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Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN JAN 06 1963 | SEP Q 4 y9qp MAY 06 1983 OCT 5 1983 Fy § AS : nov - 28 APR 0 61966 Se “66 NOV i) fi i |¥e 1qQac SEP 1:9 eR MAY 0 2003 NOV 29 Ht May 29 2006 of 16°88 | L161—0O-1096 ‘ ’ : ‘ ’ aa: . o 3 “ . ‘ \ ! ’ . F ' ’ ‘ a . : 4 i é ' ‘ is) Cpe by mm a ROL A Oe ae a REET OF LOS Deo any err Firth LARA mm sae on Hl ih 9 PB wih | nit He SOLOMON's TEMPLE. THE COMPLETE WORKS Bree Cy Fe Tlavius - Josephus THE CELEBRATED JEWISH HISTORIAN PPRIEEISING coe) ale sw ee 8s 8's s , THE HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES OF PAE sewWo. With THE«-DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM BY THE ROMANS AND DISSERTATIONS CONCERNING Peo nniot JOHN THE BAPTIST, JAMES THE JUST, AND THE SACRI- Pitter ISAAC. TOGETHER WITH. A PIs COURSE ON HADES, OR’HELL. 3 WITH HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY MEANSLATED BY . ses. es WILLIAM WHISTON, A.M. . TO WHICH IS ADDED AN ANALYTICAL INDEX s TO THE ENTIRE WORK 1345 MDCCCXCV Aohn £. Potter & Company Philadelphia - ~ - - ew Pork, Boston, Chicago (3 Vu AS Hehe} wok! > 2 ae Oe a ee ae. 2 of the whole people, even after the captivity. G49 Ex THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. $1. Tue family from whichI am derived is vt an ignoble one, but hath descended all along from the priests; and as nobility among several sate is of a different origin, so, with us, to e of the sacerdotal dignity, is an indication of the splendor of a family. Now, I am not only sprung from a sacerdota] family in general, but from the first of the twenty-four* courses; and as among us there is not only a considerable difference between one family of each course and another, I am of the chief family of that first course also; nay, farther, by my mother I am of the royal blood; for the children of Asamoneus, from whom that family was derived, had both the office of the high priesthood, and the dig- nity of a king, for a longtime together. I will accordingly set down my progenitors in order. My grandfather’s father was named Simon, with the addition of Psellus: he lived at the same time with that son of Simon the high priest, who, first ofall the high priests, was named Hyrcanus. This Simon Psellus had nine sons, one of whom was Matthias, called Ephlias; he married the daughter of Jonathan the high priest, which Jonathan was the first of the sons of Asa- moneus, who was high priest, and was the brother of Simon the high priest also. This Matthias had a son called Matthias Curtus, and that in the first year of the government of Hyr- canus; his son’s name was Joseph, born in the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra; his son Matthias was born in the tenth year of the reign of Archelaus; as was I born to Matthias on the first year of the reign of Caius Cesar. I have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, was born on the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian; as was Justus born on the seventh, and Agrippa onthe ninth. Thus have I set down the gene- alogy of my family, as I have found it describedt in the public records, and so bid adieu to those who calumniate- me, [as of a lower original.] 2. Now my father Matthias was not only emi- nent on account of his nobility, but had a high- er commendation on account of his righteous- ness, and was in great reputation in Jerusalem, * We may hence correct the error of the Latin copy of the second book against Apion, sect. 7, 8, (for the Greek is there fost) which says there were then only four tribes or courses of the priests, instead of twenty-four. Nor is this testimony to be disregarded, as if Josephus there contradicted what he had affirmed here, because even the account there given bet- ter agrees to twenty-four than to four courses, while he says that each of these courses contained above 500 men, which multiplied by only four, will make not more than 20,000 priests; whereas the number 120,000, as multiplied by 24, seems much the most probable, they being about one-tenth See Ezra ii. . Neh. vii. 3 . 1 Esd. v. 24, 25, with Ezraii. 64. Neh. vil. 66. 1 Esd. v.41. Nor will this common reading or notion of but four courses of priests, agree with Josephus’s own farther assertion elsewhere. Antiq.». vii. ch. xiv. sect. 7. that David’s partition of the priesis into. twenty-four courses had continued tothatday. _ {An eminent example of the care Of the Jews about their “a the greatest city we have. I wes myself brought up with my brother, whose name was Matthias, for he was my own brother, by both father and mother; and I made mighty profi- ciency in the improvements of my learning, and appeared to have both a great memory and un- derstanding. Moreover, when I was a child, and about fourteen yearsof age, I was com- mended by all for the love I had to learning; on which account the high priests and _ principal men of the city came then frequently to me to- gether, in order to know my opinion about the accurate understanding of points of the law. And when I was about sixteen years old, I had a mind to make trial of the several sects that were among us. ‘These sects are three: the first is that of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sadducees, and the third that of the Es- sens, as we have frequently told you; for 1 thought that by this means I might choose the best, if I were once acquainted with them all; so I contented myself with hard fare, and un- derwent great difficulties, and went through them all. Nor did I content myself with these trials only; but when I was informed that one whose name was Banus, lived in the desert, who used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and had no other food than what grew of its own accord, and bathed himself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I imitated him in those things, and continued with him for three years.* So when I had accomplished my desires, I re- turned back to the city, being now nineteen years old, and began to conduct myself accord- ing to the rules of the sects of the Pharisees, which is of kin to the sects of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them. 3. But when I was in the twenty-sixth year of my age, it happened that I took a voyage to Rome, and this on the occasion which I shall now describe. At the time when Felix was procurator of Judea, there were certain priests of my acquaintance, and very excellent persons they were, whom on a small and trifling occa- genealogies, especially as to the priests. See Cont. Ap. b.i x When Josephus here says, that from sixteen to nineteen, or for three years, he made trial of the three Jewish sects tne Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essens, and yet says pre- sently, in all our copies, that he stayed besides with one par- ticular ascetic, called Banus, zzp xvrw, with him, and this still before he was nineteen, there is little room left for his trial of three other sects. I suppose, therefore, that for zap eur with him, the old reading might be xp woro1s, with theme which is a very small emendation, and takes away the diffi- culty before us. Nor is Doctor Hudson’s conjecture, hinted at by Mr. Hall in his preface to the Doctor’s edition of Jose phus, at all improbable, that this Banus, by this his descrip tion, might well be afollower of John the Baptist, and thas from him Josephus might easily imbibe such notions, as af terward prepared him to have a favorable opinion aboug Jesus Christ himself, who was attested to by John the Bap tist. ra 696504 ae q sion he had put into bonds, and sent to Rome to plead their cause before Cesar. These | was desirous to procure deliverance for, and that especially because I was informed that they were not unmindful of piety towards God even under their afflictions, but supported them- selves with figs and nuts.* Accordingly I came to Rome, though it were through a great number of hazards by sea; for, as our ship was drown- ed in the Adriatic sea, we that were in it, being about six hundred in number,} swam for our lives all the night, when upon the first appear- ance of the day, and upon our sight of a ship of Cyrene, I and some others, eighty in all, by God’s providence prevented the rest, and were taken up into the other ship. And when I had thus escaped, and was come to Dicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli, I became ac- quainted with Aliturius, an actor of plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a Jew by birth; through his interest became known to Poppea, Czesar’s wife, and took care as soon as possible to entreat her to procure, that the priests might be set at liberty. And when besides this favor, { had obtained many presents from Poppea, I returned home again. 4, And now I perceived innovations were al- ready begun, and that there were a great many very much elevated, in hopes of a revolt from the Romans. I therefore endeavored to put a stop to these tumultuous persons, and persuad- ed them to change their minds; and laid before their eyes against whom it was that they were oing to fight, and told them that they were in- forior to the Romans not only in martial skill, but also in good fortune; and-desired them not rashly, and after the most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mis- chiefs upon their country, upon their families, and upon themselves. And thisI said with ve- hement exhortation, because I foresaw that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate tous. But I could not persuade them, for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard for me. 5 I was then afraid, lest by inculcating these things so often, I should incur their hatred and their suspicions, asif I were of our enemies’ party, and should run into the danger of being seized by them, and slain; since they were al- ready possessed of Antonia, which was the cit- adel; so I retired into the inner court of the tem- ple. Yetdid I go out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of the band of rob- bers were put to death, when I abode among he high priests and the chief of the Pharisees. But no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms, while we ourselves knew not what we should do and were not able to restrain their seditions. However, asthe dan- ger was directly upoi us we pretended that we * We may note here, that religious men among the Jews, or atleast those that were priests, were sometimes ascetics also, and, like Daniel and his companions in Babylon, Dan. i. 8—16, ate no flesh but figs and nuts, {c. only. This was like the £:coo~71, or austere diets, of the Christian ascetics im passion week. Constit. v. 18. y It hath been thought the number of Paul and his compa- aions on ship board, Acts xxvii. 38, which are 276 in our co- piea, are 100 many; whereas we find here that Josephus and HE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. — ee \ } | were of the same opinion with them, but omy advised them to be quiet for the present, and te let the enemy go away, still hoping that Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he came, anid that with great forces, and so put an end to these seditious proceedings. 6. But upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a great many of those that were with him fell. And this disgrace [which Ges- sius with Cestius] received, became the calami ty of our whole nation; for those that were fond of the war were so far elevated with this suc- cess, that they had hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which war another occasion was ministered, which was this: ‘Those that dwelt in the neighboring cities of Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children, and slew thera, when they had not the least occasion of complaint against them: for they did neither attempt any innovation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given any marks of hatred or treacherous design towards the Syrians. But what was done by the inhabitants of Scythopolis was the most impious and highly criminal of all;* for, when the Jews, their enemies, came upon them from without, they forced the Jews that were among them to bear arms against their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for us to do and when by their assistance they had joined battle with those that attacked them, and had beaten them, after that victory they forgot the assurances they had given these then fellow- citizens and confederates, and slew them all, being in number many ten thousands [1:3,000.] The like miseries were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants of Damascus, But we have given a more accurate account of these things in the books of the Jewish war. J only mention them now, because I would de monstrate to my readers, that the Jews’ war with the Romans was not voluntary, but that, for the main, they were forced by necessity to ~ enter into it. 7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said already, the principal men of Jerusa lem, seeing that the robbers and innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were unprovided with arms, should be in subjection to their enemies, which also came to be the case afterwards; and, being informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans, but some parts of it was still quiet, they sent me and two others of the priests who were men of excellent characters, Joazar and Judas, in order to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms, and to teaeh them this lesson, that it were better to have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that the nation had, [than to be kept byicrel bk that it had been resolved, that those our best his companions, a very few years after the other, were about 600. * See of the War, b. ii. ch. xvii. sect. 3. t+ The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fighting against their brethren from that law of Moses, Lev. xix. 16, “Thou shalt not stand against the blood cf thy neighbor,” and that ver. 17. “Thou shalt not avenge, n or bear any grudge against the chilaven of thy people; but thou shalt love thy neighbor as thysei$”’ as well as from many other places in the Pentateuch and Prophets. See Antiq. b. viii. ch. viii, sact. 3 | \ Nii THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. J meu should always have their arms ready against futurity, but still so, that they should wait to see what the Romans would do. 8. When I had therefore received these in- structions, I came into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in no small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans had resolved to plunder it, on account of the firiend- ship they had with the Romans, and because they had given their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus, the president of Syria. But I delivered them all out of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to send to those that were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of Phenicia, as often as they pleased; though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on the occasion following: 9. There were three factions in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity; of these Julius Capellus was the head. Now he, as well as all his companions, Herod the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Gama- lus, and Compsus the son of Compsus; (for as to Compsus’s brother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city under the great king,* [Agrippa,] he was beyond Jordan in his own possessions;) all these persons before named _ gave their advise, that the city should then con- tinue in their allegiance to the Romans, and to the king. But Pistus, who was guided by his son Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolution; ‘otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and virtuouscharacter. But the second faction was composed of the most ignoble persons, and “was determined for war. But as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head of the third faction, although he pretended to be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation, as supposing that he should gain power to himsvIf by the change of affairs. He therefore came into the midst of them, and en- deavored to inform the muititude, that, “the “city of Tiberias had ever been a city of Gali- “lee, and that in the days of Herod the tetrarch, “who had built it, it had obtained the principal “place, and that he had ordered that the city “Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city “Tiberias; that they had not lost this pre-emi- “nence even under Agrippa the father, but had “retained it, until Felix was procurator of Ju- “dea. But he told them, that now they had “been so unfortunate as to be made a present “by Nero to Agrippa junior; and that upon “Sepphoris’s submission of itself to the Romans, “that was become the capital city of Galilee, -“and that the royal treasury and the archives “were now removed from them.” When he had spoken these things, and a great many more against Agrippa, in order to provoke the people to a revolt, hie added, that “this was the “time for them to take arms, and join with the “Galileans as their confederates, (whom they “might command, and who would now willing- * That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old called a Great King as here, appears by his coins stil] reinaining; to . which Havercamp refers us. “ly assist them, out of the hatred they bare tu the “neople of Sepphoris, because they preserved “thei fidelity to the Romans,) and to gather a “sreat number of forces in order to punish “them.” And as he said this, he exhorted the multitude [to go to war;] for his abilities lay in making harangues to the people, and in being too hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised what was more to their advantage, and thus by his craftiness and his fallacies,for he was not unskilful in the learn- ing of the Greeks, and in dependence on tha skill it was, that he undertook to write a history of these affairs, as aiming by this way of ha- ranguing to disguise the truth. But as to this man, and how ul were his character and con- duct in life, and how he and his brother were, in a great measure, the authors of our destruction,I shall give the reader an account in the progress of my narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the citizens of Ti- berias to take arms, nay, and had forced a great many so to do against their will, he went out, and set the villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos on fire; which villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Seythopolis. 10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: When John, the son of Levi, saw some of his citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the Romans, he labored to restrain them, and entreated them that they would keep their alle- giance to them. But he could not gain his pur- pose, although he did his endeavors to the ut- most; for the neighboring people of Gadara, Gabara, and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got to- gether a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gischaia by force, and set it on fire; and when they had entirely demolished it, they re- turned home. Upon which John was so enrag ed, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with the people forementioned, and rebuilt Gis- chala after a manner better than before, and fortified it with walls for its future security. 11. But Gamala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans, for the reason following: Philip the son of Jacimus, who was their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had been besieged; but as he fled away, had fallen into another danger, and that was, of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him. but certain Babylonians, who were of his kin- dred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from executing their design. So Philip staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth, having disguised himself with fictitious hai, that he might not be discovered; and when he was come to one of the villages to him belong- ing, but one that was situated at the borders of the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that were under him, and commanded them to come to him. But God himself hindered that his intention, and this for his own advantage also; for had it not so happened, he had certainly perished. For a fever having seizea upon him immediately, he wrote to Agrippa and Bernice, 6 THE LIE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. ; and gave them to one of his freed-men to carry them to Varus, who at this time was procura- tor of the kingdom, which the king and his sis- ter had intrusted him withal, while they were gone to Berytus with an intention of meeting Gessius. When Varus had received these let- ters of Philip, and had learned that he was pre- served, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing that he should appear useless to the king and his sister, now Philip wascome. He therefore produced the carrier of the letters before the multitude, and accused him of forging the same; and said, thet he spake falsely, when he related that Philip was at Jerusalem, fighting among the Jews against the Romans._ So he slew him. And when the freed-man of Philip did not return again, Philip was doubtful what should be the occasion of his stay, and senta second messenger with letters, that he might, upon his return, inform him what had befallen the other that had been sent before, and why ne tarried so long. Varus accused this mes- senger also, when he came, of telling a false- hood, and slew him. For he was puffed up by the Syrians that were at Cesarea, and had great expectations; for they said that Agrippa would be slain by the Romans for the crimes which the Jews had commutted, and that he should himself take the government, as derived from their king: for Varus was, by the confession of all, of the royal family, as being a descendant of Sohemus, who had enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus; for which reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept the letters to himself. He contrived, also, that the king should not meet with those writings, by guarding all the passes, lest any one should escape, and inform the king what had beendone. He moreover slew many of the Jews, inorder to gratify the Syrians of Cesarea. He hada mind also to join with the Trachonites in Batanea, and to take up arms and make an assault upon the Babylonian Jews that were at Ecbatana; for that was the name they went by. He therefore called to him twelve of the Jews of Cesarea of the best character, and ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and inform their countrymen who dwelt there, that Varus hath heard, that “you intend 'to “march against the king; but, not believing ‘that report, he hath sent us to persuade you “to lay down your arms, and that this compli- “ance will be a sign that he did well not to give “credit to those that raised the report concern- “ing you.” He also enjoined them to send seventy of their principal men to make a de- fence for them as to the accusation laid against them So when the twelve messengers came to their countrymen at Ecbatana, and found that wiey had no designs of innovation at all, they persuaded them to send the seventy men also; who not at all suspecting what would come, sent them accordingly. So these seventy* went down to Cesarea, together with the twelve ambassadors, where Varus met them with the king’s forces, and slew them all, together with the [twelve] ambassadors, and made wm ex- *'™he famous Jewish numbers of Twelve and Seventy ere here remarkable. pedition against the Jews of Ecbatana. Rut - there was one of the seventy who escaped, and made haste to inform the Jews of their coming, upon which they took their arms, with their wives and children, and retired to the citadel at Gamala, leaving their own villages full of all sorts of good things, and having many ten thou sands of cattle therein. When Philip was in- formed of these things, he also came to the citadel of Gamala; and when he was come, the multitude cried aloud, and desired him to resume the government, and to make an expedition against Varus, and the Syrians of Cesarea; for it was reported that they had slain the king. But Philip restrained their zeal, and put them in mind of the benefits the king had bestowed upon them; and told them how powerful the Romans were, and said it was not for their advantage to make war with them; and at length he prevailed with them. But now, when the king wasacquainted: with Varus’s design, which was to cut off the Jews of Cesarea, being many ten thousands, with their wives and children, and all in one day, he called to him Equiculus Modius, and sent him to be Varus’s successor, as we have elsewhere related. But still Philip kept posses- sion of the citadel of Gamala, and of the country adjoining to it, which thereby continued in their allegiance to the Romans. 12. Now, as soon as I was come into Galilee, - and had learned this state of things by the in- formation of such as told me of them, I wrote to the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem about them, and required their direction what I should do. Their direction was, that I should continue there, and that, if my fcllow-legates were willing, I should join with them in the care of Galilee. But those my fellow-legates, having gotten great riches from those tithes which as- priests were their dues, and were given to them, determined to return to their own country. Yet when I desired them to stay so long, that we might first settle the public affairs, they complied with me. So I removed, together with them, from the city of Sepphoris, and came to a certain village called Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Tiberias; and thence Ff sent messengers to the senate of ‘Tiberias, and desired that the principal men of the city would come to me: and when they were come, Justus himself being also with them, I told them, that I was sent to them by the people of Jerusalem as a legate, together with these other priests, in order to persuade them to demolish that house which Herod the tetrarch had built there, and which had the figures of living crea- tures in it, although our laws had forbidden us to make any such figures; and I desired, that they would give us leave to do so immediately. But for a good while Capellus and tlie principal. men belonging to the city would not give us leave, but were at length entirely overcome by us, and were induced to be of our opinion. Se Jesus the son of Sapphias, one of those whom we have already mentioned as the leader of & seditious tumult of mariners and poor people, prevented us, and took with him certain Gals THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. , weans, and set the entire palace on fire, and thought he should get a great deal of money thereby, because he saw some of the roofs gilt with gold. ‘They also plundered a great deal of the furniture, which was done without our approbation; for, after we had discoursed Capellus ana the principal men of the city, we departed from Bethmaus, and went into the “Di Galilee. But Jesus and his party slew the Greeks that were inhabitants of Tiberias, and as many others as were their enemies before the war began. ¥ : 13. When I understood this state of things, I was greatly provoked, and went down to Tibe- tias, and took all the care I could of the royal furniture, to recover all that could be recovered from such as had plundered it. They consisted of candlesticks made of Corinthian brass; and of royal tables, and of a great quantity of un- coined silver; and J resolved to preserve what- soever came to my hand for the king. SolIsent for ten of the principal men of the senate, and for Capellus the son of Antyllus, and committed the furniture to them, with this charge, that they should part with it to nobody else but to myself. From thence I and my fellow-legates went to ’ Gischala to John, as desirous to know his inten- tions, and soon saw that he was for innovations, and had a mind to the principality; for he de- sired me to give him authority to carry off that corn which belonged to Ceesar, and Jay in the villages of Upper Galilee; and he pretended that he would expend what it came to in build- ing the walls of his own city. But when J per- ceived what he endeavored at, and what he had in his mind, I said, I would not permit him so to do; for that J thought either to keep it for the Romans, or for myself, now J was intrusted with the public affairs there by the people of Je- rusalem. But when he was not able to prevail witb me, he betook himself to my fellow-le- ates; for they had no sagacity in providing for uturity and were very ready to take bribes. So he corrupted them with money, to decree that all that corn which was within his province should be delivered to him; while I, who. was but one, was outvoted by two, and held my tongue. Then did John introduce another cun- ning contrivance of his; for he said, that those Jews who inhabited Cesarea Philippi, and were shut up by the order of the king’s deputy there, had sent to him to desire him, that, since they had no oil that was pure for their use, he would provide a sufficient quantity of such oil for them, lest they should be forced to make use of oil that came from the Greeks, and thereby transgress their own laws. Now this was said vy John, not out of his regard to religion, but out of his most flagrant desire of gain; for he knew that two sextaries were sold with them ef Cesaiea for one drachma, but that at Gischala fourscore sextaries were sold for four drachma. So he gave order, that all the oil which was there should be carried away, as having my permission for so doing; which yet I did not grant him voluntarily, but only out of fear of the multitude, since, if I had forbidden him, I should have been stoned by them. When I had, therefore, permitted this to be aone by John, he gained vast sums of money by thin his knavery. 14. But when I had dismissed my fellow-le. gates, and sent them back to Jerusalem, I tool care to have arms provided, and the cities forti fied. And,when I had sent for the most hardy among the robbers, IJ saw that it was not in my power to take their arms from them; but I per- suaded the multitude to allow them money as pay, and told them it was better for them te als them a little wittingly, rather than to [be orced bx overlook them when they plunderea their goods from them. And when J had oblig- ed them to take an oath not to come into that country, unless they were invited to come, or else when they had not their pay given them, J dismissed them, and charged them neither to make an expedition against the Romans, nor against those their neighbors that lay round about them; for my first care was to keep Gali- lee in peace. So I was willing to have the principal of the Galileans, in all seventy. as hust- ages for their fidelity, but still under the notion of friendship. Accordingly, I made them my friends and companions as J journeyed, and set them to judge causes; and with their approba- tion it was that I gave my sentences, while | endeavored not to mistake what justice requir- ed, and keep my hands clear of all bribery in those determinations. 