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Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN Sa a a a 1 | site FEB 27 1p92 AANE -~ MAY 2 (9 oN | MAR 19 1992 APR 13 104 DEC 4 2 1909 Q |9QQ f EB Z? ani - » i { iF { i : ks * ey L161—O-1096 Se era THE “a NO. 7%. ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER. EMANCIPATION IN ‘oHE” WEST INDIES" A Six MONTHS’ TOUR IN ANTIGUA, BARBADOES, AND JAMAICA, | THE YEAR 1837. BY JAS, A, THOME, AND J, HORACE KIMBALL. New York : PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, No. 143 NASSAU-STREET. 1838. This periodical contains 4 sheets.—Postage under 100 miles, 6 cents; over 100 miles, 10 cents, oo t he An \ Y oe - *& | ‘Enrenen, M On. ’ cone ae to the act of ke in bhe ae 1838, by Ti hy re Ar / ‘fie Clerk’s Orcs of tea Co éf the United States, fo : New York. Heine a . slilched. Nors.—This work is p publ hed perusal, to send it to some friend. oes » ; ; 2“p This work, as originally published, can be had e Depository of Slavery Society, No. 143, Nassau Street, New York, on vaper, handso of 459 pages, price one dollar per copy, $75 per hundred. * ; be 7 ‘ a * . “ue ¥ _* 362 7 “PF " CONTENTS. ANTIGUA.—CHAPTER I. ~ 7—24. Geography and Statistics of the Island, 7—Re- flections on arrival, 7—Interview with Clergy- men, 7—with the Governor, 7—with a member of Assembly, 7—Sabbath, 8—Service at the Mora- vian Chapel, 5—Sabbath School, 8—Service at the Episcopal Church, 8—Service at the Wesley- an Chapel, 8—Millar’s Estate; 9—Cane-holing, 9 —Colored planter, J—Fitch’s Creek Estate, 9— Free Villages, LO—Dinner at the Governor’s, 10 —Donovan’s Estate, 11—Breakfast at Mr. Wat- kins, 1l—Dr. Ferguson, 11—Market, 11— Lock- up house, 11—Christmas Holidays, 11—Colored Population, 12—Thibou Jarvis’s Estate, 13—Tes- tnnony of the Manager, 12—Anniversary of the Friendly Society, 13—A negro patriarch, 1L— Green Castle Estate, 14—Testimony of the Man- ager, 14—Anniversary of the Juvenile Associa- tion, 14—Wetherill Estate, 14—'Testimony of the Manager, 14—Conversation with a boatman, 15 —Moravian station at Newfield, 15—Testimony of the Missionaries, 15—School for Adults, 15— Interview with the Speaker of the Assembly, 15— Moravian “ Speaking,” 16—Conver:. tion with Emancipated Slaves, 16—The Rector of St. Phil- ip’s, 16—F'rey’s Estate, 16—Interview with the American Consul, 17—-Sabbath at Millar’s, 17— Breakfast at the Villa Estate, 17—A Fair, 17— Breakfast at Mr. Cranstoun’s, 17—His Testi- mony, 17— Moravian Station at Cedar Hall, 18— Conversation with Emancipated Slaves, 18—Mo- ravian Station at Grace Bay, 18— Testimony of the Missionaries, 19—Grandfather Jacob, 19— Mr. Scotland’s Estate. 20—A day at Fitch’s Creek, 20—Views of the Manager, 20—A call from the Archdeacon, 20—from Rev. Edward Fra- ser, 20—Wesleyan District Meeting, 21—Social interviews with the Missionaries, 21—Their Views and Testimony, 21—Religious Anniver- lemperance Society, 21—Bible So- on Missionary Society, 22— sting, 23—Laying the Corner yan Chapel, 23—Resolutions ANTIGUA.—CHAPTER II. GENERAL RESULTS, 25—34. Religion, 25—-Statistics of Denominations, 25 — Morality, 26—Reverence for the Lord’s Day, 26 — Marriage, 26—Conjugal faithfu'ness, 26—Con- cubinage decreasing, 26—Temperance, 27—Pro- fane Language rare, 27—Statistics of the Bible Society, 27— Missionary Associations, 283—Tem- prebes Societies, 283—Friendly Societies, 28— aily Meal Society, 28—Distressed Females’ Friend Society, 29—Education, 29—Annual Ex- amination of the Parochial School, 29—Infant Schools in the Country, 30—Examination at Par- ham, 30—at Willoughby Bay, 31—Mr. Thwaite’s Replies to Queries on Education, 31—Great Igno- rance before Emancipation, 32—Aptness of the Negroes to learn, 33—Civil and Political Condi- tion of the Emancipaied, 4. £03279 ANTIGUA.—CHAPTER III. FACTS AND TESTIMONY. 34— 52. ImMepiaTe ABoLITION—an immense change in the condition of the Slave, 34— Adopted from Po- litical and Pecuniary Considerations, 55—Went into operation peaceably, 36—gave additional se- curity to Persons and Property, 37—Is regarded by all asa great blessing to the Island, 39—F ree, cheaper than Slave labor, 40—More work done, and better done, since Emancipation, 40—Free- men more easily managed than Slaves, 41—The Emancipated more Trustworthy than when Slaves, 43—They appreciate and reverence Law, 43—~ They stay at home and mind their own business, 46— Are less “insolent” than when Slaves, 47— Gratitude a strong trait of their character, 47— Emancipation has elevated them, 48—It has raised the price of Real Estate, given new life to Trade, and to all kinds of business, 49—Wrought a total change in the views of the Planters, 49—Weak- ened Prejudice against Color, 51—The Discus- sions preceding Emancipation restrained Masters from Cruelties, 52—Concluding Remarks, 52. BARBADOES. 53—84. Passage to Barbadoes, 53—Bridgetown, 53— Visit tothe Governor, 54—To the Archdeacon, 54 —Lear’s Estate, 55—Testimony of the Manager, 55—Dinner Party at Lear’s, 57—Ride to Scot- Jand, 57—The Red Shanks, 57—Sabbath at Lear’s; Religious Service, 58—Tour to the Wind- ward, 59—Breakfast Party at the Colliton Estate, 59—Testimony to the Working of the Appren- ticeship, 59—'The Working of it in Demerara, 60 —The Codrington Estate, 60—Codrington Col- lege, 60—The “ Horse,” 60—An Estate on Fire, 61—The Ridge Estate; Dinner with a Compan of Planters, 61—A Day at Colonel Ashby’s; his Testimony to the Working of the Apprentice- ship, 61—Interviews with Planters; their Testi- mony, 62, 63—The Belle Estate, 63—Edgecombe Estate ; Colonel Barrow, 64—Horton Estate, 64 —Drax Hall Estate, 64—Dinner Party at the Governor’s, 64—Testimony concerning the Ap- prenticeship, 65—Market People, 65—Interview with Special Justice Hamilton; his Testimony, 66—Station House, District A; Trials of Ap- prentices before Special Magistrate Colthurst, 67 — Testimony of the Superintendent of the Rural Police, 68—Communication from Special Justice Colthurst, 59—Communication from Special Jus- tice Hamilton, 70— ‘Testimony of Clergymen.and Missionaries, 70—Curate of St. Paul’s, 7I—A Free Church, 71—A Sabbath School Annual Ex- amination, 71—Interview with Episcopal Clergy- men; their Testimony, 71— Visit to Schools, 71 —Interview with the Superintendent of the Wes- leyan Mission, 71—Persecution of the Methodists by Slaveholders, 71—The Moravian Mission, 72—Colored Population, 72—Dinner Party at Mr. Harris’s, 72—Testimony concerning the ob- jects of our Mission, 72—A New Englander, 73 —History of an Emancipated Slave, 73—Rreak- fast Party at Mr. Thorne’s, 73—Facts and Testi- mony concerning Slavery and the Apprentice- 4 CONTENTS. . ship, 74—History of an Emancipated Slave, 74— Breakfast Party at Mr. Prescod’s, 74—Character and History of the late Editor of the New Times, 74--Breakfast Party at Mr. Bourne’s, 75--Preju- dice, 75—History and Character of an Emanci- ini Slave, 75—Prejudice, vincible, 75—-Concu- inage, 76—Barbadoes as it was; “ Reign of Terror,’ 76-—Testimony; Cruelties, 77—Insur- rection of 1816, 78—Licentiousness, 79--Preju- dice, 79—Indolence and Inefficiency of the Whites, 79—Hostility to Emancipation, 80—Barbadoes as it is, 80—The Apprenticeship System; Provis- ions respecting the Special Magistrates, 81—Pro- visions respecting the Master, 81—Provisions respecting the Apprentice, 81—The Design of the Apprenticeship, 82—Practical Operation of the Apprenticeship, 82--Sympathy of the Special Magistrates with the Masters, 82—Apprentice- ship, modified Slavery, 83—Vexatious to the Master, 83—No Preparation for Freedom, 83— Begets hostility between Master and Apprentice, 83—Has illustrated the Forbearance of the Ne- ie 83—Its tendency to exasperate them, 83— estimony to the Working of the Apprentice- ship in the Windward Islands generally, 84. JAMAICA. 85—114., Sketch of its Scenery, 85—Interview with the Attorney General, 85--The Solicitor General ; his Testimony, 85—The American Consul; his Testimony, 85—-The Superintendent of the Wes- ieyan Missions, 86—The Baptist Missionaries ; Sabbath; Service ina Baptist Chapel, 86—Mora- vians; Episcopalians; Scotch Presbyterians, 86—- Schools in Kingston, 87--Communication from the Teacher of the Wolmer Free School; Educa- tion; Statistics, 87--The Union School, 88— “Prejudice Vincible,” 88—Disabilities and Per- secutions of Colored People, 88—Edward Jor- dan, Esq., 88—Colored Members of Assembly, 89 —Richard Hill, Esq., 89—Colored Artisans and Merchants in Kingston, 89--Police Court of Kingston, 90—American Prejudice in the “ lim- bos,” 90--“ Amalgamation!” 91--St. Andrew’s House of Correction; ‘Tread-mill, 91--Tour through “St. Thomas in the East,” 92—Morant Bay; Local Magistrate; his lachrymal fore- bodings, 92--Proprietor of Green Wall Estate; his Testimony, 92—Testimony of a Wesleyan Missionary, 92—Belvidere Estate; Testimony of the Manager, 92--Chapel built by Apprentices, 93— House of Correction, 93—Chain-Gang, 93— A call from Special Justice Baines; his Testi- mony, 93—Bath, 94—Special Justice’s Office ; his Testimony, 94—‘ Alarming Rebellion,” 94—'T'es- tim yof a Wesleyan Missionary, 95—Princi- pal of the Mico Charity School; his Testimony, 95—Noble instance of Filial Affection in a Ne- gro. Girl, 96-—Plantain Garden River Valley; Alexander Barclay, Esq., 96—Golden Grove Es- tate; Testimony of the Manager, 96—'The Cus- tos of the Parish; his Testimony, 96—-Amity Hall Estate; Testimony of the Manager, 97— Lord Belmore’s Prophecy, 97—Manchioneal ; Special Magistrate Chamberlain; his Testimony, 97—his Weekly Court, 98—Pro-slavery gnash- ings, 98—Visit with the Special Magistrate to the Williamsfield Estate; Testimony of the Man- ager, 98—Oppression of Book-keepers, 98—Sab- bath; Service at a Baptist Chapel, 99—Interview with Apprentices; their Testimony, 99—Tour through St. Andrew’s and Port Royal, 101— Visit to Estates in company with Special Justice Bourne, 101— White Emigrants to Jamaica, 101 —-Dublin Castle Estate; Special Justice Court, 101—A Despot in convulsions; arbitrary power dies hard, 101— Encounter with Mules in a moun- tain pass, 102—Silver Hill Estate; cases tried ; Appraisement of an Apprentice, 102—Peter’s Rock Estate, 103—Hall’s Prospect Estate, 103— Female Traveling Merchant, 103—Negro Pro- vision Grounds, 103—Apprentices eager to work for Money, 104—Jury of Inquest, 104—Character of Overseers, 104—Conversation with Special Justice Hamilton, 104—With a Proprietor of Es- tates and Local Magistrate; Testimony, 104— Spanishtown, 104—Richard Hill, Esq., Secretary of the Special Magistracy, 104—Testimony of Lord Sligo concerning him, 105—Lord Shigo’s Administration; its independence and impar- tiality, 105—Statements of Mr. Hill, 105—State- ments of Special Justice Ramsey, 107—Special Justice’s Court, 107—Baptist Missionary at Span- ishtown; his Testimony, 107—Actual Working of the Apprenticeship; no Insurrection; no fear of it; no Increase of Crime; Negroes improving ; Marriage increased ; Sabbath better kept; Reli- gious Worship better attended; Law obeyed, 105 | —Apprenticeship vexatious to both parties, 108— Atrocities perpetrated by Masters and Magis- trates, 108—Causes of the ill-working of the Ap- prenticeship, 108—Provisions of the Emancipa- tion Act defeated by Planters and Magistrates, 109— The present Governor a favorite with the Planters, 109—Special Justice Palmer suspended by him, 109—Persecution of Special Justice Bourne, 109—Character of the Special Magis- trates, 110—Official Cruelty ; Correspondence be- tween a Missionary and Special Magistrate, 110 —Sir Lionel Smith’s Message to the House of Assembly, 111—Causes of the Diminished Crops since Emancipation, 112—Anticipated Conse- quences of full Emancipation in1840, 113—Ex- APPENDYT. amination of the grounds rs Beg 115—126. 113—Views of Missionari Magistrates and Planters marks, 114. Official Communication from Special Justice Lyon, 115—Communication from the Solicitor General of Jamaica, 117—Communication from Special Justice Colthurst, 117—Official Returns ot the Imports and Exports of Barbadoes, 118— Valuations of Apprentices in Jamaica, 118—'Tab- ular View of the Crops in Jamaica for fifty-three years preceding 1836; Comments of the Jamaica ‘Watchman on the foregoing Table, 119—Com- ments of the Spanishtown Telegraph, 120— Brougham’s Speech in Parliament, 121. - INTRODUCTION. Ir is hardly possible that the success of British West India Emancipation should be more con- clusively proved, than it has been by the absence among us of the exultation which awaited its failure. So many thousands of the citizens of the United States, without counting slaveholders, would not have suffered their prophesyings to be falsified, if they could have found whereof to manufacture fulfilment. But it is remarkable that, even since the first of August, 1834, the evils of West India emancipation on the lips of the advocates of slavery, or, as the most of them nicely prefer to be termed, the opponents of aboli- tion, have remained in the future tense. The bad reports of the newspapers, spiritless as they have been compared with the predictions, have been traceable, on the slightest inspection, not to eman- cipation, but to the illegal continuance of slavery, under the cover of its legal substitute. Not the slightest reference to the rash act, whereby the thirty thousand slavés of Antigua were immedi- ately “turned loose,” now mingles with the croaking which strives to defend our republican slavery against argument and common sense. The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, deemed it important that the silence which the pro-slavery press of the United States has seemed so desirous to maintain in regard to what is strangely enough termed the “great experiment of freedom,” should be thoroughly broken up by a publication of facts and testimony collected on the spot. ‘T'o this end, Rev. James A. Tuome, and Josepa H. Kim- BALL, Esq., were deputed to the West Indies to make the proper investigations. Of their quali- fications for the task, the subsequent pages will furnish the best evidence: it is proper, however, to remark, that Mr. Thome is thoroughly ac- quainted with our own system of slavery, being a native and still a resident of Kentucky, and the son of a slaveholder, (happily no longer so,) and that Mr. Kimball is well known as the able editor of the Herald of Freedom, published at Concord, New Hampshire. They sailed from New York, the last of No- vember, 1836, and returned early in June, 1837. They improved a short stay at the Danish island of St. Thomas, to give a description of slavery as it exists there, which, as it appeared for the most part in the anti-slavery papers, and as it is not directly connected with the great question at issue, has not been inserted in the present volume. Hastily touching at some of the other British islands, they made Antigua, Barbadoes, and Ja- maica, successively the objects of their deliberate and laborious study—as fairly presenting the three grand phases of the ‘ experiment”—Anti. gua, exemplifying immediate unrestricted aboli- tion; Barbadoes, the best working of the appren- ticeship, and Jamaica the worst. Nine weeks were spent in Antigua, and the remainder of their time was divided between the other two islands. The reception of the delegates was in the highest degree favorable tothe promotion of their object, and their work will show how well they have used the extraordinary facilities afforded them. ‘The committee have, in some instances, restored testimonials which their modesty led them to suppress, showing in what estimation they themselves, as well as the object of their mission, were held by some of the most distin- guished persons in thé islands which they visited. So wide was the field before them, and so rich and various the fruit to be gathered, that they were tempted to go far beyond the strength supplied by the failing health they carried with them. Most nobly did they postpone every per- sonal consideration to the interests of the cause, and the reader will, we think, agree with us, that they have achieved a result which undimin- ished energies could not have been expected to exceed—a result sufficient, if any thing could be, to justify the sacrifice it cost them. We regret to add that the labors and exposures of Mr. Kimball, so far prevented his recovery from the disease* which obliged him to resort toa milder - climate, or perhaps we should say aggravated it, that he has been compelled to leave to his col- league, aided by a friend, nearly the whole bur- * We learn that Mr. Kimba!l closed his mortal career at Pembroke, N. H. April 12th, in the 25th year of his age. Very few men in the Anti-Slavery cause have been more distinguished, than this lamented brother, for the zeal, discretion and ability with which he has advocated the cause of the oppressed. “Peace to the memory of # man of worth!” oa ct * vi INTRODUCTION. P A den of preparing for the press—which, together with the great labor of condensing from the im- mense amount of collected materials, accounts for the delay of the publication. As neither Mr. Thome nor Mr. Kimball were here while the work was in the press, it is not improbable that trivial errors have occurred, especially in the names of individuals. It will be perceived that the delegates rest nothing of importance on their own unattested observation. At every point they are fortified by the statements of a multitude of responsible per- sons in the islands, whose names, when not for- bidden, they have taken the liberty to use in be- half of humanity. Many of these statements were given in the handwriting of the parties, and are in the possession of the Executive Committee. Most of these island authorities are as unchal- lengeable on the score of previous leaning towards abolitionism, as Mr. McDuffie or Mr. Calhoun would be two years hence, if slavery were to be abolished throughout the United States to-mor- row. Among the points established in this work, beyond the power of dispute or cavil, are the following: 1. That the act of IMMEDIATE EMANCI- PATION in Antigua, was not attended with any disorder whatever. 2. That the emancipated slaves have readily, faithfully, and efficiently worked for - » the first. * 3. That wherever there has been any disturb- ance in the working of the apprenticeship, it has een invariably by the fault of the masiciit or of the officers charged with the execution of the * Abolition Act.” 4. That the prejudice of caste is fast dis pearing in the emancipated islands. ; 5. That the apprenticeship was not s by the planters as a preparation for fre sdon 6. That no such preparation was needed. 7. That the planters who have fairly made the “experiment,” now greatly prefer ba system to the old. 8. That the emancipated people are perceptibly rising in the scale of civilization, morals, and religion. From these established facts, reason cannot fail to make its inferences in favor of thetwo and a half millions of slaves in ovr republic. We present the work to our countrymen who yet hoid slaves, with the utmost confidence that its perusal will not leave in their minds a doubt, either of the duty or perfect safety of immediate emancipation, however it may fail o persuade their hearts—which God grant it may not! — By order of the Executive Co e of the American Anti-Slavery Society, ve New York, April 28th, 1838. Pe AN TH.G UA. CHAPTER I. A {TIG Ais about eighteen miles long and fifteen broad; the interior is low and undulating, the i mountainous. From the heights on the st the whole island may be taken in at one view, and in aclear day the ocean can be seen entirely around the land, with the exception of a few miles of cliff in one quarter. The population ‘of Antigua is about 37,000, of whom 30,000 are “negroes—liately slaves—4500 are free people of color, and 2500 are whites. The cultivation of the island is principally in sugar, of which the average annual crop is 15,000 hogsheads. Antigua is one of the oldest of the British West India colonies, and ranks high in importance and influence. Owing to the propor- tion of proprietors resident in the island, there is an accumulation of talent, intelligence and refine- ment, greater, perhaps, than in any English colony, excepting Jamaica. Our solicitude on entering the Island of Anti- gua was intense. Charged with a mission so nearly concerning the political and domestic in- stitutions of the colony, we might well be doubt- ful as to the manner of our reception. We knew indeed that slavery was abolished, that Antigua had rejected the apprenticeship, and adopted en- tire emancipation. We knew also, that the free system had surpassed the hopes of its advocates. But we were in the midst of those whose habits and sentiments had been formed under the influ- ences of slavery, whose prejudices still clinging to it might lead them to regard our visit with in- difference at least, if not with jealousy. We dared not hope for aid from men who, not three years before, were slaveholders, and who, as a body, strenuously resisted the abolition measure, finally yielding to it only because they found resistance vain. ingled with the depressing anxieties already r ed to, were emotions of pleasure and exulta- tion, when we stepped upon the shores of an un- fettered isle. We trod a soil from which the last vestige of slavery had been swept away! To us, accustomed as we were to infer the existence of slavery from the presence of a particular hue, the numbers of negroes passing to and fro, engaged in their several employments, denoted a land of oppression ; but the erect forms, the active move- ments, and the sprightly countenances, bespoke that spirit of disinthrallment which had gone abroad through Antigua. On the day of our arrival we had an interview with the Rev. James Cox, the superintendent of the Wesleyan mission in the island. He assured us that we need apprehend no difficulty in pro- curing information, adding, “ We areall free here now; every man can speak his sentiments un- awed. We have nothing to conceal in our pre- sent system; had you come here as the advocates of slavery you might have met witha very differ- ent reception.” At the same time we met the Rev. N. Gilbert, a clergyman of the English Church, and proprietor of an estate. Mr. G. expressed the hope that we might gather such facts during our stay in the island, as would tend effectually to remove the curse of slavery fromthe United States. He said that the failure of the crops, from the extraordinary drought which was still prevailing, would, he feared, be charged by persons abroad to the new system. “The enemies of freedom,” said he, “will not ascribe the failure to the proper cause. It will be in vain that we solemnly declare, that for more than thirty years the island has not ex- perienced such a drought. Our enemies will per- sist in laying all to the charge of our free system ; men will look only at the amount of sugar export- ed, which will be less than half the average. They willrun away with this fact, and triumph over it as the disastrous consequence of abolition.” On the same day we were introduced to the Rev. Bennet Harvey, the principal of the Moravi- an mission, to a merchant, an agent for several estates, and to an intelligent manager. Each of these gentlemen gave us the most cordial welcome, and expressed a warm sympathy in the objects of our visit. On the following day we dined, by in- vitation, with the superintendent of the Wesleyan mission, in company with several missionaries. Freedom in Antigua was the engrossing and de- lightful topic. They rejoiced in the change, not merely from sympathy with the disinthralled ne- groes, but because it had emancipated them from a disheartening surveillance, and opened new fields of usefulness. ‘They hailed the star of freedom “with exceeding great joy,” because it heralded the speedy dawning of the Sun of Righteousness. We took an carly opportunity to call on the Governor, whom we found affable and courteous. On learning that we were from the United States, he remarked, that he entertained a high respect for our country, but its slavery was a stain upon the whole nation. He expressed. his conviction that the instigators of northern mobs must be impli- cated in some way, pecuniary or otherwise, with slavery. The Governor stated various particulars in which Antigua had been greatly improved by the abolition of slavery. He said, the planters all conceded that emancipation had been a great bless- ing to the island, and he did not know of a single individual who wished to return to the old system. His excellency proffered us‘every assistance in his power, and requested his secretary—a colored genlleman—to furnish us with certain documents which he thought would be of service to us. When we rose to leave, the Governor followed us to the door, repeating the advice that we should “ see with our own eyes, and hear with our own ears.” The interest which his Excellency manifested in our enterprise, satisfied us that the prevalent feel- ing in the island was opposed to slavery, since it was a matter well understood that the Governor’s partialities, if he had any, were on the side of the planters rather than the people. On the same day we were introduced to a bar- rister, a member of the assembly and proprietor of anestate. He wasin the assembly at the time the abolition act was under discussion. He said that it was violently opposed, until it was seen to be inevitable. Many were the predictions made re- specting the ruin which would be brought upon the colony; but these predictions had failed, and F . ANTIGUA. abelition was now regarded as the salvation of the island. SABBATH. The morning of our first Sabbath in Antigua eame with that hushed stillness which marks the Sabbath dawn in the retired villages of New England.. The arrangements of the family were conducted with a studied silence that indicated habitual respect for the Lord’s day. At10 o'clock the streets were filled with the church-going throng. The rich rolled along in their splendid vehicles with liveried outriders and postillions. ‘The poor moved in lowlier procession, yet in neat attire, and with the serious air of Christian wor- shippers. We attended the Moravian service. In going to the chapel, which is situated on the border of the town, we passed through and across the most frequented streets. No persons were to e seen, excepting those whose course was toward some place of worship. The shops were all shut, and the voices of business and amusement were hushed. The market place, which yesterday was full of swarming life, and. sent forth a confused uproar, was deserted and dumb—not a straggler was to be seen of all the multitude. On approaching the Moravian chapel we ob- served the negroes, wending their way church- ward, from the surrounding estates, along the roads leading into town. When we entered the chapel the service had begun, and the people were standing, and repeat- ing their liturgy. The house, which was capa- ble of holding about a thousand persons, was filled. The audience were all black and colored, mostly of the deepest Ethiopian hue, and had come up thither from the estates, where once they toiled as slaves, but now as freemen, to present their thank-offerings unto Him whose truth and Spirit had made them free. In the simplicity and tidiness of their attire, in its uniformity and free- dom from ornament, it resembled the dress of the Friends. The females were clad in plain white gowns, with neat turbans of cambric or muslin on their heads. -The males were dressed in spen- cers, vests, and pantaloofis, all of white. All Were serious in their demeanor, and although the services continued more than two hours, they gave a wakeful attention to the end. Their responses in the litany were solemn and regular. Great respect was paid to the aged and infirm. A poor blind man came groping his way, and was kindly conducted to a seat in an airy place. A lame man came wearily up to the door, when one within the house rose and led him to the seat he himself had just occupied. As we sat facing the congregation, we looked around upon the multitude to find the marks of those demoniac pas- sions which are to strew carnage through our own country when its bondmen shall be made free. The countenances gathered there, bore the traces of benevolence, of humility, of meekness, of docility, and reverence; and we felt, while look- ing on them, that the doers of justice to a wronged people ‘shall surely dwell in safety and be quiet from fear of evil.” } After the service, we visited the Sabbath school. The superintendent was an interesting young colored man. We attended the recitation of a Testament class of children of both sexes from eight to twelve. They read, and answered nu- merous questions with great sprightliness. In the afternoon we attended the Episcopal church, of which the Rev. Robert Holberton is rector. We here saw a specimen of the aristoc- racy ofthe island. A considerable number present were whites,—rich proprietors with their families, managers of estates, officers of government, and merchants. The greater proportion of the audit- ory, however, were colored people and blacks. It might be expected that distinctions of color would be found here, if any where ;—however, the actual distinction, even in this the most fashionable church in Antigua, amounted only to this, that the body pews on each side of the broad aisle were occupied by the whites, the side pews by the colored people, and the broad aisle in the middle by the negroes. The gallery, on one side, was also appropriated to the colored people, and on the other to the blacks. The finery of the negroes was in sad contrast with the siniplicity we had just seen at the Moravian chapel. Their dresses were of every color and style; their hats were of all shapes and sizes, and fillagreed with the most tawdry superfluity of ribbons. Beneath these gaudy bonnets were glossy ringlets, false and real, clustering in tropical luxuriance. This fan- tastic display was evidently a rude attempt to fol- low the example set them by the white aristocracy. The choir was composed chiefly of colored boys, who were placed on the right side of the organ, and about an equal number of colored girls on the left. In front of the organ were eight or ten white children. ‘The music of this colored, or rather “amalgamated” choir, directed by a colored chor- ister, and accompanied by a colored organist, was in good taste. In the evening, we accompanied a friend to the Wesleyan chapel, of which the Revillleimes Cox is pastor. The minister invited usto a seat within the altar, where we could have a full view of the congregation. The chapel was crowded. Nearly twelve hundred persons were present. All ‘sat promiscuously in respect of color.. In one pew was a family of whites, next a family of colored persons, mad behind that perhaps might be seen, side by side, the ebon hue of the negro, the mixed tint of the mulatto, and the unblended whiteness of the European. Thus they sat in crowded con- tact, seemingly unconscious that they were out- raging good taste, violating natural laws, and “confounding distinctions of divine appoint- ment!” In whatever direction we turned, there was the same commixture of colors, What toone of our own countrymen whose contempt for the oppressed has defended itself with the plea of prejudice against color, would have been a com- bination absolutely shocking, was to us a scene as gratifying as it was new. On both sides, the gallery presented the same unconscious blending of colors. ‘The choir was composed of a large number, mostly colored, of allages. The front seats were filled by children of various ages—the rear, of adults, rising above these tiny choristers, and softening the shrillness of their notes by the deeper tones of mature age. The style of the preaching which we heard on the different occasions above described, so far as it is any index to the intelligence of the several congregations, Is certainly a high commendation. The language used, would not offend the taste of any congregation, however refined. On the other hand, the fixed attention of the people showed that the truths delivered were un- derstood and appreciated. We observed, that in the last two services the — subject of the present drought was particularly noticed in prayer. A vel Bey « ia be x og ( My § ’ ANTIGUA. 9 The account here given is but a fair specimen of the solemnity and decorum of an Antigua sab- bath. VISIT TO MILLAR’S ESTATE. Early in the week after our arrival, by the spe- cial invitation of the manager, we visited this es- tate. Itis situated about four miles from the town of St. John’s. The smooth MacAdamized road extending across the rolling plains and gently sloping hill sides, covered with waving cane, and interspersed with provision grounds, contributed with the fresh bracing air of the morning to make the drive plea- sant and animating. At short intervals were seen the buildings of the different estates thrown together in small groups, consisting of the manager’s mansion and out-hou- ses, negro huts, boiling house, cooling houses, distillery, and windmill. The mansion is gene- rally on an elevated spot, commanding a view of the estate and surrounding country. The cane fields presented a novel appearance—being with- out fences of any description. Even those fields which lie bordering on the highways, are wholly unprotected by hedge, ditch, or rails. This is from necessity. Wooden fences they cannot have, for lack of timber. Hedges are not used, because they are found to withdraw the moisture from the canes. ‘To prevent depredations, there are watch- men on every estate employed both day and night. There are also stock keepers employed by day in keeping the cattle within proper grazing limits. As each estate guards its own stock by day and folds them by night, the fields are in little danger. We passed great numbers of negroes on the road, loaded with every kind of commodity for thetownmarket. The head is the beast of burthen among the negroes throughout the West Indies. ‘Whatever the load, whether it be trifling or valu- able, strong or frail, it is consigned to the head, both for safe keeping and for transportation. While the head is thus taxed, the hands hang use- less by the side, or are busied in gesticulating, as the people chat together along the way. The ne- groes we passed were all decently clad. ‘They uniformly stopped as they came opposite to us, to by the usual civilities. This the men did by touching their hats and bowing, and the women, by making a low courtesy, and adding, sometimes, “howdy, massa,’ or “ mornin’, massa.” We passed several loaded wagons, drawn by three, four, or five yoke of oxen, and in every instance the driver, so far from manifesting any disposition “insolently” to crowd us off the road, or to con- tend for his part of it, turned his team aside, leav- ing us double room to go by, and sometimes stop- ping until we had passed. We were kindly received at Millar’s by Mr. Bourne, the manager. Millar’s is one of the first estates in Antigua. The last year it made the largest sugar crop on the island. Mr. B. took us before breakfast to view the estate. On the way, he remarked that we had visited the island at a very unfavorable time for seeing the cultivation of it, as every thing was suffering greatly from the drought. There had not been a single copious rain, such as would ‘‘ make the water run,” since the first of March previous. As we approached the laborers, the manager pointed out one compa- ny of ten, who were at work with their hoes by the side of the road, while a larger one of thirty were in the middle of the field. ‘They greeted us inthe most friendly manner, ‘The manager spoke kindly to them, encouraging them to be industrious He stopped a moment to explain to us the process of cane-holing. The field is first ploughed* in one direction, and the ground thrown up in ridges of about a foot high. Then similar ridges are formed crosswise, with the hoe, making regular squares of two-feet-sides over the field. By rais- ing the soil, a clear space of six inches square is left at the bottom. In thisspace the plant is placed horizontally, and slightly covered with earth. The ridges are left about it, for the purpose of con- ducting the rain to the roots, and also to retain the moisture. When we came up to the large com- pany, they paused a moment, and with a hearty salutation, which ran all along the line, bade us *“oood mornin’,” and immediately resumed their labor. The men and women were intermingled ; the latter kept pace with the former, wielding their hoes with energy and effect. The manager ad- dressed them fora few moments, telling them who we were, and the object of our visit. He told them of the great number of slaves in America, and appealed to them to know whether they would not be sober, industrious, and diligent, so as to prove to American slaveholders the benefit of free- ing all their slaves. At the close of each sen- tence, they all responded, “‘ Yes, massa,” or “God bless de massas,” and at the conclusion, they an- swered the appeal, with much feeling, ‘‘ Yes, mas- sa ; please God massa, we will all do so.” When we turned to leave, they wished to know what we thought of their industry. We assured them that we were much pleased, for which they returned their “thankee, massa.” They were working at ajob. The manager had given them a piece of ground “to hole,” engaging to pay them sixteen dollars when they had finished it. He remarked that he had found it a good plan to give jobs. He obtained more work in this way than he did by giving the ordinary wages, which is about eleven cents per day. It looked very much like slavery to see the females working in the field; but the manager said they chose it generally “ for the sake of the wages.” Myr. B. returned with us to the house, leaving the gangs in the field, with only an aged negro in charge of the work, as superintend- ent. Such now is the name of the overseer. The very terms, driver and overseer, are banished from Antigua; and the whip is buried beneath the soil of freedom. When we reached the house we were introdu- ced to Mr. Watkins, a colored planter, whom Mr. B. had invited to breakfast withus. Mr. Watkins was very communicative, and from him and Mr. B., who was equally free, we obtained informa- tion on a great variety of points, which we re- serve for the different heads to which they appro- priately belong. FITCH’S CREEK ESTATE. From Millar’s we proceeded to Fitch’s Creek Estate, where we had been invited to dine by the intelligent manager, Mr. H. Armstrong. We there met several Wesleyan missionaries. Mr. A.is himself _a local preacher in the Wesleyan connection. When a stranger visits an estate in the West Indies, almost the first thing is an offer from the manager to accompany him through the sugar works. Mr. A. conducted us first to a new boiling house, which he was building after a plan of his own devising. The house is of brick, on a very extensive scale. It has been built entirely *In those cases where the plough is used at all. It is not yet generally introduced throughout the West Indies. Where the plough is not used, the whole process of holing is done with the hoe, and is extremely laborious. lo by negroes—chiefly those belonging to the estate who were emancipated in 1834. Fitch’s Creek Estate is one of the largest on the Island, consist- ing of 500 acres, of which 300 are under cultiva- tion. The number of people employed and living on the property is 260. This estate indicates any thing else than an apprehension of approaching ruin. It