander; and so terrible was Alexander to the Barbarians. One of the cities which he founded in India, he named Bucephalia.] Alexander immediately after his father’s death as- cended his throne; and it was soon perceived, that B. i the administration of the government would lose noth- ing by the change. His first enterprise was against the barbarous and warlike — nations that lay north and west of Macedon. Wherever he turned his face, all opposition vanished before him. On the death of his father, many powerful and independent tribes of Thrace had seized the opportunity, expecting to avail themselves of the inexperience and youth of his son. - But Alexander, although he was now, and from the moment of his accession to the throne, preparing for the invasion of 100 ANCIENT GREECE. _ Persia, determined to convince them, that they had nothing to hope from his inexperience, nor to expect from his negli- gence. At the head of a well appointed army, and with generals whom his father had taught the art of war, he penetrated into Thrace, and was victorious in several sharp encounters. He crossed the Danube, and displayed his tri- umphant standard on the northern banks of that river. There many neighboring nations, struck with the terror of his arms, sent him their submission in the humblest terms. But, while he was marching and conquering in the wilds of Europe, a report was spread in Greece, that he had fallen in battle. Whether the belief of this was real or pretended, the perfidious Greeks, though they had just before complimented him by appointing him general of Greece, began now industriously to foment a war with Macedon. Athens, Sparta, and particularly Thebes, were at the head of this attempt. The news of this diversion reached the youthful conqueror as he was ready to return. In eleven days he was seen before Thebes; which ancient and venerable city he had destined to utter destruction. He took it by storm, put the inhabitants to the sword, and levelled it with the ground. Thus ended the city of Cad- mus, after having remained one of the heads of Greece 710 years. The Greeks, struck with dread at the fate of Thebes, dent ampassauors to appease the resentment of Alexander, and to congratulate him on the success of his northern ex- - pedition. Never did the character of a nation undergo a ereater change, than that of Greece, from the times of Miltiades to those of Alexander. They now were as low as they had been exalted; as feeble as they had been strong ; and as mean and base as they had been noble and magnificent. Indeed, so rapid was their declension, that the fortune of Alexander was to them rather a favor than a scourge. But nothing could exceed the decision and despatch of his counsels, the energy of his preparations, or the rapidity of his motions. He despised all slower counsels, all delays, and even the usual precautions, which commonly retard warlike schemes. His father’s ablest generals were as- tonished at the vigor and success, with which he executed the boldest plans. One reason he assigned for invading Persia was, a pretended suspicion, that their emissaries had been concerned in the murder of his father; although ANCIENT GREECE. 101 the impartial reader of history cannot avoid a suspicion of a very different nature. Alexander, having intrusted his domestic concerns (for such now were those of Macedon and Greece) to Antipater, set forward on his Persian expedition, at the head of an army consisting of 5,000 horse and 30,000 foot. In twenty days, he arrived at the Hellespont, where he crossed with- out opposition into Asia. With so small an army, says Quintus Curtius, it is doubtful, which is most admirable, the boldness, or the success, of Alexander’s vast enterprise. His army was truly a veteran army, consisting of old men, who had fought in the earlier wars of his father and uncle. His soldiers were gray headed, and, when imbodied, they resembled the ven- erable senate of some ancient republic. Their dependence was not on the swiftness of their feet, but on the strength of their arms. : The extensive regions of the Persian empire were in- habited by various nations, without any common bond of religion, manners, language, or government. Their capi- sal cities were dissolved in luxury; and their provinces had long been in a state of real dismemberment, for want of any combining system of policy, either civil or military. Murders, treasons and assassinations were the usual steps to the throne; and, when seated there, the monarch’s business was little better. ; Although the Persians were abundantly forewarned of Alexander’s intentions, yet they suffered him to advance into their dominions unmolested either by sea or land. In their confusion and alarm, which every day strengthened by intelligence of the rapid advances of the Greeks, the advice of their ablest counsellors was rejected, either through ignorance or envy. The most skilful generals in the ser- vice of Darius urged the utter impolicy of risking a general battle with Alexander, whose impetuous valor, now enhan- ced by the necessity of conquering, would drive him into the most desperate efforts. It was therefore advised to lay waste the wide country before him, and tame his courage by delays. By this policy, Fabius afterwards checked the prog- ress of Hannibal, and saved Rome. But the foolish and haughty satraps of Persia rejected this advice with disdain, as unworthy of the dignity of the empire of Cyrus, especially as it came from Memnon, the Rhodian; the only general, however, im the armies of 9 * 102 ANCIENT GREECE. Darius, whose opposition appeared at all formidable to Alex- ander. This great man, however, was soon removed by death; and Darius was left to the folly and perfidy of men, who knew no language but that of flattery. The river Granicus issues from Mount Ida, in the Lesser Phrygia, and falls into the Propontis: On the eastern banks of this river, the Persian commanders assembled their forces with the utmost expedition, and determined to resist Bog the shock of the enemy; and from this place the ". seouts of Alexander brought him the desired | intelli- gence, that the Persians were. assembled in considerable force. Ashe approached the river, he perceived the: Persian army on the opposite bank. Determined on an att ick, he immediately made dispositions for. crossing the river. ‘His cavalry opened to the right and left, and displayed the formi- dable Macedonian phalanx of infantry, Be anaes ‘Anto, oo sections. A line was s instantly formed: 72 While these arrangements were making, , Par mel eral as celebrated for bravery as for caution, Pemoratreted against crossing the river in such, dangerous circumstances. The channel, though fordable, was deep and rough, the cur- rent rapid, and the bank steep and rocky. The enemy stood on the opposite bank; and the river must be forded, and the bank ascended, under showers of arrows and darts. But nothing could intimidate Alexander. He leaped upon his horse, assumed the:command of the right wing, and gave the left to Parmenio.” As he dispersed his orders, a fearful silence ensued; and both armies expected the onset. In a few moments, ‘the Macedonian trumpet was heard from all the line, and the whole was seen entering the river. As they reached the opposite bank, the shock was dreadful; for the Persians, who fought, for life and empire, received ‘them with the most obstinate bravery. “Alexander was conspicuous by the brightness of his armor, the terror of his voice, the astonishing celerity of his. movements, and the victory and death which attended his arm. He infused his spirit into his army. It was impossible not to be brave where he was. But his intrepidity led him into dangers, which none but hin self ever seemed destined to escape. His spear was broken in_his hand ; “his helmet saved his life from the stroke of ab attle s-axe; and the | brave Clitus, whom he afterwards murdered in the fury of passion, saved him at the same instant from the stroke of a cimeter, which must have proved fatal. Page 40? Gi wl | is Fell / heh as wet oe i : Alecander training Bucephatis. Page 158 RNS | OSS Se ‘Massacre of the Roman Senators by lhe Gauls. i Ns) id deg hee Ba) AB ie Ege! Co nae oe Sy oe ae * fag a Sola ANCIENT GREECE. 103 The fortune of the day was nearly decided, before the phalanx of infantry could ascend from the river. Their dreadful aspect, glittering with steel, completed the victory ; and the Persians were either killed, taken, or dispersed. Besides that this battle seemed to presage the future fortune of the war, it was ruinous to the cause of Darius, who here lost several of his ablest commanders, with about 20,000 men, while, incredible to relate, Alexander lost only 30 or 40: than The fortune of no conqueror is better known than that of Alexander. His only impediment in the subjugation of the Persians, seemed to be the great extent of their terri- tories, and the distance of their capitals and fortresses. Darius Codomanus displayed little else in the course of this war, which was to put a period to his empire, but weakness, cowardice, the most stupid ignorance, extreme vanity, and a total incapacity either of governing a kingdom, or of com- manding an army. | Between the battle of Granicus and that of Issus, where Darius commanded in person, nothing took place worthy of insertion in this compend. In general, the masterly policy of an extensive plan of operations, united safety with despatch, and crowned every movement with success, as much to the glory of the invaders, as the ruin of the inva- ded. ae The defenceless nations of the Lesser Asia, sent their ambassadors in throngs to deprecate the vengeance, implore the mercy, or court the alliance, of the young hero. But he moved from place to place with a celerity, which almost denied access to his faint-hearted, but nimble-footed sup- pliants. Parmenio, the next in command to Alexander, was des- patched on various excursions, either to receive submissions, or to reduce such strong holds as might dare to stand a siege; but the king of Macedon himself held a more regular line of march, and halted at the great cities. When arrived at ancient Troy, he performed splendid sacrifices and honors at the tomb of Achilles, his great maternal progenitor. It is allowed by all, that he took that hero for his model. So en- amored was he of the character and glory of Achilles, that he constantly carried Homer’s Iliad in his pocket, and read in it almost every day and hour. The delays of the Grecian army led Darius to imagine, that fear kept the Greeks at a distance. 104 ANCIENT GREECE. To give the young reader a view of the character of the Persian monarch and nation, and generally of the imperial pomp of the ancient Asiatics, we shall here descend to a brief detail of the preparations of Darius, and particularly of the order of the camps and movements, which we translate and abridge, from Quintus Curtius’s Life of Alexander. We deem this apparent disproportion allowable, both from having promised it, in our preface, and from the vast impor- tance of the events, to which it leads. Darius Codomanus may be compared with Louis XVI. of France. If the term innocent or inoffensive is applicable to an absolute monarch, they were both among the most inno- cent, inoffensive, or harmless of their respective dynasties. When Darius perceived, at a distance, the gathering storm, rising from Macedon, he sent a splendid and haughty deputation to Alexander, in which he declared himself to be the king of kings, and the relation of the gods, and that Alexander was his servant. This commission was given to the satraps of the empire, with orders to seize the mad boy, (for so he termed Alexander;) to whip him severely, to clothe him in mock purple, and bring him bound to him; moreover, to sink his ships, in which he had crossed the Hellespont, and to send his*army in chains, into exile, to the farther shore of the Red Sea. The Persian lords, in- trusted with this gentle office, assembled what they thought a sufficient force, on the banks of the river Granicus, where they intended to execute, to every punctilio, the orders of the monarch of se They found it no easy task to seize the MAD Boy. The only great military character at this time in the service of Darius, was Memnon, the Rhodian. That expe- rienced soldier comprehended, at once, the nature and consequences of this threatening war; and advised his master to the only expedient, which could have exhausted the im- petuous fire of the mad boy, so much despised at the Persian court. Memnon’s advice, together with its rejection, has been already noticed; as also the result of the affair at the GGranicus. The loss of the battle and so great a part of the army* of Granicus, for the first time, roused the king of Persia from his dreams of security, and opened his eyes on the imperious necessity of decisive measures. Without loss of * Probably about one tenth part of the Persian army fell in the battle of Granicus.—Ed. . ANCIENT GREECE. 105 time, he endeavored to wield and concentrate the strength of his empire, on an emergency, which had not occurred since the days of Cyrus. | | The regions of Asia have always been populous; and Darius found no difficulty in assembling an army answerable to the dignity of the king of kings. He assembled his forces on the plains of Babylon, and determining to command in person, made his dispositions accordingly. According to an ancient custom of the Persians, he began his march, to meet the enemy, at sunrise, and in the fol- lowing order. Foremost, went the magi, supporting, on altars of massy-silver, what the Persians call the sacred and eternal fire. They began to move at the sound of the trumpet, given from the king’s pavilion, at the same time chanting a hymn, suitable to the grand occasion. The magi were followed by three hundred and sixty-five youths, a number equal to the days of the year, veiled in Tyrian purple. A splendid chariot sacred to Jove, followed these, drawn by white horses; and then, a horse of wonderful size, which they called the steed of the sun. Behind these, were ten chariots, richly embossed with silver and gold, which were followed by the cavalry of twelve nations, with various arms and ensigns. A corps of 10,000 chosen warriors, arrayed in the most superb style of Eastern mag- nificence, covered with gold and gems, whom they called the immortal band, went next; and they were followed by 15,000 men, denominated the king’s relations, dressed in a style of the most costly and effeminate luxury. Next to these went a band called the Doryphori, dressed in royal apparel; before whom moved the superb and lofty chariot of the king, supported on each hand by divine emblems, emblazed with pearls of inestimable value, and bearing the images of Ninus and Belus,* the founders of the Assyrian empire, with a golden eagle. The dress of the king was distinguished by every pos- sible mark of the most Juxurious wealth, the most gorgeous blaze of gems and gold. Ten thousand spearmen followed his chariot, armed with silver spears, and darts of glitter- ing gold. On his right hand and left, about 200 of his fam- ily connexions attended, and were enclosed in a body of * Nimrod was the founder of Babylon, and Ashur of Nineveh. It is possible, that Belus might be another name for Vimrod, and Ninus for Ashur—Ed, 106 ANCIENT GREECE. 30,000 infantry, the king’s body-guards. Behind these, at a short distance, Sisygambis the mother, and Statira the wife, of Darius, rede in separate chariots. A multitude of women; in short, the children and menials and pellices of the king, came next, under a strong guard; and the light armed, even a multitude of nations, brought up the rear. It is said, by our author, that one day, while Darius was viewing this immense army, he turned to Charidemus, a veteran Greek, who had fled his country, from hatred and fear of Alexander, and asked him, whether he did not think, that even the sight of such an army would be sufficient to affrighten Alexander and his handful of Greeks? Charide- mus, forgetful of regal pride and vanity, made answer, “This army, so superbly equipped, this huge mass of so many nations, drawn together from all the East, may be terrible to nations like themselves, may shine in purple and gold, may glitter in arms and wealth, so as to dazzle the eye, and exceed conception. But the Macedonian forces, of stern visage and roughly clad, cover the. impene- trable strength of their firm battalions with shields and spears. In the solid column of their infantry, which they call the phalanx, man is crowded to man, and arms to arms. They learn to keep rank, and to follow the standard at the slightest signal. Whatever is commanded, they all hear. Nor are the soldiers less skilful than their officers, to halt, to wheel, to form the crescent, to display their wing, or change the order of battle. Think not that they value gold and silver. Virtuous poverty is the mistress of their discipline. When weary, the earth is their bed; by whatever food that comes to hand, they answer the calls of hunger; and their repose is shorter than the night. And can we think, that these Thessalian, Acarnanian and A“tolian horsemen, a band invincible in war, clad in glittering steel, can be vanquished by slings, and spears of wood? No. You need troops like them, to contend successfully with them. From that land, which gave them birth, auxiliaries must be sought. Would you, therefore, hope to vanquish Alexander, strip off the gold and silver with which your army is adorn- ed and hire soldiers, like his, who can defend your coun try.” ; Darius, though naturally of a mild and gentle temper, yet now agitated by fear and jealousy, and of course, be- come cowardly and cruel, in a rage at remarks so just, and advice so pungent, ordered the unfortunate Charidemus to ANCIENT GREECE. 107 be instantly beheaded ; and it was accordingly done. Like all other rash and foolish spirits, he perpetrated in haste, an atrocity, which he could not retrieve by lasting and bitter remorse. The Persian king, soon after, set forward with this vast cavalcade, probably of near a million of souls, in quest of the hardy band of Greeks, who dispersed, captivated, or slew, all who came in their way. How different his army and his whole conduct from those of the great Cyrus, when he marched from the same countries to encounter Cresus, king of Lydia! and how different in the result! The death of Memnon, the only general of Darius for whose military talents Alexander had the least respect, gave confidence to the Greeks, and struck a deadly damp to the hope and courage of the Persian monarch. Although Mem- non’s advice had been slighted, merely to gratify the vain- glorious pride of his haughty rivals, yet his loss was felt and - deplored; and Darius perceived himself surrounded by the ministers of his pride and folly, from whom he had little to expect, but stupidity, treachery and cowardice. At the head of this unwieldy mass of people, Darius moved from the plains of Asia, northward, toward the mountains of Syria, in quest of a handful of Greeks, whom still he affected to despise. And well he might have despised them, had he not been a stranger to the art of war, as well as to the proper use of his own resources. An attention to the advice of Charidemus might have saved him. By a little augmentation of his Grecian auxiliaries, he might have easily opposed to Alexander, a number of Greeks equal to the Macedonian army; as he had already in his army, a powerful body of Greeks who constituted his most efficient force. Nothing could have been more gratifying to the Athenians, Lacedemonians, and, indeed, to all the peninsula, than the fall of Alexander, from whose triumphs they expect- ed nothing but chains, Had they seen a power in the field able to resist the conqueror, or even to protract the war, they would have Jent their aid. But the counsellors of Darius were unable to form any regular plan. Inflated with the empty name of the empire of Cyrus, from which the spirit and genius ‘of Cyrus had long since departed, they dictated nothing but rashness and folly. They even counselled Darius to put the Grecian troops to the sword, for fear they might prove treacherous, and desert his standard in the day of battle. 108 ANCIENT GREECE. In the line of Alexander’s march, an entrancé into Cilicia was commanded by a pass over a mountain, where a very few men might have stopped the progress of a powerful army. ‘This pass was commanded by Arsames, governor of Cilicia. Instead of defending it, on the approach of Alex- ander, the dastardly Persians fled, before the Greeks came in sight. Alexander, when he gained the height, expressed aston- ishment at his good fortune; nor could he but perceive, that such an advantage, so readily abandoned by the Persians, gave a sure indication of his future success. Yet, in passing these mountains, he kept continually before his army, bands of light armed Thracians, who might secure him from am- buscade and surprise. Tarsus, afterward the birthplace of the apostle Paul, a principal city of Cilicia, had been set on fire by the Persians, in order to plunder it; but the city was saved by the timely arrival of Parmenio. The ablest counsellors of Darius urg- ed him to return to the extensive plains of Mesopotamia, where his innumerable forces might act to advantage ; or at least, that his army should be divided, and led on to encoun- ter the Greeks at different times and places. Darius was especially induced to reject this salutary advice, by intelligence that Alexander was dangerously sick. He therefore hastened his march, and came up with Alexander, at the bay of Issus. . Yet when it was ascertain- ed, that the Macedonian army was near and approaching, Darius was greatly surprised and disappointed. He had en- tertained a vain confidence, that the Greeks would retire at _ his approach, and not dare to hazard a battle with an army like his. Indeed, had he possessed the talents of Alexander, the army of the latter would not have sufficed his innumera- ble host for handfuls. Darius gave the command of his right wing to Nabarzanes, to which he added light troops, composed of slingers and archers, to the amount of 20,000. In the centre of this wing, é Thymodes was placed at the head of 20,000 Greeks, 393. 2 power of itself sufficient to cope with the Macedo- ~ nian phalanx. It was, indeed, the flower and strength of his army. The left wing was commanded by Aristode- mus, a Thessalian, with 20,000 infantry. To these he add- ed the most warlike bands of the allied nations. In this wing the king himself fought, with 3000 chosen cavalry, his body guards sustained by 40,000 infantry. Near these, ‘were ANCIENT GREECE. 109 ranged the Hyrcanian and Median horse, a powerful body of cavalry; and, finally, many thousands of auxiliary forces. In front of this array, six thousand slingers and archers mov- ed forward to commence the battle. The place for the battle was most unfortunate for Darius. A narrow, irregular plain, limited on one side by the sea; and on the others by mountains and declivities, enabled Alexander to display as wide a front as Darius, and gave a peculiar advantage to the Greeks, accustomed to manceuvr¢ among hills and mountains. Alexander drew up his powerful phalanx in front. The command of his right wing he gave to Nicanor, the son of Parmenio. Next to him steod Cenos, Perdiccas, Ptolemy, Meleager and Amyntas; each one destined to a particular command. The left wing, which extended to the sea shore, was commanded by Parmenio, with Craterus, subject to his orders. The cavalry were ranged on each wing; the Mace- donian and Thessalian on the right, and the Peloponnesian on the left; and before all, as was usual, light armed troops, archers and slingers were stationed. When the armies now stood in open view of each other, _ Alexander passed before the: front of his formidable line, addressing his officers and soldiers man by man. He en- couraged them to the contest, from motives of safety, interest and glory. He reminded them of a series of victories gained, when victory was far less necessary, but never when it would be more glorious. | The conflict for a while was severe and dreadful. Darius did every thing he could to sustain his falling throne. In- deed, the Greeks in his army fought with great bravery, and in discipline were little inferior to the Macedonians. Had their numbers been equal, they might have influenced the fortune of the day. But an immense rout and confusion soon took place in the Persian army; and when the Greeks saw themselves contending alone against a superior force, such as were not slain either surrendered, or fled in eae despair. Darius soon perceiving all was lost, with some difficulty effected his escape. In the camp of Darius was found considerable treasure ; but what was most inestimable to Alexander was, the family of the unfortunate Darius. Among other royal personages, were taken Sisygambis, the mother of Darius, his children, and his queen, the beautiful and celebrated Statira, con- sidered as one of the finest women of antiquity. The 10 110 ANCIENT GREECE. ardent and youthful conqueror, on this occasion, displayed the highest sensibility and honor ofa soldier and a hero. And his behavior to those noble captives may be com- pared with that of the great Cyrus before, and of Scipio afterward, on occasions nearly similar. He treated them ‘wwith the respect and deference due to the elevated rank of their more fortunate days; and strove by commise- ration, pity and tenderness, to mitigate the severities of their hard fortune. Indeed, his heart, subdued by the resistless charms of virtue, innocence "and beauty, of a conqueror made him a captive in his turn. He _ after- wards married Statira,* and made her a second time queen, not of Persia only, but of Asia, Africa and Europe. . Her second elevation, however, was soon terminated by a destiny more severe and dreadful. On the death of Alexander, she fella sacrifice to the cruelty and ambition of those blood- thirsty harpies, whose first care was to exterminate the fami- ly of Alexander. In a former chapter, we have spoken of the siege of Tyre by Nebuchadnezzar. * The taking of that celebrated city by Alexander was not one of his least brilliant exploits. Although conquered and humbled by the Assyrians, that queen of commercial cities had regained her former splen- dor, and had forgotten her ancient fall and degradation. The Tyrians, having sent ambassadors to Alexander, de- sired to know his pleasure, and declared their submission to his will. But when they were informed, that he intend- ed paying them a visit, they, with equal modesty and firm- ness, sent him word, that although they were disposed to do homage to his will, yet, as they were an independent state, they could neither admit him nor the Persians to make their city a part in the war. This was enough for that ambitious conqueror. He instantly determined to try their strength. Tyre was probably the strongest city in Western Asia. This great city was separated from the shore by a nar- row strait of half a mile in width. Its walls were a hundred feet in height, and eighteen miles in circuit. Its provisions and naval.and military stores were very great. As Alexan- der had little hope of taking the city but by land, he con- structed a mole across the frith. This was done with vast * The Statira whom Alexander married, was probably the daughter of Darius, and not his queen; though her name also was Statira. Ed. ; ANCIENT GREECE. 111 labor and danger to the Greeks; and. was no sooner. done, than burnt by the Tyrians. In this inveterate siege, which lasted seven months, every expedient of force and art was employed on both: sides; and it may be safely said, that no city was ever attacked with greater vigor, or de- fended with more resolute bravery. But what could resist the genius of Alexander? The city at length was taken, and so far destroyed as never again to recover its former . splendor. The subjection: of Pheenicia followed the. re- duction of Tyre; and, if we except the brave resistance of the fortress of Gaza, Alexander met with little more resistance, till he arrived in Egypt. There the laid the foundations of a city, which was to bear his name. Alex- andria, in twenty years, became one of the principal cities of the East. | | The unhappy Darius was unable to repel foreign invasion. His hand was never formed to hold with steadiness, strength and dignity, the reins of empire. 7 Escaped from the battle of Issus, he hastened back to the seat of his empire; and, as soon as possible, and with no great difheulty, assembled a numerous army. Could the spirit and genius of the great Cyrus, have actuated him for but a few months, the declining fortune of his kingdom ~ would have assumed a different aspect. We can say little more in this place, than that the Mace- donian conqueror subdued Egypt* and Persia, and even * The battle of Gaugamela and the fate of Darius appear to be de- serving of notice, even in a compend. After Alexander had conquered Egypt, he returned to Phenicia, He spent some time at ‘Tyre to settle his affairs in that region. In the mean time,’the king of Persia had three times solicited peace of Alexander; but in vain. Alexander would sot listen to any overtures for peace, but upon condition, that Darius would yield to him the whole empire. This, Darius was unwilling to do. He therefore | applied himself to make preparations for another battle. Accordingly, he collected at Babylon, a vast army of more than half a million sol- diers, and taking the field, he marched toward Nineveh. Alexander had already taken the field with an army of about fifty thousand, and having passed the Euphrates at Thapsacus, was in quest of the enemy, whom he had the happiness to find beyond the Tigris, at a small vil- lage called Gaugamela, not many miles from Nineveh. At this village, a tremendous battle was fought,in which forty thousand Persians were slain, and only five hundred Macedonians. This battle was decisive against the Persians. It decided the fate of Darius, and transferred the empire to Alexander, This battle is generally called the battle of Arbela; 112 ANCIENT GREECE. penetrated far into India. His conquests comprehended the most enlightened parts of Europe and Asia, and the fairest portion of the habitable globe. After his return from the East, his attention was directed to the establish- ment of order and regular government throughout his extensive empire.” In matters of this nature, he showed no Jess capacity, than he had done at the head of his armies. But here his designs were never carried into effect. While planning the future prosperity of his empire—while re- ceiving embassies from all quarters of Europe and Asia, and even before he had time to realize to what an elevated any height of honor, glory and dominion he had arisen, 393, he was seized with a raging fever at Babylon, which terminated his life in the 33d year of his age, and the 13th of his reign. How sudden and how awful the change from the summit of earthly glory to the dreary and silent tomb! No conquer- or was ever more fortunate than he; no hero more brave; no monarch more splendid. For thirteen years, his life was a rapid series of successes, victories, conquests and triumphs. But death in an unexpected, untimely hour, closed the scene. Alexander was said to be of low stature, and not well formed; yet in genius, vigor, activity and elevation of because Arbela was the nearest town of any considerable note, being about twelve miles distant from Gaugamela. The battle of Gauga- mela was fought in Oct. 331 years B. C. and almost exactly two years after the battle of Issus. After his defeat at Gaugamela, the wretched Darius fled to Ecbatana in Media, where he was suffered to remain unmolested till the ensuing spring. In the mean time, Alex- ander, having settled his affairs in Persia, and burnt Persepolis, the ancient capital, pursued after Darius. Upon intelligence of this, Dari- us exerted his utmost efforts to make his escape. While with the lit- tle army, which he had collected, he was ftying before Alexander’s, his protectors became his enemies. By two traitors, Bessus, governor ot Bactria, and Naborzanes, another noble Persian, he was cruelly seized, bound, confined in a close carriage, and in this manner carried for several days. When Alexander drew near, Darius was most inhu- manly stabbed in several places, and left weltering in his blood. He soon expired, and Alexander, arriving immediately after, wept to be- hold the horrid spectacle. Casting his cloak over the mangled body, he commanded, that, being wrapped in this, it should be sent to the rear relatives of Darius, at Susa; though, being murdered in Bac- tria, the distance was probably 1000 miles. To that city, the royal corpse was sent, where it was honored with a magnificent funeral by the order and at the expense of Alexander.—Ed, ANCIENT GREECE. 113 mind, he was probably never excelled. His father, whose administration, Dr. Gillies justly observes, was the first, of which we have a regular account in history, certainly was one of the greatest of men and of princes; yet for boldness, decision, rapidity and grandeur of mind, he cannot be com- pared with hisson. To judge of the justness of the grounds of Alexander’s leading enterprises, would be unsafe at this distance of time. He certainly had many provocations to invade Greece and Persia. He was guilty of outrageous acts of barbarity, when provocations arose, during his par- oxysms of wine and passion; which certainly occurred so often, as to throw a shade over his general character. But if those acts impaired the lustre of his fame, they no less destroyed his happiness; for they were generally followed by the keenest remorse and self-condemnation. His burning the palace of Persepolis, at the instigation of Thais, if the story deserves full credit, though pretended as a retaliation upon Xerxes for burning Athens, admits of no apology; while, on the other hand, the death of Clitus, as related by great authorities, has many palliations. Clitus had loaded Alexander with the most abusive and reiterated in- sults. They were both in the heat of wine and passion ; and the monarch, after being insulted for some time, ordered Clitus to be carried out of his presence. Clitus after this came back and renewed the attack. Upon this the king stabbed him; but was so instantly struck with remorse, that he would have killed himself with the same weapon, had he not been restrained by the company present. If, according to Cicero, the knowledge of war, personal authority, bravery and good fortune, are essential to the char- acter of the great commander, it can scarcely be doubted, that Alexander was second to none. Hannibal seemed wanting only in the last article. He had great skill, bra- very and authority. His misfortune was, that his country- men were corrupt, and the government, under which he acted, extremely bad. Had Alexander enjoyed a long reign, he would probably have introduced a form of government, adapted to the nature and extent of the countries he had conquered. But before these salutary objects could be accomplished, even before he had organized a combining system of policy, or determined on 2 successor, he was called from the great theatre of hu- man life, on which, while he remained, no mortal ever made a greater figure. 10 * 114 MACEDON, CHAPTER X. MACEDON. ALEXANDER’S EMPIRE, FROM HIS DEATH TILL ITS SUBJUGATION BY THE ROMANS. Tue death of Alexander, which took place 323 years before Christ, occasioned changes and wars in all parts of his extensive conquests. His dominions were divided among four of his great officers, viz. Cassander, Lysimachus, Ptolemy and Seleucus. Cassander shared Macedon and Greece—Lysimachus, Thrace and the countries bordering on the Hellespont and Bosphorus—Ptolemy had Egypt, Lybia, Arabia, Syria and Palestine; and Seleucus had Chai- dea, Persia and the East.