15. I was now about the thirtieth year of mny age; in which time of life it is a hard thing for any one to escape the calumnies of the envious, although he restrain himself from fulfilling any unlawful desires, especially where a person is in great authority. Yet did J preserve every woman free from injuries; and as to what pre- sents were offered me, 1 despised them, as not standing in need of them. Nor indeed would I take those tithes which were due to me asa priest, from those that brought them. Yet do I confess, that I took part of the spoils of those Syrians who inhabited the cities that adjoined to us, when J had conquered them, and that 1 sent them to my kindred at Jerusalem; although when I twice took Sepphoris by force, and Tiberias four times, and Gadara once, and when J had subdued and taken John, who often laid treacherous snares for me, I did not punish [with death] either him or any of the people forenamed, as the progress of this discourse will show. And on this account, I suppose, it was that God,* who is never unacquainted with those that do as they ought to do, delivered me still out of the hands of these my enemies, and afterwards preserved me when J fell into those many dangers which I shall relate hereafter. 16. Now the multitude of the Galileans had that great kindness for me, and fidelity to me, that when their cities were taken by force, and their wives and children carried into slavery *Our Josephus shows, both here and everywhere, that he was a most religious person, and one that had a deep sense of God and his providence upon his mind, and ascribed all his numerous and wonderful escapes and preservations, in times of danger, to God’s blessing him, and taking care of him and this on account of his acts of piety, justice, h mianity, and charity to the Jews his brethren. they did not so deeply lament for their own calamities, as they were solicitous for my pre- servation. But when John saw this, he envied me, and wrote to me, desiring that I would give him leave to come down, and make use of the hot baths of Tiberias for the recovery of the health of hisbody. Accordingly I did not hin- der him as having no suspicion of any wicked designs of his; and I wrote to those to whom I had committed the administration of the affairs of Tiberias by name, that they should provide a lodging for John, and for such as should come with him; and should procure what necessaries ‘oever he should stand in need of. Now at this tine my abode was in a city of Galilee, which is named Cana. 17. But when John was come to the city of Tiberias, he persuaded the men to revolt from their fidelity to me, and to adhere to him; and many of them gladly received that invitation of his, as ever fond of innovations, and by nature disposed to changes, and delighting in seditions: but they were chiefly Justus and his father Pis- tus, that were earnest in their revolt from me, and their adherence to John. But I came upon them, and prevented them; for a messenger had come to me from Silas, whom I had made | vernor of Tiberias, as 1 have said already, and had told me of the inclinations of the people of Tiberias, and advised me to make haste thither; for that, if I made any delay, the city would come under another’s jurisdiction. Upon the receipt of this letter of Silas, I took two hundred men along with me, and travelled all night, having sent before a messenger, to let the people of Tiberias know that I was coming to them. When I came near to thé city, which | was early in the morning, the multitude came out to meet me; and John came with them, and saluted me, but in a most disturbed manner, as being afraid that my coming was to call him to an account for what I was now sensible he was doing. So he in great haste went to his lodging. But when J was in the open place of the city, having dismissed the guards I had about me, excepting one, and ten armed men that were with him, I attempted to make a speech to the multitude of the people of Tiberias; and, stand- ing on a certain elevated place, I entreated them not to be so hasty in their revolt; for that such a change in their behavior would be to their reproach, and that they would then be justly suspected by those that should be their governors hereafter, as if they were not likely to be faithful to them neither. 18. But, before {| had spoken all I designed, I heard one of my own domestics bidding me come down; for that it was nota proper time to take care of retaining the good will of the peo- ple of Tiberias, but to provide for my own safe- ty, and escape my enemies there; for John had chosen the most trusty of those armed men that were about him, out of those thousand that he had with him, and had given them orders, when he sent them, to kill me, having learned that I was alone excepting some of my domestics. So those that were sent came as they were or- dered; and they had executed what they came rHE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. : about, had I not leaped down from the e_eva tion I stood on, and with one of my guards, whose name was James, been carried [out of the crowd] upon the back of one Herod of Ti- berias, and guided by him down to the lake, where I seized a ship and got into it, and escap- ed my enemies unexpectedly, and came to 'Ta- richez. 19. Now as soon as the inhabitants of that city understood the perfidiousness of the people of Tiberias, they were greatly provoked at them. So they snatched up their arms, and desired me to be their leader against them; for they said they would avenge their commander’s cause upon them. They also carried the report of what had been done to me to all the Galileans, and eagerly endeavored to irritate them against the people of Tiberias, and desired that vast numbers of them would get together, and come to them, that they might act in concert with their commander what should be determined as fit to be done. Accordingly the Galileans came to me in great numbers, from all parts, with their weapons, and besought me to assault Tiberias, to take it by force, and to demolish it, till it lay even with the ground, and then to make slaves of its inhabitants, with their wives and children. Those that were Josephus’s friends also, and had escaped out of Tiberias, gave him the same advice. But I did not comply with them, think- ing ita terrible thing to begin a civil war among them; for I thought that this contention ought not to proceed farther than words; nay, I told them that it was not for their own advantage to do what they would have me to do, while the Romans expected no other than that we should destroy one another by our mutual sedi- tions. And by saying this I put a stop to the anger of the Galileans. . 20. But now John was afraid for himself, since his treachery had proved unsuccessful. So he took the armed men that were about him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala, and wrote to me to apologize for himself concern- ing what had been done, as if it had been done without his approbation, and desired me to have no suspicion of him to his disadvantage. He also added oaths and certain horrible curses u on himself, and supposed he should be thereby believed in the points he wrote about to me. 21. But now another great number of the Galileans came together again with their wea- pons, as knowing the man, how wicked and how sadly perjured he was, and desired me to lead thern against him, and promised me that they would utterly destroy both him and Gischala. Hereupon [ professed that I was obliged to them for their readiness to serve me, and that [ would more than requite their good-will to me. How- ever ] entreated them to restrain themselves, and begged of them to give me leaveto do what _ T intended, which was to put an end to these troubles without bloodshed; and when I had prevailed with the multitude of the Galileans to let me do so, I came to Sepphoris. 22. But the inhabitants of this city, having de- termined to continue in their allegiance to the Romans, were afraid of my conung to them VHE PiFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. and tried, by putting me upon another action to divert me, that they might be freed from the terror they were in. Accordingly they sent to Jesus, the captain of those robbers, who were in the confines of Ptolemais, and promis- ed to give him a great deal of money, if he would come with those forces he had with him, which were in number eight hundred, and fight with us. Accordingly he complied with what they desired, upon the promises they had made him, and was desirous to fall upon us when we were unprepared for him, and knew nothing of his coming before- hand. So he sent to me, and desired that I would give him leave to come and salute me. When I had given him that leave, which I did without the least knowledge of his treacherous - intentions beforehand, he took hisband of rob- bers, and made haste to come to me. Yet did not this his knavery succeed well at last; for, as he was already nearly approaching, one of those with him deserted him, and came to me, and told me what he had undertaken to do. When I was informed of this, I went into the market place, and pretended to know nothing of his treacherous purpose. I took with me many Galileans that were armed, as also some of those ot Tiberias: and, when I had given orders that all the roads should be carefully guarded, I charged the keepers of the gates to give admit- tance to none but to Jesus, when he came with the principal of his men, and to exclude the rest; and in case they aimed to force themselves _in, to use stripes, [in order to repel them.] Accordingly, those that had received such a ’ charge did as they were bidden, and Jesus came in witha few others; and when I had or- dered him to throw down his arms immediate- ly, and told him, that if he refused so to do, he was a dead man, he, seeing armed men stanling all round about him, was tertified and complied; and as for those of his follow- ers that were excluded, when they were inform- ed that he was seized, they ran away. I then called Jesus to me by himself, and told him, that “I was not a stranger to that treacherous design he had against me, nor was I ignorant by whom he was sent for; that, however, I would forgive what he had done already, if he would repent of it, and be faithful to me here- after.” And thus upon his promise to do all that I desired, I let hin go,and gave hin leave to get those whoin he had formerly had with him together agai. But I threatened the in- habitants of Sepphoris, that, if they would not eave off their ungrateful treatment of me, I would punish them sufficiently. 23. At this time it was that two great men, who were under tke jurisdiction of the king, | Agrippa, ] came to me out of the region of Tra- chonitis, bringing their horses and their arms, and carrying with them their money also; and when the Jews would force them to be circuin- cised, if they would stay among them, I would hot permit them to have any force put upon them,* but said to them, “Every one ought to ; * Josey} hus’s opinion is here wel) worth noting, that every #)* is te be permitted to worship God according to his own ‘é 9 worship God according to his own inclinations and not to be constrained by force; and that these men, who had fled to us for protection, ought not to be so treated as to repent of’ their coming hither.” And when I had pacified the multitude, I provided for the men that were come to us whatsoever it was they wanted, ac- cording to their usual way of living, and that in great plenty also. 24. Now king Agrippa sent an army to make themselves masters of the citadel of Gamala, and over it Equiculus Modius; but the forces that were sent were not enough to encompass the citadel quite round, but lay before it in the open places and besieged it. But when Ebuti- us the decurion, who was intrusted with the government of the great plain, heard that I was at Simonias, a village situated in the confines of Galilee, and was distant from him sixty fur longs, he took a hundred horsemen that were with him, by night, and a certain number of footmen, about two hundred, and brought the inhabitants of the city of Gibea along with him as auxiliaries, and marched in the night, and came to the village where I abode. Upon this, I pitched my camp over against him, which had a great number of forces in it: but Ebutius tried to draw us down into the plain, as great- ly depending on his horsemen; but we would not come down: for when [I was satisfied of the advantage that his horse would have if we came down into the plain, while we were all footinen, I resolved to join battle with the ene- my where Iwas. Now Ebutius and his party | made a courageous opposition for some time; but when he saw that his horse were useless to him in that place, he retired hack to the city Gibea, having lost three of his men in the ‘fight. So I followed him directly with two | thousand armed men; and when I was at the city Besara, that lay in the confines of Ptole- mais, but twenty furlongs from Gibea where Ebutius abode, I placed my armed men on the outside of the village, and gave orders that they should guard the passes with great care, that the enemy might not disturb us, until we should have carried off the corn, a great quantity of which lay there: it belonged to Bernice the queen, and had been gathered together out of the neighboring villages into Besara; so I loaded my camels and asses, a great number of which I had brought along with me, and sent the corn into Galilee. When I had done this, I offered Ebutius battle; but when he would not accept of the offer, for he was terrified at our readi- ness and courage, I altered my route, and marched towards Neopolitanus, because I had heard that the country about Tiberias was laid waste by him. This Neopolitanus was cap- tain of a troop of horse, and had the custody of Scythopolis intrusted to nis care by tht ene- my; and when I had hindered him froin uoin any further mischief to Tiberias, I set myse to make provision for the affairs of Galilee. conscience, and is not to be compelled in matters of religion, as one may here observe, on the contrary, that the rest of the Jews were still for obliging all those who married Jews to be circumcised, and become Jews, and were ready to destroy all that would not submittodoso. Seesect 3land Lukeix 54. 10 25. But when John, the son of Levi, who, as we before told you, abode at Gischala, was informed ‘how ali things had succeeded to my mind, and that I was much in favor with those that were under me; as also that the enemy were greatly afraid of me, he was not pleased with it, as thinking my prosperity tended to his ruin. So hetook up a bitter envy and enmity against me; and hoping, that if he could inflame those that were under me to hate me, he should put an end to the prosperity I was in, he tried to persuade the inhabitants of Tiberias and of Sepphoris, (and for those of Gabara he sup- posed they would be also of the same mind with the others,) which were the greatest cities of Galilee, to revolt from their subjection to me, and to be of his party; and he told them that he would command them better than I did. As for the people of Sepphoris, who belonged to neither of us, because they had chosen to be in subjection to the Romans, they did not com- ply with his proposal and for those of 'Tibe- rias, they did not indeed so far comply as to make a revolt from under me, but they agreed to be his friends, while the inhabitants of Ga- bara did go over to John; and it was Simon that persuaded them so to do; one who was beth the principal man in the city, and a parti- cular friend and companion of John. It is true, these did not openly own the making a revolt, because they were in great fear of the Galileans, and had frequent experience of the good will they bore to me; yet did they privately watch for a proper opportunity to lay snares for me; and indeed I thereby came into the greatest danger, on the occasion following: 26. There were some bold young men of the village Dabaritta, who observed that the wife of Ptolemy, the king’s procurator, was to make a progress over the great plain with a mighty attendance, and with some horsemen that fol- lowed, as a guard to them, and this out ofa country that was subject to the king and queen, into the jurisdiction of the Romans; and fell upon them on the sudden, and obliged the wife of Ptolemy to fly away, and plundered all the carriages. ‘They also came to me to Tarichee, with four mules’ loading of garments, and other furniture; and the weight of silver they brought was not small, and there were five hundred pieces of gold also. Now I had a mind to preserve these spoils for Ptolemy, who was my countryman; and it is prohibited us by our laws even to spoil our enemies:* so I said to those that brought these spoils, that they ought to be Kept in order to rebuild the walls of Jerusalem with them, when they came to be sold. But the young men took it very ill that they did not receive a part of those spoils for themselves, as they expected to have done; so they went among the villages, in the neighborhood of * How Josephus could say here that the Jewish laws for- bade them to “‘spoil even their enemies,’ while yet, a little before his time, our Savior had mentioned it as then a cur- rent maxim with them, “Thou shalt love thy neighbor, and hate thine enemy,” Matt. v. 43,is worth ourinquiry. I take it that Josephus, having been now for many years an Ebio- nite Christian, had learned this interpretation of the law of Moses from Christ, whom he owned for the true Messiah, as it follows in the succeeding verses, which, though he THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. Tiberias, and told the people, that I was going to betray their country to the Rornans, and that I used deceitful language to them, when I said, that what had been thus gotten by rapine should be kept for the rebuilding of the walls of the city of Jerusalem; although I had re- solved to restore these spoils again to their form: er owners. And indeed they were herein not mistaken as to my intentions; for when I had gotten clear of them, I sent for two of the prin- cipal men, Dassion, and Janneus the son of Levi, persons that were among the chief friends of the king, and commanded them to take the furniture that had been plundered, and to send it to him; and I threatened that I would order them to be put to death by way of punishment, if they discovered this my command to any other person. 27. Now when all Galilee was filled with this rumor, that their country was about to be betrayed by me to the Romans, and when all men were exasperated against me, and ready to bring me to punishment, the inhabitants of Tarichee did also themselves suppose that what the young men said was true, and persuad- ed my guards and armed men to leave ine when I was asleep, and to come presently to the hippodrome, in order there to take counse} against me their commander. And when they had prevailed with them, and they were gotten together, they found there a great company as- sembled already, who all joined in one clamor, to bring the man, who wasso wicked to them as to betray them, to his due punishment; and it was Jesus the son of Sapphias, who princi- pally set them on. He wasa ruler in Tiberias, a wicked man, and naturally disposed to make disturbances in matters of consequence, a se ditious person he was indeed, and an innoya- tor beyond every body else. He then took the laws of Moses into his hands, and came into the midst of the people, and said, “O my fellow- . citizens, if you are not disposed to hate Jose- phus on your own account, have regard how- ever to these laws of your country, which your commander in chief is going to betray; hate him therefore on both these accounts, and bring the man who hath acted thus insolently to his deserved punishment.” 28. When he had said this, and the multitude had openly applauded him for what he had said, he took some of the armed men, and made haste away to the house in which I lodged, asif he would kill mé immediately, while I was bce insensible of all till this disturbance happened, and, by reason of the pains I had been taking, was fallen fast asleep. But Simon, who was intrusted with the care of my body, and was the only person that stayed with me, and saw the violent incursion the citizens made upon me, awaked me, and told me of the dangeg might not readin St. Matthew’s gospel, yetmigh he have read much the same exposition in their own Ebior ite or Na zarene gospel itself, of which improvements made by Jo- sephus, after he was become a Christian, we have already had several examples in this his life, sect. 3, 13, 15, 19, 21, 23; and shall have many more therein before its conclu- sion, as well as we have them elsewere in all his later wim ings. —~ THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. i} 1 was mm, and desired me to let him kill me, that l might die bravely and like a general, before my enemies came in, and forced me [to kill myself,] or kill me themselves. Thus did he discourse to me, but I committed the care of my life to God, and made haste to go out to the mul- titude. Accordingly I put on a black garment and hung my sword at my neck, and went by such a different way to the hippodrome, where- in I thought none of my adversaries would meet me; sol appeared among them on the | sudden, and fell down flat on the earth, and bedewed the ground with my tears: then 1 seemed to them all an object of compassion. And when I perceived the change that was made ir. the multitude, I tried to divide their opinions, before the armed men should return from my house: sol granted them that I had been as wicked as they supposed me to be; but still I entreated them to let me first inform them for what use I had kept that money which arose from the plunder, and that they might then kill me if they pleased; and upon the multitude’s ordering me to speak, the armed _men came upon me, and when they saw me, they ran to kill me: but when the multitude bade them hold their hands, they complied, and expected that as soon as I should own to them that I kept the money for the king, it would be looked on asa confession of my treason, and they should then be allowed to kill me. 29. When, therefore, silence was made by the whole multitude, I spake thus to them: “O _my countrymen, I refuse not to die, if justice sorequire. However, Iam desirous to tell you the truth of this matter before Idie; foras I know that this city of yours ['Taricheze] was a city of great hospitality, and filled with abun- dance of such menas have left their own coun- tries,and are come hither to be partakers of ‘la fortune whatever it be, I had a mind to uild walls about it, out of this money, for which you are so angry with me, while yet it was to be expended in building your own walls,” Upon my saying this, the people of Tarichez and the strangers cried out, that “they gave me thanks, and desired me to be of good cou- rage.” Although the Galileans and the people of ‘Tiberias continued in their wrath against me, insomuch that there arose a tumult among them, while some threatened to kill me, and some bid me not to regard them; but when I promised them that I would build them walls at Tiberias, and at other cities that wanted them, they gave credit to what I promised, and returned every one to hisown home. So I es- saped the forementioned danger, beyond al] my nopes, and returned to my own house, accom- ped with my friends, and twenty armed men 50: 30, However those robbers and other authors of this tumult, who were afraid on their own account, lest I should punish them for what _ they had done, took six hundred armed men and came to the house were I abode, in order to set it on fire. When this their insult was told me, I thought it indecent for me to run uway, and I resolved to expose myself to danger, and to act with some boldness; so ] gave order to snut the doors, and went up into an upper room, and desired that they would send some of their men in to receive the money [from the spoils;] for [told them they would then have no occasion to be angry with me; and when they had sent in one of the boldest men of them all, I had him whipped severely, and } cominanded that one of his hands should be cut off, and hung about his neck; and in this case was he put out to those that sent him. At which procedure of mine they were greatly affrighted and in no small consternation, and were afraid that they should themselves be served in like manner, if they stayed there; for they suppos- ed that I had in the house more armed men than they had themselves; so they ran away immediately, while I, by the use of this strata- gem, escaped this their second ueacherous de- Sign against me. 31. But there were still some that irritated the multitude against me, and said, that those great men that belonged to the king ought not to be suffered to live, if they would not change their religion to the religion of those to whom they fled for safety: they spake reproachtully of them also, and said, that they were wizards,* and such as called in the Romans upon them. So the multitude was soon deluded by such plausible pretences as were agreeable tu their own inclinations, and were prevailed on by them. But when I was informed of this, I in- structed the multitude again, that those who fled to them for refuge ought not to be persecuted; I also laughed at the allegation about witchcraft, and told them that the Romans would not maintain so many ten thousand soldiers, if they could overcome their enemies by wizards, Upon my saying this, the people assented for a while; but they returned again afterwards, as irritated by some ill people against the great men: nay, they once made an assault upon the house in which they dwelt at Tarichee, in or- der to kill them; which when I was informed of, I was afraid lestso horrid a crime should take effect, and nobody else would make that city their refuge any more. I therefore came myself, and some others with me, to the house where these great men lived, and locked their doors, and had a trench drawn from their houses leading to the lake, and sent for a ship, and em- barked therein with them, and sailed to the con- fines of Hippos; I also paid them the value of their horses, nor in such a flight could I have their horses brought tothem. I then dismissed them, and begged of them earnestly that they would courageously bear this distress which befell them. I was also myself greatly dis pleased that I was compelled to expose those that had fled to meto go again into an enemy’s country; yet did I think it more eligible that they should perist among the Romans, if it should so happen, than in the country that was under my jurisdiction. However, they escaped at length and king Agrippa forgave them their * Here we may observe the vulgar Jewish notion of witch- craft; but that our Josephus was too wise to give any cour tenance to it. 12 offences. And tius was the conclusion of what concerned these men. 32. But as for the inhabitants of the city of Tiberias, they wrote to the king, and desired him to send them forces sufficient to be a guard to their country; for that they were desirous to come over to him: this was what they wrote tohim. But when I cametothem, they desired me to build their walls, as | had promised them to do; for they had heard that the walls of 'Ta- richee were already built: I agreed to their proposal accordingly. And when I had made preparation for the entire building, I gave order to the architects to go to work; but on the third day, when I was gone to Tarichez, which was thirty furlongs distant from Tiberias, it so fell out, that some Roman horsemen were discov- ered on their march, not far from the city, whick made it to be supposed that the forces were come from the king; upon which they shouted and lifted up their voices in commen- dations of the king, and in reproaches against me. Hereupon one came running to me, and told me what their dispositions were, and that they had resolved to revolt from me; upon hear- ing which news I was very much alarmed; for { bad already sent away my armed men from Tarichez to their own homes, because the next day wasour Sabbath; for I would not have the ople of Tarichew be disturbed [on that day] hy a multitude of soldiers; and indeed, when- ever I sojourned at that city, I never took any sarticular care fora guard about my own body sia I had had frequent instances of the fidelity its inhabitants bore to me. I had now about me no more than seven armed men be- sides some friends, and was doubtful what to do; for to send to recall my own forces I did uot think proper, because the present day was almost over, and had those forces been with me, { could not take up arms on the next day, be- sause our laws forbid us so to do, even though our necessity should be very great; and if I should permit the people of 'Tarichez, and the strangers with them, to guard the city, I saw that they would not be sufficient for that purpose, and I perceived that I should be oblig- ed to delay my assistance a great while; for I thought with myself that the forces that came from the king would prevent me, and that I should be driven out of the city. I considered therefore, how to get clear of these forces by a stratagem; so I immediately placed those my friends of Taricheze, on whom I could best con- fide, at the gates, to watch those very carefully who went out at those gates; I also called to me the heads of families, and bid every one of them to seize upon a ship,* to go on board it, and to take a master with them, and follow him to the eity of Tiberias. 1 also myself went on board one of those ships, with my friends, and the seven armed men already mentioned, and sailed for Tiberias. 