presents the appearance, far more, of a resurrection from the grave. In addition to his improved sugar and boiling establishment, he has projected a plan for a new village, (as the collec- tion of negro houses is called,) and has already selected the ground and begun to build. The houses are to be larger than those at present in use, they are to be built of stone instead of mud and sticks, and to be neatly roofed. Instead of being huddled together in a bye place, as has mostly been the case, they are to be built on an elevated site, and ranged at regular intervals around three sides of a large square, in the centre of Wi build- ing for a chapel and school house is to be erected. Each house is to havea garden. This and simi- lar improvements are now in progress, with the view of adding to the comforts of the laborers, and attaching them to the estate. It has become the interest of the planter to make it for the interest of the people te remain on his estate. This matwal interest is the only sure basis of prosperity on the one hand and of industry on the other. The whole company heartily joined in assuring us that a knowledge of the actual working of abo- lition in Antigua, would be altogether favorable to the cause of freedom, and that the more thorough our knowledge of the facts in the case, the more per- fect would be our confidence in the safety of IMME- DIATE emancipation. Mr. A. said that the spirit of enterprise, before dormant, had been roused since emancipation, and planters were now beginning to inquire as to the best modes of cultivation, and to propose mea- sures of general improvement. One of these mea- sures was the establishing of free villages, in _which the laborers might dwell by paying a small rent. When the adjacent planters needed help they could here find a supply for the occasion. This plan would relieve the laborers from some of that dependence which they must feel so long as they live on the estate and in the houses of the planters. Many advantages of such a system were specified. We allude to it here only as an illustration of that spirit of inquiry, which tree- dom has kindled in the minds of the planters. No little desire was manifested by the company to know the state of the slavery question in this country. ‘They all, planters and missionaries, spoke in terms of abhorrence of our slavery, our mobs, our prejudice, and our Christianity. One of the missionaries said it would never do for him to go to America, for he should certainly be ex- communicated by his Methodist brethren, and Lynched by the advocates of slavery. He insisted that slaveholding professors and ministers should be cut off from the eommunion of the Church. As we were about to take leave, the proprietor of the estate rode up, accompanied by the governor, whom he had brought to see the new boiling- house, and the other improvements which were in progress. The proprietor resides in St. John’s, is a gentleman of large fortune, and a member of the assembly. He said he would be happy to aid us in any way—but added, that in all details of a practical kind, and in all matters of fact, the planters were the best witnesses, for they were the conductors of the present system. We were ANTIGUA. glad to ovtain the endorsement of an influential proprietor to the testimony of practical planters. DINNER AT THE GOVERNOR’S, On the following day having received a yery courteous invitation* from the governor, to dine at the government house, we made our arrangements todo so. The Hon. Paul Horsford, a member of the council, called during the day, to say, that he expected to dine with us at the government house and that he would be happy to call for us at the appointed hour, and conduct us thither. At six o'clock Mr. H.’s carriage drove up to our door, and we accompanied him to the governor’s, where we were introduced to Col. Jarvis, a member of the privy council, and proprietor of several estates in the island, Col. Edwards, a member of the as- sembly and a barrister, Dr. Musgrave, a member of the assembly, and Mr. Shiel, aitorney general. A dinner of state, at a Governor’s house, attended by a company of high-toned politicians, profes- sional gentlemen, and proprietors, could hardly be expected to furnish large accessions to our stock of information, relating to the object of our visit. Dinner being announced, we were hardly seated at the table when his excellency politely of- fered to drink a glass of Madeira with us. We begged leave to decline the honor. In a short time he proposed a glass of Champaign—again we declined. ‘‘ Why, surely, gentlemen,” ex- claimed the Governor, ‘yeu must belong to the temperance society.” ‘ Yes, sir, we do.” “Is it possible ? but you will surely take a glass of li- queur?” ‘ Your excellency must pardon us if we again decline the honor; we drink no wines.” This announcement of ultra temperance principles excited no little surprise. Finding that our alle- giance to cold water was not to be shaken, the governor condescended at last to meet us on mid- dle ground, and drink his wine to our water. The conversation on the subject of emancipation served to show that the prevailing sentiment was decidedly favorable to the freesystem. Col. Jarvis, who is the proprietor of three estates, said that he was in England at the time the bill for immediate emancipation passed the legislature. Had he been in the island he should have opposed it ; but now he was glad it had prevailed. ‘The evil consequences which he apprehended had not been realized, and he was now confident that they never would be. As to prejudice against the black and colored people, all thought it was rapidly decreasing—in- deed, they could scarcely say there was now any — To be sure, there was an aversion — among the higher classes of the whites, and espe- such thing. cially among females, to associating in parties with colored people; but it was not on account of their color, but chiefly because of their zJlegitimacy, This was tous a new.source of prejudice: but subsequent information fully explained its bear- ings. The whites of the West Indies are them- selves the authors of that illegitimacy, out of which their aversion springs. It is not to ba wondered at that they should be unwilling to in- vite the colored people to their social parties, see- ing they might not unfrequently be subjected to * We venture to publish the note in which the governor conveyed his invitation, simply because, though a trifle in itself, it will serve to show the estimation in which our mission was held. 5 “tf Messrs. Kimball and Thome are not engaged Tues. day next, the Lieut. Governor will be happy to see them at dinner, at six o’clock, when he will endeavor to facili- tate their philanthropic inquiries, by inviting two or thr proprietors to mect them. NR 3 “Government House, St. John’s, Dec. 18th, 1936," + 1 ¢ 3S ANTIGUA. the embarrassment of introducing to their white wives a colored mistress or an illegitimate daugh- ter. This also explains the special prejudice which the ladies of the higher classes feel toward those among whom are their guilty rivals in a hus- band’s affections, and those whose every feature tells the story of a husband’s unfaithfulness ! A few days after our dinner with the governor and his friends, we took breakfast, by invitation, with Mr. Watkins, the colored planter whom we had the pleasure of meeting at Millar’s, on a pre- vious occasion. Mr. W. politely sent in his chaise for us, a distance of five miles, At an early hour we reached Donovan’s, the estate of which he is manager. We found the sugar works in active operation: the broad wings of the windmill were wheeling their stately revolu- tions, and the smoke was issuing in dense volumes from the chimney of the boiling house. Some of the negroes were employed in carrying cane to the mill, others in carrying away the évash or me- £ass, as the cane is called after the juice is ex- pressed from it. Others, chiefly the old men and women, were tearing the megass apart, and strew- ing it onthe ground to dry. It is the only fuel used for boiling the sugar. On entering the house we found three planters whom Mr. W. had invited to breakfast with us. The meeting of a number of intelligent practical planters afforded a good opportunity for com- paring their views. On all the main points, touching the working of freedom, there was a Strong coincidence. When breakfast was ready, Mrs. W. entered the room, and after our introduction to her, took her place at the head of the table. Her conversa- tion was intelligent, her manners highly polished, and she presided at the table with admirable grace and dignity. On the following day, Dr. Ferguson, of St. John’s, called onus. Dr. Ferguson is a member of the assembly, and one of the first physicians in the island. The Doctor said that freedom had wrought like a magician, and had it not béen for the unprecedented drought, the island would now be in a state of prosperity unequalled in any pe- riod of its history. Dr. F. remarked that a gene- ral spirit of improvement was pervading the isl- and. ‘The moral condition of the whites was rapidly brightening ; formerly concubinage was respeclable ; it had been customary for married men—those of the highest standing—to keep one or two colored misiressesa.-- This practice was now becoming disreputable. “aaehere had been a great alteration as to the observance of the Sab- bath; formerly more business was done in 8t. John’s on Sunday, by the merchants, than on all the other days of the week together. © The mer- cantile basiness of the town had increased as- tonishingly ; he thought that the stores and shops had multiplied in a ratio of ten to one. Mecha- nical pursuits were likewise in a flourishing con- dition. Dr. F. said that a greater number of buildings had been erected since emancipation, than had been put up for twenty years before. Great improvements had also been made in the streets and roads in town and country. MARKET. Sarurpay.—This is the regular market-day here. The negroes come from all parts of the jsland ; walking sometimes ten or fifteen miles to attend the St. John’s market. We pressed our way through the dense mass of all hues, which lI crowded the market. The ground was covered with wooden trays filled with all kinds of fruits, grain, vegetables, fowls, fish, and flesh. Each one, as we passed, called attention to his or her little stock. We passed up to the head of the avenue, where men and women were employed in cutting up the light fire-wood which they had brought from the country on their heads, and in binding it into small bundles for sale. Here we paused a moment and looked down upon the busy multitude below. The whole street was a movin mass. There were broad Panama hats, and gaudy turbans, and uncovered heads, and heads laden with water pots, and boxes, and baskets, and trays—all moving and mingling in seemingly inextricable confusion. There could not have been less than fifteen hundred people congregated in that street—all, or nearly all, emancipated slaves. Yet, amidst all the excitements and com- petitions offtrade, their conduct toward each other was polite‘and kind. Not a word, or look, or ges- ture of insolence or indecency did we observe. Smiling countenances and friendly voices greeted us on every side, and we felt no fears either of having our pockets picked or our throats cut ! At the other end of the market-place stood the Lock-up House, the Cage, and the Whipping Post, with stocks for feet and wrists. These are al- most the sole relics of slavery which still linger inthe town. The Lock-up House is a sort of jail, built of stone—about fifteen feet square, and originally designed as a place of confinement for slaves taken up by the patrol. The Cage is a smaller building, adjoining the former, the sides of which are composed of strong iron bars—fitly called a cage! ‘The prisoner was exposed to the gaze and insult of every passer by, without the possibility of concealment. The Whipping Post is hard by, but its occupation is gone. Indeed, all these appendages of slavery have gone into en- tire disuse, and Time is doing his work of dilapi- dation upon them. We fancied we could see in the marketers, as they walked in and out at the doorless entrance of the Lock-up House, or leaned against the Whipping Post, in careless chat, that harmless defiance which would prompt one to beard the dead lion. Returning from the market we observed a negro woman passing through the street, with several large hat boxes strung on her arm. She acci- dentally let one of them fall. The box had hard- ly reached the ground, when a little boy sprang from the back of a carriage rolling by, handed the woman the box, and hastened to remount the carriage. CHRISTMAS. During the reign of slavery, the Christmas holidays brought with them general alarm. To prevent insurrections, the militia was uniformly called out, and an array made of all that was formidable in military enginery. This custom was dispensed with at once, after emancipation. As Christmas came on the Sabbath, it tested the respect for that day. The morning was similar, in all respects, to the morning of the Sabbath described above ; the same serenity reigning every- where—the same quiet in the household move- ments, and the same tranquillity prevailing through the streets. We attended morning service at the Moravian chapel. Notwithstanding the descrip- tions we had heard of the great change which emancipation had wrought in the observance of Christmas, we were quite unprepared for the 12 delightful reality around us. Though thirty thousand slaves had but lately been “ turned loose” upon a white population of less than three thousand! instead of meeting with scenes of disorder, what were the sights which greeted our eyes? The neat attire, the serious demeanor, and the thronged procession to the place of wor- ship. In every direction the roads leading into town were lined with happy beings—attired for the house of God. When groups coming from different quarters met at the corners, they stopped a moment to excliange salutations and shake hands, and then proceeded on together. The Moravian chapel was slightly decorated with green branches. ‘They were the only adorn- ing which marked the plain sanctuary of a plain people. It was crowded with black and colored people, and very many stood without, who could not getin. After the close of the segyice in the chapel, the minister proceeded to WP adjacent school room, and preached to another crowded audience. In the evening the Wesleyan chapel was crowded to overflowing. The aisles and communion place were full. On all festivals and holidays, which occur on the Sabbath, the church- es and chapels are more thronged than on any other Lord's day. It is hardly necessary to state that there was no instance of a dance or drunken riot, nor wild shouts of mirth during the day. The Christmas, instead of breaking in upon the repose of the Sabbath, seemed only to enhance the usual solem- nity of the day. The holidays continued until the next Wednes- day morning, and the same order prevailed to the close of them. On Monday there were religious services in most of the churches and chapels, where sabbath-school addresses, discourses on the relative duties of husband and wife, and on kindred subjects, were delivered. - An intelligent gentleman informed us that the negroes, while slaves, used to spend during the Christmas holidays, the extra money which they got during the year. Now they save it—to buy small tracts of land for their own cultivation. The Governor informed us that the police re- turns did not report a single case of arrest during the holidays. He said he had been well acquainted with the country districts of England, he had also travelled extensively in Europe, yet he had never found such a peaceabie, orderly, and law-abiding people as those of Antigua. An acquaintance of nine weeks with the colored asta of St. John’s, meeting them by the wayside, in their shops, in their parlors, and elsewhere, enables us to pronounce them a people of general intelligence, refinement of manners, personal accomplishments, and true politeness. As to their style of dress and mode of living, were we disposed to make any criticism, we should say that they were extravagant. In refined and ele- vated conversation, they would certainly bear a comparison with the white families of the island. bad VISIT TO THIBOU JARVIS’S ESTATE. After the Christmas holidays were over, we resumed our visits to the country. Being provided with a letter to the manager of Thibou Jarvis’s estate, Mr. James Howell, we embraced the earliest opportunity to call‘on him. Mr, H. has been in Antigua for thirty-six years, and has been a practical planter during the whole of that time. He has the management of two estates, on which there are more than five hundred people. The ANTIGUA. principal items of Mr. Howell’s testimony will be found in another place. In this connection we shall record only miscellaneous statements of a local nature. 1. The severity of the drought. He had been in Antigua since the year 1800, and he had never known so long a continuance of dry weather, although the island is subject to severe droughts. He stated that a field of yams, which in ordinary seasons yleided ten cart-loads to the acre, would not produce this year more than three. ‘The failure in the crops was not in the least degree chargeable upon the laborers, for in the first place, the cane plants for the present crop were put in earlier and in greater quantities than usual, and until the drought commenced, the fields promised a large return. 2. The religious condition of the negroes, during slavery, was extremely low. It seemed almost impossible to teach them any higher reli- gion than obedience to their masters. Their highest notion of God was that he was a litile above their owner. He mentioned, by way of illustration, that the slaves of a certain large proprietor used to have this saying, “ Massa only want he little finger to touch God!” that is, their master was lower than God only by the length of his little finger. But now the religious and moral condi- tion of the people was fast improving. 3. A great change in the use of rum had been effected on the estates under his management since emancipation. He formerly, in accordance with the prevalent custom, gave his people a weekly allowance of rum, and this was regarded as es- sential to their health and effectiveness. But he has lately discontinued this altogether, and his people had not suffered any inconvenience from it. He gave them in lieu of the rum, an allowance of molasses, with which they appeared to be entirely satisfied. When Mr. H. informed the people of his intention to discontinue the spirits, he told them that he should set them the example of total abstinence, by abandoning wine and malt liquor also, which he accordingly did. 4, There had been much less pretended sick- ness among the negroes since freedom. ‘They had now a strong aversion to going to the sick house,* so much so that on many estates it had been put to some other use. We were taken through the negro village, and shown the interior of several houses. One of the finest looking huts was decorated with pictures, printed cards, and booksellers’ advertisements in large letters. Amongst many ornaments of this kind, was an advertisement not unfamiliar to our eyes— THe Giru’s Own Boox. By Mars. Cui.p.” We generally found the women at home. Some of them had been informed of our intention to visit them, and took pains to have every thing in the best order for our reception. The negro vil- lage on this estate contains one hundred houses, each of which is occupied by a separate family, Mr. H. next conducted us to a neighboring field, where the great gangt were at work. There were about fifty persons in the gang—the majori- ty females—under two inspectors or superinten- — * The estate hospital, in which, during slavery, all sick persons were placed for medical attendance and nursing. — There was one on every estate. © : } i The people on most estates are dangling against the wheel in such a manner that every revolution of it scraped the body from the breast to the ankles. He had fallen off from weakness and fatigue, and was struggling and crying in the greatest distress, while the strap, which ex- tended to a pole above and stretched his arm high above his head, held him fast. The superintend- ent, in a harsh voice, ordered him to be lifted up, and his feet again placed on the wheel. But be- fore he had taken five steps, he again fell off, and was suspended as before. At the same instant, a woman also fell off, and without a sigh or the motion of a muscle, for she was too much ex- hausted for either, but with a shocking wildness of the eye, hung by her half-dislocated arms against the wheel. As the allotted time (fifteen minutes) had expired, the persons on the wheel were released, and permitted to rest. The boy could hardly stand on the ground. He had a large ulcer on one of his feet, which was much swollen and inflamed, and his legs and body were greatly bruised and peeled by the revolving of the wheel. ‘The gentleman who was with us reproved the superintendent severely for his conduct, and told him to remove the boy from the treadmill gang, and see that proper care was taken of him. The poor woman who fell off, seemed completely exhausted; she tottered to the wall near by, and took up a little babe which we had not observed before. It appeared to be not more than two or three months old, and the little thing stretched out its arms and welcomed its mother. On inquiry, we ascertained that this woman’s offence was absence from the field an hour after the required time (six o’clock) in the morning. Besides the infant with her, she had two or three other chil- dren. Whether the care of them was any excuse for her, we leave American mothers to judge. There were two other women on the treadmill— one was sentenced there for stealing cane from her master’s field, and the other, we believe, for running away. The superintendent next took us to the solitar cells. They were dirty, and badly ventilated, and unfit to keep beasts in. On opening the doors, such a stench rushed forth, that we could not remain. There was a poor woman in one of them, who appeared, as the light of day and the fresh air burst in upon her, like a despairing ma- niac. We went through the other buildings, all of which were old and dirty, nay, worse, filthy in the extreme. The whole establishment was a disgrace to the island. The prisoners were poorly clad, and had the appearance of harsh usage. Our suspicions of ill treatment were strengthened by noticing a large whip in the treadmill, and sundry iron collars and handcuffs hanging about in the several rooms through which we passed. The number of inmates in this house at our visit, was forty-eight—eighteen of whom were females. Twenty of these were in the treadmill §2 and in solitary confinement—the remainder were working on the public road at a little distance— many of them zm zrons—iron collars about their necks, and chains passing between, connecting them together two and two. CHAPTER II. TOUR TO THE COUNTRY. Wisuinc to accomplish the most that our limit- ed time would allow, we separated at Kingston ; —the one taking a northwesterly route among the mountainous coffee districts of Port Royal and St. Andrews, and the other going into the parish of St. Thomas in the East. St. Thomas in the East is said to present the apprenticeship in its most favorable aspects. There is probably no other parish in the island which includes so many fine estates, or has so many liberal-minded planters.* A day’s easy drive from Kingston, brought us to Morant Bay, where we spent two days, and called on several influential gentlemen, besides visiting the neigh- boring estate of Belvidere. One gentleman whom we met was Thomas Thomson, Esq., the senior local magistrate of the Parish, next in civil influ- ence tothe Custos. His standing may be inferred from the circumstance, (not trifling in Jamaica,) that the Governor, during his tour of the island, spent a night at his house. We breakfasted with Mr. Thomson, and at that time, and subsequently, he showed the utmost readiness in furnishing us with information. He is a Scotchman, has been in the island for thirty-eight years, and has served as a local magistrate. for thirty-four. Until very lately, he has been a proprietor of estates; he in- formed us that he had sold out, but did not men- tion the reasons. We strongly suspected, from the drift of his conversation, that he sold about the time of abolition, through alarm for the conse- quences. We early discovered that he was one of the old school tyrants, hostile to the change which had taken place, and dreadfully alarmed in view of that which was yet tocome. Although full of the prejudices of an old slaveholder, yet we found him a man of strong native sense and considerable intelligence. He declared it most unreservedly as his opinion, that the negroes would not work after 1840—they were naiu- rally so indolent, that they, would prefer gaining a livelihood in some easier way than by digging cane holes. He had all the results of the eman- cipation of 1840 as clearly before his mind, as though he saw them in prophetic vision ; he knew the whole process. One portion of the negroes, too lazy to provide food by their own labor, will rob the provision grounds of the few who will remain at work. The latter will endure the wrong as long as they well can, and then. they will pro- cure arms and fire upon the marauders; this will give rise to incessant petty conflicts between the lazy and the industrious, and a great destruction of life will ensue. Others will die in vast num- bers from starvation; among these will be the su- perannuated and the young, who cannot support themselves, and whom the planters will not be able to support. Others numerous will perish from disease, chiefly for want of medical attend- * We have the following testimony of Sir Lionel Smith to the superiority of St. Thomas in the East. Itis taken from the Royal Gazette, (Kingston,) May 6, 1837. ‘ His Excellency has said, that in all his tour he was not more highly gratified with any parish than he was with St Thomas in the East.” v ad ee JAMAICA. ance, which it will be wholly out of their power to provide. Such is the dismal picture drawn by a late slaveholder, of the consequences of removing the negroes from the tender mercies of oppressors. Happily for all parties, Mr. Thomson is not very likely to establish his claim to the character of a prophet. We were not at all surprised to hear him wind up his prophecies against freedom with a denunciation of slavery. He declared that slavery was a wretched system. Man was natu- rally a tyrant. Mr. T. said he had one good thing to say of the negroes, viz., that they were _ an exceedingly temperate people. It was a very unusual thing to see one of them drunk. Slavery, he said, was a system of horrid cruelties. e had lately read, in the history of Jamaica, of a planter, in 1763, having a slave’s leg cut off, to keep him from running away. He said that dreadful cruelties were perpetrated until the close | of slavery, and they were inseparable from sla- very. He.also spoke of the fears which haunted the slaveholders. He never would live on an estate; and whenever he chanced to stay over night in the country, he always took care to se- cure his door by bolting and barricading it. At Mr. Thomson’s we met Andrew Wright, Esq., — the proprietor of a sugar estate called Green Wall, situated some six miles from the bay. He is an intelligent gentleman, of an amiable disposition— has on his estate one hundred and sixty appren- tices. He described his people as being in a very peaceable state, and as industrious as he could wish. He said he had no trouble with them, and it was his opinion, that where there is trouble, it must be owing to bad management. He antici- pated no difficulty after 1840, and was confident that his people would not leave him. He_ be- lieved that the negroes would not to any great ex- tent abandon the cultivation of sugar after 1840. Mr. T. stated two facts pete this enlighten- ed planter, which amply account for the good con- duct.of his apprentices. an exceedingly kind and amiable man. never been known to have a falling out with any man in his life. Wright was the only resident sugar proprietor in all that region of country. He superintends his own estate, while the other large estates are gene- rally left in the hands of unprincipled, mercenary men. We called on the Wesleyan missionary at Mo- rant Bay, Rev. Mr. Crookes, who has been in Ja- maica fifteen years. Mr. C. said, that in many respects there had been a great improvement since the abolition of slavery, but, ‘said he, “ I abomi- nate the apprenticeship system. At best, it is only improved slavery.” 'The obstacles to religious efforts have been considerably diminished, but the masters were not to be thanked for this; it was owing chiefly to the protection of British law. The apprenticeship, Mr. C. thought, could not be any material preparation for freedom. He was persuaded that it would have been far better policy to have granted entire emancipation at once. In company with Mr. Howell, an Independent, and teacher of a school of eighty negro children in Morant Bay, we drove out to Belvidere estate, which is situated about four miles from the bay, in a rich district called the Blue Mountain Valley. The Belvidere is one of the finest estates in the valley. It contains two thousand acres, only four hundred of which are cultivated in sugar; the most of it is woodland. This estate belongs to Count Freeman, an absentee proprietor. We Another fact was, that Mr.- One was, that he was He had ter of a dollar. ‘sign of the times. JAMAICA. 93 took breakfast with the overseer, or manager, Mr. Briant. Mr. B. stated that there was not so much work done now as there was during slavery. Thinks there is as much done for the length of time that the apprentices are at work; but a day and a half every week is lost; neither are they called out as carly in the morning, nor do they work as late at night. The apprentices work at pee cheerfully for money: but they will not work on Saturday for the common wages—quar- On inquiry of Mr. B., we ascer- tained that the reason the apprentices did not work on Saturdays was, that they could make twice or three times as much by cultivating their provision grounds, and carrying their produce to market. At night they cannot cultivate their grounds, then they work for their masters “ very cheerfully.” | i! : The manager stated, that there had been no disturbance with the people of Belvidere since the change. They work well, and conduct themselves preven and he had no fear but that the great dy of the negroes. would remain on the estate after 1840, and labor as usual. This he thought would be the case on every estate where there is mild management. Some, indeed, might leave even such estates to try their fortunes elsewhere, but they would soon discover that they could get no better treatment abroad, and they would then. re- turn to their old homes. While we were at Belvidere, Mr. Howell took us to see a new chapel which the apprentices of that estate have erected since 1834, by their own labor, and at their own expense. ‘Ihe house is thirty feet by forty, composed of the same materi- als of which the negro huts are built. We were told that the building of this chapel was first sug- gested by the apprentices, and as soon as permis- sion was obtained, they commenced the prepara- tions for itserection. We record thisas a delightful On our return to Morant Bay, we visited the house of correction, situated near ‘the village. - This is the only “institution,” as a Kingston. pa- er gravely terms it, of the kind in the parish. t is a small, ill-constructed establishment, hor- _ rioly filthy, more like a receptacle for wild beasts than human beings. There isa treadmill connect- ed with it, made to accommodate fifteen persons at a time. Alternate companies ascend the wheel every fifteen minutes. It was unoccupied when we went in; most of the prisoners being at work on the public roads. ‘T'wo orthree, who happened to be near by, were called in by the keeper, and ordered to mount the wheel, to show us how it worked. It made our blood run cold as we thought of the dreadful suffering that inevitably ensues, when the foot loses the step, and the body hangs against the revolving cylinder. Leaving the house of correction, we proceeded to the village. In a small open square in the cen- tre of it, we saw a number of the unhappy. inmates of the house of correction at work under the di- rection, we are sorry to say, of our friend Thomas Thomson, Esq. ‘They were chained two and two by heavy chains fastened to iron bands around their necks. On another occasion, we saw the same gang at work in the yard attached to the In- dependent chapel. | e received a visit, at our lodgings, from the special justice of this district, Major Baines. He was accompanied by Mr. ‘Thomson, who came to introduce him as his friend. We were not left to this recommendation alone, suspicious as it was, to infer the character of this magistrate, for we were advertised previously that he was a “ planter’s man’”—unjust and cruel to the apprentices. Ma- jor B. appeared to have been looking through his friend ‘homson’s prophetic telescope. There was certainly a wonderful coincidence of vision—the same abandonment of labor, the same preying up- on provision grounds, the same violence, bloodshed and great loss of life among the negroes them- selves! However, the special magistrate appeared to see a little further than the local magistrate, even to the end of the carnage, and to the re-establish- ment of industry, peace and prosperity. Theevil, he was confident, would soon cure itself. One remark of the special magistrate was wor- thy a prophet. When asked if he thought there would be any serious disaffection produced among the praedials by the emancipation of the non-prae- dials in 1838, he said, he thought there would not be, and assigned as the reason, that the praedials knew all about the arrangement, and did not expect to be free. Thatis, the field apprentices knew that the domestics were to be liberated two years sooner than they, and, without inquiring into the grounds, or justice of the arrangement, they would promptly acquiesce in it! W hat a fine compliment to the patience and for- bearance of the mass of the negroes. ‘The major- ity see the minority emancipated two years before them, and that, too, upon the ground of an odious distinction which makes the domestic more worthy than they who “bear the heat and burthen of the day,” in the open field ; and yet they submit pa- tiently, because they are told that it is the pleasure of government that it should be so! The non-praedials, too, have their noble traits, as well as the less favored agriculturalists. The special magistrate said that he was then engaged in classifying the apprentices of the different es- tates in his Rieter The object of this classifi- cation was, to ascertain all those who were non- praedials, that they might be recorded as the subjects of emancipation in 1838. To his aston- ishment he found numbers of this class who ex- pressed a wish to remain apprentices until 1840. On one estate, six out of eight took this course, on another, twelve out of fourteen, and in some instanices, a/Z the non-praedials determined to suf- fer it out with the rest of their brethren, refusing to accept freedom until with the whole body they could rise up and shout the jubilee of universal disinthrallment. Here is a nobility worthy to compare with the patience of the praedials. In connection with the conduct of the non-praedi- als, he mentioned the following instance of white brutality and negro magnanimity. A planter, whose negroes he was classifying, brought for- ward a woman whom he claimed as a praedial. The woman declared that she was a non-praedi- al, and on investigation it was clearly proved that she had always been a domestic, and conse- quently entitled to freedom in 1838. After the planter’s claim was set aside, the woman said, ** Now I will stay with massa, and be his ’prentice for de udder two year.” Shortly before we left the Bay, our landlady, a colored woman, introduced one of her neighbors, whose conversation afforded us a rare treat. She was a colored lady of good appearance and lady like manners. Supposing from her color that she had been prompted by strong sympathy in our ob- jects to seek an interview with us, we immediately introduced the subject of slavery, stating that as we had a vast number of slaves in our country, we ~ 94 had visited: Jamaica to see how the freed people behaved, with the hope that our countrymen might be encouraged to adopt emancipation, ‘ Alack a day!’ The tawny madam shook her head, and, with-that peculiar creole whine, so expressive of contempt, said, ‘‘ Can’t say any thing for you, sir —they not doing no good now, sir—the negroes an’t!”,—and on she went abusing the apprentices, and denouncing abolition. No American white lady could speak more disparagingly of the nig- gers, than did this recreant descendant of the negro race. “Chey did no work, they stole, were insolent, insubordinate, and what not. She concluded in the following elegiac strain, which did not fail to touch our sympathies. “I can’t tell what will become of us after 1840. Our negroes will be taken away from us—we shall find no work to do ourselves—we shall all have to beg, and who shall we beg from? Ald will be beggars, and we must starve!” Poor Miss L. is one of that unfortunate class who have hitherto gained a meagre support from the stolen hire of a few slaves, and who, after en- tire emancipation, will be stripped of every thing. This is the class upon whom emancipation will fall most heavily; it will at once cast many out of a situation of ease, into the humiliating dilem- ma of laboring or beg ging—to the latter of which alternatives, Miss L. seems inclined. Let Miss L. be comforted! It-is better to beg than to steal, We proceeded from Morant Bay to Bath, a dis- tance of fourteen miles, where we put up at a neat cottage lodging-house, kept by Miss P., a colored lady. Bath is a picturesque little village, em- bowered in perpetual green, and lying at the foot of a mountain on one side, and on the other by the margin of a rambling little river. It seems to have accumulated around it and within it, all the verdure and foliage of a tropical clime. Having a letter of introduction, we called on the special magistrate for that district—George Willis, Esq. As we entered his office, an appren- tice was led up in irons by a policeman, and at the same time another man rode up with a letter from the master of the apprentice, directing the magistrate to release himinstantly. The facts of this case, as Mr. W. himself explained them to us, will illustrate the careless manner in ewhich the magistrates administer the law. . The master had sent his apprentice to a neighboring estate, where there had been some disturbance, to get his clothes, which had been left there. The overseer of the estate finding an intruder on his property, had him handcuffed forthwith, notwithstanding his repeated declarations that his master had sent him. Having handcuffed him, he ordered him to be taken before the special magistrate, Mr. W., who had him confined in the station-house all night. Mr. W., in pursuance of the direction received from the master, ordered the man to be released, but at the same time repeatedly declared to him that the overseer was not to blame for ar- resting him. After this case was disposed of, Mr. W. turned to us. He said he had a district of thirty miles in extent, including five thousand apprentices; these he visited thrice every month. . He stated that there had been a gradual decrease of crime since he came to the district, which was early in 1835. For example, in March, 1837, there were but twenty-four persons punished, and in March, 1835, there were as many punished in a single week. He explained this by saying that the ap- prentices had become better acquainted with the JAMAICA. requirements of the law. The chief offence a’ present was absconding from labor. . This magistrate gave us an account of an alarming rebellion which had lately occurred in his district, which we will venture to notice, since it is the only serious disturbance on.thé part of the negroes, which has taken place in the island, from the beginning of the apprenticeship. About two weeks before, the apprentices on Thornton estate, amounting to about ninety, had refused to work, and fled in a body to the woods, where they still remained. ‘Their complaint, according to our informant, was, that their master had turned the cattle upon their provision grounds, and all their provisions were destroyed, so that they could not live. They, therefore, determined that they would not continue at work, seeing they would be obliged to starve. Mr. W, stated that he had visited the provision grounds, in company with two disinterested planters, and he could af- firm that the apprentices had no just cause of com- plaint. It was true their fences had been broken down, and their provisions had been somewhat injured, but the fence could be very easily repaired, and there was an abundance of yams left to fur- nish food for the whole gang for some time to come—those that were destroyed being chiefly young roots which would not have come to ma- turity for several months. These statements were the substance of a formal report which he had just prepared for the eye of Sir Lionel Smith, and which he was .kind enough to read to wu: © This was a fine report, truly, to come from a spe cial justice. ‘To say nothing of the short time ir whicn the fence might be repaired, tnose wery surely very dainty-mouthed cattle that would con sume those roots only which were so small that | several months would be reqvisice for ther matu- rity. The report concluded with a recommenda- tion to his Excellency to take summary ven- ‘weance upon a few ofthe gang as soon as they could be arrested, since they had set such an example to — the surrounding apprentices. He. could not see how order and subordination could be preserved in his district unless such a punishment was in- flicted as would be a warning to all evil doers. He further suggested the propriety of sending the maroons* after them, to hunt them out of their hiding places and bring them to justice. We chanced to obtain-a different version of this affair, which, as it was confirmed by differ- ent persons in Bath, both white and colored, who had no connection with each other, we cannot help thinking it the true one. " The apprentices on Thornton, are what is termed a jobbing gang, that is, they are hired out. by their master to any planter who may want their services. _ Jobbing is universally regarded by the negroes as the worst kind of service, for ~ many reasons—principally because it often takes them many miles from their homes, and they are still required to supply themselves with food from their own provision grounds. ‘They are allowed to return home every Friday evening or Satur- day, and stay till Monday morning. ‘The own- er of the gang in question lately died—to whom it is said they were greatly attached—and they _ passed into the hands of a Mr. Jocken, the pres- ent overseer. Jocken is a notoriously cruel man. It was scarcely a twelvemonth ago, that he was * The maroons are free negroes, inhabiting the moun- tains of the interior, who were formerly hired by the an- _ thorities, or by planters, to hunt up runaway slaves, and return them to their masters. Unfortunately our own country is not without 7fs maroons, _ JAMAICA. » fined one hundred pounds currency, and sentenced to imprisonment for three months in the Kingston jail, for tying one of his apprentices to a dead ox, because the animal died while in the care of the apprentice. He also confined a woman in the same pen with a dead sheep, because she suffered the sheep to die. Repeated acts of cruelty have caused Jocken to be regarded as a monster in the community. From a knowledge of his character, the apprentices of Thornton had a strong preju- dice against him. One of the earliest acts after he went among them, was to break down their fences, and turn his cattle into their provision grounds. He then ordered them to go to a dis- tant estate to work. This they refused to do, and when he attempted to. compel them to go, they left the estate in a body, and went to the woods. This is what is called a state of open rebellion, and for this they were to be hunted like beasts, and to suffer such a terrible punishment as would deter all other apprentices from taking a similar step. This Jocken is the same wretch who wantonly handcuffed the apprentice, who went on to his estate by the direction of his master. Mr. Willis showed usa letter which he had received that\morning from a planter in his dis- trict, who had just been trying an experiment in job work, (i. e., paying his people so much for a certain amount of work.) He had made a propo- sition to one of the head men on the estate, that he would give him a doubloon an acre if he would get ten acres of cane land holed. The man em- ployed a large number of apprentices, and accom- tse the job on three successive Saturdays. hey worked at the rate of nearly one hundred holes per day for each man, whereas the usual day’s work is only seventy-five holes. Mr. W. bore testimony that the great body of the negroes in his district were very peaceable. There were but a few incorrigible fellows, that did all the mischief. When any disturbance took lace on an estate, he could generally tell who the individual offenders were. He did not think there would be any serious difficulty after 1840. However, the result he thought would greatly de- pend on the conduct of the managers! ‘We met in Bath with the proprietor of a coffee estate situated a few miles in the country. He gave a very favorable account ofthe people on his estate; stating that they were as peaceable and industrious as he could desire, that he had their confidence, and fully expected to rétain it after entire emancipation. He anticipated no trouble whatever, and he felt assured, too, that if ‘he plant- ers would conduct in a proper manner, emancipa- tion would be a blessing to the whole colony. We called on the Wesleyan missionary, whom we found the decided friend and advocate of free- dom. He scrupled not to declare his sentiments ‘respecting the special magistrate, whom he de- clared to be a cruel and dishonest man. He seemed to take delight in flogging the apprentices. He had got a whipping machine made and erected in front of the Episcopal church in the village of Bath. It was a frame of a triangular shape, the base of which rested firmly on the ground, and having a eum beam from the base to the apex or angle. To this beam the apprentice’s body was lashed, with his face towards the ma- chine, and his arms extended at right angles, and tied by the wrists. The missionary had wit- nessed the floggings at this machine repeatedly, as it stood but a few steps from his house. Before we reached Bath, the machine had been removed 95 frum its conspicuous place and ‘concealed in the bushes, that the governor might not sce it when he visited the village. As this missionary had been for several years laboring in the island, and had enjoyed the best opportunities to become extensively acquainted with the negroes, we solicited from him a written answer to a number of inquiries. "Wemake some extracts from his communication. 1. Have the facilities for missionary effort greatly increased since the abolition of slavery ? The opportunities of the apprentices to attend the means of grace are greater than during abso- lute slavery. They have how one day and a half every week to work for their support, leaving the Sabbath free to worship God. 2. Do you anticipate that these facilities will increase still more after entire freedom ? Yes. The people will then have six days of their own to labor for their bread, and will be at liberty to go to the house of God every Sabbath. Under the present system, the magistrate often takes away the Saturday, as a punishment, and then they must either work on the Sabbath or starve. 3. Are the negroes likely to revenge by violence the wrongs which they have suffered, after they obtain their freedom ? Lnever heard the idea suggested, nor should I have thought of it had you not made the inquiry. We called:'on Mr. Rogers, the teacher of a Mico charity infant school in Bath. Mr. R., his wife and daughter, are all engaged in this work. They have a day school, and evening school three evenings in the week, and Sabbath school twice each Sabbath. The evening schools are for the benefit of the adult apprentices, who man- ifest the greatest eagerness to learntoread. After working all day, they will come several miles to school, and stay cheerfully till nine o’clock. Mr. R. furnished us with a written communi- cation, from. which we extract the following. Quest. ‘“‘ Are the apprentices desirous of being instructed ? Ans. Most assuredly they are; in proof of which I would observe that since our establish- ment in Bath, the people not only attend the schools regularly, but if they obtain a leaf of a book with letters upon it, that is their constant companion. . We have found mothers with their sucking babes in their arms, standing night after night in their classes learning the alphabet. Q. Are the negroes grateful for attentions and favors ? A. They are; I have met some who have been so much affected by acts of kindness, that they have burst into tears, exclaiming, ‘ Massa so kind —my heart full.’ Their affection to their teach- ers 1s very remarkable. On my return lately from Kingston, after a temporary absence, the negroes flocked to our residence and surrounded the chaise, saying, ‘ We glad to see massa again ; we glad to see school massa.’ On my way through an estate some time ago, some of the children observed me, and in a transport of joy cried, ‘Thank God, massa come again! Bless God de Savior, massa come again !’” : Mr. R., said he, casually met with an appren- tice whose master had lately died. The-man was in the habit of visiting his master’s grave every Saturday. He said to Mr. R., ‘Me go to massa grave, and de water come into me yeye; but me can’t help it, massa, de water will come into me yeye.” 96 The Wesleyan missionary told us, that two apprentices, an aged man and his daughter, a young woman, had been brought up by their master before the special magistrate who sen-. tenced them to several days confinement in the house of correction at Morant Bay, and to dance the treadmill. When the sentence was passed ‘the daughter entreated that she might be allowed to do her father’s part, as well as her own, on the treadmill, for he was too old to dance the wheel— it would kill him. From Bath we went into the Plantain Garden River Valley, one of the richest and most beauti- ful savannahs in the island. It is an extensive plain, from one to three miles wide, and about six miles long. The Plantain Garden River, a small stream, winds through the midst of the valley lengthwise, emptying into the sea. Pass- ing through the valley, we went a few miles south of it to call on Alexander Barclay, Esq., to whom we had a letter of introduction.. Mr. Bar- clay is a prominent member of the assembly, and an attorney for eight estates. He made himself somewhat distinguished a few years ago by writing an octavo volume of five hundred pages in defence of the colonies, 1. e., in defence of colo- nial slavery. It was a reply to. Stephen’s mas- terly work against West India slavery, and was considered by the Jamaicans a triumphant vindi- cation of their ‘ peculiar institutions.” We went several miles out of our route expressly to have an interview with so zealous and celebrated a champion of slavery. We were received with marked courtesy by Mr. B., who constrained us to spend a day and night with him at his seat at Fairficld. One of the first objects that met our eye in Mr. B.’s dining hall was a splendid piece of silver plate, which was presented to him by the planters of St. Thomas in the East, in considera- tion of his able defence of colonial slavery. We were favorably impressed with Mr. B.’s. intelli- gence, and somewhat so with his present senti- ments respecting slavery. We gathered from him that he had resisted with all his might the anti-slavery measures of the English government, and exerted every power to prevent the introduc- tion of the apprenticeship system. After he saw that slavery would inevitably be abolished, he drew up at length a plan of emahcipation accord- ing to which the condition of the slave was to be commuted into that of the old English villein— he was to bemade an appendage to the soil instead of the ‘‘chattel personal” of the master; the whip was to be partially abolished, a modicum of wages was to be allowed the slave, and so on. There was to be no fixed period when this system would terminate, but it was to fade gradually und im- perceptibly into entire freedom. He presented a copy of his scheme to the then governor, the Earl of Mulgrave, requesting that it might be forward- ed to the home government. Mr. B. said that the anti-slavery party in England had acted from the blind impulses of religious fanaticism, and had precipitated to its issue a work which required many years of silent preparation in order to its safe accomplishment., He intimated that the managemen: of abolition ought to have been left with the colonists; they had been the long expe- rienced managers of slavery, and they were the only men qualified to superintend its burial, and give it a decent interment. He did not think that the apprenticeship afford- ed any clue to the dark mystery of 1840. Ap- prenticeship was so inconsiderably different from JAMAICA. slavery, that it furnished no more satisfactory data for judging of the results of entire freedom than slavery itself. Neither would he consent to be comforted by the actual results of emancipa- tion in Antigua. a Taking leave of Mr. Barclay, we returned to the Plantain Garden River Valley, and called at the Golden Grove, one of the most spleudid estates in that magnificent district. This ts an estate of two thousand acres; it has five hundred appren- tices and one hundred free children. The average annual crop is six hundred hogsheads of sugar. Thomas McCornock, Esq., the attorney of this estate, is the custos, or chief magistrate of the parish, and colonel of the parish militia. ‘There is no. man inall the parishof greater consequence, either in fact or in seeming self-estimation, than Thomas McCornock, Esq. He is a Scotchman, as is also Mr. Barclay. ‘The custos received us with as much freedom as the dignity of his nu- merous offices would admit of. The overseer, (manager,) Mr. Duncan,is an intelligent, active, business man, and on any other estate than Gold- en Grove, would doubtless be a personage of con- siderable distinction. He conducted us through the numerous buildings, from the boiling-house to the pig-stye. The principal complaint of the © overseer, was that he could not make the people work to any good purpose. They were not’ at all refractory or disobedient; there was no diffi- culty in getting them on to the field; but when they were there, they moved without any life or energy. ‘They, took no interest in their work, and he was obliged to be watching and scolding them all the time, or else they would do nothing. We had not gone many steps after this observation, before we met with a practical illustration of it. A number of the apprentices had been. ordered that morning to cart away some dirt to a particu- lar place. When we approached them, Mr. D. found that one of the “ wains” was standing idle. He inquired of the driver why he was keeping the team idle. .The reply was, that there was nothing there for it to do; there were enough other wains to carry away allthe dirt. ‘ Then,” inquired the overseer with an ill-concealed irrita- tion, ‘‘ why did you not go to some other work ?° The overseer then turned to us and said, “ You see, sir, what lazy dogs the apprentices are—this is the way they do. every day, if they are not closely watched.” It was not long after this little incident, before the overseer remarked that the apprentices worked very well during their own time, when they were paid for it. When we went Into the hospital, Mr. D. directed our atten- tion to one fact, which to him was very provoking, A great portion of the patients that come in during the week, unable to work, are in the habit of get, ting well on Friday evening, so that they can go out on Saturday and Sunday; but on Monday morning they are sure to be sick again, then they return to the hospital and remain very poorly till Friday evening, when they get well all at once, and ask permission to go out. ‘The overseer saw into the trick; but he could find no medicine that could cure the negroes of that intermittent sick- ness. The Antigua planters discovered the remedy for it, and doubtless Mr. D. will make the grand discovery in 1840. . On returning to the “ great house,” we found the custos sitting in state, ready to communicate any official information which might be called for. He expressed similar sentiments in thr main, with those of Mr. Barclay. He feared: fo¢ ”» Ee JAMAICA. 97 the consequences of complete emancipation ; the negroes would to a great extent abandon the sugar cultivation and retire to the woods, there to live in idleness, planting merely yams enough to keep them alive, and in the process of time, retro- grading into African barbarism. The attorney did not see how it was possible to prevent this. When asked whether he expected that such would be the case with the nezroes on Golden Grove, he yeplied that he did not think it would, except with a very few persons. His people had been so well treated, and had so many comforts, that they would not be at all likely to abandon the estate ! [Mark that!] Whose are the people that will desert after 18402 Not Thomas McCornock’s, Esq.! They are too well sitwated. Whose then will desert? Mr. Jocken’s, or in other words, those who are ill-treated, who are cruelly driven, whose fences are broken down, and whose pro- vision grounds are exposed to the cattle. They, and they alone, will retire to the woods who can’t get food any where else! The custos thought the apprentices were be- having very ill. On being asked if he had any trouble with his, he said, O, no! his apprentices did quite well, and so did the apprentices gener- ally, in the Plantain Garden River Valley. But in far off parishes, he heard that they were very refractory and troublesome. The custos testified that the negroes were very easily managed. He said he had often thought that he would rather have the charge of six hun- dred negroes, than of two hundred English sailors. He spoke also of the temperate habits of the ne- groes. He had been in the island twenty-two years, and he had never seen a negro woman drunk, on the estate... It was very seldom that the men got.drunk. There were not more than ten men on Golden Grove, out of a population of five hundred, who were in the habit of occasionally getting intoxicated. He also remarked that the negroes were a remarkable people for their atten- tion to the old and infirm among them; they sel- dom suffered them to want, if it was in their power to supply them. Among other remarks of the custos, was this sweeping declaration—‘ No n in his senses can pretend to defend slavery.” After spending a day at Golden Grove, we pro- ceeded to the adjacent estate of Amity Hall. On entering the residence of the manager, Mr. Kirk- land, we were most gratefully surprised to find him engaged in family prayers. It was the first time and the last that we heard the voice of prayer in a Jamaica planter’s house. We were no less gratefully surprised to see a white lady, to whom we were introduced as Mrs. Kirkland, and several modest and lovely little children. It was the first and the last family circle that we were permitted to see among the planters of that licentious col- ony. The motley groups of colored children— of every age from tender infancy—which we found on other estates, revealed the state of do- mestic manners among the planters. Mr. K. regarded the abolition of slavery as a great blessing to the colony; it was true that the apprenticeship was a wretchedly bad system, but notwithstanding, things moved smoothly on his estate. He informed us that the negroes on Ami- ty Hail had formerly borne the character of being the worst gang in the parish ; and when he first came to the estate, he found that half the truth had not been told of them; but they had become remarkably peaceable and subordinate. It was his policy to give us every comfort that he possibly could. Mr. K. made the same declara- tion, which has been so often repeated in the course of this narrative, i. e., that if any of the estates were abandoned, it would be owing to the harsh treatment of the people. He knew many overseers and book-keepers who were cruel dri- ving men, and he should not be surprised if they lost a part, or all, of their laborers. He made one re- mark which we had not heard before. ‘There were some estates, he said, which would probably be abandoned, for the same reason that they ought never to have been cultivated, because they re- quire almost double labor ;—such are the moun- tainous estates, and barren, worn-out properties, which nothing but a system of forced labor could possibly retain in cultivation. But the idea that the negroes generally would leave their comforta- ble homes, and various privileges on the estates, and retire to the wild woods, he ridiculed as pre- posterous in the extreme. Mr. K. declared re- peatedly that he could not look forward to 1840, but with the most sanguine hopes; he confidently believed that the introduction of complete free- dom would be the regeneration of the island, He alluded to the memorable declaration of Lord Bel- more, (made memorable by the excitement which it caused among the colonists,) in his valedictory address to the assembly, on the eve of his depart- ure for England.* ‘“ Gentlemen,” said he, “ the resources of this noble island will never be fully developed until slavery is abolished!” _ For this manly avowal the assembly ignobly refused him the usual marks of respect and honor at his de- parture. Mr. K. expected to see Jamaica become a new world under the enterprise and energies of freedom. There were a few disaffected planters, who would probably remain so, and leave the island after emancipation. It would bea blessing to the country if such men left it, for aslong as they were disaffected, they were the enemies of its prosperity. Mr. K. conducted us through the negro quarters, which are situated on the hill side, nearly a mile from his residence. "We went into several of the houses; which were of a better style somewhat than the huts in Antigua and Barbadoes—larger, better finished and furnished. Some few of them had verandahs or porches on one or more sides, after the West India fashion, closed in with jal- eusies. In each of the houses to which we were admitted, there was one apartment fitted up in a very neat manner, with waxed floor, a good bed- stead, and snow white coverings, a few good chairs, a mahogany sideboard, ornamented with dishes, decanters, etc. From Amity Hall, we drove to Manchioneal, a small village ten miles north of the Plantain Gar- den River Valley. We had a letter to the special magistrate for that district, R. Chamberlain, Esq., a colored gentleman, and the first magistrate we found in the parish of St. Thomas in the East, who was faithful to the interests of the appren- tices. He was a boarder at the public nouse, where we were directed for lodgings, and as we spent a few days in the village, we had opportu- nities of obtaining much information from hira, as well as of attending some of his courts. Mr. C. had been only five months in the district of Man- chioneal, having been removed thither from a dis- tant district. Being a friend of the apprentices, he is hated and persecuted by the planters. He gave us a gloomy picture of the oppressions and cruelties of the planters. Their complaints * Lord Belmore left the government of Jamaica, a short time before the abolition act passed in parliament. 98 brought before him are often of the most trivial kind; yet because he does not condemn the ap- prentices to receive a punishment which the most serious offences alone could justify him in inflict- ing, they revile and denounce him as unfit for his station. He represents the planters as not having the most distant idea that it is the province of the special magistrate to secure justice to the appren- tice; but they regard it as his sole duty to help _ them in getting from the laborers as much work as whips, and chains, and tread-wheels can ex- tort. His predecessor, in the Manchioneal dis- trict, answered perfectly to the planters’ beau ideal. He ordered a cat to be kept on every estate in his district, to be ready for use as he went around on his weekly visits. Every week he inspected the cats, and when they became too much worn to do good execution, he condemned them, and ordered new ones to be made. Mr. C. said the most frequent complaints made by the planters are for insulence. He gave a few specimens of what were regarded by the planters as serious offences. An overseer will say to his apprentice, “ Work along there faster, you lazy villain, or Pll strike you;” the apprentice will re- ply, “ You can’t strike me now,” and for this he is taken before the magistrate on the complaint of insolence. An overseer, in passing the gang on the field, will hear them singing; he will order them, in a peremptory tone to stop instantly, and if they continue singing, they are complained of for znsubordination. An apprentice has been confined to the hospital with disease——when he ets able to walk, tired of the filthy sick house, he Ranbes to his hut, where he may have the atten- tions of his wife until he gets well. That is call- ed absconding from labor! Where the magis- trate does not happen to be an independent man, the complaint is sustained, and the poor invalid is sentenced to the treadmill for absenting himself from work. It is easy to conjecture the dreadful consequence. ‘The apprentice, debilitated by sickness, dragged off twenty-five miles on foot to Morant Bay, mounted on the wheel, is unable to keep the step with the stronger ones, slips off and hangs by the wrists, and his flesh is mangled and torn by the wheel. The apprentices frequently called at our lodg- ings to complain to Mr. C. of the hard treatment of their masters. Among the numerous distress- ing cases which we witnessed, we shall never forget that of a poor little negro boy, of about twelve, who presented himself one afternoon be- fore Mr. C., with a complaint against his master for violently beating him. A gash was cut in his head, and the blood had flowed freely. He fled from his master, and came to Mr. C. for refuge. He belonged to A. Ross, Esq., of Mulatto Run estate. We remembered that we had a letter of introduction to that planter, and we had designed visiting him, but after witnessing this scene, we resolved not to go near a monster who could in- flict such a wound, with his own hand, upon a child. We were highly gratified with the kind and sympathizing manner in which Mr. C. spoke with the unfortunate beings who, in the extremity of their wrongs, ventured to his door. At the request of the magistrate we accompa- nied him, on one occasion, to the station-house, where he held a weekly court. We had there a good opportunity to observe the hostile feelings of the planters towards this faithful officer— “faithful among the faithless,” (though we are glad that we cannot quite add, “ only he.”) ‘slaves. JAMAICA. A number of managers, overseers, and book- keepers, assembled; some with complaints, and some to have their apprentices classified. ‘They all set upon the magistrate like bloodhounds upon alone stag. They strove together with one ac- cord, to subdue his independent spirit by taunts, jeers, insults, intimidations and bullyings. He was obliged to threaten one of the overseers with arrest, on account of his abusive conduct. We were actually amazed at the intrepidity of the magistrate. We were convinced from what we saw that day, that only the most fearless and con- scientious men could be faithful magistrates in Jamaica. Mr. C. assured us that he met with Similar indignities every tine he held his courts, and on most of the estates that he visited, It was in his power to punish them severely, but he chose to use all possible forbearance, so as not to give the planters any grounds of complaint. On a subsequent day we accompanied Mr. C. in one of his estate visits. As it was late in the afternoon, he called at but one estate, the name of which was Williamsfield. Mr. Gordon, the over- seer of Williamsfield, is among the fairest speci- mens of planters. He has naturally a generous disposition, which, like that of Mr. Kirkland, has out-lived the witherings of slavery. He informed us that his people worked as well under the apprenticeship system, as ever they did during slavery ; and he had every encourage- ment that they would do still better after they were completely free. He was satisfied that he should be able to conduct his estate at much less expense after 1840; he thought’ that fifty men would do as much then as a hundred do now. We may add here a similar remark of Mr. Kirk- land—that forty freemen would accomplish as much as eighty slaves, Mr. Gordon hires his eople on Saturdays, and he expressed his aston- ishment at the increased vigor with which they worked when they were to receive wages. He pointedly condemned the driving system which was resorted to by many of the planters. They foolishly endeavored to keep up the coercion of slavery, and they had the special magustraies in- cessantiy flogging the apprentices. ‘Vhe planters also not unfrequently take away the provision grounds from their apprentices, and in every way oppress and harass them. » n the course of the conversation Mr. G. acci- dentally struck upon a fresh vein of facts, respect- ing the SLAVERY OF BOOK-KEEPERS,* under the old system. ‘The book-keepers, said Mr. G., were the complete slaves of the overseers, who acted like despots on the estates. They were mostly youn men from England, and not unfrequently had considerable refinement ; but ignorant of the treat- ment which book-keepers had to submit to, and allured by the prospect of becoming wealthy by plantership, they came to Jamaica and entered as candidates. ‘They soon discovered the cruel bondage in which they were involved. The over- seers domineered over them, and stormed at them as violently as though they were the most abject They were allowed no privileges such as their former habits impelled them to seek. If they played a flute in the hearing of the overseer, they were commanded to be silent instantly. Ifthey dared to put a gold ring on their finger, even that trifling pretension to gentility was detected and disallowed by the jealous overseer. (These things * The book-keepers are subordinate overseers and drivers; they are generally young white men, who after serving a course of years in a sort of apprenticeship, are promoted to managers of estates. a re h ie ee ee Se ee - =... a JAMAICA. 99 were specified by Mr. G. himself.) They were seldom permitted to associate with the overseers as equals. The only thing which reconciled the book-keepers to this abject state, was the reflec- tion that they might one day possibly become overseers themselves, and then they could exercise the same authority over others. In addition to this degradation, the book-keepers suffered great hardships. Every morning (during slavery) they were obliged to be in the field before day; they had to be there as soon as the slaves, in order to call the roll, and mark absentees, if any. Often Mr. G. and the other gentleman had gone to the field, when it was so dark that they could not see to call the roll, and the negroes have all laindown on their hoes, and slept till the light broke. Some- times there would be a thick dew on the ground, and the air was so cold and damp, that they would be completely chilled. When they were shiver- ing on the ground, the negroes would often lend them their blankets, saying, ‘‘ Poor busha picka- ninny sent out here from England to die.” Mr. Gordon said that his constitution had been permanently injured by such exposure. Many young men, he said, had doubtless been killed by it. During crop time, the book-keepers had to be up every night till twelve o’clock, and every other night a// night, superintending the work in the boil- ing-house, and at the mill. They did not have rest even on the Sabbath ; they must have the mill put about (set to the wind so as to grind) by sunset every Sabbath. Often the mills were in the wind before four o’clock, on Sabbath afternoon. They knew of slaves being flogged for not being on the spot by sunset, though it was known that they had been to meeting. Mr. G. saidthat he had a young friend who came from England with him, and acted as book-keeper. His labors and expo- sures were so intolerable, that he had often said to Mr. G., confidentially, that ifthe slaves should rise in rebellion, he would most cheerfully join them! Said Mr. G., there was great rejoicing among the book-keepers in August, 1834! The abolition of slavery Was EMANCIPATION TO THE BOOK-KEEPERS. No complaints were brought before Mr. Cham- berlain. Mr. Gordon pleasantly remarked when we arrived, that he had some cases which he should have presented if the magistrate had come a little earlier, but he presumed he should forget them before his next visit. When we left Wil- liamsfield, Mr. C. informed us that during five months there had been but two cases of complaint on that estate—and but @ single instance of pun- ishment. Such are the results where there is a good manager and a good special magistrate. On Sabbath we attended service in the Baptist chapel, of which Rev. Mr. Kingdon is pastor. The chapel, which is a part of Mr. K.’s dwell- ing-house, is situated on the summit of a high rnountain which overlooks the sea. Asseen from the valley below, it appears to topple on the very brink of a frightful precipice. . It is reached by a winding tedious road, too rugged to admit of a chaise, and in some places so steep as to try the activity of a horse. As we approached nearer, we observed the people climbing up in throngs by various footpaths, and halting in the thick woods which skirted the chapel, the men to put on their shoes, which they had carried in their hands up the mountain, and the women to draw on their white stockings and shoes. On entering the place ef worship, we found it well filled with the a prentices, who came from many miles around in évery direction. ‘The services had commenced when we arrived, We heard an excellent sermon from the devoted and pious missionary, Mr. Kingdon, whose praise is among all the good throughout the island, and who is eminently known as the negro’s friend. After the sermon, we were invited to make a few remarks; and the minister briefly stated to the congregation whence we had come, and what was the object of our visit. We cannot soon forget the scene which follow- ed. We begun by expressing, in simple terms, the interest which we felt in the temporal and spiritu- al concerns of the people present, and scarcely had we uttered a sentence when the whole congrega- tion were filled with emotion. Soon they burst into tears—some sobbed, others cried aloud ; inso- much that for a time we were unable to proceed. We were, indeed, not a little astonished at so un- usual a scene; it was a thing which we were by no means expecting to see. Being at a loss to ac- count for it, we inquired of Mr. K. afterwards, who told us that it was occasioned by our expressions of sympathy and regard. ‘They were so unaccustomed to hear such language from the lips of white people, that it fell upon them like rain upon the parched earth. The idea that one who was a stranger and a foreigner should feel an interest in their welfare, was to them, in such circumstances, peculiarly affecting, and stirred the deep fountains of their fruit After the services, the missionary, anxious to further our objects, proposed that we should hold an interview with a number of the apprentices ; and he accordingly invited fifteen of them into his study, and introduced them to us by name, stating also the estates to which they severally belonged. We had thus an opportunity of seeing the repre- sentatives of twelve different estates, men of trust on their respective estates, mostly constables and head boilers. For nearly two hours we conversed with these men, making inquiries on all points connected with slavery, the apprenticeship, and the expected emancipation. From no interview, during our stay in the col- _ onies, did we derive so much information respect- ing the real workings of the apprenticeship; from none did we gain such an insight into the charac- ter and disposition of the negroes. ‘The company was composed of intelligent and pious men ;—so manly and dignified were they in appearance, and so elevated in their sentiments, that we could with diiiculty realize that they were slaves. They were wholly unreserved in their communications, though they deeply implicated their masters, the special magistrates, and others in authority. It is not improbable that they would have shrunk from some of the disclosures which they made, had they known that they would be published. Nevertheless we feel assured that in making them public, we shall not betray the informants, con- cealing as we do their names and the estates to which they belong. With regard to the wrongs and hardships of the apprenticeship much was said; we can only give a small part. Their masters were often very harsh with them, more so than when they were slaves. They could not flog them, but they would scold them, and swear at them, and call them hard names, which hurt their feelings almost as much as it would if they were to flog them. ‘They would not allow them as many privileges as they did formerly. Sometimes they would take their provision grounds away, and sometimes they would go on their grounds and carry away provisions for their 106 own use without paying for them, or so much as asking their leave. They had to bear this, for it was useless to complain—they could get no jus- tice; there was no law in Manchioneal. ‘he special magistrate would only hear the master, and would not allow the apprentices to say any thing for themselves.