* The century succeeding the death of Alexander, forms, perhaps, the most uninteresting period of ancient history. The successors of the great conqueror were ambitious with- out abilities; and, instead of power and policy, they dis- played little else but treachery, perfidy and cruelty. The whole empire was agitated by vain struggles, wars ill-conduc- ted, and conspiracies remarkable for nothing but weakness, folly and barbarity. Such scenes where exhibited in Bab- ylon; such, in Persia; such, in Macedon; and such, in Greece. The nations east of Persia soon returned to their former state; and felt the shock of Alexander’s conquest, only as a wave separated for a moment by the course of the ship, that passes through it. Indeed, Persia itself had little to perpetuate the memory of that event, except what in- delible marks the course of war had left in the destruction of several of her noblest cities and greatest families. Alexander had united himself to the royal family of Da- rius, by marriage. Of course that family, as soon as he was dead, fell a prey to the merciless rage of jealousy and ambi- tion; not even excepting his beauteous queen Statira, as al- ready noticed. So that his posterity shared none of his glory, or good fortune. "ye Babylon and its vicinity felt longer and more deeply the effects of this conquest; only, however, to complete its ruin and extinction, by the building of Seleucia on the banks of *'This division did not take place till after the lapse of several years, peculiarly marked with wars, and crimsoned with blood —£d. MACEDON. 115 the Tigris. The states of Greece held on their course of degradation, rapidly declining from their former glory, till, together with their liberty, virtue, public spirit and genius, their prosperity, happiness and national existence departed. But in Macedon, Syria and Egypt, there arose establishments, which make some figure in history. It has been already noticed, that, in the division of the empire, Cassander, one of Alexander’s generals, shared Macedon and Greece. This man had little more talents, than were sufficient to enable him to perpetrate the black- est crimes and the most atrocious villanies. He seems to have been designed as the instrument of Providence for the destruction of Alexander’s family. He is even suspect- ed, and that upon probable grounds, of having poisoned Alexander himself. After he had reigned in Macedon nearly twenty years, and, with cruel ingratitude, imbrued his hands in the blood of the children and friends of his benefactor, and had experienced various fortune in the wars, which his competitors were carrying on, he died, and left three sons to contest for his kingdom. After various murders and the most horrid parricide, the sons of Cassan- der, whose mother Thessalonice was the sister of Alexander the Great, were destroyed, and the kingdom fell into the hands of Demetrius, another of the competitors for the em- pire, who reigned seven years. And it is remarkable, that this revolution completed the extirpation of the family of Philip, king of Macedon. Sosthenes a Macedonian succeeded Demetrius. But his reign was short; and Antigonus was elevated to the throne, in the year 276 before the Christian era. The kings of Egypt and Syria acknowledging the right of Antigonus to the kingdom of Macedon, it remained in his family for several successive reigns, till Perseus, the last of that race, was conquered by Paulus Emilius, the Roman consul, and Macedon became a province of the Roman empire, about a century before Christ. To speak particularly of the characters and exploits of. those princes, in a work of this nature, would afford as little pleasure as profit to the reader; who, from the specimens given, may form some judgment of the rest. Indeed, it is a period of history but little known; and what is known of it, is extremely disgusting. Before we proceed to the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, it will be proper to observe, however, that this period is 116 MACEDON. adorned with one great character. Pyrrhus was the lineal descendant of Achilles, the famous leader of the Myrmidons in the Trojan war. Being very early in life forced to abandon Epirus, his paternal inheritance, to Neoptolemus, a usurper, he followed the standard of some of the compet- itors, who fought for Alexander’s empire, till, at length, he was delivered over to Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, as a hostage. His bravery and good conduct soon gained him the affection of that monarch, who rewarded his merits with the hand of Antigone in marriage, the daughter of Berenice, his favorite queen; and furnished him with an army to attempt the recovery of his kingdom. This illustrious prince soon appreciated the value of these advantages, by the com- plete recovery of all his dominions. His course was marked with a series of great and noble actions. In Asia, he met no equal; and wherever he turned his arms, victory attend- ed him. His elevation took place about 297 years before Christ. Pyrrhus, however, was unable to resist the rising fortune of Rome. Unhappily for him, he entered Italy, where he was repulsed by a nation of heroes, who united the bravery of Leonidas to the uncorrupted virtues of Aristides. Had Pyrrhus made Greece and Asia the scene of his operations, he might either have avoided a collision with the Romans, or, at least, might for a while have checked their growing power. It is thought by some, that had Alexander himself entered Italy, he would have met the fate of Pyrrhus. But Pyrrhus experienced the fortune of war. He is allowed by all historians to have been the greatest commander of his time, and by some, to have been second to none but Alexan- der. His invasion of Italy will be noticed in our view of the Roman history. From Macedon, let us proceed to notice the kingdom of Syria. This country les at the east end or head of the Mediterranean, but separated from it by what was anciently called Pheenicia, a narrow strip of land, which lies along the eastern shores of that sea, the chief cities of which were ‘T'yre and Sidon. North of Syria lay Cappadocia and some other provinces; east, lay Mesopotamia; and south, Arabia and the deserts. Syria was also divided into Upper and Lower; a distinction which will be of little use in this compend. Thirteen years after the death of Alexander the Great, and before Christ 312, Seleucus, after various revolutions, SYRIA. 117 found himself able to establish his authority in Syria, over which he reigned for 33 years. He was perpetually en- gaged in the competitions and inglorious wars of his time, without performing any thing particularly worthy of notice.* It has been already remarked that Chaldea, Persia, and the . East fell to him, in the division of the empire. In those immense provinces, to govern which required the genius of Cyrus or Alexander, Seleucus was not wiolly inactive. He endeavored to complete the conquest of those countries, and even invaded India, but with little effect. Instead of continuing in the purpose of Alexander, to make Babylon the seat of his empire, he built the city of Seleucia, upon the Tigris, about forty miles from Babylon; which already accelerated the decline of the latter, now dismantled to adorn and replenish the new city. Its final abandonment soon took place. Hither by accident or design, the city of Seleucia obtained the name of New Babylon, which name having not always been distinguished from that of the old city, abundance of confusion has been introduced into ancient history, and many historians have been led very erroneously to affirm, that an- cient Babylon stood on the river Tigris. Seleucus, having reigned 33 years, was treacherously murdered by Ptolemy Ceraunus, or the Thunderer, as he seems foolishly to have been surnamed; who thereby, for a short time, obtained the government of Macedon. But he was vanquished and slain by the Gauls—a fate he justly merited. Seleucus was succeeded in his throne and dominions by his son Antiochus, who made Antioch the seat of his empire. This city was for many ages, says Dr. Prideaux, the Queen of the East. It was built by Seleucus, and stood on the river Orontes, in Upper Syria. The Syrian kings reigned here; and here afterwards, the Roman governors resided ; and after the intreduetion of Christianity, it long remained * This is by no means doing justice to the builder of Seleucia, and the father of the Seleucidw. The following character of Seleucus, is from the respected pen of Gillies, ‘ The designs, as well as actions; ascribed to him, confirm his character in history, as an indefatigable and just prince, a firm friend, an affectionate father, an indulgent master; who gained the love of his Eastern subjects, by governing them according to their inveterate principles and habits; and who, among all contemporary sovereigns, was pre-eminent in all consistent reatness of conduct, flowing from true royalty of soul,’ See Hist, orld, Vol. J. p, 482,—Ed, BP a 118 SYRIA, a famous archiepiscopal see. ‘The most considerable enter- prise in the life of this prince, was his expelling the Gauls out of Lesser Asia. We have already noticed their invasion of Greece, whence they were driven by Sosthenes. They had now invaded, and in a great measure overrun, all Lesser Asia, and threatened to subdue the whole Assyrian empire. Antiochus defeated and cut them off so completely, as to de- liver his territories from their incursions.* He was thence surnamed Soter, or Savior. Not far from this period, the fame of the Roman arms, and the fortune of that wondrous people, were confirmed in the defeat and downfall of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. As the succeeding reigns of the Syrian kings would furnish little, either for the instruction or amusement of the reader, we shall content ourselves with little more than a mere enumeration of them. Antiochus Soter, after a reign of 15 years, was murdered by his wife Laodice, and was succeed- ed by Seleucus Callinicus. This prince reigned 20 years ; was perpetually engaged in war, and ended his life in Par- thia, by a fall from his horse. He was succeeded by his son Seleucus Ceraunus, or the Thunderer; who, after a reign of three years, was poisoned by his courtiers. The Saviors and Thunderers of that pusillanimous race of kings, with all their thunder against their enemies, and salvation for their subjects and dominions, did little but waste their time and strength in vain enterprises, poorly planned and still worse executed; and thus prepared them to become an easy prey to the Romans. Ceraunus was succeeded by his brother Antiochus, surnam- ed the Great: and, indeed, if a great deal of noise and bus- ne tle; many expeditions; getting some considerable 999. ~~ Victories, (which, however, he did not know how to _ improve,) and despising some advantages, which might have turned to his account; in short, if fighting hard, and getting often defeated, and at last overthrown with irre- coverable disgrace and ruin—if all this merited for him the title Great, surely no one ever earned it more completely. We shall notice particularly but a few things in the reign of this prince; neither of which very well comport with his being styled the Great. The first is his war with Arsaces, king of the Parthians, or Persians. This enter- prising and warlike prince restored, in some measure, the * Multitudes of the Gauls still remained, and settled in Galatia ; on account of whom this extensive region was so denominated —Ed, SYRIA. 119 ancient government of Persia, which the Romans never fully subjugated. Antiochus had a long war with him, and gain- ed some advantages; but could never conquer him. The second thing we shall notice concerning Antiochus, is his rejecting the advice of Hannibal, the Carthaginian general, and thereby failing of the aid of that great and warlike genius. The fall of Carthage being now foreseen by Hannibal, he saw no power either in Europe or Asia, to whom he could apply for aid, or with whom he might unite his endeavors against the Romans, except the king of Syria. To him, therefore, he went, and tendered his assistance and advice. The substance of Hannibal’s advice to Antiochus was, that he should make war upon the Ro- mans, whose power had now become formidable to all na- tions; that they should immediately be invaded in the most vigorous manner both by sea and land; and that Italy itself should be the seat of war. This advice was no less timely and important than it was judicious and practicable ; and a conformity to it was of equal moment both to the giver and receiver. But the Syrian king, whose views and concep- tions wanted that extent and vigor necessary to raise him to a level with Hannibal, and actuated by a mean jealousy, lest the superior talents of the latter should eclipse his own, pursued a quite different course. Antiochus invaded Greece, was met by the Roman armies, was defeated by sea and land, and that, on the side of the Romans, almost without the loss of blood. With the loss of great part of his domin- ions, he was compelled to pay an enormous tribute, and to accept of the most disgraceful terms of peace; and Lucius Scipio, the Roman general, acquired the surname of Asiatt cus, in honor to him, as the conqueror of Asia. Sometime after this, Antiochus was killed in robbing the temple of Elymais, dedicated to Jupiter Belus, having reign- ed 36 years. The history of Syria, from this period, is virtually but the history of a Roman province, although it bore the form and semblance of monarchy for 122 years. Seleucus Phi- lopater next ascended the Syrian throne; on which he maintained a dubious authority for 11 years. After him, the succession took place in the following order, Antiochus Epiphanes, 11 years; Antiochus Eupator, 2 years; Deme- trius Soter, 12 years; Alexander Balas, 5 years; Demetrius Nicanor, 5 years; Antiochus Sidetes, 10 years; Demetrius Nicanor, 11 years; Zebina, 2 years; Antiochus Grypus, 27 120 EGYPT. years. During the last mentioned reign, and 114 yeurs before Christ, Antiochus Cyzicenus established a new king- dom at Damascus, which remained independent of tonic for 30 years. Seleucus succeeded Antiochus Grypus, and seignidd 4 years; after him, Philip, 9 years, in whom ended the Seleucide, or the family of Seleucus, after having swayed the sceptre of Syria 229 years. ‘This was in the year 88, before the Christian era. If poisons, assassinations, con- spiracies, treasons; if murder of fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters and children ; if the violation of every law of nature, reason, and justice, was ever the peculiar characteristic: of any dynasty of monarchs, it surely belonged to this. The Syrians at length expelled and excluded the Seleucide from the government, and elected Tigranes, king of Armenia, to be their king. Under Tigranes, the royal dignity of Syria became extinct, and that country was made a Roman prov- ince by Pompey; of whom we shall speak in our view of the Roman history. Syria became a province of Rome 65 years before Christ. With a brief survey of the history of Egypt, from the death of Alexander, till the subjection of that country to the Romans, we shall close our view of Alexander’s empire. If any of the princes of those times deserved the name of Soter or Savior, the first Ptolemy must have been the man ; since he is allowed, by all ancient writers, to have been a prince of great wisdom and virtue. In the division of Alex- ander’s conquests, it has already been remarked, that Egypt fell to Ptolemy. After a war with the rival princes for seve- ral years, he found himself firmly settled in the government of Egypt; and his reign commenced in the year before Christ, 304—eight years after that of Seleucus in Syria. To detail the particular wars between Egypt and Syria, (for they were almost incessant,) would not consist with the brevity of this work. It shall suffice to say, that the kings of Egypt held a respectable ascendency among the succes- sors of Alexander. They generally reigned with more dig- mity, and certainly preserved their independence longer than either those of Syria or Macedon. Ptolemy Soter, having reigned 20 years from the time of his assuming the title of king, and 39 from the death of Alex- ted ander, being above 80 years old, resigned his kingdom oa. to Philadelphus his son, a prince famous for his exer- tions to promote learning, and for the encouragement EGYPT. 12t he gave toleamedmen. The celebrated Alexandrian library had been begun by his father, who was himself both a scholar and philosopher. It was kept in the temple of Serapis, reck- oned one of the finest and noblest edifices of antiquity. This library consisted of two parts; one of which, con- taining 300,000 volumes, was kept in a quarter of the city called Bruchium ; the other part, consisting of 200,000 voi- umes, was kept in the Serapeum, or temple of Serapis. The library of Bruchium, only, was burnt by Julius Cesar. Yet in after times, as we have before stated, all was lost. This important library or museum drew together the most learned society in the world, and raised Egypt once more, and probably for the last time, to be the august patroness of science. The presidents of this museum were the first counsellors of state to the kings of Egypt; and the first president, appointed by Ptolemy Philadelphus, was Demetri- us Phalereus, a Greek who had been for several years gov- ernor of Athens—a man of great learning and abilities.* It is remarkable, that the dynasty of Ptolemies, from the accession of Ptolemy Soter, till the end of the reign of Cleopatra, lasted 294 years; the whole of which period comprehended only eleven reigns, and that almost in an unbroken succession. Those princes must have reigned, on an average, about 27 years. The shortest reign of them all was 13 years. Several of them reached nearly 40 years. They stand in the following order, Ptolemy Soter, 39 years; Philadelphus, 38; Euergetes, 25; Philopater, 17; Epiphanes, 24; Philometer; 35; Physcon, his brother, 29; Lathyrus, 36 ; Alexander, in the right of his wife, 15; Au- letes, 13; Cleopatra, 22 years. The Hebrew monarchs, from Saul to Jehoiakim, reigned, on an average, 24 years each; the Persian, from Cyrus to Codomanus, 18 years; the Roman, from Augustus to Constantine XII. emperor of Con- stantinople, 12 years; the English, from William the Con- queror to George II. 22 years. ‘4 If long reigns and regular successions may be regarded as evidences of the wisdom, good fortune, and mild administra- tion of the prince, and of the contentment, tranquillity and equanimity of the public mind, the Ptolemies may be reck- oned among the most happy and fortunate of the monarchs of antiquity. * Great indced he must have been, since Cornelius Nepos says, that the Athenian senate erected 300 statues to perpetuate his memory. 11 122 EGYPT. Without noticing particularly the several reigns in this period of history, we shall close it with a few general observations. An event took place about this time, which perhaps serves, above all others of a historical nature, to demonstrate the very high antiquity and great authority of the scriptures of the Old Testament. We have already spoken of Demetrius Phalereus, who was the greatest scholar and philosopher of his time. Plutarch informs us, that this Demetrius ad- vised Ptolemy Soter to make the largest collection he could, of books, which treated of the government of states and kingdoms, as he would thereby obtain the advice and experience of wise men in former ages. Soter accordingly engaged in the work; but it was more fully accomplished by Philadelphus. Among many other histories and codes of laws, they obtained from the high priest of Jerusalem, an exact copy of the sacred writings, together with seventy- two learned Jews, who were deeply skilled in the Greek language, to translate them. These persons proceeded into Egypt, and under the inspection of Demetrius Phalereus, accomplished that celebrated translation. This was done in the eighth year of the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus. The concurrent testimonies of many ancient authors estab- lish, beyond all possible doubt, the certainty of this trans- action; and of course, they also establish other things, (viz.) that the writings of the Old Testament existed in the days of Ptolemy Philadelphus; and that their credit and authority were then great and unquestionable. There is indeed a doubt, whether the true Septuagint translation is now extant. According to Epiphanius, it was burned in the Alexandrian -library of Bruchium, by Julius Cesar. But on the contrary, Tertullian affirms it to have been kept in the Serapeum, and of course, that it escaped that conflagration. From the death of Alexander, to the conquest of all his dominions by the Romans, the belligerent powers of the known world may be divided into four parts, forming two grand theatres of war. The first, and by far the grandest scene was made up of the Romans and Carthaginians and their several allies; the second was composed of the powers we have been considering in this chapter, namely, the Macedonians, Syrians and Egyptians. The latter had ambition enough, but with little power or policy; the former were ambitious of empire, and were nearly on a ‘footing as to the necessary means of gaining it. For it is GREECE. 123 justly remarked by an able historian, that the genius of war forsook the Greeks at the death of Alexander, and went over to the Carthaginians. Alexander’s-conquest must, on the whote, be regarded as a benefit to the world. Had the Persians conquered Greece, or the Carthaginians Rome, an age of darkness must have ensued, through which the wing of conjecture is unable to explore its flight. Those nations, under which Rome ultimately fell, although rough and savage, yet had great vigor, both of body and mind. The world has, there- fore, once more risen to the light of science, reason and civility. But the oppressive tyranny of southern climates threatens to extinguish reason and virtue, and overwhelm men in everlasting darkness. The conquests of the Greeks left no nation worse than they found them. It certainly left many nations better. Even Greece itself found an enemy in Alexander less dangerous than in Pericles. An artful demagogue of great talents is the most dangerous man the world ever saw, and is the greatest curse to any form of government that ever befell it, Alexander found the Persians at their lowest ebb. Head ho not conguered them, they would soon have conquered themselves. Indeed, they had done it already; and were falling into ruin by the natural progress of internal debility. The Egyptians were regenerated by his conquest; and were never more flourish- ing, respectable, enlightened or happy, than under the Gre- eian dynasty. | Grecian literature generally travelled with their arms, and planted itself with their colonies; and before the Augustan age had diffused itself through most parts of Europe and Asia; and if the military spirit of the Greeks rested on the Carthaginians, their love of the arts and sciences surely did no less on the Romans. | Greece, from the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest. The tidings of Alexander’s death spread rapidly through the principal cities of Greece, and called forth the most ; . rapturous demonstrations of joy. The event was hail- te ed by all the Greeks, but especially by the sanguine Athenians, as the harbinger of liberty. The orators sounded the alarm of war in the public assemblies, and many of the enslaved republics promptly replied to the summons by rushing to arms, A confederation was quickly . formed against Antipater, Alexander’s successor in Macedon, and an army raised, the command of which was given to 124 GREECE. lieosthenes. He gained considerable advantages over the Macedonian army, and even obliged Antipater to surrender at discretion. But the success of the allied Greeks proved transient. Antipater raised a second army, with which he defeated them, and took possession of their cities, efter dictating the terms of surrender. The resentment of the conqueror was chiefly directed against the ora- tors, whom he considered the principal authors of the revolt. Most of these he destroyed by force or fraud, among whom was the celebrated Demosthenes. The following are some of the circumstances of his death. When Antipater obtained possession of Athens, the orator fled to the island of Calauria, near Trezen, and took refuge in the temple of Neptune. Thither his ene- mies pursued him. But fearing to violate a sanctuary, they employed every art of persuasion, to induce him to come forth and surrender. Fully persuaded, that he had nothing to hope from the clemency of Antipater, he with- drew into the interior of the temple, and under the pre- {ence of writing to his family, put a poisoned quill into his mouth, which, in a few moments, terminated his mortal existence, and disappointed the meditated vengeance of his enemies, is Amidst all the violence of contending parties, and the frequent change of governors in Athens, Puocion had: long remained tranquil and secure. His prudence, wisdom, moderation and unaffected humility, rendered him equally beloved and feared by his fellow citizens. He had been ever ready to obey the call of his country, when his ser- vices were claimed, and as ready to retire into a state of honorable poverty, when those services were no longer demanded. Forty-five times was he elected general of the Athenian armies, by the unsolicited and unanimous votes of a eapricious people; and, on every occasion, proved him- self worthy of the confidence reposed in him. ‘This virtuous Athenian was so much respected by Philip, Alex- ander and Antipater, that they sought his friendship, yielded, in almost every instance, to his solicitation, and constantly afforded him protection. But when Antipater was called from. Greece, to undertake the regency of Macedon, and Polysperchon arrived as his successor, the deluded. citizens were induced by their new master to accuse, condemn and execute the virtuous Phocion, who had now attained the eightieth year of his age. The meekness and serenity af GREECE. 125 his death, crowned the probity and usefulness of his life. His dying instructions to a friend, who inquired, what mes- sage he should deliver to his son, were, “ Tell him, it is my last command, that he forget the injustice of the Athenians to his father.”” He was distinguished for his steady opposition to the counsels of Demosthenes, at the time when that orator would have stirred up the Athenians to oppose the power of Philip; and it arose from a principle, which proved his extensive knowledge of the real condition of the rival states at that period. ‘Since the Athenians,” said he, ‘“‘are no longer able to fill their wonted and~- glorious sphere, Jet them adopt counsels suited to their abilities; and endeavor to court the friendship of a power, which they cannot pro- voke, but to their ruin.” Polysperchon was soon afterward expelled from Athens by Cassander, son of Antipater, who appointed Demetrius Phalereus governor of the city, and commander of the garrison. He was not the tyrant, but the benefactor of Athens, increased its revenues, revived its commerce, patronised its literature, and adorned it with magnificent structures. During the ten years of his government, Athens enjoyed perfect tranquillity, and the citizens ex- pressed their gratitude by erecting numerous statues in honor of his public services. But this tranquillity was in- terrupted by Antigonus, one of Alexander’s most enterprising generals, and his son Demetrius, surnamed Poliorcertes, or — the stormer of cities. They took the city by surprise, and under pretence of restoring to its inhabitants their ancient laws and government, prevailed on them to desert the standard of their former governor, and oblige him to with- draw from the place. The fickle Athenians found no diffi- culty in transferring their allegiance from Demetrius Pha- lereus, to a most depraved and licentious youth, bearing indeed his name, but an entire stranger to his virtues. The exiled Demetrius, in the mean time, spent his days in literary retirement, at the liberal court of Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt, till he was seized and put to death by one of his successors. Soon after this period, Pyrrhus, king of Dadrani began to make a conspicuous figure in Asia, Italy and Greece. His whole reign was a series of wars, first with the neighboring princes of Macedon, from whom he wrested that empire, then, with the Romans, and finally, with the Greeks, whom he repeatedly attempted, in vain, to subjugate. be Sa 126 GREECE, Amid all the revolutions of Greece, Sparta had retained the shadow of independence. She was still governed by her own kings and senate; and had not yet submitted to the humiliation of receiving a Macedonian garrison within her walls. But Pyrrhus formed the design of annexing the Peloponnesus to his dominions. He led a large army into Laconia, and, having borne down all opposition, encamped before the capital. The council proposed, in so dangerous an emergency, to send off the women to some place of safety; but Archidamia, delegated by the Spartan ladies, entered the senate house, with a sword in her hand, and thus addressed them: “Think not, O men of Sparta, so meanly of your countrywomen, as to imagine, that they will survive the ruin of the state. Deliberate not, then, whither we are to fly, but what we are to do.” In conse- quence of this animating address, it was resolved, that, during the night, the women should assist in digging a trench round the city, which proved the means of preserv- ing it from destruction. Three desperate attempts were made by the whole army of Pyrrhus, to force this intrench- ment; but so boldly was it defended by the Spartans, who were prompted to deeds of valor by the presence of their wives and mothers, that the king of Epirus found it neces- sary to retire. His next attempt was on the city of Argos, where he was slain. The republic of Achaia, or Achean League, as it is gen- erally denominated, formerly little known, began now to make a conspicuous figure. This republic was of high antiquity. It consisted originally of twelve inconsiderable cities; but so firmly united, as to command the respect of their more powerful neighbors. Their first government was regal. But in process of time, roused by the tyranny of their princes, they threw off the yoke of kings, and united in one confederacy, for their mutual defence against monarchical oppression. It was agreed, that all should have the same interests, the same friendships, the same coins, weights and measures, the same laws, and the same magistrates. These magistrates were elected annually, by a majority of voices in the whole community. Twice in the year, or oftener, if necessary, there was a general assembly, consisting of deputies from the different cities ; and to their decision were referred all questions of peace or war, and all foreign and domestic concerns. The equity aud humane spirit, which breathed in the. civil constitutions GREECE. 127 of the Acheans, supported by a great simplicity of man- ners and good faith, recommended them so effectually to the adjoining nations, that they became the arbiters of differences among their neighbors. They were deprived of their liberties and independence by Philip of Macedon, and continued subject to petty tyrants, imposed upon them by his successors, till the reign of Pyrrhus, B. C. 280, when the Achean League revived; and several of the tyrants were expelled, or put to death. After an interval of twenty-five years, the adjacent state of Sicyon joined the League, chiefly through the influence of Aratus, a native of that city. Aratus was the son of Clinias, the most illustri- ous citizen of Sicyon, who, after wresting the government from one tyrant, had fallen a sacrifice to the cruel. jealousy of another. Aratus, then a child, escaped with difficulty to Argos. By his father’s friends in that city, he was kindly received, and liberally educated; and his proficiency fully rewarded their goodness. As he arrived at manhood, his mind was continually occupied with the most ardent desire . of emancipating his native city from tyranny. This he finally accomplished, with the assistance of his friends, by a well concerted attack in the night. The next day, liberty was proclaimed in the market-place, “in the name of Aratus the son of Clinias;” and, soon after, the. state obtained admission into the Achean confederacy. The valor and wisdom of Aratus now drew on him the attention of all that part of Greece; and he was advanced to the dignity of General of Achaia. He soon expelled the Mace- donians from Corinth ; and that city, called, from its import- ance, the key of the Peloponnesus, was added to the confed- eracy. This took place in the reign of Antigonus, king of Macedon ; who had regained his kingdom after its conquest by Pyrrhus. He was succeeded by his son Demetrius; and he, after a reign of ten years, by his brother, Antigonus II., the only prince, says Gillies, that for many years really adorned the Macedonian throne. In the mean time, the Achean League received many and important accessions. Megara, Megalopolis, Argos, and many other cities joined it; and, soon afterwards, Athens herself, nearly as populous as when she was the proud mistress of Greece. But jealousy, which was the evil genius of the Greeks, disturbed the tranquillity of this rising state. The restless and ambitious Etolians watched, with an anxious eye, the growing reputation and rapidly 128 GREECE. increasing power of the Acheans; and, unmindful of the signal benetits they had received from the League, excited several Grecian states, and especially Sparta, to declare war against them. ‘The Spartans had previously united with the Acheans against the Etolians. Lacedemon had, before this time, exchanged poverty and hardy discipline for opulence and voluptuous manners. The conquests of Lysander and Agesilaus poured a tide of wealth into their country, which was quickly followed by a yet more destructive inundation of luxury, avarice, and voluptuousness. The wealth, however, had passed into the hands of a few, while the mass of the population were reduced to extreme penury. Such was the state of public affairs, when. Agis ascended the throne. His family was considered the most. opulent in Sparta; and the young prince inherited a splendid patrimony. But neither the abundance of his wealth, nor the indulgent fondness of his mother and grandmother, by whom he was educated in luxurious ease, prevented him from forming, in his youth, a design, which he never relinquished, of restoring the an- ecient discipline of Sparta. He began with reforming him- self, by renouncing all habits of self-indulgence, laying aside his splendid attire, and partaking of the plainest and simplest food. Having procured the support of some pow- erful friends, he brought forward a decree for cancelling all debts, dividing the lands into equal portions, and re-establishing the neglected laws of Lycurgus relative to public education and diet. The decree was lost in the council of the Ephori. But Agis, not yet discouraged, sum- moned an assembly of the people, and advocated the cause of reform with so much ability, that the proposed measures were eagerly embraced. Before his plan could be com- pleted, he was obliged to quit Sparta, and take command of the army appointed to act with Aratus, against the Etolians. During his absence, his opposers gained strength, and matured a conspiracy, which broke out immediately after his return. The Spartans were accustomed to the joint reign of two kings; Agis fell a sacrifice to the vengeance of his colleague Leonidas. Cleomenes succeeded his father, Leonidas, shortly after; and entered vigorously into the plans of Agis for reforming his countrymen. Convinced, that the failure of Agis was to be ascribed chiefly to the mildness of his disposition and the clemency of his measures, Cleomenes resolved to act with decision. He suppressed GREECE. 