33. But now, when the people of Tiberias perceived that there were no forces come from * In this section, as well as sect. 18, and sect. 33, those small vessels that sailed on the sea of Galilee, are called by Josephus Nyzrr, and Ilaoww, and X«xey, ¢. e. plainly, ships, eo that we need not wonder at our Evangelists, who sull THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. the king, and yet saw the whole ake full of ships, they were in fear what would become of their city, and were greatly terrified, as sup- posing that the ships were full of men on board, so they then changed their minds, and threw down their weapons, and met me with their wives and children, and made acclamations te me, with great commendations; for they ima- gined that I did not know their former inclina- tions [to have been against me;] so they persuad ed me to spare the city. But when I was com near enough, I gave order to the masters of th ships to cast anchor a good way off the land, tha the people of Tiberias might not perceive that the ships had no men on board; but I went near- er to the people in one of the ships, and rebuked them for their folly, and that they were so fickle as, Without any just occasion in the world, to re- volt from their fidelity to me. However, I assur- ed them that I would entirely forgive them for the time to come, if they would send ten of the ringleaders of the multitude to me; and when they complied readily with this proposal, and sent me the men forementioned, I put them on board a ship, and sent them away to 'Tar- icheze, and ordered them to be kept in prison. 34. And by this stratagem it was that I gradually got all the senate of Tiberias inte my power, and sent them to the city foremen- tioned, with many of the principal men among the populace; and those not fewer in number than the other. But when the multitude saw into what great miseries they had brought them- selves, they desired me to punish the author of this sedition; his name was Clitus, a young man, bold and rash in his undertakings. Now since I thought it not agreeable to piety to put one of my own people to death, and yet found it necessary to punish him, I ordered Levi one of my own guards, to go to him, and cut off one of Clitus’s hands; but as he that was ordered to do this, was afraid to go out of the ship alone, among so greata multitude, I was not willing that the timorousness of the soldier should ap- pear to the people of Tiberias. So I called to Clitus himself, and said to him, “Since thou deservest to lose both thine hands, for thy in- gratitude to me, be thou thine own executionet, lest, if thou refusest so to be, thou undergo a worse punishment.” And, when he earnestly begged of me to spare him one of his hands, it was with difficulty that I granted it. ‘So in order to prevent the loss of both his hands, he willingly took his swoxd, and cut off his own left hand; and this put an end to the sedition. 39. Now the men of Tiberias, after I was gone to Tarichez, perceived what stratagem [ had used against them, and they admired how I had put an end to their foolish sedition, without shedding of blood. But now, when I had sent for some of thosexmultitudes of the people of Tiberias out of prison, among whom were Jus- tus and his father Pistus, made them to sup with ine, and during our supper-time, I said to them, that I knew the power of the Romans call them ships, nor aught we to render them boats, as some do. Their number was in all 230, as we learn from our aw thor elsewhere; Of the War, B. ii. chap. xxi. eect. 8 THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHAUS. was superior to all others, but did not say so [publicly] because of the robbers. So I ad- vised them to do as I did, and to wait for a pro- er opportunity, and not to be uneasy at my Rem their commander; for that they could not expect to have another who would use the like moderation that [had done. [I also put Justus tn mind how the Galileans had cut off his brother’s hands, before ever [ came to Jerusa- 1m, upon an accusation laid against him, as if he had been a rogue, and had forged some let- ters; as also how the people of Gamala, in a sedition they raised against the Babylonians, after the departure of Philip, slew Chares, who was a kinsman of Philip, and withal how they had wisely punished Jesus, and his brother Justus’s sister’s husband [with death.] When I had said this to them during supper-time, I in the morning ordered Justus, and all the rest that were in prison, to be loosed out of it, and sent away. 36. But before this, it happened that Philip, the son of Jacimus, went out of the citadel of Gamala upon the following occasion: when Philip had been informed that Varus was put ~ out of his government by king Agrippa, and that Modius Equiculus, a man that was of old his friend and companion, was come to suc- ceed him, he wrote to him, and related what turns of fortune he had had, and desired him to forward the letters he had sent to the king and queen. Now when Modius had received these letters, he was exceeding glad, and sent the letters to the king and queen, who were then about Berytus. But when king Agrippa knew that the story about Philip was false, (for it had been given out, that the Jews had begun a war with the Romans, and that this Philip had been their commander in that war,) he sent some horsemen to conduct Philip to him, and, when he was come, he saluted him very obligingly, and showed him to the Roman com- manders, and told them that this was the man of whom the report had gone about as if he _ had revolted from the Romans. He also bid him take some horsemen with him, and to go quickly to the citadel of Gamala, and to bring out thence all his domestics, and to restore the Babylonians to Batanea again. He also gave it him in charge to take all possible care that none of his subjects should be guilty of mak- ing any innovation. Accordingly, upon these directions from the king, he made haste to do what he was commanded. 37. Now there was one Joseph, the son of a female physician, who excited a great many reue men to join with him. He also inso- ently addressed himself to the principal per- sons at Gamala, and persuaded them to revolt from the king, and take up arms, and gave them hopes that they should, by his means, re- cover their liberty. And some they forced imto the service, and those that would not ac- quiesce in what they had resolved on, they slew. They also slew Chares, and with him Jesus, one of his kinsmen, and a brother of Justus of Tiberias, as we have already said. Those of Gamala also wrote to me, desiring 13 me to send them an armed force, and workmen to raise up the wall of their city; nor did I re- ject either of their requests. The region of Gaulonitis did also revolt from the king, as far as the village Solyma. I also built a wall about Seleucia and Soganni, which are villages naturally of very great strength. Moreover, I in like manner, walled several villages of Upper Galilee, though they were very rocky of them- selves. ‘Their names are Jamnia, and Meroth, and Achabare. I also fortified, in the Lower Galilee, the cities of Tarichez, Tiberias, Sep- phoris, and the villages, the cave of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin, Jotapata, Caphareccho, and Sigo, and Japha, and Mount Tabor.* I also laid up a great quantity of corn in these places, and arms withal, that might be for their se- curity afterward. 38. But the hatred that John, the son of Levi, bore to me, grew now more violent, while he could not bear my prosperity with patience. So he proposed to himself, by all means possible, to make away with me, and built the walls of Gis- chala, which was the place of his nativity. He then sent his brother Simon, and Jonathan the son of Sisenna, and about a hundred armed men, to Jerusalem, to Simon the son of Gama- liel,t in order to persuade him to induce the commonalty of Jerusalem to take from me the government over the Galileans, and to give their suffrages for conferring that authority upon him. This Simon was of the city of Jerusalem, and of avery noble family, of the sect of the Phari- sees, which are supposed to excel others in the accurate knowledge of the laws of their coun- try. He was aman of great wisdom and rea- son, and capable of restoring public affairs by his prudence, when they were in an ill posture. He was also an old friend and companion of John; but at that time he had a difference with me. When therefore he had received such an exhortation, he persuaded the high priests,Ana- nus, and Jesus the son of Gamala, and some others of the same seditious faction, to set me down, now I was growing so great, and not to overlook me while I was aggrandizing mys-lf to the height of glory; and he said, that it would be for the advantage of the Galileans, if I were deprived of my government there. Ananus also, and his friends, desired them to make no delay about the matter,lest I should get the knowledge of what was doing too soon, and should come and make an assault upon the city with a great ar- my. ‘This was the counsel of Simon; but Ana- nus the high priest demonstrated to them, that this was not an easy thing to be done, becatise many of the high priests, and of the rulers of the people, bore witness that I had acted lixe an excellent general, and that it was the work of ill men to accuse one against whom they had nothing to say. 39. When Simon heard Ananus say this, he * Part of these fortifications on Mount Tabor may be those still remaining, and which were seen lately by Mz. Maundrel. See his Travels, p. 112. t This Gamaliel may be the very same that is mentioned by the rabbins in the Mishna, in Juchasin, and in Porta Mosis, as is observed in the Latin notes. He might be alee that Gamaliel II. whose grandfather was Gamaliel I. wre is mentioned Acts xxii. 3. See Prid. at the year 446, 14 THE LIFE Or FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. desired that the messengers would conceal the thing, and not jet it come among many, for that he would take care to have Josephus removed out of Galilee very quickly. So he called for John’s brother, [Simon,] and charged him, that they should send presents to Ananus and his friends; for, as he said, they might probably by that means persuade them to change their minds. And indeed’Simon did at length thus compass what he aimed at, for Ananus, and those with him being corrupted by bribes, agreed to expel me out of Galilee, without making the rest of the citizens acquainted with what they were doing. Accordingly they re- solved to send men of distinction as to their families, and of distinction as to their learning also. ‘T'wo of these were of the populace, Jo- nathan* and Ananias, by sect of the Pharisees; while the third, Jozar, was of the stock of the riests, and a Pharisee also; and Simon, the ee of them, was of the youngest of the high priests. These had it given them in charge, that, when they were come to the multitude of the Galileans, they should ask them what was the reason of their love to me? and if they said, that it was because I was born at Jerusa- lem, they should reply, that they four were all born at the same place; and if they should say, it was because I was well versed in their law, they should reply, that neither were they un- acquainted with the practices of their country; out if, besides these, they should say, they loved me because I was a priest, they should reply, that two of these were priests also. 40. Now, when they had given Jonathan and his companions these instructions, they gave them forty thousand [drachme] out of the public money: but when they heard that there was a certain Galilean that then sojourned at Jerusalem, whose name was Jesus, who had about him’a band of six hundred armed men, they sent for him, and gave him three months’ pay, and gave him orders to follow Jonathan and his companions, and be obedient to them. They also gave money to three hundred men that were citizens of Jerusalem, to maintain them all, and ordered them also to follow the ambassadors; and when they had complied, and were gotten ready for the march, Jonathan and his companions went out with them, having along with them John’s brother, and a bundred armed men. The charge that was iven them by those that sent them was this, at if I would voluntarily lay down my arms, they should send me alive to the city Jerusa- lem; but that in case I opposed them, they should kill me, and fear nothing, for that it was their command for them so to do. They also wrote to John to make all ready for fighting me, and gave order to the inhabitants of Sep- phoris, and Gabara, and Tiberias, to send auxiliaries to John. 41. Now, as my father wrote me an account of this, (for Jesus, the son of Gamala, who was present in that council, a friend and companion * This Jonathan is also taken notice of in the Latin notes, ag the same that is mentioned by the rabbins in Porta of mine, told him of it,) I was very mueb troubled, as discovering thereby, that my fel low-citizens proved so ungrateful to me, as, out of envy, to give order that I should be slain; my father earnestly pressed me also in his letter to come to him, for that he longed to see his son before he died. I informed my friends of these things, and that in three days’ time I should leave the country, and go home. Upon hearing this they were all very sorry, and desired me, with tears in their eyes, not to leave them to be destroyed; for so they thought hey should be, if I were deprived of the comman over them: but as I did not grant their request but was taking care of my own safety, the Galileans, out of their dread of the conse- quences of my departure, that they should then be at the mercy of the robbers, sent messen- gers over all Galilee to inform them of my resolution to leave them. Whereupon, as soon as they heard it, they got together in great num- bers, from all parts, with their wives and chil- dren; and as they did, as it appeared to me, not more out of their affection to me, than out of their fear on their own account; for while I staid with them, they supposed that they should suffer no harm. So they all came into the great plain, wherein I lived, the name of which was Asochis. 42. But wonderful it was what a dream I saw that very night; for when I had betaken myself to my bed, as grieved and disturbed at the news that had been written to me, it seem- ed to me, that a certain person stood by me,*®* and said, “O Josephus! leave off to afflict thy soul, and put away all fear; for what now grieves thee will render thee very considerable, and in all respects most happy; for theu shalt get over not only these difficulties, but many others, with great success. However, be not cast down, but remember that thou art to fight with the Romans.” When I had seen this dream, I got up with an intention of going down to the plain. Now when the whole multitude of the Galileans, among: whom were the women and children, saw me, they threw themselves down upon their faces, and, with tears in their eyes, besought me not to leave them exposed to their enemies, nor to go away and permit their country to be injured by them, But when I did not comply with their en- treaties, they compelled me to take an oath, that I would stay with them: they also cast abundance of reproaches upon the people of Jerusalem, that they would not let their country enjoy peace. 43. When I heard this, and saw what sorrow . the people were in, | was moved with compas- — sion to them, and thought it became me to un- dergo the most manifest hazards for the sake of so great a multitude; so I let them know 1 would stay with them. And when I had given order that five thousand of them should come to me armed, and with provisions for their * This [take to be the first of Josephus’s remarkable or divine dreams, which were predictive of the great things that afterwards came to pass: of which see more in the note on Antiq. B. iii. ch. viii. sect. 9. The other isin the Was B. iii. ch. viii. sect. 3, 9, ; ae ee THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS 18 maintenance, [ sent the rest away to their own | friends to stay, and ordered my servant to get homes; and when those five thousand were |some wine ready. I also opened the letter come, I took them, together with three thou- sand of the soldiers that were with me before, and eighty horsemen, and marched to the vil- lage of Chabolo, situated in the confines of Ptolemais, and there kept my forces together, pretending to get ready to fight with Placidus, who was come with two cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, and was sent thither by Cestius Gallus, to burn those villages of Galilee that were near Ptolemais. Upon whose casting up a bank before the city Ptole- mais, I also pitched my camp at about the distance of sixty furlongs from that village. And now we frequently brought out our forces as if we would fight, but proceeded no farther than skirmishes at a distance; for when Placi- dus perceived that I was earnest to come to a battle, he was afraid, and avoided it. Yet he did not remove from the neighborhood of Ptolemais. 44, About this time it was that Jonathan and his fellow-legates came. ‘They were sent, as we have said already, by Simon, and Ananus the high priest. And Jonathan contrived how he might catch me by treachery; for he durst not make any attempt upon me openly. So he wrote me the following epistle: “Jonathan, and those that are with him, and are sent by the people of Jerusalem, to Josephus, send greeting: We are sent by the principal men “of Jerusalem, who have heard that John of contain a great number of soldiers.” Gischala hath laid many snares for thee, to -rebuke him, and to exhort him to be subject to ~ thee hereafter. Weare also desirous to consult with thee about our common concerns, and what is fit to be done. We therefore desire thee to come to us quickly, and to bring only a few men with thee, for this village will not Thus it was that they wrote, as expecting one of these two things, either that I should come with- out armed men, and then they should have me wholly in their power; or, if I came with a » great number, they should judge me to be a pave enemy. Now it was a horseman who rought the letter, a man at other times bold, and one that had served in the army under the king. It was the second hour of the night that he came, when I was feasting with my friends, and the principal of the Galileans. This man, upon my servant’s telling me, that a certain horseman of the Jewish nation was come, was called in at my command, but did not so much as salute me at all, but held out a letter, and said, “This letter is sent thee by thuse that are come from Jerusalem. Do thou write an answer to it quickly, for I am obliged to return to them very soon.” Now my guests _ could not but wonder at the boldness of the | soldier. But I desired him to sit down and sup with us; but when he refused so to do, I aeld the letter in my hands as I received it, and fell a talking with my guests about other matters, But a few hours afterward, I got up, and, when I had lismissed the rest to go to their beds, I bid only four of my intimate so that nobody could perceive it; and, un- derstanding thereby presently the purport of the writing, I sealed it up again, and appeared as if I had not yet read it, but only held it in my hands. I ordered twenty drachme should be given the soldier, for the charges of his journey; and when he took the money, and said he thanked me for it, 1 perceived that he loved money, and that he was to be caugh chiefly by that means, and I said to him, “If thou, wilt but drink with us, thou shalt have a drachmee for every glass thou drinkest.” So he gladly embraced this -proposal, and drank a great deal of wine, in order to get the more money, and was so drunk that at last he could not keep the secrets he was entrusted with, but discovered them, without my putting questions to him, viz. that a treacherous design was con- trived against me, and that I was doomed te die by those that sent him. When I heard this, I wrote back this answer: “Josephus to Jona- than and those that are with him, sendeth greeting: Upon the information that you are come in health into Galilee, I rejoice, and this especially, because I can now resign the care of public affairs here to your hands, and re- turn into my native country, which is what I have desired to do a great while; and I confess I ought not only to come to you as far as Xa- loth, but farther, and this without your com- mands. But I desire you to excuse me, be- cause | cannot do it now, since I watch the motions of Placidus, who hath a mind to go up into Galilee; and this I do here at Chabolo. Do you therefore, on the receipt of this epistle come hither to me. Fare you well.” 45. When I had written thus, and given the letter to be carried by the soldier, I sent along with him thirty of the Galileans of the best cha- racters, and gave them instructions to salute those ambassadors, but to say nothing else te them. [also gave orders to as many of those armed men, whom I esteemed most faithful to me, to go along with the others, every one with him whom he was to guard, lest some conversa- tion might pass between those whom [ sent and those that were with Jonathan. So these men went [to Jonathan.] But, when Jonathan and his partners had failed in this their first attempt, they sent me another letter, the contents where- of were as follows: “Jonathan and those with him, to Josephus, send greeting: We require thee to come to us to the village Gabaroth, on the third day, without any armed men, that we » may hear what thou hast to lay to the charge of John [ot Gischala.”] When they had written this letter, they saluted the Galileans whom | sent, and came to Japha, which was the largest village of all Galilee, and encompassed with very strong walls, and had a great number of inhabitants in it. There the multitude of men with their wives and children met them, and exclaimed loudly against them, and desired them to be gone, and not to envy them the advantage of an excellent commander. With these clamors, Jonathan and his partners were 1G THE LIFE OF F greatly provoked, although they durst not show their anger openly; so they made them no an- ewer, but went to other villages. But still the same clamors met them from all the people, who said,“Nobody should persuade them to have any other commander besides Josephus.” So Jonathan and his partners went away from them without success, and came to Sepphoris, the greatest city of all Galilee. Now the men of that city who inclined to the Romans in their sentiments, met them indeed, but neither praised nor reproached me; and when they were gone down from Sepphoris to Asochis, the people of that place made aclamor against them, as those of Japha had done. Where- upon they were able to contain themselves no longer, but ordered the armed men that were with them to beat those that made the clamor with their clubs. And when they came to Ga- bara, John met them, with three thousand arm- ed men; but,as I understood by thew letter, that they had resolved to fight against me, I arose from Chabolo, with three thousand arm- ed men also, but left in my camp one of my fastest friends, and came to Jotapata, as desir- ous to be near them, the distance being no more than forty furlongs. Whence I wrote thus to them: “If you are very desirous that I should come to you, you know there are two hundred and forty cities and villages in Galilee, I will come to any of them which you please, except- ing Gabara and Gischala; the one of which is John’s native city, and the other in confederacy and friendship with him.” 46. When Jonathan and his partners had re- ceived this letter, they wrote meno more an- swers, but called a council of their friends to- gether, and taking John into their consultation, they took counsel together by what means they might attack me. John’s opinion was, that they should write to all the cities and villages that were in Galilee; for that there must be certainly one or two persons in every one of them that were at variance with me, and that they should be invited to come to oppose me as an enemy. He would also have them send this resolution of theirs to the city Jerusalem, that its citizens, upon the knowledge of my be- ing adjudged to be an enemy by the Galileans, might themselves also confirm that determina- tion. He said also, that when this was done, even those Galileans who were well affected to me would desert me out of fear. When John had given them this counsel, what he had said was very agreeable to the rest of them. I was also made acquainted with these affairs about the third hour of the night, by the means of ane Saccheus, who hvd belonged to them, but now deserted them and came over to me, and told me what they were about; so I perceived that no time was to be lost. Accordingly I gave command to Jacob, an armed man of my guard, whom I esteemed faithful to me, to take two hundred men, and to guard the passages that led from Gabara to Galilee, and to seize upon the passengers, and send them to me, es- pecially such as were caught with letters about them: I also sent Jeremias himself, one of my ! LUAVIUS JOSEPHUS. friends, with six hundred armed men, to the borders of Galilee, in order to watch the roads, that led from this country to the city Jerusalem, and gave him charge to lay hold of such as travelled with letters about them, to keep the men in bonds upon the place, but to send me the letters. 47. When I had laid these commands upon them, I gave them orders, and bid them to take their arms and bring three days’ provision with then, and be with me the next day. I also parted those that were about me into four parts, and ordained those of them that were the most faithful to be a guard to my body. I also set over them centurions, and commanded them to take care that nota soldier whom they did not know should mingle himself among them. Now on the fifth day following, when I was ‘in Gabaroth, I found the entire plain that was be- fore the village full of armed men, who were come out of Galilee to assist me; many others of the multitude also, out of the village, ran along with me. But as soon as I had taken my place, and began to speak to them, they all made an acclamation, and called me tle bene- factor and savior of the country. And when I had made them my acknowledgments, and thanked them, [for their affection to me,] I alse advised them to fight* with nobody, nor to spoil the country; but to pitch their tents in the plain, and be content with the sustenance they had brought with them; for I told them that I had a mind to compose these troubles without shedding any blood. Now it came to pass, that on the very same day those who were sent by John with letters, fell among the guards whom { had appointed to watch the roads; so the men were themselves kept upon the place, as my orders were, but I got the letters, which were full of reproaches and lies: and I intended to fall upon these men without saying a word of these matters to any body. 48. Now assoon as Jonathan and his compa- nions heard of my coming, they took all their own friends, and Jobn with them, and retired to the house of Jesus, which indeed was a large castle, and no wav unlike a citadel; so they pri- vately laid a band of armed men therein, and shut all the ovner doors but one, which they kept open; and they expected that I should come out of the roadto them, tosalute them. And indeed they had given orders to the armed men, that when I came they should let nobody ~ besides me come in, but should exclude others; as supposing that, by this means, they should easily get me under their power: but they were deceived in their expectation; for I perceived what snares they had laid for me. Now as soon as I was got off my journey, I took up my lodgings over against them, and pretended to be asleep; so Jonathan and his party, think. ing that I was really asleep, and at rest, made * Josephus’s directions to his soldiers here are much the same that John the Baptist gave, Luke iii. 14, “Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages.”? Whence Dr. Hudson confirms this conjecture that Josephus, in some things, was, even now, 8 follower of John the Baptist; which is no way improbable. Ser the mote on sect. 2. THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. haste to go down into the plain, to persuade the people that I was an ill governor. But the matter proved otherwise, for upon their appear- ance, there was a cry made by the Galileans immediately, declaring their good opinion of me as their governor; and they made a clamor against Jonathan and his partners, for coming to them when they had suffered no harm, and as though they would overturn their happy settlement; and desired them by all means to go back again, for that they would never be persuaded to have any other to rule over them but myself. When I heard ofthis, I did not fear to go down into the midst of them; I went therefore myself down presently to hear what Jonathan and his companions said. As soon as I appeared, there was immediately an accla- ination made to me bythe whole multitude, and acry in my commendation by them, who confessed their thanks were owing to me for my good government of them. 49. When Jonathan and his companions heard this, they were in fear of their own lives, and in danger lest they should be assaulted by the Galileans on my account; so they contrived how they mightrun away. Butas they were not able to get off, for I desired them to stay, they looked down with concern at my words to them. I ordered, therefore, the multitude to restrain entirely their acclamations, and placed the most faithful of my armed men upon the avenues, to be a guard to us, lest John should unexpectedly fall upon us; and [ encouraged the Galileans to take their wea- pons, lest they should be disturbed at their enemies, if any sudden assault should be made uponthem. And then, in the first place, I put Jonathan and his partners in mind of their Satie letter, and after what manner they ad written to me, and declared they were sent by the common consent of the people of Jeru- salem, to make up the differences [ had with . John, and how they had desired me to come to them; and as I spake thus, I publicly showed that letter they had written, till they could not at all deny what they had done, the letter itself convicting them. [ then said, “O Jonathan, and you that are sent with him as his col- leagues, if I were to be judged as to my be- havior, compared with that of John’s, and had brought no more than two* or three witnesses, Sade men and true, itis plain you had been orced, uponthe examination of their charac- ters beforehand, to discharge the accusations; that therefore you may be informed that I have acte1 well in the affairs of Galilee, I think three witnesses too few to be brought by aman that hath done as he ought to do; sol give you all these for witnesses. Inquire of them} how “ We here learn the practice of the Jews, in the days of J osepnus, to inquire into the characters of witnesses, before they were admitted, and that their number ought to be three, or two at the least, also exactly asin the law of Moses, and in the Apostolical Constitutions, B. ii. ch. xxxvii. See Horeb Covenant Revived, page 97, 98. { This appeal to the whole body of the Galileans by Jo- sep)izs, and the testimony they gave him of integrity in his conduct, as their governor, is very like that appeal and tes- tumony in the case of the prophet Samuel, | Sam. xii 1—5, ead perhaps was done by Josephus im unianon of him. 3 r"? I have lived, and whether I have not vehaved myself with all decency, and after a virtuous manner among them. And I further con- jure you, O GaliJeans, to hide no part of the truth, but to speak before these men as before judges, whether I have in any thing acted otherwise than well.” 50. While I was thus speaking, the united voices of all the people joined together, and called me their benefactor and savior, and at- tested to my former behavior, and exhorted me to continue so to do hereafter; and they all said, upon their oaths, that their wives had been preserved free from injuries, and that no one had ever been aggrieved by me. After this, I read to the Galileans two of those epistles which had been sent by Jonathan and his eal- leagues, and which those whom I had appoi t- ed to guard the road had taken, and sent to n € These were full of reproaches and of lies, if I had acted more like a tyrant than a gover 1- or against them, with many other things besid es therein contained, which were no better inde *d than impudent falsities. I also informed t ie multitude how I came by these letters, aid that those who carried them delivered them) ip voluntarily; for I was not willing that my er e- mies should know any thing of the guards | had set, lest they should be afraid, and leave off writing hereafter. 