* The magistrate would do just as the busha (master) said. If he say flog him, he flog him; if he say, send him to Morant Bay, (to the treadmill,) de magistrate send him. If we happen to laugh before de busha, he com- plain to de magistrate, and we get licked. If we go to a friend’s house, when we hungry, to get something to eat, and happen to get lost in de woods between, we are called runaways, and are punished severely. Our half Friday is taken away from us; we must give that time to busha for a little salt-fish, which was always allowed us during slavery. If we lay in bed after six o’clock, they take away our Saturday too. If we lose a little time from work, they make us pay a great deal more time. They stated, and so did several of the missionaries, that the loss of the half Fri- day was very serious to them, as it often render- ed it impossible for them to get to meeting on Sunday. The whole work of cultivating their grounds, preparing their produce for sale, carry- ing it to the distant market, (Morant Bay, and sometimes further,) and returning, all this was, by the loss of the Friday afternoon, crowded into Saturday, and it was often impossible for them’ to get back from market before Sabbath morn- ing; then they had to dress and go six or ten miles further to chapel, or stay away altogether, which, from weariness and worldly cares, they would be strongly tempted to do. This they rep- resented as being a grievous thing to them. Said one of the men, in a peculiarly solemn and ear- nest manner, while the tears stood in his eyes, “ I declare to you, massa, if de Lord spare we to be free, we be much more ‘ligious—we be wise to many more tings; we be better Christians; be- cause den we have all de Sunday for go to meet- ing. But now de holy time taken up in work for we food.” These words were deeply impressed upon us by the intense earnestness with which they were spoken. They revealed “the heart’s own bitterness.” There was also a lighting up of joy and hope in the countenance of that child of God, as he looked forward to the time when he might become wise to many more tings. They gave a heart-sickening account of the cruelties of the treadmill. They spoke of the ap- prentices having their wrists tied to the hand- board, and said it was very common for them to fall and hang against the wheel. Some who had been sent to the treadmill, had actually died from the injuries they there received. They were often obliged to see their wives dragged off to Morant Bay, and tied to the treadmill, even when they were in a state of pregnancy. They suffered a great deal of misery from that ; but they could not help wz. \ Sometimes it was a wonder to themselves how they could endure all the provocations and suffer- ings of the apprenticeship; it was only “by de mercy of God!” | They were asked why they did not complain to the special magistrates. They replied, that it did no good, for the magistrates would not take any notice of their complaints, besidés, it made * We would observe, that they did not refer to Mr. Chamberlain, but to another magistrate, whose name they mentioned. paid 2” JAMAICA. the masters treat them still worse. Said one, “We go to de magistrate to complain, and den when we come back de busha do all him can to vex us. He wingle (tease) us, and wingle us ; de book-keeper curse us and treaten us; de constable he scold us, and call hard names, and dey all strive to make we mad, so we say someting wrong, and den dey take we to de magistrate for insolence.” Such was the final consequence of complaining to the magistrate. We asked them why they did not complain, when they had a good magistrate who would do them justice. Their answer revealed a new fact. They were afraid to complain to a magistrate, who they knew was their friend, because thezr masters told them that the magistrate would soom be changed, and another would come whe would flog them ; and that jor every time they dared to complain to the GooD magisirate, they would be flogged when the BAD one came. ‘They said their masters had ex- plained it all to them long ago. We inquired of them particularly what course they intended to take when they should become free. We requested them to speak, not only with reference to themselves, but of the apprentices generally, as far as they knew their views. They said the apprentices expected to work on the estates, if they were allowed to do so. ‘They had no intention of leaving work. Nothing would cause them to leave their estates but bad treat- ment ; if their masters were harsh, they would go to another estate, where they would get better treatment. ‘They would be obliged to work when they were free ; even more than now, for then they would have no other dependence. One tried to prove to us by reasoning, that the people would work when they were free. Said he, ‘In slavery time we work even wid de whip, now we work “till better—what tink we will do when we free? Won't we work den, when we get He appealed to us so earnestly, that we could not help acknowledging we were fully con- vinced. However, in order to establish the point still more clearly, he stated some facts, such as the following : During slavery, it took six men to tend the cop- pers in boiling sugar, and it was thought that fewer could not possibly do the work; but now, since the boilers are paid for their extra time, the work is monopolized by three men. ‘They would not have any help ; they did all the work “ dat dey might get all de pay.” We sounded them thoroughly on their views of law and freedom. We inquired whether they expected to be allowed to do as they pleased when they were free. On this subjeet they spoke ey rationally. Said one, ‘‘ We could never live wid- out de law; (we use his very expressions} we must have some law when we free. In other countries, where dey are free, don’t dey have law ? Wouldn’t dey shoot one another if they did not have law?’ Thus they reasoned about freedom. Their chief complaint against the apprenticeship was, that it did not allow them justice. “ There was no law now.” They had been told by the governor, that there was the same law for all the island; but they knew better, for there was more justice done them in some districts than in others. Some of their expressions indicated very strong- ly the characteristic kindness of the negro. ‘They would say, we work now as well as we can for the sake of peace; any thing for peace. Don’t want to be complained of to the magistrate; don’t like to be called hard names—do any thing to JAMAICA. keep peace. Such expressions were repeatedly made. We asked them what they thought of the domestics being emancipated in 1838, while they had to remain apprentices two years longer? They said, “it bad enough—but we know de law make it so, and for peace sake, we will be satisfy. But we murmur in we minds.” We asked what they expected to do with the old and infirm, after freedom? They said, “ we will support dem—as how dey brought us up when we was pickaninny, and now we come trong, must care for dem.” In such a spirit did these apprentices discourse for two hours. They won greatly upon our sympathy and respect. The touching story of their wrongs, the artless unbosoming of their hopes, their forgiving spirit toward their masters, their distinct@fiews of their own rights, their amiable bearing WMder provoca- tion, their just notions of law, and of a state of freedom—these things were well calculated to ex- cite our admiration for them, and their compan- ions in suffering. Having prayed with the com- pany, and commended them to the grace of God, and the salvation of Jesus Christ, we shook hands with them individually, and separated from them, never more to see them, until we meet at the bar of God. While one of us was prosecuting the foregoing inquiries in St. Thomas in the East, the other was performing a horse-back tour among the moun- tains of St. Andrews and Port Royal. We had been invited by Stephen Bourne, Esq., special magistrate for one of the rural districts in those parishes, to spend a week in his family, and ac- company him in his official visits to the planta- tions embraced in his commission—an invitation we were very glad to accept, as it laid open to us at the same time three important sources of in- formation,—the magistrate, the planter, and the apprentice. The sun was just rising as we left Kingston, and entered the high road. The air, which the day before had been painfully hot and stived, was cool and fresh, and from flowers and spice-trees, on which the dew still lay, went forth a thousand fragrant exhalations. Our course for about six miles, lay over the broad, low plain, which spreads around Kingston, westward to the highlands of St. Andrews, and southward beyond Spanish- town. All along the road, and in various direc- tions in the distance, were seen the residences— uncouthly termed ‘ pens’-—of merchants and gentlemen of wealth, whose business frequently calls them to town. Unlike Barbadoes, the fields here were protected by walls and hedges, with broad gateways and avenues leading to the house. Wesoon began to meet here and there, at intervals, persons going to the market with fruits and provisions. ‘The number contin- ually increased, and at the end of an hour, they could be seen trudging over the fields, and along the by-paths and roads, on every hand. Some had a couple of stunted donkeys yoked to a rick- etty cart,—others had mules with pack-saddles— but the many loaded their own heads, instead of the donkeys and mules. Most of them were well crs and all civil and respectful in their con- uct. Invigorated by the mountain air, and animated by the novelty and grandeur of the mountain scenery, through which we had passed, we ar- rived at ‘Grecian Regale’ in season for an early West Indian breakfast, (8 o’clock.) Mr. Bourne’s district is entirely composed of coffee plantations, 101 and embraces three thousand apprentices. The people on coffee plantations are not worked so hard as those employed on sugar estates; but they are more liable to suffer from insufficient food and clothing. After breakfast we accompanied Mr. Bourne on a visit to the plantations, but there were no complaints either from the master or apprentice, except on one. Here Mr. B. was hailed by a hoary-headed man, sitting at the side of his house. He said that he was lame and sick, and could not work, and complained that his master did not give him any food. All he had to eat was given him by a relative. As the master was not at home, Mr. B. could not attend to the complaint at that time, but promised to write the master about it in the course of the day.. He informed us that the aged and disabled were very much neglected under the apprenticeship. When the working days are over, the profit days are over, and how few in any country are willing to support an animal which is past labor? If these complaints are numerous under the new system, when magis- trates are all abroad to remedy them, what must it have been during slavery, when master and magistrate were the same ! Or one of the plantations we called at the house of an emigrant, of which some hundreds have been imported from different parts of Europe, since emancipation. He had been in the island eighteen months, and was much dissatisfied with his situation. ‘The experiment of importing whites to Jamaica as laborers, has proved disas- trous—an unfortunate speculation to all parties, and all parties wish them back again. We had some conversation with several ap- prentices, who called on Mr. Bourne for advice and aid. They all thought the apprenticeship very hard, but still, on the whole, hked it better than slavery. They “ were killed too bad,”—that was their expression—during slavery—were work- ed hard and terribly flogged. They were up ever so early and late—went out in the mountains to work, when so cold busha would have to cover himself up on the ground. Had little time to eat, or go to meeting. ’*Twas all slash, slash! Now they couldn’t be flogged, unless the magistrate said so. Still the busha was very hard to them, and many of the apprentices run away to the woods, they are so badly used. The next plantation which we visited was Dublin Castle. It lies in a deep valley, quite en- closed by mountains. ‘The present attorney has been in the island nine years,.and is attorney for several other properties. In England he was a religious man, and intimately acquainted with the eccentric Irving. Fora while after he came out he preached to the slaves, but having taken a black concubine, and treating those under his charge oppressively, he soon obtained a bad cha- racter among the blacks, and his meetings were deserted. He is now a most passionate and wick- ed man, having cast off even the show of religion. Mr. B. visited Dublin Castle a few weeks since, and spent two days in hearing complaints brought against the manager and book-keeper by the ap- prentices. He fined the manager, for. different acts of oppression, one hundred and eight dollars. The attorney was present during the whole time. Near the close of the second day he requested per- mission to say a few words, which was granted. He raised his hands and eyes in the most agonized manner, as though passion was writhing within, and burst forth—“ O, my God! my God! has it 102 mdeed come to this! Am I to be arraigned in this way? Is my conduct to be questioned by these eople ? Is my authority to be destroyed by the interference of strangers? O, my God!” And he fell back into the arms of his book-keeper, and was carried out of the room in convulsions. The next morning we started on another excur- sion, for the purpose of attending the vig an mient of an apprentice belonging to Silver Hill, a plantation about ten miles distant from Grecian Regale. We rode but a short distance in the town road, when we struck off into a narrow de- file by amule-path, and pushed into the very heart ef the mountains. We felt somewhat timid at the commencement of our excursion among these minor Andes, but we gained confidence as we proceeded, and finding our horse sure-footed and quite familiar with moun. tain paths, we soon learned to gallop, without féar, along the highest cliffs, and through the most dangerous passes. We were once put in some jeopardy by a drove of mules, laden with coffee. ye fortunately saw them, as they came round the point of a hill, at some distance, in season to se- cure ourselves in a little recess where the path widened. On they came, cheered by the loud cries of their drivers, and passed rapidly forward, one after another, with the headlong stupidity which animals, claiming more wisdom than quadrupeds, not unfrequently manifest. When they came up to us, however, they showed that they were not unaccustomed to such encounters, and, although the space between us and the brow of the preci- pice, was not three feet wide, they all contrived to sway their bodies and heavy sacks in such a man- mer as to pass us safely, except one. He, more stupid or more unlucky than the rest, struck us a full broad-side as he went by jolting us hard against the hill, and well-nigh jolting himself down the craggy descent into the abyss below. One leg hung a moment over the precipice, but the poor beast suddenly threw his whole weight fprward, and by a desperate leap, obtained sure foothold in the path, and again trudged along with his coffee-bags. On our way we called at two plantations, but found no complaints. At one of them we had some conversation with the overseer. He has on wt one hundred and thirty apprentices, and pro- duces annually thirty thousand pounds of coffee. He informed us that he was getting along well. fis people are industrious and obedient, as much #0, to say the least, as under the old system. The erop this year is not so great as usual, on account of the severe drought. His plantation was never better cultivated. Besides the one hundred and thirty apprentices, there are forty free children, who are supported by their parents. None of them will work for hire, or in any way put them- selves under his control, as the parents fear there 1s some plot laid for making them apprentices, and through that process reducing them to slavery. He thinks this feeling will continue till the ap- . prenticeship is entirely broken up, and the people begin to feel assured of complete freedom, when at will disappear. We reached Silver Hill about noon. This plantation contains one hundred and ten appren- tices, and is under the management of a colored man, who has had charge of it seven years. He informed us that it was under as good cultivation now as it was before emancipation. His people are easily controlled, Very much depends on the eonduct of the overseer. If he is disposed to be JAMAICA. just and kind, tne apprentices are sure to behave well; if he is harsh and severe, and attempts to drive them, they will take no pains to please him, but on the contrary, will be sulky and obstinate. There were three overseers from other estates present. Oneof them had been an overseer for forty years, and he possessed the looks and feel- ings which we suppose a man who has been thus long ina school of despotism, must possess. He had a giant form, which seemed to be breaking down with luxury and sensualism. His ordina- ry voice was hoarse and gusty, and his smile dia- bolical. Emancipation had swept away his power while it left the love of it ravaging his heart. He could not speak of the new system with compo- sure. His contempt and hatred of the negro was unadultera He spoke of the apprentices with great bitterness. ‘They were excessively lazy and impudent, and were becoming more and more so every day. They did not do half the work now that they did before emancipation. It was the character of the negro never to work unless com- pelled. Huis people would not labor for him an hour in their own time, although he had offered to pay them for it. They have not the least grati- tude. They will leave him in the midst of his crop, and help others, because they can get a little more. ‘They spend all their half Fridays and their Saturdays on other plantations where they receive forty cents a day. ‘Twenty-five cents is enough for them, and is as much as he will give. Mr. B. requested the overseer to bring forward his complaints. He had only two. One was against a boy of ten for stealing a gill of goat’s milk. The charge was disproved. The other was against a boy of twelve for neglecting the cattle, and permitting them to trespass on the lands of a neighbor. He was sentenced to receive a good switching—that is, to be beaten witha small stick by the constable of the plantation. Several apprentices then appeared and made a few trivial complaints against ‘busha.’ They were quickly adjusted. These were all the com- plaints that had accumulated in five weeks. The principal business which called Mr. Bourne to the plantation, as we have already remarked, was the appraisement of an apprentice. The appraisers were himself and a local magistrate. ‘The apprentice wasa native born African, and was stolen from his country when a boy. He had al- ways resided on this plantation, and had always been a faithful laborer. He was now the con- stable, or driver, as the office was called in slavery times, of the second gang. The overseer testified to his honesty and industry, and said he regretted much to have him leave. He was, as appeared by the plantation books, fifty-four years old, but was evidently above sixty. After examinin several witnesses as to the old man’s ability and general health, and making calculations by the rule of three, with the cold accuracy of a yankee horse-bargain, it was decided that his services were worth to the plantation forty-eight dollars a year, and for the remaining time of the appren- ticeship, consequently, at that rate, one hundred and fifty-six dollars. One third of this was de ducted as an allowance for the probabilities of death, and sickness, leaving one hundred and four dollars as the price of his redemption. The old man objected strongly and earnestly to the price; he said, it was too much; he had not money ~ enough to pay it; and begged them, with tears in his eyes, not to make him pay so much “ for his JAMAICA. old bones ;” but they would not remit a cent. They could not. ‘They were the stern ministers of the British emancipation law, the praises of which have been shouted through the earth ! Of the three overseers who where present, not one could be called a respectable man. Their countenances were the mirrors of all lustful and desperate passions. ‘They were continually drink- ing rum and water, and one of them was half drunk. Our next visit was to an elevated plantation called Peter’s Rock. The path to it was, in one place, so steep, that we had to dismount and per- mit our horses to work their way up as they could, while we followed on foot. We then wound along among provision grounds and coffee fields, through forests where hardly a track was to be seen, and over hedges, which the kgrses were obliged to leap, till we issued on the great path which leads from the plantation to Kingston. Peter’s Rock has one hundred apprentices, and is under the management, as Mr. Bourne informed us, of a very humane man. During the two ears and a half of the apprenticeship, there had een only six complaints. As we approached the plantation we saw the apprentices at the side of the road, eating their breakfast. They had been at work some distance from their houses, and could not spend time to go home. They saluted us with great civility, most of them rising and uncovering their heads. In answer to our ques- tions, they said they were getting along very well. They said their master was kind to them, and they appeared in fine spirits. The overseer met us as we rode up to the door, and received us very courteously. He had nocom- plaints. He informed us that the plantation was as well cultivated as it had been for many years, and the people were perfectly obedient and indus- trious. From Peter’s Rock we rode to ‘ Hall’s Pros- pect,” a plantation on which there are sixty ap- prentices under the charge of a black overseer, who, two years ago, was a slave. It was five weeks since Mr. B. had been there, and yet he had only one complaint, and that against a woman for being late at work on Monday morning. The reason she gave for this was, that she went to an estate some miles distant to spend the Sabbath with her husband. Mr. Bourne, by tle aid of funds left in his hands by Mr. Sturge, is about to establish a school on this plantation. Mr. B., at a previous visit, had informed the people of what he intended to do, and asked their co-operation. As soon as they saw him to-day, several of them immediately inquired about the school, when it would begin, &c. They showed the greatest eagerness and thankfulness. Mr. B. told them he should send a teacher as soon as a house was prepared. He had been talking with their master (the attorney of the angst) about fixing one, who had of- fered them the old “ lock-up house,” if they would put it in order. There was a murmur among them at this annunciation. At length one of the men said, they did not want the school to be held in the “lock-up house.” It was not a good place for their “ pickaninnies” to go to. They had much rather have some other building, and would be glad to have it close to their houses. Mr. B. told them if they would put up a small house near their own, he would furnish it with desks and benches. To this they all assented with great joy. On our way home we saw, as we did on vart 103 ous other occasions, many of the apprentices with hoes, baskets, &c., going to their provision grounds. We had some conversation with them as we rode along. They said they had been in the fields picking coffee since half past five o’clock. The were now going, as they always did after “ horn- blow” in the afternoon, (four o’clock,) to their grounds, where they should stay till dark. Some of their grounds were four, others six miles from home. ‘They all liked the apprenticeship better than slavery. They were not flogged so much now, and had more time to themselves. But they should like freedom much better, and should be glad when it came. We met a brown young woman driving an ass laden with a great variety of articles. She said she had been to Kingston (fifteen miles off) with a load of provisions, and had purchased some things to sell to the apprentices. We asked her what she did with her money. “Give it to my husband,” said she. ‘Do you keep none for yourself?” She smiled and replied: “ What for him for me.” After we had passed, Mr. B. informed us that she had been an apprentice, but purchased her freedom a few months previous, and was now engaged as a kind of country merchant. She purchases provisions of the negroes, and carries them to Kingston, where she exchanges them for pins, needles, thread, dry goods, and such articles as the apprentices need, which she again ex- changes for provisions and money. Mr. Bourne informed us that real estate is much higher than before emancipation. He mentioned one “pen” which was purchased for eighteen hundred dollars a few years since. The owner had received nine hundred dollars as ‘ compensa- tion’ for freedom. It has lately been leased for seven years by the owner, for nine hundred dol- lars per year. A gentleman who owns a plantation in Mr. B.’s district, sold parcels of land to the negroes before emancipation at five shillings per acre. He now obtains twenty-seven shillings per acre, The house in which Mr. B. resides was rented in 1833 for one hundred and fifty dollars. Mr. B. engaged it on his arrival for three years, at two hundred and forty dollars per year. His land- lord informed him a few days since, that on the expiration of his present lease, he should raise the rent to three hundred and thirty dollars. Mr. B. is acquainted with a gentleman of wealth, who has been endeavoring for the last twelve months to purchase an estate in this island. He has offered high prices, but has as yet been un- able to obtain one. Landholders have so much confidence in the value and security of real estate, that they do not wish to part with it. After our visit to Silver Hill, our attention was particularly turned to the condition of the negro grounds. Most of them were very clean and flourishing. Large plats of the onion, of cocoa, plantain, banana, yam, Potatee, and other tropie vegetables, were scattered all around within five or six miles of a plantation. We were much pleased with the appearance of them during a ride on a Friday. In the forenoon, they had all been vacant; not a person was to be seen in them; but after one o’clock, they began gradually to be occupied, till, at the end of an hour, where- ever We went, we saw men, women, and children, laboring industriously in their little gardens. Ip some places, the hills to their very summits wer spotted with cultivation. ‘Till Monday morning, 104 the apprentices were free, and they certainly mani- fested a strong disposition to spend that time in taking care of themselves. The testimony of the numerous apprentices with whom we conversed, was to the same effect as our observation. They all testified that they were paying as much atten- tion to their grounds as they ever did, but that their provisions had been cut short by the drought. They had their land all prepared for a new crop, and were only waiting for rain to put in the seed. Mr. Bourne corroborated their statement, and re- marked, that he never found the least difficulty in procuring laborers. Could he have the possession of the largest plantation in the island to-day, he had no doubt that, within a week, he could pro- cure free laborers enough to cultivate every acre. On one occasion, while among the mountains, we were impressed on a jury to sit in inquest on the body of a negro woman found dead on the high road. She was, as appeared in evidence, on her return from the house of correction, at HalfWay-Tree, where she had been sentenced for fourteen days, and been put on the treadmill. She had complained to some of her acquaintances of harsh treatment there, and said they had killed her, and that if she ever lived to reach home, she should tell all her massa’s negroes never to cross the threshold of Half-Way-Tree, as it would kill them. The evidence, however, was not clear that she died in consequence of such treatment, and the jury, accordingly, decided that she came to her death by some cause unknown to them. Nine of the jury were overseers, and if they, collected together indiscriminately on this occa- sion, were a specimen of those who have charge of the apprentices in this island, they must be most degraded and brutal men. They appeared more under the influence of low passions, more degraded by sensuality, and but little more intel- ligent, than the negroes themselves. Instead of possessing irresponsible power over their fellows, they ought themselves to be under the power of the most strict and energetic laws. Our visits to the plantations, and inquiries on this point, con- firmed this opinion. They are the ‘feculum’ of European society—ignorant, passionate, licen- tious. We do them no injustice when we say this, nor when we further add, that the appren- tices suffer in a hundred ways which the law “annot reach, gross insults and oppression from their excessive rapaciousness and lust. What must it have been during slavery ? We had some conversation with Cheny Hamil- ton, Esq., one of the special magistrates for Port Royal. He is a colored man, and has held his office about eighteen months. There are three thousand apprentices in his district, which em- braces sugar and coffee estates. The complaints are few and of a very trivial nature. They mostly originate with the planters. Most of the cases brought before him are for petty theft and absence from work. In his district, cultivation was never better. The negroes are willing to work during their own time. His father-in-law is clearing up some mountain land for a coffee plantation, by the labor of apprentices from neighboring estates. The seasons since emancipation have been bad. The hlacks cultivate their own grounds on their half Fridays and Saturdays, unless they can obtain employment from others. , Nothing is doing by the planters for the educa- tion of the apprentices. Their only object is to get as much work out of them as possible. JAMAICA. The blacks, so far as he has had opportunity to observe, are in every respect as quiet and in- dustrious as they were before freedom. He said if we would compare the character of the com- plaints brought by the overseers and apprentices against each other, we should see for ourselves which party was the most peaceable and law- abiding. To these views we may here add those of another gentleman, with whom we had consider- able conversation about the same time. He isa proprietor and local magistrate, and was repre- sented to us as a kind and humane man. Mr. Bourne stated to us that he had not had six cases of complaint on his plantation for the last twelve monthy, We give his most important statements in the following brief items: 1. He has had charge of estates in Jamaica . since 1804. At one time he had twelve hundred negroes under his control. -He now owns a coffee plantation, on which there are one hundred and ten apprentices, and is also attorney for several others, the owners of which reside out of the island. . 2. His plantation is well cultivated and clean, and his people are as industrious and civil as they ever were. He employs them during their own time, and always finds them willing to work for him, unless their own grounds require their attend- ance. Cultivation generally, through the island, is as good as it ever was. Many of the planters, at the commencement of the apprenticeship, re- duced the quantity of land cultivated; he did not do so, but on the contrary is extending his planta- tion. 3. The crops this year are not so good as usual. This is no fault of the apprentices, but is owing to the bad season. 4, The conduct of the apprentices depends very much on the conduct of those who have charge of them. If you find a plantation on which the overseer is kind, and does common justice to the laborer, you will find things going on well—if otherwise, the reverse. Those estates and planta- tions on which the proprietor himself resides, are most peaceable and prosperous. . 5. Real estate is more valuable than before emancipation. Property is more secure, and capitalists are more ready to invest their funds. 6. The result of 1840 is as yet doubtful. -For his part, he has no fears. He doubts not he can cultivate his plantation as easily after that period as before. He is confident he can do it cheaper, He thinks it not only likely, but certain, that many of the plantations on which the people have been ill used, while slaves and apprentices, will be abandoned by the present laborers, and that they will never be worked until overseers are put over them who, instead of doing all they can to harass them, will soothe and conciliate them. The ap- prenticeship has done much harm instead of good ‘ HA way of preparing the blacks to work after A few days after our return from the moun- tains, we rode to Spanishtown, which is about twelve miles west of Kingston. Spanishtown is the seat of government, containing the various buildings for the residence of the governor, the meeting of the legislature, the session of the courts, and rooms for the several officers of the crown. They are all strong and massive structures, but display little architectural magnificence or beauty. We spent nearly a day with Richard Hill, Esq., the secretary of the special magistrates’ depart- JAMAICA. | ment, of whom we have already spoken. He is a colored gentleman, and in every respect the no- ‘blest man, white or black, whom we met in the » West Indies. He is highly intelligent, and of fine moral feelings. His manners are free and unassuming, and his language in conversation ' fluent and well chosen. He is intimately ac- quainted with English and French authors, and _has studied thoroughly the history and-character of the people with whom the tie of color has con- “necied him. He travelled two years in Hayti, and his letters, written in a flowing and luxuri- ant style, as a son of the tropics should write,’ giving an account of his observations and inqui- ries in that interesting island, were published ex- tensively in England, and have been copied into the anti-slavery journals in this country. His journal will be given to the public as soon as his official duties will permit him to prepare it. He is at the head of the special magistrates, (of which there are sixty in the island,) and all the corres- -pondence between them and the governor is car- ried on through him. The station he holds is a very important one, and the businéss connected with itis of a character and an extent that, were he not a man of superior abilities, he could not sus- tain. He is highly respected by the government in the island, and at home, and possesses the es- teem of his fellow-citizens of all colors. He asso- ciates with persons of the highest rank, dining and attending parties at the government-house with all the aristecracy of Jamaica. We had the pleas- ure of spending an evening with him at the so- licitor-general’s. Though an African sun has burnt a deep tinge on him, he is truly one of na- ture’s noblemen. His demeanor is such, so digni- fied, yet bland and amiable, that no one can help respecting him. e spoke in the warmest terms of Lord Sligo,* the predecessor of Sir Lionel Smith, who was driven from the island by the machinations of the planters and the enemies of the blacks. Lord Sligo was remarkable for his statistical accuracy. Reports were made to him by the special magis- trates every week. No act of injustice or oppres- sion could escape his indefatigable inquiries. He was accessible, and lent an open ear to the low- est person in the island. The planters left no means untried to remove him, and unhappily suc- ceeded. The following items contain the principal in- formation received from Mr. Hill: 1. The apprenticeship is a most vicious sys- * When Lord Sligo visited the United States in the sum- mer of 1836, he spoke with great respect of Mr. Hill to Elizur Wright, Esq., Corresponding Secretary of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Mr. Wright has fur- nished us with the following statement :—“ Just before his lordship left this city for England, he bore testimony to us substantially as follows :—‘ When I went to Jamaica, Mr. Hill was a special magistrate. In a certain case he refused to comply with my directions, differing from me in his interpretation of the law. Linformed him that his continued non-compliance must result in hisremoval from office. He replied that his mind was made up as to the law, and he would not violate his reason to save his bread. Being satisfied of the correctness of my own interpreta- tion, I was obliged, of course, to remove him; but I was so forcibly struck with his manly independence, that I applied to the government for power to employ him as my secretary, which was granted. And having had him as an inmate of my family for several months, I can most cordially bear my testimony to his trustworthiness, abil- ity, and gentlemanly deportment.’ Lord Sligo also added, that Mr. Hili was treated in his family in all respects as if - ne a hay and that with no gentleman in € West indies was he, in social life, on terms of more intimate friendship.” 105 tem, full of blunders and absurdities, and directly calculated to set master and slave at war. 2. The complaints against the apprentices are decreasing every month, except, perhaps, com- plaints against mothers for absence from work, which he thinks are increasing. The apprentice- ship law makes no provision for the free children, and on most of the plantations and estates no al- lowance is given them, but they are thrown en- tirely for support on their parents, who are obliged to work the most and best part of their time for their masters unrewarded. . The nurseries are broken up, and frequently the mothers are obliged to work in the fields with their infants at their backs, or else to leave them at some distance un- der the shade of a hedge or tree. Every year is making their condition worse and worse. The number of children is increasing, and yet the mothers are required, after their youngest child has attained the age of a few weeks, to be at work the same number of hours as the men. Very little time is given them to take care of their household. When they are tardy they are brought before the magistrate. A woman was brought before Mr. Hill a few days before we were there, charged with not being in the field till one hour after the rest of the gang. She had twins, and appeared before him with a child hanging on each arm. What an eloquent defence! He dismissed the complaint. He mentioned another case, of a woman whose master resided in Spanishtown, but who was hired out by him to some person inthe country. Her child became sick, but her employer refused any assistance. With it in her arms, she entreat- ed aid of her master. The monster drove her and her dying little one intu the street at night, and she sought shelter with Mr. Hill, where her child expired before morning. For such horrid cruelty as this, the apprenticeship law provides no remedy. The woman had no claim for the support of her child, on the man who was receiving the wages of her daily toil. That child was not worth a farthing to him, because it was no longer his chattel; and while the law gives him power to rob the mother, it has no compulsion to make him support the child. 