129 the council of Ephori, which he considered as the fountain- | head of corruption. An assembly was then called, in which all the decrees of Agis were adopted, and the constitution restored to its pristine simplicity and vigor. A general division of lands took place, of which Cleomenes set the first example, by giving up his own hereditary estates. Public schools were established, in which the Spartan youth were trained up according to the severest laws of Lycurgus. But the result proved how vain was the attempt to reform a people, whose character and habits were wholly depraved, and to pluck up abuses, which had taken such deep root. No sooner had Cleomenes quitted Sparta, to take the command of the army, than the galling yoke was thrown off, and the new discipline relaxed. It was to this prince, that the Etolians applied for assistance in de- pressing the power of the Acheans. He listened to a coun- sel highly favorable to his own views; and, by an assault as successful as it was unexpected, seized Mantinea and some other cities in the Peloponnesus. The Acheans were thus reduced to the necessity of repelling the aggressions of a commonwealth, which they had once good hopes of incor- porating with their own. Success, for a time, crowned the Spartan cause. The cool and deliberate valor of Aratus could oppose no effec- tual resistance to the ardent impetuosity of Cleomenes, who took several cities of the confederacy, gained repeated victories over the allies, and reduced them to the utmost extremity. Both Aratus and Cleomenes wished to unite all the nations of Peloponnesus into‘ one commorwealth, and, by that means, to form such a bulwark for the liberties of Greece, as might set all foreign power at defiance. But neither of these great characters could consent to submit to the other. The last resort of the Achean general was the king of Macedon, Antigonus II., for whose assistance he secretly applied. A compact was formed, of which the principal conditions were, that the citadel of Corinth should be de- livered into the hands of the king; and that he should be at the head of the Achean confederacy, superintend their councils, and direct their operations. The scale of victory niow turned. Cleomenes was obliged to retreat towards Sparta. The opposing forces came to an engagement near Sellasia, in which the Lacedemonians were entirely defeated. Of an army of 5000, scarcely 200 remained. 130 GREECE. Cleomenes escaped first to Sparta, and afterwards to Egypt, where he lived some years, the friend and counsellor of Ptolemy Euergetes; but was treated in such a manner by his successor, that he put an end to his life. In this war between the Macedonians and Spartans, Philopemen first signalized himself, and afforded early proof of those tran- scendent military talents, which afterwards rendered him so illustrious. The alliance which had been formed between Aratus, on the part of the Acheans, and Antigonus II., king of Macedon, continued through the greater part of the reign of Philip, the son of Demetrius, his successor. The pru- dent firmness and wise policy of Aratus frustrated the intrigues of courtiers and enemies, and rendered even the ambition of Philip subservient to the interests and liberties of Achaia. The protection of the League was solicited by the injured and oppressed in every part of Greece, who looked to this, as their last refuge, the citadel of expiring freedom. Its enemies were gradually conciliated by the wisdom and moderation of Aratus, who, at length, accom- plished a general pacification. Soon after this, Aratus had the misfortune. to offend Philip, over whom he had long possessed an entire influence. The consequence was, that an emissary was sent into Achaia, with secret instructions to take him off by slow poison. He died in the 62d year of his age, greatly lamented, B. C. 213. About this time the king of Macedon unwisely involved himself in hostilities with the Romans, by proffering and affording assistance to Hannibal, in the Punic war. The war was continued, with some intervals, for several years, till at length, in the reign of Perseus, the son and successor of Philip, Macedon was entirely subjected to the Roman power. Inthe mean time, the Macedonians and Romans struggled for the sovereignty of Greece, which retained scarcely a shadow of independence. The Acheans still maintained their influence, and displayed great vigor under the conduct of Philopemen. This distinguished general, _ a native of Megalopolis, improved the discipline of the army, inured them to hardship and toil, and taught them to feel, that, with him’ at their head, they must be invincible. He defeated’ Nabis, the tyrant of Sparta; and, after his death, prevailed upon that state to join the League. Phi- lopceemen was elected general of Achaia, the eighth time, at the age of seventy. Attacking the Messenians soon after, GREECE. 131 he was separated from the main body of his army, taken prisoner, and put to death. Thus fell Philopemen, “the last of the Greeks,” in the same year with Hannibal and Scipio. This event was an irreparable calamity not only to Achaia, but to the whole of Greece. Notwithstanding the efforts of Lycortas and his son Polybius, who served their country with zeal and fidelity, the influence of the Acheans began manifestly to decline. The other Grecian states, blinded by jealousy, and deceived by the false professions of the Romans, rejoiced in the decay of a republic once so formidable. It was a favorite maxim with the Romans, Divide and conquer; and this maxim they practised with success in this unhappy country. In almost every city, were three parties, the Macedonian, the Roman and the independent party. In this distracted state of society, without a commanding genius to preside, it would scarcely be expected, that a vigorous and determined effort would be made by the Greeks, in defence of their liberties. The Romans, in the mean time, adopted the most cautious line of policy, professing to adhere to the proclamation, which the proconsul Flaminius had made of “freedom to all the cities and states of Greece.”? But when Paulus Emilius had defeated Perseus, the king of Macedon, and taken posses- sion of his empire, the mask was immediately thrown off. Etolia first felt the weight of the vindictive arm of the conqueror. For when her senate was assembled to delibe~ rate on the steps they should pursue, after the conquest of Perseus, with whom they had formed an alliance, they were suddenly surrounded by a Roman legion, and 550 of the sena- tors, who were considered friendly to Macedon, were put to death. Emissaries were sent into every part of Greece, to obtain information of the disaffected, and every artifice was employed to obtain possession of their persons, that they might be summarily tried and condemned by the commis- sioners, sent to settle the affairs of Greece. The Achean League was the only remaining obstacle to the entire subjugation of the country. It was, therefore, determined by the Roman senate, to dissolve the confede- racy. Two commissioners appeared before the general assembly of Achaia, and accused the principal members, including all who had borne any office in the republic, of disaffection to Rome. Many of these, conscious of their integrity, appealed to the Roman senate, where, they 132 GREECE, flattered themselves, they should find impartial justice. The appeal was eagerly accepted; and no less than a thousand of the chief citizens were sent to Rome, for trial. But instead of being permitted to plead their cause before the senate, on their arrival, they were treated as guilty of the charge, and banished into different parts of Italy, where they languished in captivity seventeen years. At the expi- ration of that period, the survivors, amounting to not more than 300, were permitted to return to Achaia. One of these prisoners, Polybius the historian, was suffered to reside at Rome, and treated with the highest distinction by the principal families. The injustice and cruelty of the Romans to the Achean prisoners, produced a strong sensation throughout the League, and inclined many of its members to avow them- selves openly the determined enemies of Rome. ‘Two of its pretors, Critolaus and Diaeus, were particularly active in exciting the Achean cities to revolt; and, without con- sidering either the vast resources of the enemy, or their own inefficiency, rashly enkindled the flames of war, by treating with insult and cruelty the Roman ambassadors. Aurelius Orestes, Sextus Julius, and Metellus, were succes- sively despatched to, Achaia with conciliatory overtures ; but the people yielded themselves to the infatuation of their presumptuous leaders, and rejected every overture, with disdain. The Roman general, Metellus, having tried negotiation without effect, led his army into Achaia, met, and defeated with the utmost ease, the rash and unskilful Critolaus, who was either killed in the engagement, or destroyed by his own hand, immediately afterwards. But Diaeus, who succeeded him in the presidency of the Ache- ans, pursued the same infatuated measures, and employed the winter in making feeble preparations for another cam- aign. A The affairs of Greece having arrived at this crisis, the consul Mummius hastened thither to supersede Metellus, and reap all the glory of adding another province to the Roman republic. He sat down with a numerous army before Corinth, and, knowing the impetuous temper of the Achean general, suffered him to gain some slight advan- tages, that he might the more effectually entrap him. The artifice succeeded. Diaeus and his army fell into the ambuscade; and the celebrated city of Corinth was taken without opposition. GREECE. 133 Corinth had long been the richest city of Greece. It xbounded with the most exquisite productions of art, and the finest specimens of taste. The most eminent sculptors and artists had either resided there, or conveyed thither, the happiest effects of their genius, assured of meeting with liberal patronage among the refined inhabitants. of that luxurious city. Yet this seat of elegant literature, this emporium of taste and learning, was devoted to plunder. The Romans had not yet attained to so high a degree of intellectual refinement, as to value the literary treasures of Corinth: anxious chiefly to secure the gold and silver it con- tained, the greater part of these works of taste were consign- ed to the flames. A few specimens only were secured by Polybius, who witnessed the melancholy scene, and who transported them to Rome, to excite the admiration of future generations and distant ages.. Pursuant to an express de- cree of the Roman senate, Corinth was reduced to ashes, 952 years after it was founded, and in the same year, in which Carthage met with a similar fate, 146 B. C. Nothing now remained, but to decide on the punishmen of the vanquished Greeks. All the citizens of Corinth, who were not massacred during the pillage of the city, were sold with their wives and children; the fortified cities of Achaia were dismantled; popular assemblies were prohib- ited, and republican governments abolished, throughout Greece; Roman pretors were stationed in every city; all the states were consolidated into one provincé, which paid an annual tribute to the republic of Rome; and long con- tinued to form a department of that flourishing empire, under the general name of Achaia. But though the victo- rious arms of that republic thus triumphed over the civil liberties of Greece, and annihilated her ancient govern- ments, that subjugated country retained, for ages, its literary pre-eminence. It was still the resort of men of taste and Jetters. A Grecian education was considered necessary to form the Roman orator, poet, or artist. The philosophers of Greece were held in the highest repute, and their writings were sought with the utmost avidity. Nor did the literati of Rome esteem themselves thoroughly furnished, till they had visited Greece, and paid enthusiastic homage to her stately ruins. | uke the foundation of the commonwealth of Athens, by Cecrops, to the death of Cleopatra, the last of Alexander’s successors, was upwards of 1400 years. During this period, 12 134 ROME: the Greeks founded and overturned the greatest etnpires ; they excelled all other nations in architecture, statuary, paint- ing, poetry and oratory; they gave the world its first hero; they exhibited the greatest variety of character, and the most astonishing displays of genius; and they may be considered as justly meriting the first rank among the nations of the earth. Their history, therefore, and their language, open a more variegated, rich, beautiful and sublime field of study, than those of any other nation. ir i Sal CHAPTER XI. KINGDOM OF ROME. [ ALL nations seem willing to derive merit from the splen- dor of their original; and, where history is silent, they generally supply the defect with fable. The Romans were particularly desirous of being thought descended from the gods, as if to hide the meanness of their real ancestry. They pretended to derive their origin from Eneas, the son of An- chises and the goddess Venus. Having escaped from the flames of Troy, and passed through unnumbered toils, calam- ities and dangers, Eneas was considered as having arrived in Italy. Here, at length, he was exalted to a throne, where his posterity were supposed to have reigned more than 400 ears. ff Romulus, the reputed descendant from this line of kings, is universally acknowledged as the founder of the Roman state. Having slain his brother Remus, he laid the foundation of nia city, that was destined to become the mistress of the ~53 world, and, for ages, to give laws to mankind. It was called Rome, after the name of the founder, and built upon the Palatine hill; though afterwards it covered seven hills. The city was, at first, almost square, containing about a thousand houses. It was nearly a mile in compass, and commanded a small territory round it, of about eight miles over. Small as it appears, however, it was, notwithstand- ing, worse inhabited; and the first method, to increase its _humbers, was opening a sanctuary for all malefactors, slaves, and such as were desirous of novelty. These came in great multitudes, and contributed to increase the number of our iegislator’s new subjects. To have a just idea, therefore, of Rome’ in its infant state, we have only te ROME, 135 imagine a collection of cottages, surrounded by a feeble wall, built rather to serve as a military retreat, than for the purposes of civil society; filled, rather with a tumultuous and vicious rabble, than with subjects inured to obedience and control. We have only to conceive men bred to rapine, living in a place, that seemed calculated merely for the secu- rity of plunder; and yet, to our astonishment, we shall soon find this tumultuous concourse uniting in the strictest bonds of society; this lawless rabble putting on the most sincere regard for religion; and, though composed of the dregs of mankind, setting examples to all the world, of val- or and virtue. Scarcely was the city raised above its foundation, when its rude inhabitants began to think of giving some form to their constitution. Romulus left them at liberty to choose whom they would for their king; and they, in gratitude, concurred to elect their founder. He was, accordingly, ac- knowledged as chief of their religion, sovereign magistrate of Rome, and general of the army. Besides a guard to at- tend his person, it was agreed, that he should be preceded, wherever he went, by twelve men, called lictors, armed with axes, tied up in a bundle of rods. They were to serve as executioners of the law, and to impress his subjects with an idea of his authority. The senate, consisting of 100 men, who were to act as counsellors to the king, was composed of the principal citizens of Rome, men, whose age, wisdom, or valor, gave them a.natural ascendency over their fellow subjects. As they were supposed to have a parental affection for their people, they were called fathers; and their descendants, putricians. To them belonged all the dignified offices of the state, as well as of the priesthood. The rest of the people were called plebeians ; and these two orders were forbidden to intermarry. The plebeians, who composed the third order of the legislature, assumed to themselves the power of authorizing those laws, which were passed by the king, or senate. The first care of the new-created king was to attend to the interests of religion. The precise form of their wor- ship is unknown. The religion of that age principally consisted in firm reliance upon the credit of their sovthsay- ers, who pretended, from observation on the flight of birds and the entrails of beasts, to direct the presgnt, and dive into futurity, Romulus, by an express law, commanded, —_ 136 ROME. that no election should be made, no enterprise undertaken, without consulting the soothsayers. Wives were forbidden, upon any pretext whatever, to sep- arate from their husbands; while, on the contrary, the hus- band was empowered to repudiate his wife, and even, in some cases, to put her to death. His laws relating to chil- dren and parents were still more severe. The father had entire power over his offspring, both of fortune and life: he could sell or imprison them at any period of their lives, or in any stations, to which they were arrived. After endeavoring, by laws, to regulate his subjects, he next gave orders to ascertain their numbers. ‘he whole amounted but to 3000 foot, and about 300 horsemen, capable - of bearing arms. ‘These were divided equally inte three tribes; and to each he assigned a different part of the city. Each of these tribes was subdivided into ten curiae, or com- panies, consisting of a hundred men each, with a centurion to command it, a priest, called curio, to perform the sacrifices, and two of the principal inhabitants, called duumviri, to dis- | tribute justice. By these wise regulations, each day added strength to the new city; multitudes flocked in from the adjacent towns; and it only seemed to want women to ensure fts du- ration. In this exigency, Romulus, by the advice of the senate, sent deputies among the Sabines, his neighbors, entreating their alliance, and offering to cement the most strict confederacy with them. The Sabines, who were then considered as the most warlike people in Italy, rejected the proposal with disdain, and the answer which they re- turned greatly raised the indignation of the Romans. Romulus, soon after, proclaimed a feast in honor of Nep- tune throughout all the neighboring villages, and made the most magnificent preparations for it. These feasts were generally preceded by sacrifices, and ended in shows of wrestlers, gladiators and chariot courses. The Sabines, as he expected, were among the foremost, who came to be spectators, bringing with them their wives and daughters. In the mean time, the games began, and, while the stran- gers were most intent upon the spectacle, a number of Roman youth rushed in among them, with drawn swords, seized the youngest and most beautiful women, and carried them off by violence. In vain the parents protested against this breach of hospitality. In vain the females themselves opposed the attempts of their captors. Perseverance and lated 4 ROME. ha caresses obtained those favors, which timidity, at first, de- nied; so that the betrayers, from being objects of aversion, soon became partners of their dearest affections. But, however the affront might have been borne by them, it was not so easily overlooked by their parents. A. bloody war ensued, in which several cities engaged. Tatius, king of Cures, was the last, although the most formidable, who undertook to revenge the disgrace his country had suffered. He entered the Roman territories at the head of 25,000 men, and, not content. with superiority of numbers, he added stratagem also. Tarpeia, daughter to the com- mander of the Capitoline hill, happened to fall into the hands of Tatius, as she went out of the city, to fetch water. Upon her, he prevailed, by means of large promises, to betray one of the gates to his army. The reward she engaged for, was what the soldiers wore on their arms, by which she meant their bracelets. They, however, either mistaking her meaning, or willing to punish her perfidy, threw their bucklers upon her, as they entered, and crushed her to death. The Sabines being thus possessed of the Capitoline, after some time, a general engagement ensued, which was renewed for several days with almost equal suc- cess; and neither could think of submitting. The last en- gagement took place between the Capitoline and Quirinal hills. The engagement had become general, and the slaugh- ter prodigious, when the attention of both sides was suddenly turned from the scene of horror before them, to one of great- er interest. The Sabine women, who had been carried off by the Romans, with disordered hair, and ornamen'‘s neglected, flew in between the combatants, regardless of their own danger, and, with loud outcries, implored their husbands and fathers to desist. The two armies, as if by mutual consent, let fall their weapons. An accommodation ensued, by which it was agreed, that. Romulus and Tatius should reign jointly in Rome; that a hundred Sabines shoukt be added to the senate, and that the inhabitants should be called Quirites from the Sabine city, Cures. About five years after, Tatius was killed by the Lavinians, so that Rom- ulus, once more, saw himself sole monarch of Rome. Success produced an equal share of pride in the con- queror; so that be began to assume absolute sway, and attempted to govern those laws, to which he had formerly professed implicit obedience. The senate, finding them- selves only ut as instruments to ratify the rigor of his 2 138 ROME. commands, determined to destroy him. The precise method which they employed is not known; but it is certain, that, from the secrecy of the fact, they took occasion to persuade the multitude, that he was taken up to heaven. Thus, him, whom they could not bear as a king, they were contented to worship as a god. Romulus reigned 37 years. After the death of Romulus, the senate undertook to supply the place of king, by taking the government each of them in turn, for five days. This form of government having continued a year, the discontent of the plebeians rendered it necessary to choose a king. After much diffi- culty, the Romans elected Numa Pompilius a Sabine, 15, to the regal office. He was now about forty, and had long been eminent for his justice, moderation and exemplary life. He was skilled in all the learning and _ phi- losophy of the Sabines, and lived at Cures, contented with a private fortune, unambitious of higher honors. It was not without the greatest reluctance, and the most earnest en- treaties of his friends, that he consented to forsake his r2- tirement, and accept a kingdom. No monarch could have been more proper for them, at a conjuncture, when the government was composed of various petty states, lately subdued and but ill united. They wanted a master, who, by his laws and precepts, could soften their fierce dispositions, and, by his example, induce them to a love of religion and every milder virtue. Numa’s whole time was spent in in- spiring his subjects with a veneration for the gods, building new temples, &c. That of Janus, which was to be shut in time of peace, and open in war, was built, as he pretended, by the advice of the goddess Egeria, with whom he profess- ed to have intercourse. He divided those lands, which Romulus had gained in war, among the poorer part of the people, and abolished the distinction between Romans and Sabines, by compelling them to live together. He died at the age of more than fourscore years, having reigned forty- three in profound peace. The successor of Numa was Tullus Hostilius; a inal monarch very unlike his predecessor, being entirely devoted to war, and more fond of enterprise, than even the founder of the empire had been. Engaging in a war with the Albans, it was proposed to settle the controversy by single combat. When it was found difficult to fix upon the combatants, they at length concluded, that the Horatii, three Roman brothers, who ROME. 133. werestwins, should contend with the Curiatii, three twin brothers, on the part of the Albans; all six remarkable for courage, strength and activity. At length, the champions met in view of the two armies. Totally regardless of per- sonal safety, each one sought the destruction of his oppo- nents. ‘The spectators, in horrid silence, trembled at every blow, and wished to share the danger. For a considerable time, victory appeared doubtful. At length, it seemed to declare against the Romans. They beheld two of their champions dead upon the plain, and the three Curiatii, who were wounded, slowly pursuing the survivor, who seemed, by flight, to beg for mercy. At this, the Alban army shouted, and the Romans repined at the apparent baseness of their countryman. Soon, however, they changed their sentiments. His flight was only a stratagem, to separate his antagonists. Suddenly he stops, and, one after another, lays them all dead at his feet. Agreeably to compact, the Albans consent to obey the Romans. Not long after this, Hostilius demolished the city of Alba, and removed the in- habitants to Rome. After a victorious reign of 32 years, Tullus Hostilius was succeeded by Ancus Martius, grandson of Numa. His election was made by the people, and confirmed Ae by the senate. He took his grandfather for his mod- " el, and endeavored to persuade the people to return to the arts of agriculture, and lay aside the less useful stratagems of war. Being forced into a war with the Latins, however, Ancus conquered them, destroyed their cities, and removed their inhabitants to Rome. He triumphed, also, over the Sabines and others, and built a port at the mouth of the Ti- ber, called Ostia. After a reign of 24 years, Ancus was succeeded by Tar- quin the Elder, whose original name was Lucumon. His father was a merchant of Corinth, who settled in Italy, on account of some troubles at home. Lucumon married Tanaquil, a lady of Tarquinio. He had been guardian to the sons of the late king; and after his death, he contrived to have them set aside, and himself elected. A kingdom, thus obtained by intrigue, was, notwithstanding, governed with equity. He added a hundred members to the senate, making their number three hundred. After reigning 38 years, he was murdered by two ruffians, at the instigation of the sons of Ancus. Servius Tullius, his son-in-law, suc- eeeded him. The chief object of his reign, was to increase 140 ROME, the power of the senate by depressing that of the people. To ascertain the increase of his subjects, he instituted a regulation, called a lustrum, by which all the citizens were to assemble in the Campus Martius, in complete armor, once in five years, and there to give an exact account of their families and fortunes. In the beginning of his reign, to secure his throne by every precaution, he had married his two daughters to the two grandsons of Tarquin; and as he knew that the women were of opposite dispositions, as well as their intended husbands, he resolved to cross their tempers, by giving each of them to him of a contrary turn of mind; her that was meek and gentle, to him that was bold and furious; her that was ungovernable and proud, to him that was remarkable for a contrary character. By this, he supposed, each would correct the failing of the other, and that the mixture would be productive of concord. The event, however, proved otherwise. Lucius, his haughty son-in-law, soon grew displeased with the meekness of his consort, and placed his whole affections on Tullia, his broth- er’s wife, who answered his passion with sympathetic ardor. As their wishes were ungovernable, they soon resolved to break through every restraint, that offered to prevent their union. Both undertook to murder their consorts, which they effected; and were, accordingly, soon after married to- gether. A first crime generally produces a second. From the destruction of their consorts, they proceeded to rah conspiring that of the king; which they at length accomplished, with circumstances of savage cruelty, after he had reigned 44 years. Lucius Tarquin, or ‘Tarquin the Proud, having thus placed himself upon the throne, was resolved to support his dignity with the same violence, by which it was ac- quired. Regardless of the senate’s or people’s approbation, he seemed to claim the crown by hereditary right, and refused the late king’s body burial, under pretence of his being a usurper. All the good part of the community, however, looked upon this accession with horror and detes- tation; and this act of cruelty only served to confirm their hatred. Conscious of this, he ordered to execution all whom he suspected to have been attached to Servius. His policy consisted in keeping the people constantly employed in wars and public works; and thus he diverted their attention from his unlawful method of coming to the throne. The city of the Gabii gave him much trouble; for having ROME. 141 attempted, with some loss, to besiege it, he was obliged to direct his efforts by stratagem, contrary to the usual prac- tice of the Romans. He caused his son Sextus to counter- feit desertion, upon pretence of barbarous usage, and to seek refuge among the inhabitants of the place. By artful complaints and studied lamentations, he so prevailed on the pity of the people as to be chosen their governor, and soon after, general of their army. ‘At first, he was success- ful in every engagement, till at length, finding himself possessed of the confidence of the state, he sent to his father for instructions. Tarquin made no other answer, than by taking the messenger into the garden, and cutting down before him, the tallest poppies. Sextus readily understood the meaning of this reply; and one by one, found means to destroy, or remove, the principal men of the city, confiscating their effects, and dividing them among the people. Thus keeping the giddy populace blind to their approaching ruin, till they found them- selves, at last, without counsellors or head; and, in the end, fell under the power of Tarquin, without even striking a blow. But while engaged in wars abroad, he did not suffer the people to continue in idleness at home. He undertook to build, the capitol, the foundation of which had been laid in a former reign; and an extraordinary event contributed to hasten the execution of his design. It is said, that during this reign, a woman in strange attire, made her appearance at Rome, and came to the king, offering to sell nine books, which she said were of her own composing. Not knowing the abilities of the seller, or that she was in fact one of the celebrated Sybils, whose prophecies were never found to fail, Tarquin refused to buy. them. Upon this, she de- parted, and burning three of her books, returned again, demanding the same price for the remainder. Being once more despised as an impostor, she again departed, and burning three more, she returned with those remaining, still asking the same price as at first. Tarquin surprised at the inconsistency of her conduct, consulted the augurs to advise him what to do. These much blamed him for not buying the nine, and commanded him to buy the three remaining at whatever price they were to be had. The woman, says the historian, after selling and delivering the three prophetic volumes, vanished from before him, and was never seen after. 142 ROME. The people, having been four years employed in build- ing the capitol, began to wish for something new, to engage them. Tarquin, therefore, upon some frivolous pretences, proclaimed war against the Rutulians. Sextus, the king’s son, while his father was at the head of the army, besieg- ing the city of Ardea, violated the honor of Lucretia, a Roman lady of great spirit and still greater virtue.” The illustrious heroine survived the disgrace long enough to acquaint her husband and friends with her misfortune, and to entreat them, as they regarded her memory, to take vengeance on her destroyer. She then drew a poniard from her robe, and plunging it into her bosom, expired before their eyes. Collatinus her husband, and her friends stood round her, petrified with grief, and distracted with rage and despair. But their grief was for a moment arrested and turned into astonishment, when Brutus, the reputed fool, seized the bloody dagger, and, lifting it toward heaven, exclaimed, “ Be witness, ye gods, that from this moment, I proclaim myself the avenger of the chaste Lucretia’s cause. From this moment, I declare myself the enemy of Tarquin and his bloody house. Henceforth, my life shall be employed in Cpposiiion to tyranny, and for the freedom and happiness of my country.”” He then told them, that tears and en- treaties must now give way to the sterner sentiments of just revenge; and delivering them the poniard, still reeking with Lucretia’s blood, caused each of them to swear the same oath, that he had sworn. The Roman people flocked from all quarters, and were struck with horror at the deplorable spectacle; and were equally amazed to behold the authority and wisdom of Junius Brutus. The revolt from the tyrant was general; and the senate passed a decree depriving the king of all authority, and banishing him and his family forever from the Roman state. He lived, however, to give his country much trouble; for though a detestable tyrant, void of every principle of humanity and justice, yet he was bold, active and vigorous, and found means to excite frequent disturbances, and even to enkindle dan- gerous wars against his country. | We have now passed over 245 years from the founding of the Roman state. Duing this period, the Assyrian empire had fallen; Babylon was become a province of Persia; and Cyrus had extended his dominions from the Indian to the Atlantic ocean; and a power was already pre- ROME. 143 pared to eclipse forever the glory of the Persians. Greece was fast rising; the morning of her brightest day evidently dawned. Before the fall of Tarquin, Miltiades, Leonidas and Themistocles were born. During this period, also, the Jews, having experienced a captivity of '70 years, were restored by Cyrus, and had returned, and rebuilt their temple at Jerusalem. EES CHAPTER XII. THE ROMAN EMPIRE, * FROM THE EXPULSION OF TARQUIN TO THE CONQUEST OF CARTHAGE. THE great and vigorous spirit of Lucius Junius Brutus, displayed in avenging the death of Lucretia, may be regard- ed as a brilliant specimen of that power and grandeur of mind, in which the Romans surpassed all other nations, both ancient and modern. In variety of genius and taste, the Greeks certainly excelled them; but in a masculine bold- ness—in @ grave, dignified, martial energy, the Romans were never equalled. Brutus and his associates were able to dethrone a powerful tyrant; to abolish a monarchy, which had existed several centuries; and to organize, and put in operation, a new form of government, under which the Ro- man people rose to the sublimest heights of power, prosper- ity and splendor. The Roman government, during the reigns of the kings, had, in its original spirit and design, embraced many of the principles of freedom. The king was assisted by a coun- cil, consisting of a hundred senators, which number was increased at various times. These were men advanced in years, and venerable for their knowledge, prudence and integrity. The most important acts of government were generally sanctioned by an assembly of the people, or ple- beians, particularly acts relative to peace or war, the raising of money, the appointment of chief magistrates, and the election of the monarch. But the kings, and especially Tarquin, had, in a great measure, acted independently of all these salutary checks. To avoid these inconveniences, the kingly office was now * The word empire is here used in its popular sense, to represent merely government, or dominion, without reference to its form. 144 ROME. abolished ; and, in the place of it, two officers were substi- tuted, styled consuls. Their power was nearly as great as that of the king; but the division of it, and the frequency of election, which was once a year, were considered as suffi- cient checks. Junius Brutus and Collatinus, the husband of the celebrated Lucretia, were first chosen consuls. ; This new form of government was brought to the brink of ruin, almost in the moment of its formation. The deposed monarch found means to organize a dangerous conspiracy among the young nobility. of Rome; the object of which was to effect a counter revolution, and replace himself on the throne; and the brave and patriotic Brutus had the unhappiness to discover, that two of his sons were among the ringleaders in this daring plot. The nature of his office compelled him to sit in judgment upon them; and while, in this deeply interesting scene, all the spectators were melted into tears, in him the most powerful pleas of natural affection were overruled by a sense of duty; the parent was lost in the judge, and the agonies of parental sensibility disregarded before the tribunal of public justice. He pronounced sentence upon his sons, condemning them to death. But this great man did not live long to enjoy either the liberty, which he procured for his country, or the honors, which he so justly merited. Tarquin, failing to recover his throne by intrigue, next attempted it by arms. He prevailed on the Veians, a neighboring state, to espouse his cause, and to furnish him with an army. Of this army he took the command, and gave the cavalry to be com- manded by Aruns, his son. ‘They were met by the consul with an equal force; and a general battle was fought, in which the Romans claimed the victory, although dearly bought; for, together with a number of their bravest citizens, the illustrious Brutus fell in the first of the action. Aruns, the son of Tarquin, had singled him out; and they encountered each other with such fury, that both were slain, and fell dead together by mutual wounds. The Veians, sufficiently humbled by this rebuke, were willing to make eace. F But of all the enemies, whom Tarquin brought against his country, Porsenna, king of Etruria, was the most for- midable. This prince, who was then, probably, one of the most powerful in Italy, seems, from motives of jealousy, to have been willing to engage in a war with the Romans. ROME. 145 To him Tarquin applied; and was soon furnished with a force, which at first bid fair to reseat him on his throne. — Porsenna marched immediately toward Rome, at the head of a powerful army;. and, meeting with no resistance, he laid siege to the city. After several furious assaults and sallies, the siege was terminated by one of those singu- lar events, which strongly mark the savage ferocity and wonderful patriotism of the heroic ages. The length and strictness of the siege had reduced the city to the utmost distress of famine, when Mutius Scevola, a Roman youth of the most daring courage and desperate resolution, approach- ed the camp of Porsenna, and finding access to the place where the king stood with some of his officers, he proceed- ed to the group, and stabbed the person, whom he supposed to be the king; but it was the king’s secretary. Mutius was seized; and it was demanded of him, who he was, and what were his designs. He told them, that he was a Roman, and that there were three hundred Roman youths, who, like himself, had determined to effect the king’s destruction. ‘“‘ Therefore,” said he, “‘prepare for their attempts; and you shall see that the Romans know how to suffer as well as to act.”