51. When the multitude heard these thinjss, they were greatly provoked at Jonathan, aid his colleagues that were with him, and were going to attack them and kill them; and this they had certainly done, unless I had restrain- ed the anger of the Galileans, and said, tat “I forgave Jonathan and his colleagues w} at was past, if they would repent, and go to their own country, and tell those who sent them t 16 truth, as to my conduct.” Whenl had sad this, I let them go, although I knew they would do nothing of what they had promised. But the multitude were very much enraged against them, and entreated me to give them leave te punish them for their insolence; yet did I try all methods to persuade them to spare the men, for I knew that every instance of sedition was pernicious to the public welfare. But the multi- tude were too angry with them to be dissuaded, and all of them went immediately to the house in which Jonathan and his colleagues abode, However, when I perceived that their rage could not be restrained, I got on horseback, and ordered the multitude to follow me to the vil- lage Sogane, which was twenty furlongs off Gabara; and by using this stratagem, I so man- aged myself, as not to appear to begin a civil war among therm. 52. But when I was come near Sogay e | caused the multitude to make a halt, and ex- horted them not to be so easily provoked to ans ger, and to the inflicting such punishments as could not be afterward recalled; [also gave or- der, that a hundred men who were already in years, and were principal men among cin should get themselves ready to go to the city 0 Jerusalem, and should make a complaint be- fore the people, of such as raised seditions im 18 the country. And I said to them, that “in case they be moved with what you say, you shall desire the community to write to me, and to en- join me to continue in Galilee, and to order Neneh and his colleagues to depart out of it.” When I had suggested these instructions to them, and while they were getting themselves ready as fast as they could, I sent them on this errand on the third day after they had been assembled; I also sent five hundred armed men with them [as a guard.] I then wrote to my friends in Samaria, to take care that they might safely pass through the country: for Samaria was already under the Romans, and it was ab- solutely necessary for those that go quickly [to Jerusalem] to pass through that country; for in that road you may, in three days’ time, go from Galilee to Jerusalem. I also went myself, and conducted the old men as far as the bounds of Galilee, and set guards in the roads; that it might not be easily known by any one that these men were gone. And when I had thus done, I event and abode at Japha. 53. Now Jonathan and his colleagues having failed of accomplishing what they would have done against me, they sent John back to Gis- chala, but went themselves to the city ‘Tiberias, expecting it would submit itself to them; and this was fuunded on a letter which Jesus, their then governor, had written them, promising that if they came, the multitude would receive them and chose to be under their government; so they went their ways with this expectation. But Silas, who, as I said, had been left curator of Tiberias by me, informed me of this, and de- sired me to make haste thither. According- ly I complied with his advice immediately, and came thither, but found myself in danger of my life from the following occasion: Jo- nathan and his colleagues had been at Tiberias, and had persuaded a great many of such as bad a quarrel with me to desert me; but when they heard of my coming they were in fear for themselves, and came to me, and when they bad saluted me, they said, that I was a happy man in having behaved myself so well in the government of Galilee; aud they congratulated me upon the honors that were paid me; for they said, that my glory was a credit to them, mince they had been my teachers and fellow eitizens; and they suid farther, that it was but just that they should prefer my friendship to them rather than John’s, and that they would have unimediately gone home,but that they staid that they might deliver up Jolin into my power; and when they said this they took their oaths of it, and those such as are most tremendous amongst us, and such as [ did not think fit to disbelieve. However, they desired me to lodge somewhere else; because the next day was the Sabbath, and that it was not fit the city of Ti- berias should be disturbed [on that day.] 54. So I suspected nothing, and went away to Tarichez; yet did I withal leave some to mace inquiry in the city how matters went, and whether any thing was said about me; I also set any persons all the way that led from Tarichee to Tiberias that they might commn- THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. nicate from one to another, if they learned any news from those that were left in the city. On the next day, therefore, they all came into the Proseucha;* it was a large edifice, and capable of receiving a great number of people: thither Jonathan went in, and though he durst not openly speak of a revolt, yet did he say that their city stood in need of a better governor than it then had. But Jesus, who was the ruler, made no scruple to speak out, and said openly, “O fellow-citizens! it is better for you to be in subjection to four than to one; and those such as are of high birth, and not with- out reputation for their wisdom;” and pointed to Jonathan and his colleagues. Upon his saying this, Justus came in and commended him for what he had said, and persuaded some of the people to be of his mind also. But the multitude were not pleased with what was ~ said, and had certainly gone into a tumult, un- less the sixth hour which was now come had dissolved the assembly, at which hour our law requires us to go to dinner on Sabbath-days: so Jonathan and his colleagues put off their council till the next day, and went off without success. When I was informed of these af- fairs, [ determined to go to the city of Tibe- rias in the morning. Accordingly, on the next day, about the first hour of the day, 1 came © to ‘Tiberias, and found the multitude al- ready assembled in the Proseucha; but on what account they had gotten together, those that were assembled did not know. But when Jonathan and his colleagues saw me there un- expectedly, they were in disorder; after which they raised a report of their own contrivance, that Roman horsemen were seen at a place called Union, in the borders of Galilee, thirty furlongs distant from the city. Upon which report Jonathan and his colleagues cunningly exhorted me not to neglect this matter, nor to suffer the land to be spoiled by the enemy. And this they said with a design to remove me out of the city, under the pretence of the wam of extraordinary assistance, while they might dispose the city to be my enemy. 50. As for myself, although I knew of their design, yet did I comply with what they pro- posed, lest the people of Tiberias should have - occasion to suppose, that I was not careful of their security. I therefore went out; but when I was at the place, [ found not the least foot- steps of any enemy, so I returned as fast as ever I could, and found the whole council as- sembled, and the body of the people gotten together, and Jonathan and his colleagues bringing vehement accusations against me, as one who had no concern to ease them of the burdens of war, and as one that lived luxu- riously. And as they were discoursing thus, they produced four letters as written to them, from some people that lived at the borders ef * Itis worth noting here that there was now a great Pro- seucha, or place of prayer, in the city Tiberias itself, though such Proseucha used to be out of cities, as the synagogues were within them; of them see Le Moyne on Polycarp’s epistle, page 76. [tis also worth our remark, that the Jews in the days of Josephus used to dine at the sixth hour of noon; and that in obedience to their notions of the law ef Moses also. THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. Galilee, umploring that they would come to their assistance, fo. that there was an army of Romans, both ho:semen and footmen, who would come and lay waste the country on the third day; they desired them also to make haste, and not to overlook them. When the people of ‘Tiberias heard this, they thought they spake truth, and made a clamor against me, and said, I ought not to sit still, but to go away to the assistance of their countrymen. Hlereupon I said, (for [ understood the mean- ing of Jonathan and his colleagues,) that I was ready to comply with what they proposed, and without delay to march to the war which they spake of; yet did I advise them, at the same time, that since these letters declared that the Romans would make their assault in four several places, they should part their forces into five bodies, and make Jonathan and his colleagues generals of each body of them, be- cause it was fit for brave men, not only to give counsel, but to take the place of leaders, and assist their countrymen when such a necessity pressed them; for, said I, it is not possible for me to lead more than one party. This advise of mine greatly pleased the multitude; so they compelled them to go forth to the war. But their designs were put into very much disor- der, because they had not done what they had designed to do, on account of my stratagem, which was opposite to their undertakings. 06. Now there was one, whose name was Ananias, a wicked man he was, and very mis- -chievous: he proposed that a general religious fast* should be appointed the next day, for all the people, and gave order that at the same hour they should come to the same place without any weapons, to make it manifest be- fore God, that while they obtained his assist- ance they thought all these weapons useless. This he said, not out of piety, but that they might catch me and my friends unarmed. Now I was hereupon forced to comply, lest { should appear to despise a proposal that tended to piety. As soon, therefore, as we were gone home, Jonathan and _ his colleagues wrote to John, to come to them in the morn- ing, and desiring him to’come with as many soldiers as he possibly could, for that they should then be able easily to get me into their hands, and to do all they desired to do. When John had received this letter, he resolved to comply with it. As for myself, on the next day, I ordered two of the guards of my body, whom I esteemed the most courageous, and most faithful, to hide daggers under their gar- ments, and to go along with me, that we might defend ourselves, if any attack should be made upon us by our enemies. [ also myself took my breast-plate, and girded on my sword, so that it might be,.as far as it was possible, con- cealed, and came into the Proseucha. 57. Now Jesus, who was the ruler, command- ed that they should exclude all that came with mz, for he kept the door himself, and suffered - mone but his friends to go in. And while we * One may observe here, that this lay Pharisee Ananias, as we have seen he was, sect. 39, took upon him to appoint them whether I told a lie or not. 19 were engaged in the duties of the day, and had betaken ourselves to our prayers, Jesus got up, and inquired of me what was become of the vessels that were taken out of the king’s palace, when it was burnt down, [and] of that uncoin- ed silver; and in whose possession they now were? ‘This he said in order to drive away time till John should come. I said that Ca- pellus, and the ten principal men of Tiberias, had them all, and I told him that he might ask And when they said they had them, he asked me, what is become of those twenty pieces of gold which thou didst receive upon the sale of a certain weight of uncoined money? I replied, that I had given them to those ambassadors of theirs, as a maintenance for them, when they were sent by them to Jerusalem. So Jonathan and his colleagues said, that I had not done well to pay the ambassadors out of the public money. And when the multitude were very angry at them for this, for they perceived the wicked- ness of the men, I understood that a tumult was going to arise; and being desirous to provoke the people to a greater rage against the men, I said, “Butif I have not done well in paying our ambassadors out of the public stock, leave off your anger at me, for I will repay the twenty pieces of gold myself.” 58. When I had said this, Jonathan and his celleagues held their peace; but the people were still more irritated against them, upon their openly showing their unjust ill-will to me. When Jesus saw this change in the people, he ordered them to depart, but desired the senate to stay; for that they could not examine things of such a nature ina tumult; and asthe people were crying out that they would not leave me alone, there came one and told Jesus and his friends privately, that John and his armed men were at hand; whereupon Jonathan and his colleagues, being able to contain themselves no longer, (and perhaps the providence of God hereby procuring my deliverance; for had not this been so, I had certainly been destroyed by John,) said, “O you people of Tiberias, leave off this inquiry about the twenty pieces of gold; for Josephus hath not deserved to die for them, but he hath deserved it by his desire of tyran- nizing and by cheating the multitude of the Galileans with his speeches, in order to gain the dominion over them.” When he had said this, they presently laid hands upon me, and en- deavored to kill me; but, as soon as those .hat were with me saw what they did, they drew their swords, and threatened to smite them, if they offered any violence to me. The people also took up stones, and were about to throw them at Jonathan; and so they snatched me from the violence of my enemies. 59. But, as I was gone out a litte way, 1] was just upon meeting John, who was march- ing with his armed men. So I was afraid of him and turned aside, and escaped by a nar- row passage to the lake, and seized on a shi and embarked in it, and sailed over to Tan afast at Tiberias, and was obeyed; though indeed it wae not outof religion, but Knavish policy. ‘20 cher. So, beyond my expectation, I escaped this danger. Whereupon I presently sent for the chief of the Galileans, and told them after what manner, against all faith given, I had been very near to destruction from Jonathan and his colleagues, and the people of Tiberias. Upon which the multitude of the Galileans were very angry, and encouraged me to delay no longer to make war upon them, but to permit them to go against John, and utterly to destroy him, as well as Jonathan and his colleagues. How- ever, I restrained them, though they were in such a rage, and desired them to tarry awhile, till we should be informed what orders those ambassadors that were sent by them to the city of Jerusalem, should bring thence; for I told them that it was best for them to act ac- cording to their determination: whereupon they were prevailed on. At which time also, John, when the snares he had laid did not take effect, returned back to Gischala. 60. Now in a few «days those ambassadors whoin we had sent, came back again and in- formed us, that the people were greatly pro- voked at Ananus, and Simon the son of Ga- maliel, and their friends; that without any pub- lic determination, they had sent to Galilee, and had done their endeavors that [ might be turn- ed out of the government. The ambassadors said farther, that the people were ready to burn their houses. They also brought letters, where- by the chief men of Jerusalem, at the earnest petition of the people, confirmed me in the government of Galilee, and enjoined Jonathan and his colleagues to return home quickly. When I had gotten these letters, 1 came to the village Arbela, where I procured an assembly of the Galileans to meet, and bid the ambas- gadors to declare to the:n the anger of the peo- le of Jerusalem at what had been done by Riise and his colleagues, and how much thev hated their wicked doings, and how they ha: confirmed me in the government of their country; as also what related to the order they ha! in writing for Jonathan and his colleagues to return home. So I immediately sent them the letter, and bid him that carried it to inquire, ag well as he could, how they intended to act {on this occasion.] 61. Now when they had received that letter, an were thereby greatly disturbed, they sent for John and for the senators of Tiberias, and for the principal men of the Gabarens, and pro- posed to hold a council, and desired them to consider what was to be done by them. How- ever the governors of Tiberias were greatly dis- posed to keep the govermmnent to themselves; for they said it was not fit to desert their city fow it was committed to their trust, and that otherwise I should not delay to fall upon them; for they pretende. falsely that so I had threaten- edtodo. Now John was not only of their opin- ion, but advised thein that two of them should go to accuse me before the multitude, [at Jeru- galem,] that I did not manage the affairs of Gal- ilee as [ought to do, and that they would easily persuade the people, because of their dignity, and because the whole multitude are very mu- THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. table. When therefore it appeared that John had suggested the wisest advice to them, they resolved that two of them, Jonathan and Ana- nias, should go to the people of Jerusalem, and the other two [Simon and Joazar| should be left behind to tarry at Tiberias. They also took along with them a nundred soldiers for their guard. 62. However, the governors of Tiberias took care to have their city secured with walls, and commanded their inhabitants to take their arms, They also sent for a great many soldiers from John to assist them against me, if there should be occasion for them. Now John was at Gis chala. Jonathan, therefore, and those that were with him, when they were departed from Tibe- rias, «nd as soon as they were come to Dabaritta, a village that lay in the utmost parts of Galilee, in the great plain, they about midnight fell pane the guards I had set, who both commande them to lay aside their weapons, and kept them in bonds upon the place, as I had charged them to do. This news was written to me by Levi, who had the command of that guard com- mitted to him by me. Hereupon I said nothing of it for two days; and pretended to know nothing about it, [sent a messenger to the peo- ple of Tiberias, and advised them to lay their arms aside, and to dismiss their men, that they. might go home. But supposing that Jonathan, and those that were with him, were already arrived at Jerusalem, they made reproachful answers to me; yet was I not terrified thereby but contrived another stratagemn against them; for [ did not-think it agreeable with piety to kindle the fire of war against the citizens. As [ was desirous to draw those men away from Tiberias, [ chose out ten thousand of the best of my armed men and divided them into three bodies, and ordered them to go privately, and lie still as an ambush, in the villages. I also led a thousand into another village, which lay in- deed in the mountains, as did the others, but only four furlongs distant from Tiberias, and gave order, that when they saw my signal, they should come down immediately; while I myself lay with my soldiers in the sight of eve- ry body. Hereupon the people of ‘Tiberias, at the sight of me, came running out of the city perpetually, and abused me greatly. Nay their madness was come to that height, that they made a decent bier for me, and standing about it, they mourned over me in the way of jest and sport; and [I could not but be myself in a pleasant humor upon the sight of this mad- ness of thetrs. 63. And now, being desirous to catch Simon by a wile, and Joazar with him, I sent a mes- sage to them, and desired them to come a little way out of the city, with many of their friends to guard them; for I said I would come down to them, and make a league with them, and — divide the government of Galilee with them. Accordingly Simon was deluded on account of his imprudence, and out of the hopes of gain, and did not delay to come; but Joazar suspecting snares were laid for him, staid be- hind. So when Simon was come out, and hia THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. friends with him for his guard, I met him, and - saluted him with great civility, and professed that I was obliged to him for his coming up to me; but a little while afterward I walked along with him, as though I would say something to him by himself, and, when I had drawn him a good way from his friends, I took him about the middle, and gave him to my friends that were with me, to carry him into a village; and, commanding my armed men to come down, I with them made an assault upon Tiberias. Now as the fight grew hot on both sides, and the soldiers belonging to Tiberias were in a fair way to conquer me, (for my armed men were already fled away,) I saw the posture of my affairs; and encouraging those that were with me, I pursued those of Tiberias, even when they were already conquerors, into the city. J also sent another band of soldiers into the city by the lake, and gave them orders to set on fire the first house they could seize upon. When this was done, the people of ‘Tiberias thought that their city was taken by force, and - go threw down their arms for fear, and. im- plored, they, their wives and children, that I would spare their city. So I was over-persuad- ed by their entreaties, and restrained the sol- diers. from the vehemency with which they pursued them; while I myself, upon the coming on of the evening, returned back with my sol- diers, and went to refresh myself. I also in- ’ yited Simon to sup with me, and comforted him on occasion of what had happened; and I promised that I would send him safe and gecure to Jerusalem, and withal would give him provisions for his journey thither. 64. But, on the next day, I brought ten thou- sand armed men with me, and came to Tibe- rias. I then sent for the principal men of the multitude into the public place, and enjoined them to tell me who were the authors of the revolt; and when they had told me who the men were, I sent them bound to the city Jotapata. But, as to Jonathan and Ananias, I freed them from their bonds, and gave them provisions for their journey, together with Simon and Joazar, and five hundred armed men who should guard them, and so I sent them to Jerusalem. The people of Tiberias also came to me again, and desired that I would forgive them for what they had done, and they _ said they would amend what they had done amiss, with regard to me, by their fidelity for the time to come; and they besought me to preserve what spoils remained upon-the plun- der of the city, for those that had lost them. Accordingly, I enjoined those that had got them, to bring them all before us; and when they did not comply for a great while, and I saw one of the soldiers that were about me with a garment on that was more splendid than ordinary, I asked him whence he had it and he _ replied that he had it out of the plunder of the city; I had him punished with stripes, and I threatened all the rest to inflict a severer oN eet upon them, unless they produced before us whatsoever they had plundered; and _ when a great many spoils were brought to- $i ‘gether, I. restored to every one of “Tiberias what they claimed to be their own. 65. And now I am come to this part of my narration, I have a mind to say a few things te Justus, who hath himself written a history con- cerning these affairs; as also to others whe profess to write history, but have little regard to truth, and are not afraid, either out of ill- will or good-will to some persons, to relate falsehoods. These men do, like those whe compose forged deeds and conveyances; and because they are not brought to the like punish- ment with them, they have no regard to truth. When, therefore, Justus undertook to write about these facts, and about the Jewish war, that he might appear to have been an indus- trious man, he falsified in what he related about me, and could not speak truth even about his own country; whence it is, that being belied by him, I am under a necessity to make my defence; and so I shall say what I have con- cealed till now. And let no one wonder that I have not told the world these things a great while ago. For although it be necessary for an historian to write the truth, yet issuch a one not bound severely to animadvert on the wick- edness of certain men; not out of any favor to them, but out of an author’s own moderation. How then comes it to pass, O Justus, thou most sagacious of writers, (that I may address myself to him as if he were here present,) for so thou boastest of thyself, that I and the Gali- leans have been the authors of that sedition which thy country engaged in, both against the Romans and against the king [Agrippa ed For before ever I was appointed governor o Galilee by the community of Jerusalem, both thou, and all the people of Tiberias, had not only taken up arms, but had made war with Decapolis of Syria. Accordingly, thou hadst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a do- mestic servant of thine fell in the battle. Nor is it I only who say this; but so it is written in the commentaries of Vespasian the emperor, as also how the inhabitants of Decapolis came clamoring to Vespasian at Ptolemais, and de-~ sired that thou, who wast the author [of that war] mightest be brought to punishment. And thou hadst certainly been punished at the com- mand of Vespasian, had not king Agrippa, who had power given him to have thee put to death, at the earnest entreaty of his sister Ber- nice, changed the punishment of death into a long imprisonment. ‘Thy political administra- tion of affairs afterwards does also clearly dis- cover both thy other behavior in life, and that thou wast the occasion of thy country’s revolt from the Romans; plain signs of which I shali produce presently, Ihave also a mind to say a few things to the rest of the people of Tibe rias on thy account, and to demonstrate to those that light upon this history, that you bear no good-will, neither to the Romans, nor to the king. To be sure, the greatest cities of Gali- lee, O Justus, were Sepphoris, and thy country Tiberias. But Sepphoris, situated in the very midst of Galilee, and having many villages about it, and able with ease to have been bold 22 and troublesome to th Romans, if they had so pleased, yet did it resolve to continue faithful to those their masters, and at the same time excluded me out of their city, and prohibited all their citizens from joining with the Jews in the war, and that they might be out of danger from me, they by a wile got leave of me to fortify their city with walls: they also, of their own accord, admitted of a garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Cestius Gallus, who was then president of Syria, and so had me in con- vempt, though I was then very powerful, and all were greatly afraid of me; and at the same time that the greatest of our cities, Jerusalem, was besieged, and that temple of ours, which belonged to us all, was in danger of falling under the enemy’s power, they sent no assist- ance thither, as not willing to have it thought they would bear arms against the Romans. But as for thy country, O Justus, situated upon the lake of Genesareth, and distant from Hip- pos thirty furlongs, from Gadara sixty, and from Scythopolis, which was under the king’s jurisdiction, a hundred and twenty; when there was no Jewish city near, it might easily have preserved its fidelity [to the Romans] if it had so pleased them to do; for the city and its people had plenty of weapons. But, as thou sayest, I was then the author [of their revolt.] And pray, O Justus, who was the author after- wards, For thou knowest that I was in the vower of the Romans before Jerusalem was Fei iced, and before the same time Jotapata was taken by force, as well as many other for- tresses, and a great many of the Galileans fell in the war. It was, therefore, then a proper time, when you were certainly freed from any fear on my account, to throw away your wea- pons, and to demonstrate to the king and to the Romans, that it was not of choice, but as forced by necessity, that you fell into the war against them; but you staid till Vespasian came himself as far as your walls, with his whole army; and then you did indeed lay aside your weapons out of fear, and your city had for certain been taken by force, unless Vespasian had complied with the king’s supplication for you, and had excused your madness. It was not J, therefore, who was the author of this, but your own inclinations to war. Do not you remember how often I got you under my power, and yet put none of you to death? nay, you once fell into a tumult one against another, and slew one hundred and eighty-five of your citizens, not on account of your good-will to the king and to the Romans, but on account of our own wickedness, and this while I was alee by the Romans in Jotapata. Nay, in- deed, were there not reckoned up two thou- sand of the people of Tiberias, during the siege of Jerusalem, some of whom were slain, and the rest caught and carried captives? But thou wilt pretend that thou didst not engage in the war, since thou didst flee to the king. Yes, indeed, thou didst flee to him; but I say it was out of fearof me. Thou sayest, in- deed, that it is I who am a wicked man. But then, for what reasor was it that king Agrippa. THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. who procured thee thy life when thou was condemned to die by Vespasian, and who be- stowed so much riches upon thee, did twice afterward put thee into bonds, and as often obliged thee to run away from thy country, and, when he had once ordered thee to be put to death, he granted thee a pardon at the earn- est desire of Bernice? and, when (after so many of thy wicked pranks) he had made thee his secretary, he caught thee falsifying hie epistles, and drove thee away from his sight. But I shall not inquire accurately into these matters of scandal against thee. Yet cannot I but wonder at thy impudence, when thou hast the assurance to say, that thou hast better re- lated these affairs [of the war] than have all the others that have written about them, whilst thou didst not know what was done in Galilee; for thou wast then at Berytus with the king: nor didst thou know how much the Romans suffered at the siege of Jotapata, or what mise- ries they brought upon us; nor couldst thou learn by inquiry what I did during that siege myself; for all those that might afford such in- formation were quite destroyed in that siege. But perhaps thou wilt say, thou hast written of what was done against the people of Jerusa- lem exactly. But how should that be? for neither wast thou concerned in that war, nor hast thou read the commentaries of Ceesar; of which we have evident proof, because thou hast contradicted those commentaries of Caesar in thy history. But if thou art so hardy as to affirm that thou hast written that history better than all the rest, why didst thou not publish thy history while the emperors Vespasian and Titus, the generals in that war, as well as king Agrippa and his family, who were men ve well skilled in the learning of the Greeks, were all alive? for thou hast had it written these twenty years, and then mightest thou have had the testimony of thy accuracy. But now when these men are no longer with us, and thou thinkest thou canst not be contradict- ed, thou venturest to publish it. But then I was not in like manner afraid of my own writ- ing, but I offered my books to the emperors. themselves, when the facts were almost under men’s eyes; for I was conscious to myself, that I had observed the truth of the facts; and as I] expected to have their attestation to them, so I was not deceived in such expectation. More- over, I immediately presented my history to many other persons, some of whom were con- cerned in the war, as was king Agrippa, and some of his kindred. Now the emperor Ti- tus was so desirous that the knowledge of these affairs should be taken from these books alone that he subscribed his own hand to them, and ordered that they should be published; and fo: king Agrippa, he wrote me sixty-two letters, and attested to the truth of what I had therein delivered; two of which letters I have here subjoined, and thou mayest thereby know their contents. “King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting: I have read over thy book with great pleasure, and it ap- pears to me, that thou hast done it much more THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. acourately, and with greater care, than have the other writers. Send me the rest of these hooks. Farewell, my dear friend.” “King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting: It seems by what thou hast written, that thou standest in need of no instruction in order to our information from the beginning. However, when thou comest to me, I will in- form thee of a great many things which thou dost not know.” So when this history was perfected, Agrippa, neither by way of flattery, which was not agreeable to him, nor by way of irony, as thou wilt say, (for he was entirely a stranger to such an evil disposition of mind,) but he wrote thus by way of attestation to what was true, as all that read histories may do. And so much shall be said concerning Justus,* which I am obliged to add by way of digression. 