3. The complaints are generally of the most trivial and frivolous nature. They are mostly against mothers for neglect of duty, and vague charges of insolence. ‘There is no provision in the law to prevent the master from using abusive language to the apprentice; any insult short of a blow, he is free to commit; but the slightest word of incivility, a look, smile, or grin, is pun- ished in the apprentice, even though it were pro- voked. 4, There is still much flogging by the overseers. Last week a girl came to Mr. H. terribly scarred and “slashed,” and complained that her master had beaten her. It appeared that this was the seventh offence, for neither of which she could ob- tain a hearing from the special magistrate in her district. While Mr. H. was relating to me this fact, a girl came in with a little babe in her arms. He called my attention to a large bruise near her eye. He said her master knocked her down a few days since, and made that wound by kicking her. Frequently when complaints of insolence are made, on investigation, it is found that the of- fence was the result of a quarrel commenced by the master, during which he either cuffed or kick- ed the offender. The special magistrates also frequently resort 106 to flogging. Many of them, as has been men- tioned already, have been connected with the army or navy, where corporal punishment is prac- tised, and flogging is not only in consonance with their feelings and habits, but is a punishment more briefly inflicted and more grateful to the planters, as it does not deprive them of the ap- prentice’s time. 5. Mr. H. says that the apprentices who have urchased their freedom behave well. He has not nown one of them to be brought before the po- lice. 6. Many of the special magistrates require much looking after. Their salaries are not sufficient to support them independently. Some of them leave their homes on Monday morning, and make the whole circuit of their district before returning, living and lodging meanwhile, free of expense, with the planters. If they are not inclined to lis- ten to the complaints of the apprentices, they soon - find that the apprentices are not inclined to make complaints to them, and that they consequently have much more leisure time, and get through their district much easier. Of the sixty magis- trates in Jamaica, but few can be said to dis- charge their duties faithfully. The governor is often required to interfere. A few weeks since he discharged two magistrates for putting iron col- lars on two women, in direct violation of the law, and then sending him false reports. 7. The negro grounds are often at a great dis- tance, five or six miles, and some of them fifteen miles, from the plantation. Of course much time, which would otherwise be spent in cultivating them, is necessarily consumed in going to them and returning. Yet for all that, and though in many cases the planters have withdrawn the watchmen who used to protect them, and have left them en- tirely exposed to thieves and cattle, they are gen- erally well cultivated—on the whole, better than during slavery. When there is inattention to them, it is caused either by some planters hiring them during their own time, or because their mas- ter permits his cattle to trespass on them, and the people feel an insecurity. When you find a kind planter, in whom the apprentices have confidence, there you will find beautiful gardens. In not a few instances, where the overseer is particularly harsh and cruel, the negroes have thrown up their old grounds, and taken new ones on other planta- tions, where the overseer is better liked, or gone into the depths of the mountain forests, where no human foot has been before them, and there cleared up small plats. This was also done to some ex- tent during slavery. Many of the people, against whom the planters are declaiming as lazy and worthless, have rich grounds of which those planters little dream. 8. There is no feeling of insecurity, either of life or property. One may travel through the whole island without the least fear of violence. If there is any danger, it is from the emigrants, who have been guilty of several outrages. So far from the planters fearing violence from the apprentices, when an assault or theft is committed, they refer it, almost as a matter of course, to some one else. A few weeks ago one of the island mails was robbed. As soon as it became known, it was at once said, “ Some of those villanous emigrants did it,” and so indeed it proved. _ People in the country, in the midst of the moun- tains, where the whites are few and isolated, sleep with their doors and windows open, without a thought of being molested. In the towns there JAMAICA. are no watchmen, and but a small police, and yet the streets are quiet and property safe. 9. The apprentices understand the great pro- visions of the new system, such as the number of hours they must work for their master, and that their masters have no right to flog them, &c., but its details are inexplicable mysteries. ‘The mas- ters have done much injury by deceiving them on points of which they were ignorant. 10. The apprentices almost to a man are ready to work for wages during theirowntime. When the overseer is severe towards them, they prefer working on other plantations, even for less wages, as 1s very natural. 11.. Almost all the evils of the apprenticeship arise from the obstinacy and oppressive conduct — of the overseers. They are constantly taking ad- vantage of the defects of the system, which are many, and while they demand to the last grain’s weight ‘the pound of flesh,” they are utterly unwilling to yield the requirements which the law makes of them. Where you find an overseer endeavoring in every way to overreach the ap- prentices, taking away the privileges which they enjoyed during slavery, and exacting from them the utmost’ minute and mite of labor, there you will find abundant complaints both against the master and the apprentice. And the reverse. The cruel overseers are complaining of idleness, in- subordination, and ruin, while the kind master is moving on peaceably and prosperously. — . 12, The domestic apprentices have either one day, or fifty cents cash, each week, as an allow- ance for food and clothing. ‘This is quite insufli- cient. Many of the females scem obliged to resort to theft or to prostitution to obtain a support. Two girls were brought before Mr. Hill while we were with him, charged with neglect of duty and night-walking. One of them said her allowance was too small, and she must get food in some other way or starve. 13. ‘The apprentices on many plantations have been deprived of several privileges which they enjoyed under the old system. Nurseries have been abolished, water-carriers have been taken away, keeping stock is restricted, if not entirely forbidden, watchmen are no longer provided to guard the negro grounds, &c.—petty aggressions in our eyes, perhaps, but severe to them. Another instance is still more hard. By the custom of slavery, women who had reared up seven children were permitted to ‘‘ sit down,” as it was termed; that is, were not obliged to go into the field to work. Now no such distinction is made, but all are driven into the field. 14. One reason why the crops were smaller in 1835 and 1836 than in former years, was, that the planters in the preceding seasons, either fearful that the negroes would not take off the crops after emancipation, and acting on their baseless pre- dictions instead of facts, or determined to make the results of emancipation appear as disastrous as possible, neglected to put in the usual amount of cane, and to clean the coffee fields.. As they refused to sow, of course they could not reap. 15. The complaints against the apprentices generally are becoming fewer every week, but the complaints against the masters are increasing both in number and severity. One reason of this is, that the apprentices, on the one hand, are be- coming better acquainted with the new system, and therefore better able to avoid a violation of its provisions, and are also learning that they cannot violate these provisions with impunity ; and, on JAMAICA. the other hand, they are gaining courage to com- pie against their masters, to whom they have itherto been subjected by a fear created by the whips and dungeons, and nameless tortures of slavery. Another reason is, that the masters, as the term of the apprenticeship shortens, and the end of their authority approaches nearer, are pee their poor victims harder and harder, etermined to extort from them all they can, before complete emancipation rescues them for ever from their grasp. While we were in conversation with Mr. Hill, Mr. Ramsay, one of the special magistrates for this parish, called in. He is a native of Jamaica, and has been educated under all the influences of West India society, but has held fast his integrity, and is considered the firm friend of the apprentices. He confirmed every fact and opinion which Mr. Hill had given. He was even stronger than Mr. H. in his expressions of disapprobation of the apprenticeship. Ihe day which we spent with Mr. Hill was one of those on which he holds a special justice’s court. ‘There were only three cases of complaint brought before him. The first was brought by a woman, attended by her husband, against her servant girl, for *“impertinence and insubordination.” She took the oath and commenced her testimony with an abundance of vague charges. ‘She is the most insolent girl lever saw. She'll do nothing that she is told to do—she never thinks of minding what is said to her—she is sulky and saucy,” etc. Mr. H. told her she must be specific—he could not convict the girl on such general charges—some particular acts must be proved. She became specific. Her charges were as fol- lows: 1. On the previous Thursday the defendant was plaiting a shirt. The complainant went up to her and asked her why she did not plait it as she ought, and not hold it in her hand as she did. Defendant replied, that it was easier, and she pre- ferred that way to the other. The complainant remonstrated, but, despite all she could say, the obstinate girl persisted, and did it as she chose. The complainant granted that the work was done well, only it was not done in the way she desired. 2. The same day she ordered the defendant to wipe up some tracks in the hall. She did so. While she was doing it, the mistress told her the room was very dusty, and reproved her for it. The girl replied, “Is it morning?’ (It is custo- mary to clean the rooms early in the morning, and the girl made this reply late in the afternoon, when sufficient time had elapsed for the room to become dusty again.) 3. The girl did not wash a cloth clean which the complainant gave her, and the complainant was obliged to wash it herself. 4, Several times when the complainant and her daughter have been conversing together, this girl had burst into laughter—whether at them or their conversation, complainant did not know. 5. When the complainant has reproved the de- fendant for not doing her work well, she has re- plied, ‘‘ Can’t you let me alone to my work, and not worry my life out.” A black man, a constable on the same property, was brought up to confirm the charges. He knew nothing about the case, only that he often heard the parties quarrelling, and sometimes had told the girl not to say any thing, as she knew ‘whatgher mistress was 107 It appeared in the course of the evidence, that the complainant and her husband had both been in the habit of speaking disrespectfully of the special magistrate, stationed in their distric and that many of the contentions arose out ot that, as the girl sometimes defended him. While the accused was making her defence, which she did in a modest way, her mistress was highly enraged, and interrupted her several times, by calling her a liar and ajade. The magistrate was two or three times obliged to reprove her, and command her to be silent, and, so passionate did she become, that her husband, ashamed of hers, put his hand on her shoulder, and entreated her to be calm. Mr. Hill dismissed the complaint by giving some good advice to both parties, much to the am noyance of the mistress. The second complaint was brought by a man against a servant girl, for disobedience of orders, and insolence. It appears that she was ordered, at ten o'clock at night, to do some work. She was just leaving the house to call on some friends, as she said, and refused. On being told by her mistress that she only wanted to go out for bad purposes, she replied, that “It was no matter— the allowance they gave her was not sufficient tp support her, and if they would not give her mora, she must get a living any way she could, so she did not steal.” She was sentenced to the house af correction for one week. The third case was a complaint against a boy for taking every alternate Friday and Saturday, instead of every Saturday, for allowance. @ was ordered to take every Saturday, or to receive in lieu of it half a dollar. . Mr. Hill said these were a fair specimen of the character of the complaints that came before him. We were much pleased with the manner in which he presided in his court, the ease, dignity, and impartiality which he exhibited, and the respect which was shown him by all parties. In company with Mr. Hill, we called on Rev. Mr. Phillips, the Baptist missionary, stationed at Spanishtown. Mr. P. has been in the island thirteen years. He regards the apprenticeship as a great amelioration of the old system of slavery. but as coming far short of the full privileges and rights of freedom, and of what it was expected to be. It is beneficial to the missionaries, as it gives them access to the plantations, while ore in many instances, they were entirely exclude from them, and in all cases were much shackled in their operations. Mr. P. has enlarged his chapel within the last fifteen months, so that it admits several hundreds more than formerly. But it is now too smalk The apprentices are much more anxious to receive religious instruction, and much more open to con- viction, than when slaves. He finds a great dif ference now on different plantations. Where severity is used, as it still is on many estates, and the new system is moulded as nearly as possible on the old, the minds of the apprentices are ap- parently closed against all impressions,—bu$ where they are treated with kindness, they are warm in their affections, and solicitous to bp taught. In connection with his church, Mr. P. has charge of a large school. The number present, when we visited it, was about two hundred. There was, to say the least, as much manifestation of intellect and sprightliness as we ever saw in whit¢ pupils of the same age, Most of the childret 108 were slaves previous to 1834, and their parents are still apprentices. Several were pointed out to us who were not yet free, and attend only by per- mission, sometimes purchased, of their master. The greater part live from three to five miles distant. Mr. P. says he finds no lack of interest among the apprentices about education. He can find scholars for as many schools as he can estab- lish, if he keeps himself unconnected with the planters. The apprentices are opposed to all - schools established by, or in any way allied to, their masters. : Mr. P. says the planters are doing nothing to prepare the apprentices for freedom in 1840. ‘They do not regard the apprenticeship as intermediate time for preparation, but as part of the compensa- tion. Every day is counted, not as worth so much for education and moral instruction, but as worth so much for digging cane-holes, and clear- ing coffee fields. Mr. P.’s church escaped destruction during the persecution of the Baptists. ‘The wives and con- nections of many of the colored soldiers had taken refuge in it, and had given out word that they would defend it even against their own husbands and brothers, who in turn informed their officers that if ordered to destroy it, they should refuse at all peril. ‘ CHAPTER III. RESULTS OF ABOLITION. Tue actual working of the apprenticeship in Jamaica, was the specific object of our investiga- tions in that island. ‘That it had not operated so happily asin Barbadoes, and in most of the other colonies, was admitted by all parties. As to the degree of its failure, we were satisfied it was not so great as had been represented. There has been nothing of an tnsurrectionary character since the abolition of slavery. The affair on Thorn- ton’s estate, of which an account is given in the preceding chapter, is the most serious disturbance which has occurred during the apprenticeship. The fear of insurrection is as effectually dead in Jamaica, as in Barbadoes—so long as the appren- ticeship lasts. There has been no terease of crime. ‘The character of the negro population has been gradually improving in morals and in- tellizence. Marriage has increased, the Sabbath is more generally observed, and religious worship is better attended. Again, the apprentices of Ja- maica have not manifested any peculiar defiance of law. 'The most illiberal magistrates testified that the people respected the law, when they un- derstood it. As it respects the industry of the apprentices, there are different opinions among the planters themselves. Some admitted that they were as industrious as before, and did as much work in proporiion to the time they were em- ployed, Others complained that they lacked the power to compel industry, and that hence there was a falling off of work. The prominent evils complained of in Jamaica are, absconding from work, and insolence to masters. From the state- ments in the preceding chapter, it may be inferred that many things.are called by these names, and severely punished, which are really innocent or unavoidable; however, it would not be won- derful if there were numerous instances of both. Insolence is the legitimate fruit of the appren- ticeship, which holds out to the apprentice, that he possesses the rights of a man, and still au- JAMAICA. thorizes the master to treat him as though he were little better than a dog. The result must often be that the apprentice will repay insult with inso- lence. ‘This will continue to exist until either the former system of absolute force is restored, or a system of free compensated labor,with its powerful checks and balances on both parties, is substituted. The prevalence and causes of the other offence— absconding from labor—will be noticed hereafter. The atrocities which are practised by the mas- ters and magistrates, are appalling enough. It is probable that the actual condition of the ne-_ groes in Jamaica, is but little if any better than it was during slavery. ‘The amount of punishment inflicted by the special magistrates, cannot fall much short of that usually perpetrated by the drivers. In addition to this, the apprentices are robbed of the time allowed them by law, at the will of the magistrate, who often deprives them of it on the slightest complaint of the overseer. The situation of the free children* is often very deplorable. ‘The master feels none of that inter- est in them which he formerly felt in the children that were his property, and consequently, makes no provision for them. They are thrown entirely. upon their parents, who are wnadle to take proper care of them, from the almost constant demands which the master makes upon their time. The condition of pregnant women, and nursing moth- ers, is decidedly worse than it was during slavery. The privileges which the planter felt it for his in- terest to grant these formerly, for the sake of their children, are now withheld. The former are ex- posed to the inclemencies of the weather, and the hardships of toil—the latter are cruelly dragged away from their infants, that the master may not lose the smallest portion of time,—and both are liable at any moment to be incarcerated in the — dungeon, strung up on the treadwheel. In consequence of the cruelties which are practised, the apprentices are in a disaffected state through- out the island. In assigning the causes of the ill-working of the apprenticeship in Jamaica, we would say in the commencement, that nearly all of them are em- bodied in the intrinsic defects of the system itself. These defects have been exposed in a former chapter, and we need not repeat them here, The reason why the system has not produced as much mischief in all the colonies as it has in Jamaica, is that the local cireumstances in the other islands were not so adapted to develop its legitimate results. Male It is not without the most careful investigation of facts, that we have allowed ourselves to enter- tain the views which we are now about to ex- press, respecting the conduct of the planters and special justices—for it is to them that we must ascribe the evils which exist in Jamaica. We cheerfully accede tothem all of palliation which may be found in the provocations incident to the wretched system of apprenticeship. The causes of the difficulties rest chiefly with the planters. They were originally implicated, and by their wily schemes they soon involved the special magistrates. ‘The Jamaica planters, as a body, always violently opposed the abolition of slavery. Unlike the planters in most of the colo- nies, they cherished their hostility after the act of abolition. It would seem that they had agreed with one accord, never to become reconciled to the measures of the English government, and had * All children under siz years of age at the time of abo- lition, were made entirely free. JAMAICA, sworn eternal hostility to every scheme of eman- cipation. Whether this resulted most from love for slavery or hatred of English interference, it is difficult to determine. If we were to believe the ‘planters themselves, who are of the oppesition, we should conclude that they were far from being in favor of slavery—that they were “as much opposed to slavery, as any one can be.”* Not- withstanding this avowal, the tenacity with which the planters cling to the remnant of their pow- er, shows an affection for it, of the strength of which they are net probably themselves aware. When public men have endeavored to be faith- - ful and upright, they have uniformly been abused, and even persecuted, by the planters. The fol- lowing facts will show that the latter have not scrupled to resort to the most dishonest and unman- ly intrigues to effect the removal or to circumvent the influence of such men. Neglect, ridicule, vulgar abuse, slander, threats, intimidation, misrepresent- ation, and legal prosecutions, have been the mild- est weapens employed against those who in the discharge of their sworn duties dared to befriend the oppressed. The shameful treatment of the late governor, Lord Sligo, illustrates this. His Lordship was appointed to the government about the period of abolition. Being himself a proprietor of estates in the island, and formerly chairman of the West India Body, he was received at first with the - greatest cordiality ; but it was soon perceived that he was disposed to secure justice to the ap- prentices. From the accounts we received, we have been led to entertain an exalted opinion of his integrity and friendship for the poor. It was his custom (unprecedented in the West Indies,) to give a patient hearing to the poorest negro who might carry his grievances to the government- house. After hearing the complaint, he would despatch an order to the special magistrate of the ’ district in which the complainant lived, directing him to inquire into the case. By this means he kept the magistrates employed, and secured re- dress to the apprentices in many cases where they would otherwise have been neglected. _ The governor soon rendered himself exceeding- ly obnoxious to the planters, and they began to ~ maneuvre for his removal, which, in a short time, was effected by a most flagitious procedure. The home government, disposed to humor their unruly colony, sent them a governor in whom they are not likely to find any fault: The present govern- or, Sir Lionel Smith, is the antipode of his prede- _ cessor in every worthy respect. When the ap- prentices come to him with their complaints, he sends them back unheard, with curses on their heads. A distinguished gentleman in the colony remarked of him that he was a heartiess military chieftain, who ruled without regard to mercy. Of *It seems to be the order ofthe day, with the opposi- fion party in Jamaica, to disclaim all friendship with sla- very. We noticed several instances of this in the island papers, which have been most hostile to abolition. We quote the following sample from the Royal Gazette, (Kingston) for May 6, 1837. The editor, in an article re- specting Cuba, says: “In writing this, one chief object is to arouse the attention of our own fellow-subjects, in this colony, to the situation—the dangerous situation—in which they stand, and to implore them to lend all their energies to avert the ruin that is likely to visit them, should America get the domination of Cuba. “The negroes of this and of all the British W. I. colo- nies have been ‘ emancipated.’ Cuba on the other hand is stilla slave country. (Let not our readers imagine for one moment that we advocate the continuance of sla- very,’’) &e, % ah 109 course the planters are full of his praise. His late tour of the island was a trivmphai procession, amid the sycophantic greetings of oppressors. Several special magistrates have been suspend- ed because of the faithful discharge of their duties. Among these was Dr. Palmer, an independent and courageous man. Repeated complaints were urged against him by the planters, until finally Sir Lionel Smith appointed a commission to in- quire into the grounds of the difficulty. “This commission consisted of two local magis- trates, both of them planters or managers of es- tates, and two stipendiary magistrates, the bias of one of whom, at least, was believed to be against of Palmer. At the conclusion of their inquiry they summed up their report by sayin that Dr. Putmes had Pe ph es ie the cholwiee law in the spirit of the English abolition act, and in his administration of the law he had adapted it more to the comprehension of freemen than to the understandings of apprenticed laborers. Not only did Sir Lionel Smith suspend Dr. Palmer on this report, but the colonial office at home have dismissed him from his situation.” The following facts respecting the persecution of Special Justice Bourne, illustrate the same thing. ‘A book-keeper of the name of Maclean, on the estate of the Rev. M. Hamilton, an Irish cler- gyman, committed a brutal assault upon an old African. The attorney on the property refused to hear the complaint of the negro, who went to Stephen Bourne, a special magistrate. When Maclean was brought before him, he did not deny the fact; but said as the old man was not a Christian, his oath could not be taken! The Magistrate not being able to ascertain the amount of injury inflicted upon the negro (whose head was dreadfully cut,) but feeling that it was a case which required a greater penalty than three pounds sterling, the amount of punishment to which he was limited by the local acts, detained Maclean, and afterwards committed him to jail, and wrote the next day to the chief justice upon the subject. He was discharged as soon as a doctor’s certificate was procured of the state of the wounded man, and bail was given for his appear- ance at the assizes. Maclean’s trial came on at the assizes, and he was found guilty by a Jamaica Jury; he was severely reprimanded for his inhu- man conduct, and fined thirty pounds. The poor apprentice however got no remuneration for the severe injury inflicted upon him, and the special justice was prosecuted for false imprisonment, dragged from court to court, represented as an oppressor and a tyrant, subjected to four hundred pounds expenses in defending himself, and actu- ally had judgment given against him for one hundred and fifty pounds damages. ‘Thus have the planters succeeded in pulling down every magistrate who ventures to do more than fine them three pounds sterling for any act of cruelty of which they may be guilty. On the other hand, there were two magistrates who were lately dismissed, through, I believe, the represen- tation of Lord Sligo, for flagrant violations of the law in inflicting punishment; and in order to evince their sympathy for those men, the planters gave them a farewell dinner, and had actually set on foot a subscription, as a tribute of gratitude for their “ Impartial” conduct in administering the laws, as special justices. ‘Thus were two men, notoriously guilty of violations of law and hu- manity, publicly encouraged and protected, while 110 RESULTS OF Stephen Bourne, who according to the testimony of the present and late attorney-general had acted not only justly but legally, was suffering every species of persecution and indignity for so doing.” Probably nothing could demonstrate the mean- ness of the artifices to which the planters resort to get rid of troublesome magistrates better than the following fact. When the present governor, in making his tour of the island, came into St. Thomas in the East, some of the planters of Manchioneal district hired a negro constable on one of the estates to go to the governor and com- plain to him that Mr. Chamberlain encouraged the apprentices to be disorderly and idle. ‘The negro went accordingly, but like another Balaam, he prophesied against his employers. He stated to the governor that the apprentices on the estate where he lived were lazy and wouldn’t do right, but he declared that it was not Mr. C.’s fault, for that he was not allowed to come on the estate ! Having given such an unfavorable description of the mass of planters, it is but just to add that there are a few honorable exceptions. There are some attorneys and overseers, who if they dared to face the allied powers of oppression, would act a noble part. But they are trammelled by an overpowering public sentiment, and are induced to fall in very much with the prevailing practices. One of this class, an attorney of considerable in- fluence, declined giving us his views in writing, stating that his situation and the state of public sentiment must be his apology. An overseer who was disposed to manifest the most liberal bearing towards his apprentices, and who had directions from the absentee proprietor to that effect, was yet effectually prevented by his attorney, who having several other estates under his charge, was fearful of losing them, if he did not maintain the same severe discipline on all. The special magistrates are also deeply impli- cated in causing the difficulties existing under the apprenticeship. They are incessantly exposed to multiplied and powerful temptations. ‘The per- secution which they are sure to incur by a faith- ful discharge of their duties, has already been no- ticed. It would require men of unusual sternness of principle to face so fierce an array. Instead of being independent of the planters, their situation is in every respect totally the reverse. Instead of having a central office or station-house to hold their courts at, as is the case in Barbadoes, they are required to visit each estate in their districts. They have a circuit from forty to sixty miles to compass every fortnight, or in some cases three times every month. On these tours they are ab- solutely dependent upon the hospitality of the planters. None but men of the “sterner stuff” could escape, (to use the negro’s phrase) being poisoned by massa’s turtle soup. The character of the men who are acting as magistrates is thus described by a colonial magistrate of high stand- ing and experience. ‘The special magistracy department is filled with the most worthless men, both domestic and imported. It was a necessary qualification of the former to possess no property; hence the most worthless vagabonds on the island were appoint- ed. The latter were worn out officers and dissi- pated rakes, whom the English government sent off here in order to get rid of them.” Asa speci- men of the latter kind, this gentleman mentioned one (special Justice Light) who died lately from excessive dissipation. He was constantly drunk, and the only way in which he could be got to do ABOLITION. any business was to take him on to an estate in the evening so that he might sleep off his intoxi- cation, and then the business was brought before him early the next morning, before he had time to get to his cups. . at . t is well known that many of the special m gistrates are totally unprincipled men, monsters of cruelty, lust, and despotism. As a result of natural character in many cases, and of depend- ence upon planters in many more, the great mass of the special justices are a disgrace to their office, and to the government which commissioned them. Out of sixty, the number of special justices in Ja- maica, there are not more than fifteen, or twenty at farthest, who are not the merest tools of the at- torneys and overseers. Their servility was graph- ically hit off by the apprentice. ‘‘If busha say flog em, he flog em; if busha say send them to the treadmill, he send em.” If an apprentice laughs or sings, and the busha represents it to the magistrate as insolence, he feels it his duty to make an example of the offender! ss The following fact will illustrate the injustice of the magistrates. It was stated in writing by a missionary. We conceal all names, in compti- ance with the request of the writer. ‘‘ An appren- tice belonging to in the — was sent to the treadmill by special justice G. He was or- dered to go out and count the sheep, as he was able to count higher than some of the field people, although a house servant from his youth—I may say childhood. Instead of bringing in the tally cut upon a piece of board, as usual, he wrote the number eighty upon a piece of paper. When the overseer saw it, he would scarcely believe that any of his people could write, and ordered a piece of coal to be brought and made him write it over again; the next day he turned him into the field, but unable to perform the task, (to hoe and weed one hundred coffee roots daily) with those who had been accustomed to field work all their lives, he was tried for neglect of duty, and sentenced to fourteen days on the treadmill !” We quote the following heart-rending account from the Telegraph,(Spanishtown,) April 28, 1837. It is from a Baptist missionary. “T see something is doing in England to shorten the apprenticeship system. I pray God it may soon follow its predecessor—slavery, for it is m- deed slavery under a less disgusting name. Bu- siness lately (December 23) called me to Rodney Hall; and while I was there, a poor old negro was brought in for punishment. I heard the fear- ful vociferation, ‘twenty stripes.’ ‘Very well; here , put this mandown.’ I felt as Icannot describe; yet I thought, as the supervisor was disposed to be civil, my presence might tend to make the punishment less severe than it usu- ally is—but I was disappointed. J inquired into the crime for which such an old man could be so severely punished, and heard various accounts. I wrote to the magistrate who senteneed him to receive it; and after many days I got the follow- ing reply. | : “¢ Logan Castle, Jan. 9, 1836. “¢ Sir—In answer to your note of the 4th in- stant, I beg leave to state, that ,an a prentice belonging to , was brought be- fore me by Mr. , his late overseer, charged upon oath with continual neglect of duty and dis- obedience of orders as cattle-man, and also for stealing milk—was convicted, and sentenced to receive twenty stripes, far from the punish- JAMAICA. ment of the offender being severe, he was not or- dered one haif the number of stripes provided for such cases by the abolition act—if he received more than that number, or if those were inflicted With undue severity, I shall feel happy in making every inquiry amongst the authorities at Rodney all institution. “*T remain, sir, yours, truly, “'T. W. Jones, S. M. “Rev, J. Clarke, &e., &.’” _ From Mr. Clarke’s reply, we make the follow- ing extract : ) “ Jericho, January 19, 1836. “Sir—I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant. “ Respecting the punishment of ok still adhere to the opinion I before expressed, that, for an old man of about sixty years of age, the punishment was severe. ‘To see a venerable old man tied as if to be broken on the wheel, and cut to the bone by the lash of an athletic driver— writhing and yelling under the most exquisite torture, were certainly circumstances sufficiently strong to touch the heart of any one possessed of the smallest degree of common humanity. The usual preparations being made, the old man quiet- ly stripped off his upper garments, and lay down upon the board—he was then tied by his legs, middle, above the elbows, and at each wrist. Mr. then called out to the driver, ‘I hope you will do your duty—he is not sent here for noth- ing. At the first lash the skin started up; and at the third, the blood began to flow; ere the dri- ver had given ten, the cat was covered with gore; and he stopped to change it for a dry one, which ap- peared to me somewhat longer than the first. When the poor tortured creature had received sixteen, his violent struggles enabled him to get one of his hands loose, which he put instantly to his back— the driver stopped to retie him, and then proceed- ed to give the remaining four. The struggles of the poor old man from the first lash bespoke the most extreme torture; and his cries were to me most distressing. ‘Oh! oh! mercy! mercy! mercy! oh! massa! massa! dat enough—enough! oh, enough! O, massa, have pity! O, massa! massa! dat enough—enough! Oh, never do de like again—only pity me—forgive me dis once! oh! pity! mercy! mercy! ch! oh! were the cries he perpetually uttered. I shall remember them while I live; and would not for ten thousand worlds have been the cause of producing them. It was some minutes after he was loosed ere he could rise to his feet, and as he attempted to rise, he continued calling out,‘My back! oh! my back! my back is broken.’ A long time he re- mained half-doubled, the blood flowing round his body ; ‘ I serve my master,’ said the aged sufferer, ‘at all times; get no Saturday, no Sunday; yet . this isde way dem use me.’ ” With such planters, and such magistrates to play into their hands, is it tobe wondered at that the apprentices do badly ? Enough has been said, we think, to satisfy any candid person as to the cdltes of the evils in Jamaica. If any thing further were needed, we might speak of the pe- culiar facilities which these men have for perpe- trating acts of cruelty and injustice. The major part of the island is exceedingly mountainous, and a large portion of the sugar estates, and most 2s of the coffee plantations, are among the mountains. These estates are scattered over a wide extent of country, poe separated by dense forests and moun- 4 P . x * lll tains, which conceal each plantation from the pub- lic view almost as effectually as though it were the only property on the island. The only modo of access to many of the estates in the mountain- ous districts, is by mule paths winding about, amid fastnesses, precipices, and frightful solitudes. In those lone retirements, on the mountain top, or in the deep glen by the side of the rocky rivers, the traveller occasionally meets with an estate. Strangers but rarely intrude upon those little do- mains. ‘They are left to the solitary sway of the overseers dwelling amid their “ gangs,” and un- disturbed, save by the weekly visitations of the special magistrates. While the traveller is struck with the facilities for the perpetration of those enormities which must have existed there during slavery ; he is painfully impressed also with the numerous opportunities which are still afforded for oppressing the apprentices, particularly where the special magistrates are not honest men.