? At this, he thrust his hand into the fire, and pyltened it to burn with great composure. Persenna, amazed at such intrepid bravery, was seized with a fit of generosity quite as enthusiastic and extraordi- nary, and ordered him to be conducted back to Rome, and, at the same time, offered the besieged conditions of peace, which they accepted; and a period was put to the war. The Roman commonwealth, in every part of its duration, was incessantly harassed with internal disputes, broils, divisions, intrigues and conspiracies; and they were gener- ally settled by the mediation of the sword; though not always by the sword of civil war. Their bold, restless, ac- tive spirits were best gratified, and soonest quieted, in mar- tial exercises; and could only be controlled by martial law. Of course, theirs was, in most respects, a military govern- ment. Ten years from the commencement of the Roman. repub- lic, Largius was appointed first dictator. The title itself explains the general nature of this office. The dictator was clothed with power to dictaté, i. e. to direct all the branch- es, and all the officers of the government. His pow- er was sovereign and absolute, as that of the most un- limited monarch. He was only chosen in times of difficulty 13 146 ROME. and danger, when the utmost energy of the state was to be exerted; and his power expired at the end of a certain period. ~ Soon after the invasion of Porsenna, and 15 years from the expulsion of Tarquin, a contention arose between the senate and the people, which gave rise to the appointment of Tribunes. These were officers chosen annually from among the people. They were clothed with considerable powers, and where designed as the immediate guardians of the people, against the power of the senate and consuls. They were at first five, and afterwards ten in number; seats were prepared for them near the doors of the senate house ; and they were, at times, called in, to ratify the laws, which were passed in the senate. [ Coriolanus.—The story of Coriolanus appears too impor tant to be omitted in this Compend. His original name was Caius Martius. The name Coriolanus was added, from his victory over Corioli, a city of the Volscians, where, from a private soldier, he gained the amplest honors. He drew upon himself the resentment of the people, by taking part with the patricians, in a public dispute, and by insisting, that some rights, which the senate had been induced to resign, should be restored. So enraged were they, that he was ordered to take his trial before the people, as having aimed at sovereignty and tyranny. Conscious of his innocence, he appeared before them with the utmost dignity. He began his defence by recounting ali the battles he had fought, and showing the various crowns, with which he had been newarded by his generals; exposing to view the scars of the numberless wounds he had received in acquiring them, and calling upon those, whose lives he had saved, to bear witness to the truth of his recital. These persons, with the most moving protestations, entreated their fellows to spare that life, by which they lived; and if there must be an offering for public resentment, they themselves were ready to die for him. A defence like this, supported with all that boldness, which conscious innocence inspires, moved every hearer to think of pardon. Many cried out, that so brave a man deserved a triumph, not death, and that this very trial was a national reproach. The giddy multitude were going, therefore, to absolve him, when Decius, one of the tribunes, a man of fluent eloquence, rose up and accused him of having appropriated to himself and his friends, the plunder, which he had taken from the ROME. 147 enemy, thus violating the law, requiring him to appropriate it to the use of the public. Coriolanus had, in fact, when the people refused to enlist, issued out at the head of bis clients, and plundered the enemy, who had the insolence to make incursions to the very walls of Rome. These spoils, which were so justly earned, he never thought of bringing into the treasury, as they were the acquisition of a private adventure. Being, therefore, unable to answer what was alleged against him, to the satisfaction of the people, and utterly confounded with the charge, the tribunes immedi- ately took the votes, and Coriolanus was condemned to perpetual exile. Amid the rejoicings of the people and the lamentations of the senate, he alone seemed an uncon- cerned spectator. He returned home, to take a lasting leave of his wife, his children and his mother Veturia, and then left the city, to take refuge among the enemies of Rome. He directed his course to Antium, a city of the Volscians, where he obtained the friendship and assis- tance of Tullus Attius, who was a violent enemy to the Romans. | War being declared by the machinations of Tullus, he and Coriolanus were made generals of the army. - They invaded the Roman territories, ravaging and laying waste the possessions of the plebeians, but suffering those of the senators to remain untouched. At Rome, all was confusion and distress. The army, sensible of the superiority of Coriolanus, once their own commander, assembled with great reluctance; while the Volscians, sure of success, flocked to his standard with alacrity. Town after town was taken by them. Every day, they advanced nearer ; and at last approached the walls, with the intention of besieging the city. The senate and people now agreed to send deputies to him, with proposals of restoring him, in ease he should draw off his army. Coriolanus received them with severity, and told them, that he was now general of the Volscians, and had only their interest to consider. He proposed his conditions, and gave them thirty days for deliberation. At the end of that time, he returned, and again encamped before the walls. Another embassy was sent forth, conjuring him not to exact from his native city, aught, but what became Romans to grant. Coriolanus, however, naturally inflexible and severe, still persisted in his former demands, and granted them but three days to decide. The city was now filled with consternation, and in 148 ROME. the general confusion, there was neither discipline, nor com mand. In this exigence, they determined to send another depu- tation more solemn than the former, consisting of the pon- tiffs, the priests and the augurs. But all in vain. Though he received them with respect, they found him severe and inflexible as before. When the people saw them return un- successful, they began to give up the commonwealth as lost. Nothing was to be heard but lamentation. At length, it was suggested to them, that what could not be effected by the intercession of the senate, or the adjura- tion of the priests, might be accomplished by the tears of his wife, or the commands of his mother. Accordingly, Veturia his mother undertook the embassy, accompanied by his wife and children, and the principal matrons of Rome. Coriolanus, who, at a distance, discovered this mournful train of females, resolved to give them a denial. But when told, that his mother and his wife were among the number, he instantly came down from his tribunal to meet and em- brace them. At first, their tears and embraces took away the power of words; and the rough soldier himself could not refrain from sharing in their distress. ‘‘My son,” cried his mother, “chow am I to consider this meeting? Do I embrace my son? or my enemy? Am I your mother? or your captive?» How have I lived to see this day? to see my son a banished man? and still more distressful, to see him the enemy of his country? How has he been able to turn his arms against the place, that gave him life? how, direct his rage against those walls, which protect his wife, his children and his gods? But it is to me only, my country owes her oppressor. Had I never been a mother, Rome had still been free. The wretched consciousness of this will afflict me as long as life shall last; and that cannot be long. But though I am prepared for death, yet, at least, © let these wretched sufferers claim some part of your com- passion. Think, what must be their fate, when to banish- ment, they must add captivity.” Coriolanus, during this speech, seemed much agitated by contending passions. His mother who saw him moved, still seconded her words by the most persuasive eloquence, her tears. His wife and children hung round him, entreating for protection and pity, while the fair train, her companions, added their famentations, and deplored their own and their country’s distress. Coriolanus, for a moment, was silent, feeling the ROME. 149 étrong conflict between honor and inclination. At length, as if roused from his dream, he flew to take up his mother, who had fallen at his feet, crying out—‘O my mother, thou hast saved Rome, but lost thy son!”? He accordingly gave orders to draw off the army, pretending to the officers, that the city was too strong to be taken. Tullus, who had long envied his glory, was not remiss in aggravating the lenity of his conduct to his countrymen. Upon their return, Coriolanus was slain in an insurrection of the people, and afterwards honorably buried, with late and ineffectual repen- tance. | The most eminent character, found in the first part of the annals of the ancient republic of Rome, is that of Quintus Cincinnatus. His chief services were in the year 458 B. C. andin the 50th from the fall of Tarquin. We have already mentioned the frequent disputes and divisions, which prevailed between the two orders of Roman citizens. These, which ran high on all occasions, had, but a little time before this, come very near to rending in pieces and extinguishing the republic forever. The popularity, banish- ment, wars, restoration and death of Coriolanus, so famous in the Roman history, have been briefly noticed. Those events, while they distracted the counsels and exhausted the resources of Rome, emboldened her enemies to make new aggressions. The forces of the AZqui and Volsci had invaded the Ro- man territories; had surrounded, and were likely to destroy, the consul Minutius and his army, who inadvertently suffer- ed himself to be pent in between two mountains, whence he could not retreat, but by encountering the enemy. At the same time, political disputes were carried on with such warmth at Rome, that most men were wholly ruled by the most violent party spirit. All union and energy were lost; and the more discerning saw the ruin of the commonwealth impending. The Romans had, on a former occasion, experi~ enced the great virtue and authority of, Cincinnatus. To him, therefore, all eyes were now turned, as the most suita- ble instrument for delivering their country. In the 50th year from the expulsion of Tarquin, a solemn legation was sent to Q. Cincinnatus, from the senate, to invest him with the sovereign powers of dictator. They found him industriously laboring in his field. He had a farm, consisting only of a few acres, which he cultivated with his own hands, for the support of his family. On the 13* 1 50 ROME. arrival of the senatorial message, he: showed somé concern for the neglect, with which he should be obliged to treat his plantation; but manifested no marks of vanity or pride at his sudden elevation. He took leave of his family with apparent regret, and repaired to the capitol. He immedi- ately nominated, as a captain of his cavalry, Tarquitius, a man in similar circumstances, and of like character with himself. He issued his orders with mildness, but with such author- ity, dignity and decision, as none can assume, but those great and vigorous spirits, which are formed for command. He gave orders, that every citizen, who could bear arms, should appear before sunset in the Campus Martius, with arms, and provisions for five days. His orders were obey- ed; and an army was immediately assembled. At their head, the dictator began his march that evening ; and before day, came within sight of the hostile army. As they ap- proached the enemy’s camp, Cincinnatus ordered his men to give a loud shout; which was heard by the blockaded army, and understood to be a token that relief was near. The enemy, finding themselves between two armies, pre- pared for battle. A severe engagement ensued; but the bravery and conduct of the dictator procured the Romans a complete victory. The spoils of the enemy’s camp were valuable. These, Cincinnatus ordered to be divided among his own army, without allowing the army which he had liberated, to share with them im any thing; holding it as a maxim, that, as they could not defend themselves, they mer- ited nothing. But, what is regarded as most remarkable in this transac- tion, Cincinnatus, though a poor man, took nothing of all the wealth, of which he had the control and distribution, to him- self. Nor would he accept any thing from the senate, who regarded him as the deliverer of his country; and, from grat- itude for his important services, would gladly have bestowed upon him the richest presents. Very many have celebrated, but very few have imitated, his virtues. He was satisfied with the consciousness of having done his duty, and justly merited a great and lasting fame. The year 451 B. C., about sixty years from the commence- ment of the republic, may be considered as an important era in the history of Rome. The contentions between the various orders of the state, for privilege, prerogative, and power, still raged without intermission, till, at length, all ROME. 151 patties, growing Weary of these disturbances, united in an expedient, which at once shows the wisdom and greatness of the Roman character. They unanimously determined on | introducing a body of written laws; whose influence might prevent, as well as punish, crimes, and especially, that there- by the decisions of the magistrates might be governed by known and fixed principles. Posthumius, Sulpicius and Manlius, three senators of high rank, whom the suffrage of the Roman people had declared worthy of so great a trust, were immediately sent to Athens and other Greek cities, to consult their laws, to extract from them a code of such as were most approved, and report them to their fellow-citizens in due time. In the course of a year, this business was accomplished. These ambassadors returned, and brought with them a body of laws, which they had selected from the most celebrated systems of Greece. These were formed into ten tables, two others being some time after added, making the numbertwelve. This was that famous code of laws, known by the name of the “laws of the twelve tables.” Many fragments of this body of laws remain until the present time. Nations in general, when they enjoy good government and excellent laws, resemble a body in perfect health—a body, in which the various animal and vital functions are complete and vigorous. This now began to be the condition of Rome. Though it had not experienced much increase of territory, , yet its numbers, strength, experience and wisdom, were fast rising to power and conquest. It must not, however, be un- derstood, that Rome was yet-free from political disputes, or even from outrageous infractions of law and justice. That time she was destined never to see. When the laws of the twelve tables were adopted, a new kind of magistracy was created. Ten persons, called decemvirs, were appointed to see to the administration of government, and to enforce the authority of the laws. Their reign was short. It began well; but ended in dis- grace and misfortune. The term of their administration ended in the consummate villany of Appius, one of their number, and in the affecting story of Virginius and his daughter; for which the reader must be referred to the Roman history. To them succeeded another kind of ‘magistrates, called military tribunes; and these were again succeeded by consuls, according to the first form of the re- _public. 152 ROME. But it would be improper, in this work, to attempt to trace the Roman government through its tortuous course, or to enter into the various controversies of those early times. Whoever expects to find a free government without contin- ual disputes, divisions, intrigues, innovations and revolutions,” must be a stranger to the human character, as displayed in the history of nations. Where all power and authority ori- ginate with the people, and are under the control and direc- tion of their suffrage, there is too wide and alluring a pros- pect for ambitious men to neglect. They never did neglect it, and they never will. . After Cincinnatus, the Roman history presents us with no character worthy of particular notice, till the times of the illustrious Camillus; nor with any considerable event, till the formidable invasion of Rome by the Gauls, under Brennus. ‘This will carry us forward through a period of | about sixty years, during which the Roman state made con- siderable advances in population, territory and the art of war. Camillus had afforded the most important services to the state; had conquered several cities, and by a long course of conduct, had risen to the highest honors among his coun- trymen. ‘This was sufficient to draw down upon him a storm of envy and jealousy, which all his wisdom, power and popu- larity could not sustain. The tribunes, always turbulent and _ clamorous, and often unjust and cruel, roused the public resentment against him, by pretending, that he had embez- zled and secreted much of the plunder taken in the city of Veii; and they appointed a day, on which he was to appear before the people in his own defence. Conscious of his innocence, yet disdaining the mortifying indignity of sus- taining a public trial before a people, whom he had laid under such high obligations, and whose resentment, he knew, had rather sprung from their envy of his virtue, than from any other cause, he took leave of his friends, . and evaded the approaching storm by going into voluntary exile. The triumph of the tribunes and the plebeians, on the fall of this great man, was of short duration. A storm far more terrible menaced the whole state, than he had fled to escape. * Those who live in the Millennium, will doubtless find such a gov- ernment. When the Son of God shall make all the nations free, they will be free indeed ; and, certainly, they will be free from continual disputes, &c.—Ed. ROME. 153 We have, in a former chapter, had occasion to mention the Scythian hordes, which, in ancient times, inhabited the wilds of Europe and Asia; which, like an inundation, at various times, flowed down upon the more civilized na- tions ; or, like swarms of locusts, seemed to darken the sun and the air. The ancient inhabitants of Germany and France resembled them in those respects, in which they were most formidable. France was then called Gau!. The Gauls were men of great size and strength. They were ex- ceedingly bold, fierce, and terrible in war. It is said, that even a glance of their eye was so terrible, as to dismay and affrighten armies. A numerous body of these had, two centu- ries before this, crossed the Alps, and settled in the northern parts of Italy; and had long been a terror to all the country. Brennus, their warlike chieftain, was at this time at their head, besieging Clusium, a city of Etruria. | The martial spirit of the Romans being roused at so near an approach of this hostile nation, and being earnestly so- licited by that city to send them aid, they despatched ambas- sadors to Brennus, to demand of him, what right he had to invade that city. The Gaul sternly replied, that the “‘rights of valiant men lie in their swords ;”? and demandéd, in return, what right the Romans had to the many cities they had con- quered. The ambassadors, displeased with the haughty style of Brennus, and either forgetful or ignorant of their duty, immediately entered the city, and took an active part. in the war. Brennus was enraged at the conduct of the ambassadors, and forthwith raising the siege of Clusium, he marched di- rectly to Rome, probably glad of a pretence for effecting a preconcerted measure. Rome had now stood 364 years, and had been a republic 119. Its territories were considerably extended; and the city itself was become opulent, splendid and powerful. The neighboring cities had fallen under its power; and those more distant were willing either to pay homage for their in- dependence, or seek the alliance of the Romans. The Gal- lic king could not but believe, that if he conquered Rome, the empire of Italy would follow of course; and, perhaps, one much greater. It will be remembered, that the Gauls, about this time, attempted both Greece and Asia, and that with considerable success. From the former, they “ee ex- pelled by Sosthenes; and from the latter, by Antiochus Soter; as noticed in our view of Greece and Syria, 154 ROME. The Romans were apprized of the approaching danger, and sent an army, composed of the flower of their republic, to meet and oppose the Gauls. An obstinate and bloody battle was fought, in which the Romans were utterly defeated, and their army destroyed. Brennus, elated with victory, and still breathing revenge and fury, continued his march towards Rome. [He entered the city without re- sistance: and marching into the Forum, there beheld the ancient senators, sitting in their order, observing a profound silence, unmoved and undaunted. The splendid habits, the majestic gravity, and the venerable looks of these old men, who had all, in their time, borne the highest offices of the state, awed the barbarous enemy into reverence. ‘They took them to be the tutelar deities of the place, and began to of- fer blind adoration. At length, one more forward than the rest, put forth his hand to stroke the beard of Papyrius, who had lately been dictator. This insult, the noble Roman could not endure; but lifting his ivory sceptre, struck the savage to the ground. This seemed a signal for general BC slaughter. Papyrius fell first; and all the rest shared 395. ‘his fate, without mercy or distinction. Thus the fierce invaders pursued their slaughter for three days, sparing neither sex nor age; and then setting fire to the city burnt it to the ground. | Nothing seemed now to remain of the Roman state capa- ble of defending itself, but the celebrated capitol; where a body of the bravest of the Romans held out against every effort of the Gauls. Brennus, at length, grew weary of the siege, and proposed to the Romans, that, if they would pay him one thousand pounds weight of gold, he would draw off his army, and give them no further trouble. They ac- cepted the proposal; and the gold was produced. But while it was weighing, some of the Gauls attempted to kick the beam, to prevent a just weight. The Romans complained of so flagrant an injustice; but Brennus immediately cast his sword into the balance, and gave them to understand, that their complaints would be useless—that they must think of nothing but compliance with the will of their imperious conqueror. At that moment, intelligence was brought, that Camillus, the general, whom they had so unjustly banished, was approggning at the head of an army. He had heard of the calamities of his country; and, having raised a body of forces, was so fortunate, as to arrive at that critical ROME. 155 moment, when his presence was necessary, and his exertions effectual, to the salvation of his country. Camillus entered the place, where the business was transacting, and immedi- ately ordered the Romans to take back the gold whence it was brought; telling Brennus, with an air as haughty as that of the barbarian, that the Romans were in the use not to purchase peace with money, but with iron. The presence of this great man revived the drooping spir- its of his countrymen. They rallied round his standard ; and encountering the barbarians with the most resolute bravery, defeated and almost entirely cut them off. Thus Rome was delivered from the most dangerous enemy, if we except Hannibal, that she was to see for many ages. The Roman people, in these ancient times, exhibited the strangest mixture of bravery, superstition, barbarity, disci- pline, enthusiasm, levity and wisdom. They were contin- ually engaged in war, and’ were generally successful. But the dreadful chastisement they received from the hand of Brennus and the Gauls, was attended by consequences as lasting as deplorable. Their territories, still but small, were ravaged; their city laid in ashes; many of their bra- vest men killed in battle; and their resources severely drain- ed, though not exhausted; for their resources, as yet, were not money, nor strong fortresses, nor large territories, nor numbers, nor powerful allies. Their resources consisted in firm, determined spirits; great souls, fearless of danger and of death; minds strong, bold, intrepid and persevering. To brave danger was to them the field of glory; and their only alternative was death or victory. They enjoyed victory, and endured defeat, with equal moderation; and this they were able to do beyond any other nation; because nature had en- dued them with independent, unconquerable minds, and with invincible bravery and magnanimity. After the invasion of the Gauls, the Romans rose more experienced, more warlike, more formidable, than ever. We soon see them engaged in a war with the Samnites, the most powerful nation then in Italy. This war lasted many years, and was attended with various turns of fortune; and when it was likely to terminate in complete victory and tri- umph on the side of the Romans, an event took place, which seemed once more to threaten the existence of the Roman nation. € The Samnites, overpowered by the bravery and disci- pline of the Romans, sent for aid to Pyrrhus, the celebrated 156 : ROME: king of Epirus, of whom we have already taken some no- tice. It was generally thought impossible for the Romans to contend successfully with this great commander. He had been formed, in the art of war, upon the maxims and examples of Alexander and Epaminondas; and notwith- standing the degeneracy of the Greeks and Asiatics, from whom the military spirit had long since departed, had been able to inspire the armies he commanded, with his own hero- ic virtues. He had found no equal in Egypt, or Asia. Happy would it have been for him, had he pursued more closely the footsteps of Alexander, and especially had he kept at a distance from Italy; though even that might not have sa- ved him from a collision with the growing power of the Romans. Cs Pyrrhus immediately prepared to comply with the 9g9, request of the Samnites. He embarked from Epirus, with an army of twenty thousand foot, three thousand horse, and twenty elephants ; but, in crossing the Adriatic, his fleet was dispersed in a storm, and many of his vessels were lost. Although his armament was greatly diminished, he still thought the remnant more than a match for the rude and barbarous people of Italy. His judgment of the Romans was probably not dissimilar to that formed of the American people before the revolutionary war; at which time, some imagined, that a few thousand regular troops would strike an awe through the continent, and that the semi-barbarians of the colonies would never dare to face disciplined and veteran troops. “4 But Pyrrhus found the Romans not so rude and barba- rous, as he expected. The first view he had of their military order and skill, struck him with surprise; _and the first victory he gained, in all probability, utterly extinguished his hopes of subduing the Romans. It is worthy of remark, how differently the Romans received this invasion of Pyrrhus, from what the Persians did that of Alexander. Pyrrhus found the Romans ready to receive him; and when he of- fered to mediate between them and the Samnites, he was answered by Levinus, the consul, that the Roman people neither respected him as a mediator, nor feared him as an enem The first battle was fought on the banks of the river Lyrisa, Pyrrhus drew up his army with the utmost skill; nor was there a want of skill and discernment in the order and movements of the Romans. Here was first seen con- ROME. 157 trasted the Grecian phalanx with the Roman legion; nor have the ablest tacticians been positive in determining which, on all accounts, was preferable. The loose array of the legion gave celerity to its evolutions, and certainly admitted of various conveniences; but the close and firm strength of the phalanx, by condensing the physical force, rendered its impression more certain, and its shock more dreadful. The field, by both parties, was managed with great skill, and was fought with the most determined bravery. Motives of safety and of honor wrought powerfully with both generals, and both armies; and it is probable, that few battles have been more severe. But the Greeks, at length, prevailed ; and Pyrrhus, by the aid of his elephants, which were sent among the Romans, gained a complete victory. The Ro- mans were put to flight, leaving fifteen thousand men dead on the field of battle. But the loss of Pyrrhus was not much inferior ; insomuch, that, while some were congratu- lating him on account of his victory, he is said pathetical- ly to have exclaimed, that another such victory would ruin him. [ Fabricius —The Romans, in a war with Pyrrhus, the king of Epirus, sent an embassy to him concerning the ransom and exchange of prisoners. At the head of this venerable deputation, was Fabricius, an ancient senator, who had long been a pattern to his countrymen, of the most extreme poverty, joined with the most cheerful content. This practical philosopher, who had been formerly consul, and was now the ambassador of Rome, had no other plate furniture in his house, except a small cup, the bottom even of which was of horn. When the Samnites had formerly offered him large presents, he refused them, saying, that he was already rich, as he had learned the art of lessening his wants by retrenching his appetites. Pyrrhus received this celebrated old man with great kindness, and, willing to try how far fame had been just in his favor, offered him rich presents, which, however, the Roman refused. The day after, he was desirous of examining the equality of his temper, and ordered one of his elephants to be placed be- hind the tapestry, which, upon a signal given, raised its trunk above the ambassador’s head, at the same time, using other arts, to intimidate him. Fabricius, however, with a countenance no way changing, smiled upon the king, observing, that he looked with an equal eye on the terrors 14 158 : ROME. of this day, as he had upon the allutements of the preceding. Pyrrhus, pleased to find so much virtue in one he had con- sidered as a barbarian, was willing to grant him the only favor, which he knew would make him happy,—that of re- leasing the Roman prisoners. Fabricius was again made consul, and marched against Pyrrhus; While the two armies were approaching, a let- ter was brought to Fabricius from the king’s physician, im- porting that for a proper reward, he would take him off by poison. Instead of employing the physician to perpetrate the murder, he exposed.the intended murderer to his master; intimating to Pyrrhus, at the same time, that he had been extremely unfortunate in the choice of his friends and of his enemies. ‘ Admirable Fabricius !”