66. Now when I had settled the affairs of Tiberias, and had assembled my friends as a Sanhedrim, I consulted what I should do as to John. Whereupon it appeared to be the opinion of all the Galileans, that I should arm them all, and march against John, and punish him as the author of all the disorders that had hap- pened. Yet was I not pleased with their de- termination; as proposing to compose these troubles without bloodshed. Upon this I ex- norted them to use the utmost care to learn the names of all that were under John; which when they had done, and I thereby was ap- _ prized who the men were, I published an edict, wherein I offered security and my right hand to such of John’s party as had a mind to re- pent; and I allowed twenty days’ time to such as would take this most advantageous course for themselves. I also threatened, that unless they threw down their arms, I would burn their houses, and expose their goods to public sale. When the men heard of this, they were _in no small disorder, and deserted John; and, to the number of four thousand, threw down their arms, and came to me. So that no others staid with John but his own citizens, and about fifteen hundred strangers that came from the metropolis of Tyre; and, when John saw that he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he continued afterward in his own country, and was in great fear of me. 67. But about this time it was that the peo- ple of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up arms, out of a confidence they had in the strength of their walls, and because they saw me engaged in other affairs also. So they seni to Cestius Gallus, who was president of Syria, . ™ The characterof this history of Justus of Tiberias, the dvd. of our Josephus, which is now lost, with its only re- maining fragment, are given by a very able critic, Photius, _ who read that history. Itisin the 33rd code of his Biblio- theca, and runs thus: “I have read (says Photius) the ehronology of Justus of Tiberias, whose title is this, [The Chronology of] the Kings of Judah which succeeded one ; ther. This [Justus] came out of the city Tiberias in Galilee. ‘He begins his history from Moses, and ends it not till the death _ 3f Agrippa, the seventh [ruler] of the family of Herod, and the last king of the Jews; whotook the government under Claudius, had it augmented under Nero, and still more aug- mented by Vespasian. He died in the third year of Trajan, where also his historyends. He is very concise in his lan- guage,and slightly passes over those affairs that were most ne- al 2a and desired that he would either come quickly to them, and take their city under his protec- tion, or send them a garrison. Accordingly Gallus promised them to come, but did nat send word when he would come: and, when I] had learned so much, I took the soldiers that were with me, and made an assault upon the people of Sepphoris, and took the city by force. The Galileans took this opportunity, as think- ing they had now a proper time for showi ‘their hatred to them, since they bore ill-wi to that city also. They then exerted them- selves, as if they would destroy them all utter- ly, with those that sojourned there also. So they ran upon them, and set their houses on fire, as finding them without inhabitants; for the men out of fear ran together to the citadel So the Galileans carried off every thing, and omitted no kind of desolation which they could bring upon their countrymen. When I saw this, I was exceedingly troubled at it, and com- manded them to leave off, and put them in mind that it was not agreeable to piety to do such things to their countrymen: but since they neither would hearken to what I exhorted, nor to what I commanded them to do, (for the hatred they bore to the people there, was too hard for my exhortations to them,) I bid those my friends, who were most faithful to me, and were about me, to give out reports, as if the Romans were falling upon the other part of the city with a great army; and this I did, that, by such a report being spread abroad, I might restrain the violence of the Galileans, and preserve the city of Sepphoris. And at length this stratagem had its effect; for, upon hearing this report, they were in fear for themselves, and so they left off plundering, and ran away; and this more especially, because they saw me, their general, do the same also; for, that I might cause this report to be believed, I pretended to be in fear as well as they. Thus were the im- habitants of Sepphoris unexpectedly preserved by this contrivance of mine. 68. Nay, indeed, Tiberias had like to have been plundered by the Galileans also upon the following occasion: the chief men of the senate wrote to the king, and desired that he would come to them, and take possession of their city. The king promised to come, and wrote a letter in answer to theirs, and gave it to one of his bedchamber, whose name was Crispus, and who was by birth a Jew, to carry it to Tiberias. When the Galileans knew that this man car ried such a letter, they caught him, and brought him to me; but as soon asthe whole multitude cessary to be insisted on; and being under the Jewish preju- dices, as indeed he was himself alsoa Jew by birth, he makes not the least mention of the appearance of Christ, og what things happened to him, or of the wonderful works that he did. He was theson of acertain Jew whose name was Pistus. He wasa man, ashe is described by Josephus, of a most profligate character; a slave both to money and te pleasures. In public affairs he was opposite to Josephus; and itis related, thathe laid many plots against him, but that Jo- sephus, though he had this his enemy frequently under his power, did only reproach him in words, and so.et hum without farther punishment. He says also, that the tory which this man wrote is, for the main, fabulous, ané chiefly as to those parts where he describes the Roman waz with the Jews, and the taking of Jerusalem. 24 THE LIEt OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. beard of it, they were enraged, and betook themselves to their arms. Soa great many of them got together from all quarters the next day, and came to the city Asochis, where I then lodged, and made heavy clamors, and called the city Tiberias a traitor to them, and a friend to the king; and desired leave of me to go down and utterly destroy it; for they bore the ike ill-will to the people of Tiberias, as they did to those of Sepphoris. 6Y. When I heard this, I was in doubt what to do, and hesitated by what means I might deliver Tiberias from the rage of the Galileans; for | could not deny that those of 'Tiberias had written to the king, and had invited him to come to them; for his letters to them in an- swer thereto, would fully prove the truth of that. So I sat a long time musing with myself, and then said to them, “I know well enough that the people of Tiberias have offended; nor shall I forbid you to plunder their city. How- ever, such things ought to be done with discre- tion; for they of Tiberias have not been the only betrayers of our liberty, but many of the most eminent patriots of the Galileans, as they pretended to be, have done the same. ‘Tarry, therefore, till I shall thoroughly find out those authors of our danger, and then you shall have them all at once under your power, with all such as you shall yourselves bring in also.” Upon my saying this, | pacified the multitude, snd they left off their anger, and went their ways; and |] gave orders that he who brought the king’s letters should be put into bonds; but ina few days 1 pretended that I was obliged, vy a necessary affair of my own, to go out of che kingdom. I then called Crispus privately, and ordered him to make the soldier that kept him drunk, and to run away to theking. So when Tiberias was in danger of being utterly destroyed a second time, it escaped the danger by my skilful management, and the care that I had for its preservation. 70. About this time it was that Justus, the son of Pistus, without my knowledge, ran away to the king; the occasion of which I will here relate. Upon the beginning of the war between the Jews and the Romans, the people of Tiberias resolved to submit to the king, and not to revolt from the Romans; while Justus tried to persuade them to betake themselves to their arms, as being himself desirous of inno- vations, and having hopes of obtaining the government of Galilee, as well as of all his own eguntry [Tiberias] also. Yet did he not ob- min what he hoped for; because the Galileans tere ill-will to those of Tiberias, and this on account of their anger at what miseries they had suffered from them before the war; thence it was that they would not endure that Justus should be their governor. I myself also, who bad been entrusted by the community of Jeru- salem with the government of Galilee, did fre- uently come to that degree of rage at Justus, et I had almost resolved to kill him, as not able to bear his mischievous disposition. He was, therefore, much afraid of me, lest at ength my passion should come to extremity; w so he went to the king, as supposing that he should dwell better, and more safely with him. . " 71. Now when the people of Sepphoris had, in so surprising a manner, escaped their first danger, they sent to Cestius Gallus, and desir- ed him to come to them immediately, and take possession of their city, or else to send forces sufficient to repress all their enemies’ incursions upon them; and at last they did prevail with Gallus to send them a considerable army, both of horse and foot, which came in the night-time, and which they admitted into the city. But when the country round about it was harassed by the Roman army, I took those soldiers that were about me, and came to Garisme; where I cast up abank,a good way off the city Seppho- ris; and when I was at twenty furlongs distance, I came upon it by night, and made an assault upon its walls with my forces; and when I had ordered a considerable number of my soldiers to scale them with ladders, I became master of the greatest part of the city. But soon after, our unacquaintedness with the places forced us.to retire, after we had killed twelve of the Roman foetmen, and two horsemen, and a few of the people of Sepphoris, with the loss of only a single man of ourown. And when it afterwards came to a battle in the plain against the horsemen, and we had undergone the dan- gers of it courageously for a long time, we were beaten; for upon the Romans encompass- ing me about, my soldiers were afraid and fled back. There fell in that battle one of those that had been entrusted to guard my body; his name was Justus, who at this time had the same post with the king. At the same time also, there came forces, both of horsemen, and footmen, from the king, and Sylla their com mander, who was the captain of this guard; this Sylla pitched his camp at five furlongs dis- tance from Julias, and set a guard upon the roads, both that which led to Cana, and that which led to the fortress Gamala, that he might hinder their inhabitants from getting provisions out of Galilee. 72. As soon asI had gotten intelligence of this I sent two thousand armed men, anda captain over them, whose name was Jeremiah, who raised a bank a furlong off Julias, near to the river Jordan, and dil no more than skir mish with the enemy; till I took three thousand soldiers myself, and came to them. But onthe next day, when I had laid an ambush in a certain valley, not far from the banks, I pro- voked those that belonged to the king to come to a battle, and gave orders to my own soldiers to turn their backs upon them, until they should have drawn the enemy away from their cam and brought them out into the field, which was done accordingly, for Sylla, supposing that our party did really run away, was ready to pursue them, when our soldiers that lay in ambush took them on their backs, and put them all in- to great disorder. sudden turn with my own forces, and met those of the king’s party, and put them to flight. And I he i performed great things that I also immediately made a — THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. day, if a certain fate had not been my hinder- ance; for the horse on which I rode, and upon whose back I fought, fell into a quagmire, and threw me on the ground, and I was bruised on my wrist, and carried into a village named Cepharnome or Capernaum. When my sol- diers heard of this, they were afraid I had been worse hurt than I was, and so they did not go on with their pursuit any further, but returned in very great concern for me. I therefore sent for the physicians, and while I was under their hand, I continued feverish all that day; and, as the physicians directed, I was at night removed to ‘T'arichee. 73. When Sylla and his party were in- formed what had happened to me, they took courage again, and understanding that the watch was negligently kept in our camp, they, by night, placed a body of horsemen im ambush beyond Jordan, and when it was day they provoked us to fight; and as we did not refuse it, but came into the plain, their horsemen appeared out of that ambush in which they had lain, and put our men into dis- order, and made them run away; so they slew six men of our side. Yet did they not go off with the victory at last; for when they heard that some armed men were sailed from Tari- chez to Julius, they were afraid and retired. 74, It was not now long before Vespasian ezme to Tyre, and king Agrippa with him; bit the Tyrians began to speak reproachfully of the king, and called him an enemy to the Romans. For they said, that Philip, the ge- neral of his army, had betrayed the royal pa- lave, and the Roman forces that were in Jeru- salem, and that it was done by his command. When Vespasian heard of this report, he rebuk- ei the Tyrians, for abusing a man who was both a king, and a friend to the Romans; but he ex- herted the king to send Philip to Rome, to auswer for what he had done before Nero. . But when Philip was sent thither, he did not come into the sight of Nero, for he found him very near death on account of the troubles that then happened, and a civil war; and so he re- turned to the king. But when Vespasian was come to Ptolemais, the chief men of Decapo- lis of Syria, made a clamor against Justus of Tiberias, because he had set their villages on fire; so Vespasian delivered him to the king, to be put to death by those under the king’s juris- diction, yet did the king [only] put him into bonds, and concealed what he had done from Vespasian, as I have before related. But the ople of Sepphoris met Vespasian, and sa- uted him, and had forces sent them, with Pla- eidus their commander: he also went up with them, as I also followed them, till Vespasian eame into Galilee. As to which coming of his, and after what manner it was ordered, and how he fought his first battle with me near the village of 'Tarichew, and how from thence they went to Jotapata, and how I was taken alive and bound, and how I was afterwards loosed, with all that was done by me in the Jewish war and during the siege of Jerusa- tem, I have eae related them in the ; ) books concerning the war of the Jews. How- ever, it will, I think, be fit for me to add now an account of those actions of my life, which I have not related in that book of the Jewish Wer. 75. For when the siege of Jotapata was over, and I was among the Romans, I was kept with much care, by means of the great respect that Vespasian showed me. Moreover, at his command, I married a virgin,* who was from among the captives of that country: yet did she not live with me long, but was divore- ed, upon my being freed from my bonds, and my going to Alexandria. However, I married another wife at Alexandria, and was thence sent, together with Titus, to the siege of Jeru- salem, aud was frequently in danger of being put to death: while both the Jews were very desirous to get me under their power, in order to have me punished; and the Romans also, whenever they were beaten, supposed that it was occasioned by my treachery, and made continual clamors to the emperors, and desired that they would bring me to punishment, as a traitor to them: but Titus Cesar was well ac- quainted with the uncertain fortune of war and returned no answer to the soldiers’ vehe- ment solicitations against me. Moreover, when the city of Jerusalem was taken by force, Titus Cesar persuaded me frequently to take whatsoever 1 would out of the ruins of my country, and said, that he gave me leave so to do. But when my country was destroyed, I thought nothing else to be of any value, which I could take and keep as a comfort under my calamities; so I made this request to Titus, that my family might have their liberty; I had also the holy bookst by Titus’s concession. Nor was it long after that I asked of him the life of my brother, and of fifty friends with him, and was not denied. When I also went once to the temple, by the permission of Titus, where there were a great multitude of captive women and children, I got all those that I remembered as among my own friends and acquaintance to be set free, being in number about one hun- dred and ninety; and so I delivered them with- out their paying any price of redemption, and restored them to their former fortune. And when I was sent by Titus Cesar with Cerea lius, and a thousand horsemen, to a certain village called T'hecoa, in order to know whether it was a place fit for a camp, as I came back, I saw many captives crucified, and remember- ed three of them as my former acquaintanca, I was very sorry at this in my mind, and wen With tears in my eyes to Titus, and told him of them; so he immediately commanded them to be taken down, and to have the greatest * Here Josephus, a priest, honestly confesses nat he did that atthe command of Vespasian, which he had before told us was not lawful for a priest to do by the law of Mo- ses, Antiq. B. iii. ch. xii. sect.2. I mean the taking a captive woman to wife. See also against Apion, B.i. ch. vii. But he seems to have been quickly sensible that his compliance with the command of an emperor would not excuse him, for he soon put her away, as Reland justly observes here. + Of this most remarkable clause, and its most important consequences, see Essay on the Old Testament, page 193- 195 25 care taken of them in order to their recovery; et two of them died under the physician’s ands, while the third recovered. 76. But when Titus had composed the trou- bles in Judea, and conjectured that the lands which I had in Judea would bring me in no profit, because a garrison to guard the country was afterwards to pitch there, he gave me another country in the plain. And when he was going away to Rome, he made choice of me to sail along with him, and paid me great respect: and when we were come to Rome, I had great care taken of me by Vespasian; for he gave me an apartment in his own house, which he lived in before he came to the em- pire. He also honored me with the privilege of a Roman citizen; and gave me an annual pension; and continued to respect me to the end of his life, without any abatement of his kindness to me; which very thing made me envied, and brought me into danger; for a cer- tain Jew, whose name was Jonathan, who had raised a tumult in Cyrene, and had persuaded two thousand men of that country to join with him, was the occasion of their ruin. But when he was bound by the governor of that country, and sent to the emperor, he told him, that I had sent him both weapons and money. However, he could not conceal his being a liar from Vespasian, who condemned him to die; according to which sentence he was put to death. Nay, after that, when those that envied my good fortune did frequently bring accusa- tions against me, by God’s providence I es- eaped them all. I[ also received from Vespa- sian no small quantity of land, as a free gift im Judea, about which time I divorced my THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS. wife also, as not pleased wit: ner behavior, though not till she had been -he mother of three children, two of whom are dead, and one, whom I named Hyrcanus, is alive. After this, I married a wife who had lived at Crete, but a Jew by birth; a woman she was of emi- nent parents, and such as were the most iilus trious in all the country, and whose character was beyond that of most other women, as her future life did demonstrate. By her I had two sons, the elder was named Justus, aud the next Stmonides, who was also named Agrippa. And these were the circumstances of my domestic affairs. However, the kindness of the emperor to me continued still the same: for when Ves- pasian was dead, Titus, who succeeded him in the government, kept up the same respect for me which I had from his father; and when I had frequent accusations laid against me, he would not believe them. And Domitian, who — succeeded, still augmented his respects to me; for he punished those Jews that were my accu- sers, and gave command that a servant of mine, who was an eunuch, and my accuser, should be punished. He also made that country I had in Judea, tax free; which is a mark of the greatest honor to him who hath it; nay, Domi- tia, the wife of Cesar, continued to do me kindnesses. And this is the account of the actions of my whole life: and let others judge of my character by them as they please. But to thee, O Epaphroditus,* thou most excellent of men, do | dedicate all this treatise of our Antiquities; and so, for the present, I here con- clude the whole. | * Of this Epaphroditus, see the note on the Preface to the Antiquities. [Vide Bisuor Porrevs’s Lectures, vol. ii. page 234.] “Tis History 1s spoken of in the highest terms by men of the greatest learning and the soundest judgment, from its first publication to the present time. “The fidelity, the veracity, and the probity of JosEPuus, are universally allowed, and Scali- ger in particular declares, that not only in the affairs of the Jews, but even of foreign nations, he deserves more credit than all the Greek and Roman writers put together. Certain at leas: it is, that he had that most essential qualification of an historian,—a perfect and accurate know- "edge of all the transactions which he relates; that he had no prejudices to mislead him in the representation of them; and that, above all, he meant no favor to the Christian cause. For even allowing the so much controverted passage, in which he is supposed to bear testimony te Christ, to be genuine, it does not appear that he ever became a convert to his religion, but com tuaued, probably, a zealous Jew to the end of his life. _ Scriptures. PREFACE.* ¢ 1. THosE who undertake to write histories, do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one and the same account, but for many reasons, and those such as are very different one from another. For some of them apply themselves to this part of learning, to show their great skill im composition, and that they may therein ac- quire a reputation for speaking finely. Others of them there are who write histories in order to gratify those that happen to be concerned in them; and on that account have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond their own abili- ties in the performance. But others there are who, of necessity and by force, are driven to write history, because they were concerned in the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the ad- vantage of posterity. Nay, there are not a few who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. Now of these several reasons for writing history, I must rofess the two last were my own reasons also: or since I was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the Romans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what conclusion it had, I was forced to give the his- tory of it, because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actions in their writings. 2. Now I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to all the Greeks} worthy of their study: for it will contain all our antiquities, and the constitution of our gov- ernment, as interpreted out of the Hebrew And, indeed, I did formerly in- tend, when I wrote of the war,{ to explain who the Jews originally were, what fortunes they had been subject to, and by what legisla- _tor they had been instructed in piety, and the these his Antiquities. lished about A. D.75, and these Antiquities, A. D. 93, exercise of other virtues; what wars, also, they had made in remote ages, till they were un- willingly engaged in this last with the Romans; jut because this work would take up a great ompass, I separated it into a set treatise by it- self, with a beginning of its own, and its own -yonclusion; but in process of time, as usually -mappens to such as undertake great things, I Be weary, and went on slowly, it being a arge subject, and a difficult thing to translate our history into a foreign, and to us unaccus- * This preface of Josephus is excellent 1. ‘ts kind, and highly worthy the repeated perusal of the reader, before he set about the perusal of the work itself. } That is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans. } We may seasonably note here, that Josephus wrote his seven books of the Jewish War long before he wrote Those books of the war were pub- about eighteen years later. 4 tomed language. However, some persons there were who desired to know our history, and so exhorted me to go on with it; and above all the rest, Epaphroditus,* a man who isa lov- er of all kinds of learning, but is principally, de- lighted with the knowledge of history; and this on account of his having been himself con cerned in great affairs, and many turns of for tune, and having shown a wonderful vigor of an excellent nature, and an immovable vir- tuous resolution in them all. I yielded to this man’s persuasions, who always excites such as have abilities in what is useful and acceptable to join their endeavors with his. I was also ashamed myself to permit any laziness of dis- position to have a greater influence upon me than the delight of taking pains in such stu- dies as were very useful: I thereupon stirred up myself, and went on with my work more cheerfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I had others which I greatly reflected on; and these were, that our forefathers were willing to communicate such things to others; and that some of the Greeks took considerable pains te know the affairs of our nation. 