* In view of the local situation of Jamaica—the violent character of its planters—and the inevit- able dependency of the magistrates, it is very manifest that immediate emancipation was imper- atively demanded there. In no other colony did the negroes require to be more entirely released from the tyranny of the overseers, or more tho- roughly shielded by the power of equal law. This is a principle which must hold good always—that where slavery has been most rigorous and abso- lute, there emancipation needs to be most unqual- ified ; and where the sway of the master has been most despotic, cruel, and LONG CONTINUED, there the protection of law should be most SPEEDILY ex- tended and most impartially applied.”t * From the nature of the case, it must be impossible to know how much actual flogging is perpetrated by the overseers. We might safely conjecture that there must be avast deal of it that never comesto the light. Such is the decided belief of many of the first men in the island. The planters, say they, flog their apprentices, and then, to prevent their complaining to the magistrate, threaten them with severe punishment. or bribe them to silence by giv- ing them a few shillings. The attorney-general mentioned an instance of the latter policy. A planter got angry with one of his head men, who was a constable, and knocked him down. The man started off to complain to the special magistrate. The master called him back, and told him he need not go to the magistrate—that he was constable, and had a right to fine him himself. ‘* Well, massa,” said the negro, “I fine you five shillings on de spot.” The master was glad to get off with that—the magistrate would probably have fined him £5 currency. t Since the above was written we have seen a copy of a message sent by Sir Lionel Sinith, to the house of assem- bly of Jamaica, on the 3d November, 1837, in which a statement of the deprivations of the apprentices, is offi- cially laid before the house. We make the following ex- tract fromit, which contains, to use his Excellency’s lan- guage, “the principal causes, as was been found by the records of the special magistrates, of complaints among the apprentices; and of consequent collisions between the planters and magistrates.” “ Prudent and humane planters have already adopted what is recommended, and their properties present the good working of this system in peace and industry, with- out their resorting to the authority of the special magis- trates, but there are other properties where neither the law of the apprenticeship nor the usages of slavery have been found sufficient to guard the rights of the appr entices. “First, the magistrates’ reports show that on some estates the apprentices have been deprived of cooks and water-carriers while at work in the field—thus, the tie allowed for breakfast, instead of being a period of rest, is one of continual labor, as they have to seek for fuel and to cook. The depriving them of water-carriers is still more injurious, as the workmen are not allowed to quit their rows to obtain it. Both these privations are detri- mental to the planter’s work. Second, a law seems want- ing to supply the estates’ hospitals with sufficient attend- ants on the sick apprentices, as well as for the supply of proper food, as they cannot depend on their own erounds whilst unable to leave the hospitals. The first clause of the abolition law has not been found strong enough te 112 We heard frequent complaints in Jamaica re- specting the falling off of the crops since abolition. In order that the reader may know the extent of the failure in the aggregate island crops, we have inserted in the appendix a table showing the “ ex- orts for fifty-three years, ending 31st December, 1836, condensed from the journals of the House.” By the disaffected planters, the diminished crops were hailed as “an evident token of perdition.” They had foretold that abolition would be the ruin of cultivation, they had maintained that sugar, coffee, rum, &c., could not be produced extensive- ly without the whip of slavery, and now they exultingly point to the short crops and say, “‘ See the results of abolition!’ We say exultingly, for a portion of the planters do really seem to re- joice in any indication of ruin. Having staked their reputation as prophets against their credit as colonists and their interests as men, they seem happy im the establishment of the former, even though it be by the sacrifice of the latter. Said an intelligent gentleman in St. Thomas in the East, ‘The planters have set their hearis wpon ruin, and they will be sorely disappointed if it should not come.” Hearing so much said concerning the diminu- tion of the crops, we spared no pains to ascertain the true causes. We satisfied ourselves that the causes were mainly two. First. ‘The prevailing impression that the ne- groes would not work well after the abolition of slavery, led many planters to throw apart of their land out of cultivation, in 1834. This isa fact which was published by Lord Shigo, in an official account which he gave shortly before leaving Ja- secure these necessary attentions to the sick. Third, in regard to jobbers, more exposed to hardships than any other class. A law is greatly required allowing them the distance they may have to walk to their work, at the rate of three miles an hour, and fer compelling the parties hiring them to supply them with salt food and meal; their grounds are oftentimes so many miles distant, it is impos- sible for them to’ supply themselves. Hence constant complaints and irregularities. Fourth, that mothers of six children and upwards, pregnant women, and the aged of both sexes, would be greatly benefited by a law enfor- cing the kind treatment which they-received in slavery, but which is now considered optional, or is altogether avoided on many properties. Fifth, nothing would tend more to effect general contentment. and repress the evils of comparative treatment, than the issue of fishas a right by law. It was an indulgence in slavery seldom denied, but on many properties is now withheld, or given for ex- tra labor instead of wages. Sixth, his Excellency during the last sessions had the honor to address a message to the house for a stronger definition of working time. The clause of the actin aid expressed that it was the intention of the legislature to regulate ‘uniformity’ of labor, but in practice there is still a great diversity of system. The legal adviser of the crown considers the clause active and binding ; the special magistrate cannot, therefore, adjudi- cate on disputes of labor under the eight hour system, and the consequences have been continual complaints and bickerings between the magistrates and managers, and discontent among the apprentices by comparison of the ad- vantages which one system presents over the other. Sev- enth, if your honorable house would adopt some equit- able fixed principle for the value of apprentices desirous of purchasing their discharge, either by ascertained rates of weekly labor, or by fixed sums according to their trade or occupation, which should not be exceeded, andallowing the deduction of one third from the extreme value for JAMAICA. maica, of the working of the apprenticeship. The overseer of Belvidere estate declared that he knew of many cases in which part of the land usually planted in canes was thrown up, owing to the general expectation that much less work would be done after abolition. He also mentioned one at- torney who ordered all the estates under his charge to be thrown out of cultivation in 1834, so con- fident was he that the negroes would not work. The name of this attorney was White. Mr. Gordon, of Williamsfield, stated, that the quanti- ty of land planted in cane, in 1834, was consider- ably less than the usual amount: on some estates it was less by twenty, and on others by forty acres. Now if such were the fact in the Parish of St. Thomas in the East, where greater confidence was felt probably than in any other parish, we have a clue by which we may conjecture (if in- deed we were left to conjecture) to what extent the cultivation was diminished in the island gen- erally. This of itself would satisfactorily ac- count for the falling off in the crops—which at most is not above one third. Nor would this ex- plain the decrease in 34 only, for itis well known among sugar planters that a neglect of planting, either total or partial, for one year, will affect the crops for two or three successive years. The other cause of short crops has been the dz- minished amount of time for labor. One fourth of the time now belongs to the laborers, and they often prefer to employ it in cultivating their pro- vision grounds and carrying their produce to market. Thus the estate cultivation is necessarily impeded. This cause operates very extensively, particularly on two classes of estates: those which lie convenient to market places, where the appren- tices have strong inducements to eultivate their grounds, and those (more numerous still) which have harsh overseers, to whom the apprentices are averse to hire their time—in which cases they will choose to work for neighboring planters, who are better men. We should not omit to add here, that owing to a singular fact, the falling off of the crops » appears greater than it really has been. We learned from the most credible sources that the size of the hogskeads had been considerably enlarged since abolition. Formerly they contained, on an average, eighteen hundred weight, now they vary from a ton to twenty-two hundred! As the crops are estimated by the number of hogsheads, this will make a material difference. ‘There were two reasons for enlarging inthe hogsheads,—one was, to lessen the amount of certain port charges in exportation, which were made by the hegshead ; the other, and perhaps the principal, was to create some foundation in appearance for the complaint that the crops had failed because of abolition. While we feel fully warranted in stating these as the chief causes of the diminished crops, we are at the same time disposed to admit that the apprenticeship is in itself exceedingly ill calcula- ted either to encourage or to compel industry. We must confess that we have no special zealto vindicate this system from its full “per: blame ; oe ' the contingencies of maintenance, clothing, medical aid, risk of life, and health, it would greatly tend to set at rest one cause of constant disappointment. In proportion as the term of apprenticeship draws to a close, THE DEMANDS FOR THE SALE OF SERVICES HAVE GREATLY INCREASED. It is in the hope that the honorable house will be disposed to enforce a more general system of equal treatment, that his Excellency now circumstantially represents what have been the most common causes of complaint among the apprentices, and why the island is subject to the re- proach that the negroes, in some respects, are now in a worse condition than they were in slavery.” but we are rather inclined to award to it every j " and tittle of the ichonodit tects tient elle a hie it has had in working mischief to the colony. ~ However, in all candor, we must say, that we can scarcely check the risings of exultation when we — perceive that this party-fangled measure—this off- spring of old Slavery in her dying throes, which — was expressly designed as a compensation to the proprietor, HAS ACTUALLY DIMINISHED HIS ANNUAL RETURNS BY ONE THIRD! So may it even? with .) 4 ms - JAMAICA. egislation which is based on iniquity and rob- bery! But the subject which excites the deepest inter- est in Jamaica is the probable consequences of en- | tire emancipation in 1840. The most common - day’s | opinion among the prognosticators of evil is, that the emancipated negroes will abandon the cultiva- tion of all the staple products, retire to the woods, and live in a state of semi-barbarism; and asa consequence, the splendid sugar and coffee estates must be “thrown up,” and the beautiful and fer- tile island of Jamaica become a waste howling wilderness. The reasons for this opinion consist in part of naked assumptions, and in part of inferences from supposed facts. ‘The assumed reasons are such as these. The negroes will not cultivate the cane without the whip. Tow is this known? Simply because they never have, to any great extent, in Ja- maica. Such, it has been shown, was the opinion formerly in Barbadoes, but it has been forever ex- ploded there by experiment. Again, the negroes are naturally improvident, and will never have enough foresight to work steadily. What is the evidence of natural improvidence in the negroes ? Barely this—their carelessness in a state of sla- very. But that furnishes no ground at all for judging of natural character, or of the devel- opments of character under a lotally different sys- tem. If it testifies any thing, it is only this, that the natural disposition of the negroes is not always proof against the degenerating influences of sla- very.* Again, the actual wants of the negroes are very few and easily supplied, and they will un- doubtedly pig going into the woods where they can live almost without labor, to toiling in the hot cane fields or climbing the coffee mountains. But they who urge this, lose sight of the fact that the negroes are considerably civilized, and that, like other civilized people, they will seek for more than a supply for the necessities of the rudest state of nature. Their wants are already many, even in the degraded condition of slaves; is it probable that they will be satisfied with fewer of the com- forts and luxuries of civilized life, when they are elevated to the sphere, and feel the self-respect and dignity of freemen? But let us notice some of the reasons which profess to be founded on fact. They may all be resolved into two, the laziness of the negroes, and their tendency to barbarism. 1. They now refuse to work on Saturdays, even for wages. On this assertion we have several re- marks to make. (1.) It is true only to a partial extent. The apprentices on many estates—whether a majority or not it is impossible to say—do work for their masters on Saturdays, when their services are called for. (2.) They often refuse to work on the estates, because they can earn three or four times as much by cultivating their provision grounds and car- rying their produce to market. The ordinary rages on an estate is a quarter of a dollar, and where the apprentices are conveniently situa- ted to maliket, they can make from seventy-five s to a dollar a day with their provisions. (8.) The overseers are often such overbearing and detestable men, tha the apprentices doutbless ‘feel it a great relief to be freed from their command * Probably in more instances than the one recorded in e oing chapter, the improvidence of the negroes is inferred from their otherwise unaccountable preference of walking six orten miles to chapel, rather than to work Sor a maccaroni a day. we 8 ; | + 113 on Saturday, after submitting to it compulsorily for five days of the week. 2. Another fact from which the laziness of the ne- groes is inferred, is their neglecting their provision grounds. It issaidthatthey have fallen off greatl in their attention to their grounds, since the aboli- tion of slavery. This fact does not comport ve well with the complaint, that the apprentices culti- vate their provision grounds to the neglect ofthe estates. But both assertions may be true under opposite circumstances. On those estates which are situated near the market, provisions will be cultivated ; onthose which are remote from the market, provisions will of course be partially ne- glected, and it willbe more profitable to the ap- prentices to work on the estates at a quarter of a dollar per day, raising only enough provisions for their own use. But we ascertained another cir- cumstance which throws light on this point. The negroes expect, after emancipation, to lose their provision grounds; many expect certainly to be turned off by their masters, and many who have harsh masters, intend to leave, and seek homes on other estates, and aid feel a great uncer- tainty about their situation after 1840 ; and con- sequently they can have but little encouragement to vigorous and extended cultivation of their grounds. Besides this, there are very many cases in which the apprentices of one estate cultivate provision grounds on another estate, where the manager is a man in whom they have more confi- dence than they have in their own ‘“busha.” They, of course, in such cases, abandon their former grounds, and consequently are charged with neglecting them through laziness. 3. Another alleged fact is, that actually less work is done now than was done during slavery. The argument founded on this fact is this: there is less work done under the apprenticeship than was done during slavery: therefore no work ai all will be done after entire freedom! But the appren- ticeship allows one fourth less time for labor than slavery did, and presents no inducement, either compulsory or persuasive, to continued industry. Willit be replied that emancipation will take away ali the time from labor, and offer no encouragement but to idleness? How is itnow ? Dothe ap- prentices work better or worse during their own time when they arepaid? Better, unquestionably. What does this prove? ‘That freedom will sup- ply both the time and the inducement to the most vigorous industry. ‘The other reason for believing that the negroes will abandon estate-labor after entire emancipation, is their strong tendency to barbarism! And what are the facts in proof of this? We know but one. We heard it said repeatedly that the appren- tices were not willing to have their free children educated—that they had pertinaciously declined every offer of the bushas to educate their children, and this, it was alleged, evinced a determination on the part of the negroes to perpetuate ignorance and barbarism among their posterity. We heard from no less than four persons of distinction in St. Thomas im the East, the following curious fact. It was stated each time for the double pur- pose of proving that the apprentices did not wish to have their children learn to work, and that they were opposed to their receiving education. A company of the first gentlemen of that parish, consisting of the rector of the parish, the custos, the special magistrate, an attorney, and member of the assembly, etc., had mustered in imposing array, and proceeded to one of the large estates in 114 the Plantain Garden River Valley, and there having called the apprentices together, made the following proposals to them respecting their free children, the rector acting as spokesman. “The attorney would provide a teacher for the estate, and would give the children four hours’ instruc- tion daily, if the parents would Jind them to work four hours every day; the attorney further offered to pay for all medical attendance the children should require. The apprentices, after due delib- eration among themselves, unanimously declined this proposition. It was repeatedly urged upon them, and the advantages it promised were held up to them; but they persisted in declining it wholly. This was a great marvel to the plant- ers; and they could not account for it in any other way than by supposing that the appren- tices were opposed both to labor and education, and were determined that their free children should grow up in ignorance and indolence! Now the true reason why the apprentices rejected this proposal was, because it came from the planters, in whom they have no confidence. They sus- pected that some evil scheme was hid under the fair pretence of benevolence; the design of the plant- ers, as they firmly believed, was to get their free free children bound to them, so that they might continue to keep them in a species of apprentice- ship. This was stated to us, as the real ground of the rejection, by several missionaries, who gave the best evidence that it was so; viz. that at the same time that the apprentices declined the offer, they would send their free children siz or eight miles to a school taught by a missionary. We in- quired particularly of some of the apprentices, to whom this offer was made, why they did not ac- ceptit. They said that they could not trust their masters ; the whole design of it was to get them to give up their children, and if they should give them up but for a single month, it would be the same as acknowledging that they (the parents) were not able to take care of them themselves. The busha would then send word to the Governor that the people had given up their children, not being able to support them, and the Governor would have the children bound to the busha, “and then,” said they, ‘we might whistle for our children!’ In this manner the apprentices, the parents, reasoned. Thev professed the greatest anxiety to have their children educated, but they said they could have no confidence in the honest intentions of their busha. The views given above. touching the results of entire emancipation in 1840, are not unanimously entertained even among the planters, and they are far from prevailing to any great extent among other classes of the community. The missionaries, as a body, a portion of the special magistrates, and most of the intelligent free colored people, an- ticipate glorious consequences; they hail the ap- proach of 1840, as a deliverance from the oppres- sions of the apprenticeship, and its train of disaf- fections, complaints and incessant disputes. They say they have nothing to fear—nor has the island any thing to fear, but every thing to hope, from entire emancipation. We subjoin a specimen of the reasoning of the minority of the planters. They represent the idea that the negroes will abandon the estates, and retire to the woods, as wild and absurd in the extreme. They say the negroes have a great regard for the comforts which they enjoy on the estates; they are strongly attached to their houses and little fur- niture, and their provision grounds. These are as much to them as the ‘great house’ and JAMAICA. the estate are to their master. Besides, they have very strong local attachments, and ihese would bind them to the properties. These plant- ers also argue, from the great willingness of the apprentices now to work for money, during their own time, that they will not be likely to relinquish labor when they are to get wages for the whole time. There was no doubt much truth in the re- mark of a planter in St. Thomas in the East, that if any estates were abandoned by the negroes af- ter 1840, it would be those which had harsh man- agers, and those which are so mountainous and inaccessible, or barren, that they owght to be aban- doned. It was the declaration of a planier, that entire emancipation would regeneraie the island of Jamaica. We now submit to the candid examination of the American, especially the Christian public, the results of our inquiries in Antigua, Barbadoes, and Jamaica. The deficiency of the narrative in ability and interest, we are sure is neither the fault of the subject nor of the materials. Could we have thrown into vivid forms a few only of the numberless incidents of rare beauty which thronged our path—could we have imparted to our pages that freshness and glow, which invest- ed the institutions of freedom, just bursting into bloom over the late wastes of slavery—could we, in fine, have carried our readers amid the scenes which we witnessed, and the sounds which we heard, and the things which we handled, we should not doubt the power and permanence of the impression produced. It is due to the cause, and to the society under whose commission we acted, frankiy to state, that we were not selected on account of any peculiar qualifications for the work. As both of us were invalids, and compel- . led to fly from the rigors of an American winter, it was believed that we might combine the im- provement of health, with the prosecution of im- portant investigations, while abler men could thus be retained in the field at home; but we found that the unexpected abundance of materials required the strongest health and powers of endurance. We regret to add, that the continued ill health of both of us, since our return, so serious in the case of one, as to deprive him almost wholly of partici- pation in the preparation of the work, has neces- sarily delayed its appearance, and rendered its execution more imperfect. We lay no claim to literary merit. ‘To present a simple narrative of facts, has been our sole aim. We have not given the results of our personal ob- servations merely, or chiefly, nor have we madea record of private impressions or idle speculations. Well authenticated facts, accompanied with the testimony, verbal and documentary, of public men, planters, and other responsible individuals, make up the body of the volume, as almost every page will show. That no statements, if errone- ous, might escape detection and expesure, we have, in nearly every case, given the names of our authorities. By so doing we may have subjected ourselves to the censure of those respected gentle- men, with whose names we have taken such lied ty. We are assured, however, that their imtere in the cause of freedom will quit reconcile them to what otherwise might be an unpleasant per- sonal publicity. Commending our narrative to the blessing of the God of truth, and thilliledeemer of the oppress-. ed, we send it forth to do its part, however hum- ble, toward the removal of slavery from our be» loved but gulpouney: e # * AP Ee ND TR: WE have in our possession a number of official documents from gentlemen, officers of the govern- ment, and variously connected with its adminis- tration, in the different islands which we visited: some of these—such as could not be conveniently incorporated into the body of the work—we in- sert in the form of an appendix. ‘To insert them all, would unduly increase the size of the present volume. Those not embodied in this appendix, will be published in the periodicals of the Ameri- can Anti-Slavery Society. OFFICIAL COMMUNICATION FROM E, B. LYON, ESQ., SPECIAL MAGISTRATE. Jamaica, Hillingdon, near Falmouth, Trelawney, May 15, 1837. To J. H. Kimpatt, Esa., and J. A. Tuome, Esa. Dear Sirs,—Of the operation of the appren- ticeship system in this district, from the slight op- portunity I have had of observing the conduct of managers and apprentices, I could only speak conjecturaily, and my opinions, wanting the au- thority of experience, would be of little service to you; I shall therefore confine the remarks I have to make, to the operation of the system in the dis- trict from which I have lately removed. I commenced my duties in August, 1834, and from the paucity of special magistrates at that eventful era, I had the superintendence of a most extensive district, comprising nearly one half of the populous parish of St. ‘Thomas in the East, and the whole of the parish of St. David, embra- cing an apprentice population of nearly eightcen thousand,—in charge of which [continued until December, when I was relieved of St. David, and in March, 1835, my surveillance was confined to that portion of St. Thomas in the East, consisting of the coffee plantations in the Blue Mountains, and the sugar estates of the Blue Mountain Val- wh over which I continued to preside until last arch, a district containing a population of four thousand two hundred and twenty-seven appren- tices, of which two thousand eighty-seven were males, and two thousand one hundred and forty, females. ‘The apprentices of the Blue Mountain Valley were, at the period of my assumption of the duties of a special magistrate, the most disor- derly in the island. They were greatly excited, and almost desperate from disappointment, in find- ing theirtrammels under the new law, nearly as burdensome as under the old, and their condition, in many respects, much more intolerable. They were also extremely irritated at what they deemed an attempt upon the part of their masters to rob them of one of the greatest advantages they had been led to believe the new law secured to them— this was the half of Friday. Special Justice Everard, who went through the district during the first two weeks of August, 1834, and who was the first special justice to read and explain the new law to them, had told them that the law gave to them the extra four and a half hours on the Friday, and some of the proprietors and mana- ers, who were desirous of preparing their people or the coming change, had likewise explained it 60; but, most unfortunately, the governor issued * & a proclamation, justifying the masters in with holding the four and a half hours on that day, and substituting any other half day, or by work- ing them eight hours per day, they might deprive them altogether of the advantage to be derived from the extra time, which, by the abolition of Sunday marketing, was almost indispensable to people whose grounds, in some instances, were many miles from their habitations, and who were above thirty miles from Kingston market, where prices were fifty per cent. more than the countr markets in their favor for the articles they had to dispose of, and correspondingly lower for those they had to purchase. To be in time for which market, it was necessary to walk all Friday night, so that without the use of the previous half day, they could not procure their provisions, or prepare themselves for it. ‘The deprivation of the half of Friday was therefore a serious hardship to them, and this, coupled to the previous assurance of their masters, and Special Justice Everard, that they were entitled to it, made them to suspect a fraud was about being practised on them, which, if they did not resist, would lead to the destruction of the remaining few privileges they possessed. The re- sistance was very general, but without violence ; whole gangs leaving the fields on the afternoon of Friday; refusing to take any other afternoor, and sometimes leaving the estates for two or three days together. They fortunately had confidence in me—and I succeeded in restoring order, and all would have been well,—but the managers, no longer alarmed by the fear of rebellion or violence, began a system of retaliation and revenge, by withdrawing cooks, water-carriers, and nurses, from the field, by refusing medicine and admit- tance to the hospital to the apprentice children and by compelling old and infirm people, who ha been allowed to withdraw from labor, and moth- ers of six children, who were exempt by the slave law from hard labor, to come out and work in the field. All this had a natural tendency to create irritation, and did do so; though, to the great credit of the people, in many instances, they sub- mitted with the most extraordinary patience, to evils which were the more onerous, because inflict- ed under the affected sanction of a law, whose ad- vent, as the herald of liberty, they had expected would have been attended with a train of bless- ings. I effected a change in this miserable state of things; and mutual contract for labor, in crop and out of it, were made on twenty-five estates in my district, before, I believe, any arrangement had been made in other parts of the island, be- tween the managers and the apprentices ; so that from being in a more unsettled state than others, we were soon happily in a more prosperous one, and so continued. No peasantry in the most favored country on the globe, can have been more irreproachable in morals and conduct than the majority of appren- tices in that district, since the beginning of 1835, I have, month after month, in my despatches to the governor, had to record instances of excess of labor, compared with the quantity performed du- ring slavery, in some kinds of work; aad while I have with pleasure reported the improving con- 116 dition, habits, manners, and the industry which characterized the labors of the peasantry, I have not been an indifferent or uninterested witness of the improvement in the condition of many estates, the result of the judicious application of labor, and of the confidence in the future and sanguine expectations of the proprietors, evinced in the en- largements of the works, and expensive and per- manent repair of the buildings on various estates, and in the high prices given for properties and land since the apprenticeship system, which would scarcely have commanded a purchaser, at any price, during the existence of slavery. I have invariably found the apprentices will- ing to work for an equitable hire, and on all the sugar estates, and several of the coffee plantations, in the district I speak of, they worked a consider- able portion of their own time during crop, about the works, for money, or an equivalent in her- rings, sugar, etc., to so great a degree, that less than the time allotted to them during slavery, was left for appropriation to the cultivation of. their grounds, and for marketing, as the majority, very much to their credit, scrupulously avoided work- ing on the Sabbath day. In no community in the world is crime less prevalent. At the quarter sessions, in January last, for the precinct of St. Thomas in the East, and St. David, which contains an apprentice pop- ulation of about thirty thousand, there was only one apprentice tried. And the offences that have, in general, for the last eighteen months, been brought before me on estates, have been of the most trivial description, such as an individual oc- casionally turning out late, or some one of an ir- ritable temper answering impatiently, or for some trifling act of disobedience; in fact, the majority of apprentices on estates have been untainted with offence, and have steadily and quietly performed their duty, and respected the law. ‘The appren- tices of St. Thomas in the East, I do not hesitate to say, are much superior in manners and morals to those who inhabit the towns. During the first six or eight months, while the planters were in doubt how far the endurance of their laborers might be taxed, the utmost defer- ence and respect was paid by them to the special “magistrates; their suggestions or recommenda- tions were adopted without cavil, and opinions taken without reference to the letter of the law; but when the obedience of the apprentice, and his strict deference to the law and its administrators, had inspired them with a consciousness of perfect security, I observed with much regret, a great al- teration in the deportment of many of the mana- gers towards myself and the people; trivial and insignificant complaints were astonishingly in- creased, and assaults on apprentices became more frequent, so that in the degree that the conduct of one party was more in accordance with the obli- gations imposed on him by the apprenticeship, was that of the other in opposition to it; again were the old and infirm harassed; again were mothers of six living children attempted to be forced to perform field labor ; and again were moth- ers with sucking children complained of, and some attempts made to deprive them of the usual nurses. Such treatment was not calculated to promote cordiality between master and apprentice, and the effect will, I fear, have a very unfavorable influ- ence upon the working of many estates, at the termination of the system ; in fact, when that pe- riod arrives, if the feeling of estrangement be no worse, I am convinced it will be no better than it APPENDIX. is at the present moment, as I have witnessed no pains taking on the part of the attorneys generally to attach the apprentices to the properties, or to prepare them in a beneficial manner for the coming change. It was a very common practice in the district, when an apprentice was about to pur- chase his discharge, to attempt to intimidate him by threats of immediate ejectment from the prop- erty, and if in the face of this threatened separation from family and connections, he persevered and procured his release, then the sincerity of the pre- vious intimations was evinced by a peremptory order, to instantly quit the property, under the penalty of having the trespass act enforced against him; and if my interference prevented any out- rageous violation of law, so many obstructions and annoyances were placed in the way of his communication with his family, or enjoyment of his domestic rights, that he would be compelled for their peace, and his own personal convenience, to submit to privations, which, as a slave, he would not have been subject to. —The consequence is, that those released from the obligations of the apprenticeship by purchase, instead of being lo- cated, and laboring for hire upon the estate to which they were attached, and forming a nucleus around which others would have gathered and settled themselves, they have been principally driven to find other homes, and in the majority of instances have purchased land, and become set- tlers on their own account. If complete emanci- pation had taken place in 1834, there would have been no more excitement, and no more trouble to allay it, than that which was the consequence of the introduction of the present system of coerced and uncompensated labor. The relations of socie- ty would have been fixed upon a permanent basis, and the two orders would not have been placed in that situation of jealousy and suspicion which their present anomalous condition has been the baneful means of creating. I am convinced there never was any Serious alarm about the consequences of immediate eman- cipation among those who were acquainted with the peasantry of Jamaica. The fears of the mor- bidly humane were purposely excited to increase the amount of compensation, or to lengthen the duration of the apprenticeship; and the daily ridiculous and unfaithful statements that are made by the vitiated portion of the Jamaica press, of the indolence of the apprentices, their disinclina- tion to work in their own time, and the great in- crease of crime, are purposely and insidiously put forward to prevent the fact of the industry, and decorum, and deference to the law, of the people, and the prosperous condition of the estates, ap- pearing in too prominent a light, lest the friends of humanity, and the advocates for the equal rights of men, should be encouraged to agitate for the destruction of a system which, in its general operation, has retained many of the worst features of slavery, perpetuated many gross infringements of the social and domestic rights of the working classes; and which, instead of working out the benevolent intention of the imperial legislature, by aiding and encouraging the expansion of in- tellect, and supplying motives for the permanent good conduct of the apprentices, in its termination, has, I fear, retarded the rapidity with which civi- lization would have advanced, and sown the seeds of a feeling more bitter than that which slavery, with all its abominations, had engendered. ye I am, dear sirs, your very faithful servant, EDMUND B. LYON, Special Justice, ‘ 4, oe Re APPENDIX. Extract from a communication which we received from Wm. Henry Anderson, Esq., of Kingston, the Solicitor-General for Jamaica. The staples of the island must be cultivated after 1840 as now, because if not, the negroes could not obtain the comforts or luxuries, of which they are undoubtedly very desirous, from cultiva- tion of their grounds. ‘The fruits and roots ne- cessary for the public markets are already sup- plied in profusion at tolerably