? cried Pyrrhus, “it would be as easy to turn the sun from its course, as thee from the paths of honor.’’] Pyrrhus once more tried the virtue of negotiation. He sent Cineas, a man of great eloquence, who had been the scholar of Demosthenes, ambassador to Rome. But this attempt, like the former, was without success. The Romans were deaf to all proposals of accommodation, short of Pyr- rhus’s retiring out of Italy. Neither eloquence, nor bribery ; neither threats, nor persuasions, could produce any effect on that haughty, determined people. The war was, therefore, renewed with great vigor on both sides; and various bat- tles were fought, with more success to the Romans; till, at length, Pyrrhus was totally defeated, and his army cut _ in pieces. Giving up all hopes, therefore, of effecting any thing against so brave and powerful an enemy, he was forc- ed to embark in haste, and leave his allies to the inevitable fate of subjugation by the victorious Romans. Pyrrhus, however, left a garrison in the city of Tarentum, and advis- ed the Tarentines to support their cause with what vigor they could, till he could have time to levy more forces in Greece, and return. But he probably had little expectation of ever returning to those shores, where he had experienced so severe a reverse of fortune. It is certain, he never did return; nor did he ever seem to recover the current of his former good fortune. The Tarentines, who had been the: principal leaders in the war of the Samnites, were now left to struggle with the Romans; nor would the struggle have been long, had they not made application for aid to another foreign power. While the garrison left by Pyrrhus tyrannised in the city, ROME. 159 and the Romans were masters of the country round them, they applied to the Carthaginians for succor, as their last and only resort. We have already made mention of the Carthaginians. - As early as the invasion of Greece by Xerxes, they were pow- erful both by sea and land; and furnished, according to some writers, an army of 300,000 men, who operated in conjunc- tion with the Persians. They were willing, it appears, to interfere with the Romans, of whose growing power they had long been jealous. They soon drew a powerful fleet into the harbor of Tarentum, with a view to check the pro- gress of the Roman arms. It had not, however, the desired effect. The Romans found means to corrupt and bring over the garrison to their interest ; in consequence of which, the city was taken, its walls and fortifications demolished, and the inhabitants were granted their liberty and protection from the Romans. The military spirit, as we have seen in the former part of this Compend, passed from the Assyrians to the Persians, from them to the Greeks, and from the Greeks to the Car- thaginians. Though the origins of Rome and Carthage, according to many writers, were not very far distant, in point of time, yet the latter rose first to consequence; and while Rome was only a single city, and the Romans an obscure horde, the Carthaginians, by their fleets, kept the shores of the Mediterranean in awe, possessed the islands of that sea; had, in fact, passed the strait of Gibraltar; coasted down the African peninsula, and up the shores of Europe, through the British channel ; and, it is thought, had reached the coasts of Norway, if not even the shores of the Baltic sea. They form one of the numerous proofs, and one not the least splendid, of the power and consequence, which commerce will give a nation. We shall here digress a moment, by giving a brief sketch of the rise and greatness of Carthage; a power, which held a long and doubtful contest with Rome for empire; nor would she have failed in that contest, if, while her fleets and armies, were victorious abroad, she had not been weakened by disunion, and rent by factions at home. Carthage was founded by a colony from ancient Phenicia, a country lying at the east end of the Mediterranean, whose chief cities were Tyre and Sidon. If we might rely on Virgil’s authority, this famous city was founded by Dido, the sister-in-law of Pygmalion, king of Tyre, ahout the 160 ROME. time of the destruction of Troy. According to the story of the Latin poet, Acneas, the ‘Trojan prince, who had escaped the ruins of his country, was driven by a storm on the coast of Africa, and there had an interview with Dido, the founder and queen of Carthage. That virtuous and lovely queen, whose constancy to the memory of her husband, Sichzeus, even surpassed the fame of Penelope, received the fugitive ‘Trojans, rescued them from the utmost distress, and protected them from the bar- barous customs of the hostile people, on whose shores they were cast. To reward her for this, a plot was laid in hee- ven, among the principal deities, for her destruction. Cupid, the god of love, was sent down to assume the form of Asca- nius, the son of A‘neas, to inflame the passions of Dido, while Venus lent all her aid to the hero himself. As soon as the powers of heaven, combined, had enabled him to tri- umph in the most complete seduction of his benefactress, Mercury comes flying down in all haste to apprize him, that it is now time to be gone. And, like all cther villains, whose triumph over innocence is followed with indifference and disgust, he hastens away. The queen, unable to bear his enormous ingratitude and peerless atrocity, kills herself in despair. Did it accord with the temper and genius of Virgil to make his favorite hero the instrument of such distress and distraction to innocence and virtue? Did he think it would do honor to the gods of his country to father upon them as dark a plot as ever was fabricated in hell? Did he think it would be an additional gem in the diadem of A®neas, to make -him trample on the virtue of the Tyrian queen? Or, in a word, did he imagine, that, by the introduction of his wont- ed machinery, a veil of sanctity would be thrown over the whole, and cover all its deformities ? But, though it would seem extraordinary, that Virgil should, through ignorance or choice, fall into such a glaring anachronism, yet it is certain, that the best authorities place the founding of Carthage at a great distance from the destruction of Troy. According to the opinion of the learned Bochart, the city of Carthage was built about the time of Joshua’s conquest of Canaan. The territories of Tyre and Sidon were allotted to the tribe of Asher; and many of the Pheenicians, at that time, to avoid a war of extermination, went on board their vessels, and sought for new establishments. A company of them landed, and made i iia ‘ ey Ay SESS SESS SNS oe & TAs SSS8Ss SSSssssSs SN SSS SSssssc Fabricius and the Elephants. Lage 779 SOV Cornelius Tewets. ROME, 161 a settlement on the African shore, a few miles from where the city of Tunis now stands. ‘There they laid the foundation of Carthage. But this was two centuries and a half before the siege of Troy. Bochart, in this opinion, has followed the best ancient authorities; and he has been followed by the ablest chronologers since his time, who, moreover, fix the em- igration of Dido to the African shore neatly two centuries and a half after the Trojan war. | » ot The Carthaginians, descended from a people, whom long voyages and extensive commerce had rendered enterprising and bold, followed the footsteps of their mother country ; and soon went far beyond her. Their commerce, which embraced almost, every species of traffic, extended to all parts of the known world. Their ships were in the Mediterrane- an and Red seas, and in many parts ofthe Indian and At- lanti@OCeANs ie | But we cannot notice here their wars and revolutions, They seem, however, not to have interfered much with the great monarchies of Asia; and it is certain, that their power by sea was, in general, their security against invasion. The first notice we have taken of them, was in the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. Him they furnished with an army to invade Sicily; which invasion, by means of weakness in the directing head, proved unfortunate in all its parts. But Sicily, however, and most other islands in the Mediterranean, soon after that invasion, fell under the power of Car- thage. | Under the name of a republic, the Carthaginians were generally governed by a set of powerful men, who never wanted means to procure their own appointment to the most important offices. Nor can it be said, that Carthage ever enjoyed the free and independent spirit of Rome. The government and policy of the Carthaginians, as indeed of all the ancient nations, was interwoven with their religion. For the sake of illustrating this by example, I have inserted a passage from Rollin’s Ancient History, which he has taken from Polybius. The passage is found in the words of a treaty between the Carthaginians and the king of Macedon, and will show us the solemn manner in which their treaties were formed. ‘This treaty was con-. cluded in the presence of Jupiter, Juno and Apollo; in the Steeae of Daimons, of the Carthaginians, of Hereuies and’ olaus; in the presence of Mars, Triton and Neptune; in the presence of all the confederate gods of the Cartha- 14* ‘ 162 ROME. giniaas, and of thesun, moon and earth; in the presence of the rivers, meads and waters; in the presence of all those gods, who possess Carthage.” The government of Carthage, much like that of the Roman republic, consisted of three orders.. The Suffetes, of which there were two, answered in most particulars to the consuls of Rome. They were appointed annually, and are called sometimes kings, dictators or consuls. Their power was great. The senate consisted of men most remarkable for wisdom and prudence, and formed their council of state. Their number is not known. The whole body of the people composed the lower order. But the people generally submitted all matters of government to the senate. Towards the time of the conquest of Carthage, by the Romans, however, the people grew turbulent, factious and rebellious; and being led by aspiring demagogues, they interfered, and finally subverted the state. In general, their government was sufficiently virtuous to give security to private property, and consequently to promote industry and enterprise; but it was frequently cruel, tyrannical, tumul- tuary and impolitic. When Hannibal was upon the point of conquering Rome, a faction in the senate of Carthage ruined him. But there must be a cause for the dissolution of all governments, states and empires. Even Rome, after having flourished her day, fell into disorder, confusion, weak- ness and ruin. The Romans were now masters of Italy; an extensive, fertile, and, in many parts, a populous country. We have now no means of coming at the probable number of inhabi- tants;» but Italy now sustains twenty millions of people, notwithstanding the great degeneracy of morals and want of industry, which prevail in that country. From various circumstances, which attract our notice in the Punic war, we may safely conclude, that Italy then contained several mil- lions of people. The resources of the two powers we are now consider- ing, were very different, but very great. Carthage, by” extensive and prosperous commerce, had amassed the wealth of the world. She abounded in gold and silver, and in every species. of valuable, elegant and luxurious mer- chandise. She had also an immense population. The northern shores of Africa were then the granary of the _ world; they were full of people; they were the fruitful nursery of armies; and the number of their vessels was ROME. — 163° prodigious. But the Africans, at this time, were neither inebriated by luxury, nor enervated by their warm climate. They had powerful armies; and it was their good fortune to have a number of great generals, who were perhaps never surpassed in some essential points of the military character. They were crafty, intrepid, brave; and especially they were impetuous and almost irresistible in their modes of attack. The Romans were as yet poor; they were actuated by patriotism and love of glory. Their courage was cool, but firm and unshaken; and was always most thoroughly roused by the greatest danger. They were inured to hardships, and were, in one word, a nation of soldiers. For, as Cineas told Pyrrhus, that every one of their senators was fit for a king, so he might also have said, that every one of their soldiers was fit for a general. Such being the contending parties, it will not be thought extravagant, when we observe, that the contest between Rome and Carthage was conducted with the firmest spirit, and the greatest resolution; that it was the most equally matched, and vigorously fought: in short, that it was the most severe, whether we regard the extremity, extent, or duration of its operations ; and the most illustrious, whether we regard the characters concerned, or the consequences which followed, of any found in the annals of history. In this contest, the two greatest powers in the world were en- gaged; and it was certain, that whoever was victorious must remain without a rival. The expulsion of Pyrrhus from Italy, and reduction of the Samnites and Tarentum, completed the subjugation of Italy, and left the Romans masters of the garden of Europe. They must now find new fields of glory. The prospect northward was uninviting. There lay the Alps and the fierce nations of Gaul. Eastward lay Greece, separated from them by the Adriatic sea, which was possessed by the fleets of Carthage. Sicily, divided from them only by a nar- row strait, allured them by its immense riches, and was easy of access; but there the grasping power of Carthage had already unfurled its victorious standard. Hiero, king of Syracuse, was engaged in war with the Mamertines, a small Sicilian state; and being hardly pressed, he called in the Carthaginians to his aid, who presently furnished him with prompt assistance by sea and land. The Mamertines, seeing themselves thus overmatched, 164 ROME. immediately sent to the Roman senate, and put themselves under the protection of the Romans. ‘The senate, still mindful of the interference of the Carthaginians in the siege of Tarentum, determined now on a trial of strength, and without further delay, declared war against Carthage. Thus commenced what is commonly called the first Punic war.* It was soon perceived by the Romans, that any advantage they might gain in Sicily over their adversaries, could neither be very important, nor permanent, so long as their adversaries were masters of the seas. As chimerical as it might seem, they determined to remove this impediment. Their own immense peninsula furnished them with num- berless harbors; their forests afforded them timber; their genius promised them skill; and their hardy sons might easily become excellent seamen. About the same time a Carthaginian vessel falling into their hands, they took it as their model, and went without delay to building a fleet. In a short time a fleet was built, and equipped for sea. Of this naval armament, Duillius took the command ; and im- mediately putting to sea, he encountered and defeat- B.C. ed one of the principal fleets of Carthage, sinking or destroying fifty of their ships. A victory so brilliant and so unexpected, and achieved by the infant navy of Rome, gave mankind new ideas of the capacity and genius of the Roman people. But we cannot descend to a minute detail of particular events. The Romans, having gained several advantages both by sea and land, determined without delay to carry the war into Africa, in hopes of terminating it by one decisive effort. They soon fitted out a fleet more powerful than the for- mer, and prepared to make a descent upon the coast of Africa. This army was commanded by Regulus, at that time considered the greatest general in Rome; a man eminent for integrity, bravery and .all the virtues of the patriot and hero. Regulus was no sooner at sea, than he was met by the fleets of Carthage. A battle ensued, in which the Romans came off with complete victory and triumph. They landed, and, encountering an army com- posed of the flower of Carthage, once more obtained a signal victory. In consequence of this, many towns and *The wars between the Carthaginians and Romans, are called Punic wars, because the ancient Carthaginians were Phenicians —Ed. ROME. 165 cities submitted to the Roman army. Such a series of severe defeats and heavy losses filled Carthage with grief, terror and astonishment; and it was apprehended, that the Romans would immediately complete the conquest of Africa. But it should be remembered, that the histories of these transactions were generally written by Roman pens. Allow- ance must, therefore, be made for such glosses and colorings, as might be expected from a people, unwilling to acknowl- edge the military merit of other nations. The Carthaginians, in this extremity, sent to Lacedemon, and requested Xan- tippus, a celebrated Grecian general, to command their armies. Their request was granted; and the almost desperate affairs of Carthage assumed a new form. This brave and gallant commander soon appeared at the head of an army; gave battle to the Romans; defeated them with dreadful slaughter; and Regulus, the Roman general, was taken prisoner. It is remarked by some, that events either fortunate or disastrous, seldom come alone. This remark holds good in the present case; and fortune seemed now willing, for a while, to shift sides. The Roman senate, almost at once, received intelligence of the loss of Regulus and his army, of the total loss of their fleet in a storm at sea, and of the capture of Agrigentum, their chief town in Sicily, by Kasthalo, the Carthaginian general. Having put another fleet to sea, it was also driven ashore and wrecked in a storm. It may be presumed, that the fleets of those times were but poorly built and equipped, to resist the dangers of the sea; and if to this idea we add that of their ignorance of the art of navigation, it is matter of wonder, how they accomplished what they certainly did, on the sea. To perform long voyages without a compass, must be attended with continual perplexity and danger. The Romans discovered this to their cost; and Eutropius remarks, that they were so disgusted and chagrined with these disasters at sea, that they in a measure abandoned forever all naval enterprise. But their prosperity on the land was ultimately more than a counterbalance. They always, however, had ships enough to transport their armies wherever they wished to send them ; and they did in fact, after this, gain several victories over the Carthaginians at sea. Regulus, in the mean time, was thrown into a dungeon, where he lay some years, while the war progressed with 166 ROME. vigor, but with no material advantage on either side. At length, however, as the bravery of the Romans was fatigued, and the treasures of Carthage no Jess exhausted, the Car- thaginians thought it a favorable time to propose conditions of peace. Together with their own ambassadors, they also sent Regulus home upon parole of honor, exacting from him a promise, that he would return, provided the Romans did not accept of their conditions. The conduct of Regulus, on this occasion, has been justly celebrated through all suc- ceeding ages. . Although he knew, that the severest torments awaited his return to Carthage, yet, as the guardian of the honor of his country, he suffered no private consideration to influence his conduct. He strenuously opposed a peace, but upon terms as humbling to Carthage, as they were advanta- geous and honorable to Rome. The great and noble spirit he manifested revived the courage of his countrymen, and determined them to prose- cute the war. But, as for himself, he returned to Carthage, and was put to death with the most dreadful and lingering torments. This he foresaw; and laid down his life volunta- rily for the good of his country. Patriots, like Regulus, are - as scarce, as those are plenty, who, in the midst of the most pompous professions, would sell or sacrifice their country, to advance their own private interest. After the death of Regulus, the affairs of Carthage expe- rienced an evident and rapid decline; and the Roman arms prevailed in all directions, till the Carthaginians found it necessary to make peace on the most dishonorable terms. These were, that they should evacuate Sicily and the neigh- boring islands; give up all their prisoners and deserters without ransom; keep all their ships of war at a distance from the Roman dominions; never make war with the Ro- man allies; pay down a thousand talents of silver, and two thousand ar@ two hundred more, in ten years. To these conditions Carthage acceded; and thus ended the first Punie war, B. C. 240. The Romans themselves were willing at this time to take breath; for though, in this war, they had generally the advantage, yet it was an advantage dearly bought; and they often perceived the balance to fluctuate; sometimes to turn against them. Indeed, their scene of operations was wide ; their exertions extreme and long continued, in combating a great and powerful people, who, though less warlike, certainly possessed superior resources. ° ROME. 167 At this period, while Rome enjoyed profound peace, and the temple of Janus was shut, several events took place strongly connected with the chain of causes, which wag to elevate her to the summit of empire and glory. A passion for elegant literature, for the first time, began now to appear; particularly, the Grecian drama began to take piace of the low, wretched and smutty satire, as it was called, which hitherto had only been known at Rome; and, from this pe- riod, the strong genius of Rome labored perpetually upon Grecian models. They never could equal their masters in dramatic composition; but, in many other species of writing, they not only equalled, but excelled; and even merited the honor of inventing several of their own. Between the first and second Punic wars, the temple of Janus did not continue long shut. The fierce and barbarous nations of Gaul, judging it now a convenient time, when the Roman armies were disbanded, and the spirit of war seemed quiet, once more to make an attempt upon Italy, they cross- ed the Alps, and poured down in an immense swarm into the fruitful country of Etruria. But they learned their error when too late. They were surrounded and cut in pieces almost toa man. Viridomarus, their king, was slain by the - hand of the celebrated Marcellus, who was called the sword of Rome. They, as might be expected, begged and obtain- ed a peace. The Carthaginians, who had been compelled by necessity to accept the most inglorious terms of peace, were now measurably recovered from the calamities of an unfortunate war, and determined once more on a trial of strength with the great and formidable power of Rome. They were, in- deed, roused to this measure by one of the most extraordi- nary men, who has ever appeared in the world. Hannibal, on whom the command of the second Punic war devolved, had been from his childhood a sworn enemy to the Romans. It is said, that when he was but nine years old, his father, Hamilear, who was himself a great and skilful general, caused him to take a solemn oath, never to be in friendship with the Romans. ‘ The Carthaginians began the war by besieging Saguntum, a city in Spain, in alliance with the Romans. An embassy was immediately despatched to Carthage, complaining of this infraction of an existing treaty. This remonstrance failing of success, both sides once more prepared for war, in a man- ner suited to the greatness of the contending parties. 168 ROME. Hannibal, who was then in Spain, sent a part of his forces into Africa, left another part under the command of Asdrubal, his brother, to carry on the war in Spain, and at the head of about 50,000 select troops, and a formidable body of cavalry, directed his march toward Italy. Out of Spain, he passed over the Pyrenean mountains into Gaul, where he. encountered and dispersed the barbarous and hostile tribes, who opposed him. He crossed the Alps with his army, an enterprise, censidering that it was performed in the dead of winter, truly stupendous and astonishing. Since the heroic achievements of Hercules,* no army had ever crossed those lofty ridges, where vast declivities, fright- ful steeps and dreary wastes, received in succession the ad- venturous traveller; where nature’s roughest aspect derived additional horrors from the ravages of winter; and the fre- quent and desperate attacks of fierce savages, issuing from the caverns and grottos of these inhospitable rocks, increased the dangers of every step. This arduous enterprise was accomplished in about two weeks, but with the loss of nearly half the army. But noth- ing could repress the ardor of Hannibal. He was now on the plains of Italy; he must conquer or die. © The Romans, who carefully watched Hannibal’s motions, received intelligence by the swiftest couriers, that he was crossing the Alps at the head of a powerful army. So bold an enterprise, likely to be attended with important conse- quences, excited considerable sensations at Rome. But what could the Romans fear? The bravest nation in the world, skilled in the art of war by the experience of ages, they had triumphed over every enemy. Even Pyrrhus, the greatest general of his time, could not stand before them. And in a former war, they had, at the gates of Carthage, prescribed to her conditions of peace. But now they were far more powerful, by increase of numbers, wealth and experience. But we cannot particularize the events of this war. Han- nibal first defeated Scipio, who met him near the river Po, with a numerous army, soon after he entered Italy. A few days after this, he encountered another army, commanded by Sempronius, on the banks of thé Trebia. This army he routed with great slaughter. The third army, com- manded by Flaminius, he cut off near the lake of Thrasy- * It is by no means to be supposed that Hercules ever crossed the Alps.—£d. ROME. 159 mene. The news of these successive defeats, spread con- sternation and dismay through Italy; and many of the Cisalpine Gauls immediately declared, for Hanni- ie bal, and flocked to his standard. And the Sicilians, - who found, that masters near at hand were more to be fear- ed, than at a distance, now generally showed a disposition to join the conqueror. In this alarming state of things, the mighty genius of Rome, which never failed to open to her new resources, suggested a means of checking the rapid progress of Han- nibal. Fabius Maximus was appointed dictator, a man of great subtilty and craft, as well as an able and experienced commander. To him was committed, as the last resort, the defence of the republic. Having undertaken that ardu- ous task, he adopted a mode of warfare hitherto unknown to the Romans, but since their time, often practised with success; and by no one more illustriously, than by him, who may be styled the shield of the American people. The Ro- mans could bring no force into the field, which could stand before Hannibal. Fabius, therefore, endeavored to keep out of his way, but to watch his motions; to hover about him; cut off his foraging parties; to.disturb and weaken him b indirect means; to harass at one time his van, and at another, his rear; and especially to let no opportunity slip of annoy- ing him, or, as it might happen, of gaining a signal advan- tage. And in pursuing this system, he in fact gained several considerable advantages; and at length enclosed him in a place, from whence he could not extricate himself without difficulty and danger. | But no enclosures were sufficient long to detain him, whom no force could withstand, when at liberty. By a stratagem, he outwitted even Fabius, and gained once more the open country. And now the calamities of Rome seemed drawing toward their crisis. (The command of Fabius expiring, Terentius Varro, a man of rash, impetuous courage, was appointed in his place, who advanced against Hannibal with 90,000 men, the flower and strength of Italy. Superiority of numbers, honor, shame, courage, the ancient fortune and glory of Rome—in short, resentment, rage and despair, all seemed to unite their influence upon the minds of the Romans, and to lead them on to victory and vengeance. They fought near Canne, and were cut in pieces aimost to aman. Fifty, some say seventy, thousand were left dead on the field of battle; and it is said, that three bushels of 15 17d ROME. gold rings were sent to Carthage, which wete drawn froti the fingers of Roman knights. Hannibal has been generally, perhaps justly, censured for not immediately investing Rome. Indeed some histo- rians relate, that Maherbal, one of his principal officers, told him at the time, “that he knew how to conquer, but not how to improve his victory; and that if he would march im- mediately to Rome, in three days they should sup in the capitol.”? It appears, that Hannibal had at this time but about 40,000 foot forces, and not half that number of caval- ry. If this be true, it would seem sufficient reason for his delaying the siege of Rome. Although many Romans had been killed in the war, yet there were vast numbers remain- ing; and of their courage, he had no reason to doubt. Had Carthage at this moment invaded Italy with several other armies; had she furnished Hannibal with three times the number of men he had, which she might have done, Rome might have been conquered. But while Hannibal was vic- torious in Italy, the government of Carthage was embar- rassed, distracted, and rent by factions. Immediately after the battle of Canne, Hannibal des- patched his brother Mago t» Carthage, to carry an account of his decisive victory, and to demand more troops, in order to complete the reduction of Rome. But alas! what can equal the blindness and rage of popular fury? Hanno, a powerful demagogue in the senate of Carthage, ever bent on frustrating the measures of Hannibal, prevailed against the request of Mago. And although an order was given for the raising of 24,000 foot, and 4,000 horse, yet when those forces were levied in Spain, they were sent another way, aud never acted in that direction, where their aid would probably have enabled Hannibal to finish the war. Nor is this the only instance, where ambitious men have sacrificed their country, and even themselves, to their own party views. Instead of wondering, that Hannibal did not immediately conquer Rome, nothing, indeed, can be more astonishing, than that he was able, with an army reduced to about 24,000, to maintain his ground for many years. Hannibal, however, carried on the war, and kept posses- sion of the finest parts of Italy, for upwards of fifteen years. But the country was large, and the Romans, taught by adversity, and being fully recovered from their first con sternation, found means to evade his impetuous valor, and ROME, 17L make effectual opposition, without hazarding general battles. Rome owed its ultimate deliverance to several great men, Fabius, Marcellus and Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus, led the Roman armies, and: managed their affairs with equal courage and prudence. Though they could not drive Han- nibal out of Italy, they led armies into Spain and Sicily, and finally into Africa, where the war became so threatening, that the Carthaginians were obliged to recall Hannibal, to defend their own dominions. Hannibal returned, but too late. The Carthaginians were too far gone, to be rescued by mortal prowess. Historians have generally allowed, that Alexander was the first of warriors. But if they allow the Romans to have been the most warlike of the ancient nations, it will be ditf- ficult to say, why Alexander should take precedency of Han- nibal. What comparison could the Persians bear with the Romans? Hannibal, it is true, did not conquer Italy. But what did he do? He defeated, and nearly destroyed, four principal armies in succession. His own army was not large, nor was it recruited. The Gauls and other cae in Italy, who espoused his cause, were not to be depended on; and of his own regular force, there must have been a constant diminution. Many of the bravest Roman generals he slew; their most wise and crafty he outwitted, and their greatest and most consummate, he out-generalled. In the field, he was more than a match for Marcellus, and in policy, for Fa- bius. Even Scipio Africanus did not conquer him, till he was overpowered and crushed by fortune. No one can deny, that in the times of the Punic wars, the Romans were far better scidiers than the Carthaginians ; but that they ever had an abler general, there is reason to doubt. On Hannibal’s leaving Italy; he found the affairs of his country in a situation nearly desperate. He had with him the remnant of those soldiers, with whom he had fought fifteen years,in Italy; but they were covered with scars; worn out with toils; and their spirits broken with labor, mis- fortune and disappointment. Nevertheless, he encountered Scipio the Younger, whose army was far superior to his own, and did every thing which prudence and valor eou!d do. | [It was on the plains of Zama in Africa, that this mem- orable battle was fought. When the armies arrived, neither party was in @ condition to protract the war, 172 ROME. Hannibal was sensible, that the fate of his country was sus- pended upon the issue of a single battle. He was, there- fore, desirous, if possible, to terminate the war by a treaty. For this purpose, having desired a personal interview with Scipio, the two generals met between their armies. The conference was commenced by Hannibal. He expressed his regret, that the Carthaginians had attempted any econ- quests beyond Africa, or the Romans, beyond Italy. ‘ We began,” said he, “with a contest for Sicily; we proceeded to dispute the possession of Spain, and we have, each im our turns, seen our native land overrun with strangers, and our country in danger of becoming a prey to its enemies. It is time, that we should distrust the caprice of fortune, and drop an animosity, which has brought us both to the verge of destruction. This language, indeed, may have lit- tle weight with you, who have, hitherto, been successftl in all your attempts, and who have not yet experienced any re- verse of fortune. But I pray you to profit by the experience of others. You now behold in me a person, who was, once, almost master of your country, and who am now brought, at last, to the defence of my own. I encamped within a - few miles of Rome, and offered the possessions round the forum for sale. Urge not the chance of war too far. I now offer to surrender, on the part of Carthage, all her preten- sions to Spain, Sardinia, Sicily and every other island, that lies between this continent and yours. J wish only for peace to my country, that she may enjoy, undisturbed, her ancient possessions on this coast; and | think, that the terms I offer, are sufficiently advantageous and honorable to obtain your consent.” To this address, Scipio replied, That the Romans had not been the aggressors in the present or preceding wars with Carthage; that they strove to maintain their own rights, and to protect their allies; and that, suitably to these . righteous intentions, they had been favored by the justice of the gods; that no one knew better than, himself, the instability of human affairs, nor should be more on his. guard against the chances of war. ‘The terms,” he said, “which you now propose, might have been accepted, had you offered them while yet in Italy, and had proposed, as a prelude to the treaty, to remove from thence; but now, that you are forced, not only to evacuate the Roman terri- tory, but are stripped of part of your own, and are already driven from every post you propose to surrender, the con- ROME. | 173 cessions are no longer sufficient. They are no more than a part of the conditions already agreed to by your country- men, and which they, on your appearance in Africa, so basely retracted. Besides what you now offer, it was prom- ised, on their part, that Roman captives should be restored without ransom; that all armed ships should be delivered up; that a sum of five thousand talents should be paid, and hostages given by Carthage for the performance of all these articles. “On the credit of this agreement, we granted a cessation of arms; but were shamefully betrayed by the councils of Carthage. Now, to abate any part of the articles, which were then stipulated, would be to reward a breach of faith, and to instruct nations, hereafter, how to profit by perfidy. You may, therefore, be assured, that I will not so much as transmit to Rome any proposal, that does not contain, as preliminaries, every article formerly stipulated, together with such additional concessions, as may induce the Romans to renew the treaty. On any other terms than these, Carthage must conquer, or submit at discretion.””