3. I found, therefore, that the second of the Ptolemies was a king, who was extraordinary diligent in what concerned learning, and the collection of books; that he was also peculiarly ambitious to procure a translation of our law, and of the constitution of our government therein contained, into the Greek tongue. Now Eleazer the high priest, one not inferior to any other of that dignity among us, did not envy the forenamed king the participation of that advantage, which otherwise he would for cer- tain have denied him; but that he knew the custom of our nation was, to hinder nothing of what we esteemed ourselves, from being com- municated to others. Accordingly I thought it became me, both to imitate the generosity of our high priest, and to suppose their might even now be many lovers of learning, like the king; for he did not obtain all our writings at that time; but those who were sent to Alexan- dria as interpreters gave him only the books of the law, while there was a vast number of other matters in our sacred books. They in- deed contain in them the history of five thou- sand years; in which time happened many’ » strange accidents, many chances of war and great actions of the commanders, and muta- tions of the form of our government. Upon the whole, a man that will peruse this history may * This Epaphroditus was certainly alive in the third year of Trajan, A. D.100.. See the note on Antiq. b.i. against Apion, sect.1. Who he was -we do not know; for as to Epaphroditus, the freedman of Nero, and afterwards Dom tian’s secretary, who was put to death by Domitian in the 14th or 15th year of his reign, he could not be ative in the third of Trajan. 28 PREFACE. . principally learn from it, that all events suc- eeed well, even to an incredible degree, and the reward of felicity is proposed by God; but then it is to those that follow his will, and do not venture to break his excellent laws; and that so faras men any way apostatize from the ac- curate observation of them, what was practi- cable before becomes impracticable;* and what- soever they set about as a good thing is con- verted into an incurable calamity. And now I exaort all those that peruse these books, to apply thei minds to God; and to examine the aud of our legislator, whether he hath not understood his nature in a manner worthy of him; and hath not ever ascribed to him such operations as become his power, and hath not reserved his writings from those indecent fa- les which others have framed; although, by the great distance of time when he lived, he might have securely forged such lies; for he lived two thousand years ago: at which vast distance of ages the poets tnemselves have not been so hardy as to fix even the generations of their gods, much less the actions of their men, or their own laws. As I proceed, there- fore, I shall accurately describe what is con- tained in our records, in the order of time that belongs to them; for I have already promised #0 to do throughout this undertaking; and this, without adding any thing to what is therein wontained, or taking away any thing there- thom. 4. But because almost all our constitution depends on the wisdom of Moses our legislator, I :annot avoid saying somewhat concerning him beforehand, though I shall do it briefly; I inean, because otherwise, those that read my books may wonder how it comes to pass that my discourse, which promises an account of lews and historical facts, contains so much of piilosophy. ‘The reader is therefore to know t).at Moses deemed it exceedingly necessary that be who would conduct his own life well, and gtve laws to others, in the first place should fonsider the divine nature; and, upon the con- tumplation of God’s operations, should thereby initate the best of all patterns, so far as it is possible for human nature to do, and to endea- vor to follow after it; neither could the legislator himself have a right mind without such a con- templation; nor would any thing he should write tend to the promotion of virtue in his readers: I mean, unless they be taught, first of * Josepius here plainly alludes to the famous Greek pro- ven If & be withus every thing that is impossible becomes all, that God is the Father and Lord of all things and sees all things; and that thence he bestows a happy life upon those that follow him, but plunges such as do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevitable miseries. Now when Moses was desirous to teach this lesson to fis countrymen, he did not begin the establishment . of his laws after the same manner that other legislators did; I mean, upon contracts and other rights between one man and another; but by raising their minds upwards to regard God, and his creation of the world; and by persuad- ing them, that we men are the most excellent of the creatures of God upon earth. Now when once he had brought them to submit to religion, he easily persuaded them to submit in all other things; for as to other legislators, they followed fables, and by their discourses trans- ferred the most reproachful of human vices unto the gods, and so afforded wicked men the most plausible excuses for their crimes; but as for our legislator, when he had once demon- strated that God was possessed of perfect vir- tue, he supposed that men also ought to strive after the participation of it; and on those whe did not so think and so believe, he inflicted the severest punishments. I exhort, therefore, my readers to examine this whole undertaking in that view; for thereby it will appear to them, that there is nothing therein disagreeable either to the majesty of God, or to his love to man- kind; for all things have here a reference to the nature of the universe; while our legislator speaks some things wisely but enigmatically, and others under a decent allegory, but still explains such things as required a direct ex- plication plainly and expressly. However those that have a mind to know the reasons of every thing, may find here a very curious phi- losophical theory, which I now indeed shal waive the explication of; but if God afford me time for it,* I will set about writing it after I have finished the present work. I shall now betake myself to the history before me, after I have first mentioned what Moses says of the creation of the world, which I find described in the sacred books after the manner following. * As to this intended work of Josephus concerning the reasons of many of the Jewish laws, and what philosophical or allegorical sense they would bear, the loss of which work is by some of the learned not much regretted, I am in clinable, in part,to Fabricius’s opinion, ap. Havercam p. 63, 64: That “we need not doubt but, among some and frigid conjectures derived from Jewish imaginations, Jo- sephus would have taught us agreater number of excellent and useful things, which perhaps nobody, neither am the Jews nor among the Christians, can now inform us so that I would give a great deal to find it still extant.” —————— ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. BOO 17s @GONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND THIRTY-THREE YRARS FROM THE CREATION TO THE DEATH OF ISAAC. CHAPTER I. The Constitution of the World and the Dispo- silion of the Elements. § 1. In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. But when the earth did not come into sight, but was covered with thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its surface, God commanded that there should be light: and when that was made, he considered the whole mass, and separated the light and the dark- ness; and the name he gave to one was Wight, and the other he called Day; and he named the beginning of light, and the time of rest, the Evening and the Morning. And this was in- deed the first day. ( But Moses said it was one day; tne cause of which I am able to give even now; but because I have promised to give such reasons for all things in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its exposition till that time.) After * this, on the second day, he placed the heaven it ) and the seeds to spring out of the earth. over the whole world, and separated it from the other parts, and he determined it should stand by itself. He also placed a crystalline [firma- ment] round it, and put it together in a manner agreeable to the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture and rain, and for affording the advan- tage of dews. On the third day he appointed the dry land to appear, with the sea round about it; and on the very same day he made the plants On the fourth day he adorned the heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other stars; and appoint- ed them their motions and courses, that the vi- cissitudes of the seasons might be clearly signi- | fied. And on the fifth day he produced the living ereatures both those that swith and those that fly; the former in the sea, the latter in the air. He also sorted them as to society and mixture for procreation, and that their kinds might in- (& crease and multiply. On the sixth day he Ke ereated the four-footed beasts, and made them male and female. formed man. Accordingly Moses says that in just six days, the world, aud all that is therein, was made; and thatthe seventh day was a rest, and a release from the labor of such operations; whence it is that we celebrate arest from our labors on that day, and call it the Sabbath: whith word denotes rest in the Hebrew tongue. 2. Moreover Moses, after the seventh day was over,* begins to talk philosophically; and * Since Josephus, in his preface, sect. 4, says, that Mos- es wrote some things enigmatically, some allegorically, and he rest in plain words; since, in his account of the first chap- On the same day he also | concerning the formation of man_ says thus That God took dust from the ground, and formed man, and inserted in him a spirit and a soul.* This man was called Adam, which in the Hebrew tongue signifies one that is red, be- cause he was formed out of red earth com- pounded together; for of that kind is virgin and true earth. God also presented the living creatures, when he had made them according to their kinds, both male and female, to Adam; and he gave them those names by which they are still called. But when he saw that Adam had no female companion, no society (for there was no such created), and that he won- dered at the other animals which were male and female, he laid him asleep, and took away one of his ribs, and out of it formed the wo- man; whereupon Adam knew her when she was brought to him, and acknowledged that she was made out of himself. Now a woman is called in the Hebrew tongue Jssa; but the name of this woman was Eve, which signifies the mother of all living. 3. Moses says farther, that God planted a paradise in the East, flourishing with all sorts of trees; and that among them was the Tree of Infe, and another of Knowledge, whereby was to be known what was good and evil. And that when he had brought Adam and his wife into this garden, he commanded them to take care of the plants. Now the garden was watered by one river,f which ran round about ter of Genesis, and the three first verses of the second, he give us no hints of any mystery at all; but when he here comes to verse 4, &c. he says, that Moses, after the seventh day was over, began to talk philosophically; it is not very improbable that he id bestaon the rest of the second and the third chapters in some enigmatical, or allegorical, or phi- losophical sense. The change of the name of God just at this place, from Elohim to Jehovah Elohim; from God to Lord God, in the Hebrew Samaritan, and Septuagint, does also not alittle favor some such change in the narration or con struction. * We may observe here, that Josephus supposed man % be compounded of spirit, soul, and body, with St. Pauli, } Thess. v. 23, and the rest of the ancients. He elsewhere says also, that the blond of animals was forbidden to #8 eaten as having init soul and spirit, Antiq. b. iii. ehap. xi. sect. 2. t Whence this strange notion came, which yet is rot pe- culiar to Josephus, but, as Dr. Hudson says here, is derived from elder authors, as if four of the greatest rivers of the world, running two of them at vast distances from the othe: two, by some means or other watered Paradise, is hard te say. Onlysince Josephus has already appeared to allegorize this history, and takes notice that these four names had a particular signification; Phison for Ganges, a Multitude; Phrath for Euphrates, either a Dispersion or a Flower; Diglath for Tigris, what is swift with narrowness; and Geon for Nile, which arises from the East; we perhaps mistake him, when we suppose he literally means those four rivers, especially as to Geon or Nile, which arises from the East, while he very well knew the literal Nile arises from the South; though what farther allegorical sense he had in view is now, I fear, impossible to be determined. e 3U the whole earth, and was parted into four parts. And Phison, which denotes a Multi- fude running into India, makes its exit into the sea, and is by the Greeks called Ganges. Eu- phrates also, as well as Tigris, goes down into the Red Sea.* Now the name Euphrates, or Phrath, denotes either a Dispersion or a [lower; by Tigris, or Diglath, is signified what is swift anth narrowness; and Geon runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises from the East, which the Greeks call Vile. 4, God, therefore, commanded that Adam and his wife should eat of all the rest of the lants, but to abstain from the Tree of Know- Sic and foretold to them that if they touch- ed it, it would prove their destruction. But while all the living creaturest had one lan- guage at that time, the serpent, which then fired together with Adam and his wife, showed an envious disposition, at his supposal of their living happily and in obedience to the com- mands of God; and imagining that when they disobeyed them, they would fall into calami- ties, he persuaded the woman, out of a mali- cious intention, to taste of the Tree of Know- ledge; telling them, that in that tree was the knowledge of good and evil; which knowledge, when they should obtain, they would lead a happy life! nay, a life not inferior to that of a god; by which means he overcame the wo- man, and persuaded her to despise the com- mand of God. that tree, and was pleased with its fruit, she | geance on him that way. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. painstaking; which state of labor and _pains- taking would soon bring on old age, and death would not be at any remote distance; but now thou hast abused this my good will, and hast disobeyed my commands; for thy silence is not the sign of thy virtue, but of cis evil con- science.” However Adam excused his si and entreated God not to be angry at him, ad laid the blame of what was done upon his wife; and said that he was deceived by her, and thence became an offender; while she again accused the serpent. But God allotted him punishment, because he weakly submitted to the counsel of his wife; and said, the ground should not henceforth yield its fruits of its own accord, but that when it should be harassed by their labor, it should bring forth some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth others. He also made Eve liable to the inconveniency of breeding, and the sharp pains of teeene forth children; and this because she persuaded Adam with the same arguments wherewith the ser- pent had persuaded her, and had _ thereby brought him into a calamitous condition. He also deprived the serpent of speech, out of in- dignation at his malicious disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he inserted poison under his tongue, and made him an enemy to men; and suggested to them, that they should direct their strokes against his head, that being the place wherein lay his mischievous designs to- Now, when she had tasted of | wards men, and it being easiest to take ven- And when he had persuaded Adam to make use of it also. Upon | deprived him of the use of his feet, he made this they perceived that they were become aked to one another; and being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they inventéd somewhat to cover them; for the tree sharpened their un- derstanding: and they covered themselves with fig leaves; and tying these before them, out of modesty, they thought they were happier than they were before, as they had discovered what they were in want of.. But when God came into the garden, Adam who was wont be- fore to come and converse with him, being conscious of his wicked behavior, went out of the way. This behavior surprised God; and he asked what was the cause of this his pro- cedure? And why he, that before delighted in that conversation, did now fly from it, and avoid it? When he made no reply, as con- scious to himself that he had transgressed the command of God, God said, “I had before determined about you both, how you might lead a happy life, without any affliction, and care, and vexation of soul: and that all things which might contribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should grow up by my providence, of their own accord, without your own labor and * By the Red Sea is not here meant the Arabian Gulf, which alone we now call by that mame; but all that South Sea, v hich included the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf, as far as the East Indies, as Reland and Hudson here truly note, from the old geographers. j~ Hence it appears, that Josephus thought several at least of the brute animals, particularly the serpent, could speak %efore the fall. And I think few ofthe more perfect kinds ef those animals want the organs of speech at this day. ‘Many inducements there are also toa notion, that the pre- sent state they are in, is not their original state; and that their #apacities have »een once much greaterthan we now see him to go rolling all along, and dragging him- self upon the ground. And when God had appointed these penalties for them, he remov- ed Adam and Eve out of the garden into another place. ‘ CHAPTER II. Concerning the Posterity of Adam, and the Ten Generations from him to the Deluge. § 1. Adam and Eve had two sons; the elder of them was named Cain;' which name, when it is interpreted, signifies a possession; the younger was Abel, which signifies sorrow. They had also daughters. Now the two breth- ren were pleased with different courses of life; for Abel the younger was a lover of righteous- ness; and believing that God was present at all his actions, he excelled in virtue; and his em- ployment was that of a shepherd. But Cain was not only very wicked in other respects, but was wholly intent upon getting: and he first contrived to plough the ground. He slew his brother on the occasion following. They aad resolved to sacrifice to God. Now Cain them, and are capable of being restored to their former con- dition. But as to this most ancient and authentic, and pro- hable allegorical account of that grand affair of the fall of our first parents, 1 have somewhat more tosay in way of conjecture; but being only aconjecture, [ omit it. Only thus far, that the imputation of the sin of our first parents to their posterity any farther than as some way the cause on occasion of man’s mortality, seems almost entirely ground- less;. and that both man and the other subordingts -reatures are hereafter to be delivered from the curse ther bro upon them, and at last to be delivered from that bunduge of corrution, Rom. viii. 19—22. | BOOK |L—CHAPTER II. 31 brought the fruits of the earth, and of his hus- bandry; but Abel brought milk, and the first fruits of his flock: but God was more delighted with the latter oblation,* when he was honored with what grew naturally of its own accord, than he was with what was the invention of a eovetous man, and gotten by forcing the ground; whence it was, that Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred by God before him; and he slew his brother and hid his dead body, thinking to escape discovery. But God, knowing what had been done; came to Cain, and asked him, What was become of his brother? because he had not seen him for many days; whereas he used to observe them convers- ing together at other times. But Cain was in doubt with himself, and knew not what an- swer to give to God. At first he said, That he himself was at a loss about his brother’s disappearing, but when he was provoked by God, who pressed him vehemently, as resolv- ing to know what the matter was, he replied, He was not his brother’s guardian or keeper, nor was he an observer of what he did. But, in return, God convicted Cain, as having been the murderer of his brother, and said, “I won- der at thee, that thou knowest not what is be- come of a man whom thou thyself hast de- stroyed.” God, therefore, did not inflict the punishment [of death] upon him, on account of his offering sacrifice, and thereby making supplication to him not to be extreme in his wrath to him; but he made hii accursed, and threatened his posterity in the seventh genera- tion. He also cast him, together with his wife, out of that land. And when he was afraid, that in wandering about he should fall among the wild beasts, and by that means perish, God bid him not to entertain such a melancholy suspicion, and to go over all the earth without fear of what mischief he might suffer from wild beasts; and setting a mark upon him, that he might be known, he commanded him to depart. 2, And when Cain had travelled over many countries, he, with his wife, built a city named Nod, which is a place so called, and there he settled his abode; where also he had children. However, he did not accept of his punishment in order to amendment, but to increase his wickedness; for he only aimed to procure eve- ry thing that was for his own bodily pleasure, though it obliged him to be injurious to his geighbors. He augmented his household sub- stance with much wealth, by rapine and vio- lence; he excited his acquaintance to procure pleasures and spoils by robbery, and became a great leader of men into wicked courses. He also introduced a change in that way of sim- plicity wherein men lived before; and was the autho: of measures and weights; and whereas * St. John’s account of the reason why God accepted the sacrifice of Abel, andrejected that of Cain; as also why ain slew Abel, on account of that his acceptance with God, is much betterthan this of Josephus. I mean, because Cain was of the evilone, and slew his brother. And, where- fore slew he him?~ Because his own works were evil, and his érother’s righteous. 1 John,iii.12. Josephus’s reason seems #9 be n9 better than a Pharisaical notion or tradition they lived innocently and generously while they knew nothing of such arts, he changed the world into cunning craftiness. He first of all set boundaries about lands; he built a city, and fortified it with walls, and he compelled his family to come together to it, and called that city Enoch, after the name of his eldest son Enoch. Now Jared was the son of Enoch, whose son was Malaleel, whose sou was Me- thusela, whose son was Lamech, who had seventy-seven children by two wives, Silla and Ada. Of those children by Ada, one was Ja- bel; he erected tents, and loved the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was born of the same mother with him, exercised himself in music, and invented the psaltery and the harp.* But Tubal, one of his children by the other wife, exceeded all men in strength, and was very expert and famous in martial performanc- es. He procured what tended to pleasure of the body by that method; and first of all in- vented the art of making brass. Lamech was also the father of a daughter, whose name was Naamah; and because he was so skilful in matters of divine revelation, that he knew he was to be punished for Cain’s murder of his brother, he made that known to his wives. Nay, even while Adam was alive, it came to pass, that the posterity of Cain became exceed- ing wicked, every one successively dying, one after another, more wicked than the former. They were intolerable in war, and vehement in rooberies: and if any one were slow to mur- der people, yet was he bold in his profligate behavior, in acting unjustly, and doing injuries for gain. 3. Now Adam, who was the first man, and made out of the earth, (for our discourse must now be about him,) after Abel was slain, and Cain fled away on account of his murder, was solicitous for posterity, and had a vehement desire of children, he being two hundred and thirty years old; after which time he lived other seven hundred, and then died. He had indeed many other children, but Seth in particular. As for the rest, it would be tedious to name them: I will, therefore, only endeavor to give an account of those that proceeded from Seth. Now this Seth, when he was brought up, and came to those years in which he could discern what was good, he became a virtuous man; and, as he was himself of an excellent charac- ter, so did he leave children behind him, who imitated his virtues.{ All these proved to be of good dispositions. 'They also inhabited the same country without dissensions, and in a@ happy condition, without any misforttines fall ing upon them, till they died. ‘They also were the inventors of that peculiar sort of wisdom * From this Jubal, not improbably, came Jobel, the trum- pet of Jobel or Jubilee, that large and loud musical instrument, used in proclaiming the liberty at the year of Jubilee. t The number of Adam’s children, as says the old tradi. tion, was thirty-three sons, and twenty-three daughters. ¢{ What is here said of Seth and his posterity, that they were very good and virtuous, and at the same time very hap- py, without any considerable misfortunes, for seven genera- tions, [see chap. ii. sect. 1, before, and chap. iii. sect. 1, here- after,] is exactly agreeable to the state of the world and the conduct of Providence :n all the first ages. $2 which is concerned with the heavenly bodies and their wrder. And, that their inventions might not be lost before they were sufficiently known, upon Adam’s prediction that the world was to be destroyed at one time by the force of fire, and at another time by the violence and quantity of water, they made two pillars;* the one of brick, the other of stone; they in- scribed their discoveries on them both, that in case the pillar of brick should be destroyed by the flood, the pillar of stone might remain, and exhibit those discoveries to mankind; and also inform them that there was another pil- lar of brick erected by them. Now this re- mains in the land of Siriad to this day CHAPTER III. Concerning the Flood; and after what manner Noah was saved in an Ark, with his kindred; and afterwards dwelt in the plain of Shinar. § 1. Now this posterity of Seth continued to esteem God as the Lord of the universe, and to have an entire regard to virtue for seven gene- rations; but in process of time they were per- verted and forsook the practices of their fore- fathers; and did neither pay those honors to God which were appointed them, nor had they any concern to do justice towards men; but for what degree of zeal they had formerly shown for virtue, they now showed by their actions a double degree of wickedness, whereby they made God to be their enemy. For many an- gelst of God companied with women, and begat sons that proved unjust, and despisers of all that was good on account of the confidence they had in their own strength; for the tradi- tion is, that these men did what resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians call grants. But Noah was very uneasy at what they did; and being displeased at their conduct, persuaded them to change their dispositions and_ their actions for the better; but seeing they did not yield to him, but were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was afraid they would kill him, together with his wife and children, and those they had married; so he departed out of that land. 2. Now God loved this man for his right- eousness. Yet he not only condemned those other men for their wickedness, but determin- ed to destroy the whole race of mankind, and to make another race that should be pure from wickedness and cutting short their lives, and making their years not so many as they former- * Of Josephus’s mistake here, when he took Seth the ssn of Adam for Seth or Sesostris, king of Mgypt, the erector of this pillar in the land of Siriad, see Essay on the Old Testament, Appendix, p. 159, 160. Although the main of this relation might be true; and Adam might foretell a Con- flagration and a Deluge, which all antiquity witnesses to be an ancient tradition; nay, Seth’s posterity might engrave their inventions in astronomy on two such pillars; yet, it is n') way credible that they could survive the deluge, which has buried all such pillars and edifices far under ground, in the sed ments of its waters, especially since the like pillars of the Egyptian Seth or Sesostris were extant, after the flood, im the land of Siriad, and perhaps in the days of Josephus arso, as is shown in the place here referred to. { This notion, that the fullen angels were, in some sense, a fathers of the old giants, was the constant opinion ef an- qvity, ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. ly lived, but one hundred and twenty only,* he turned the dry land into sea and thus were all these men destroyed; but Noah alone was saved; for God suggested to him the follow- ing contrivance and way of escape: That he should make an ark of four stories high, three hundred cubits long,t fifty cubits broad, and thirty cubits high. Accordingly he entered into that ark, and his wife, and sons, and their wives, and put into it not only other provisions to support their wats there, but also sent in with the rest, all sorts of living creatures, the male and his female, for the preservation of their kinds, and others of them by sevens. Now this ark had firm walls, and a roof, and was braced with cross beams, so that it could not be any way drowned, or overborne by the violence of the water. And thus was Noah, with his family, preserved. Now he was the tenth from Adam, as being the son of Lamech, whose father was Methusela; he was the son of Enoch, the son of Jared; and Jared was the son of Malaleel, who, with many of his sisters, were the children of Cain, the son of Enos. Now Enos was the son of Seth, the son of Adam. 3. This calamity happened in the six hun- dredth year of Noah’s government, [age,] in the second month,t called by the Macedonians Dius, but by the Hebrews Marshesvan; for so q did they order their year in Egypt. But Moses appointed that isan, which is the same with Xanthicus, should be the first month of their festivals, because he brought them out of Egyp in that month. So that this month began the year as to all the solemnities they observed to the honor of God, although he preserved the original order of the month as to selling and buying, and other ordinary affairs. says, that this flood began on the twenty-seventh [seventeeth] day of the forementioned month, and this was two thousand six hundred and fifty-six [one thousand five hundred and _fifty- six] years from Adam the first man; and the time is written down in our sacred hooks,§ those who then lived having noted down with * Josephus here supposes, that the life of these giants (for Now he 4 of them only do | understand him) was now reduced to 12@ — years; which is confirmed by the fragment of Enoch, sect. 10, in Authent. Ree. part 1, p. 268. Foras tothe rest of mankind, Josephus himself confesses their lives were much longer than 120 years, for many generations after the flood, as we shall see presently; and he says, they were gradually shortened till the days of Moses, and then fixed [for some time] at 120, chap. vi. sect. 5. Nor indeed need we sup that either Enoch or Josephus meant to interpret these 120 years for the life of men before the flood, to be different from the 120 years of God’s patience [perhaps while the ark was preparing] till the deluge; which [ take to be the mean ing of God when he threatened this wicked world, that il they so Jong continued impenitent, their days should be ne more than 120 years. t+ Acubit is about 2] English inches ¢ Josephus here truly determines that the year of the flood began about the autumnal equinox; as to what day of the month the flood began our Hebrew and Samaritan, and perhaps Josephus’s own copy, more rightly placed it on the 17th day instead of the 27th as here; for Josephus with them as to the distance of 150 days to the 17th day ef the 7th month, as Gen. vii. 24. with vilii.