moderate prices: if the supply were greatly increased, the prices could not be remunerative. There is no way in which they can so readily as by labor for wages, obtain money, and therefore I hold that there must ever be an adequate supply of labor in the market. The negroes are in my opinion very acute in their perceptions of right and wrong, justice and injustice, and appreciate fully the benefits of equit- able legislation, and would unreservedly submit to it where they felt confidence in the purity of its administration. - There is not the slightest likelihood of rebellion on the part of the negroes after 1840, unless some unrighteous attempts be made to keep up the he- lotism of the class by enactments of partial laws. They could have no interest in rebellion, they could gain nothing by it; and might lose every thing; nor do I think they dream of such a thing. They are ardently attached to the British govern- ment, and would be so to the colonial government, were it to indicate by its enactments any purposes of kindness or protection towards them. Hitherto the scope of its legislation has been, in reference to them, almost exclusively coercive; certainly there have been no enactments of a tendency to conciliate their good will or attachment. The negroes are much desirous of education and religious instruction: no one who has attend- ed to the matter can gainsay that. Formerly marriage was unknown amongst them; they were in fact only regarded by their masters, and I fear by themselves too, as so many brutes for labor, and for increase. Now they seek the benefits of the social institution of marriage and its train of hallowed relationships: concubinage is becoming quite disreputable; many are seeking to repair their conduct by marriage to their former part- ners, and no one in any rank of life would be hardy enough to express disapprobation of those who have done or may do so. WM. HENRY ANDERSON. Kingston, Jamaica, 24th April, 1837. The following communication is the monthly report for March, 1837, of Major J. B. Colthurst, special justice for District A., Rural Division, Barbadoes. The general conduct of the apprentices since my last report has been excellent, considering that greater demands have been made upon their labor at this moment to save perhaps the finest crop of canes ever grown in the island. Upon the large estates generally the best feeling exists, because they are in three cases out of four conducted by either the proprietors themselves, or attorneys and managers of sense and considera- tion. Here all things go on well; the people are well provided and comfortable, and therefore the best possible understanding prevails. The apprentices in my district perform their work most willingly, whenever the immediate manager is a manof sense and humanity. If this is not the case, the effect is soon seen, and com- plaints begin to be made, Misunderstandings 117 are usually confined to the smaller estates, partic- ularly in the neighborhood of Bridgetown, where the lots are very small, and the apprentice popu- lation of a less rural description, and more or less also corrupted by daily intercourse with the town. The working hours most generally in use in my district are as follows: On most estates, the apprentices work from six to nine, breakfast; from ten to one, dinner—rest; from three to six, work. It is almost the constant practice of the appren- tices, particularly the praedials or rural portion, to work in their own time for money wages, at the rate of a quarter dollar a day. ‘They some- times work also during those periods in their little gardens round their negro houses, and which they most generally enjoy without charge, or in the land they obtain in lieu of allowance, they seem ALWAYS well pleased to be fully employed at free labor, and work, when so employed, exceedingly well. I know a small estate, worked exclusively on this system. It is in excellent order, and the proprietor tells me his profits are greater than they would be under the apprenticeship. He isa sensible and correct man, and I therefore rely upon his information. During the hurry always attendant on the saving of the crop, the appren- tices are generally hired in their own time upon their respective estates at the above rate, and which they seldom refuse. No hesitation gene- rally occurs in this or any other matter, whenever the employer discharges his duty by them in a steady and considerate manner. The attendance at church throughout my dis- trict is most respectable; but the accommodation, either in this respect or as regards schools, is by no means adequate to the wants of the people. The apprentices conduct themselves during divine service in the most correct manner, and it is most gratifying to perceive, that only very little exer- tion, indeed, would be required to render them excellent members of society. This fact is fully proved by the orderly situation of .a few estates in my district, that have had the opportunity of receiving some moral and religious instruction. There are sixty-four estates in my district over twenty-five acres. Upon four of those plantations where the apprentices have been thus taught, there are a greater number of married couples (which may be considered a fair test) than upon the re- maining sixty. I scarcely ever have a complaint from these four estates, and they are generally re- ported to be in a most orderly state. : In the memory of the oldest inhabitant, the 1s- land has never produced a finer crop of canes than that now in the course of manufacture. All other crops are luxuriant, and the plantations in a high state of agricultural cleanliness. ‘The season has been very favorable. Under the head of general inquiry, I beg leave to offer a few remarks. I have now great pleasure in having it in my power to state, that a manifest change for the better has taken place gradually in my district within the last few months. As- perities seem to be giving way to calm discussion, and the laws are better understood and obeyed. It is said in other colonies as well as here, that there has been, and still continues to be, a great want of natural affection among the negro parents for their children, and that great mortality among the free children has occurred in consequence. This opinion, I understand, has been lately ex- pressed in confident terms by the legislature of St. Vincent’s, which has been fully and satisfac- ‘ 118 torily contradicted by the reports of the special justices to the lieutenant-governor. The same assertion has been made by individuals to myself. As regards Barbadoes, I have spared no pains to discover whether such statements were facts, and IT now am happy to say, that not a single instance of unnatural conduct on the part of the negro pa- rents to their children has come to my knowledge —far, perhaps too far, the contrary is the case; over induigence and petting them seems in my judgment to be the only matter the parents can e, With any justice, accused of. They exhibit their fondness in a thousand ways. Contrasting the actual conduct of the negro parents with the assertions of the planters, it is impossible not to infer that some bitterness is felt by the latter on the score of their lost authority. When this is the case, reaction is the natural consequence, and thus misunderstandings and complaints ensue. ‘I'he like assertions are made with respect to the dis- inclination of the parents to send their children to school. This certainly does exist to a certain ex- tent, particularly to schools where the under classes of whites are taught, who often treat the negro children in a most imperious and hostile manner. As some proof that no decided objection exists in the negro to educate his children, a vast number of the apprentices of my district send them to schoo], and take pride in paying a bit a week each for them—a quarter dollar entrance and a quarter dollar for each vacation. ‘Those schools are almost always conducted by a black man and his married wife. However, they are well at- tended, but are very few in number. To show that the apprentices fully estimate the blessings of education, many females hire their apprentice children at a quarter dollar a week from their masters, for the express purpose of sending them to school. This proves the possi- bility of a voluntary system of education succeed- ing, provided it was preceded by full and satisfac- tory explanation to the parties concerned. I have also litthe doubt that labor to the extent I speak of, may be successfully introduced when the ap- prentices become assured that nothing but the ultimate welfare of themselves and children is in- _ tended; but so suspicious are they from habit, and, as I said before, so profoundly ignorant of what may in truth and sincerity be meant only for their benefit, that it will require great caution and delicacy on the occasion. ‘Those suspicions have not been matured in the negro’s mind with- out cause—the whole history of slavery proves it. Such suspicions are even now only relinquished under doubts and apprehensions; therefore, all new and material points, to be carried success- fully with them, should be proposed to them upon the most liberal and open grounds. J. B. COLTHURST, Syecial Justice Peace, District A, Rural Division. ee General retwrn of the imports and exports of the island of Barbadoes, during a series of years-— furnished by the Custom-house officer at Bridge- town. L. Ss 1832 - ‘ 481,610 6 3 1833 a - 462,132 14 4 1834 - - 449,789 12 4 1835 “ - 595,961 13° 2 1836 “ - 622,123 19 11 APPENDIX. IMPORTS OF LUMBER, Feet. Shingles. 1833 - 5,290,086 - 5,598,958 1834 - 5,708494 - 5,506,646 1835 - 5,794,596 - 4,289,095 1836 - 7,196,189 - 7,037,468 IMPORTS OF PROVISIONS. Flour. Corn Meal. mer 1% | cami sears, Y’rs. | bbls. 2 bbls. | bush. bbls. | | Se 1833 | 21,535) 397 629 265 1834) 34,191] 865 | 1675 | 1580 1835 | 32,393) 828 160 | 809 1836 | 41,975] 433 | 823 | 1123 Bread and Biscuits. Oats & Corn. SEAR Di ee Se Y’rs. ica, bbls. |4 bbls.|kegs.|bags.] bags. | qrs. ——$ |—————— | | | — | | 1833] 49] 2146) 30] “ = 430; 50 1834] 401} 8561} 99 | 57] “ 100 | 1025 1835/2024)10762) ‘* i * | 2913 | 3134 1836} 4} 4048) “ * 11058} 8168 | 3119 IMPORTS OF CATTLE, ETC. 3 Cattle. Tiorses. Mules. 1833 - 649 - y + 65 1834 - 549 - 728 - 24 1835 - 569 - 1047 - 43 1836 - 1013 - 1345 - 104 RETURN OF EXPORTS—SUGAR, hhds. tres. bbls. 1832 - 18,804 - 12738 - 838 1833 9 .- 7,015 - 1505 - 651 1834 - 27593 - 1464 ~~ 1083 1835 - 24,309 - 1417 - 938 1836 - 25,060 - 1796 - 804 VALUATIONS OF APPRENTICES IN JAMAICA, “From the Ist of August, 1834, to 31st of May, 1836, 998 apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation, and paid £33,998. From 31st May, 1836, to 1st November, in the same year, 582 ap- prentices purchased themselves, and paid £18,217 —making, in all, £52,216—a prodigious sum to be furnished by the negroes in two years. From the above statement it appears that the desire to be free is daily becoming more general and more intense, and that the price of liberty remains the same, although the term of apprenticeship is de- creasing. The amount paid by the apprentices is a proof of the extent of the exertions and sacri- fices they are willing to make for freedom, which can scarcely be appreciated by those who are un- acquainted with the disadvantages of their pre- vious condition. The negroes frequently raise the money by loans to purchase their freedom, and they are scrupulous in repaying money lent them for that purpose.” The above is extracted from the ‘ West Indies in 1837,” an English work by Messrs. Sturge and Harvey, page 86, Appendix. We insert the following tabular view of the crops in Jamaica for a series of years precedin 1837.— As the table and ‘ Remarks” appende were first published in the St. Jago Gazette, a de- cided “ pro-slavery” paper, we Insert, In connec- tion with them, the remarks of the Jamaica Watch- man, published at Kingston, and an article on the present condition of slavery, from the Telegraph published at Spanishtown, the seat of the coloni government, APPENDIX. 119 A GENERAL RETURN OF EXPORTS From the island of Jamaica, for 53 years, ending 31st December, 1836—copied from the Journals of the House. MO- SUGAR RUM. LAS-|| GINGER. PIMENTO. || COFFEE ‘ . SES. 3 ea ae = 2 3 ae 12 REMARKS. Sl ste ialze/eicial.l. E SP PY SEL aS ele lala | s Oe o ont ° xt me} a}/aia lei si/Sis]d] 4 5 < 1772)| 69,451} 9,936} 270 841,558 1773 72,996 i 453 849 779,303 1774)| 69,579 9,250! 278 739,039 HE 78 291 9.090 425 493,981 1788|| 83,036] 9,255) 1,063 1,035,368 1789) . 167 10,073 1,077 1,493,282 1790'| 84741) 9,284) 17599 1,783,740 a 85,447 8,037 1,718 2.2 299, 874 August—destraction of ' aint Domingo. 1793} 77,575| 6,722) 642)| 34,755) 879 62) 8,605 420) 9,108, edie 1794) 89, 532! 11,158, 1,224|| 39,843) 1,57 121} 10,205 554 22,153) 4,911,549 1795 83,851 | 9,537) 1,225 37,6°4| 1,475 426] 14,861 7|20,451)| 6,318,812 1796|| £9,219) 10,700, ’858]| 40,810} 1,364 €90| 20.27 $20] 7,203,539 1797 73,373 9.963 753!) 23,014) 1,463 259] 29,09 2,935 2, 869,133 1798} 87,95] 11,725] 1.163] 40,823] 2/234 119] 18,454 8,961]] 7,9942206 1799 |101 "457 13, 538, 1,321!! 37,022] 1,981 221} 10,353 | 28,273; oe 745, 4.5|Bourbon cane introdw 1800 | 96 347 13,549 1,631 37,166} 1,350 444] 3,586 12,759, i 116 474 ced. 1801} 123; 2511 18,704: 2/4392 48,879} 1,514 12 By 140: 4) 13, 401 "468 1902 |129/544 | 15,403, 2,403}! 45,632] 2.073} 473| Q05|| 266)) 23) 2,079 7,793)/17,061,923 1803 }107,337/ 11 925) 1797 43,292) 1,416 461 51) 3,287 14:87 5I|15 5,866,29] 1304! 103; 9352) 12,302) 2,207|| 42,207; 913 429)) 1,094] 1,854 19,572! 20" 063, 950 1805: 137,908 17,977, 3,639 53,211] 1,328} 133} 167|/ 471} 315] 2,128 7, 1157) 24 137, 393| Largest sugar crop. 1806 }133,996 | 18,237) 3.579) 58,191] 1,178 499} 485} 1,818 19, 534|129; 3298 036 1807/}123,175) 17,344! 3,716)! 51,812) 1,998 699}} 512) 1,411 19, 224 26, 761, 188|March 25th, abolition of 1803121444] 15, 935 216251 52,409} 2,196 379\| 436] 1,470 6,5 529) 29, 5 528, 973| African slave trade. 1809 104, 457} 14, 595 3,534)| 43,492} 2,717 230)| 2,321 ; . 177 25,586, 668 1810 103 703 4.550 3,719)| 42,353) 1,964 293] 520) 1,881 ) 21, 163 25, 885, 285 1811 127°75) 15,235) 3.046 54,093) 2,011 446)| 1,110; 2,0 22,074 17,460, 068 1812}}105,283} 11,357) 2,558)| 43,346] 1,531 151}} 804) 1,23¢ 3 7 7781118,481 986 1813}| 97,543) 10,029) 2,304)| 44,618) 1,345) 382} 874) 203]} 816] 1,428 24) 14, "361 24, "623, 572| Storm in October, 1812 1814 101,346 10,485) 2,575)| 43,486] 1,551} 202) 1,146)| 145|| 884] 1,668 10, rant 34,045, 585| Largest coffee crop. 1815}}118,767| 12, 204 2,217}| 52,996) 1,465) . 574| 1,398 249! 1,493} 1,667 27, 356 Q7, 362, 742 1816)| 93, ‘881 9.332 2,236)! 35,736] 769) 281} 903)|. 166!) 2,354) 1,118 2, 047 17, 209, "393 Storm in October, 1815. 1817/|116,012) 11,094 2°63 47,949] 1,094} 203) 916)| 2541} 3,361] 1,196 3| 15,817|| 14,793,706 1818 113; 818] 11, 33 8, 2,796 50.195} 1,103} 121} 191}| 407|| 2,526) 1,067 rit 071 OH, 329, 456 1819; 103, 305} 11, "450, 3/244 43,946} 1,695} 602) 1,553)} 253)| 1,714 : 24 1500) 14, 091, "933 1 115.0 15) 11, 302 2) 474)) 45,361) 1,783} 106} 460!) 252)| 1,159 12/880 20° 1277 444 1821 1M, a 11 1703 1,97 2 45,802 1,793} 153) 534)) 167)) 984 24) 827 16, R19, 761 1822) 551 8705) 1,292)| 28,728) 1,124 9) 442 144, 891 99] 18, 672119, 773, 9)" | Extreme drought. 1223) 92°05 9,179 1,947|| 35,242} 1,935] 20) 118)| 614) 1,041 £94] 21,481||20;326:445 Mr. Camning’s resolu. 1824'| 99,225 9,65 1} 2,791) 37/121 3,261 5 64)| 910;) 2,220 9} 33, 205 97) 677, 239| tions relative to slavery. 1825) 73,913 7.3 0) 2,258)! 27,630} 2,077] 101} 215)) 894!) 3,947 20, ,979)}21 "054. 3056 1826'| 99,978] 9,514 3,126 35,610) 3.093} 1,852 549 | 5,724 16,433 20, 352, 886|Severe drought in 1824, 1827|) 82,095] 7,435] 2.770') 31,240) 2,672) 1,573 204| 4,871 5] 26,091)125,741'5°0 the previous year, 1828)} 94.912] 9,423 3,024! 36, 585) 2.793) 1.013 &9 | 5,382 ,90' 25, 352} 99° 216,760 1829] 91,354] 9,193) 3,204) 36,2°5] 2,009] "563 66 4,101 3°73] 48, 9732 22/934°640 1830|| 93,8821 8,739) 36451); 33955 2,657| 1,367 154| 3,494 37,925 |22°956,950 1831)| 88,409} 9,053 3.492! 34.743) 2,°46), 982 230.) 3,224 22, 170, 14 055,250 1832)| 91,453) 9,937) 4,600. 32,060) 2,570) 1,362 799.1 4,702 ) 27,96; 19; 815,010) 1833)| 75,375) 9.325 4,074! 33,215] 3,034! 977 755 | 4,218 5g, oI 9, 866,060 Emancipation act passed 1834}| 77,c01| 9,860) 3,055: 30, 495) 2,538) 1,288 4°6 | 5, - j 29. 201; 17, 720 731 Seasons favorable. 1835)] 71,017 8,510 8,455; : 26 433 1,820) 747 300 j § 3) 1935 115) 59 033 | 10, 592, 018 do. 1836} 61 "644 7,707 2.4971! 19, 938 874, 646} 182 | 5204 "907 | 48° 779,13 "446, 053 do. The following are the remarks of the editor of the Jamaica Watchman, on the foregoing, in his paper of April 8, 1837 :-— A general return of exports from the island for fifiy-three years, ending the 31st December last, and purporting to be extracted from the j jour- nals of the assembly, has been published, and as usual, the decrease in the crops of the respective ro ‘has been attributed to the resolutions passed the British House of Commons in 1823, and the abolition of slavery in 1833. It is remarkable that in preparing this table, a manifest disposition is evinced to account for ‘the falling off of the crops in certain years anterior, and subsequent to the passing of Mr. Canning’s ’ memorable resolu- tions, whilst opposite to the years 1834 and 1835, is written “seasons favorable.” In 18138, the sugar crop fell off 8,000 hhds. compared with the previous year, and we are told in reference to this circumstance, that there was a storm in Oc- tober, 1812. This remark is evidently made to account for the decrease, and perhaps the storm at the close of the previous year was the cause of it. But it is astonishing, and the circumstance is worthy of notice, that whilst the sugar crop fell off nearly 8,000 hhds. the coffee crop increased nearly six millions of pounds. We should have supposed that the coffee trees would have suffered more from the effects of a storm, than the canes, However, the effect was as we have stated it, ~ ta 1200) whatever might have been the cause. In 1814, the largest coffee crop was made. Again, in 1816, there was a decrease in the sugar crop compared with the year immediately preceding it of nearly 25,000 hhds. And here we have the storm of October, 1815, assigned as a reason. ‘The coffee crop in this instance also fell off nearly ten mil- lions of pounds. In 1822, the sugar crop was reduced 23,000 hhds., and the coffee crop increased _ three millions of pounds, ‘The reason now as- signed is an “extreme drought.” The celebrated resolutions relative to slavery now appear to begin to exercise their baneful influence on the seasons and the soil of our island. In the year in which they were passed, 1823, 94,900 hogsheads of su- gar were made, and twenty millions of pounds of coffee gathered. 1824 came, and the crop, instead of being reduced, was increased from nearly 95,000 hogsheads to upwards of 99,000 hogsheads. ‘The cofiee crop was also greater by seven millions of ounds. In 1825, they fell off to 73,800 hogs- eads and twenty-one millions. In 1826, the su- gar crop rather exceeded that of 1824, but the coffee crop was seven millions less. In 1827, from causes not known to us, for none were as- signed, there wasa difference of 16,000 hhds. of sugar, and an increase of five millions of pounds of coffee. 1828, 29, and 30, were pretty nearly alike in sugar and coffee crops, and about equal to 1823. The crops of 1831 fell off from 93 to 88,000 hogsheads of sugar, and from 22 to 14 mil- lions of pounds of coffee. No reason is assigned for this reduction. It was during the continuance of the driving system, and therefore no blame can attach to the managers. In 1832, the crop rose to 91,000 hogsheads of sugar, and nearly twenty millions of pounds of coffee. But 1833 comes, and, with it, fresh troubles for the planters. In that ill-fated year, there was a decrease of 13,000 hogsheads sugar, and of ten millions of pounds of coffee. Its sugar crop was the smallest made, with the exception of that of 1825, since 1793, and its coffee crop since that of 1798. But if this de- termination be alarming, what must be that of the succeeding years. Can we be blamed, if, in a strain truly lachrymal, we allude to the deductions which have annually been made from the misera- ble return which. 1833 gave to the unfortunate proprietors of estates? What boots it to tell us that we have fingered thousands of pounds ster- ling, in the shape of compensation: and what consolation is it to know, that a hogshead of su- gar will now bring thirty pounds, which, a short time ago,was only worthtwelve. Let any wnpreju- diced individual look at the return now before us, and say whether our prospects are not deplorably dull and obscure. If we take the four years im- mediately preceding the passing of Mr. Canning’s resolutions, say 1819, 20, 21, and 22, we will find the average to be 105,858 hogsheads, and if from this we even deduct one fourth for the time now lost, there will be an average crop of 79,394 hhds., being 7,185 hogsheads more than the average of 1833; 34, 35, and 36; and no one will deny that this falling off of one tenth, (supposing that the hogsheads made during the last four years are not larger than those of 1819 to 1822) is nearly, if not quite equal to the increase of price, from twelve to thirty pounds, or one hundred and fifty per cent. ‘ It is true some persons may be disposed to take the four years subsequent to the passing of Mr. Canning’s resolutions, say 1823, 4, 5, and 6, and compare them with the four years ending 3lst APPENDIX. December last. Should this be done, it will be found that the average crop of the previous four years is 91,980 hhds., and if from it is deducted one fourth, there will remain 68,985 hhds., whilst the average of the other four years is 72,200 hhds. Such a mode of comparison must, however, be obviously incorrect; because, in the first place, Mr. Canning’s resolutions had reduced the crops of those years considerably below the average of the years immediately preceding them, and next, because it would show the advantage to be on the side of freedom in the ratio of seventy-two to sixty-nine, which cannot be correct. Besides, in 1824, there was a severe drought, whereas in 1834 and 35, the seasons are reported as being favorable. Again, it is necessary, in instituting such an inquiry, to go back more than fourteen years; nor is it a valid objection to this to say, that even during that period a number of estates have been thrown out of cultivation, in conse- quence of being worn out and unprofitable. ‘ Deplorable,” however, as is the “ falling off in the yearly amounts of our staple productions, which have decreased,” gentle reader, according to the despatch, “in an accelerated ratio within the last few years, till in the year 1836, when they do not average one half the returns of former years preceding that of 1823, the year that Mr. Canning’s resolutions for the ultimate abolition of slavery in the British colonies passed the House of Commons,” still it is a matter of sincere gratification to know, that the sugar planters are better off now than they have been for the last fourteen or fifteen years. With the compensation money a great many of them have been enabled to pay off their English debts, and the remainder very considerably to reduce them, whilst the reduc- tion in the quantity of sugar produced, has occa- sioned such a rise in the price of that article as will place the former in easy circumstances, and enable the latter entirely to free themselves from the tram- mels of English mortgagees, and the tender mer- cies of English mortgagees before the Ist August, 1840, arrives. And ought these parties not to be thankful? Unquestionably they ought. Ingrat- itude, we are told, is as the sin of witheraft, and although the table of exports exhibits our fair island as hastening to a state of ruin, and the despatch tells us that ‘“‘ by the united influence of mock philanthropy, religious cant, and humbug,” a reformed parliament was forced “to precipitate the slavery spoliation act under the specious pre- text of promoting the industry and improving the condition of the manumitted slaves,” still we maintain, and the reasonable will agree with us, that we are much better off now than we have been for a long time, and that Jamaica’s brightest and happiest days have not yet dawned. Let the croakers remember the remarkable words of the Tory Lord, Belmore, the planter’s friend, and be silent—“ The resources of this fine island will never be fully developed until slavery ceases.” The happiness and prosperity of the inhabitants of Jamaica are not contingent, nor need they be, ° upon the number of hogsheads of sugar annually exported from her shores. To the foregoing we add the remarks of the editor of the “ Spanishtown Telegraph,” on the present state of the colony, made in his paper of | May 9, 1837 :— ‘When it was understood that the island of Jamaica and the other British West Indian colo- APPENDIX. nies were to undergo the blessed transition from slavery to freedom, it was the hourly cry of the pro-slavery party and press, that the ruin of Ja- maica would, as a natural consequence, follow: liberty ! Commerce, said they, will cease ; hordes of barbarians will come upon us and drive us from our own properties ; agriculture will be completely paralyzed, and Jamaica, in the space of a few short months, will be seen buried in ashes—irre- trievably ruined. Such were the awful predic- tions of an unjust, illiberal faction!! Such the first fruits that were to follow the incomparable blessings of liberty! ‘The staple productions of the island, it was vainly surmised, could never be cultivated without the name ofslavery ; rebellions, massacres, starvation, rapine and_ blood-shed, danced through the columns of the liberty-hating papers, in mazes of metaphorical confusion. In short, the name of freedom was, according to their assertions, directly calculated to overthrow our beautiful island, and involve it in one mass of ruin, unequalled in the annals of history!! But what has been the result? All their fearful fore- bodings and horrible predictions have been en- tirely disproved, and instead of liberty proving a curse, she has, on the contrary, unfolded her ban- ners, and, ere long, is likely to reign triumphant in our land. Banks, steam companies, railroads, charity schools, etc., seem all to have remained dormant until the time arrived when Jamaica was to be enveloped in smoke! No man thought of haz- arding his capital in an'extensive banking estab- lishment until Jamaica’s ruin, by the introduction of freedom, had been accomplished!! No person was found possessed of sufficient energy to speak of navigation companies in Jamaica’s brightest days of slavery; but now that ruin stares every one in the face—now that we have no longer the power to treat out peasantry as we please, they have taken it into their heads to establish so ex- cellent an undertaking. Railroads were not dreamt of until darling slavery had (in a great measure) departed, and now, when we thought of throwing up our estates, and flying from the dangers of emancipation, the best projects are being set on foot, and what is worst, are likely to succeed! This is the way that our Jamaica folks, no doubt, reason with themselves. But the reasons for the delay which have'taken place in the establish- ment of all these valuable undertakings, are too evident to require elucidation. We behold the Despatch and Chronicle, asserting the ruin of our island ; the overthrow of all order and society ; and with the knowledge of all this, they speak of the profits likely to result from steam navigation, banking establishments, and railroads! What, in the name of conscience, can be the use of steam- vessels when Jamaica’s ruin is so fast approach- ing? What are the planters and merchants to ship in steamers when the apprentices will not work, and there is nothing doing? How is the bank expected to advance money to the planters, when their total destruction has been accomplish- ed by the abolition of slavery? What, in the name of reason, can be the use of railroads, when commerce and agriculture have been nipped in the bud, by that baneful weed, Freedom? Let the un- just panderers of discord, the haters of liberty, an- swer. Let them consider what has all this time retarded the development of Jamaica’s resources, and they will find that it was slavery; yes, it ‘was its very name which prevented the idea of undertakings such as are being brought about. Had it not been for the‘introduction of freedom in of Lords, Feb. 20, 1838. 121 our land; had the cruel monster, Slavery, not partially disappeared, when would we have seen banks, steamers, or railroads? No man thought of hazarding his capital in the days of slavery, but now that a new era has burst upon us, a com- plete change has taken possession of the hearts of all just men, and they think of improving the blessing of freedom by the introduction of othet things which must ever prove beneficial to the country. “The vast improvements that are every day being effected in this island, and throughout the other colonies, stamp the assertions of the pro- slavery party as the vilest falsehoods. They glory in the introduction of banks, steam-vessels, and railroads, with the knowledge (as they would have us believe) that the island is fast verging into destruction. ‘They speak of the utility an success of railroads, when, according to their showing, there is no produce to be sent to market, when agriculture has been paralyzed, and Jamaica swept to destruction.” * The following copious extracts from a speech of Lord Brougham, on the workings of the ap- prenticeship, and on the immediate emancipation substituted therefor in Antigua and the Bermu- das, are specially commended to the notice of the reader. ‘T'he speech was delivered in the House We take it from the published report of the speech in the London Times, of Feb. 25 :— I now must approach that subject which has some time excited almost universal anxiety. Al- low me, however, first to remind your lordships— because that goes to the root of the evil—allow me first to remind you of the anxiety that existed pre- vious to the Emancipation Act, which was passed in January, 1833, coming into operation in Au- gust, 1834. My lords, there was much to appre- hend from the character of the masters of the slaves. I know the natureof man. * * * * I know that he who has abused power clings to it with a yet more convulsive grasp. I know his revenge against those who have been rescued from his tyrannous fangs; I know that he never for- gives those whom he has injured, whether white or black. I have never yet met with an unfor- giving enemy, except in the person of one of whose injustice I had aright to complain. On the part of the slaves, my lords, I was not without anxiety; for I know the corrupt nature of the de- grading system under which they groaned. * * * It was, therefore, I confess, my lords, with some anxiety that I looked forward to the Ist of Au- gust, 1834; and I yielded, though reluctantly, to the plan of an intermediate state before what was called the full enjoyment of freedom—the transi- tion condition of indentured apprenticeship. The first of August arrived—that day so con- fidently and joyously anticipated by the poor slaves, and so sorely dreaded by their hard task- masters—and if ever there was a picture interest- ing to look upon—if ever there was a passage in the history of a people redounding to their eternal honor—if ever there was a complete refutation of all the scandalous calumnies which had been heaped upon them for ages, as if in justification of the wrongs which we had done them—(Hear, hear)—that picture and that passage are to be found in the uniform and unvarying history of that people throughout the whole of the West In- dia islands. Instead of the fires of rebellion, lit 122 by a feeling of lawless revenge and resistance to oppression, the whole of those islands were, like an Arabian scene, illuminated by the light of con- tentment, joy, peace, and good-will towards all men. No civilized people, after gaining an un- expected victory, could have shown more delicacy and forbearance than was exhibited by the slaves at the great moral consummation which they had attained. There was not a look or a gesture which could gall the eyes oftheir masters. Nota sound escaped from negro lips which could wound the ears of the most feverish planter in the islands. All was joy, mutual congratulation, and hope. * * * +* This peaceful joy, this delicacy towards the feelings of others, was all that was to be seen, heard, or felt, on that occasion, through- out the West Indiaislands. * * * * It was held that the day of emancipation would be one of riot and debauchery, and that even the lives of the planters would be endangered. So far from this proving the case, the whole of the negro popu- lation kept it as a most sacred festival, and in this light I am convinced it will ever be viewed. * * * * In one island, where the bounty of nature seems to provoke the appetite to indulgence, and to scatter with a profuse hand all the means of excitement, I state the fact when I say not one drunken negro was found during the whole of the day. No less than 800,000 slaves were liberated in that one day, and their peaceful festivity was disturbed only on one estate, in one parish, by an irregularity which three or four persons sufficed to put down. Well, my lords, baffled in their expectations that the first of August would prove a day of dis- turbance—baffled also in the expectation that no voluntary labor would be done—we were then told by the “ practical men,” to look forward to a later period. We have done so, and what have we seen? Why, that from the time voluntary la- bor began, there was no want of men to work for hire, and that there was no difficulty in getting those who as apprentices had to give the planters certain hours of work, to extend, upon emergency, their period of labor, by hiring out their services for wages to strangers. I have the authority of my noble friend behind me, (the Marquis of Sligo,) who very particularly inquired into the matter, when I state that on nine estates out of ten there was no difficulty in obtaining as much work as the owners had occasion for, on the payment of wages. How does all this contrast with the pre- dictions of the “practical men?’ ‘ Oh,” said they, in 1833, “it is idle talking; the cartwhip must be used—without that stimulant no negro will work—the nature of the negro is idle and in- dolent, and without the thought of the cartwhip is before his eyes he falls asleep—put the cartwhip aside and no labor will be done.” Has this proved the case? No, my lords, it has not; and while every abundance of voluntary labor has been found, in no one instance has the stimulus of the cartwhip been found wanting. The apprentices work well without the whip, and wages have been found quite as good a stimulus as the scourge, even to negro industry. “Oh, but,” it is said, “this may do in cotton planting and cotton pick- ing, and indigo making; but the cane will cease to grow, the operation of hoeing will be known no more, boiling will cease to be practised, and sugar-making will terminate entirely.” Many, I know, were appalled by these reasonings, and the hopes of many were dissipated by these confident predictions of these so-deemed experienced men, APPENDIX. But how stands the case now? My lords, Ict these experienced mer come forth with their ex- perience. I will p:ant mine against it, and you will find he will talk no more of his experience when I tell him—tell him, too, without fear of contradiction—that during the year which fol- lowed the first of August, 1834, twice as much sugar per hour, and of a better quality as com- pared with the preceding years, was stored throughout the sugar districts ; and that one man, a large planter, has expressly avowed, that with twenty freemen he could do more work than with a hundred slaves or fifty indentured apprentices. (Hear, hear.) But Antigua!