. Hannibal was van- quished, and compelled to seek safety by flight. Thus ended the second Punic war, B. C. 202. | The Carthaginians were now willing to make peace upon any terms; and the Romans dictated such terms, as they saw fit. But that unhappy people did not long enjoy the benefit even of a treaty, which, while it left them the name, deprived them, in reality, of independence. The Romans renewed their exactions with the haughtiest tone of despotic inso- lence. Submission was now in vain. The miserable inhabitants of Carthage were ordered to leave their city, which was, by a decree of the senate of Rome, condemned to be utterly demolished. Carthage, roused by despair, al- though, by the most base and shameful treachery, completely disarmed, now made her expiring effort. The people shut their gates, fortified their walls and towers, and, with incred- ible industry, fabricated such arms, as the time allowed, They made a noble resistance. But the repeated and furi- ous assaults of a great and powerful army, could not long be resisted. The city was taken by storm, and, together with its inhabitants, perished by fire and sword. Thus ended Carthage, one of the most renowned cities of antiquity, 146 years before Christ, 607 from the building of Rome, and above a thousand years from its founda- tion. 15* 174 ROME. But Hannibal, destined never to grace a Roman triamph, fong survived the ruin of Carthage. Still retaining his en- mity to the Romans, he maintained in every place the une- qual struggle, endeavoring, by any means, to annoy them or to enkindle war against them. ——- CHAPTER XIII. BRIEF HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, FROM THE FALL OF CARTHAGE TO THE REIGN OF COMMODUS, CONTAIN~ ING A PERIOD OF THREE HUNDRED AND TWELVE YEARS. In the infancy of Rome, she had many wars, but few conquests. In her maturity, she had few wars, and many conquests. When the power of Carthage failed, Rome no longer had a rival. Her wars, or rather invasions, after that event, were generally of her own seeking; and they were many. Rome was no sooner able to say, “Carthage must be destroyed,” than, in her heart, she also said, The empire of Alexander shall be mine. First, Macedon felt her grasp; and Perseus was hurled from the throne of Philip and Alexander; at which time she graciously gave the Greeks their liberty, i. e. gave them law. | Attalus, king of Pergamus, dying about this time, left his kingdom to the Romans, by will; or, in other words, seeing the world sink beneath their power, he preferred giving them a bloodless victory, and cloaked an ignoble derelic- tion of right, under the specious name of a voluntary donation. Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, was destined next to fall before them. He was, at this period, the most powerful and opulent prince of all Alexander’s successors ; and had he accepted the advice and aid of Hannibal, there would have been, at least, a chance for his escaping tne all-erasping power of Rome. But he, fearing lest, if any thing should be done, Hannibal would have all the credit, was careful to go directly contrary to the advice of that general. The Romans defeated him almost without loss of blood; stripped him of a great part of his dominions; tri- umphed over him; extorted from him an immense tribute ; and left him only enough to grace the triumph of another campaign. ROME. 175 Two other great cities shared the fate of Carthage, and nearly at the same time. Corinth,* one of the noblest cities of Greece, was utterly destroyed by Mummius, the consul, for offering some indignity to the Roman ambassadors; and also Numantia, the capital of Spain. This city, after sus- taining a siege of fourteen years, was reduced by Scipio. The inhabitants, being unable to hold out any longer, fired the city over their own heads, and all perished in the flames ; and Spain became a Roman province. The corruption of the senate, and the sedition and fall of the Gracchi, together with various disturbances, next arise to view, in tracing the history of Rome. Then follow the reduction of Numidia, and the civil wars in the republic, excited by the ambition of Marius and Sylla, which terminated in the perpetual dictatorship of the latter. [The Gracchi.—Cornelia was a learned Roman lady, mother of the Gracchi. A lady who once visited her, hav- ing displayed her own jewels, requested to see Cornelia’s. The request was evaded, till the return of her children, when she exclaimed producing them, “These are my jewels.””. These jewels were no other than Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, who afterward acted a distinguished part in the republic. Tiberius, the elder, first espoused the cause of the people, and exerted himself to procure the passage of the Agrarian law, for dividing the lands equally; or, more probably, the Licinian law, that none should possess more than 500 acres. This law was opposed ‘with the utmost ardor, by the wealthy nobility, while by the poorer classes, it was strenuously promoted. Tumults were frequently exci- ted, in one of which Tiberius lost his life, with about 300 of his adherents. Cains, though a young man, soon imitated the conduct of his brother, and as he possessed in even a greater degree, the powers of eloquence and address, he too was rewarded with the confidence of the multitude. He was twice elected tribune. But his zeal in serving the people and abridging the power of the senate, drew upon him the hatred of the latter; and they took the first opportunity to effect his destruction. They set up Drusus, his colleague, as his rival; and thus dividing the affection of the people, Gracchus was soon after slain in a popular tumult, and his head brought to the senate. | * Cicero calls Corinth “Lumen totius Grecie,” the light of all Greece.—£d. 176 ROME, Rome was perhaps never more powerful, or happy, than in the days ot Scipio Africanus, or about the times of the ‘Punic wars. She then experienced great misfortunes and calamities; but those untoward events, instead of weak- ening or exhausting her, called forth, nay, even created, new energies. From the invasion of Hannibal she rose invincible; and while that consummate warrior held his ground in Italy, she sent armies into Spain, Africa, Greece and Macedon. ROME. Vi7 hungry fortune-hunters from every corner of the earth, who penetrated her inmost recesses; outnumbered and over- whelmed her ancient people; in short, conquered their con- querors, corrupted their morals, and put a final period to their liberties. The civil wars of Rome, which soon followed the period of which we have been speaking, unfold to the reader, a spectacle equally dreadful and disgusting. Many persons, who had witnessed the destruction of Carthage, were still alive, and saw all Italy deluged in blood, by Marius and Sylla. From the destruction of Carthage to the perpetual dictatorship of Sylla, was:a little rising of seventy years. During the latter part of this period, Lucius Sylla, envying the power and glory of Caius Marius, involved the republic in a most bloody, disgraceful and destructive war. After various turns, which their affairs took in the progress of this eventful struggle; after they had destroyed half a million of men, including the best part of the Roman people; had humbled Rome and Italy; had shed the noblest blood, and prostrated the dignity of the republic, Sylla, an execra- ble monster of cruelty, tyranny and ambition, was able to triumph over virtue, liberty and justice. He seated himself quietly in the exercise of despotic power, and became pe ua dictator. Rome never saw another moment of reedom. { Marius and Sylla.—Caius Marius, who has been called the glory and the scourge of Rome, was born in a village, near Arpinum, of poor parents, who gained their living by labor. Bred up in a participation of their toils, his manners were as rude as his countenance was frightful. He was a man of extraordinary stature; incomparable strength and un- daunted bravery. Entering early, in the service of his country, he sought, on every occasion, dangers equal to his courage. The longest marches, and the most painful fatigues of war, were easy to one, accustomed to penury, and inured to labor. Having passed through the lower grades of office, he was made a tribune of the people, and soon after consul. He distinguished himself in the war with Jugurtha, king of Numidia; and was afterwards a commander in the Social mar, as it was denominated, in which most of the states of Italy confederated against Rome, in order to obtain a redress of their grievances. In this war, Sylla began to acquire distinction. This general, who proyed a greater scourge to Rome than even Marius, 178 ROME. now began to take the lead in the commonwealth. He was of a patrician family, one of the most illustrious in Rome. His person was elegant, his air noble, his manners easy and apparently sincere. He loved pleasure much; but glory, more. He was liberal to all, stooping even to an acquaint- ance with the meanest soldier. In short, he was a Proteus, who could adapt himself to the inclinations, the pursuits, the follies, or the wisdom of those, with whom he con- versed; while he had no character of his own, except that of being a complete dissembler. His first rise was to be questor, or treasurer of the army, under Marius in Numidia. In the Social war, he acquired so great celebrity, that his fame began to equal that of Marius. He was chosen consul, and also general in the war, that was now determined against Mithridates, king of Pontus. This prince, who was the most powerful and warlike monarch of the East, was master of Cappadocia, Bithynia, Thrace, Macedon and all Greece. Such power, joined to great riches, served only the more to invite the ambition of Rome; and a pretext for war was ea- sily found. Marius had set his heart upon conducting this war, and felt indignant, that Sylla should be preferred before him. He, therefore, after much difficulty, procured a law, that the command should be transferred to himself. He, ac- cordingly, sent officers from Rome, to take command in his name. But the army was devoted to Sylla. It was composed of troops, with whom he had gained signal victories. Instead, theréfore, of obeying the orders of Marius, they fell upon his officers, and slew them; and then entreated Sylla, that he would lead them directly to take signal vengeance on his enemies, at Rome; which he immediately proceeded to do. They entered the city sword in hand. Marius and his party attempted to oppose their entrance; but after a short conflict, were obliged to seek safety by flight. Sylla now, finding himself master of the city, went on to alter such laws, as displeased him; and after proscribing Marius and some others, he departed upon his expedition against Mithridates. But while es- tablishing his party against Marius, he had been inattentive to a very formidable opponent. in the person of Cornelius Cinna, who was daily growing into popularity and power at Rome. He had been made consul; but was deprived of that dignity, by the senate, after Sylla’s departure. He then applied to the army, who, with general consent, agreed ROME. 179 to nominate him consul, and follow him to Rome. While thus preparing to avenge the cause of Marius, tidings were brought that Marius himself, escaping from a thousand perils, was, with his son, ‘on the road to join him. We have already seen this formidable general had been driven from Rome, and declareda public enemy. At the age of seventy, after numberless victories, and six consul- ships, he had been obliged to save himself from the nume- rous pursuits of those who sought his life. After wander- ing, for some time, in this distress, he was obliged to conceal himself in some marshes, where he spent the night, up to his chin in a quagmire. At break of day he left this dismal place; but being known and discovered by some of the inhabitants, he was conducted to a neighboring town, with a halter round his neck; and thus without clothes and covered with mud, he was sent to prison. The governor of the place, soon after, sent a Cimbrian slave to despatch him. But the barbarian no sooner entered the dungeon, than he stopped short, intimidated by the dreadful visage and awful voice of this fallen general, who sternly demand- ed if he had the presumption to kill Caius Marius. The slave, unable to reply, threw down his sword, and rushing back from the prison, cried out, that he found it impossible to kill him! The governor considering the fear of the slave as an omen in the unhappy exile’s favor, gave hiin, once more, his freedom. He afterwards landed in Africa, near Carthage, and went in a melancholy manner, to place himself among the ruins of that desolated place. He soon, however, had orders from the pretor, who governed there, to retire. He prepared to obey, and said he to the messen- ger, “tell your master, that you have seen Marius sitting among the ruins of Carthage.” Not knowing where to’ go, Without encountering an enemy, he spent the winter at sea; and in this situation, being informed of the successful activity of Cinna, he, with his son, hastened to join him. They soon entered the city, when Marius, after sating his vengeance, by destroying all, who were inimical to his interests, made himself consul with Cinna; and died the month after, at the age of seventy. ; In the mean time, Sylla, after an absence of about three years, having procured an honorable peace, was preparing to return; previously informing the senate by letter, of the great services he had rendered the state, and adding 4 dreadful menace, that he would soon be. at the gates 4 180 _ -ROME. Rome with a powerful army, to take signal revengé- upo’ his own enemies, and those of the state. Cinna was, soon after, slain by a soldier, while quelling a mutiny; so that Sylla, upon his return, found no equal, but one after another, seduced, or destroyed, the armies sent against him. When resistance ceased, he entered the city, and immediately published, that those who expected pardon for their late offences, should gain it by destroying the enemies of the state. Great numbers thus perished, and nothing was to be found in every place, but menaces, distrust and treachery. Hight thousand who had escaped the general carnage, offer- ed themselves to the conqueror at Rome, who ordered them to be confined in a large house, and there slain; while he, at the same time, convoked the senate, and harangued them with great fluency, upon his past exploits. He now gave orders, that the people should create a dictator, adding a request, that they would choose himself. This unlimited office he exercised three years, without control, and then, to the astonishment of all mankind, resigned it of his own accord. He retired to his country seat, where, for a short time, he wallowed in the most debasing voluptuousness, and soon died of a loathsome disease 78 B. C. in the 60th year of his age. | The Romans, in the times of Scipio, may be compared with the Greeks in the time of Themistocles; and the triumph of Greece over Persia, with that of Rome over Carthage. In both cases, the conquerors were corrupted by wealth, and inebriated by luxury. We might go further and say, that the Peloponnesian war, which succeeded the elevation of Greece, and laid the foundation of her ruin, resembled the civil wars of Rome, begun by Marius and Sylla, carried on by Cesar and Pompey, and terminated by Augustus. But the firmness of the Roman character, the nature of their civil policy, and the immense extent of their conquests, enabled them still to be powerful, in spite of all their corruptions; and had they been otherwise, there seemed to be no nation near them, who could have derived advantage from their weakness. They seem to have been raised up and endowed with universal dominion, that they might evidence to the world, how far a nation can be happy, and how long she can exist, without virtue or freedom. The ambition of the demagogues, as well as of the des- pots and tyrants of Rome, in one essential article, led them ROME. 18) to promote the true and just policy of the empire. That was to attach the provinces as strongly as possible to the interest of Rome; to dissolve them down to one common mass—to preserve their extensive territories entire; to cement them together by various alliances; and to preserve the empire undivided. The strength of empires consists in their union. The Greeks wanting this, soon failed; and, in our own times, Poland, which ought, from her numerous advantages, to have been one of the most powerful king- doms in the world, has exhibited a deplorable spectacle of weakness and misery, by means of her internal divisions. Our own country had well nigh been swallowed up in the same gulf. The Roman community, launched at once on such a sea of luxury, wealth and glory, was variously affected. While all were struggling for eminence and power, it fortunately happened, that the reins of government fell into strong and energetic hands. Of this description, generally speaking, were most of the first competitors, and of the triumvirates. The softening power of luxury, the sudden inundation of Grecian elegance and refinement, and the elevation of con- scious greatness and empire, combined with her native grav- ity in forming the genius of Rome. About this period, it began to bud; soon after this, was its fairest bloom and rich- est maturity. Ifthe genius of Rome was of a heavier mould than that of Greece, it possessed a more commanding gravi-+ ty; if it had less fire, it was more tranquil, majestic and solemn; and more hearts will vibrate with pleasure to the plaintive and elegant notes of the Roman, than to the elec- tric fulminations of the Grecian muse.* In the year 78 B.C. the republic was freed from the tyranny of Sylla, by the death of that odious tyrant. But two men, of far more extensive views and refined ambition than either Marius or Sylla, were already prepared to run the same race. By various arts, as well as by great abilities, Cneius Pompey, surnamed, the Great, had become the most popular man in Rome, and was considered as the greatest commander in the republic. Crassus possessed that author- ity and influence, which great eloquence and immense wealth, combining with all the wiles of ambition, could procure. He was the richest man in Rome. * Probably, this remark would riot be correct, if the Greek language were as much read, as the Latin —Ed. 16 (82 » ROME. While Pompey, who warmly espoused the Marian faction, strove to gain the favor of the people, by abrogating many of the tyrannical laws of Sylla, Crassus employed his amaz- ing weaith in donations, distributions of corn among the poor, in public feasts and entertainments; and it is said, that he supported, at his own private expense, the greatest part of the citizens, for several months; expenditures suffi- cient to have exhausted the treasures of the greatest princes. in the progress of their contests for power, their animosities broke forth on every occasion, in opposition more or less direct, and by means more or less violent. ¢ _ At this period, while the destinies of Rome seemed to hang in doubtful suspense, three characters appeared of very different complexions, but equally extraordinary, equally to be remembered, but with very different emotions in poster- ity; Catiline, Cicero and Cesar. One of these men procur- ed for himself immortal fame by his atrocious villany; one, by his unrivalled eloquence; and one, by his ambition, bra- very and good fortune. Julius Cesar may be regarded as the greatest of the Roman commanders. In him the military genius of Rome displayed its utmost strength and perfection, But, as yet, he was not known in that group of great characters and per- sonages, who, now inflamed with ambition, were preparing to carve and divide the world among them. Lucius Catiline is allowed by all writers to have possessed every quality of a great man, but integrity and virtue ;* instead of which, he held every principle, and practised every vice, which could form a most infamous, atrocious and abandoned villain. Possessed of a body and mind equally strong and vigorous, he was bold, enterprising and industrious. He hesitated at no cruelty to gratify his revenge; he abstained from no crime, which could subserve his pleasures; he valued no labor or peril to gratify his ambition. Catiline perceiving himself not among the most favored rivals, who were courting the mistress of the world, determined on getting. * There is no more difficulty in conceiving, that a man may be great, without goodness, than that a mountain may be great, without beauty. If goodness is essential to greatness, then, neither Romulus, nor The- mistocles, nor Brennus, nor Philip, nor Alexander, nor Hannival, nor Marius, nor Mithridates, nor Cesar, nor Mahomet, nor Genghis Khan, nor Bajazet, nor Tamerlane, nor Solyman, nor Charles V., was a great man. If goodness is essential to greatness, then, to say of any great man, that he is good, must be superfluous—Ed. ROME. 183 her into his possession by violence. His end was the same as theirs; but his means were more unwarrantable. He planned and organized one of the deepest, most extensive and daring conspiracies, recorded in history. The leading objects of his conspiracy were, to put out of the way by one general massacre, all who would be likely to oppose his measures; to pillage the city of Rome; to seize all public treasures, arsenals and stores; to establish a despotic gov- ernment; to revolutionize the whole republic; and to ac- complish all these measures by an armed force. This sanguinary plot was detected and crushed by Cicero, the great and justly celebrated orator of Rome. The ac- complices of Catiline were seized, and put to death; and Catiline himself, who had assembled an army of twelve thousand men, was encountered, defeated and slain. But if Rome escaped this threatening gulf, it was, that she might fall into a snare, apparently less dreadful, but equally strong and conclusive as to her fate. Her days of virtue and glory were past. Henceforth, she was to be ruled with a rod of iron. The dissensions of Pompey and Crassus were quieted by the mediation of Cesar, who stepped in between them, outwitted them both, and became the head of the first triumvirate. Having amicably agreed to govern in copartnership, Pompey chose Spain; Crassus chose the rich and luxurious province of Asia; and to Cesar, were allotted the powerful and warlike nations of Gaul, as yet unconquered. What was the result? Pompey basked for a moment in the splendors of Rome; a d his fame was trumpeted by the eloquence of Cicero. Crassus was slain by the Parthians, endeavoring to enlarge his ter- ritories; and Cesar conquered the Gauls in a thousand batiles, Pompey could not bear an equal, nor Cesar a superior. They were mutually jealous; they differed; they prepared for war. I -e senate and nobility of Rome, and pride and strength of Italy, sided with Pompey. Cesar relied wholly on those veteran legions, ‘vith whom he had subdued the fierce and martial tribes of Gaul and Germany. No other civil war ever equalled this. It was a melancholy sight to see Rome given up to tyranny and blood—to see that august and venerable republic forever abandoned to her evil genius. These were not the feeble bickerings of petty controversy, Marius and Sylla, the leaders of the former civil broils, hare little comparison with Cesar at the head of his legions, 184 ROME. or with the great. Pompey, who could almost raise armies out of the earth by the stamp of his foot. This eventful struggle was at length closed by the battle of Pharsalia, rendered truly famous by the grand object, for which they fought, the greatness of the force employed on either side, and by the transcendent reputation of both com- manders.. The Roman empire was the. prize; and both the armies and the generals were the best the world could afford. Pompey. was utterly defeated; and many of his army, won over by the magnanimous clemency and gene- rosity of Cesar, were content to change sides. The conduct of Pompey in this battle, which was to decide his fate, has ever been considered, strange and unaccountable. So far was he from displaying that courage, intrepidity and forti- tude, and those powers of command, which he was supposed to possess, that, from the very first onset, he appeared like aman frightened out of his senses: he scarcely attempted to rally his men, was among the foremost that fled, and never made another effort to retrieve his cause. From facts so glaring, we are almost induced to believe, that much of Pompey’s greatness, as a soldier and commander, eonsisted in the elegant drawings of Cicero, and other par- tial writers. The true test of bravery, skill and fortitude, is to see them displayed, where they are most necessary—to see them shine in danger, surmount difficulty, and triumph over adversity. Yet no one can doubt that Pompey was a man of great and sple sdid talents. But who could equal Cesar? a man supere.ninent in the whole extensive range of intellectual endowments. Nature seemed to have scanted him in noth- ing. Among philosophers, mathematicians, poets and or- ators, he could shine. He could plan and execute; he could negotiate or fight; he could gain and improve an advantage. For seven years in his Gallic wars, his life was a continual series of fatigues and dear-bought victories; and no general, but one as great as Cesar, could have encountered him with- out apprehension and dismay. The battle of »Pharsalia was fought 48 years before Christ, and, '705 from the building of the city. Pompey fled an unhappy exile into Egypt, and was there miserably murdered by the command of Ptolemy. Thus the reins of government fell into the hands of Cesar; and he was left undisputed master of the world. The clemency of Cesar, oa this occasion, was. as illustrious, as his victories had been, ROME. 185 He entered into no measures against many persons, who, under professions of neutrality, had evidently sided with Pompey. He did nothing, which bore any resemblance to the horrid proscriptions of Marius and Sylla. He endeavor- ed, in most instances, to forget and forgive. But the reign and triumph of Julius Cesar were short. He soon fell a sacrifice to that spirit of freedom and inde- pendence, which had raised his country to her exalted rank ; for, though the demons of discord, ambition and party rage, had now, for a long period, aimed all their shafts at good and virtuous men; though torrents of the richest blood had flow- ed incessantly for many years; yet some men were still left, whose constancy and virtue ever stemmed the strong current of the times. Cato and Cicero were still anve, whose stern virtues and commanding eloquence continued to remind the Romans of their better days. From the battle of Pharsalia, to the death of Cesar, was four years. During this period, he went on, and prospered. By a rapid series of journeys and expeditions, he saw, awed and subjugated all places and all opposition. His arm pervaded, his vigilance detected, his spirit animated, his generosity won, and his power crushed, in all directions. His great and active genius seemed universally to bear down all before him; but in reality, not all. At length a ai was laid, as it were in his own bosom, which hurled . im, in a moment, from the high summit, whither he had. _ climbed. és Brutus and Cassius, at the head of about sixty senators, ~ entered into a conspiracy, to take him off by assassination. Their object was to arrest the progress of despotic power, to restore the authority of the senate, and the ancient forms of the republic; an object laudable in itself, but, alas, how far from being practicable! Their plot was deeply laid, but seems to have been carried into effect, not without a won- derful concurrence of accident, or rather of providence. While Cesar was on his way to the senate-hause, where he was to perish, a slave, itis said, who had discovered the conspiracy, pressed forward in the crowd, to apprize him of his danger; but could not get to him, for the press. Another person put into his hands a paper, which would have saved him, containing an account of the conspiracy. This he handed to his secretary, without breaking the seal. After he was seated in the senate-house, the conspirators approached, and despatched him with their daggers, w'%- 216-7 186 ROME. out resistance ; and retired to the capitol, where they put . themselves in a state of defence. Thus fell the first and doubtless the greatest of the Cesars, in the 56th year of his age, and in the fourth of his sole administration. . No Roman ever achieved more arduous enterprises, than he. He rose to supreme power, in op- position to men of great abilities, and of much greater re- sources than himself. Whatever standing he acquired, he maintained; and his enemies could only destroy him by treachery under the mask of friendship. Rome did not owe to Cesar the loss of her liberties; they were lost be- fore he was born. He was allured to seize the dazzling prize, which, to all observers, had evidently become the sport of fortune, and was liable to be grasped by him, who was boldest and most lucky. Had Pompey prevailed over Cesar, it is doubtful, whether Rome would have experienced a hap- pier destiny. The fall of Cesar seemed only to accelerate the establish- ment of imperial government. Octavius, the grand nephew of Cesar, and heir, by will, to his fortunes and name, was soon at the head of a new triumvirate, viz. himself, Mark Antony and Lepidus. This new triumvirate, proclaiming themselves the avengers of Cesar, now hastened to make war upon the conspirators, whose army was headed by Bru- tus and Cassius. Had the Roman people desired their an- cient liberty, which they certainly would, had they under- stood the import of the word, or had they entertained any just notions of freedom, they now enjoyed an opportunity of regaining it. But so far from that, the triumvirate were able to excite the popular indignation. against the conspira- tors, and, in fact, gained the people over to their cause. The standard of liberty was deserted; and the wretched, infatu- ated people were now employed in rivetting those chains, which were never more to be broken. The conspirators were crushed with little trouble; and in shedding the blood of the last patriots of Rome, the sublime Cicero fell a victim to the merciless rage of Antony, and the bare and cruel policy of Octavius. I soon appeared that the triumvirs had combined with no other view, than as a present expedient, which was to be laid as*de when occasion should offer. Accordingly Lepidus way soon rejected ; and as he was neither a soldier nor a statesman, he had no means of redress. Antony and Octavius presently differed, and once more marshalled the ROME, 187 forces of that mighty people under their hostile standards. Their quarrel was decided at the battle of Actium; a short time after which, Antony expired in Egypt, and left Octavius without a competitor. In the 31st year before Christ, and 722nd from the build- ing of Rome, commenced the imperial reign of Octavius, under the titles of Emperor and Augustus. Rome now be- came an empire in the more strict and proper sense of the word; and, notwithstanding the degeneracy of the Roman people, it continued for several centuries to be the most pow- erful empire in the ancient world. The commotions and wars, the luxury and wealth, the corruptions and loss of public virtue among the Romans, did not extinguish, but rather called forth and perfected their genius for literature. The sciences were assiduously culti- vated; and men of learning received the warmest patronage and the amplest encouragement from those great and opulent men, whose wealth was immense, and whose traffic was in states and kingdoms. Indeed, many of those great men were themselves the favorites of the muses. They studied the liberal sciences and elegant arts with a diligence scarcely known in modern times. Scipio Africa- nus, according to the testimony of Cicero, was as eminent for mental improvement, as he was in the art of war. Cato was a man of great learning and wisdom; and those, great men who composed the two triumvirates, especially the first, were highly accomplished in the liberal sciences. When we consider, that Cicero was a professional man } that for a course of years, many of the most important causes in the vast republic were ably managed by him; that he was a statesman and a great leader in the politics of his time; that he was, at times, a civil magistrate, a soldier and a goy- ernor, and patron of provinces, we may truly be astonished at the extent and success of his studies. His voluminous writings, which have come down to us, and which form the most perfect standard of classic excellence, leave us in doubt, which to set foremost, the strength of his understanding, or the powers of his imagination; or which we shall admire most, his genius or industry. It is no partial admiration, by . which those writings are preserved. The united voice of all enlightened nations has declared their merit, and judged them worthy of immortality. The seme may be said of the writings of Virgil and Horace, ard many others. But the approbation of men of 188 ROME. taste and learning, in all nations,,has set the literary produc- tions of the Augustan age above all panegyric. ‘They will be read aud admired as long as works of genius and taste are held in estimation. The Roman empire now appeared in its utmost splendor. Though less virtuous and happy, and probably less power- ful, than in former periods, yet the concentrated wealth of the world, the external pomp of so vast a monarchy, threw round her a dazzling glory, which the most distant nations beheld with admiration and dread. Ambassadors from re- mote kingdoms daily arrived, to do homage, to court alliance, or solicit protection. Augustus held the reins of government; there was no competitor—no rival. The people, long fatigued with war, were glad to, enjoy peace, though under the reign of a despot. There was no Brutus nor Cassius to conspire, or to assassinate. Cato was no more; and Cicero, one of the last luminaries of Rome, had been murdered, and his head and hands cut off and fixed upon the tribunal, where the thunders of his eloquence had so often struck terror to the hearts of tyrants. The spirit which animated the Romans in the days of Fabricius, was gone forever. Liberty had taken her flight from the earth, or had retired to the se- questered bower of the savage, while gorgeous pride lifted her head to heaven, and trampled on innocence, equity and law. Augustus was an artful, insidious tyrant. While one of the triumvirate, he had been careful to destroy all the vir- tuous men, who had escaped the bloody proscriptions, the eivil wars, and the violent commotions, which were before his time. When his power was confirmed, he endeavored to fascinate the people; to lull them into security; to inebriate them with luxury; to dazzle them with his pomp and glory; and by all possible means to extinguish in them, _the true Roman spirit, and so to qualify and sweeten slavery itself, as to cause them to drink it down with a pleasing relish. He succeeded; for never was a people more changed in temper, habit, mode of thinking, and national character. _ But detraction itself cannot deny, that Augustus was a general, a statesman, and a very great man. Though void of the magnanimous spirit of Cincinnatus, Brutus and Regu- tus, yet he affected to revere the character of the ancient Romans, and seemed desirous that a semblance of freedony Ay ay 4 Hagia Ly Lo te 14) ge A Gi } My this thin LH MH) eae The Hegira, or Pratt of Mahomet trom Mecca lo Medina. ROME. 189 should still mark the character of his countrymen. When he saw himself in the undisturbed possession of empire, the severities of his administration relaxed; and he held the reins of government with lenity, dignity ‘and wisdom. Few monarchs. have enjoyed a longer or more prosperous reign. His genius was*less warlike, than that of Julius Cesar; yet in the course of. his reign, he had various ‘opportunities of showing himself capable of commanding armies, and of di- recting very extensive military operations. ‘But! his greatness was of. the tranquil. and pacific kind,’ ae he showed little ambition to enlarge his ominions. The reign of Augustus was active, chenaae and ne. It was his boast, ‘that, he found Rome ‘built of brick ; om that he left it built of marble. In the 31st* | year of the Teign Bin iehetas Jesus Christ, the Son of God, -was born. ‘The principal nations of the known world being reduced» under one head, and wars and commotions, revolving through long tracts of time, now ter- minating in one immense dominion, the troubled elements of human society sunk into a universal calm. Thirst for con- quest was satiated with blood; the ambition of one was gratified, while that of millions was left without hope. The spirit of war, wearied with universal and almost perpetual carnage, seemed willing to enjoy a moment’s slumber, or was hushed to silence by the advent of the Prince of peace. Jesus Christ was the son of David, the son of Abraham. The house of Jacob seems to have been preserved in order to give birth to this wonderful personage. Abraham was born 1996 years before Christ, and was the ninth in direct descent from Noah, who is commonly reckoned the tenth generation from Adam. Abraham flourished about the time * It is in the highest degree probable, that Christ was born four years sooner, than the date generally assigned ; and therefore, that he was born in the 27th year of Augustus. This is the general opinion of the learned. It is therefore supposed, that in A. D. 1, according to the vulgar era, Jestis was really four years old. This mistake wit regard to “the true time*of our Savior’s incarnation, arose from the circumstance, that. the Christian era was not used in chronology till A. D. 527 or 532. In that ‘year, it was adopted by Dionysius the Little, who appears to have. made a mistake of four years in his calcu- lation, whick was not discovered, till more than 600 years afterward, when it would have been extremely difficult, ifnot impossible, to change the vulgar era for the true one. Besides, the learned are not universally agreed ‘with regard to the year of the incarnation ; ; whether it was 4 or 2 years, before the vulgar era.