-4. § Josephus here takes notice, that these ancient genea- logies were first set down by those that then lived, and from them were transmitted down to posterity; which | suppose to bethe tme account of that matter. For there is no rea- sop to immaguie that men were net taught to read and wre ; ’ ee ee ee BOOK L—CHAPTER TF. great accuracy both the births and the deaths of illustrious men. 4, For indeed Seth was born when Adam was m his two hundred and thirtieth year, who liv- ed nine hundred and thirty years. Seth begat Enoch in his two hundred and fifth year; who, when he had lived nine hundred and twelve years, delivered the government to Cainan his zon, whom he had at his hundred and ninetieth year. He lived nine hundred and five years. Cainan, when he had lived nine hundred and ten years, had his son Malaleel, who was born in his hundred and seventieth year. This Malaleel, having lived eight hundred and ninety-five years, died, leaving his son Jared, whom he begat when he was at his hundred and sixty-fifth year. He lived nine hundred and sixty-two years; and then his son Enoch gucceeded him, who was born when his father was one hundred and sixty-two years old. Now he, when he had lived three hundred and sixty-five years, departed, and went to God; whence it is, that they have not written down his death. Now Methusela, the son of Enoch, who was born to him when he was one hun- dred and sixty-five years old, had Lamech for his son, when he was one hundred and eighty- seven years of age; to whom he delivered the government, when he had retained it nine hun- dred and sixty-nine years. Now Lamech, when he had governed seven hundred and seventy-seven years, appointed Noah his son to be ruler of the people, who was born to La- mech when he was one hundred and eighty- two years old, and retained the government nine hundred and fifty years. These years collected together make up the sum before set down. But let no one inquire into the deaths of these men; for they extended their lives all along, together with their children and grand- children; but let him have regard to their births only. 5. When God gave the signal, and it began to rain, the water poured down forty entire days, till it became fifteen cubits higher than the earth; which was the reason why there were no greater number preserved, since they “had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased, the water did but just begin to abate after one hundred and fifty days; that is,on the seventeenth day of the seventh month, it then ceasing to subside for a little while. After this, the ark rested on the top of a certain mountain in Ar- menia; which, when Noah understood, he epened it, and seeing a small piece of land about it, he continued quiet, and conceived some cheerful hopes of deliverance. But a few days afterward, when the water was de- ereased to a greater degree, he sent outa raven, as desirous to learn whether any other part of the earth was left dry by the water, and whether he might go out of the ark with safety; but the raven returned not. And after seven days, he sent out a dove, to know the state of soon after they were taught to speak: and perhaps all ty the ‘Messiah himself, who under the Father, was the Creator or Governor of mankind, and who frequently in those early _ days appeared to them. 5 3 the ground, which eame tack to him covered ‘with mud, and bringing an olive branch. Hereby Noah learned that the earth was be- come clear of the flood. So after he had stayed seven more days, he sent the living creatures out of the ark, and both he and his family went out, when he also sacrificed to God, an@ feasted with his companions. However, thé Armenians call this place Azofarnptoy,* the Place of Descent; for the ark being saved in that place, its remains are showed there by the in- habitants to this day. 6. Now all the writers of the barbarian his- tories make mention of this flood, and of this ark; among whom is Berossus the Chaldean. For when he was describing the circumstances of the flood, he goes on thus, “It is said, there is still some part of this ship in Armenia, at the mountain of the Cordyzeans; and that some peo- ple carry off pieces of the bitumen, which they take away, and use chiefly as amulets, for the averting of mischiefs.” Hieronymus the Egyp- tian also, who wrote the Phenician antiquities, and Manaseas, and a great many more, make mention of the same. Nay, Nicholas of Damas- cus, in his ninety-sixth book, hath a particular relation about them; where he speaks thus: “There is a great mountain in Armenia, over Minyas, called Baris, upon which it is reported that many who fled at the time of the deluge were saved ; and that one who was carried in an ark, came on shore upon the top of it; and that the remains of the timber were a great while preserved. This might be the man about whom Moses, the legislator of the Jews, wrote.” 7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since God had determined to destroy mankind, lest he should drown the earth every year; so he offered burnt offerings; and besought God that nature might hefeafter go on in its former orderly course; and that he would not bring on so great a judgment any more, by which the whole race of creatures might be in danger of destruction ; but that, having now punished the wicked, he would of his goodness spare the remainder, and such as he had hitherto judged fit to be de- livered from so severe a calamity; for that other- wise these last must be more miserable than the first, and that they must be condemned to a worse condition than the others, unless they be suffered to escape entirely; that is, if they be reserved for another deluge, while they must be afflicted with the terror and the sight of the first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a second. He also entreated God to accept of * This AxcBarupsov, or place of descent, is the proper rendering of the Armenian name of this very city. It is called in Ptolemy, Naxwana, and by Moses Chorenensts the Armenian historian, Idshenan; but at the place itself Nachidsheuan, which signifies the first place of descent; and isa lasting monument of the preservation of Noah in the ark, upon the top of that mountain, at whose foot it was built, as the first city or town after the flood. See Antiq. b. xx. chap. ii. sect. 3. and Moses Chorenensis, p. 71. 723 who also says, p. 19, that another town was related by tra- dition to have been called Seron, or the place of dispersion, on account of the dispersion of Xisuthrus, or Noah’s sons, from thence first made. Whether any remains of this ark be still preserved, as the people of the country suppose, [ cannot certainly tell. Mons. Tournefort had not very jong since a mind to see the place himself, but met with too great dangers and difficulties to venture through them. SA hiv ancrifice, and te grant, that the earth might never again undergo the like; effects of his wrath; that men might be permitted to go on cheerfully in cultivating the same; to build. ci- ties, aud live happily in them; and that they might not be deprived of any of those good things which they enjoyed before the flood; but might attain to the like length of days and old age, which the ancient people had arrived at before. 8. When Noah had made these supplica- tions, God, who loved the man for his right- eousness, granted entire success to his prayers; and said, that it was not he who brought the destruction on a polluted world, but that they underwent that vengeance on account of their own wickedness; and that he had not brought meu into the world, if he had himself deter- wiitied to destroy them, it being an instance of greater wisdom not to have granted ther life at all, than, after it was granted, to procure their destruction; but the injuries, said he, they otfered to my holiness a.d virtue, forced me to bring this punishment upon them. But | will l_ave off for the time to come, to require such punishments, the effects of so great wrath, for their future wicked actions, and especially on account of thy prayers. But if | shall, at any nine, send tempests of rain in an extraordinary manner, be not affrighted at the largeness of tlie showers; for the water shall no more over- s read the earth. However, I require you to alistain froshedding the blood of men, and to kep yourselves pure from murder; and to pun- ish those that cominit any such thing. I per- mit you to make use of all the other living creatures at your pleasure, and as your appe- nies lead you; for [ have made you lords of them all, both of those that walk on the land, ANTIQUITIES OF 'THE JEWS. lave for witnesses to what | have said, ali those — that have written antiquities, both among the — ureeks and Barbarians: for even Manetho, who | wrote the Egyptian history, and Berossus, who collected the Chaldean monuments, and Mo- chus and Hestizeus, and besides these Hierony- mus the Egyptian, and those who composed the Phenician history, agree to what I here say — Hesiod also, and Hecatzeus, and Hellanicus, aud — Acusilaus; and, besides these, Ephorus and Nicolaus relate, that the ancients lived a thou- _ sand years. But as to these matters, let every one look upon them as they think fit. CHAPTER IV. / Concerning the Tower of Babylon and the Confu- sion of Tongues. | § 1. Now the sons of Noah were three, Shem, and Japhet, and Ham, born one hundred years before the deluge. These first of all descend- ed from the mountains into the plains, and fixed their habitation there; and persuaded others who were greatly afraid of the lower grounds — on account of the flood, and so were very — loath to come down from the higher places, to — venture to follow their examples. Now the plain in which they first dwelt, was called Shs- _ nar. God also con:manded them to send colo- | nies abroad, for the thorough peopling of the — earth, that they might not raise seditions among - themselves, but might cultivate a great part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after a plentiful — manner. But they wereso ill instructed that — they did not obey God: for which reason they ~ fell into calamities, and were made.sensible, by — experience, of what sin they had been guilty For when they flourished with a numereus youth, God admonished them again to send — out colonies; but they, imagining that the pros- wid of those that swim in the waters, and of|perity they enjoyed was not derived from the those that fly in the regions of the air on high, excepting their blood, for therein is the life. But I will give you a sign that I have left off my anger, by iny bow, (whereby is meant the rainbow, for they determined that the rainbow was the bow of God.) And, when God had avid and promised thus, he went hway. 9. Now when Noah had lived three hundred and fifty years after the flood, and all that time happily, he died, having lived the number of nine hundred and fifty years. But let no one upon comparing the lives of the ancients with our lives, and with the few years which we now live, think, that what we have said of them is false; or make the shortness of our lives at present an argument, that neither did they at- tain to so long a duration of life, for those an- ‘cients were beloved of God, and [lately] made by God himself; and because their food was then fitter for the prolongation of life, might well live So great a number of years; and be- sides,God afforded them a longer time of life on sccount of their virtue, and the good use they made of it in astronomical and geometrical dis- coveries which would not have afforded the tume for foretelling, [the periods of the stars,] unless they had lived six hundred years: for the great year is completed in that interva) Nowk | tavor of God, but supposing that then own ! power was the proper cause of the plentiful : condition they were in, did not obey him. Nay, they added to this their disobedience to— the divine will, the suspicion they were there- fore ordered to send out separate colonies, that — being divided asunder, they might the more - easily be oppressed. 2. Now it was Nimrod who excited them to_ such an affront and contempt of God. He was — the grandson of Ham, the son of Noah, a bold © man, and of great strength of hand. He per — suaded them not to ascribe it to God, as if it” was through his means they were happy, but to believe that it was their own courage which — procured that happiness. He also gradually changed the government into tyranny, seein no other way of turning men from the fear o (sod, but to brmg them into a constant depend- «ence on his own power. He also said, “He would be revenged on God, if he should have’ a mind to drown the world again, for that he would build a tower too high for the waters to le able to reach; and that he would.avenge himselfon God for destroying their forefathers.” 3. Now the multitwle were very ready to fllow the determination of Nimrod, and ta exteeru it a piece of cowardice to submit se wg 2 _ God; and they built a tower, neither sparing any pains, nor being in any degree negligent about the work. And by reason of the multi- tude of hands employed in it, it grew very high, sooner than any one could expect; but the thickness of it was so great, and it was so strongly built, that thereby its great height seemed, upon the view, to be less than it really was. It was built of burned brick, cemented together with mortar made of bitumen, that it might not be liable to admit water. When God gaw that they acted so madly, he did not re- solve to destroy them utterly, since they were mot grown wiser by the destruction of the former sinners, but he caused a tumult among them, by producing in them divers languages, and causing, that through the multitude of those languages, they should not be able to under- stand one another. The place wherein they built the tower isnow called Babylon, because of the confusion of that language which they readily understood before; for the Hebrews mean by the word Babel, confusion. ‘The Si- byl also makes mention of this tower, and of the confuson of the language when she says thus, “When all men were of one language, some of them built a high tower, as if they would thereby ascend up to heaven, but the gods sent storms of wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every one his peculiar langu- age, and for this reason it was that the city was called Babylon.” But as to the plain of Shinar, | BOOK 1—CHAPTERS V. Vi. 33 on the nations by those that first seized upon them. Japhet the son of Noah had seven sons. ‘They inhabited so, that beginning at the mountains Taurus and Amanus, they proceed- ed along Asia, as far as the river Tanais, and along Europe to Cadiz; and settling themselves on the lands they. lighted upon, which none had inhabited before, they called the nations by their own nanies. For Gomer founded those whom the Greeks now call Galatians, [Gauls,] but were then called Gomerites. Ma- gog founded those that from him were named Magogites, but who are by the Greeks called Scythians. Now as to Javan and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai came the Ma- deans, which are called Medes by the Greeks; but from Javan, Jonia and all the Grecians are derived. Thobel founded the Thobelites, | which are now called Iberes; and the Moso- cheni were founded by Mosoch; now they are Cappadocians. There is also a mark of their ancient denominations still to be showed; for there is even now among them a city called Mazaca, which may inform those that are able to understand, that so was the entire nation once called. Thiras also called those whom he ruled over, Thiracians; but the Greeks changed the name into Jhracians. And so many were the countries that had the children of Japhet for their inhabitants. Of the three sons of Gomer, Aschanaz founded the Ascha- nasians, who are now called by the Greeks in the country of Babylonia, Hestiwus mentions | Rheginians. So did Riphath found the Riph- it, when he says thus, “Such of the priests as | eans, now called Paphlagonians; and Thru- were saved took the sacred: vessels of Jupiter gramma the Thrugrammeans, who, as the Enyalius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia.” | Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians. Of CHAPTER V. | the three sons of Javan also, the son of Japhet, | Elisa gave name to the Elisians, who were Ii ri h sent out | : ee poreniyo/ Noah sent ow {subjects; they are now the AXolians. abroad, to the Tharsians, for so was Cicilia of %ld call- ‘ ie eye . . . 2 i Colonies, and inhabited the whole earth. § 1. After this they were dispersed Tharsus colonies everywhere; and each colony Poole | city they have, and a metropolis also, is Tarsus, possession of that land which they lighted upon, and unto which God led them, so that the whole continent was filled with them, both the inland and the maritime countries. ‘There were some also who passed over the sea in ships, and inhabited the islands; and some of those nations do still retain the denominations which were given them by their first founders; but some have lost them also, and some have ‘only admitted certain changes in them, that they might be the more intelligible to the in- habitants. And they were the Greeks who became the authors of such mutations; for when, in after ages, they grew potent, they elaimed to themselves the glory of antiquity; iving names to the nations that sounded well, in Greek,] that they might be better under- _ stood among themselves; and setting agreeable forms of government over them, as if they were a people derived from themselves. _ CHAPTER VI. Nation was Denominated from ther Be Jirst inhalniants. __§1. Now they were the grandchildren of ~ Noah, in honor of whom names x the Tau bemg by change put for the Theta. Cethimus possessed the island of Cethima; it - is now called Cyprus; and from that it is, that all islands, and the greatest part of the sea- coasts, are named Cethium by the Hebrews; and one city there is nm Cyprus that has been abie to preserve its denomination; it is called Citius by those who use the language of thé Greeks, and has not, by the use of that dialect, escaped the name of Cethium. And so many nations have the children and grandchildren of Japhet possessed. Now when I have premis- ed somewhat, which perhaps the Greeks do not know, J] will return and explain what I have omitted; for such names are pronounced here after the manner of the Greeks, to please my readers; for our own country language does not so pronounce them. But the names in all cases are of one and the same ending: for the name we here pronounce JVoeas is there Voah; and in every case retains the same termination. 2. The children of Ham possessed the land from Syria and Amanus, and the mountains of Libanus; seizing upon all that was on its sea- were imposed | poasts, and as far as the ocean, and keeping # ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. as their own. Some imdeed, of its names are | the sacred books but their names, for the He- utterly vanished away; others of them being| brews overthrew their cities: and their calami- changed, and another sound given them, are | ties came upon them on the occasion following. aardly to be discovered, yet a few there are which have kept their denominations entire. For of the four sons of Ham, time has not at all hurt the name of Chus; for the Ethiopians, aver whom he reigned, are even at this day, ith by themselves and by all men in Asia, ialled Chusites. 'The memory also of the Mes- faites is preserved in their name; for all we who inhabit the country [of Judea] call Egypt Vestre and the Egyptians Mestreans. Phut also was the founder of Libya, and called the inhabitants Phutites, from himself; there is also a river in the country of the Moors, which bears that name; whence it is that we may see the greatest part of the Grecian historiograph- ers mention that river, and the adjoining coun- try, by the appellation of Phut; but the name it has now, has been by change given it from one of the sons of Mestraim, who was called Lybyos. We will inform you presently what has been the occasion why it has been called Africa also. Canaan, the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country now called Judea, and called it from his own name Canaan. The children of these [four] were these: Sabase, who founded the Sabeans; Evilas, who founded the Evileans, who are called Getuli; Sabathes founded the Sabathens; they are now called by the Greeks Astaborans; Sabactas settled the Sabactens; and Ragmus the Ragmeans; and he had two sons, the one of which Judadas,$ettled the Judadeans, a nation of the western Ethio- pians, and left them his name; as did Sabas, to the Sabeans. But Nimrod, the son of Chus, stayed and tyrannized at Babylon, as we have already informed you. Nowall the children of Mesrafin, being eight in number, possessed the country from Gaza to Egypt, though it retain- ed the name of one only, the Philestim, for the Greeks called part of that country Pales- tine. As for the rest, Ludiem, and Enemim, and Labim, who alone inhabited in Libya, and called the country from himself; Nedim, and Pethrosim, and Chesloim, and Cepthorim, we know nothing of them besides their names; for the Ethiopic war,* which we shall describe hereafter, was the cause that those cities were overthrown. The sons of Canaan were these: Sidonius, who also built a city of the same name; it is called by the Greeks Sidon; Ama- thus inhabited in Amathine, which iseven now called Amatie by the inhabitants, although the Macedonians named it Epiphania, from one of kis posterity; Arudues possessed the island Aradus; Arucas possessed Arce, which is in Libanus, But for the seven others [Euens,] Chetteus, Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergeseus, Eu- deus, Sineus, Samareus, we have nothing in * One observation ought not to be here neglected with regard to that Ethiopic war which Moses, as general of the Egyptians, put an end to, Antiq. b. ii. ch. x. and about which eur late writers seem very unconcerned; viz. that it was a war of that consequence, as to occasion the removal or de- struction of six or seve nations of the posterity of Mitzraim, with their cities; which Josephus would not have said, if he had not had ancient records to justify those his assertions, though those records be all now lest. 3. Noah, when after the deluge the earth was resettled in its former condition, set about its cultivation; and when he had planted it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe, and he had gathered the grapes in their season, and the wine was ready for use, he offered sacrifice, and — feasted, and being drunk, he fell asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly manner. When his youngest son saw this, he came laughing, and showed him to his brethren; but they covered their father’s nakedness. And when Noah, was made sensible of what had been done, he pray ed for posterity to his other sons; but for Ham, he did not curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood, but cursed his posterity. And when the rest of them escaped that curse, God inflict- ed it on the children of Canaan. But as to these matters, we shall speak more hereafter. 4. Shem the third son of Noah, had five sons, who inhabited the land that began at Euphrat- es, and reached to the Indian ocean. For Elam left behind him the Elamites, the ancestors of the Persians. Ashur lived at the city Nineve; and named his subjects Assyrians, who became the most fortunate nation, beyond others. Ar- phaxad named the Arpharadites, who are now called Chaldeans. Aram had the Aramites, which the Greeks called Syrians; as Laud founded the Laudites, which are now called ph re Of the four sons of Aram, Uz found- ed Trachonitis and Damascus, this country lies between Palestine and Celosyria. Ul founded Armenia, and Gather the Bactrians; and Mesa the Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasi-- ni. Sala was the son of Arphaxad; and his son was Heber, from whom they originally call- ed the Jews* Hebrews. Heber begat Joctan and Phaleg; he was called Phaleg because he was born at the dispersion of the nations to— their several countries; for Phaleg among the Hebrews signifies division. Now Joctan, one of the sons of Heber, had these sons, Elmodad, — Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram, Aizel, Decla, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, Ophir, Euilat, and Jo- bab. These inhabited from Cophen, an In-— dian river, and in part of Aria adjoining to it. And this shall suffice concerning the sons of © Shem. 5. I will now treat of the Hebrews, The son of Phaleg, whose father was Heber, was Ragau; whose son was Serug, to whom was born Nahor; his son was Terah, who was the father of Abram, who accordingly was the tenth from Noah, and was born in the twe hundred and ninety-second year after the de- luge; for Terah begat Abram in his seventieth * That the Jews were called Hebrews, from this their prn- genitor Heber, our author Josephus here rightly affirms; and not from Abram the Hebrew, or Passenger over Euphrates, as many of the moderns suppose. Shem is also called the~ Father of all the children of Heber, or of all the Hebrews, in a history long before Abram passed over Euphrates, Gen. x. 21, though it must be confessed, that, Gen. xiv. 13, where the original says, they told Abram the Hebrew, the 8 gint renders it the Passenger, ~:perys: but this is spoken only of Abram himself, who had then lately passed over Euphrates, and is another signification of the Hebrew weed taken as an appellative and not as a proper name { eptua-— mi 4 4 i BOOK 1—CHAPTERS VU. VIII. a7 ear. Nahor begat Haran, when he was one undred and twenty years old; Nahor was born to Serug at his hundred and thirty-second year; Ragau had Serug at one hundred and thrty; at the same age also, Phaleg had Ra- gau; Heber begat Phaleg in his hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself being begotten by Sala, when he was a hundred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad had for his son at the hundred and thirty-fifth year of his age. Arphaxad was the son of Shem, and born ;welve years after the deluge. Now Abram had two brethren, Nahor and Haran; of these Haran left a son, Lot; as also Sarai and Milcha his daughters: and died among the Chaldeans, mm acity of the Chaldeans, called Ur; and _ his monument is shywed to this day. These mar- ried their nieces. Nahor married Milcha, and Abraham married Sarai. Now Terah hating Chaldea, on account of his mourning for Haran, they all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia, where Terah died, and was buried, when he had lived to be two hundred and five years old; for the life of man was already by degrees di- minished, and became shorter than before, till the birth of Moses; after whom the term of hu- man life was one hundred and twenty years, God determining it to be the length that Moses happened to live. Now Nahor had eight sons by Milcha; Uz, and Buz, Kemuel, Chesed, Az- ~ au, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel. These were all the genuine sons of Nahor; for 'Teba, and Gaam, and Tachas, and Mecha, were born of Reuma his concubine; but Bethuel had a daughter Rebecca, and a son Laban. CHAPTER VII. How Abram our forefather went out of the land of the Chaldeans, and lived in the land then call- ed Canaan, but now Judea. § 1. Now Abram, having noson of his own, adopted Lot, his brother Haran’s son, and his wife Sarai’s brother; and he left the land of Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old, and at the command of God, went into Canaan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left it to his posterity. He was a person of great sagacity, both for understanding all things, and persuad- ing his hearers, and not mistaken in his opin- ions; for which reason he began to have higher notions of virtue than others had, and he de- termined to renew, and to change the opinion all men happened then to shave concerning God; for he was the first that ventured to pub- lish this notion, that there was but One God, the Creator of the Universe; and that as to other {gods, | if they contributed any thing to the hap- piness of men, that each of them afforded it only according to his appointment, and not by their own power. This his opinion was de- *ived from the irregular phenomena that were visible both at land and sea, as well as those that happen tothe sun and moon, and all the heavenly bodies; thus, “if [said he] these bodies had power of their own, they would certainly take care of their own regular motions; but since they co not preserve such regularity, they make it plain that so far as they co-ope- rate to our advantage, they do it not ol their own abilities, but as they are subservient to him that commands them, to whom alone we ought justly to offer our honor and thanksgiving. For which doctrines, when the Chaldeans, and other people of Mesopotamia, raised a tumult against him, he thought fit to leave that coun- try; and at the command, and by the assistance of God, he came and lived in the land of Ca- naan. And when he was there settled, he built an altar, and performed a sacrifice to God. 2. Berosus mentions our father Abram with- out naming him, when he says thus: “In the tenth generation after the flood, there was among the Chaldeans, a man, righteous and great, and skilful in the celestial science.” But Hecatzeus does more than barely mention him: for he composed, and left behind him, a book concerning him. And Nicolaus of Damascus, in the fourth book of his history, says thus: “Abram reigned at Damascus, being a foreign- er, Who came with an army out of the land above Babylon, called the land of the Chalde- ans; but, after a long time, he got him up, and removed from that country also, with his peo- ple, and went into the land then called the land of Canaan, but now the land of Judea, and this when his posterity were become a multitude, as to which posterity of his, we relate their his- tory in another work. Now the name of Abram is even still famous in the country of Damascus; and there is showed a_ village named from him, the habitation of Abram. CHAPTER VIII. That when there was a Famine in Canaan, Abram went thence into Egypl; and after he had con- tinued there awhile, he returned back again. § 1. Now after this, when a famine had in- vaded the land of Canaan, and Abram had dis covered that the Egyptians were in a flourish- ing condition, he was disposed to go down to them, both to partake of the plenty they en- joyed, and to become an auditor of their priests, and to know what they said concerning the gods; designing either to follow them, if they had better notions than he, or to convert them into a better way, if his own notions proved the truest. Now seeing he was to take Sarai with him, and was afraid of the madness of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest the king should kill him on occasion of his wife’s great beauty, he contrived this device:—He pretend- ed to be her brother, and directed her in a dis- sembling way to pretend the same; for he said it would be for their benefit. Now as soon as they came into Egypt, it happened to Abram as he supposed it would, for the fame of his wife’s beauty was greatly talked of; for whick reason Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, would not be satisfied with what was reported of her, but would needs see her himself, and was prepar- ing to enjoy her; but God put astop to his un- just inclinations, by sending upon hima distem- per, and a sedition against his government. And when he inquired of the priests, how he might be freed from these calamities, they told him that his miserable condition was derived 38 from the wrath of God, upon account of his inclinaons to abuse the stranger’s wife. He chen, out of fear, asked Sarai, who she was? and who it was that she brought along with her? And when he had found out the truth, he excused himself to Abram, that supposing the woman to be his sister, and not his wife, he set his affections on her, as desiring an af- finity with him by marrying her; but not as in- cited by lust to abuse her. He also made him a large present in money; and gave hitn leave to enter into conversation with the most learn- ed among the Egyptians; from which conver- sation, lis virtue ard his reputation became more conspicuous than they had been before. 