—what has hap- pened there? There has not been even the system of indentured apprentices. In Antigua and the Bermudas, as would have been the case at Mont- serrat if the upper house had not thrown out the bill which was prepared by the planters them- selves, there had been no preparatory step. In Antigua and the Bermudas, since the first of Au- gust, 1834, not a slave or indentured apprentice was to be found. Well, had idleness reigned there—had indolence supplanted work—had there been any deficiency of crop? No. On the con- trary, there had been an increase, and not a dimi- nution of crop. (Hear.) But, then, it was said that quiet could not be expected after slavery in its most complete and abject form had so long reigned paramount, and that any sudden emanci- pation must endanger the peace of the islands, The experience of the first of August at once scattered to the winds that most fallacious proph- ecy. Then it was said, only wait till Christmas, for that is a period when, by all who have any prac- tical knowledge of the negro character, a rebellion on their part is most to be apprehended. We did wait for this dreaded Christmas; and what was the result? I will go for it to Antigua, for it is the strongest case, there being there no in- dentured apprentices—no preparatory state—-no transition—the chains being at once knocked off, and the negroes made at once free. For the first time within the last thirty years, at the Christmas of the year 1834, martial law was not proclaimed in the island of Antigua. You talk of facts—here is one. You talk of experience—here it is. And with these facts and this experience before. us, I call on those soi-disant men of experience—those men who scoffed at us--who laughed to scorn at what they called our visionary, theoretical schemes —schemes that never could be carried into effect without rebellion and the loss of the colonies—I say, my lords, I call on these experienced men to come forward, and, if they can, deny one single iota of the statement [ am now making. Let those who thought that with the use of those phrases, ‘‘ a planter of Jamaica” “the West India interest,” ‘residence in Jamaica and its experi- ence,” they could make our balance kick the beam —let them, I say, hear what I tell, for it is but the fact—that when the chains were knocked off there was not a single breach of the peace committed either on the day itself, or on the Christmas festi- val which followed. Well, my lords, beaten from these two posi- tions, where did the experienced men retreat to— under what flimsy pretext did they next undertake to disparage the poor negro race? Had I not seen it in print, and been otherwise informed of the fact, I could not have believed it possible that from any reasonable man any such absurdity could issue. They actually held out this last fear, which, like the others, was fated to be dissipated APPENDIX. by the fact. ‘ Wait only,” said they, “till the anniversary of the first of August, and then you will see what the negro character is, and how little these indentured apprentices are fit to be entrusted with freedom.” Was there ever such an absurdity uttered, as if, my lords, the man who could meet with firm tranquillity and peaceful thankfulness the event itself, was likely to be raised to rebellion and rioting by the recollection of ita year afterwards. My lords, in consider- ing this matter, I ask you, then, to be guided by your own experience, and nothing else; profit by it, my lords, and turn it to your own account; for it, according to that book which all of us must revere, teaches even the most foolish of a foolish race. Ido not ask you to adopt as your own the experience of others; you have as much as you can desire of your own, and by no other test do I wish or desire to be judged. But I think my task may be said to be done. I think I have proved my case, for I have shown that the negro can work without the stimulant of the whip; I have shown that he can labor for hire without any other motive than that of industry to inspire him. I have demonstrated that all over the West Indies, even when fatigued with working the allotted hours for the profit of his master, he can work again for wages for him who chooses to hire him and has wherewithal to pay him; I have also most distinctly shown that the experience of An- tigua and the Bermudas is demonstrative to show that without any state of preparation, without any indenture of apprenticeship at all, he is fit to be intrusted with his freedom, and will work voluntarily as a free laborer for hire. But I have also demonstrated from the same experience, and by reference to the same state of facts, that a more quiet, inoffensive, peaceable, innocent people, is not to be found on the face of this earth than the negro—not in their own unhappy country, but after they have been removed from it and enslaved in your Christian land, made the victim of the barbarizing demon of civilized powers, and has all this character, if it were possible to corrupt it, and his feelings, if it were possible to pervert them, attempted to be corrupted and perverted by Christian and civilized men, and that in this state, with all incentives to misdemeanor poured around him, and all the temptation to misconduct which the arts and artifices and examples of civilized man can give hovering over him—that after this transition is made from slavery to ap- prenticeship, and from slavery to absolute freedom, @ negro’s spirit has been found to rival: the anbroken tranquillity of the Caribbean Seas. ‘Cheers.) This was not the state of things we sxpected, my lords; and in proof that it was not 30, [have but to refer you to the statute book tself. On what ground did you enact the inter- nediate state of indenture apprenticeship, and on yhat arguments did you justify it? You felt and icknowledged that the negro had a right to be ree, and that you had no right to detain him in ondage. Every one admitted this, but in the revailing ignorance of their character it was pprehended that they could not be made free at nee, and that time was requisite to train the /egro to receive the boon it was intended bestow- 1g upon him. al sa his was the delusion which "prevailed, and ‘thich was stated in the preamble of the statute— ie same delusion which had made the men on one “de state and the other to believe that it was neces- ‘uy to pay the slave-owners for the loss it was 123 supposed they would sustain. But it was found to be a baseless fear, and the only result of the phantom so conjured up was a payment of twent millions to the conjurors. (Hear, and indicts Now, I maintain that had we known what we now know of the character of the negroes, neither would this compensation have been given to the slave-owners, nor we have been guilty of propos- ing to keep the negro in slavery five years, after we were decided that he had a right to his free dom. The noble and learned lord here proceeded to contend that up to the present time the slave- owners, so far from being sufferers, had been gainers by the abolition of slavery and the enact- ment of the system of apprenticeship, and that consequently up to the present moment nothing had occurred to entitle them to a claim upon the compensation allotted by parliament. The slave- owners might be said to have pocketed the seven millions without having the least claim to them, and therefore, in considering the proposition he was about to make, parliament should bear in mind that the slave proprietors were, if anything, the debtors to the nation. The money had, in fact, been paid to them by mistake, and, were the transaction one between man and man, an action for its recovery might lie. But the slave-owners alleged that if the apprenticeship were now done away there would be a loss, and that to meet that loss they had a right to the money. For argu- ment’s sake he would suppose this to be true, and that there would be loss; but would it not be fair that the money should be lodged in the hands of a third party, with authority to pay back at the ex- piration of the two years whatever rateable sum the master could prove himself to have lost ? His firm belief was, that no loss could arise; but, desirous to meet the planter at every point, he should have no objection to make terms with him. Let him, then, pay the money into court, as it were, and at the end of two years he should be fully indemnified for any loss he might prove. He called upon their lordships to look to Antigua and the Bermudas for proof that the free negro worked well, and that no loss was occasioned to the planters or their property by the granting of’ emancipation. But it was said that there was a difference between the cases of Antigua and other colonies, such as Jamaica, and it was urged that while the negroes of the former, from the small- ness and barrenness of the place, would be forced into work, that in the latter they would run away, and take refuge in the woods. Now, he asked, why should the negro run away from his work, on being made free, more than during the con- tinuance of his apprenticeship? Why, again, should it be supposed that on the Ist of August, 1840, the emancipated negroes should have less inclination to betake themselves to the woods than in 1838 ? If there was a risk of the slaves ae to the woods in 1838, that risk would be increase and not diminished during the intermediate period up to 1840, by the treatment they were receiv- ing from their masters, and the deferring of their opes. My lords, (continued the noble lord,) I have now to say a few words upon the treatment which the slaves have received during the past three ears of their apprenticeship, and which, it is al- eged, during the next two years is to make them fitted for absolute emancipation. My lords, I am prepared to show that in most respects the treat ment the slaves have received since 1834 is no better, and in many others more unjust and worse, 124 than it ever was in the time of absolute slavery. It is true that the use of the cartwhip as a stimu- lus to labor has been abolished. This, I admit, is a great and most satisfactory improvement; but, in every other particular, the state of the slave, I am prepared to show, is not improved, and, in many respects, it is materially worse. First, with regard to the article of food, I will compare the Jamaica prison allowance with that allotted to the apprenticed negroes in other colonies. In the Jamaica prison the allowance of rice is 14 pints a week to each person. I have no return of the allowance to the indentured apprentice in Jamaica, but I believe it is little over this; but in Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, it is much under. In Barbadoes, instead of receiving the Jamaica prison vallowance of 14 pints a week, the apprenticed negro received but 10 pints; while in the Lee- ward Islands he had but 8 pints. In the crown colonies, before 1834, the slave received 21 pints of rice, now the apprentice gets but 10; so that in the material article, food, no improvement in the condition of the negro was observable. ‘Then, with regard to time, it is obviously of the utmost importance that the apprentice should have at least two holidays and a half a week—the Sab- bath for religious worship and instruction, the Saturday to attend the markets, and half of Fri- day to work in his own garden. The act of emancipation specified 45 hours a week as the period the apprentice was to work for his master, but the master so contrived matters as in most in- stances to make the 45 hours the law allotted him run into the apprentice’s half of Friday, and even in some cases into the Saturday. The planter invariably counted the time from the moment that the slave commenced his work; and as it often occurs that his residence was on the border of the estate, he may have to walk five or six miles to get to the place he has to work. This was a point which he was sure their lordships would agree with him in thinking required alteration. The next topic to which I shall advert relates to the administration of justice; and this large and important subject I cannot pass over without a word to remind your lordships how little safe it is, how little deserving the name of just, or any thing like just, that where you have two classes you should separate them into conflicting parties, until they become so exasperated in their resent- ment as scarcely to regard each other as brethren of the same species; and that you should place all the administration of justice in the hands of one dominant class, whose principles, whose pas- sions, whose interests, are all likely to be preferred by the judges when they presume to sit where you have placed them on the judgment seat. ‘The chief and puisne judges are raised to their situa- tions from amongst the class which includes the white men and planters. But, worse than_that, the jurors are taken from the same privileged body: jurors, who are to assess civil damages in actions for injuries done to the negroes—jurors, who are to try bills of indictment against the whites for the maltreatment of the blacks—jurors who are to convict or acquit on those bills—jurors who are to try the slaves themselves—nay, magis- trates, jailors, turnkeys, the whole apparatus of justice, both administrative and executive, exclu- sively in the hands of one race! What is the con- sequence? Why, it is proverbial that no bills are found for the blacks. (Hear, hear.) Six bills of _ indictment were preferred, some for murder and some for bad manslaughter, and at one assizes APPENDIX. every one of these six indictments was thrown out. Assizes after assizes the same thing happened until at length wagers were held that no such bi would be found, and no one was found to accept them. Well was it for them that they declined, for every one of the bills preferred was ignored. Now, observe that in proceedings, as your lord- ships know, before grand jurors, not a tittle of evidence is heard for the prisoners; every witness is in favor of the indictment, or finding of the bill; but in all these instances the bills were flung out on the examination of evidence solely against the prisoner. Even in the worst cases of murder, as certainly and plainly committed as the sun shines at noon day, monstrous to all, the bills were thrown out when half the witnesses for the prosecution remained to be examined. (Hear, hear.) Some individuals swore against the pris- oners, and though others tendered their evidence, the jury refused to hear them. (Hear, hear.) Be- sides, the punishments inflicted are monstrous; thirty-nine lashes are inflicted for the vague, in- definite—because incapable to be defined—offence of insolence. Thirty-nine lashes for the grave and the more definite, I admit, offence of an at- tempt to carry a small knife. Three months im- prisonment, or fifty lashes, for the equally grave offence of cutting off the shoot of a cane plant! There seems to have prevailed at all times amongst the governors of our colonies a feeling, of which, I grieve to say, the governors at home have ever and anon largely partaken, that there is some- thing in the nature of a slave—something in the habits of the African negro—something in the disposition of the unfortunate hapless victims of our own crimes and cruelties, which makes what is mercy and justice to other men cruelty to society and injustice to the law in the case of the negro, and which condemns offences slightly visited, if visited at all, with punishment, when committed by other men, to the sentence that for his obdurate nature none can be too severe. (Hear, hear.) As if we had any one to blame but ourselves—as if we had any right to visit on him that character if it were obdurate, those habits if they were in- subordinate, that dishonest dispoaees if it did corrupt his character, all of which I deny, and which experience proves to be contrary to the fact and truth; but even if these statements were all truth instead of being foully slanderous and ab- solutely false, we, of all men, have ourselves to blame, ourselves to tax, and ourselves to punish, at least for the self abasement, for we have been the very causes of corrupting the negro character. (Cheers. ) If some capricious despot, in his career of ordi- nary tyranny, were to tax his imagination to pro- duce something more monstrous and unnatural than himself, and were to place a dove amongst vultures, or engraft a thorn on the olive tree, much as we should marvel at the caprice, we should be still more astounded at the expectation, which ex- ceeds even a tyrant’s proverbial unreasonableness, that he should gather grapes from the thorn, or that the dove should be habituated to a thirst for blood. Yet that is the caprice, that is the unrea- sonable, the foul, the gross, the monstrous, the’ outrageous, incredible injustice of which we are hourly guilty towards the whole unhappy race of negroes. (Cheers.) My lords, we fill up the mea sure of injustice by severely executing laws badl conceived in a still more atrocious and cruel spirit. The whole punishments smell of blood. (Hear, hear.) Ifthe treadmill stop in consequence of th APPENDIX. lanzuid limbs and exhausted frames of the victims, Within a minute the lash resounds through the building—if the stones which they are set to break be not broken by limbs scarred, and marred, and whaled, they are summoned by the crack of the whip to their toilsome task! I myself have heard within the last three hours, from a person who Was an eye-witness of the appalling and disgust- ing fact, that a leper was introduced amongst the negroes; and in passing let me remark, that in private houses or hospitals no more care has been taken to separate those who are stricken with in- fectious diseases from the sound portion, any more than to furnish food to those in prison who are compelled, from the unheard-of, the paltry, the miserable disposition to treat with cruelty the vic- tims of a prison, to go out and gather their own food,—a thing which I believe even the tyrant of Siberia does not commit. Yet in that prison, where blood flows profusely, and the limbs of those human beings are subjected to perpetual torture, the frightful, the nauseous, the disgusting —except that all other feelings are lost in pity towards the victim and indignation against the oppressor—sight was presented of a leper, scarred from the eruptions of disease on his legs and pre- vious mistreatment, whaled again and again, and his blood again made to flow from the jailer’s lash. I have told your lordships how bills have been thrown out for murdering the negroes. But a man had a bill presented for this offence: a pe- tition was preferred, and by a white man. Yes, a white man who had dared, under feelings of excited indignation, to complain to the regularly constituted authorities, instead of receiving for his gallant conduct the thanks of the community, had a bill found which was presented against him as anuisance. I have, within the last two hours, amid the new mass of papers laid before your lordships within the last forty-eight hours, culled a sample which, I believe, represents the whole odious mass. Eleven females have been flogged, starved, lash- ed, attached to the treadmill, and compelled to work until nature could no longer endure their sufferings. At the moment when the wretched ‘victims were about to fall off—when they could ‘a0 longer bring down the mechanism and con- ‘Jinue the movement, they were suspended by their fe and at each revolution of the wheel receiv- 2d new wounds on their members, until, in the anguage of that law so grossly outraged in their dersons, they “languished and died.” Ask you f a crime of this murderous nature went unvisit- od, and if no inquiry was made respecting its sircumstances? The forms of justice were observ- od; the handmaid was present, but the sacred mistress was far away. A coroner’s inquest was walled; for the laws decreed that no such injuries | should take place without having an inquiry in- \itituted.. Eleven inquisitions were held, eleven | nquiries were made, eleven verdicts were return- td. For murder? Manslaughter ? Misconduct ? No; but that they died by the visitation of God.” 4 lie—a perjury—a blasphemy! The visitation f God! Yes, for of the visitations of the Divine }»eing by which the inscrutable purposes of his vill are mysteriously worked out, one of the most |. aysterious is the power which, from time to time, s allowed by him to be exercised by the wicked or the torment of the innocent. (Cheers.) But of hose visitations-prescribed by Divine Providence here is one yet more inscrutable, for which it is till more difficult to affix a reason, and that is, 125 when heaven rolls down on this earth the judg- ment, not of scorpions, or the plague of beitinen or famine, or war—but incomparably the worse plague, the worser judgment, of the injustice of judges who become betrayers of the law—perjur- ed, wicked men, who abuse the law which they are sworn to administer, in order to gratify their own foul passions, to take the part of the wrong- doer against his victim, and to forswear them- selves on God’s gospel, in order that justice may not bedone. * * * * My lords, I entirely concur in what was formerly said by Mr. Burke, and afterwards repeated by Mr. Canning, that while the making of laws was confined to the owners of slaves, nothing they did was ever found real or effectual. And when, perchance, any thing was accomplished, it had not, as Mr. Burke said, “an executive principle.” But, when they find you determined to do your duty, it is proved, by the example which they have given in passing the Apprenticeship Amendment Act, that they will even outstrip you to prevent your interference with them. **** Place the negroes on the same footing with other men, and give them the un- controlled power over their time and labor, and it will become the interest of the planter, as well as the rest of the community, to treat the negro well, for their comfort and happiness depend on his industry and good behavior. It is a conse- quence perfectly clear, notwithstanding former distinctions, notwithstanding the difference of color and the variety of race in that population, the negro and the West Indian will in avery few generations—when the clank of his chain is no longer heard, when the oppression of the master can vex no more, when equal rights are enjoyed by all, and all have acommon interest in the gen- eral prosperity—be impressed with a sense of their having an equal share in the promotion of the public welfare; nay, that social improvement, the progress of knowledge, civility, and even re- finement itself, will proceed as rapidly and diffuse itself as universally in the islands of the Western Ocean as in any part of her Majesty’s domin- 10ns. » * * * * I see no danger in the immediate emancipation of the negro; I see no possible injury in termi- nating the apprenticeship, (which we now have found should never have been adopted,) and in causing it to cease for slaves previous to August, 1838, at that date, as those subsequent to that date must in that case be exempt. * * * *I regard the freedom of the negro as accomplished and sure. Why? Because it is his right—because he has shown himself fit for it—because a pretext or a sha- dow of a pretext can no longer be devised for withholding that right from its possessor. I know that all men now take a part in the question, and that they will no longer bear to be imposed upon now they are well informed. My reliance is firm and unflinching upon the great change which I have witnessed—the education of the people un- fettered by party or by sect—from the beginning of its progress, I may say from the hour of its birth. Yes; it was not for a humble man like me to assist at royal births with the illustrious prince who condescended to grace the pageant of this, opening session, or the great captain and states- manin whose presence I now am proud to speak. But with that illustrious prince and with the father of the Queen I assisted at that other birth, more conspicuous still. With them and with the lord of the house of Russel I watched over its cradle— I marked its growth—I rejoiced in its strength—I 126 witnessed its maturity—I have been spared to see it ascend the very height of supreme power—di- recting the councils of the state—accelerating eve- ry great improvement—uniting itself with every good work—propping honorable and useful in- Stitutions—extirpating abuses in all our institu- tions—passing the bounds of our dominion, and in the new world, as in the old, proclaiming that freedom is the birthright of man—that distinction of color gives no title to oppression—that the chains now loosened must be struck off, and even the marks they have left effaced by the same eter- nal law of our nature which makes nations the masters of their own destiny, and which in Eu- rope has caused every tyrant’s throne to quake. But they need feel no alarm at the progress of right who defend a limited monarchy and support their popular institutions—who place their chiefest pride not in ruling over slaves, be they white or be they black—not in protecting the oppressor, but in wearing a constitutional crown, in holding the sword of justice with the hand of mercy, in being the first citizen of a country whose air is too pure for slavery to breathe, and on whose shores, if the captive’s foot but touch, his fetters of themselves fall off. (Cheers.) To the resistless progress of this great principle I look witha confidence which aothing can shake; it makes all improvement certain—it makes all change safe which it produ- ces; for none can be brought about, unless all has been accomplished in a cautious and salutary spirit. So now the fulness of time is come; for our duty being at length discharged to the Afri- can captive, I have demonstrated to you that every thing is ordered—every previous step taken —all safe, by experience shown to be safe, for the INDEX. long-desired consummation. The time has come —the trial has been made—the hour is striking: you have no longer a pretext for hesitation, or faltering, ordelay. The slave has shown, by four years’ blameless behavior and devotion, unsur- passed by any English peasant, to the pursuits of peaceful industry, that he is as fit for his freedom as any lord whom I now address. Idemand his rights--I demand his liberty without stint, in the name of justice and of law—in the name of rea- son—in the name of God, who has given you no right to work injustice. I demand that your bro- ther be no longer trampled upon as your slave. (Hear, hear.) I make my appeal to the Com- mons, who represent the free people of England; and I require at their hands the performance of that condition for which they paid so enormous a price—that condition which all their constituents are in breathless anxiety to see fulfilled! 1 appeal to this house—the hereditary judges of the first tribunal in the world—to you 1 appeal for justice. Patrons of all the arts that humanize mankind, under your protection I:place humanity herself! To the merciful Sovereign of a free people I call aloud for mercy to the hundreds of thousands in whose behalf half a million of her Christian sis- ters have cried aloud, that their cry may not have risen in vain. But first I turn my eye to the throne of all justice, and devoutly humbling my- self before Him who is of purer eyes than to be- hold any longer such vast iniquities—I implore that the curse over our heads of unjust oppression be averted from us—that your hearts may be turn- ed to mercy—and that over all theearth His will may at length be done! AssconvinG from labor, 98, 108. Accident in a boiling house, 18. Ae negro, 13. d Allowance to Apprentices, 59. “Amalgamation,” 8, 21, 64, 70, 75, 90, 91. [ Consul.) American Consul, 17,86. (See American Prejudice, 90. Amity Hall Estate, 97. Anderson, Wm. H. Esgq., 85, 117. Anguilla, 21, 84. Bie ee Annual Meeting of Missionaries, Antigua, Dimensions of, 7. * — Sugar Crop of, 7. Applewhitte, Mr., 61. ; Appraisement of Apprentices, 62, 65, 67, 86, 102. Apprentice, Provisions respecting the, 81. ’ Apprenticeship slavery, 101. Apprenticeship System, 81. He aig of, 82. compared with "] Good effect of, 83. ts Nopreparation for freedom, 83. [85, 110. ‘" Apprenticeship, Operation of, 82, Apprenticeship, Opinion of, in An- tigua, 14 ;—in Barbadoes, 54, 63, 65;—in Jamaica, 97, 105. Apprentices liberated, 67. ; Apprentices’ work compared with Slaves, 55, 69, 93, 98, 100. Archdeacon of Antigua, 20. a of Barbadoes, 54, 70. Aristocracy of Antigua, 8. Armstrong, Mr. H., 9, 20, 38, 46, INDEX. ne hY, Colonel, 61. Athill, Mr., 17. Attachment to home, 46. , Attorney General of Jamaica, 85. Attendance on Church, 8, 95, 100. August, First of, 1834, 16,36,55,65. Baijer, Hon. Samuel O., 35. Baines, Major, 93. Banks, Rev. Mr., 21. Baptist Chapel, 99. Baptists in Jamaica, 86. Barbadoes, 53. Barbuda, 39. Barber in Bridgetown, 76. Barclay, Alexander, Esq., 96. Barnard, Samuel, Esgq., 14, 34, 35, 40, 46. 4 Barrow, Colonel, 64, 77. Bath, 94. Bazaar, 17. Bell, Dr., 59, 60. Belle Estate, 63. [51. Rell not tolled for colored person, Belly, blige’em to work,” 16. Belmore, Lord, 97. ; Belvidere Estate, 92. gua, 27. Benevolent institutions of Anti- Bible Society, 22, 27. Bishop of Barbadoes, 70. Blessings of Abolition, 80. (See Morals, &c.) Blind man, 8. Poiling House, 9. Bookkeepers, Slavery of, 98. “ Bornin’ Ground,” 46. Bourne, Mr. London, 75. ‘Bourne, Mr. S., (of Antigua,) 9, 17, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 46, 47, 49, 50, 52. Bourne, Stephen, Esq., (of Ja: maica,) 101, 109. Breakfast at Mr, Bourne’s, 75. i at Mr. Prescod’s, 74. es at Mr. Thorne’s, 73, Briant, Mr., 93. Bridgetown, 53. ‘i Brown, Colonel, 39. ‘ Brown, Thomas C., 75. C., Mr., of Barbadoes, 55. “Cage,” 11. ¥ Cane cultivated by apprentices o: their own ground, 64. Cane-cutting, 42. ) Cane-holing, 9. . Cecil, Mr., 61. Cedar Hall, 18. Chamberlain, R., Esq., 97. Change of opinion in regard. t slavery, 7, 10, 16, 17, 34, 39, 4 54, 55, 58, 60, 61, 62, 66, 69, 7 80, 85. Chapel erected by apprentices, 9! Character of colored people, 12, 1 Cheesborough, Rev. Mr., 21. Children, care of, 63, 102. (S Free. Coddrington, Sir Christopher, 39. Coftee Estates, 101. College, Coddrington, 60. Colliton Estate, 59. Colored Architect, 90. Editors, 74, 89, 90. * “Lady, 93, Legislators, 89. ‘Magistrates, 17, 66, 89. ‘* Merchants, 17, 64, 75. * Policemen, 67, 68. Population, 72, 88, 89. "Proprietor, 17. “ Teachers, 75. Colthurst, Major, 65, 66, 69.117. Complaints to Special Magis- trates, 57, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 97, 98, 101, 102, 105, 107. Concubinage, 26, 76, 79. [34. Condition of the negroes, changed, Conduct of the Emancipated on the first of August, 1834, 18, 36, 55, 65. y Confidence increased, 43, 56, 60. Conjugal attachment, 62. Consul, American, at Antigua, 17. i a at Jamaica, 86, Constabulary force, colored, 34. ontributions for religious pur- poses, 25. jman, 15. Conversation with a negro boat- Conversation with negroes on Harvey’s estate, 18. —[58, 92. Conversation with apprentices, Corbett, Mr., Trial of, 51. Corner stone laid, 23. Courts in Barbadoes, 68. Courts in Jamaica, 98. Cox, Rev. James, 7, 8, 23, 51. Cranstoun, Mr., 17, 35, 38, 40, 41, 42, 49, 52.5 Crimes, Diminution of, 39, 43, 44, 56, 60, 62, 65, 68, 69, 70, 73, 94. Crimes in Jamaica, 108, 116. Crookes, Rev. Mr., 92. Crops in Barbadoes, 55, 59, 63, 65, 69, 70, 117, 118. Crops in Jamaica, 104, 106, 112, 118, 119. ‘Cruelty of slavery, 61, 62, 77, 92. ‘« to apprentices, 93, 100,101, 105, 108. — Crops.) Cultivation in Barbadoes, 73. (See Cultivation in Jamaica, 102, 104, ‘Cummins, Mr., 64, 73. Cummins, Rev. Mr,, 71. Cuppage, Captain, 68. Sustom House returns, does, 118. Barba- Daily meal Society, 28, Jangers of slavery, 38, Janiell, Dr., 14, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, Al, 42, 46, 47, 48, 49, 52. Jeath-bed of a planter, 58. Jeception, 67. Jefect oflaw, 105.0 , Jemerara, Apprenticeship in, 60. | pelt for instruction, 95, 103, Ty, j ATS. | inner at Mr, Harris’s, 72. }. _, at the Governor's, 10,64,65. Nsabilities of colored people, 74, 88 iscussion, Fffect of, 52, 54, 56. istinction between serving and being property, 16. \ stressed Females’ Friend So- } Clety, 29, ‘isturbances, Reason of, 115. jgeility of the negroes, 41, 60, 66, | omestic Apprentices, 106. | onovan’s Estate, 11. \rax Hall, 64. J INDEX. Dress in Antigua, 8. ‘* Driver and overseer,” 9. Drought in Antigua, 7, 9, 12, 13, 15, 16, 40. Dublin Castle Estate, 101. Duncan, Mr., 96. Dungeons in Antigua, 17, 19. $ i Barbadoes, 77. Economy of the negroes, 12, 47, 48, 103. Edgecomb Estate, 64. Edmonson, Rev. Jonathan, 86. Education of Apprentices, 104. re in Antigua, 29. ss i (See in Barbadoes. Schools.) wi aes Education, Queries on, replied to, “Results, in regard to, 32. Edwards, Colonel, 10, 35. Eldridge, R. B., Esq., 34, 37, 47. Elliot, Rev. Edward, 54. mancipation, Immediate, 116. (See Preparation, &c.) ‘ Emancipation, Motives of, in An- tigua, 35. Emigrants from Europe, 101. Employments of the colored, 89. English Delegation, 51. Enrolment of colored militia, 37. Escape of slaves from French islands, 53. xpectations in regard to 1838 and 1840, 56, 59, 60, 62, 63, 66, 69, 70, 80, 85, 86, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 104, 113, 117. Expense of free compared with slave labor, 15, 40. Expense of Apprenticeship com- pared with slavery, 56. Explanation of terms, 6. — [119. Exports of Jamaica for 53 years, Fair of St. John’s, 17. Favey, Mr., 15, 38, 40, 42. Feeding in Barbadoes, 77, 78. Feeling, intense, of the negroes, Females in the field, 9. [100. Fences wanting in Antigua, 9. Ferguson, Dr., 11, 38, 39, 49. ines upon the planters, 64. Fire in the canes, 61. Fitch’s Creek Estate, 9. Flogging, 55, 77, 98, 105, 111. és machine, 95, Forten, James, 76. Four and a half per cent tax, 35. Fraser, Rev. Edward, 20. ‘“ _ Mrs., —, 21. Free children, 108, 113, 114, Freedom in Antigua, 33. Free labor less expensive, 15, 40. Freeman, Count, 92. Frey’s Estate, 16. Friendly Societies, 13, 28. Fright of American vessels, 36. Galloway, Mr., 65, 66. angs, Division of, 12. Gardiner, Rev. Mr., 86. Gilbert, Rev. N., 7. Girl sold by her mother, 29. Gitters, Rev. Mr., 59. Golden Grove Estate, 96. Gordon, Mr., 98. Governor of Antigua, 7. * of Barbadoes, 54. Grace Pay, 18. Grenada, 84, “Grandfather Jacob,” 19. Gratitude of the Negroes, 47, 65, 95. “Grecian Regale,” 101. Green Castle Estate, 13. Green Wall Estate, 92. — Guadaloupe, 53. . 127 Guarda Costas, 53. ‘‘ Gubner poisoned,” 82. H., Mr., an American, 73. Hamilton, Capt., 65, 66, 70. Hamilton, Cheny, Esq., 104. amilton, Rev. Mr., 73. Harrison, Colonel, 86. Harris, Thomas, Esq., 72, 73. Harvey, Rev. B., 7, 24, 25. Hatley, Mr., 16, 40, 41, 49. Heroism of colored women, 108. Higginbothom, Ralph, Esq., 17, 38 40, 50, 51, 52. Hill, Richard, Esq., 89, 104. Hinkston, Samuel, Esq., 59. Holberton, Rev. Robert, 8. Holidays in Antigua, 11. Horne, Rev. Mr., 23, 24. ** Horse,” 61. Horton Estate, 64. Horsford, Hon. Paul, 10. Hostility to Emancipation, 80. (See also Change, gc.) House of Correction, 91, 93. Howell, Mr., (of Jamaica,) 92. Howell, James, Esq., 12, 41, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52. Hurricane, 39. Imports and Exports of Barba- does, 118, Improvement since Emancipation, 7, 10, 59, 65, 78. (See Morals.) Indolence of Apprentices, 96, 102. af of Whites, 79. [40. Industry of Emancipated Slaves, Industry of Apprentices, 65, 74, 108, Infanticide, 58, 77. Insolence, 47, 60, 67, 98, 108. Insubordination, 98. (See Subor- dination.) mile. Insurrection in Barbadoes in 1816, Insurrection not feared in Anti- gua, 15, 17,37; nor in Barba- does, 56, 67, 73,79; norin Ja- maica, 108, Intelligence of blacks, 58, 108, as compared with whites, 32, 71. Intemperance in Antigua, 26. (See Temperance.) Intermixture, 21, 71. Amalgamation.) Internal Improvement, 121. (See also Jamaica, 85. Jarvis, Colonel, 10. Jobs, 9, 17, 20. Jocken, Mr., 94. Jones, Mr., 68. Jones, Rev. Mr., 16, 39, 60, 68. Jones, T. Watkins, S. M., 111. Jordon, Edward, Esq., 88. Jury on the body of a negro wo- man, 104. imy ** Juvenile Association,” 14, 29. Kingdon, Rev. Mr., 99. Kingston, 85. Kirkland, Mr., 97. Law, respect for, 43, 45, 56, 64, 65, 69, 70, 94, 100, 106, 108, Lear’s Estate, 55, 57. Legislature of Antigua, 39. Letter to a Special Magistrate, 110. License to marry, 79. Licentiousness, 26, 76, 79. Lighthouse, 80. Lock-up house at St. John’s, 11. Lyon, E. B., Esq., 116. Lyon’s Estate, 15. Machinery, Labor-saving, 49. Managers, Testimony of, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 34, &c. ee 128 Manchioneal, 97. Market in St. John’s, 11. Market people, 57, 66, 101. Maroons, 94. Marriage, 26, 68, 71, 73, 108, 117. Marshall, Mr., 63. Martinique, 53. Master’s power over the appren- tice, 81. : McCornock, Thomas, Esq., 96. McGregor, Sir Evan, J. M., 54. Megass, 11. Merchants, Testimony of, 49. Message of Sir Lionel Smith, 111. Mico Charity Infant School, 95. Millar’s Estate, 9. Missionaries, Wesleyan, 20, 24. Missionary associations, 28. ¥ Society, Wesleyan, 22. Mob, Pro-Slavery, in Barbadoes, vale Mohne, Mr. and Mrs., 18. Montserrat, 21, 84. : Morals, improvement of, 11, 12, 17, 26, 27, 31, 48, 58, 71, 73, 79, 108, 117. Morant Bay, 92. Moravian Chapel, 8. “ Missionary, 35. Moravians, 7, 25, 72. Morrish, Rev. Mr., 15, 38. Mule-traveling, 102. Murder of a planter, 14, 78. Musgrave, Dr., 10. Negro Grounds, 103, 106. Negro quarters, 97. Nevis, 84. Newby, Mr., 18, 32. Newfield, visit to, 15. Noble trait in the apprentices, 93. Nugent, Hon. Nicholas, 15, 23, 34, 35, 37, 38, 40, 41, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52. Obstacles to free labor in Antigua, 20. Old school tyrant, 92., Opinions in Antigua in regard to Emancipation, 39. Opinions of the United States, 66. Opposition to slavery in Jamaica, 108. O’Reily, Hon. Dowel, 85. Osborne, Mr., 89. Overseers, 77, 102, 104, 106. Packer, Rev. Mr., 62, 63, 71. Parry, Archdeacon, 20, 39. Partiality of the Special Magis- trates, 68, 73, 74, 93, 100, 106, 108. [17, 56. Peaceableness of negro villages, Peaceableness of the change from slavery to freedom, 36. Peaceableness of the negro char- acter, 100. 109. Persecution of a Special Justice, Peter’s Rock, 103. Phillips, Rev. Mr., 107. Physician, Testimony of, 11. Pigeot, Mr., 62. Plantain Garden River Valley, 96. Planter, a severe one, 63. “Planters, cruelty of, 94, 98. Bs ae Barbadoes, 72, 74. Plough, 9. Police Court, 90. “ of Antigua, 34. “Officers, Testimony of, 64. “Reports, 41, 43. Policy of colored people in regard to prejudice, 75. Port Royal, 92, 101. Prejudice against color, 8, 10, 15, INDEX. 21, 51, 56, 70, TL, 74, 75, 76; 79, 85. ‘‘ Prejudice Bell,” 51. Preparation for freedom, 15, 21, 54, 55, 56, 63, 64, 65, 68, 69, 70, 83, 85, 92, 108. Prescod, Mr., 72, 74. Promiscuous seating in church, 8. (See “ Amalgamation,” &c-) Proprietor, testimony of, 10, 14. Pro-slavery pretences, 113. Providence of the emancipated, 47, ABP 7 [the, 57, Provost Marshal, Testimony of Punishment, eruel, 111. Punishments in Antigua, 34. Ramsay, Mr. 107. Real Estate, 49, 56, 59, 60, 64, 65, 68, 70, 73, 74, 103, 104. Rebellion, so called, 94. Rector of St. John’s, 25. “Red Shanks,” 57. Reid, Mr. E., 87. ; Religion in Antigua, 25; in Barba- does, 70, 117; in Jamaica, 86, 95, 100. Religious condition of slaves Antigua, 12.0, Sault. Religious instruction desired, 107, Report ofa Special Magistrate, 117. Resolution in regard to Messrs. Thome and Kimball, 23... Resolutions of Wesleyan Mission- aries, 24. Respect for the aged, 8. Results in Antigua, 25. Revengefulness, 69, 70, 95. Ridge Estate, 61. Right of suffrage, 34. Rogers, Mr., 95. Ross, A., Esq., 98. Rowe, Rev. Mr., 71. Rum, use of, in Antigua, 12. Sabbath in Antigua, 8, 26 ; in Bar- badoes, 58; in Jamaica, 86, 99. Sabbath school in Bridgetown, 71. Safety ofimmediate emancipation, 10, 65, 69. (See Insurrections.) School, adult, 15; at Lear’s, 58; Parochial, 29; Wolmer Free, 87. Schools in Antigua, 29; in Bridge- town, 71; infant, 17, 30; m Kingston, 87; 1n Spanishtown, 107. Scotland in Barbadoes, 57. Scotland, James, Esq., 38,42,49,50. Scotland, J., Jr., Esq., 20, 41. Security restored, 56, 57, 64, 69, 70, 85,106. . Self-emancipation, 62,65,67,70, 106. Self-respect, 48. Shands, Mr. S., 35. Shiel, Mr., 10. Shrewsbury, Rev. Mr., 72. Sickness, pretended, 12, 55, 96. Silver Hill, 102. Sligo, Lord, 105, 109. Smith, Sir Lionel, 92, 109, 111. Social intercourse, 75. Societies, benevolent, 27. Society among colored people, 13. “ ~ for promotion of Christian knowledge, 29, 60. Soldiers, black, 54. Solicitor General of Barbadoes, 65. «of Jamaica, 85, 117. Song sung in the schools, 32. Spanishtown, 104. 16. Speaking,” a Moravian custom, Special Magistrates, 81, 82, 95, 110. (See also Partiality.) Special Magistrates, ‘Testimony of, 64, 115, 117. . tp in St. Andrews, 92, 101. Station House, A, 67. St. Christopher’s, 84, St. Lucia, 84. Stock Keepers, 9. St. Thomas in the East, 92. [103. Sturge & Harvey, Messrs., 51, 85, St. Vincent’s, 84. Subordination, 41, 64, 93, 97, 116. Sugar Crop, 55, 59. “cultivation hard for the slave, 61. . Sugar Mill, 10, 58. Sunday Markets, 53. Superintendent of Police, 43, 68. Suspension of faithful magis- trates, 109. Task-work, 62. Teacher, Black, 71, 75. Teachers, 30, 33. “Melegraph,” Remarks of the, 120. Temperange in Antigua, 10, 12, 26, ‘i of negroes, 92. [28. : Society, 21. Testimony of Managers, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 20, 34. Testimony of clergymen and mis- sionaries, 16, 20, 24, 70. Testimony of Governors, 7, 54. of magistrates, 43, 64. of physicians, 11. Theft, decrease of, 56. Thibou Jarvis’s estate, 12. Thomas, Mr., 59, 60, 62. Thompson, George, Bust of, 51. Thomson, Thomas, Esq., 92, 93. Thorne, Mr., 72, 73, 74. Thwaites, Mr. Charles, 31, 32. Tinson, Rev. Mr., 86. _ [tion, 61 Toast to Immediate Emancipa Tortola, 21, 84. Traffic in Slaves, 78. Transition from slavery to free dom, 16, 36, 55, 65. N Treatment of slaves ameliorate by discussion, 52, 54. Treadmill, 91, 93, 100, 110. Trinidad, 84. Trustworthiness, 62. bc ee Unwilling witness, 63. Vagrancy, 46. : Value of an apprentice, 81. Appraisement.) Villa Estate, 17. (s 2 Wages, 9, 14, 17, 18, 33, 40, 56, § 63, 65, 70, 74, 86 93, 96, 98, 10 102, 106, 116, 117. Walton, Rev. Mr., 21. Watchman, Jamaica, 88. Fe Remarks of the, 1! Watkins, Mr., 9, 11, 38, 40, 42, Ward, Sir Henry, 72. E Weatherill’s Estate, 14. Wesleyan Chapel, Antigua, 8. 73 “e N ee 23 ‘ ’ ” ' bi Missionary Society, Wesleyans in Antigua, 25. a in Barbadoes, 71. — in Jamaica, 86. Whip banished, 9, 17, 64. Whipping Post, 11. White lady, 97... ( Wilberforce, opinion of, 62, 80, Wickham, Richard S., 41, 43, Willis, George, Esq., 94. Willoughby Bay, Examinatio Wolmer Free School, 87. Women abandon the field, 63 * condition of, 48. Wooldridge, Rev. Mr., 86. 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