—LEd. 190 ROME. ef Xerxes or Baleeus, king of Assyria, and about 200 years before A ’ . 709 2. Phraortes, 656 J. Cyaxares [. . ; 634 Scythians driven out, . 607 248 Ct if . Astyages, 4 . Cyaxares II. or Darius, 559 Be W. 595 KINGS OF ASSYRIA. 1. Tiglath Pueser, called also Arbaces, and Ninus the younger, Pe Sf, 2. Shalmanezer, 728 3. Sennacherib, 714 4. Esarhaddon, 706 Esarhaddon takes Babylon, 680 KINGS OF BABYLON. 1. Nabonassar, or Belesis, 747 2. Nadius, f 733 3. Cincertus, 731 4. Jugeus, - 7126 5. Merodac Baladan, Ae rb | ©. Arcianus, 709 Interregnum, j » 404 7. Belibus, ? 702 8. Apronadius, . 699 9. Regilibus, 693 10. Mesessimordacus, 692 Interregnum, 688 11. Esarhaddon, . 680 12. Saosduchinus, . xi, OGhy 43. Chyniladanus, 647 14. Nabopollaser, . 625 15. Nebuchadnezzar, . . 606 16. Evilmerodach, 561 17. Neriglissar, . 559 18. Laborosoarchod, 19. Belshazzar, . 555 Babylon taken by ‘Cyrus, 539 KINGS OF THE PERSIANS. Sexore a 9 2D ee "| . Gyrus; . : ; ‘ 5 er or Ahasuerus, 529 . Smerdis, or Artaxerxes, 523 . Darius I. son of Hystas- : yn ile Mnemon, . 537 NE Ta 521 erxes the Great, - 486 Artaxerxes Longimanus, 464 : Xerxes I 424 |. ogdianus, . . 424 chus, or Darius Nothus, 424 405 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. is Ge 11. Artaxerxes Ochus, 309 12. Arses, . 338 13. Darius Codomanus, 336 14, Alexander the Great, . 331 15. Arideus, or Philip, 323 KINGS OF EGYPT. Sabacon, or So, . 727 Sevechus, . 719 Tirhakah, 705 Anarchy, . 687 Twelve confederate Princes, 685 Psammitichus, - 670 Necho, , ; ’ 616 Psammis, ; 600 Apries, or Hophra, 594 Amasis, 569 Pamminitus, ‘ | Bae Cambyses conquers Egypt, 525 Smerdis, .' 523 Darius Hystaspes, 521 Xerxes the Great, 486 Artaxerxes et a ad . 465 Xerxes If. . . 424 Sogdianus, . 424 | Ochus, 4 424 Amyrteus, : . 413 Pausiris, 407 Psammitichus II. 401 Nephereus, : 395 Achoris, 5 389 Psammuthis, 376 Nectanebus, _ 375 Tachos, — 363 Nectanebus, ‘ 361 Ochus conquers Baypt 350 Arses, ; 338 Darius Codomanus, 336 Alexander the Great, 331 Death of Alexander, . . 323 ee eH HH HR Ptolemy Soter,. ° 304 Ptolemy Philadelphus, 285 Ptolemy Euergetes, . 246 Ptolemy Philopater, . 221 ‘Ptolemy Epiphanes, . . 204 Ptolemy Philometer, . 130 Ptolemy Physcon, or Euer- getes Tee. ads, hele CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. B. Ptolemy Soter II. or pee rus and Cleopatra, . Alexander and Cleopatra, . Lathyrus alone, . Berenice, Alexander, . ‘ Ptolemy Auletes, P Ptolemy Dionysius, and Cle- opatra, . Ptolemy the Younger, and Cleopatra, ‘ Egypt becomes a Roman Pro- vince, ‘ , ‘ omen KINGS OF SYRIA, Seleucus I. Nicator, Antiochus I. Soter, Antiochus II. Theus, . Seleucus II. Callinicus, Seleucus III. Ceraunus, Antiochus III. the Great, Seleucus IV. Philopater, Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, . Antiochus V. Eupator, Demetrius I. Soter, Alexander I. Balas, Demetrius II. Nicator, Antiochus VI. Theus, Diodotus, or Tryphon, Antiochus Sidetes, Demetrius Ii. ne re- established, . Alexander IT. Zebina, . ‘ Seleucus V. Antiochus VIII. Gripus, Seleucus VI. Nicator, Philip, Tigranes, Syria becomes a Roman pro- wince, *.. ‘ : ere PRINCES OF JUDEA; 63 Called the Maccabees, or een: nean Princes . Judas Maccabeus great, great grandson of Asmo- neus, . ; Jonathan, Simon, . John Hyrcanus, = oo 249 B. KINGS OF JUDEA. 1. Aristobulus, 107 2, Alexander Janneus, 106 3. Alexandra, , PyLre ye 4. EAYRCARUG ew, 0 det 0 5. Aristobulus, . ! wn AO Hyrcanus again, 63 6. Antigonus, 40 7. Herod the great, 37 8. Archelaus, 3 A.C. Judea becomes a Roman pro- vince, “hes B.C KINGS OF ROME, 1. Romulus, . 753 Romulus assassinated in the senate, - 416 Interregnum of one year, 716 2. Numa Pompilius, 715 3. Tullus Hostilius, 672 4, Ancus Martius, 640 5. Tarquin, the Elder, 616 6. Servius Tullius, 578 7. Tarquin, the Proud, 534 Last king of the Romans, expelled. ROMAN EMPERORS. Julius Cesar* becomes master of Rome, 48 Slain in the senate house, 44 Anarchy,... . 44 Augustus . : 36 A. C. Tiberius, . 7 ; 14 Caligula, . . 37 Claudius, . : 41 Nero, 54 Galba, 68 Otho, : , F 69 Vitellius, . p 2 69 Vespasian, i : 70 Titus, ‘ . . ° 79 * Julius Cesar is sometimes, though not generally, reckoned among the Romana emperots.— Kd, 250 CHRONGLOGICAL TABLES. A.C. A. C. Domitian, . . 81/Six emperors, Maximian, Nerva, 96 Constantine, Maxentius Trajan, ty, 98| Galerius, Licinius and Adrian, f | e 117| | = Maximin, 308 Antoninus Pius, . 138} Constantine and Licinius,., . 313 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Constantine-alone, 324 and Lucius Verus, . Constantine II. Constan- Marcus Aurelius Antoninus tius I]. and Constans, 337 alone, , , ; 0} Constantius and Constans, 240 Commodus, © 180| Constantius alone, 350 DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE. | Julian, the apostate, . 361 Jovian, é 363 Pertinax, . ; 193} Valentinean and Valens, 364 Julian, 66 days, 193} Division of the Empire, 364 Septimius Severus, 193 Caricalla and Geta, 241 ssh Macrinus, . 217 ROMAN EMPERORS OF Heliogabalus, 218 THE WEST. Alexander Severus, 222 Maximin, 935| Valentinean, . . 364 Gratian and Valentinean II. 375 Gordian the Elder id his son 237 Maximus and Balbinus, 237 Gordian the Younger, 238 Philip and son, 244 Decius, 249 Hostilian, Gallus and Volu- sian, his son, : m9 | Emilian, 3 months, 953 Valerian and Gallienus his son, . 253 Gallienus* alone, 260 Claudius II. 268 Quintilius, 17 days, Aurelian, Interregnum of 8 ‘months Tacitus, 6 months, Florian, 3 months 275 Probus, 276 Carus, : 282 Carinus and Numerian, 283 Carinus and Diocletian, 284 Diocletian alone, ‘ oy ee Diocletian and Maximian, . 286 Constantius and Galerius, . 305 Constantine, Galerius and Maxentius, 306 * During the reign of Gallienus, there were, in different parts of the empire, no jess than 19 pretenders to the throne, who assumed the title of Emperor.—Ed. Valentinean IL. and Maximus, 383 Valentinean II. alone 388 Eugenius, 392 Honorius,t . 395 Valentinean I. 425 Petronius Maximus, . 455 Avitus, . ; 2 EP PRS Interregnum, 456 Majorian, 457 Severus, 461 Anthemius, ; 467 Olybrius, 7 months, . 472 Julius Nepos and Many 472 Nepos alone, 4 Interregnum, : 474 mAwpustultigg) Ny: 476 KINGS OF ITALY. Odoacer, 476 Theodoric, 493 Amalasontha and Athalaie, 526 Theodatus, 534 Vitiges, 536 Interregnum 549 Totila, 541 + During the reign of Honorius, Rome was ravaged by the Goth, Alaric; and several usurpers in different parts of the em ay were partialyacknowledged.—Ed@. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 251 A. C. A.C ren . «+ «+ 552fLeo VI. the Philosopher, . 86 553|Alexander and Constantine VII. 912 End of the Gothic kingdom ; Be ACR ce vs 553 | Romanus I. Lecapenus, oh fs atehnes Christopher, Stephen, and ea rey PERORS or Constantine VIII. Swere successively made empe- Valens, . . 364 rors with their father Ro- Interregnum, 5 months, . 378 manus. Theodosius, the yen? - 379|Constantine VII. again, . 945 Arcadius, . : - 3895}Romanus II. i . 959 TheodosiusII,. . . - 408) Nicephorus II. Phocas, - 963 Marcian, . 4 - 450/John Zimisces, . . 969 Leo, the Great, ; . 457|Basil II. and Constantine LX. 976 Constantine alone, . - 1025 Romanus III. Argyrus, - 1023 Michael IV. the Paphlago- nian, , : “ . 1034 Michael V. Calaphafes, 1041 Zoe ant: Theodore, 2 months, 1042 Leoll, . “ ; . 474 Zeno, : é , . 474 Anastasius, oWhens . 491 Justin I. ° ° e . 518 Justinean, . : . «527 Justin II. . 565 Justin II. and Tiberias II.. 574|Constantine X. Monoma- Tiberias II. alone, . 578| chus, : : ‘ . 1042 Maurice, . Rag . 582|}Theodora again, . » 1054. Phocas,. . er . 602|Michael VI. Stratioticus, - 1056 Heraclius, . 610 {Isaac I.Comnenus, . . 1057 Heraclius, Contantine III. Constantine XI. Ducas, . 1059 and Heracleonas, * . 638|Eudocia, . - 1067 Romanus III. Diogenes, . 1067 Michael VII. Andronicus I. and Constantine XII. . 1071 Nicephorus III. Botan, . 1078 Alexius I. Comnenus, . 1081 Constantine III. and Hera cleonas, . : ‘ . 641 Constans II. a ; 641 Constantine IV. Progonatus, 668 Justinean II... 685 Leontius, .. . 695|John Comnenus,.: . - . 1118 Apsimar or Tiberias, , . 698/Manuel Comnenus, . . 1143 Justinean I]. again, . . 705} Alexius II. Comnenus, . 1180 Philip Bardanes, : . 711|Andronicus, Comnenus, . 1183 Anastasius I]. . , . 713)Isaae I. Angelus, ‘ 1185" Theodosius ITT. : . 716|Alexius Angelus, brother of Leo III. the Isaurian, . 718] Isaac, f . 1195 Constantine V. Copronymus, 741 | Isaac Angelus again, and his LeolV. . 775| son Alexius,* . ; . 1293 Constantine VI. and Irene, 780 | Mourzoufle, ; : - 1204 Irene alone, cae 792|Constantinople «taken and Nicephorus I. . , .. 802} pillaged by the Latins, . 1204 Stauracius, 2 months, . 811] Baldwin Tf. SH Riel MEO Michael I. . é ‘ . 811) Henry ... 1206 Leo V. the Armenian, . 813) Peter de Courtenay, : . 1216 Michael II. the Stammerer, 820|Robert de Courtenay,. » 1219 Theophilus, ‘ ; . 829) Baldwin II. : _ . 1228 Michael III. g ’ . 842)/Michael Paleologus, . . 1261 Basil I. the Macedonian, . 867|Andronicus II. Paleologus, 1282 0 ‘ 252 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. Andronicus III. Paleologus, John V. Paleologus, . Manuel II. Paleologus, A. C. | A.C. 1332'Lothaire II. . . oth Q5 1341| Conrad ITI. . hs! yg 1391| Frederic I. Barbarossa, 7 aoe 1425|Henry VI. ; - 1190 John VI. Paleologus, ; Constantine XII. Paleolo- gus, Constantinople ‘taken by Mahomet II. 4 eee Philip, r * : - 1197 1445) Otho Py. ‘ . “ - 1208 Frederic IT. ms : . 32123 1453/ Conrad IV. . 1250 Rodolph of Hapsburg, : 1273 Adolphus of Nassau,. + 1292 Albert of Austria, . 1298 While Constantinople was un-|Henry VII. of Luxemburg, 1309 der the dominion of the Latins or|Lewis V. . 1314 French, the following Greek em-| Charles IV. ; . 241347 perors ‘reigned at Nice over the|Wenceslaus,_ . . 1378 remnant of the Greek empire. Robert, Count Palatine, . 1400 Sigismund, - 1411 Seen res erent I. sl Albert II. of Austria, - 1438 I ? Theodorus Lascaris IT. 1255 Frederic III. - 24d John IV. Lascaris, Constantinople is taken from the French, and Michael Paleologus, a Greek, reigns over the whole empire, —as Otho IL. the Bloody, Otho Ii. Henry II. the Lame, Conrad IT. Henry III. . Henry IV. ie es Henry V. eh ae MaximilianI . P - 1493 1259 Charles V. . F - 1519 FerdinandI. . ‘ - 1556 Maximilian II. . ‘ . 1564 Rodolph I. «ws, 15760 1961 Mathias, . . “ - 1612 Ferdinand II. . é 1619 Ferdinand III. . f . 1637 pater i pt th pets fe osephI. . PARP 2 P EMPERORS OF GERMANY. Chatles VI 4H Charlemagne, or Charles, Charles VII... 1712 the Great, . 800| Francis I. Duke of Lorraine, 1745 Lewis, the Gentle )(Debon- Joseph II. ‘ 1765 naire,) 814| Leopold ime ee . 1790 Lothaire L 840| Francis II. ; p « 1792 Lewis Il. . 855 wae! Charles, the Bald, 875 Interregnum, . 877 KINGS OF FRANCE. Charles, the Fat, 880 I. Merovingian Race. Arnold, 888) Clovis, grandson of Mero- Lewis LV. 8 vius, 481 Conrad I. , 91k Thierry, Childebert, Clodo- Henry, the ‘Fowler, . 919} mir and Clotaire I. . 51 Otho, the Great, 936|Clotaire alone, . F . 5d9 973) Charibert, Gontran, Sigebert 983] and Chil peric, . : 562 1902) Clotaire II. oe of Soissons, 584 1024|Thierry II. and Theodobert 1039} II. king of Paris, Burgandy 1056} and Austrasia, . . 596 - 1106/Clotaire II. alone, . 614 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 253 A. C. A.C, Interregnum, . . 614| Henry I. 1031 Dagobert and Charibert, 628| Philip I... 1060 Sigebert II. and Clovis II. 638} Lewis VI. the Gross, 1108 Childeric II. King of Austra- Lewis VII... 1137 sia, . 654 | Philip IT. Augustus, . : 1180 Thierry IIT. 679 Lewis VIII. the Lion, 1223 Pepin* Y iHetietel, ‘tale os the Palace, governs France 24 years, Ricoto 690 Clovis LHI. ‘ ’ 692 Childebert III. 695 Dagobert III. 711 Charles* Martel, son of Pe- pin, Mayer of the Palace and Duke of France, go- verns France about 26 years, , ; . 714 Childeric IT. a LO Thierry IV. A - « «20 Childeric ITI. 742 II. CARLOVINGIAN RACE, Pepin, the Short, son of Charles Martel, . . Tl 1226 1271 Lewis IX. St. Lewis, : Philip II. the Bold or Har dy, Philip IV. the Fair, : 1285 Lewis X. Hutin, 1314 John I. 8 days, . ; 1316 Philip V. the Long, . 1316 Charles IV. the Fair, 1322 ee IV. HOUSE OF VALOIS. Philip VI. of Valois, . 1328 John II. the Good, . 1350 Charles VY. the Wise, 1364 Charles VI. the Beloved, . 1380 Charles VII. the Victorious, 1422 Henry VI. of England, crowned at Paris, and partially acknowledged Charlemagne and Carloman, 768 init uf Pranen et Lewis, the Gentle, (Debon- ei Charles VIII. . iw £483 naire,) Charles, the Bald, 840 moyen pence of Be Lewis, the Stammerer, 877 | Francis I. the Gentleman, 1515 Lewis III. and Carloman, 879 Henry IL. 1547 hing the Gross, Bes Phiticis. Tt: 1559 Eude 569 Chatles II. ‘the Simple, 898 Henry lif. the Bloody, spied Robert, Usurper, . . 922 Rodolph, . . 923 Lewis WV, the Stranger, 936 Lothaire, ; 954 Lewis V. the Lazy, ° 986 II. CAPETEAN RACE. Hugh Capet, gst » 987 Robert, . * a0 * Pepin and his son were not styled kings, though they exercised supreme au- thority ; nor were they of the Merovin- gian rece, Sere V. HOUSE OF BOURBON. Henry IW. the Great, 1589 Lewis XIII. the Just, . 1610 Lewis XIV, the Great, - 1643 Lewis XV, . 1715 Lewis XVI... 1774 —— deposed, . ,, 1792 executed, . 1793 * # * 2 ee Na eg Bonaparte, em- e rk a tewis XViU. >. » Oh 254 A.C, KINGS OF ENGLAND. Saxons. Egbert, . a Ethelwolf and Ethelstan, . 838 Ethelbald and Ethelbert, « ,.:857 Ethelbert alone, . 860 Ethelred I. 866 Alfred, . ; 872 Edward, the Elder, ‘ 901 Ethelstan, f . 925 Edmund I. 941 Edred, 946 Edwy, 955 Edga 959 gar Edward II. the Martyr, . 9% Ethelred II... wh 978 Edmund II. Ironside, 1016 Danes. Canute, . 1017 Harold I. Harefoot, . ; 1035 Hardicanute, : 1039 Saxons. Edward II]. the cee 1041 Harold II. ; 1066 Normans. William I. the Conqueror, 1066 William IT. Rufus, - 1087 Henry I. the Sy weg 1100 Stephen, 1135 Matilda, or Maud, four months, Stephen again, 1141 1141 I. HOUSE OF PLANTAGE- NET OR ANJOU. Henry II. Plantagenet, _ Richard I. the Lion-hearted, ae John, Lackland, : : Henry III. : K.dward I. the English Pe tinian, . . CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. A.C. Edward II. 3 : 1307 Edward III. i 1327 Richard II. 2 G 1377 eee dl II. HOUSE OF LANCASTER, CALLED THE RED ROSE. Henry IV. Duke of Lancas- ter, : . 1399 Henry V. 1413 Henry VI. 1422 III. HOUSE OF YORK, CALL- ED THE WHITE ROSE. Edward IV. 1461 Edward V. 1483 Richard II... 1483 Union of the two Roses, . 1485 IV. HOUSE OF TUDOR. Henry VII. Tu . » 1485 Henry VIII. rok ehe, AS Edward VI. the Pad 1547 Mary I. the Bloor 1553 Elizabeth, A 1558 © V. HOUSE OF STUART. .| James I. Stuart, 1603 Charles I. . ; 1625 —- beheaded, 1649 Commonwealth, 1649 Oliver Cromwell, Protector of the Commonwealth, . 1653 Richard Cromwell, Protect- or of the Commonweasth, 1658 forced to resign, 165% Restoration of Monarchy,. 1660 Charles II. - : - 1660 James IT. : 1685 dep osed,* 1688 1154 | William HL. and Mary II. 1689 * Althoseh the Parliament, in offering © 1199 |the crown to Wiliam III. pretended that 1216 | Jimes had abdicated the government, yet Hume, Smollet and Goldsmith are un- questionably correct in considering Jamea as having been deposed.—Ed. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. A. C. William alone, . . 1694 Anne, daughter of James II. 1702 VI. HOUSE OF HANOVER. George I.. Cakes / 14 George TR A ay George HI. . . 1760 George IV. tert! AERO CZARS OR EMPERORS AND EMPRESSES OF RUSSIA, FROM PETER THE . GREAT. Peter I. cng apib oe the Great, and Iwan Y. 1682 Peter alone, . . 1696} John Adams, 1789 Catharine I. widow of Sted 1725|Thomas Jefferson, . 1797 Peter II. 1727 | Aaron Burr, eee NOD Anne Ivanovna, ; . 1730| George Clinton, Q . 1805 Iwan or John VI. 1740 | Elbridge Gerry, : . 1813 Elizabeth Petrovna, ayes: Daniel D. Tompkins, 1817 ter of Peter the Great, . 1741 | John C, Calhoun, 1825 Se CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.* B. C. 4004 CREATION. Creatogo. 2348 THE FLOOD. flotok. 2247 Babel. 2217 Babylon founded by Nimrod, and Nineveh by Ashur. 2188 Egypt founded by Mizraim or Menes. Mizrakoo, 1996 Abraham. Abranous/175. 1926 CALL OF ABRAHAM. Abvocanes. 1897 Destruction of Sodom, &c. 1896 Isaac. Isakous, 180. x, 1836 Jacob and Esau. Jakis, 147. gi ae 1822 Argos, founded by Inachus. 255 A.C. Peter III. . 1762 Catharine II. the Great, « . 1763 Paul, 3 7 * 1796 Alexander, } ; . 1801 Ree PRESIDENTS OF THE UNI- TED STATES. George Washington, . 1789 John Adams, . . ‘1797 Thomas Jefferson, ~ 1801 James Madison, . 1809 James Monroe, . : 1817 John Q. Adams, . . 182 VICE-PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. - Inaked. * The numbers after the names of persons denote the length of ie lives ; afer wars, &c. their duration, 40* 256 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. B.C. 1800 China, founded about this time. 1745 Joseph. Josepol, 110. 1728 Joseph, sold.into Eeyet. yi" 1715 Promotion of Joseph. 1705 Jacob’s removal to Egypt. ? 1571 Moses. Mosupa. 1556 Athens, founded by Cecrops. Cecralus. 1546 Troy founded. 1506 Sparta, founded by Lelex. Lalais. 1491 DELIVERANCE OF ISRAEL from Egypt. 1453 Olympic Games, first celebrated in Greece. 1451 ISRAEL’S ENTERING CANAAN. 1263 Argonautic expedition. Argonadaut. 1257 Cities of Attica, united by Cecrops. Cecradup. 1252 Tyre built. He 1245 Gideon, Judge of Israel. 1184 Destruction of Troy. Traboof. 1160 Samson, 28. 1139 Samuel. Samabin. 1085 David, 70. 1069 Death of Codrus. 3067 David, anointed at Bethlehem. 1055 David, k. at Hebron, 40. Dabazlu 1048 David, k. of all Israel. 1021 Death of Absalom. 1017 David’s a\tempt to number the Hebrews 1015 Solomon k. of all Israel, 40. 1004 DEDICATION of the Temple. Templago. 975 Jehoiada, 130. , | — [© Rehoboam,k. of Judah. Rehoboupu. —— Jeroboam, k. of the Ten Tribes, called Israel in distinction from Judah. 971 Temple, &c. plundered by Shishak. 958 [[> Abijam k. of Judah, 3. 957 Battle of Zemaraim, supposed to have been the most bloody of battles. Zemaranup. 955 [> Asa,k. of Judah. Asanul, 31. 954 Nadab, k. of Israel. 953 Baasha, k. of Israel. 45 Zerah, defeated by Asa. 930 Elah, k. of Israel. - 929 Zimri, k. of Israel. — Omri, k. of Israel. 918 Ahab, k. of Israel. Ahabnap ' » 914 [> Jehoshaphat, k. of Judah. Jehoshanaf. 907 Prophets of Baal, slain by Elijah. : 901 Samaria, besieged by Benhadad. 899 Death of Naboth. 897 Ahaziah, k. of Israel. 896 Jehoram, k. of Israel. 889 [> Jehoram, k. of Judah. Jehokoon. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 257 B.C. 885 [CP Ahaziah, k. of Judah. Ahazikool. 884 Jehu, k. of Israel. — [> Athaliah, queen of Judah. Athalooko. — Lycurgus, k, of Sparta. Likooko.' | 878 [L> Joash, k. of Judah. 869 Carthage, founded by Dido, 723. 856 Jek>ahaz, k. of Israel. 841 Joash, k. of Israel. 840 Jonah, a prophet, about this time. 839 [> Amaziah, k. of Judah. 825 Jeroboam II. kk. of Israel. 814 Macedon, founded by Caranus, 646. Catakaf. 810 {> Azariah, or Uzziah, k. ate Judah. 795 Amos, a prophet, 11 786 Hosea, a prophet, 63. 784 Interregnum of Israel. 776 First Olympiad. Olympois. 773 Zachariah, k. of Israel. 772 Shallum, k. of Israel. —- Menahen, k. of Israel 761 Pekahiah, k. of Israel. 759 Pekah, k. of Israel. 758 [> Jotham, k. of Judah. Jothozloo. —- Isaiah, a prophet, 52, 753 ROME founded. Romput. — Romulus, k. of Rome, 38. 747 Death of Sardanapalus. — Belesis, or Nabonassar, k. of Babylon, 14. — Arbaces, or Tiglathpileser, k. of Assyria, 19. Tiglathpop. 743 Micah, a prophet, 43. 743. First’Messenian war, 19. 742 (> Ahaz,k. of Judah. Ahazpod. 742 Jerusalem, besieged by Rezin and Pekah. 739 Interregnum of Israel, 9. 730 Hoshea, k. of Israel. 728 Shalmaneser, k. of Assyria, 19. Shalmanepek. 727 (> Hezekiah, k. of Judah, 29. Honekipep, 726 Hezekiah’s reformation. 72k Captivity of the Ten Tribes. 720 Joel, a prophet, about this time. 715 Sennacherib, k. of Assyria,8 Sennachepal. —- Numa Pompilius, k. of Rome, 43. Numapal. 714 Sennacherib’s first invasion of Judah. —— Hezekiah’s sickness. 710 Nahum, a prophet, about this time. y ees —— Destruction of 185,000 Assyrians. isis Ae 709 Dejoces, first k. of Media. i 706 Esarhaddon, k. of Assyria, 39. Esarhadpais. 698 I= Manasseh, k. of Judah. Manasnoo. be 685 Second Messenian war, 14, wag 680 Assyria and Babylon, united under Esarhaddon. 258 ‘ CHRCNOLOGICAL TABLES. B.C. 672 Tullus Hostilius, 3d k. of Rome. 667 Saosduchinus, k. of Babylon, 20. 656 Phraortes, 2d k. of Media, 22. 643 (> Amon, k. of Judah, 3. 640 (C3 Josiah, k. of Judah, 30. Josisoz. —— Ancus Martius, 4th k. of Rome. 634 Cyaxares I. 3d k. of Media. 633 Commencement of Josiah’s reformation, ~— Upper Asia, invaded by the Scythians. 628 Jeremiah, a prophet, 41. 625 Nabopolassar, k. of Babylon, 19. 623 Laws of Draco. 616 Tarquin the Elder, 5th k. of Rome. 612 Destruction of Nineveh. —- Zephaniah, a prophet. 609 Habakkuk, a prophet, about this time. —— {> Jehoahaz, k. of Judah. —- {> Jehoiakim, k. of Judah. 606 BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY. Babsais — Captivity of Daniel, &c. 606 Nebuchadnezzar, k. of Babylon, 45. 603 Daniel, a prophet, 69. 598 (= Jehoiachin, k. of Judah. Jehoalouk. —- Jehoiachin’s captivity. —- [> Zedekiah, k. of Judah. Zedekilouk. 595 Ezekiel, a prophet, 21. 594 Astyages, k. of Media. — Pharaoh Hophra, k. of Egypt. 588 Jerusalem destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar. —- Lamentations of Jeremiah. 587 Obadiah’s vision, about this time. 578 Servius Tullius, 6th k. of Rome, 44. —— Solon’s laws, observed at Athens, 400. 573 Tyre taken by Nebuchadnezzar. 569 Insanity of Nebuchadnezzar. 561 Evilmerodach, k. of Babylon. — Jehoiachin released from prison. See Jer. 52: 31. 560 Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens. 559 Neriglissar, k. of Babylon, 3. 559 Cyaxares II. or Darius k. of Media, 36. 556 Laborosoarchod, k. of Babylon. 555 Nabonadius, or Belshazzar, k. of Babylon. 549 Sardis taken by Cyrus. 048 All Asia Minor subjected to Cyrus. “539 Babylon taken by Cyrus. 538 Darius, k. of Babylon, 5. 536 Cyrus, k. of Persia, and of Babylon. Cylis, 8. — RETURN of the Jews from captivity. —— Joshua, high priest of the Jews. 535 Rebuilding of the second Temple, begun. 934 Rebuilding of the Temple, obstructed by the Samaaitans, CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 259 B. C. 534 Tarquin the. Proud, 7th k. of Rome. 529 Cambyses, k. of Persia. Cambylen. 521 Darius Hystaspes, k. of Persia. Darius Hystalda. 520 Zechariah, a prophet, 2C. — Haggai, a prophet. — Rebuilding of the Temple, resumed by the Jews. 517 Revolt of the Babylonians from Darius Hystaspes. 516 Babylon, taken by Darius. , 515 Second Temple, dedicated. 513 War of Darius Hystaspes against the Scythians. 510 Thrace, ravaged by Scythians. —-— Hippias, expelled from Athens. 509 The Tarquins, expelled from Rome. 506 India, conquered by Darius Hystaspes. 502 Aristagoras and the Ionians revolt from Darius. 501 Confederacy of Athenians and Ionians against Darius Hystas- pes. ; 500 Sardis burnt by the Athenians, commencement of 51 years’ war with the Persians. ' f 497 The lonians reduced by the Persians. 494 First expedition of Mardonius against the Greeks. 450 Battle of Marathon. Marathonaz. 486 Xerxes, k. of Persia. 430 Invasion of Greece, by Xerxes. — Battle of Salamis, Oct. 20. 479 Battles of Platea and Micali, Sept 22. 473 Death of Pausanius 471 Themistocles banished. 470 Battle of Eurymedon. 465 ‘Third Messenian war, 10. 464 Artaxerxes Longimanus, or Ahasuerus. 462 Vashti divorced. 458 Esther, queen of Ahasuerus. —-- Ezra sent to Judea. 456 Cincinnatus, dictator at Rome. 452 Death of Haman. 451 ae books of Chronicles supposed to have been written by uZTra. — Written laws first introduced into Rome. 449 Peace between the Greeks and Persians; close of the 5k years’ war. 448 First Sacred War between the Phocians and Thebans. 445 Nehemiah sent to Judea. 433 Nehemiah’s return to Persia. 431 Peloponnesian war, 27. 430 Plague at Athens. 423 Nehemiah goes to Jerusalem the second tim —— Plato. Plafek, 80. 423 Darius Nothvus. 420 Malachi, a prophet. 405 Battle of Egos Potamos, Dec. 13. 260 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, B. C. 405 Artaxerxes Mnemon, k. of Persia. 404 Athens taken, and its walls destroyed, by Lysander, 16 ay 16. — Thirty-‘Tyrants of Athens. 400 Retreat of the 10,000 Greeks. — Death of Socrates. — Thirty Tyrants expelled by Thrasybulus. 393 Walls of Athens, rebuilt by Conon. 385 Rome, burnt by Brennus. 371 Lacedemonians, vanquished at Leuctra, by the Thebans. 363 Battle of Mantinea. Mantvsis. 360 Philip, king of Macedon, 24. 307 Second Sacred War with the Phocians, 9. 356 Alexander, 32 343 War between the Romans and Samnites, 71. 338 Battle of Cheronea. Cheronitoo. 336 Philip, murdered by Pausanias. — Alexander, king of Macedon. 335 Darius Codomanus, king of Persia, 5. — Thebes, destroyed by Alexander. 334 Battle of Granicus. Granite. 333 Battle of Issus. Issité. 332 Tyre and Gaza, destroyed by Alexander. 331 Battle of Gaugamela. Gaugamita, —- Alexander, k. of Persia. Alexzta. 330 Death of Darius Codomanus. — Palace of Persepolis, burnt by Alexander. 328 Porus, defeated by Alexander. 323 Death of Alexander. 304 Ptolemy Soter, king of Egypt 301 Battle of Ipsus. 300 Aatioch founded by Seleucus. 285 Ptolemy Philadelphus, k. of Egypt, 38. 281 Achean League. Achean ane 280 Italy invaded by Pyrrhus. 277 Septuagint translation of the Old Testament. 274 Py-rbus, driven from Italy. 272 Samrstes, subdued by the Romans. 264 First Punic war. 23. 260 Victory of Duillius. 255 Regulus, defeated by Xantippus. 241 End of the first Punic war. 225 Gaul, conquered by Marcellus. 219 Saguntum, taken by Hannibal. 218 Second Punic war, 17. 217 Scipio, Sempronius and Flaminius, successively defeated by Hannibal. ; 216 Battle of Cannae. 206 Philopoemen, pretor of the Acheans. 203 Hannibal recalled 202 Battle of Zama Zamdaid. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 261 B.C. 175 Antiochus Epiphanes, k. of Syria. 170 Jerusalem plundered by Antiochus Epiphanes. 168 Jews persecuted by Antiochus Epiphanes. — Antiochus Epiphanes resisted by Matthias and his sons. 167 Martyrdom of the seven Maccabean brothers and their mother. 166 Judas Maccabeus, prince of Judea. 165 Jerusalem recovered, and the daily worship restored by Judas Maccabeus. 160 Jonathan, prince of Judea. 149 Third Punic war, 3. 147 Acheans defeated by Metellus 146 Corinth taken by the Romans. -—— Destruction of Carthage. 143 Simeon, prince of Judea. 135 John Hyrcanus, prince of Judea. 133 Death of Tiberius Gracchus. — Numantia taken. 121 Death of Caius Gracchus 111 Jugurthine war, 3. 108 Jugurtha defeated by Marius. 106 Aristobulus, prince of Judah. 105 Alexander Janneus, prince of Judah. 103 Jugurtha starved to death, at Rome. 102 Teutones and Cimbrians, defeated by Marius. 89 Mithridatic war. Mithradoon. 88 War between Marius and Sylla. Mario-Syllakoo. 86 Mithridates, defeated by Sylla. 82 Sylla, perpetual Dictator. 78 Resignation and death of Sylta. — Alexandra, princess of Judah. 77 War of Sertorius. 72 Mithridates repeatedly defeated by Lucullus, and Pontus, re- duced to a Roman province. 70 Crassus and Pompey, Consuls. 63 Jerusalem, taken by Pompey. 62 Catiline’s conspiracy, quelled by Cicero 59 First Triumvirate, Pompey, Crassus and Cesar. 55 Cesar’s first landing in Britain. 54 Cesar invades Britain the second time, and conquers part of it, 53 Crassus, killed by the Parthians. 51 Gaul, reduced to a Roman province. 49 Cesar’s passing the Rubicon. Rubicon, 48 Battle of Pharsalia. Pharsalok. 46 Death of Cato. 44 Death of Cesar. 43 Second Triumvirate, Octavius, Antony and Lepidus. 42 Battle of Philippi, in which Brutus and Cassius are defeated. 37 Herod the Idumean, confirmed on the throne of Judea. 32 War declared by the Senate against Antony and Cleopatra. 31 Battle of Actium. 30 Octavius, emperor of Rome. Augustaz. 262 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. B.C. 30 Death of Antony and Cleopatra. 27 Octavius called Augustus. 5 John the Baptist. \ , 4 Birth of Jesus Christ. A, D 1 Vulgar era, from which we reckon time, placed by mistase four years after the birth of Christ. 14 Tiberius, emp of Rome. Tiberibe 26 Ministry of John the Baptis* — Christ, baptized by John. — Imprisonment of John the Baptist. 27 Death of John the Baptist. 28 Transfiguration of Christ. 29 Crucifixion of Christ. — Effusion of the Spirit, on the day of Pentecost. — Death of Ananias and Sapphira. 31 Death of Stephen. 33 Conversion of Saul of Tarsus. - 37 Caligula, emp. of Rome. Caligulzp. 41 Conversion of Cornelius. — Claudius, emp. of Rome. Claudifa. 43 Expedition of Claudius into Britain. 44 Death of James, the brother of John. 45 Paul’s preaching at Salamis, Paphos, &e. 46 Paul’s preaching at Iconium. 51 Caractacus, carried to Rome. 52 Apostolic council at Jerusalem. 54 Paul and Silas, at Philippi. — Nero emp. of Rome. Nelo. 55 Paul at Thessalonica and Athens. 56 Paul at Corinth. 60 Mob at Ephesus. — Romans, defeated by Boadicea. — Paul at Troas, Miletus, &c. — Paul’s defence to the people of Jerusalem. — Paul before the council at Jerusalem. — Paul before Felix at Cesarea. 63 Paul before Festus at Cesarea. — Paul before Agrippa at Cesarea. — Paul sent to Rome. 64 Rome, burnt by Nero. — First of the ten heathen persecutions of Christians before Con- stantine, under Nero. at ie 66 Death of Paul about this time. 70 Vespasian, emp. of Rome. — Jerusalem taken and destroyed, by Titus. 79 Titus, emp. of Rome. — Herculaneum and Pompeii, destroyed by an eruption of Vesu- vius. 80 Conquests of Agricola in Britain. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 243 A.D . 81 Domitian, emp. of Rome. . 95 Second of the ten persecutions, under Domitian. 98 Trajan, emp. of Rome. 107 Third of the ten persecutions, under Trajan. 117 Adrian, emp. of Rome. 120 Adrian’s Wall, built across Britain 130 Jerusalem, rebuilt by Adrian. 135 580,000 Jews in Judea destroyed by the Romans. 138 Antoninus Pius, or Antonine the Pious, emp. of Rome. 161 Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, emp. of Rome. 163 Fourth of the ten persecutions, under Aurelius. 168 A plague over the known world. 177 Persecution of Christians at Lyons. 180 Commodus, emp. of Rome. 193 Pertinax, emp. of Rome. 202 Fifth of the ten persecutions, under Septimus Severus. 222 Alexander Severus, emp. of Rome, 13. —- About this time, the Roman Empire begins to decline; the Barbarians make more frequent irruptions ; and the Goths receive tribute not to molest the Romans. 235 Maximin, emp. of Rome, 3. —— Sixth of the ten persecutions, under Maximin. 250 Seventh of the ten persecutions, under Decius. 254 Valerian, emp. of Rome. 257 Eighth of the'ten persecutions, under Valerian. 270 Aurelian, emp. of Rome, 5d. 273 Ninth of the ten persecutions, under Aurelian. £73 Zenobia, taken captive by Aurelian. 277 Settlement of the Franks in Gaul. 284 Diocletian, emp. of Rome. Diocleko. 303 Last of the ten persecutions, under Diocletian. 306 Constantine the Great, emp. of Rome. Constantais. 308 Creation of cardinals. 312 Pestilence all over the East. 325 First general council at Nice. < . 329 Seat of the Roman Empire, removed to Constantinople. 337 Death of Constantine. r 358 150 cities in Asia and Greece, overturned by an earthquake. 360 First monastery, founded near Poictiers, by Martin. 361 Julian, emp. of Rome. Julissa, 3. 363 Vain attempt of Julian to rebuild Jerusalem. —- Jovian,emp.of Rome. Jovisz. 364 Division of the Roman empire. — Valentinean, emp. of the West. Valentzso. -—— Valens, emp..of the East. 373 Bible, transiated into Gothic. 379 Theodosius the Great, emp. of the East. Theodotein, 16. 392 Empire, united under Theodosius. ' 395 The empire again divided. Arcadius, emp. of the East, and Honorius, of the West. 397 Chrysostome, patriarch of Constantinople, 41 264 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. A. D. ' 400 Italy, ravaged by Alaric. 410 Rome, plundered and burnt, by Alaric. 411 Vandals settled in Spain. 419 Many cities in Palestine, destroyed by an earthquake. 426 Britain, forsaken by the Romans. 439 Italy, plundered by Genseric. 444 Ravages of the Huns. 446 The Groans of the Britons. 447 Italy, ravaged by Attila. 451 Arrival of Hengist and Horsa, in Britain. 452 Venice founded. 455 Rome, plundered by Genseric. 476 Romulus Augustus, called Momyllus Augustulus, last emp. of the West. Momylfors. ~— Extinction of the RY ewtorn Empire. —— Odoacer, k. of Italy. 480 Earthquake at Constantinople, 40 days. 481 Clovis, k. of the Franks. Cloka. 493 Theodoric, k. of Italy. Theodonz. 496 Baptism of Clovis. 508 Reign of Arthur in Britain. 510 Paris, the capital of Clovis. 516 Computation of time. from the Christian era, introduced by Dionysius, the monk. 526 250,000 persons destroyed by an earthquake at Antioch. 527 Justinian, emp. of the East. Justinilep. 529 Persians, defeated by Belisarius. 537 Rome, taken by Belisarius. 540 Destruction of Antioch by the Persians 542 Europe, ravaged by the plague 52 years. 546 Rome, taken and plundered, by Totila. 547 Rome, retaken by Belisarius. 549 Rome, recovered by [Lotila. 552 Rome, taken by Narses. 559 Belisarius, degraded and ungratefully treated, by Justinian. 568 Italy, conquered by the Lombards. 569 Turks, first mentioned in history. 571 Mahomet. Mahupa, 61. 580 Destruction of Antioch by an earthquake. 590 Gregory I. bishop of Rome. , : 597 Augustine, missionary to England. 605 Use of bells, introduced into churches. 606 POPERY AND MAHOMETANISM. Papamahomsais. 616 Jerusalem, taken by the Persians. 622 The Hegyra. Hegysed. 632 Death of Mahomet. 636 Jerusalem taken by the Saracens under Omar. 641 Alexandrian library burnt by the Saracens under Omar. 669 Sicily ravaged by the Saracens. 672 Constantinople besieged by the Saracens. 673 Venerable Bede, 62. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 265 A.D. 685 Remnant of the Britons, totally subdued by the Saxons, and driven into Cornwal! and Wales. 690 Pepin Heristal acquires the chief power in France, 713 Spain, conquered by the Saracens. 714 France governed by Charles Martel, 26. 726 Controversy about images. 732 Destruction of the Saracens in France, by Charles Martel. 