2. For whereas the Egyptians were formerly addicted to different customs, and despised one another’s sacred and accustomed rites, and were very angry one with another on that ac- count, Abram couferred with each of them, and confuting the reasonings they made use of, every one for their own practices, he demon- strated that. such reasonings were vain, aud void of truth; whereupon he was admired by thei, in those conferences, as a very wise man, and one of great sagacity, when he discoursed on any subject he undertook; and this not only in understanding it, but in persuading other men also to assent to him. He communicated to them arithmetic, and delivered to them the science of astronomy; for, before Abram came mto Egypt, they were unacquainted with those parts of learning; for that science came from the Chaldeans into Egypt, and from thence to the Greeks also. 3. As soon as Abraham was come back into Canaan, he parted the land between him and Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavior of their shepherds, concerning the pastures w »erein they should feed their flocks. How- ever, he gave Lot his option, or leave, to choose which lands he would take: and he took himself what the other left, which were the lower grounds at the foot of the mountains; and he himself dwelt in Hebron, which is a city seven years ancienter than Tanus of Egypt. But Lot possessed the land of the plain, and the river Jordan, not far from the city Sodom, which was then a fine city, but is now destroy- ed by the will and the wrath of God; the cause of which [I shall show in its proper place hereatier. CHAPTER IX. The Destruction of the Sodomites by the Assy- : rian War. § Ll. At this time, when the Assyrians had the dominion over Asia, the people of Sodom were in a flourishing condition, both as to riches and the number of their youth. There were five kings that managed the affairs of this country, Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and Sumo- bor, with the king of Bela, and each king led on his own troops. And the Assyrians made war upon them, and dividing their army into four parts, fought against them. Now every part of the army had its own commander; and when the battle was joined, the Assyrians were ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWo. A ill conquerors and imposed a tribute upon the — kings of the Sodomites, who submitted to this slavery twelve years, and so long they con- — tinued to pay their tribute; but on the thirteenth -— year they rebelled, and then the army of the Assyrians caine upon thern, under their com- manders, Amraphel, Arioch, Chedorlaomer, and Tidal. ‘These kings» had laid waste all Syria, and overthrown the offspring of the giants. And when they were come over against Sodom, they pitched their camp at the vale called the Shme-pits, for at that time there were pits in that place; but now, upon the de- struction of the city of Sodom, that vale be- came the Lake Asphaltites, as it is called; how- ever, concerning this lake we shall speak more presently. Now when the Sodomites joined battle with the Assyrians, and the fight was very obstinate, many of them were killed, and the rest were carried captive; among which captives was Lot, who had come to assist the Sodomites. CHAPTER X. How Abram fought with the Assyrians, and over came them, and saved the Sodomite Prison. ers, and took from the Assyrians the prey they had gotten. § 1. When Abram heard of their calamity he was at once afraid for Lot his kinsman, am pitied the Sodomites, his friends and neighbors; and thinking it proper to afford them assistance, he did not delay it, but marched hastily, and the fifth night fell upon the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the name of the other spring of Jordan, and before they could arm theim- selves, he slew some as they were in their beds, before they could suspect any harm; and others who were not yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk that they could not fight, ran away. Abram pursued after them, till, on the second day, he drove them in a body into Hoba, a place belonging to Damascus; and thereby de- monstrated, that victory does not depend on multitude, and the number of hands, but the alacrity and courage of soldiers overcome the most numerous bodies of men, while he got the victory over so great an army with no more than three hundred and eighteen of his servants, and three of his friends, but all those that fled returned home ingloriously. 2. So Abram, when he had saved the captive Sodomites, who had been taken by the Assy- rians, and Lot also, his kinsman, returned home in peace. Now the king of Sodom met hita at a certain place which they called the King’ Dale, where Melchisedec, king of the city Sa- lem, received him. That name signifies the righteous king: and such he was, without dis- pute, insomuch that, on this account, he was made the priest of God: however, they after ward called Salem Jerusalem. Now this Mel chisedec supplied Abram’s army in a hospr table manner, and gave them provisions in abundance; and as they were feasting, he be- gan to praise him, and to bless God for subdu ing his enemies under him. And when Abram gave him the tenth part of his prey, he accept } BOOK I—CHAPTER XI. wh ed of the gift. But the king of Sodom desired would live better hereafter; for that the reason _ Abram to take the prey: but entreated that he of her being in such a miserable case was this, might have those men restored to him whom Abram had saved from the Assyrians, because ‘they belonged unto him. But Abram would not doso; nor would make any other advantage of that prey, than what his servants had eaten; but still insisted that he should afford a part to his friends that had assisted him in the battle. The first of them was called Eschol, and then Ex:rer, and Mambre. 3. And God commended his virtue, and said, Thou shalt not however lose the rewards thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glorious actions. He answered, And what advantage will it be to me to have such rewards, when I have none to enjoy them after me? for he was hitherto childless. And God promised that he should have a son, and that his posterity should be very numerous; insomuch that their num- ber shouldbe like the stars. When he heard that, he offered a sacrifice to God, as he com- manded him. ‘The manner of the sacrifice was this: He took a heifer of three years old, and a she-goat of three years old, and a ram in like manner of three years old, and a urtle-dove, and a pigeon;* and, as he was en- joined, he divided the three former, but the Birds he did not divide. After which, before he built his altar, where the birds of prey fiew about as desirous of blood, a divine voice came to him, declaring, that their neighbors would be grievous to his posterity, when they should be in Egypt, for four hundred years;+ during which time they should be afflicted, but after- wards should overcome their enemies, should conquer the Canaanites in war, and possess themselves of their land and of their cities. 4. Now Abram dwelt near the oak called Ogyges; the place belongs to Canaan, not far from the city of Hebron. But being uneasy at his wife’s barrenness, he entreated God to grant that he might have male issue; and God required of him to be of good courage; and said, that he would add to all the rest of the benefits that he had bestowed upon him, ever since he led him out of Mesopotamia, the gift of chil- dren. Accordingly Sarai, at God’s command, prought to his bed one of her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian descent, in order to obtain children by her, and when this handmaid was with child, she triumphed, and ventured to affront Sarai, as if the dominion were to come to asonto be born of her. But when Abram resigned her into the hands of Sarai, to punish her, she contrived to fly away, as not able to bear the instances of Sarai’s severity to her; and she entreated God to have compassion en ner. Nowa divine angel met her, as she was going forward in the wilderness, and bid her return to her master and mistress, for if she would s ibmit to that wise advice, she _ * ft is worth toting here, that God required no other sacrifices under thie law of Moses than what were taken from these five kinds of animals which he here required of Abram. Nordid the Jews feed upon any other domestic _ animals than the three here named, as Reland observes on Antiq. b. iv. ch. iv. sect. 4. + As to this affliction of Abram’s posterity for 400 years, fee Antiq. b. ii. ch. ix. sect. 1. that she had been ungrateful and arrogant to wards her mistress. He also told her that if she disobeyed God, and went on still in her way, she should perish; but if she woud return back, she should become the mother of a son, who should reign over that country. These admonitions she obeyed, and returned to her master and mistress, and obtained forgiveness, A little while afterwards she bare Ismael, which may be interpreted, heard of God, because God had heard his mother’s prayer. 5. The forementioned son was born te Abram when he was eighty-six years old; but when he was ninety-nine, God appeared to him, and promised him, that he should have asop by Sarai, and commanded that his name should be fsaac; and showed him, that from this son should spring great nations and kings, and that they should obtain all the land of Canaan by war, from Sidon to Egypt. But he charged him im order to keep his pos- terity unmixed with others, that they should be circumcised in the flesh of their foreskin, and that this should be done on the eighth day after they were born; the reason of which circumci sion, I will explain in another place. And Abram inquiring also concerning Ismael, whe- ther he ghould live or not, God signified to hira that he should live to be very old, and should be the father of great nations. Abram there- fore gave thanks to God for these blessings; and then he, and all his family, and his son Ismael, were circumcised immediately; the son being that day thirteen years of age, and he ninety nine. CHAP. X] How God overthrew the Nation of the Sodomites, out of his wrath against them for their sins. § 1. About this time the Sodomites grew proud, on account of their riches and great wealth; they became unjust towards men, and impious towards God, insomuch that they did not call to mind the advantages they received from him; they hated strangers, and abused themselves with Sodomitical practices. God was, therefore, much displeased at them, and determined to punish them for their pride, and to overthrow their city, and to lay waste their country, until there should neither plant nor fruit grow out of it. 2. When God had thus resolved concerning the Sodomites, Abraham, as he sat by the oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw three angels; and thinking them to be strangers, he rose up, and saluted them, and desired they would accept of an entertainment, and anide with him; to which, when they agreed, he or- dered cakes of meal to be made presently; and when he had slain a calf, he roasted it, and brought it to them, as they sat under the oak. Now they made a show of eating; and besides, they asked him about his wife Sarah, where she was? and when he said, she was within, they said, they should come again, hereafter, and find her become a mother. Upon which the 40 woman !aughed and said, that it was impossible she should bear children, since she was ninety years of age, and her husband was a hundred. Then they concealed themselves no longer, but declared that they were angels of God: and that one of them was sent to inform them about the child, and two of the overthrow of Sedom. 3. When Abraham heard this, he was griev- ed for the Sodomites; and he rose up, and be- sought God for them, and entreated him that he would not destroy the righteous with the wicked. And when God had replied, that there was no good man among the Sodomites; for if there were but ten such men among them, he would not punish any of them for their sins, Abraham held his peace. And the angels came to the city of the Sodomites, and Lot entreated them to accept of a lodging with him; fer he was a very generous and hospita- ‘le man, and one that had learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham. Now when the Sodomites saw the young men to be of beauti- ‘ul countenance, and this to an extraordinary degree, and that they took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved themselves to enjoy these beautifiul boys by force and violence; and when Lot exhorted them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing immodest to the strangers, but to have regard to their lodging in his house; and promised, if their inclinatioys could not be governed, he would expose his daughters to their lust, instead of these strangers: neither thus were they made ashamed. 4, But God was much displeased at their im- pudent behavior, so that he both smote those men with blindness, and condemned the Sodo- mites to universal destruction. But Lot, upon God’s informing him of the future destruction of the Sodomites, went away, taking with him his wife and daughters, who were two, and still virgins; for those that were betrothed* to them were above the thoughts of going, and deemed that Lot’s words were trifling. (God then cast a thunderbolt upon the city, and set it on fire, with its inhabitants; and laid waste the country with the like burning, as I formerly said when I wrote the Jewish war.t But Lot’s wife continually turning back to view the city, as she went from it, and being too nicely in- quisitive what would become of it, although God had forbidden her so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt;t for I have seen it, and it * These sons-in-law to Lot, as they are called, Gen. xix. @—14, might beso styled because they were betrothed to Lov’s daughters, though not yet married to them. See the rote on Antiq. b. xiv. ch. xiii. sect. 1. ¢t Of the War, b. iv. ch. vili. sect. 4. t This pillar of salt was, we see here, standing in the days of Josephus, and he had seen it. Thatit was standing then, is also attested by Clement of Rome, contemporary with Josephus; as also that it was so in the next century, is attested by [renmus, with the addition of an hypothesis how it came to last solong, with all its members entire. Whether the account that some modern travellers give be true, that it Is still standing, I donot know. Its remote situation, at the atmost southern point of the sea of Sodom, in the wild and dangerous deserts of Arabia, makes it exceeding difficult for imquisitive travellers to examine the place; and for common reports uf country people, at a distance, they are not very satisfactory. In the meantime [ have no opinion of Le Clere’s dissertation cr hypothesis about this question, which gao only be dets.inined by eye-witnesses. When Chris- @an princes, 50 ca’led, ‘ay aside their foolish and unchris- ANTIQUITIES OF ‘THE Ji WS. | remains at this day. Now he and his daugh © ters fled to a certain small place, encompassed with the fire, and settled init it is to this day called Zoar; for that is the word which the He- brews use for a small thing. There it was that he lived a miserable life, on account of his having no company, and his want of pro- visions. d. But his daughters, thinking that all man- kind were destroyed, approached to their father,* though taking care not to be perceived. This they did, that mankind might not w.erly fail: and they bare sons; the son of the elder was named Moab, which denotes one derived from his father; the younger bare Ammon, which name denotes one derived from a kins- man. 'The former of whom was the father of the Moabites, which is even still a great nation; the latter was the father of the Ammonites; and both of them are inhabitants of Celosy- ria. And such was the departure of Lot from among the Sodomites. CHAPTER XII. Concernung Abimelech, and concerning Ismael the Son of Abraham; and concerning the Arabi- ans, who were his posterity. § 1. Abraham now removed to Gerar of Pa- lestine, leading Sarah along with him, under the notion of his sister, using the like dissimula- tion that he had used before, and this out of fear; for he was afraid of Abimelech, the king of that country, who did also himself fall ir love with Sarah, and was disposed to corrupt her: but he was restrained from satisfying his lust by a dangerous distemper which befell him from God. Now when his physicians de- spaired of curing him, he fell asleep, and saw a dream, warning him not to sbuse the stran- ger’s wife; and when he recovered, he told his friends that God had inflicted that disease upon him, by way of punishment for his inju- ry to the stranger, and in order to preserve thr chastity of his wife; for she did not accomps - ny him as his sister, but as his legitimate wife; and that God had promised to be gracious to him for the time to come, if this person be ence secure of his wife’s chastity. When he hac said this, by the advice of his friends, he sent for Abraham, and bid him not be concerned about his wife, or fear the corruption of her chastity for that God took eare of him, and that it was by his providence that he received his wife again without her suffering any abuse. And he appealed to God and to his wile tian wars and quarrels, and send a body of fit perséns te travel over the East, and bring us faithful accounts of all ancient monuments, and procure us copies of ail ancient re cords, at present lost among us, we may hope for full satis faction in such inquiries, but hardly before. * [ see no proper wicked intention in these daughters of Lot, wheu in a case which appeared to them of unavoida- ble necessity, they procured themselves to be with child by their father. Without such an unavoidable, necessity, in- cest isa horrid crime; but whether, in such acase of ne- cessity, as they apprehended this to be, according to Jusepn- us, it was any such crime, I am tot satisfi?d. In the meantime, they making their father drunk, and their solici- tous concealment of what they did from him, shows that they despaired of persuading him to anaction, which, at the best, could not but be very suspicious and shocking to so good @ man. ‘ *3con-— Awpeanmanw’s CELESTIAL VISITORS. BOOK L—CHAPT Hin all. wience, and said, that he had not any inclina- uion at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was his wife; but since, said he, thou ledst her about as thy sister, I was guilty of no offence. He also entreated him to be at peace with him; and to make God propitious to him, and that if he thought fit to continue with him, he should have what he wanted in abundance; but that if he designed to go away, he should be honorably conducted, and have whatsover sup- ply he wanted when he came thither. Upon his saying this, Abraham told him, that his pre- tence of kindness to his wife was no lie, be- cause she was his brother’s daughter; and that he did not think himself safe in his travels abroad without this sort of dissimulation; and that he was not the cause of his distemper, but was only solicitous for his own safety; he said also, that he was ready to stay with him. Whereupon Abimelech assigned him land and money; and they covenanted to live together without guile, and took an oath at a certain well, called Beersheba, which may be interpret- ed, the well of the oath; and so it is named by the people of the country unto this day. 2. Now ina little time Abraham had a son by Sarah, as God had foretold to him, whom he named Isaac, which signifies laughter — And indeed they so called him, because Sarah laughed when God* said she should bear a son, she not expecting such a thing, as being past the age of childbearing, for she was ninety years old, and Abraham a hundred; so that this son was born to them both in the last year of each of those decimal numbers. And they circumcised him upon the eighth day; and from that time the Jews continue the custom of circumcising their sons withim that number of days. But as for the Arabians, they cir- cumcise after the thirteenth year, because Ismael, the founder of their nation, who was born to Abraham of the concubine, was cir- cumcised at that age; coucerning whom I will presently give a particular account with great exactness. 3. As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael, who was born of her own handmaid Hagar, with an affection not inferior to that of her own son, for he was brought up in order to suc- ceed in the government; but when she herself had borne Isaac, she was not willing that Is- mael should be brought up with him, as being too old for him, and able to do him injuries, when their father should be dead; she there- fore persuaded Abraham to send him and his mother to some distant country. Now, at the first, Le did not agree to what Sarah was so vealous for, and thought it an instance of the greatest barbarity to send away a young ehildt and a woman, unprovided of necessaries: * Itis well worth observation, that Josephus here calls that principal angel who appeared to Abraham, and foretold the birth of Isaac, directly God; which language of Jose- phus here prepares us to believe those other expressions ef his, that Jesus was a wise manif it be lawful to cull him a man, Antiq. b. xviii. chap. iii, sect. 3, and of God the Vord, in his homily concerning Hades, may be both genu- me. Noristhe other expression of divine angel, used pre- sentiy, and before also, of any other signification. i + Josephus here calls Ismael a young caild or infant, a but at length he agreed to it, beeause God was pleased with what Sarah had determined; so he delivered Ismael to his mother, as not yet able to go by himself; and commanded her to take abottle of water and aloaf of bread, and so to depart, and to take necessity for her guide But as soon as her necessary provisions failed, she found herself in an evil case? and when the water was almost spent, she laid the young child, who wasready to expire, under a fir-tree, and went on farther, that so he might die while she was absent. But a divine angel came’ to her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and bid her take care, and bring up the child, be- cause she should be very happy by the preser- vation of Ismael. She then took courage, upon the prospect of what was promised her, and meeting with some shepherds, by their care she got clear of the distresses she had been in. 4. When the lad was grown up, he married a wife, by birth an Egyptian, from whence the mother was herself derived originally. Of this wife were born to Ismael twelve sons, Nabaioth, Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos, Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus, Kadmas. These inhabited all the country from Euphrates to the Red Sea, and called it Nabatene. They are an Arabian nation, and name their tribes from these both because of their own virtue and because of the dignity of Abraham their father. CHAPTER XIII. Concerning Isaac, the legitimate Son of Abra- ham. § 1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as being his only begotten,* and given to him at the borders of old age, by the favor of God. The child also endeared himself to his parents still more by the exercise of every virtue, and ad- hering to his duty to his parents, and being zealous in the worship of God. Abraham also placed his own happiness in this prospect, that when he should die, he should leave this his son in a safe and secure condition; which accordingly he obtained by the will of God, who being desirous to make an eaperiment of Abraham’s religious disposition towards him- self, appeared to him, and enumerated all the blessings he had bestowed on him; how he had made him superior to his enemies, and that his son Isaac, who was the principal part of his present happiness, was derived from though he was above thirteen years of age: as Judas calle himself and his brethren young men, when they were 47 and he had two children, Antiq. b. ii. chap. vi. sect. 8, and they were of much the same age as is a damsel of 12 years old called a little child, Mark v. 39—42, five several times. Herod is also said by Josephus to be a very young man at 25. See the note on Antiq. b. xiv. chap. ix. sect 2: and Of the War, b. i.chap. x. And Aristobulus is styled a very litth child at16 years of age, Antiq. b. xv. chap. ii. sect. 6,7, Domitian is also called by hima very young child when he went on his German expedition, at about 18 years of age Of the War, b. viii. chap. iv. sect. 2. Samson’s wife, and Ruth, when they were widows, are called children, Antiq. & iii. ch. viii. sect. 6, and ch. ix. sect. 2, 3. * Note, that both here, and Heb.xi.17, Isaac is called Abra- ham’s only begotten son, though he, at the same time, had another son, Ismael. The Septuagint expresses the trae mneaning, by rendering the text the beloved son. 42 nim, and he said, that he required this son 07) his as a sacrifice and holy oblatie~.. Accord- ingly he commanded him to earry him to the mountain Moriah, and to build an altar, and offer him for a burnt offering upon it; for that this woul] best manifest his religious disposi- ,on towards him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God before the preservation of his own son. 2. Now Abraham thought that it was not right to disobey God in any thing, but that he was obliged to serve him in every circumstance of life, since all creatures that live, enjoy their life by his providence and the kindness he be- stows on them. Accordingly he concealed this command of God, and his own intentions about the slaughter of his son, from his wife, as also from every one of his servants; other- wise he should have been hindered from his obedience to God; and he took Isaac, together with two of his servants, and laying what things were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he went away to the mountain. Now the two servants went along with him two days; but on the third day, as soon as he saw the mountain, he left those servants that were with him till then, in the plain, and having his son alone with him he came to the mountain. It was that mountain upon which king David af- terwards built the temple.* Now they had brought with them every thing necessary for a sacrifice, excepting the animal that was to be offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years old. And as he was building the altar, he asked his father, “What he was about to offer, since there was no animal there for an obla- tion?” To which it was answered, “That God would provide himself an oblation, he being able to make a plentiful provision for men out of what they have not, and to deprive others of what they already have, when they put too much trust therein; that, therefore, if God pleased to be present and propitious at this sacrifice, he would provide himself an obla- tion.” 3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and Abraham had laid on the wood, and all things were entirely ready, he said to his son, “O son, [ poured out a vast number of prayers that I might have thee for my son; when thou wast come into the world, there was nothing that could contribute to thy support, for which I was 10t greatly solicitous, nor any thing wherein J thougnt myself happier than to see thee grown up to man’s estate, and that I might leave thee at my death the successor to my dominion; but since it was by God’s will that [ became thy father; and it is now his will that { »elinquish thee, bear this consecration to God with a generous mind; for I resign thee up to God, who thought fit now to require this testi- mony of honor to himself on account of the * Here is a plain error in the copies, which say, that king David afterwards built the temple on this mount Moriah, while it was certainly no other than king Solomon who built that temple, as indeed Procopius cites it from Josephus. For it was for certain David, and not Solomon, who built the first altar there, as we learn, 2 Sam. xxiv. 18, &c. 1 Chron.