751 Pepin, k. of France. 762 Bagdad, built by Almanzor, and made the seat of the caliphs 772 Charlemagne, k. of France. 735 Saxons subdued by Charlemagne. — Haroun al Rashid, caliph of the Saracens. 787 England, first invaded by the Danes. 794 The Huns extirpated by Charlemagne. 800 Charlemagne, emp. of Germany, 14. Charlemoog. 801 Harold of Denmark, deposed by his subjects, for professing Christianity. . 827 Egbert, k. of England. 846 An earthquake over the greatest part of the known world. 872 Alfred, k. of England. Alfroope. 886 Oxford University. 915 Cambridge University. 991 Figures in Arithmetic, brought by the Saracens from Arabia into Europe. 1015 Laws in England against parents’ selling their children. 1017 Canute, k. of England. 1055 Bagdad, taken by the Turks. 1066 Harcld the Usurper, k. of England. —— [> William the Conqueror, k. of England. Wilbaisau. §070 Feudal law, introduced into England. 1075 Penance of Henry IV. emp. of Germany. 1080 Tower in London. 1087 (> William II. k. of England. Wildazkoz, 1093 Pilgrimage of Peter the Hermit. 1096 FIRST CRUSADE to the Holy Land, 1098 Antioch, taken by the Crusaders. Li 1099 Jerusalem, taken by the Crusaders. 1100 {> Henry I. surnamed the Scholar, k. of England. Henbag. 1119 Thomas a Becket. Becketban, 52. 1135 [> Stephen, k. of England. Stephadil. 1141 Stephen, taken captive by Matilda. 1143 Restoration of Stephen. 1144 Second Crusade. 1164 [> Henry IL. k.of England. Hendablo. 1156 Moscow built. 1157 Bank of Venice commenced 1163 Gengis Khan born. 1171 Death of Becket. . 1172 Henry II. takes possession of Ireland. 1176 Gengis Khan, k. of the Tartars, 51. Gengabois. 1183 Massacre of 7000 Albigenses. 266 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. ‘ A. D. ' 1186 Conjunction of all the planets, at sunrise, Sept. 16. Con: junctaboos. ; 1187 Jerusalem, taken by Saladin. 1189 [> Richard 1. k. of England. Richaboon. — Third Crusade. 1192 Saladin, defeated by Richard, in the battle of Ascalon. 1195 Devastation of Denmark and Norway, by a tempest. 1199 J> John, k. of England. 1204 Constantinople, taken and plundered by the French and Ve- netians. Baldwin I. French emp. of Constantinople. Inquisition. Inquezo. 1214 Roger Bacon. Roger Badaf, 80. 1215 Magna Charta, or Great Charter. Chardal. 1216 (L> Henry III. k. of England. Hentadas. 1224 Thomas Aquinas, 50. Aquidef. 1226 Lewis IX. (St. Lewis) k. of France. St. Lewdes. 1228 Baldwin II. French emp. of Constantinople. 1241 Hanseatic League, begun by Lubec and Hamburg. 1248 Fifth Crusade. 1258 Bagdad, taken by the Tartars. End of the Saracen empire. 1261 Constantinople, recovered by the Greek emperors. _ 1264 Deputies of boroughs, first summoned to parliament in England Battle of Lewes, between Henry III. and his barons, 1272 [> Edward I. surnamed Longshanks, k. of England. Edbadoid. 1291 Twelve competitors for the crown of Scotland. 1292 John Baliol, k. of Scotland. 1298 Wallace, regent of Scotland. —— Commencement of the Turkish empire under Othman, in Bithynia. . 1299 Spectacles invented by a monk of Pisa. 1301 First meeting of the States General in France. 1302 Invention of the Mariner’s Compass. Compize. 1304 Death of Wallace. 1306 Robert Bruce, k. of Scotland. 1307 Swiss republics founded. —- Pit-coal first used in England. ——~ $C = Edward II.k. of England. Eddatazp. 1308 Pope’s removal to Avignon. 1311 Death of Piers Gavestone. 1324 John Wickliffe. Wicktef, 64. 1327 3c Edward III. k. of England. Edtatep. 1328 Geoffrey Chaucer. Chautek, 72. 1330 Gunpowder invented by a monk of Cologne. 1335 Tamerlane, born. 1337 Europe, infested by locusts. 1344 Most general and fatal plague, ever known. 1346 Battle of Cressy. The French defeated by the Black Prince. Cannon first used. Crestos. 1349 Pestilence, that destroyed myriads of Asiatics, and nearly one third of Europeans.—Hu. 2: 295. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, 267 A.D. 1352 Europe, invaded by the Turks. i 1353 Asia and Africa desolated by locusts. 1356 John Il. of France, taken prisoner in the battle of Poictiers. 1361 Plague in France, England, freland, Scotland, &c. which des troyed nearly a 'third of the Scots. 1365 Collection of Peter Pence, forbidden by the English government 1369 Tamerlane, k. of the Tartars, Tamertaun, 36. 1370 Hanseatic League at its height, consisting of 64 cities with 44 in alliance. 1376 John Huss, 39. Hustois. 1377 Pope’ s return from Avignon to Rome. —— ic? Richard II. k. of England. cacy 1380 Thomas a Kempis, 91. 1381 Insurrection of Wat Tyler. 1382 Many cities in Europe, depopulated by the Plague. 1384 Death of Wickliffe. 1399 Hoy Henry IV. k. of England. Henfatoun 1400 University of Dublin. 1402 Battle of Angora. Angoze. _ 1403 Battle of Shrewsbury, between Henry IV. and young Piercy, 1407 Joan of Arc, 24. 1410 Wickliffe’s works, burnt at Oxford. 3412 Algebra brought from Arabia into Europe. 1413 3c Henry V.k.of England. Henlafat. 1414 Council of Constance. 1415 Battle of Agincourt. Aginfal. —— Ordinary revenue of Henry V. £56, 969, equal to $232,863. —— Death of John Huss. 1416 Death of Jerome of Prague. 1418 Death of Lord Cobham. 142). The Zuyder Sea, formed by an inundation. 1422 ic Henry VI. k. of England. Hensode. — Charles VII. k. of France. 1428 The English, compelled to raise the siege of Orleans, by Joan of Arc. — Wickliffe’s remains, burnt, and his ashes thrown into the river Swift. 1436 Paris recovered from the English, by the French. 1444 Invention of printing about this time. 1446 Vatican library, founded. —— The sea breaks out at Dort, and drowns 100,000 people. 1447 Columbus born, 50. Columfop. 1448 Lorenzo de Medicis, 44, 1453 Constartinople, taken by the Turks. 1454 University of Glasgow. 1457 Glass, first wi ees fe England. 1459 Art of engrawing on co 1461 (Ly Edward IV. k. of Raotind Edfosa. 1470 Hugh Latimer, 84. 1471 Thomas Wolsey. Wolsopa, 59 1472 Copernicus. Copernope, 71, 41* 268 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. A. D. 1476 Certain persons obtain license from Edward IV. to make gold and silver from mercury. 1477 University of Aberdeen. 1480 Thomas More, 55. 1483 i> Edward V.k. of England. Edufoot. —— {> Richard III. k. of England. Richtafoot. —— Martin Luther. Lutherfoot, 63. 1485 Battle of Bosworth. —— [> Henry VII. Henrozfool. 1487 Zuingle. Zuingfoop, 44. © 1488 Cape of Good Hope, discovered by the Portuguese. 1489 Thomas Cranmer. Cranfoon, 67. 1490 Thomas Cromwell, 50. 1491 End of the kingdom of the Moors in Spain. 1492 San Salvador, discovered by Columbus, Oct. 12, Cuba, Oct. 27, Hispaniola, Dec. 6. 1493 Maximilian I. emp. of Germany. —-— Second voyage of Columbus to America. 1494 Jamaica, discovered by Columbus. 1496 Commission for discovery, granted by Henry VII. to John . Cabot and his three sons. 1497 North America, discovered by John and Sebastian Cabot. —— Melancthon, 63. Melancthonoi. —— The Portuguese sail to,the East Indies. 1498 Third voyage of Columbus to America. —— American continent, discovered by Columbus, at Cumana. 1499 South America visited by Americus Vesputius. 1500 Birth of Charles V. 1502 Fourth voyage of Columbus to America. 1505 John Knox. Knoxwza, 67. 1508 League of Cambray, against the Venetians. Negro slaves, imported into Hispaniola. 1509 ((¥ Henry VIII. k. of England. Henroovain. John Calvin, 55. Calvazn. 1511 Cuba, conquered by 300 Spaniards. 1513 Battle of Flodden, in which James IV. was slain. Leo X. pope. 1514 Pestilence among cats. 1515 Francis I. k. of France. 1516 Charles V. k. of Spain. 1617 THE REFORMATION. Reformalap. Patent, granted by Charles V. for imvorting negro slaves into America. 1518 Doctrines of Luther, condemned by Leo X. 1519 CHarles V. emp. of Germany. Charlesvuan. Mexico, invaded by Cortes. 1520 Massacre at Stockholm, by Christian II. Death of Montezuma. —-- “elyman the Magnificent, emp. of Turkey. 1521 Gustavus Vasa, k. of Sweden. ——— William Cecil, Lord Burleigh. Cecileb, 77. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 269 A. D. 1521 Conquest of Mexico, completed by Cortez. Henry VIII. receives from the pope, the title of Defender of the Faith. 1522 John Jewell, 49. 1525 Battle of Pavia. Capture of Francis I. 1526 Lutheranism established in Germany. Liberation of Francis I. 1529 Reformers, called Protestants. 1530 Protestant League of Smaleald. Smalecaltaz. 1531 Peru, invaded by Pizarro and Almagro. 1532 Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, 56. 1533 Elizabeth born. 1534 Reformation in England and Ireland. 1535 Society of the Jesuits, instituted by Loyola. 1536 Suppression of the smaller monasteries in England. —— Francis Walsingham, 54. 1537 California, discovered by Cortez. 1538 Suppression of the larger monasteries in England , 1539 The Bloody Statute, or Law of the Six Articles. 1542 Mary Stewart, born and made queen of Scotland. 1544 Good land in England, let at one shilling an acre 1545 Council of Trent. Trentufu, 18. Francis Drake. Drakufu, 51. 1546 Tycho Brahe, 55. 1547 [[> Edward VI. k. of England. Edsavep. 1549 Death of cardinal Beaton. Cervantes, 67. 1550 Era of English Puritans. 1551 James Crichton, 32. 1552 Books of Astronomy and Geography destroyed in England, as being infected with magic. — Walter Raleigh, 66. Ralud. Book of common prayer, established in England. 1553 [G* Mary, queen of England. Marulz. 1554 The wearing of silk, forbidden to the common people in Eng- land. Death of Jane Grey. 1555 Persecution by Mary. 1556 Philip IT. k. of Spain. 1558 (L> Elizabeth, queen of England. Elizaluk. 1560 Charles IX. k. of France. Reformation in Scotland, completed by John Knox. 1561 Francis Bacon. Bacusa, 65. 1563 Slave trade of the English, begun by John Hawkens. 1564 William Shakspeare. Shakespuso, 82. Galileo, 78. Galiluso. . \ 1566 Revolt of the Netherlands from Philip IT. 39 Articles established in England. 1567 James VI. k. of Scotland. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, 34. 1568 Flight of Mary, queen of Scots, to England. . 270 _CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. A. D. 3468 Protestants tolerated in Holland. 1572 Massacre of St. Bartholomew’s. Bartholomupe. 1573 William Laud. Laudupi, 71. 1575 John Robinson, 50. Robinvoil. ¥ 1576 Protestants tolerated in France. 1579 John Smith, 52. 1580 James Usher, 75. : 1582 The new style, introduced into Italy, by pope Gregory XII, the 5th of Oct. being reckoned the 15th. 1583 Hugo Grotius, 62. 1584 Miles Standish, 72. 1585 Richlieu, 57. John Cotton. —— First English colony in America, planted at Roanoke. Jansenius, 53. 1586 Colony at Roanoke, carried by Drake to England. —— Thomas Hooker, 61. ; 1587 Death of Mary, queen of Scots. John Winthrop, 62. 1588 Destruction of the Spanish Armada. Armadalook. William Bradford, 69. 1589 Hevrv IV. k. of France. Coaches introduced into England. 1591 University of Dublin. 1592 Presbyterianism, established in Scotland. 1593 Thomas Wentworth, 48. 1594 Birth of Gustavus Adolphus. Edward Winslow, 61. John Hambden. Hampuno, 49. 1596 Des Cartes, 54. Richard Mather, 73. 1597 John Davenport, 73. 1598 Ediet of Nantz. 1599 Robert Blake, 58. Roger Williams, 84. 4600 Birth of Charles I. of England. 1602 William Chillingworth, 42. Cape Cod discovered by Gosnold. -—— Revival of religion in some of the northern counties of England. 1603 [> James IJ. k. of England and Scotland. Jambasait. 1604 John Eliot, 86. 1605 Powder Plot. Edmund Waller, 82. 1607 First permanent English settlement in America, at Jamestown. -— Flight of the Pilgrims to Amsterdam. -—~ Smith saved hy Pocahontas. . Corny at Sagadahok. 1608 John Milton. Milsazk, 66. Pe Bt Satellites of Jupiter, discovered by Galileo. -— Removal of the Pilgrims to Leyden 1609 Plot of the Indians, disclosed by Pocahontas. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLEs. 271 A. D. 1699 Matthew Hale. . Halsain, 67. 1610 Lucius Carey, Lord Falkland, 34. Henry IV. of France, assassinated by Ravaillac. — The Virginia colony reduced from nearly five hundred to . sixty. 1611 Gisiaras Adolphus, k. of Sweden. ° 1613 Pocahontas, married to Mr. Rolfe. 1614 Last meeting of the states general in France, before the late revolution. — North Virginia, called New England, by prince Charles. —— Manhattan, now New York, settled by the Dutch. —— 24 natives of N. E. carried off and sold by Hunt. 1615 Richard Baxter. 1616 John Higginson, 92. John Owen. 1617 Most of the inhabitants from Narraganset to Penobscot, swept away by war and pestilence, 1618 Synod of Dort. — Abraham Cowley, 59. Jacatra, now Batavia, taken and fortified, by the Dutch 1619 Circulation of the blood discovered, or contirmed, by Harvey. 1620 English settlement at Madras. LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS, Dec. 22. 1621 Batavia in Java, settled by the Dutch. League between Massasoit and the Pilgrims. 1622 Massacre of 347 Virginians by the natives, March 22. — Algernon Sidney. Sidsed, 61 1623 First settlement in N. H. 1624 George Fox. Foxsef, 66. Settlement at Cape Ann. 1625 Plague in London destroyed 35,000 persons —— Charles I. k. of England. Charlesbasel. 1626 Robert Boyle. Boylsey, 64. Bossuet, 77. 1628 New Holland, discovered by the Dutch. — A new islaxd among the Azores, emerged. Patent for Mass. Settlement of Salem. -— John Bunyan. Bunsck. — 7 1629 First church in Mass. formed at Salem. —— Charlestown, Mass. settled. —— First permanent settlement of the Dutch at Manhattan. 1630 Isaac Barrow, 47. : r —— Arrival of Gov. Winthrop at Massachusetts, with about 1500 emigrants. — John Flavel, 61. ~—~ Dorchester, Watertown, Boston, Roxbury. —— John Tilotson, 64. 1631 First vessel built in Mass. called the Blessing of the Bay | launched July 4. — John Dryden. Drydastz, 70. 1632 Patent of Maryland, granted to Cecilius Calvert, lord Balti- more, 272 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. A.D. 3632 John Locke. Lockszd, 72. 1633 First house erected in Connectieut, near Little River in Windsor. ' 1634 Captains Stone, Norton, and eight others, murdered by the Pequot Indians, on Con. river. Maryland, settled by 200 Catholics. 1635 Removal of about 60 persons from Dorchester, Newtown and Watertown, to Windsor, Hartford and Wetkersfie!d. Accession to Mass. of about 3,000 emigrants. Tremendous storm in N. E. China conquered by the Tartars Ship money first imposed by Charles I 1635 Hooker and Stone, with their people, remove from Watertow to Hartford. —— Providence, settled by Roger Williams. —— Henry Vane, Gov. of Mass. . 1637 Slaughter of five or six hundred Indians at Mistic fort, by Mason, May 26. -~—— Destruction of the Pequot nation. — First Synod at Newtown occasioned by Ann Hutchinson ——: Public School in Newtown 1638 Harvard college founded and Newtown called Cambridge — Solemn League and Covenant in Scotland -~—— New Haven settled. 1639 Constitution of Con. —— John Haynes, first governor of Con. —— Printing press at Cambridge. —— Increase Mather, 84. —— Benjamin Church, 79. 1640 Cessation of English emigration. —- Long parliament, Nov. 3. 1641 Jrish Massacre, Oct. 23. —— Strafford beheaded. 1642 Battle of Edgehill. —— Isaac Newton. Newsod, 84. —— Mayhew in Martha’s Vineyard. —— N. E. favoured by the English parliament 1643 Lewis XIV. k. of-France, 72. —— Laud beheaded. —— Confederacy of the four N. E. colonies. —— Solomon Stoddard, 86. 1644 Revolution in China, by the Tartars, —— Patent for Providence Plantations. —— William Penn, 74. Pensof. 1645 Battle of Naseby. Nasol. 1646 Act of Massachusetts legislature for carrying the gospe: te. the Indians, Ae —— Elliot preaches to the Indians. Second Synod in Mass. 1647 Epidemic through America. 1648 Cambridge Pla.torm. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES 272 A. D. 1648 Humphrey Prideaux, 76. 1649 Charles i. beheaded, Jan. 39. —— Commonwealth of England. Society for propagating the gospel in N, E. formed in England. 1650 Battle of Dunbar. . John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough, 72. Conversion of the Indians on Martha’s Vineyard. 1651 Battle of Worcester, won by Cromwell. -~— Fenelon, 64. Sumptuary law in Mass. —— English Navigation Act. 1652 Voluntary submission of Maine to Mass. 1653 O. Cromwell, protector of England. 1655 Law, in Mass. requiring that “all hands not necessarily em- ployed on other occasions, as women, boys and girls, should spin, according to their skill and ability.” 1656 Ann Hibbins of Boston, executed for witchcraft. Persecution of the Quakers in Mass. 1658 Richard Cromwell, protector. 1759 Resignation of the protectorship, by Richard Cromwell. —~ Two Quakers, Robinson and Stephenson, executed in Massa- chusetts. 1660 Charles II. k. of England. The Restoration. —— Navigation Act confirmed, and extended. 1661 Charles Rollin, 80. 1662 Royal Society in England. —— Matthew Henry. Hensaua, 52, —— Synod in Boston. —— Act of Uniformity, in England. 1663 Massillon, 79. . —— Charter of Carolina, granted to Clarendon and others. —— Prince Eugene, 73. —— Cotton Mather, 65. 1664 New Jersey, granted to Lord Berkely and George Carteret, Elliot’s Indian Bible printed at Cambridge. 1665 Six towns of Christian Indians in Massachusetts. -—— Plague in London destroyed 68,000 people. — Union of New Haven and Con. . 1666 Great fire in London, which destroyed 13,000 houses. Buccaniers in America. 1667 Jonathan Swift, 78. Erasmus, 69. 1672 Calmet, 85. Birth of Peter the Great. 1672 Great part of Holland conquered by Lewis XIV. —— Joseph Addison. Addasozd, 47. 1673 Benjamin Colman, 74. 1674 Edward Andros, Gov. of N. Y. —— Death of the De Witts. Isaac Watts. Watspo, 72. i€75 War with Philip, k. of the Wompanoogs. 274 | CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, A. D. 1675 Samuel Clarke. Clarksoil, 54. 1676 Death of k. Philip, Aug. 12. 1677 Saurin, 53. Bacon’s rebellion in Virginia. 1680 A great comet appeared, and from its nearness to the earth, alarmed the inhabitants. It continued from Nov. 3, te March 9. —— N. H. separated from Mass. —— Charleston in 8. C. 1681 Pennsylvania, granted to William Penn. —— Edward Young, 84. 1682 Philadelphia. Peter the Great, czar of Russia. 1684 Mass. deprived of its charter. Handel, 75. 1685 [= James II. k. of England. Jamdasku. Writs issued to take away the charters of Con. and Henk Revocation of the edict of Nantz. N fre ra praying Indians within the limits of Plymouth colo- 4 1686 Natetobiass ‘sion published in England. — William Law, 7 1687 E. Andros, president of N. England. 1688 N. Y. and N. J. added to the jurisdiction of N. England. —— War with the Indians in N. sngland, which continued several years. -— Revolution in England, commonly called THE REVOLU- TION. —— Alexander Pope, 56. 1689 William III. and Mary, king and queen of England, Feb. 16. Wiltasoon. Act of Toleration in England. Deposition of Andros. —— Swedenborg, 83. 1690 Battle of the Boyne. 1692 White inhabitants in N. E. 200, 000. New charter granted to Mass. —— Witchcraft in Mass. 20 persons executed. 1694 Voltaire, 84. 1696 Thirty Indian churches in N. E. Parliamentary tax upon the colonies recommended. —— Henry Home, (Lord Kaims,) 86. -——- Church removed from Dorchester, Massachusetts, and settled at Dorchester, South Carolina. —— Peter the Great, sole emperor of Russia. 1697 Peace of Ryswick. 1698 Number of Indians in Massachusetts about 4,000. —— Charles XII. k. of Sweden. —— English Christian Knowledge Society. 1699 Great numbers of Philadelphians die of the yellow fever. ie a of Boston. 7,000. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 275 A. D. 1700 James Thompson, 48. Thompzai. Population of the English American colonies, 160,000. Inundation in Charleston 8. C. which drove the inhabitants to their chambers. The city almost destroyed by fire, and the people by small pox and pestilence. —— Law in N. Y. to hang every Popish priest, who should come voluntarily into that province. —— Yale College founded at Saybrook. 1701 Society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts incorporated. Yale College incorporated. , 1702 = Anne, queen cf England. Annapaid. —— Philip Doddridge, 49. 1703 Gibra'tar taken by Rooke. —— John Wesley, 38. —— Jonathan Edwards, 55. 1704 Battle of Blenheim, Aug. 2. David Hartley, 53. —— Thomas Newton, 78. 1705 Danish Missionary Society. —— Petersburgh founded. . 1706 Union of England and Scotland. —— Benjamin Franklin, 84. 1707 Euler, 76. —— Linneus, 71. 1708 Saybrook Platform. —— William Pitt, 70. 1709 Battle of Pultowa. —— Samuel Johnson. Johnpazn, 75. 1710 Thomas Reed, 86. —— James Ferguson. Fergupaz, 66. 1711 David Hume. Humozba, 65. mn 1712 137 people in the vicinity of Roanoke, murdered by the 'Tus- caroras, &c. —— Rousseau, 66. : 1713 Treaty of Utrecht. . 1714 [> George I. k. of England. Georgeéboibo. James Hervey, 44. George Whitefield, 56. , . 1715 Lewis XV. k. of France. David Garrick, 63. 1716 Barthelemy, 79. 1717 One of the greatest snow storms ever known. —— Yale College removed from Saybrock to New Haven. —— New Orleans founded. 1718 Hugh Blair, 82. —— Israel Putnam, 72. —— David Brainerd, 2). 1719 Joseph Bellamy, 71. 172) South Sea Bubble. —— Jonathan Mayhew, 46. : 1721 Inoculation for the small pox in New Eng-and. 42 276 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. oD. 721 Mark Akenside. Akensoida, 49. Samuel Hopkins, 82. 4722 A hurricane reduced Port Royal in Jamaica, the third time to a heap of ruins. John Witherspoon, 72. —— Samuel Adams, 81. 1723 Richard Price, 68. 1724 Samuel Davies, 37. 1725 William Blackstone. Blackstapet, 57. 1726 John Howard, i aa 64, James Wolfe, 33. 1727 [> George I. k. of England. Georgedapep. —— Dry summer, followed by a violent earthqu e. James Bowdoin, 63. 1728 People of Charleston, S. C. driven by an inundation to the upper stories of their houses. James Cook. Cookozdoo, 51. 1729 Oliver Goldsmith. Goldpen, 45. —— Edmund Burke. Burkpen, 68. 1730 Turks, defeated by Kouli Khan. 1731 William Cowper. Cowpozta, 69. Beilby Porteus, 78. 732 Washington born, Feb. 22, 67. —— Richard Henry Lee, 62. —— Erasmus Darwen, 70. 1733 Joseph Priestley, 71. 1734 Moravian Missionary Society, 1735 Ravages of the throat distemper in New Hampshire and Mas sachusetts. John Adams, 91. 736 Kouli Khan, k. of Persia. 1737 John Hancock, 56. —— Insurrection of slaves in South Carolina. ——- Edward Gibbon. 57. 1738 Nassau Hall College, at Princeton, New Jersey. 1740 Charles Cornwallis. Cornwalpik, 67. -—— Nathaniel Greene, 46. Joseph Warren, 3d. 1743 Lavoisier, 51: William Paley, 62. 1744 Joseph Milner, 53. —— Jeremy Belknap, 54. ' 1745 Louisburg surrendered to.the New England troops, aided by an English squadron, June 17. —— Fraucis Drake. 1746 Lima destroyed by an earthquake, ‘tts concussions continu- ed, with short intervals, for four months, “1747 Thomas Seott. 1748 Charles James Fox, 58. — William ‘unes, 46. 1749 Davi2. Ramsay, 66, QP CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, 277 A.D. 1750 Academy of Sciences, at Stockholm. New Style introduced into Britain, Sept. 3 being reckoned the 14th. 1752 Hurricane and inundation at Charleston, S.C. Sept. —— Population of Boston, 17,574, 1752 Small pox in Boston. Of 5,544, who had it the natural way, 514 died ; of 2,109, who were inoculated, 31 died. Timothy Dwight, 65. 1755 Lisbon destroyed by an earthquake. Great earthquake, the most violent ever known in North America. Defeat and death of Braddock, at Monongahela, June. 1756 War between France and England. - 1758 Louisburg taken by the British. Horatio N elson, 47. —— Fisher Ames, 50. 1759 Quebec, taken by the English, Wolfe and Montcalm killed. —— William Pitt, Jr. 47. 1760 Population of New England, 500,000. —— > George II. k. of England. Georgetapauz. 1762 Severest drought ever known in America ; no rain, from May to September. 1763 Peace between Britain, France and Spain. —— Indians within the limits of old Plymouth colony, 905, —— Catharine II. empress of Russia. 1764 Charter of Rhode Island College, now Brown University. . 1765 STAMP ACT, Jan. 10. —— Franklin’s electrical discovery, Population of Boston, 15,250. 1767 Duties on paper, glass, painters’ colours and teas. 1768 Hurricane at Havana, which destroyed 4144 houses and 1000 inhabitants. ; 1769 Non-importation agreement among the colonies. Dartmouth College. 1770 Duties on glass, paper and painters’ colours, repealed. Boston Massacre, March 5. : 1771 Insurrection of the Regulators in New England. 1772 Poland, dismembored by Russia, Prussia and Austria. —— The schooner Graspee, burnt at Providence, June 10. Committee of Correspondence in Boston, Nov. 22, the basis of the subsequent union of the colonies. 1773 St. Jago de Guatimala swallowed up by an earthquake, which destroyed 8000 families. Destruction of British tea in Boston harbour. 1774 Boston Port Bill, May 13. —— Arrival of. Gov. Gage in Boston, May 13. —— First con.tinental Congress, Sept. 5, 1775 Leslie’s expedition to Salem. Lexington battle, April 19. —— Ticonderoga, taken by the provincials, May 10. -—- Arrival of Howe, Burgoyne and Clinton at Boston, May 25. 278 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, A.D. 1775 Battle of Bunker Hill, cr rather Breed’s Hull, June 17. — - Washington's arrival at Cambridge, July 3. —— Continental fast, July 20. —— Falmouth burnt by the British, Oct. 17. 1776 Norfolk burnt by the British, Jan. 1. Liorchester heights, occupied by Americans, March 4. —— Bvston evacuated by the British, March 17. —— Wishington’s arrival at N. Y. April 14. -—— Lee's motion in Congress for a declaration of independence, Jave 7. —— Declaration of Independence, July 4. Commissioners sent by Congress, to Paris, to solicit a treaty with the French. British army landed at Long Island, Aug. 22. Battle on Long Island, Aug. 27. New-York, evacuated by the Americans, and possessed by the British, Sept. 15. —— 1000 houses burnt in New York. Battle of White Plains, Oct. 28. Retreat of Washington beyond the Delaware, Nov. 28. —— R.1. possessed by the British, Dec. 8. Congress adjourned to Baltimore, Dec. 12. Battle of Trenton, Dec. 26. 1777 Washington takes post at Trenton. Battle near Princeton, Jan. 3. ——— Washington retires to Morristown. —— The Americans receive arms and ammunition from France. — — Ticonderoga evacuated by the Americans, July 6. —— Bennington battle, Aug. 16. Battle of Brandywine, Sept. 11. Battle near Stillwater, Sept. 19. —— Philadelphia, possessed by the British, Sept. 27. Battle of Germantown, Oct. 4. — — Second battle near Stillwater, Oct. 7. Capture of Burgoyne, Oct. 17. Battle of Red Bank,, Oct. 22. 1778 Treaty between France and the U. 8. Feb. 6. —— Philadelphia, evacuated by the British, June 18. Battle of Monmouth, June 28. ——— Arrival of D’Estaing on the coast of Virginia, with 12 ships of the line and 6 frigates, and French troops, to aid the Ainericans. Battle on R. I. Aug. 29. —~— Americans, driven from R. I. Aug. 30. —— Savannah, taken by the British, Dec. 29 1779 New Haven, plundered by the British, July 5. Capt. Cook killed at Owhyhee by the Tatives. ~—- Fairfield and Green Farms in Ct. burnt by the British, July 7; and Norwalk, July 12. ——~ Stoney Point taken from the British, July 16. 1780 Charleston, S. C. taken by the British, May 12. ———— Battle near Camden, S. C. Aug. 16. oe CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 279 A.D. 1783 Treachery of Arnold. Execution of Andre. —— American Academy of Arts and Sciences —~ British Naval and Military Bible Society. —-— Dark day in N. E. —— War between Hyder Ally and the English. —— Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. —— Insurrection in London, on account of an act for relieving the Papists. 1781 Battle of Cowpens, Jan. 17. —— Battle of Eutaw, Sept. 8. —— Expedition of Arnold against Virginia and New London. New London burnt, Sept. —— Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. H. Capture of Cornwallis, Oct. 19. _ 1782 Independence of the U. S. acknowledged by Holland, Ap. 19. —— Balloons invented by S. and J. Montgolfier, France. 1783 Independence of the U. S. acknowledged by Sweden, Den- mark, Spain and Prussia. —— Peace with Great Britain, Sept. 23. —— N. Y. evacuated by the British, Nov. 25, —— American army disbanded. —— Abolition of slavery in Mass. —— Dickenson College. 1786 Wesleyan Missionary Society, England. —— Insurrection in Mass. —— Insurrection in N. H. 1787 Federal constitution, agreed on in Congress, Sept. 17. —— Franklin College, at Lancaster, Pa. —— Columbia Coilege, New-York city. 1789 George Washington and John Adams first President and Viee President of the United States, April 30. —— FRENCH REVOLUTION. —— First meeting of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the United States, May. —— Destruction of the Bastile, July 14. , National Assembly in France, Oct. 19. 1790 Population of the United States, 3,929,326. —— Slaves in the United States, 695,655. —— Monastic establishments suppressed in France. — Kentucky, an independent state. : —— Nobility abolished in France. Connecticut Society for the Abolition of Slavery. 1791 Vermont admitted into the Union. —— Verment University. : —— Revenue of the United States $4,771,200. Expenditure, $3,797,436. People of colour made free citizens in France, May 15. —— ‘Society for the promotion of agriculture, arts and manufactures established at New York. —— Flight of Lewis XVI, June 21. 42* «a _. >— Abolition of royal authority, and France declared a republic. _ +-——=—=— French decree of fraternity, promising to aid all people, who ‘ey wish to procure liberty, Nov. 19. 31793 Lewis XVI. condemned to death by a majority of five voices, Jan. 17; executed Jan. 21. —— The queen of France condemned Oct. 15; executed, Oct. 16. —— Williams College. 1794 Insurrection in Pennsylvania. | Treaty with Great Britain, called Jay’s treaty. Death of Robespierre. —— Union College, in New-York. — Greenville College, Tennessee. 4795 Holland, overrun by the French. Cape of Good Hope, taken by the British. London Mission Society. 1796 Paul, emperor of Russia. , ¢ —— Edinburgh Missionary Society. —— Netherlands’ Mission Society. 1797 John Adams and Thomas Jefferson second President and Vice President of the United States. 1798 Papal government, suppressed by the French. Battle of the Nile, Aug. 1. -—— Connecticut Missionary Society. _ 1799 Bonaparte, First Consul for 10 years, Nov. 9. _—— London Religious Tract Society. _ —~ Massachusetts Missionary Society. —— Death of Washington, Dec. 14. 1880 Battle of Marengo, June 14. Union of Britain and Ireland: —— Church Missionary Society, in England. Battle of Hohenlinden, Dec. 3. 1801 Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr, third President and Vice President of the United States. ——~ Alexander, emperor of Russia. ——— Missionary Seminary at Gosport. 1802 Catholic religion, re-established in France. —— Peace of Amiens, March 27. —— Bonaparte, declared First Consul, for life. 1803 War between Britain and France, May 16. —— British Foreign School Society. 1804 British and Foreign Bible Society, March 7. _ —— Hibernian Bible Society. _ —— Bonaparte, emperor of France, May 3. — ane emperor of Germany assumes the title of Emperor of ustrea. " CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 281 A. D. 1805 Bonaparte, k. of Italy. ‘George Clinton, fourth Vice President of the United States. Berlin Bible Society. Battle of Trafalgar. 1806 Lewis Bonaparte, k. of Holland. —— Abolition of the slave trade, voted by the British Parliament. Francis II. resigns the office of Einperor of Germany. —— Battle of Jena, Oct. 14. British and Foreign School Society. 1807 African Institution, in England. —— Andover Theological Seminary. 1808 Abolition of the slave trade in the United States. —— Philadelphia Bible Society. —— Bonaparte seizes Portugal; and the royal family flee to Brazil. —— Royal family of Spain, seized by Bonaparte. Jews’ Society in England. 1809 James Madison, fourth President of the United States. —— Swedish National Bible Society. Battle of Talavera, July 238, 29. Connecticut Bible Society. 1810 Holland, annexed to France. > Population of the United States, 7,339,903. —— American board of Commissioners for F oreign Missions. In- corporated 1812. Baptist Board for Foreign Missions, United States. 1811 Prince of Wales, regent of Britain. English National Education Society. 1812 War between Britain and the United States, Jone 18. —— Sunday School for Ireland. Prayer Book and Homily Society, in England. — Russia, invaded by Bonaparte. —— Spanish Inquisition, abolished by the Cortes. — New-York Religious Tract Society. Battle of Smolensko. —— Battle of Borodino, or Mosqua, Sept. 77 —— Moscow entered by the French, Sept. 14. —— Princeton Theological Seminary. 1813 Perry’s victory on Lake Erie, Sept, 10. —— Elbridge Gerry, fifth Vice President of the United States. Battle of Leipsic, Oct. 19. New England (now American) Tract Society. —— France, entered by the Russians, &c. Dec. 23. —— Russian Bible Society. 1814 The pope, released from prison, by Bonaparte. —— Massachusetts Baptist Education Society. —— American Baptist Missionary Society. Capitulation of Paris, to the Allies, March 30. Paris entered by the ‘Allies, April 1. Connecticut Education Society. Bonaparte dethroned, April 4; and Banished to Elba. -—— Entry of Lewis XVIIL. ito Paris, May 3, 282 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. A. D. 1814 "General peace in Europe, May 39. ——— Inquisition restored in Spain, July 18. —— Washington City, taken by the British, Aug. 24. -— British squadron on Lake Champlain, captured by M‘Donough, Sept. 11. rates General Congress of Vienna. -——. Treaty of Ghent, signed Dec. 24. — The British, repulsed at New Orleans, Dec. 28. -—— Prussian Bible Society. Norwegian Bible Society. Saxon Bible Society. Danish Bible Society. — Swedish Bible Society. Hanoverian Bible Society. —— Geneva Bible Society. 1815 The British defeated, and Packenham slain at New Orleans, Jan. 8. ’ Treaty of Ghent ratified, Feb. 24. Bonaparte’s escape from Elba, Feb. 26; landing in France Mareh 1; arrival at Paris, March 26. Battle of Waterloo, June 17 and 18. —— Sleswick-Holstein Bible Society. Astrachan Bible Society. Bonaparte at St. Helena, Oct. 13 Basle Missionary College. —— American iducation Society. 1816 American Bible Society. ~—~- New-York Sunday School Union. Hartford Evangelical Tract Society. -—_— Polish National Bible Society. —— Netherlands National Bible Society. . -—— Indiana admitted into the Union, Dec. 1817 American Colonization Society, Jan. 1. James Monroe, fifth President of the United States: —— Daniel D. Tompkins, sixth Vice President of the United States. —— Western Education Society. —— United Foreign Missionary Society, in America. —— Malta Bible Society. Bernadotte, k. ef Sweden. 1818 Gottengen Bible Society. —— Presbyterian Education Society, in America. New-York Baptist Education Society. Baptist Theological Seminary, at Washington. — France evacuated by the Allies, Oct. Paris Bible Society. 1819 Illinois admitted into the Union, Dec. 4. —— Maine Baptist Education Society. —— Athens Bible Society. —— Methodist Episcopal Missionary Society, in the United States. ——_ Alabama admitted into the Union. 1820 I George IV. k. of Britain. Georgefakes. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES. 283 A.D. ; 1820 Population of the United States, 9,625,734. —— Free constitution in Spain. " Maine admitted into the Union. Foreign Mission Society, Switzerland. —— Revolution in Greece. a : 1821 Death of Bonaparte, May 5. —— Missouri admitted into the Union. 1822 Iturbide declares himself emperor of Mexico. —— Massacre of Greeks in Scio. Don Pedro, son of the king of Portugal, declared emiperor of Brazils. United Domestic Missionary Society in New-York. 1823 Iturbide dethroned and banished to Italy. 1824 Visit of La Fayette to the United States. 1825 John Quincy Adams, sixth President of the United States. John C. Calhoun, seventh Vice President of the United States. -—— National Tract Society, at New-York. ——- Death of Alexander of Russia, Dec. 1. 1226 Nicholas, emperor of Russia. 1827 Battle of Navarin, Oct. 21. _ . en sgt © oh Fr “Tie if , =y ie) * ee 4% “ihe wi ee acy OL Pe oe e ts . ‘1 \ if ig